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Full text of "The Windham papers; the life and correspondence of the Rt"

THE 
WINDHAM PAPERS 



WITH AN INTRODUCTION 
BY THE RIGHT HONOURABLE 

THE EARL OF ROSEBERY 

K.G„K.T 






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THE WINDHAM PAPERS 



WHY MAY NOT THE LIFE OF WINDHAM 

BE WRITTEN BY HIS LETTERS ? 

New Mo?ithlv Magazine, Dec. 1831 




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THE 
WINDHAM PAPERS 

THE LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE OF THE 
RT. HON. WILLIAM WINDHAM 1750- 1810 
A MEMBER OF PITT'S FIRST CABINET AND 
THE MINISTRY OF "ALL THE TALENTS" 
INCLUDING HITHERTO UNPUBLISHED 
LETTERS FROM GEORGE III THE DUKES 
OF YORK AND GLOUCESTER PITT FOX 
BURKE CANNING LORDS GRENVILLE MINTO 
CASTLEREAGH AND NELSON MALONE 
COBBETT DR. JOHNSON DR. BURNEY ETC. 



WITH 
AN INTRODUCTION BY r 

THE EARL OF 

K.G. K.T. 




IN TWO VOLUMES 
VOLUME ONE 



$ HERBERT JENKINS LIMITED fig 

ARUNDEL PLACE HAYMARKET LONDON SW 

MCMXIII 



THE BALLANTYNE PRESS TAVISTOCK STREET COVENT GARDEN LONDON 



SANTA BARBARA 



INTRODUCTION 

BY THE RT. HON. 
THE EARL OF ROSEBERY, K.G., K.T. 

WILLIAM WINDHAM was the finest 
English gentleman of his or perhaps 
of all time. Had he lived in the great 
days of Elizabeth, he would have been 
one of the heroes of her reign ; indeed he almost 
seemed out of place in the times of George III. 
As a country gentleman no doubt he was not the 
equal of his friend and neighbour Coke, whom 
genius and fortune made the greatest of bene- 
factors to agriculture ; but Coke as a politician 
was narrow and fanatical. And with devotion 
to rural life and manly sport Windham combined 
much more. He was a statesman, an orator, a 
mathematician, a scholar, and the most fascinating 
talker of his day. He was brilliant in that galaxy . 
which comprised Johnson and Burke, Pitt, Fox, 
and Sheridan, though their memory will survive 
his. For, by the irony of events, he is now 
best remembered as the successful advocate of 
bull-baiting. So that it is worth while to revive 
his real character and repute. 

As a statesman he was proud of his independence, 
a rare and intrepid quality in political life. It 



I 



vi INTRODUCTION 

was indeed reproached against him that he was so 
enamoured with this virtue that he sought out 
occasions of being on the unpopular side. This, 
indeed, if it were true of him, is not likely to be a 
contagious quality. It could only exist so far as 
parliamentary life is concerned in the House of 
Lords or in close boroughs, and Windham was 
at last driven to this last refuge. He was more 
than once invited to join the House of Lords, but 
he greatly preferred Higham Ferrers or St. Mawes. 
This aloofness, mainly due to the paramount 
influence of Burke, is shown by the fact that 
Windham in domestic politics could be found 
arrayed with both the great political parties. 
He was the enthusiastic advocate of Roman 
Catholic emancipation, and the unflinching 
opponent of parliamentary reform. He had a 
foot therefore firmly planted in each of the two 
camps. He was, however, in reality by tempera- 
ment a Tory. No disciple of Burke could be other 
than a supporter of Catholic emancipation. But 
where Windham was left to himself his attitude 
to politics was strongly conservative. He was 
not indeed often left to himself. For it is strange 
to find of a man who piqued himself on indepen- 
dence that no one was so susceptible to personal 
influence. It is this circumstance which gives a 
strange and fickle appearance to his political 
career. He was called by turns a Foxite, a Pittite, 
a Grenvillite, and a Greyite, but was always 



INTRODUCTION vii 

and supremely a Burkite. Burke influenced many 
minds, but none so much as Windham's. It 
was his essential fidelity to the creed of Burke 
which made him apparently variable. No man 
indeed under an appearance of change was so truly 
faithful to his principles and himself. But as Burke 
was charged with inconsistency, so, as a necessary 
consequence, was Windham. He seemed to wish 
always to know what Burke thought or would 
have thought on any subject, and when he knew, 
to feel no doubt or misgiving. In the great agony 
of the Whig party, when every Whig felt the 
anguish of a separation from Fox, Windham 
hesitated for a moment. He was under the charm 
of Fox, whose tastes he shared ; but as soon as 
the voice of the master was heard, clear and 
imperative, Windham came to his side, without 
further question or doubt. 

When the storm of the French Revolution broke, 
it swept all minor issues away ; you were either 
a " Jacobin " or an "anti- Jacobin " ; you either 
thought that good might come out of the convulsion 
while deploring its excesses ; or you saw in it the 
root of all evil, you descried its poison in all sorts 
of unexpected forms and developments, and you 
proclaimed that the Revolution was the monster 
to be destroyed at all costs. The reader indeed 
becomes a little weary of the monotonous de- 
nunciation of "Jacobinism" and "Jacobins" in the 
speeches of Windham and the writings of Burke. 









viii INTRODUCTION 

No consideration of means or proportion weighed 
with either for one moment. The dragon must be 
utterly exterminated, even should it devour all the 
available St. Georges in the process. Then and 
then only should we have done our duty. Then 
and then only would the world know peace. 

This violence of conviction kept Windham both 
uncompromising and independent. Though he 
joined Pitt he regarded Pitt as little less than a 
necessary evil, as a minister who had parlia- 
mentary power and so was able to carry on the 
war with France, but who fell sadly short of grace. 
They were only colleagues in a war, as to the 
methods and objects of which they fundamentally 
differed. 

To Pitt the war was a disagreeable necessity 
forced on him by circumstance, but from which he 
hoped that circumstance would relieve him and 
his country. To Windham it was a high and holy 
crusade to be carried on to extermination. The 
object with him was to replace on the throne of 
France the sacred race of Bourbon. Pitt cared 
less than nothing for the Bourbons, his object 
was the preservation of his country, and of some 
sort of balance of power. Windham looked on 
him therefore as a Peter the Hermit may have 
looked on a soldier of fortune. When Pitt retired 
Windham felt relief, he was no longer linked to an 
uncongenial colleague, and was free to pummel 
the luckless Addington and Addington's peace. 



i 



INTRODUCTION ix 

He thundered against this truce with the evil 
one, but some years afterwards acknowledged his 
error manfully enough to Addington. For he saw 
in 1809, what Pitt had seen in 1801, that a pause 
was necessary to recruit the exhausted energies 
of Great Britain. When Pitt returned to office, 
Windham thundered against Pitt ; Pitt was 
inadequate, all that he did was insufficient. But 
Windham had yet to give a further and final 
proof of independence. For, when Pitt died, he 
joined Grenville's cabinet, and when that ministry 
came to an end in the ensuing year, was fierce 
against Grenville and on the brink of an individual 
resignation. 

All these changes, though they were nominal 
and not real, put him in the bad books of both 
political parties. He obtained the nickname of 
the " Weather-cock " ; the virulent and pedantic 
Parr called him the " Apostate." But the in- 
dependent man in politics must accustom himself 
to harder knocks than nicknames. Windham was 
indeed the most consistent of politicians. He was 
neither Whig nor Tory, but always an anti- 
Jacobin, and always, as has been already said, a 
Burkite. 

His oratory must have been remarkable ; 
though his voice was ineffective. But he had 
presence and charm. He was not indeed hand- 
some, yet his deportment was manly and 
dignified. "A tall, thin, meagre, sallow, black- 



x INTRODUCTION 

eyed, penetrating, keen-looking figure." We have 
three volumes of his speeches, but reporting 
in those days does not seem vivid or exact, and 
latterly Windham rushing, as his way was, to 
join an unpopular cause, quarrelled with the press, 
and henceforth went unreported. But he revised 
and published several of his orations from which 
a fair idea of his powers may be obtained. One 
of these, that in which as Secretary for War he 
developed his military proposals in 1806, was 
pronounced by Fox to be one of the most eloquent 
ever delivered. Fox's nephew, Lord Holland, 
who did not like Windham, gave him the highest 
praise as an orator. In fancy and imagery, in 
taste and above all in delivery, says Holland, he 
was far superior to the great god of his idolatry 
Mr. Burke. In variety of illustration, in acuteness 
of logic, he scarcely yielded to Fox. In felicity of 
language he approached Pitt. In true wit and 
ingenuity he more than rivalled Sheridan. Testi- 
mony of this kind from a man who had heard 
Windham is worth a ton of criticism from the 
student who can only read him. What a reader 
would say of his recorded efforts is that they are 
characterised by closely-knit and evenphilosophical 
argument, couched in the lofty style of those days. 
But their distinctive charm was originality, 
a felicitous agility and unexpectedness of mind, 
a raciness of expression and sudden bursts of 
pleasantry which probably drew to him fully as 



INTRODUCTION xi 

great a House as even Pitt or Fox could command. 
Of his quaint humour the best sustained example 
is the speech on the Repeal of the Additional 
Force Act in May 1806 ; its fun is still brisk 
and vivid. His most famous flash of fun was 
on the intention to take Antwerp by a coup 
de main. " Good God, Sir, talk of a coup de 
main with forty thousand men and thirty- 
three sail of the line ! Gentlemen might as 
well talk of a coup de main in the Court of 
Chancery." This drollery convulsed the House, 
and made, it is said, that grave and illustrious 
judge, Sir William Grant, roll from his seat with 
laughter. So happy a jest survives superior 
arguments on forgotten bills. Another sally, still 
more memorable, was that with which he slew a 
Reform Bill, as with a smooth stone from the 
brook. " No one," he said, n would select the 
hurricane season in which to begin repairing his 
house"; a happy metaphor containing sound 
political truth. There is no doubt that Windham 
at his death was the finest speaker in parliament ; 
the other giants had gone ; Sheridan was extinct, 
and Canning had not reached his full development. 
What is most remarkable is the rapidity with 
which he reached a high parliamentary position. 
He delivered his maiden speech in the House of 
Commons in February 1785, and in 1787 he was 
considered of sufficient weight to be entrusted 
with one of the charges, and nominated one of the 



11 



xii INTRODUCTION 

managers of the impeachment of Warren Hastings. 
Nine years after his first speech he was admitted 
to the Cabinet, a far greater and more limited 
distinction then than now, besides being in virtue 
of a minor office which had never before been 
associated with Cabinet rank. He was, moreover, 
the only Cabinet Minister in the Commons with 
Pitt and Dundas. So rapid a rise is seldom 
recorded, and proves a command of parliament 
by eloquence and character such as few men of 
his standing can have achieved. 

As a minister there is less to be said. He was 
always connected with the War Office, a territory 
which it is perilous for a civilian even in narrative 
to tread. It must be admitted that the few 
pebbles which he left on the shore of military 
history scarcely constitute a memorial cairn. But 
it must be remembered that during the first 
seven years of his administration he was not the 
Secretary of State, but a nominally subordinate 
minister, though with all the influence of Cabinet 
office ; and that he was only Secretary of State for 
a year. Still it was notorious that, though ardent 
and vigorous, he was a bad man of business. In 
his first office he was responsible for the disaster 
of Quiberon, which represented his personal policy 
of carrying on the war by supporting the French 
Royalists on the soil of France. During his 
second short tenure he countenanced the amazing 
scheme of despatching an inadequate army for 



INTRODUCTION xiii 

vague purposes of conquest in South America, 
when we needed every man and every musket 
in Europe to grapple with Napoleon. This is no 
captivating record. On the other hand it stands 
to his credit that he shortened the term of 
service in spite of the formidable resistance of 
George III. To the volunteers he was stoutly 
opposed, though he had a private but eccentric 
corps at Felbrigg in which he was the only officer. 
But few and rare are the British ministers of War 
who have earned distinction, for the conditions of 
their office render success hardly possible. The 
nation which furnishes superb military material 
is absorbed in the primary interest of the fleet, and 
though it passively votes vast sums for its army 
never gives that active interest and support 
which strengthens the arm of the minister. The 
one great exception is Chatham. But Chatham, 
like Napoleon, wielded the whole strength of the 
Empire, political, financial, naval and military, 
and was backed by the confident enthusiasm of 
his country. 

The real reputation of Windham, apart from his 
oratory, lay in the charm of his conversation. In 
that vanished realm he was a prince. Testimony 
on the point is unanimous. It is safe to say that 
no one has recorded a meeting with Windham 
who is not a witness to his fascination. Miss 
Burney gives a lively account of her talks with 
him during the Hastings trial which enables us to 



i 



xiv INTRODUCTION 

realise in a measure how it was that he won, if not 
all hearts, at least sympathetic admiration. His 
expression was various and vivid. He was earnest, 
playful, and eloquent. He had the faculty, which 
is perhaps the most attractive of all, of appearing 
to give his very best to the person with whom he 
was conversing. Talk may be recorded, but its 
spell cannot. And so, though we rejoice in Miss 
Burney's record, we feel that we must rely on 
tradition, which, in so controversial a matter, must 
be held, when unanimous, to be an authority 
beyond dispute. The supreme judgment, from 
which there is no appeal, is that of Johnson. 
Windham had been elected to the famous Club 
when he was a country gentleman of twenty-eight, 
a sufficient tribute to his precocious repute. But 
in 1784, when the great man was near his end, 
Windham went far out of his way to spend a 
day and a half with him at Ashbourne. " Such 
conversation," writes the dying sage, " I shall 
not have again till I come back to the regions of 
literature ; and there Windham is inter stellas 
Luna ntinores" Such a testimony from such a 
man is almost unique, but it is in truth 
confirmed by every witness. 

Conversational fascination is apt to be a snare, 
and we are bound to hazard an opinion that 
Windham was a flirt. And yet there was no 
character that he condemned so strongly. Before 
going up in a balloon he addressed a testamentary 



INTRODUCTION xv 

letter to Cholmondeley, his closest friend, re- 
monstrating strongly on Cholmondeley' s conduct 
to a certain Miss Cecilia Forrest. Cholmondeley, 
he declared, had ruined the girl's life, by inspiring 
her with a fatal affection of which he was un- 
worthy. Thirteen years afterwards, with singular 
secrecy, Windham married the lady himself. He 
was then forty-eight and she past forty. And he 
completed this unusual transaction by making 
Cholmondeley one of his reversionary heirs. This 
is Windham all over. And we also learn that he 
had fallen, perhaps unconsciously, into the same 
error with which he had reproached his friend. 
He had engaged the affections of a daughter of 
Sir Philip Francis, and a lady endeavouring to 
console the unhappy girl told her that Windham 
had long hesitated between Miss Forrest and a 
devoted widow. In this one letter, therefore, we 
are confronted with three ladies whose hearts were 
captured by Windham. He had, moreover, come 
under the magic charm of Mrs. Crewe. To Mrs. 
Crewe, and Mrs. Crewe alone, he confided the 
secret of his marriage, and he records his agita- 
tion at meeting her immediately after the event. 
But perhaps the most authentic basis for conviction 
as regards Windham's attraction for the other sex 
is Lady Minto's remark on his resignation in 1801 : 
" I suppose he will return to his old line of 
gallantry." There let us leave the matter. It is 
worthy of observation as an essential part of a 



xvi INTRODUCTION 

whimsical character. We may be sure that 
Windham's flirtations were unconscious, honour- 
able, and innocent. 

Unhappily, he was fated to be something of a 
suicide, for he dealt an almost mortal blow to his 
own reputation. For we cannot doubt that it 
would have stood much higher but for his Diary. 
And yet he himself set store by it, as if, one would 
think, he regarded it as a sure base for his future 
fame. He left the fourteen quarto volumes of 
which it was composed as an heirloom to pass 
with the entailed estates, and yet any judicious 
friend would have put it without hesitation behind 
the fire. Extracts of this strange record were pub- 
lished by Mrs. Baring in 1866, after the estates 
and entail had all disappeared in the hands of a 
hapless and irresponsible spendthrift. As so much 
has been afforded, it is regrettable that more 
should not be given. Lord Holland and Charles 
Greville intimate that parts could not be made 
public. But it seems clear that we have not all 
the decorous portions of the fourteen quarto 
volumes, and these we should possess to complete 
a veracious and candid, though damaging, auto- 
biography. 

In the Diary, which is almost valueless as a 
record of historical fact from the extreme vague- 
ness of date and expression, we have an exact, 
though painful, picture of Windham's character, 
and an explanation of why it was that he did not 



INTRODUCTION xvii 

achieve more in public life. It is full of vacillation 
on the smallest points of conduct, full of morbid 
self-reproach on every subject, and in a minor 
degree disfigured by a lavish use of the distressing 
substantive " feel," almost if not quite peculiar 
to himself. Windham, indeed, though in public 
life he held firmly to his main convictions, in 
private life and in smaller matters was singularly 
variable. On the all-important question of mar- 
riage, as we have seen, he seems to have hesitated 
long. That may have been wise, but he records 
endless agitations about a ride, a walk, or a 
speech. Conscientious diaries are apt to make men 
morbid, and this one is certainly an instance in 
point. He seemed to worry himself with his pen. 
One passage indeed redeems the whole book : it is 
the pathetic description of his last interview with 
Dr. Johnson. That is classic. But it is counter- 
balanced by a denunciation of a literary 'gem 
of purest ray serene,' the delightful " Vicar of 
Wakefield." We may surmise that this outburst 
may have been elicited by Windham's having 
heard it excessively praised, which would certainly 
drive him into extravagant reaction. Count- 
less are the caprices of these strange journals. 
It had been better for his fame had this heirloom 
disappeared with the others. 

Still, with all deductions, he remains a noble 
figure. The influence of Johnson and Burke, 

grafted on to the stock of a fine and cultivated 
i b 



xviii INTRODUCTION 

nature, could not but produce goodly fruit. His 
prime quality was independence, at once the 
choicest and the least serviceable of all qualities 
in political life. He was on the other hand 
excessive, like his great master, Burke ; excessive 
in enthusiasm, excessive in resentment. To him, 
for example, when a manager of the great impeach- 
ment, Warren Hastings was the vilest of 
criminals. But to him also, though their relations 
were not always easy, Burke was among the gods. 
There was in truth a want of balance in this 
rare character which marred its great qualities. 
It was this, from a fanciful fear of deterioration 
in the British character, that made him preach 
bull-baiting. It was this which made him deem 
it necessary, in the midst of the national grief for 
Pitt, to stand up and oppose the funeral honours 
proposed ; a course which brought him many 
enemies and which seemed in execrable taste. 
But the mere fact of isolation was the same 
temptation to him that the company of an over- 
whelming majority is to meaner minds. His argu- 
ment, weak enough at best, for " 'tis not in mortals 
to command success," was that Pitt's policy had 
not triumphed, and that distinctions denied to 
Burke should not be given to failure. Most men 
who felt the same would at that tragic moment 
have held their peace. But such a decent com- 
pliance seemed cowardice to Windham; so he 
wound his melancholy horn. This same irritable 



INTRODUCTION xix 

conscience made him an uncomfortable colleague, 
and it is noteworthy to observe how strenuously 
the idea of relegating him to the House of 
Lords was pressed by Grenville, as it had occurred 
to Pitt. It was strange, as Windham himself 
remarked, that Grenville should be so anxious 
to move the best speaker that his ministry 
possessed in the House of Commons out of that 
chamber into the House of Lords. Promotion 
for another Grenville was no doubt the urgent 
cause, but, as that could be managed, and was 
managed in other ways, there were probably 
reasons connected with Windham himself. Inde- 
pendence in a public man is, we think, a quality 
as splendid as it is rare. But it is apt to produce 
and develop acute angles. Now a colleague with 
angles is a superfluous discomfort. And in- 
dependence in a great orator on the Treasury 
bench is a rocket of which one cannot predict the 
course. 

His independence then, admirable in itself, was 
a conspicuous bar to his success in politics. He 
was not indeed formed by nature for a politician 
in a country where party rules the roast. We 
will go a step further, and hazard the opinion that 
his heart was never really in politics at all. 
He loved mathematics, he loved the classics, he 
loved reading, he loved country life ; but for 
parliament he had no natural propensity. From 
his first contact with politics in Ireland he 



xx INTRODUCTION 

instinctively shrank. His self-conscious, self- 
tormenting nature was indeed wholly unsuited for 
public life. But he loved oratory. From the 
moment when he found that he wielded that 
rare power over his fellow men he delighted 
in exercising it. And he was imbued with 
one burning enthusiasm, the crusade against 

I Jacobinism. He conceived himself to be the 
bearer of the sacred torch handed to him by 

; Burke. This was his single purpose ; oratory and 
the French Revolution kept him in political life. 
Fox said cynically that Windham owed his fame 
to having been much frightened. But those who 
were apprehensive in that dark period were wiser 
than those children of light who, like Fox, were 
content to watch the Revolution with blind and 
heedless favour. 

Such then was Windham. A noble gentleman 
in the highest sense of the word, full of light, 
intellect, and dignity, loved and lamented. His 
best qualities, no doubt, as is often the case, he 
carried almost to excess ; for his cherished inde- 
pendence led to a morbid craving for isolation. 
But to the charge of vacillation in public affairs 
he was not obnoxious ; he was always true to his 
faith. He was indeed vitally influenced by two 
men. But he chose his masters well, Johnson 
and Burke ; the one gave him his religious, the 
other his political creed. In life he was brilliant 
and successful. In oratory, in parliament, in 



i 



INTRODUCTION xxi 

society, he was almost supreme. But he can 

scarcely be said to survive. He left no stamp, 

no school, no work. To those, however, who care 

to disinter his memory he displays character and 

qualities of excellence, rare at all times, rarest in 

these. 

ROSEBERY 



OPINIONS OF CONTEMPORARIES 

" The first gentleman of his age, the ingenuous, the chivalrous, the 
high-souled Windham." — Macaulay. 

" He is just as he should be ! If I were Windham this minute, I 
should not wish to be thinner, nor fatter, nor taller, nor shorter, nor 
any way, nor in any thing, altered." — Edmund Burke. 

" Poor Mr. Windham is, I fear, dying. He will be a sad loss to 
society : I never knew a man so felt for as he is." — Lady Sarah 
Spencer, in a letter dated, May 31, 1810. f Correspondence of Sarah 
Spencer, Lady Lyttelton," p. 107. 

" Mr. Windham was there, whose conversation I could live upon any 
length of time ; it is quite perfection ; but he staid only one night." 
— The Dowager Lady Spencer, in a letter dated December 16, 1807. 
" Correspondence of Sarah Spencer, Lady Lyttelton," p. 5. 

" Good breeding, in England, among the men, is ordinarily stiff, 
reserved, or cold. Among the exceptions to this stricture, how high 
stood Mr. Windham ! . . . He is one of the most agreeable, spirited, 
well-bred, and brilliant conversers I have ever spoken with. He 
is ... a man of family and fortune, with a very pleasing, though not 
handsome face, a very elegant figure, and an air of fashion and 
vivacity." — Fanny Burney. 

" His person was graceful, elegant, and accomplished ; slender ; but 
not meagre. The lineaments of his countenance, though they dis- 
played the ravages of the small-pox, were pleasing, and retained a 
character of animation, blended with spirit and intelligence. Over his 
whole figure, nature had thrown an air of mind. His manners corre- 
sponded with his external appearance ; and his conversation displayed 
the treasures of a highly cultivated understanding." — Sir Nathaniel 
William W rax all. 



xxu 



PREFACE 

IT is strange that though more than a hundred years 
have passed since William Windham died, no full 
biography of him has hitherto been composed. 
This is the more astonishing because he has been 
the subject of more panegyrics than any man of his 
time. Friends and foes alike loved and honoured him, 
and his foes were not less eager than his friends to sing 
his praises. He was the intimate of Johnson and Burke 
and Fox, the political associate of Pitt, the Duke of Port- 
land, and Lord Grenville. He was a favourite with 
George III., he was beloved by Malone ; Jeffrey had a 
good word for him, Brougham could not speak too highly 
of him, Fanny Burney exhausted her superlatives in 
describing him. Years later Macaulay summed up the 
general opinion of the statesman's contemporaries and 
of succeeding generations by dubbing him " high-souled 
Windham." 



Windham died on June 4, 1810, and to the next issue 
of the Gentleman's Magazine Malone contributed an 
appreciative obituary notice. Thomas Amyot desired 
to write the biography of the man whose private secre- 
tary he had been for many years, and in February 
1811 he applied to the executors, Heneage Legge and 
Mr. Palmer, to be entrusted with the Diaries and other 
papers. The executors, however, induced George Ellis, 
now best remembered as a contributor to the Rolliad 
and the Anti- Jacobin, to undertake the task. Amyot, 
however, was determined to pay tribute to his old master 

xxiii 



xxiv PREFACE 

and friend, and this he did in an admirable but brief 
memoir which he appended to a collection of Windham's 
speeches, published in three volumes in 1812. George 
Ellis, in the meantime, made little or no progress with the 
official biography, and he was, he admitted, overwhelmed 
by the vast mass of papers to be examined. So late as 
January 1814 he wrote to Heneage Legge : " Every 
information that can be collected respecting his early 
life would be very acceptable but how are they to be 
procured ? — Alas ! I know not." 1 When Ellis died in 
1815 he had finished only an introductory note to the 
Diaries. This was published in 1866 by Mr. Henry 
Baring, as a Preface to a volume of Selections from the 
Diaries. 

The author of a biography of Windham is fortunately 
not dependent upon printed sources for his material, 
for there are at his disposal some ninety-four volumes 
of the Windham Papers, acquired by purchase in 1909 
by the British Museum. This collection is of extra- 
ordinary value, for it is not only a mine of information 
concerning Windham, but it throws light upon the secret 
political and military history of the time. The corre- 
spondence covers the period from 1783, when Windham 
entered public life, until his death seven-and-twenty 
years later. The roll of Windham's correspondents include, 
besides the members of his family and his private secretary, 
George III., the Dukes of York and Gloucester, Fox, 
Pitt, Burke, Addington, Canning, Nelson, the Grenvilles, 
Dundas, the Duke of Portland, Cobbett, Sir Arthur 
Wellesley, Sir Gilbert Elliot, Sir Sidney Smith, Sir John 
Coxe Hippisley, Lord Grey, Mrs. Siddons, Mrs. Crewe, 
Hoppner, Sir Thomas Lawrence, Sheridan, Johnson, 
Malone, Hazlitt, Dr. Burney, and Dr. Parr. All these 
papers are unpublished, except the Burke-Windham 
correspondence, which, admirably edited by Mr. 

1 Add. MSS. 37907 f. 175. 



PREFACE xxv 

J. P. Gilson, Keeper of Manuscripts at the British 
Museum, was, at the instance of the Right Hon. 
Arthur James Balfour, privately printed two years ago 
for the Roxburghe Club. The text of the letters has 
been closely followed, except that, for the convenience 
of the reader, abbreviations have been printed in full, 
and, as a rule, the spelling of proper names and places 
has been standardised. 

The value of the Windham Papers is considerable. 
Windham it was who had the courage to put into writing 
what others only dared to whisper about the utter incom- 
petence of the Duke of York as commander-in-chief of the 
army in Flanders. His correspondence with Pitt on this 
subject, marked " Most Private," here printed for the 
first time, is a genuine contribution to the history of the 
war. It was through these letters that George III. first 
learnt the feeling of his ministers and of the country on 
this matter, and it must be placed to the credit of the 
King that the incident in no degree lessened the respect 
and admiration in which he held his Secretary-at-War. 
It was to Windham that the Duke of Gloucester wrote, 
marking his letter " Most Secret," regarding the de- 
fences of the country and the inefficiency of the junior 
officers of the army and militia. In this same interesting 
letter he urged the desirability of a treaty between 
that Republic and Great Britain, whereby the maritime 
defence of the United States should be undertaken by 
Great Britain lest the States themselves should set 
up a powerful navy. Other correspondence relates to 
secret ministerial negotiations between the political 
parties at home, and the arrangements between the 
British Government and the French Royalists. A very 
interesting letter is that written by a French emigre 
in 1793 from Philadelphia. 

There are gaps in the Windham Papers, but the informa- 
tion contained therein can be supplemented from many 



xxvi PREFACE 

sources. The Pelham Papers include letters hitherto 
unpublished, exchanged between Windham and Lord 
Northington and the Hon. Thomas Pelham, and the pri- 
vately printed '.' Miscellanies " of the Philobiblon Society 
contain a series of letters addressed to Mrs. Crewe. In 
the Ketton MSS. (published by the Historical MSS. 
Commission) will be found interesting extracts from a 
Diary kept by Windham in 1773 ; while in the Fortescue 
MSS. (issued under the same auspices) is a voluminous 
correspondence with Lord Grenville. Other sources that 
can be studied with advantage are Boswell's " Life of 
Johnson," Fanny Burney's Diaries, Wraxall's " Posthu- 
mous Memoirs," Stanhope's " Life of Pitt," Russell V 
*' Life of Fox; " Prior's memoirs of Burke and Maloni ; 
the biographies of Sidmouth, Minto, Charlemont, Sheridan 
and Reynolds ; the recollections of Lord Albemarle, Lord 
Malmesbury, and Lord Holland ; tEe correspondence of 
Johnson and Burke ; the " Memoires du Comte Joseph de 
Puisaye "; and Mrs. Stirling's " Coke of Norfolk." There 
is also an interesting character study of Windham by 
Brougham in " Statesmen of the Reign of George III." 

" Why may not the Life of Windham be written by 
his letters ? " asked a friend of the statesman, who 
disguised his identity as "An Old Member of Parlia- 
ment."! The suggestion is sound, and this plan has 
been followed by the present writer. In the absence of 
any considerable number of letters written by or to 
Windham during the first thirty-two years of his life; 
the Editor has told the story of this period in a brief 
narrative. 

The Editor's thanks are due to the Right Hon. the 
Marquis of Crewe, K.G., who has kindly allowed him to 
print the letters from Windham to Mrs. Crewe, which 
were contributed by the late Lord Houghton to the 
privately printed "Miscellanies" of the Philobiblon 

1 New Monthly Magazine, December 1831, vol. xxxii, p. 561. 



PREFACE xxvii 

Society ; to Earl Nelson, who has permitted the publica- 
tion of letters of Horatio, Lord Nelson ; and to the 
Controller of his Majesty's Stationery Office, who has 
sanctioned the insertion of some correspondence between 
Windham and Lord Grenville from the Fortescue MSS. 
(Historical MSS. Commission's Reports). The Editor 
wishes further to thank Messrs. J. P. Collins, C. E. 
Lawrence, A. Francis Steuart, Thomas H. B. Vade-Walpole, 
and A. Winterbotham, who have kindly read the proofs of 
this work, and have made many valuable suggestions. 
The Rev. T. South Jagg, Rector of Felbrigge-cum- 
Melton, has been so good as to supply information con- 
cerning Windham at Felbrigg. 



PAGE 



CONTENTS 

SECTION I 

EARLY LIFE. 17 50-1 782 

Family history : Birth of William Windham : Windham at Eton : 
Fond of books and sports : Nicknamed " Fighting Wind- 
ham " : His interest in the King : The death of his father : 
His guardians : Withdrawn from Eton : The reason for this 
step : At Glasgow University : His love of mathematics : 
At University College, Oxford : His reputation there and 
academic career : In early life uninterested in public affairs : 
Sets out on a voyage of exploration in the Polar Seas : Pre- 
vented by sea-sickness from proceeding : He is landed at 
Bergen : Extracts from his Diary concerning his sojourn in 
Norway : Scanty records of early life : His occupations : 
First plunge into political life : A letter to Sheridan : His 
maiden speech : He quells a Militia mutiny : A serious illness : 
He goes abroad to recover strength : Invited to contest 
Norwich as a supporter of the Rockingham party : Defeated 
at the election of 1780 : Invited to stand for Westminster : 
The formation of the Rockingham Administration : Corre- 
spondence : The death of Lord Rockingham : Lord Shelburne 
becomes Prime Minister : An extract from Windham's Diary 



SECTION II 

CHIEF SECRETARY TO THE LORD-LIEUTENANT OF 

IRELAND. 1783 

Lord Northington appointed Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland in the 
Portland Administration : Windham accepts office of Chief 
Secretary to the Lord -Lieutenant : His misgivings as to 
his qualifications : Dr. Johnson's encouragement : Wind- 
ham accorded a hearty welcome in Dublin : His reputation 
in 1783 : He retires in August : The reasons for his retire- 
ment discussed : His letter notifying Northington of his 
resignation of the post : His correspondence with the Lord- 
Lieutenant and the Hon. Thomas Pelham 31 

xxix 



xxx CONTENTS 

SECTION III 

FIRST YEARS IN PARLIAMENT. 1 784-1 793 
CHAPTER I 



PAGE 



The downfall of the Coalition Ministry : Pitt Prime Minister 
Windham elected M.P. for Norwich : A regular attendant at 
the Literary Club : His friendship with Dr. Johnson : Some 
correspondence between them : Windham's accounts of his 
last interviews with Johnson : Johnson's death : Windham 
invites Fox to the funeral : The political pupil of Burke : Some 
of Windham's friends : Mrs. Siddons : Windham's interest 
in aeronautics : His ascent in a balloon with Sadler : Fitz- 
patrick's ascent 61 



CHAPTER II 

1784-1792 

Windham's early speeches : His attack on Warren Hastings in 
connection with the Rohilla war : Speaks in debate on the 
impeachment of Hastings : Wraxall's appreciation of his 
powers of oratory : Appointed a manager for the Commons 
of Hastings' trial : The King's illness and the question of the 
Regency : The commencement of the French Revolution : 
Windham opposes Parliamentary Reform : His views not 
entirely in accord with those of his constituents : Doubtful of 
the safety of his seat : Secures re-election 1790 : Extract from 
Windham's Diary : Publication of Burke's " Reflections on 
the French Revolution " : Rupture between Fox and Burke : 
Windham angry with Burke : They soon become reconciled : 
A letter to Mrs. Crewe : His attitude towards Parliamentary 
Reform : The political breach between Fox and Windham : 
A section of the Opposition supports the Government's repres- 
sive measures 84 



CHAPTER III 

1/93 

A coalition suggested between Pitt and the Duke of Portland's 
party : Mudge's chronometer : A Frenchman on the Revolu- 
tion and of the state of affairs in the United States : Alexander 
Hamilton : General Knox : Randolph : Jefferson : Windham's 
increasing importance : Pitt confers with him : Windham on 
the French Revolution : On the Proclamation for the sup- 
pression of seditious meetings : On the divergence of views 
between Fox and Portland : Windham for a while acts as head 



CONTENTS xxxi 

i>.v;e 
of the party : Fox and the " Friends of the People " : 
Windham comments upon his lack of ambition : He is present 
at the siege of Valenciennes : The surrender of that town : 
Ministerial negotiations : Windham anxious not to take office : 
The siege of Dunkirk : Toulon : Pitt regrets that Windham 
is disinclined to take office: The execution of Marie Antoinette: 
The siege of Mauberge : Burke on the conduct of the war : 
Windham supports the continuance of the war : La Vendee : 
A conference between Pitt and Lord Spencer : Windham and 
his architect, James Wyatt : Burke and Spencer on the 
situation : Spencer and Windham in favour of continuing the 
war : Lord Malmesbury's mission to the King of Prussia : 
The French Princes : Toulon regained by the French no 



SECTION IV 

SECRETARY-AT-WAR IN THE PITT ADMINISTRATION, 

i 794- i 80 i 

CHAPTER I 

1794 

The state of parties : Windham's position among the leaders of 
the Opposition : His personal charm : His merits and defects 
as a speaker : The Duke of Portland clearly defines his 
position at the beginning of the year : His reluctance to 
accept office under Pitt : The Norfolk Militia : The Emigrant 
Bill : Martinico : The acquittal of Warren Hastings : The 
managers of the trial thanked by the House of Commons : 
The retirement of Burke from the Parliament : He is granted 
a pension : His wish for a peerage : The coalition of the Port- 
land party with the Government : The Duke, Lord Spencer, 
and Lord Fitzwilliam accept office : Windham becomes Secre- 
tary-at-War with a seat in the Cabinet : Irish affairs : Lord 
Spencer's mission to Vienna : Sir Sidney Smith's plan of 
attack on the French fleet : His dissatisfaction with the treat- 
ment he has received at the hand of his country : The Prince 
of Coburg resigns the command of the Austrian army : He is 
succeeded by General Clerfayt : The loss of Valenciennes and 
Conde : Windham goes abroad, and stays at the head-quarters 
of the English army : The operations on the Scheldt : Wind- 
ham, in a private letter to Pitt, recommends the removal of 
the Duke of York from the command of the British army 
abroad : The delicacy of the position : Pitt's embarrassment : 
The controversy concerning the appointment of Lord Fitz- 
william to the viceroyalty of Ireland : The Duke of Portland 
and his friends threaten to resign : Pitt at last consents to 
make the appointment 197 



xxxii CONTENTS 

CHAPTER II 

1795 



PAGE 



Windham's belief that a Royalist force should be organised 
against the Republicans : The negotiations entrusted to him 
by the Cabinet : Quiberon Bay expedition : Correspondence 
with Lord Grenville : The Duke of York gazetted Field - 
Marshal : Lord Fitzwilliam, as Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland, 
acts in defiance of his instructions : He is recalled by the 
Ministry : And is succeeded by Lord Camden : The state of 
Corsica : Sir Gilbert Elliot appointed Governor : Paoli : Lord 
Hood : Sir Hyde Parker : Joseph Gerrald : Dr. Parr's plea for 
him : The Prince of Wales's debts : Burke suggests a remedy 
for the future : England and the French Royalists : The 
Treasonable Practices Bill : Correspondence with Malone, 
Mrs. Crewe, Lord Grenville, and others 280 



LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS 



TO FACE PAGE 

The Rt. Hon. William Windham (Photogravure) Frontispiece 
From a painting by J. Hoppner, in St. Andrew's Hall. Norwich 

Felbrigg Hall (1779) 18 

From a print in the Norwich Public Library 

Frederick North, Second Earl of Guilford 40 

Engraved by T. Burke from a painting by N. Dance 

Dr. Johnson 64 

Engraved by W. Doughty, from a painting by Sir Joshua Reynolds 

Sarah Siddons 72 

From a painting by Sir William Beechey 

Fanny Burney 86 

Engraved by S. Bull, from a painting by E. Burney 

Mrs. Bouverie and Mrs. Crewe 96 

Engraved by I. Marchi, from a painting by Sir Joshua Reynolds 

Lady Hamilton 98 

Engraved by Wra. Say, from a painting by J. J. Masquerier 

William Pitt iio 

Engraved by G. Clint, from a painting by J. Hoppner 

Sir Gilbert Elliot, First Earl of Minto 140 

Engraved by W. G. Edwards, from a painting by G. Chinnery 

George John, Earl Spencer 152 

Engraved by H. Meyer, from a drawing by J. Wright, after a painting by 
J. Hoppner 

Edmund Malone 162 

From a painting by Sir Joshua Reynolds 

Edmund Burke 174 

Engraved b J. Hardy, from a painting by Sit Joshua Reynolds 

Dr. Charles Burney 220 

xxxiii c 



xxxiv LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS 

TO FACE PAGE 

The Duke of York 238 

Engraved by H. Dawe 

Dr. Samuel Parr 296 

Engraved by H. Meyer, from a painting by Hargrave 

Richard Brinsley Sheridan 316 

Engraved by W. T. Haywood, from a painting by Sir Joshua Reynolds 



CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE OF 
EVENTS, 1778-1810 

1778 

February 6. Treaty of Paris between France and America, recog- 
nising the independence of the United States. 

February 17. Appointment of British Commissioners to treat with 
the Americans. 

May 11. Death of the Earl of Chatham. 

June 18. British troops evacuate Philadelphia. 

1779 

June 16. Spain declares war against England. 

August. Gibraltar besieged. 

1780 
January 16. Rodney relieves Gibraltar. 
May 12. Charleston taken by the British. 

June 2. Gordon riots. 

August 15. Cornwallis defeats General Gates. 

Projected French invasion of England. 

Formation of " The Armed Neutrality " against the 
British claim of right of maritime search. 

1781 
Prussia joins the Armed Neutrality. 
August 5. Naval battle between the British and Dutch off the 

Dogger Bank. 
October. Cornwallis capitulates at Yorktown. 

1782 

February 27. Resignation of Lord North's ministry. 

March 30. Formation of Lord Rockingham's administration. 

April. Grattan's Declaration of Right. 

April 12. Rodney's victory in the West Indies. 

July 1. Death of the Marquis of Rockingham. 

July 10. Formation of the Shelburne Administration. 

September. Howe relieves Gibraltar. 

November 30. Preliminaries of Peace accepted by Great Britain and 

America. 
December 5. George III. acknowledges the Independence of the 

United States. 

xxxv 



xxxvi CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE OF EVENTS 



February. 
April 5. 
November 30. 
December 17. 

December 22. 



1783 
Siege of Gibraltar raised. 
Formation of the Coalition Ministry. 
Peace of Versailles. 

Fox's East India Bill rejected by the Lords. 
Downfall of the Coalition Ministry. 
Formation of the Pitt Administration. 



March 25. 



1784 
Convention of Constantinople. 
General Election in Great Britain. 



1785 
February. Return of Warren Hastings to England. 

June 1. Adams, the first United States Minister, received at 

St James's. 

1786 
February 17. Articles of Impeachment against Hastings exhibited 

by Burke. 
August 17. Death of Frederick the Great. Accession of Frederick 

William II. 
September. Commercial Treaty between England and France. 

1787 
February 7. Impeachment of Hastings agreed to by the House of 
Commons. 
Prince of Wales's debts paid by Parliament. 
May 13. First convict fleet sails from England for Botany Bay 

1788 
February 13. Impeachment of Hastings before the House of Lords. 
April 15. Treaty between England and Holland. 

November. The King's illness announced. 

December. Regency debates in the House of Commons. 

1789 

February 5. Pitt's plan for a restricted regency. 
February 19. Regency Bill abandoned owing to King's recovery. 
April 30. Washington elected first President of the United States. 

June 17. The States-General proclaims itself the National 

Assembly. 
July 14. Destruction of the Bastille. 



1790 

February. Burke and " the Alarmists " attack the French Revo- 

lution in the House of Commons. 

November. Burke publishes " Reflections on the French Revo- 

lution." 



CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE OF EVENTS xxxvii 



1791 

March. Paine publishes " The Rights of Man." 

September 3. French Constitution voted. 

October 1 . The Legislative Assembly sits at Paris. 



May. 
May 2 1 . 

August 10. 
September 20. 



1792 



Grey's measure of Parliamentary Reform introduced. 
Pmrhirwtinri aorainct <spf1ifinnR writings and irregular 



Proclamation against seditious writings 

meetings. 
Louis XVI. taken prisoner. 
The battle of Valmy. 



1793 

January 21. Louis XVI. executed. 

February 11. Great Britain declares war against France. 

March 11. Revolutionary Tribunal established at Paris. 

March 14. Revolt in La Vendee. 

March 18. Dumouriez defeated at Neerwinden. 

April 5. Dumouriez deserts to the Austrians. 

July 13. Assassination of Marat. 

August 8. Valenciennes captured by the Allies. 

August 28. Hood occupies Toulon. 

October 16. Marie Antoinette executed. 

November 12. Philippe Egalite executed. 

November 22. Commercial Treaty with the United States. 

December 18. Toulon evacuated by the Allies. 

December 26. Wurmser defeated at Weissenburg. 

1794 
April 5. Danton executed. 

July. ' The Duke of Portland, Lord Spencer, Lord Fitzwilliam, 

and Windham join the Pitt Administration. 
July 28. Robespierre, St. Just, and others executed. 

A ugust 30. Valenciennes and Conde recaptured by the French. 

December. The Duke of York removed from the command of the 

British Forces in Flanders. 
December 27. Pichegru invades Holland. 



1795 

February. Surrender of Ceylon by the Dutch to Great Britain. 

April 14. British Army evacuates Holland. 

April 23. Acquittal of Warren Hastings. 

May 16. Holland makes terms with the French 

June 27. Royalist expedition to Quiberon. 

July 22. France makes peace with Spain. 

September. British occupation of Cape Colony 

October. Convention dissolved. 

October 29. Clerfait victorious on the Rhine. 

November 3 Directory installed. 

November The Treasonable Practices Bill. 



xxxviii CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE OF EVENTS 

1796 

April. Napoleon invades Italy. 

La Hoche's expedition to Ireland. 
August 19. Treaty of San Ildefonso. 

October 1 1 . Great Britain declares war against France. 

October 22. Lord Malmesbury's peace mission to Paris. 

December. Return of Lord Malmesbury. 



February 14. 
April 16. 
May 2. 
July 9. 
October 11. 
October 17. 



February 10. 
March 5. 
March 29. 
May. 
May. 
June 12. 
July 21. 
August 1. 
August 22. 
September 8. 



1797 
Battle of Cape St. Vincent. 
Mutiny at Spithead. 
Mutiny at the Nore. 
Death of Edmund Burke. 
Battle of Camperdown. 
Peace of Campo-Formio. 

1798 
Berthier enters Rome. 
Battle of Berne. 
Helvetic Republic proclaimed. 
Napoleon's expedition to Egypt. 
Irish rebellion. 

Malta surrenders to the French. 
Battle of the Pyramids. 
Battle of the Nile. 
French land in Ireland. 
French in Ireland surrender. 



March 7. 
March 19. 
May 20. 
July 25. 
A ugust. 
August 22. 
September 19. 
December 13. 



January 24. 
June 14. 
July 2. 
September 5. 
December 3. 
December 14. 



January 1. 
February 16. 



1799 
Jaffa occupied by the French. 
Acre besieged by the French. 
The siege of Acre raised. 
Battle of Aboukir. 

Duke of York's expedition to Holland. 
Napoleon leaves Egypt. 
Battle of Bergen. 
Napoleon chosen First Consul. 

1800 

Treaty of El Arish. 

Battle of Marengo. 

Act of Union with Ireland passed. 

Malta surrenders to the English. 

Battle of Hohenlinden. 

Battle of Salzburg. 



Act of Union 

into force. 
Pitt resigns office. 



1801 
between 



England 



and Ireland comes 



CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE OF EVENTS xxxix 



March 17. 
March 21. 
March 28. 
April 2. 
August. 
October 1. 



March. 
May. 



Addington becomes Prime Minister. 
Battle of Alexandria. 
Treaty of Naples. 
Battle of Copenhagen. 
French Army in Egypt capitulates. 
Preliminaries of Peace between France and 
signed. 

1802 
Peace of Amiens. 
Napoleon appointed First Consul for life. 



England 



1803 

May 16. War declared between England and France. 

J tine 5. French occupy Hanover. 

July 23. Emmett's insurrection in Ireland. 

1804 

March 16. Execution of the Due d'Enghein. 

May. Addington resigns office. 

May 12. Pitt becomes Prime Minister. 

May 18. Napoleon proclaimed Emperor of the French. 

December 2. The Pope crowns Napoleon at Notre Dame. 
Spain declares war against Great Britain. 

1 805 

April. Treaty of St. Petersburg (Great Britain and Russia). 

May 26. Napoleon crowned King of Italy at Milan. 

July. Battle of Cape Finisterre. 

October 8. Treaty of Naples. 

October 17. Capitulation of Ulm. 

October 2 1 . Battle of Trafalgar. 

November. Napoleon enters Vienna. 

December 2. Battle of Austerlitz. 

December 15. Treaty of Vienna (France and Prussia). 

December 26. Peace of Pressburg (France and Austria). 



1806 
January 9. Public funeral of Nelson. 

January 12. Vienna evacuated by the French. 
January 23. Death of Pitt. 
February 5. Grenville-Fox Administration (" All the Talents ") 

formed. 
February 15. Joseph Bonaparte proclaimed King of Naples and 

Sicily. 
July. Battle of Maida. 

July. Confederation of the Rhine constituted. 

August 18. Jerome Bonaparte proclaimed King of Westphalia. 

September 13. Death of Charles James Fox. 
October 14. Battles of Jena and Auerstadt. 

October2$. Napoleon enters Berlin. 



xl CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE OF EVENTS 

November 8. Capitulation of Magdeburg. 

November 20. Napoleon's Berlin Decrees. 

November 28. The French enter Warsaw. 

December 26. Battle of Pultusk. 

1807. 

January 7. British " Orders in Council." 

February 7. Battle of Eylau. 

March. Formation of the Portland administration. 

March 25. Slavery abolished in the British dominions. 

April. Convention of Bastenstein (Russia, Prussia, and 

Sweden). 

June 10. Battle of Heilsburg. 

June 14. Battle of Friedland. 

July 7. Treaty of Tilsit (France and Russia). 

September 5. Danish Fleet at Copenhagen surrenders to the British 

October. Treaty of Fontainebleau (France and Spain). 

1808 

May. Joseph Bonaparte becomes King of Spain. 

June 15. Siege of Saragossa. 

August 17. Battle of Rolica. 

August 21. Battle of Vimiera. 

August 30. Convention of Cintra. 

September. Convention of Paris. 

October. Convention of Erfurt. 

1809 

January. Treaty of the Dardanelles (England and Turkey). 

January 16. Battle of Coruna. 

February 21. Capitulation of Saragossa. 

April 20. Battle of Abensberg. 

May 12. Napoleon enters Vienna. 

May 2 1 . Battle of Aspern. 

July 12. Battle of Wagram. 

July 28. Battle of Talavera. 
July to 

November. Walcheren expedition. 

October 24. Peace of Schonnbrunn (France and Austria). 

October 30. Death of the Duke of Portland. 

November. Perceval forms an Administration. 

1810 

January. Treaty of Paris (France and Sweden). 

July. Napoleon annexes Holland. 

September 27. Battle of Busaco. 

October 29. Wellington secures the lines in Torres Vedras. 



<' 



y 



s 



■ 



SECTION I 
EARLY LIFE. 1750-1782 



SECTION I 
EARLY LIFE. 1750-1782 

Family history : Birth of William Windham : Windham at 
Eton : Fond of books and sports : Nicknamed " Fighting 
Windham " : His interest in the King : The death of his father : 
His guardians : Withdrawn from Eton : The reason for this 
step : At Glasgow University : His love of mathematics : 
At University College, Oxford : His reputation there and 
academic career : In early life uninterested in public affairs : 
Sets out on a voyage of exploration in the Polar Seas : Pre- 
vented by sea-sickness from proceeding : He is landed at 
Bergen : Extracts from his Diary concerning his sojourn in 
Norway : Scanty records of early life : His occupations : 
First plunge into political life : A letter to Sheridan : His 
maiden speech : He quells a Militia mutiny : A serious illness : 
He goes abroad to recover strength : Invited to contest 
Norwich as a supporter of the Rockingham party : Defeated 
at the election of 1780 : Invited to stand for Westminster : 
The formation of the Rockingham Administration : Corre- 
spondence : The death of Lord Rockingham : Lord Shelburne 
becomes Prime Minister : An extract from Windham's Diary. 

THE Right Hon. William Windham came of an 
old Norfolk family, which had acquired 
from William Hales in 1436 the manor of 
Crownethorpe, in the parish of Wymond- 
ham. From this parish (pronounced " Wind'-am ") the 
family derived its surname. In 1460 John Wymondham 
purchased from Sir John Felbrigg the manor of Felbrigg, 
near Cromer, and this became the chief seat of the 
family. John was knighted in 1487 on the battlefield 
of Stoke. Sixteen years later, for being associated 
with the Earl of Suffolk in a conspiracy against Henry 
VII., he was tried for high treason, found guilty, and 

3 



4 THE WINDHAM PAPERS [1750- 

beheaded on Tower Hill. Sir John married Margaret, 
fourth daughter of John Howard, Duke of Norfolk, 
and by her had a son (afterwards Sir) Thomas, who 
entered the Navy and attained the rank of Vice- 
Admiral . Sir Thomas married Eleanor, daughter of Sir 
Richard Scrope, of Upsal, Wiltshire, who bore him a large 
family. Of his eldest son and successor, Sir Edmund, it 
is recorded that being condemned by James I. to lose his 
right hand for striking a Mr. Cleer in the royal tennis 
court, he prayed that he might rather lose his left hand, 
for with the right, he said, " I may do ye King gode ser- 
vice," whereupon he was pardoned. Edmund's eldest son 
Francis died without issue, and the estate then passed 
to the second son, Sir John, who had married Elizabeth, 
daughter of John Sydenham, of Orchard, in Somerset- 
shire, in which county he had settled. During the Civil 
War, his sons fought for the King, and after the battle 
of Worcester, Colonel Francis Windham, Sir John's 
fourth son, conducted Charles II. to his seat at Trent. 
The eldest son, Thomas, came into possession of the 
property on his father's death, and survived until 1653, 
when he had reached the patriarchal age of fourscore 
years and two. Thomas, who married a daughter of 
Sir John Lytton of Kneb worth, was succeeded by his 
second son William, whose history is thus recorded 
on a monumental brass in the parish church of 
Felbrigg : 

In a vault near to this monument lieth the Body of 
William Windham, Esq r ., second son of Thomas Wind- 
ham of Felbrigg in the County of Norfolk Esq r . by Eliza- 
beth his second wife. He married Katharine, Eldest d r . 
of S ir Joseph Ashe of Twittenham, in the C y of Middlesex 
Bart, with whom he lived twenty years, and had issue 



1782] COLONEL WILLIAM WINDHAM 5 

eight sons, Ashe, William, Thomas, John, Thomas, John, 
Joseph and James, and three daughters Katharine; 
Mary and Elizabeth. The eldest Thomas and two Johns 
dyed Infants. All the rest survived him. He departed this 
life the ninth of June 1689 i n * ne 42 nd year of his age. 

In the same vault lieth ye Body of Katharine Windham 
Relict of Will m . Windham Esq r . who departed this life 
the 24 th day of Dec r . 1729, In the 78 th year of her Age. 

M rs . Mary Windham died June 29 th 1747, aged 71, and 
was buried at St. Edmund's Bury, in Suffolk. 

Ashe Windham, who was born in 1672 and survived 
until 1749, married Elizabeth, daughter of William 
Dobyns, of Lincoln's Inn. By her in 1717 he had 
an only son, William, who early in life quarrelled 
with his father, and thereafter spent many years abroad. 
He lived for some years in Spain, and in 1741 travelled 
with Richard Pocock in Switzerland, subsequently 
writing one of the first published accounts of Chamonix 
and Mont Blanc. Later he went to Hungary, where 
he served as an officer in one of Queen Maria Theresa's 
hussar regiments. At his father's request he eventually 
returned to England, where he devoted himself to the 
study of military subjects. After Pitt had passed the 
National Militia Act of 1757, he, in conjunction with 
Lord Townshend, 1 formed a corps in his own county, 
of which, in recognition of his services, he was 
appointed Lieutenant-Colonel. He interested himself in 
his duties, and drew up a " Plan of Discipline com- 
posed for the use of the Militia of the County of Nor- 
folk," which was highly praised by the authorities and 
generally adopted throughout the country. He was a 
patron of all manly exercises, and to the end of his days 

1 Charles Townshend, third Viscount Townshend (1700-1764). 



6 THE WINDHAM PAPERS [1750- 

followed the hounds. He was a good classical scholar, 
a fine linguist, and that he had agreeable social qualities 
is proved by the fact that he was intimate with David 
Garrick and many of the London wits, who visited him 
frequently at Felbrigg. He married a noted beauty, 
Sarah Hicks, widow of Robert Lukin, of Dunmow, 
Essex, by whom he had a son, William, the subject of 
this memoir. 

William Windham was born on May 3, 1750, at No. 6 
Golden Square, Soho, London. At seven years of age 
he was sent to Eton, where, among his contemporaries 
was Charles James Fox. Dr. Barnard, the Headmaster, 
stated, when the lads had become distinguished men, that 
they were the last two boys he flogged. Their offence 
was rank : they had gone into Windsor without leave 
and attended a performance at the theatre. All accounts 
concur in declaring that at school Windham was con- 
spicuous for vivacity and brilliance and for the ease with 
which he acquired knowledge. Not only in scholastic 
attainments was he successful beyond most of his fellows, 
but he was as prominent in sport as in the class-room. A 
sound cricketer, a skilful oarsman, and so useful, too, 
with his fists that he was known at Eton as " Fighting 
Windham." 

This nickname long clung to Windham, for he dearly 
loved a fight. On one occasion he was grateful that he 
had learnt the use of his fists. After his re-election at 
Norwich in July 1794, he was being chaired, 1 when a 
ruffian in the crowd threw a stone at his head. Like 

1 " The chairing in Norfolk differed from that of other counties. 
A chair of state, gaudily decorated, placed on a platform and sup- 
ported by poles, was borne on the shoulders of four-and -twenty 
stalwart men. By the side of this chair the member elect took his 
stand, and in this manner was carried through the principal streets of 



1782] WINDHAM AND THE PRIZE RING 7 

the Admirable Crichton he was, he caught the missile in 
his hand, jumped off his moving platform, and thrashed 
the coward within an inch of his life. In a few minutes 
he was again hoisted and continued his triumphal pro- 
gress, bowing on all sides as if nothing had happened. 
When Windham could no longer fight it pleased him to 
watch others, and to the end of his days he was a patron 
of the Ring. In his Diary he noted some of the combats 
he witnessed : — 

May 2, 1786. The circumstances of the fight, which 
was the object of our excursion (to Newmarket), need 
not be recorded. The winner's name was Humphries 
(Richard, I think) ; and the butcher's Sam Martin. . . . 
The spectacle was upon the whole very interesting, by the 
qualities, both of mind and body, which it exhibited. 
Nothing could afford a finer display of character than the 
conduct and demeanour of Humphries, and the skill dis- 
covered far exceeded what I had conceived the art to 
possess. The mischief done could not have affected the 
most tender humanity. 

June 9, 1788. I had been that morning with Fullerton 
and Palmer to Croydon, to a boxing match. . . . The 
boxing match was, in consequence of a purse collected 
by subscription, under the direction of H[ervey] Aston, 
G[eorge] Hanger, 1 &c. The combatants, Fewtrill and 
Jackson, both of them large ; one of them, Jackson, a 
man of uncommon strength and activity, but neither of 
them of any skill, or likely, so far as appeared upon that 
occasion, ever to become distinguished. The fight, which 

Norwich. At intervals, the bearers made a halt, and by a simultaneous 
action tossed their burden so high as to give him occasional peeps into 
garret windows. When William Windham, the statesman . . . was 
elected for Norwich he underwent a like ordeal." —Albemarle, " Fifty 
Years of my Life," ii. 296. 

1 George Hanger (1751-1824), an intimate friend of the Prince of 
Wales, succeeded his brother as (fourth) Baron Coleraine, 1814. 



8 THE WINDHAM PAPERS [1750- 

lasted an hour and ten minutes, was wholly uninteresting, 
it being evident from the beginning which was to prevail, 
and no powers or qualities being displayed to make the 
prevalence of one or the other a matter of anxiety. The 
fight which succeeded this between Crabbe, a Jew, and 
Watson, a butcher, from Bristol, under 21, was of a 
different character ; so much skill, activity, and fine 
make, my experience in these matters has not shown me. 
After a most active fight of forty minutes the Jew was 
very fairly beat. There was also another fight, between 
a butcher and a spring maker, neither of them large, but 
one of them, the butcher, a muscular man, which 
though smart enough for the time, ended soon by 
what seemed a shabby surrender on the part of the 
spring maker ; his plea was having sprained both 
his thumbs, or, as he called it, but not truly, ac- 
cording to their appearance to me afterwards, put 
them out. 

In February 1789 Windham went with Crewe, 1 Fitz- 
patrick, 2 Grey, 3 and George Cholmondeley 4 to Rickmans- 
worth to see a contest between Johnson and Ryan, and on 
July 6 of the same year drove to Wimbledon to watch 
matches between Darch and Gainer, James and Tucker, 

1 John Crewe (i 742-1 829), afterwards Baron Crewe of Crewe, who 
had married in 1766 the beautiful Frances Anne Greville. 

2 Richard Fitzpatrick (1747-1813), second son of John, Earl of 
Upper Ossory ; the friend of Fox; Colonel, 1778; General, 1793 ; 
Secretary-at-War in the Coalition and All the Talents Ministries. 

3 Charles Grey (1764-1845), afterwards second Earl Grey; Prime 
Minister, 183 1-4. 

4 George James Cholmondeley (17 52-1 830) was the son of the Hon. 
and Rev. Robert Cholmondeley, Rector of St Andrews, Hertford 
(the second son of George, third Earl of Cholmondeley), by his wife 
Mary Woffington, the sister of the famous actress. He married three 
times : 1st, 1790, Maria, daughter of John Pitt, who died 1808 ; 2nd, 
1814, Catherine, daughter of Sir Philip Francis, who died 1823 ; and, 
3rd, 1825, the Hon. Mary Elizabeth, daughter of John Thomas, Viscount 
Sydney, who survived him. Cholmondeley became Receiver-General 
of Excise. 



1782] AT ETON 9 

Hooper and Tyne. The last battles he witnessed were at 
Moulsey in October 1808 between Gregson and Tom Cribb, 
the champion ; Cropley and Tom Belcher ; and Powell 
and Dogherty. He believed in prize fights, and on August 
6, 1788, hurried to London to write an article, " to take 
off, as far as one could, the effect of the accident at 
Brighton, of the death of a man in a boxing match," which 
had resulted in the Prince of Wales, who was present, 
announcing that he would never again attend any 
pugilistic encounter. 

In 1761 Colonel Windham died, and left his son in the 
guardianship of Benjamin Stillingfleet, 1 Dr. Dampier, 2 
David Garrick, and a Mr. Price of Hereford. 3 For five 
years after his bereavement the boy remained at Eton; 
and then was suddenly withdrawn. 

Dr. Dampier to Mrs. Windham 

March 7, 1766 
There have been great disturbances amongst the boys 
here, and I am sorry that your son is accused of having a 
large concern in them. In order therefore to cover his 
retreat and to prevent a publick expulsion, which would 
probably be the consequence of his longer stay , I shall see 
him home to you tomorrow morning. When I am in 
town, about a fortnight hence, we must meet and consider 
how to dispose of him. If I may advise I would not have 
you mention to any one the cause of his coming home so 
soon before the holidays. 4 

1 Benjamin Stillingfleet (1702-1771), naturalist. One account says 
Stillingfleet did not act as a guardian, but the writer of the article on 
Stillingfleet in the " Dictionary of National Biography " does not 
accept this statement. 

2 Dr. Dampier, an under-master at Eton, and from 1774 Dean of 
Durham, the father of Dr. Thomas Dampier, Bishop of Ely. The 
elder Dampier had been Colonel Windham's tutor. 

3 (?) Robert Price, the friend of Stillingfleet, who died in 1761. 
* KettonMSS. 



io THE WINDHAM PAPERS [1750- 

In the summer of 1766 Windham was sent to Glasgow 
to attend the classes at the University. There he studied 
under Dr. Anderson, the Professor of Natural Philosophy, 
and Robert Simson, the mathematician. It was Simson 
who imbued him with a taste for this science, one which 
fascinated him then and continued to do so through 
his life. In his Diaries are numerous references to the 
work he did and the books he read on the subject. At his 
death he left three treatises on mathematical themes, 
which his will directed should be placed in the hands of 
Dr. Horsley, 1 Bishop of St. Asaph, with the suggestion 
that if they were of any value they should be published. 
Horsley, however, predeceased Windham, and the works 
passed into the hands of George Ellis, who contented 
himself with extracting certain Notes from them. 2 It may 
therefore be presumed that, at least in his opinion, the 
treatises were not worthy of being presented to the 
public. 

From Glasgow Windham went to Oxford, where he was 
entered in September 1767 as a gentleman-commoner at 
University College. His tutor was Robert Chambers, 
and Malone has put it on record that during the young 
man's academic career " he was highly distinguished 
for his application to various studies, for his love of 
enterprise, for that frank and graceful address, and that 
honourable deportment, which gave a lustre to his cha- 
racter through every period of his life." More direct 
evidence is forthcoming in a letter, dated September 2, 
1770, to Mrs. Windham from Dr. Dampier, who says he 
has seen her son at Oxford and has heard the best reports 
of him. "He is, indeed," he added, "a very extra- 

1 Samuel Horsley, F.R.S. (1733-1806), afterwards Bishop of St. 
Asaph, the author of several mathematical works. 

2 These Notes were published in Windham's " Diary " (1866). 



1782] AN OUTDOOR STUDENT n 

ordinary young gentleman, and if please God, he enjoys 
his health, he cannot fail of making a very considerable 
figure in the world." 1 Though, according to all accounts, 
very studious, Windham did not win any academic distinc- 
tions. He took his B.A. degree in 1771, in which year he 
left the University. He proceeded to the degree of M.A., 
October 7, 1782 ; and eleven years later, at the installation 
of the Duke of Portland as Chancellor, he was made D.C.L. 

While at Oxford Windham interested himself not 
at all in public affairs. Indeed, so little attention did 
he pay to current events that one of his friends, as it 
amused the statesman in later days sometimes to recall, 
remarked, " Windham would never know who was 
Prime Minister." Proof that his attitude of indifference 
was sincere is to be found in his refusal of the offer made 
to him, while he was still at Oxford, by his father's old 
friend, Lord Townshend, 2 then Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland, 
to go to Dublin as His Excellency's secretary. That the 
offer should have been made, however, may be accepted 
as evidence that even at this early age Windham was 
recognised as possessing unusual ability. 

Windham was fond of outdoor sports ; he loved books, 
and was never happier than when engaged in the composi- 
tion of his mathematical treatises. When he was twenty- 
three years of age, in 1773, a thirst for adventure led him 
to join his friend, Commodore Phipps, 3 who, in the 
Racehorse, set out, in company with the Carcass, to attempt 
the discovery of the northern route to India. He suffered 
so severely from sea-sickness, however, that he had to 
abandon the expedition. He was landed, on June 29, 

1 KettonMSS. 

2 George, fourth Viscount and first Marquis Townshend (i 724-1 807). 

3 Constantine John Phipps (1744-1792) succeeded his father as 
second) Baron Mulgrave in 1775. 



12 THE WINDHAM PAPERS [1750- 

at Bergen, in Norway, where, Amyot mentions, though 
unhappily without giving any particulars, he passed 
through " a series of adventures and ' hair-breadth 
'scapes ' in which his courage and humanity were con- 
spicuous." * Some extracts from a diary Windham 
kept at this time have been preserved, the first part of 
that printed here having probably been written shortly 
after he left England. 

Secret and separate. This is my confidential book ; 
in this will be contained all those thoughts, memo- 
randums, notes, reflexions, &c, which no eye must see 
but my own. To thee, my ever-adorable friend, do I 
dedicate it, with whose name it will chiefly be filled. 
May God grant that we may meet again, and enjoy 
together the recollection of the times when these were 
written ! 

How have I fulfilled my resolution ? The time since 
the writing of the above, indeed since my getting on 
board at Sheerness, has been a chasm in the history of 
one's mind ; instead of exerting myself to preserve a 
lively recollection of things past or absent ; instead of 
thought and vigilance and exertion, which I fancied 
would be excited by the newness of the situation, my 
mind has been occupied only with melancholy reflexions 
on the business I had undertaken, and a comparison of 
my present state with the enjoyments of Ickleford 
parlour. Not one purpose which I proposed in the voyage 
has been answered : on the contrary my powers of 
reflexion have been weakened, and my thoughts been less 
active and my perceptions less lively than they would 
have been at Felbrigg or Oxford. I could form no strong 
conception of the condition in which I stood, nor feel 
myself excited by the recollection of my own sensations 
at other times. Let me learn from this, what I might 

1 Amyot, " Memoir of Windham," p. 6. 



1782] AN EARLY DIARY 13 

have known indeed by former experience, and from the 
nature of the thing itself, that the state of a person's 
mind is not materially altered by change of place ; 
cesium non animum mutant qui trans mare currunt. 

The interval from my coming to Sheerness to my 
quitting the Hamburgh vessel I will set aside by itself, and 
either leave it wholly to memory, or take some notes of it 
at some future time : my diary commencing from that 
time and now instant, I will endeavour to keep with some 
regularity. 

After getting clear of the ship, we set off very pleasantly 
for Bergen, the schipper and I being in the pilot's boat; 
and his boat with his own people attending us. The 
sight of land, and the prospect of being shortly in a 
town, and among people who could speak English made 
me feel at first very comfortably : but it soon began to 
occur to me that I had conducted affairs with my usual 
mismanagement. By bringing this man to the town 
with me, I was publishing the bargain I had made with 
him, and all for no purpose but to procure money for a 
fellow, without any occasion, who had already fleeced 
me most unmercifully. At any rate I was discovering 
that which I wished to have concealed ; and a thought 
now came into my head which had never occurred before, 
that the particularity of such a bargain might suggest 
an idea, which idea might travel a great way, of the agree- 
ment having been made in some fright, taken at an appear- 
ance of danger. The landlord was likely to mention the 
circumstance of an English gentleman, of such a name, 
having come in such a manner, in his letters to Scotland : 
there might be several Scotch and Irish masters of ships in 
the place ; as improbable stories had risen from as little 
beginnings and been circulated by less direct means. 
These reflexions made me very uneasy, and threw me 
into a fit of rage and despair at my own folly, in which 
state I with some difficulty got to sleep. . . . 

At about 4 o'clock, then, on Tuesday morning, being 



14 THE WINDHAM PAPERS [1750- 

the 29th of June and the day before yesterdays I landed 
at Bergen. The appearance of the place at coming in 
was very fine and romantick, but the mortification I 
felt about this affair had depressed my spirits and I was 
foolish enough to be quite melancholy at the idea of being 
alone in a strange country, or, what was less remarkable, 
at the prospect of a journey of 600 miles through such a 
tract of mountains. The hospitality however, and civility 
of my landlord have made my stay here very comfort- 
able. . . . 

The Consul here is Alexander Wallace, Esqre., whose 
sons, in his absence, I went on Tuesday to wait upon, 
and found as completely Scotch as if they had lived in 
Edinburgh all their lives. The youngest asked me in 
token of his sentiments, whether Mr. Wilkes was hanged 
yet, but it is to be observed that he is a little disordered 
in his head, which prevented my giving such a reply as I 
should otherwise. . . . 

The town of Bergen contains no very striking edifices, 
nor has it any very regular or spacious streets, but the 
whole appearance of it is clean and lively, the houses being 
built of wood and painted, and the roofs covered in 
general with red tiles. At the water's edge on one side are 
warehouses raised on piles and projecting over for the 
convenience of receiving and shipping timber, and on the 
opposite side is a broad wooden quay which is set apart 
entirely to the fish traders. . . . 

Till within these few years, there were I believe no 
stone buildings, but they have now got a Dutch church, 
and a sort of castle and some houses built by a Scotch 
mason, who came over with his people, after the last fire ; 
and what is very remarkable, the stone was obliged to be 
fetched from Scotland likewise. . . . 

July 3rd. I have just had a visit from the Consul who 
came very civilly to wait upon me immediately on his 
return to town. He seems a brisk intelligent man, and to 
be of much pleasanter manners than his sons. I dined 



1782] AT BERGEN 15 

yesterday at his house, before his return. The dinner 
and what belonged to it, was certainly ordinary ... it 
consisted of three dishes . . . sent up one by one accord- 
ing to the Bergen fashion, to which the company were 
helped in order after the master of the family or his wife 
had taken off a sufficient number of portions. . . . 

No liquor was given at dinner, that I saw, besides wine, 
to which we were helped from time to time by Mr. Wallace 
or his brother, and at each glass some toast was given, 
such as, Friends in Norfolk, in Scotland, &c. . . . 

nth, Sunday. This morning at a little before seven, 
after rising at three in order to finish my letters to 
Cholmondeley and Mrs. Byng x I set off from Bergen. . . . 
'Tis now near 7 in the evening, and we have passed the 
5th Gastschever's house or the 5th Norse mile. The 
weather has been very pleasant, and I am much refreshed 
by my dinner and some sleep I got between 12 and 4, yet 
I am far from being in spirits, and the reflexions that for 
three months I shall have known nothing of those I love, 
and that no age is insured from the common fatality of 
nature, makes me very unhappy. 

12th. After continuing upon the water all last night, 
and to-day, and thus much of this night I am just arrived, 
two o'clock in the morning at Ardalsare [? Aardal]. . . . 

The town very small, consisting of about 50 buildings, 
most of which I understood were used only as ware- 
houses. . . . Tuesday about three o'clock, after much 
chattering between Gron and the people, we left Landal 
[? Laerdalsoren] : I had been detained some time by my 
letter to my dearest friend ... at the end of the two 
mile we were forced to ascend part of a steep mountain 

1 Mrs. Byng was the wife of the Hon. John Byng, afterwards fifth 
Viscount Torrington. She was a daughter of Commodore Arthur 
Forrest, who, with the Dreadnought, Edinburgh, and Augusta, beat 
five sail-of-the-line and three French frigates off Cape Francois. He 
died on May 26, 1770, while Commander-in-Chief at Jamaica. His 
second daughter was Augusta ; the third Cecilia, who in 1798 married 
William Windham. Forrest had married a daughter of Colonel Lynch, 
of Jamaica. She died in 1804, aged eighty-two. 



16 THE WINDHAM PAPERS [1750- 

to meet the river on the other side. The passage during 
this ascent and our descending the river again was the 
wildest I had ever seen. I was admiring a fine fall of 
waters that descended on the opposite side, when my 
guide chose to entertain me, by way of anecdote of the 
place, with the story of a man who had been robbed and 
murdered there. ... I think this scene was adequate to 
all my hopes of a mountainous country. After getting 
through a road infinitely abrupt and rugged, we crossed 
the river again on a bridge about 40 feet in length and 
twenty in height, thrown over without any support in 
the middle, so that, as my guide told me, it was cus- 
tomary to let only one horse pass at a time. 

... At last we met with a house where the woman 
regaled us very comfortably with eggs and loaf-bread and 
some cheese that was very eatable. I gave her 4 or 5 
stivers and she expressed her thankfulness in the same 
manner as the girl at Landal by taking me by the hand. 



Arrived at Elsinore on Saturday the 31st of July between 
11 and 12 at night. . . . My first care on coming thither 
was to enquire about the post, and put in a letter to my 
dearest friend. The next day dined with Mr. Godwin 
and made the necessary enquiries about a ship, and in 
the evening went over to Copenhagen. . . . 

Gottenberg. Almost all the women that I saw in the 
streets of Gottenberg of the appearance of gentlewomen 
were covered with black veils. The women in Sweden 
were much more comely than those in Norway, owing 
chiefly I believe to their taking some pains to protect 
their faces from the weather. 

For the first part of my journey from Bergen, the 
women I think went entirely without covering on their 
heads, and were the most disgustful objects I ever saw, 
which undoubtedly was owing very much to that cause, 
though I don't think entirely. A great change was to be 



1782] RECREATIONS 17 

observed in their countenances as we came nearer to 
Christiania, where the use of a large covering of linen 
began. 

Friederickshald was the first place where I observed 
any oak. 1 

The records for the next few years are extremely scanty, 
as George Ellis complained a century ago when he sat 
down to write the biography of his friend. Windham 
divided his time between Felbrigg, where he hunted and 
read, and London, where he went into society. He became 
a member of Brooks's, and vastly extended the circle of 
his friends. He made the acquaintance of Horsley 
and Francis Maseres, 2 and corresponded with them on 
mathematical subjects. He wrote occasional verses, and 
a specimen of his pedestrian efforts in this direction has 
been preserved. 

Verses sent by Mr. Windham to a Young Lady with 
a Copy of Dr. Johnson's Works, 1785 

As Adam, by the great Archangel led, 
Saw life's great flan, in deftined order fpread ; 
So in thefe leaves to thee, fair nymph, isfhown, 
Th' inf tractive image of a world unknown ; 
There thou mayft learn, by trial yet untaught, 
How never happinefs by wealth was bought ; 
There fee what ills off ail the rich and great, 
Nor f com the bleffings of an humble fate. 
Still to this fate with equal hand are given 
The choiceft bounties of indulgent heaven ; 
Untainted joys, the funfhine of the breaft, 
Love's purefl flame by mutual ardour bleft ; 

1 Ketton MSS. 211-214. 

2 Francis Maseres (1731-1824), mathematician, subsequent!}'' Cursitor 
Baron of the Exchequer. 

I B 



18 THE WINDHAM PAPERS [1750- 

To the fair charmer be fuch joys decreed, 
Of worth and beauty fuch the precious meed ! 
Blefs with thy charms fome fond admiring f wain, 
Some f wain be found, worthy thofe charms to gain ! x 

It was not until the beginning of the year 1778 that 
Windham first stepped into the political arena, and he 
did so then only because of the interest he took in the 
momentous affair of the American War of Independence. 
Though entirely unpractised in public speaking, he; under 
the stress of the strong views he held, nerved himself to 
take the field at Norwich against those who supported the 
continuance of what to him, as to so many clear-sighted 
men, appeared an altogether hopeless and unjust cam- 
paign. An early intimation of his attitude is given in a 
letter to Sheridan, whose acquaintance he had made 
earlier at Bath. 

William Windham to Richard Brinsley Sheridan 

Felbrigg (?). January 5, 1778 

I fear my letter will greatly disappoint your hopes. 
I have no account to send you of my answering Lord 
Townshend — of hard-fought contests — spirited resolves 
— ballads, mobs, cockades, and Lord North burnt in 
effigy. We have had a bloodless campaign, but not 
from backwardness in our troops, but for the most 
creditable reason that can be — want of resolution in the 
enemy to encounter us. When I got down here early 
this morning, expecting to find a room prepared, a chair 
set for the president, and nothing wanting but that the 
orators should begin, I was surprised to learn that no 
advertisement had appeared on the other part ; but 
that Lord Townshend having dined at a meeting where the 

1 Crewe Papers: Windham Section, p. 12 ("Miscellanies" of the 
Philobiblon Society, vol. viii.). See also Add. MSS. 37934 f. 66. 



1782] INTRODUCTION TO POLITICS 19 

proposal [to raise a War Fund at Norwich] was received 
very coldly, had taken fright, and for the time at least 
had dropped the proposal. It had appeared, therefore, to 
those whom I applied to (and I think very rightly) that 
till an advertisement was inserted by them, or was 
known for certain to be intended, it would not be proper 
for anything to be done by us. In this state, therefore, 
it rests. The advertisement which we agreed upon is 
left at the printers, ready to be inserted upon the appear- 
ance of one from them. We lie upon our arms, and shall 
begin to act upon any motion of the enemy. I am very 
sorry that things have taken this turn, as I came down 
in full confidence of being able to accomplish something 
distinguished. I had drawn up, as I came along, a 
tolerably good paper, to be distributed to-morrow in the 
streets, and settled pretty well in my head the terms of 
a protest — besides some pretty smart pieces of oratory, 
delivered upon Newmarket-Heath. I never felt so much 
disposition to exert myself before — I hope from my 
never having before so fair a prospect of doing it with 
success. When the coach comes in, I hope I shall receive 
a packet from you, which shall not be lost, though it may 
not be used immediately. 

I must leave off writing, for I have got some other 
letters to send by to-night's post. Writing in this ink is 
like speaking with respect to the utter annihilation of 
what is past ; — by the time it gets to you, perhaps, it 
may have become legible, but I have no chance of reading 
over my letter myself. 

I shall not suffer this occasion to pass over entirely 
without benefit. 

[P.S.] Tell Mrs. Sheridan that I hope she will have a 
closet ready, where I may remain till the heat of the 
pursuit is over. My friends in France have promised to 
have a vessel ready upon the coast. 1 

1 Moore, " Life of Sheridan " (fifth edition), i. 290-292. 



20 THE WINDHAM PAPERS [1750- 

Windham delivered his maiden speech at a public 
meeting convened at Norwich on January 28, when he 
spoke against the war and also opposed Lord Townshend's 
proposal for a subscription to defray its cost. A few 
days later he drew up a remonstrance against the war, 
which was signed by about five thousand people, and 
presented to the House of Commons. 1 Once Windham 
had taken the plunge, and found it to his liking, it is 
probable that he might at once have embraced a political 
career, had he not soon after been prostrated by illness. 

It was early in the year that the Militia was called out, 
and Windham, who was a Major in the Norfolk regiment, 
had to take up his military duties. It happened that an 
opportunity at once offered for the display of his courage. 
It was customary to pay the men a " marching guinea " 
before they started, but the Colonel on this occasion, for 
some reason best known to himself, gave instructions 
that it was not to be paid until the regiment had left the 
county. The men assembled near the Castle at Norwich; 
but when Windham gave the word to march, they 
grounded their arms and refused to move until they 
received the guinea apiece. When the command was 
repeated, some of the men wavered, and, seeing this, 
one of the ring-leaders left his place, and told the waverers 
to be firm. Him Windham seized, and in spite of the 
threatening attitude of the soldiers, hauled to the Guard- 
House. When the comrades of the imprisoned man 
demanded his release, Windham stood at the door of the 
Guard-House, drawn sword in hand, and swore that while 
he lived the man should not go free. Eventually Wind- 
ham was rescued from this precarious position by some 
men of his own, the Western, battalion. Shortly after 
1 Walpole, " Last Journals " (ed. Steuart), ii. 119. 



1782] PROPOSES TO ENTER PARLIAMENT 21 

this exciting episode his life was in even greater danger. 
Marching with the regiment, he, with two brother- 
officers, rode, " for the fun of the thing," through a deep 
rivulet. He had to remain for hours in wet clothes, with 
the result that he contracted a high fever, and was brought 
within an ace of death. It is said that from the effect 
of this illness his constitution never entirely recovered. 
When he was well enough to travel he went abroad, 
and remained in Switzerland and Italy for nearly 
two years. 

The speech that Windham had made on the war im- 
pressed his hearers, and some of them invited him to 
stand at the next election as a Coalition candidate at 
Norwich. To this offer he returned an acceptance. A 
good speaker, a rich man, and belonging to an old family 
well-known in the county, he was an excellent selection, 
and offers of support poured in upon him while he was 
still abroad. 

Viscount Townshend to William Windham 

March 22, 1779 
The reason of my giving you this trouble is, that I have 
thought it fair to assuer you, that I shall endevur to 
serve you, with all the little interest I may pretend too in 
Norfolk, heareing you intend to stand at our next Election 
for that County, and fiending that Sir J[ohn] Hfolland] 
hath bine so warmely receved, I iudge it may not be long 
before there will be another Election, and therefore that 
teime is not to be lost in preparing our friends, upon which 
I desier to heare a word or two from you, for I know as 
these Knights are very free, and open in declaring their 
intentions of standing again, so they are by friends in 
the Country soliciting all mankind, and I looke upon this 
affaire as of great importance to all our reputations. 



22 THE WINDHAM PAPERS [1750- 

upon which I desier no advantage may be gained in point 
of conduct. 

I wish you would let Sir John Holland and as many 
more as conveniently as you can, know your mind early 
in this matter, otherwise some will pretend engagement. 

I know all news you have from better hands and 
abler to write at large than I am ; and the truth is of 
myselfe never I desierd to have a long letter from such 
one as mien is, wherefore remembering the old rule of 
doeing as I would be done by, I conclud, in great ernest 
both to you, my sister, and all yours, that I am as related 
and obliged with all affexions and reall humble service. 1 

William Windham to Viscount Townshend 

March 26, 1779 
The Assurance your Lordship is pleased to give me of 
your countenance and Assistance at the next Election, 
will incourage me to declare I am willing to serve the 
Countie, if they think me worthy of the Imployment. 
And I am so sensible of the Influence, the success of this 
affair will have upon this County, that I have lost no 
time towards the setting up of the old English Interest, 
which I hope to see once more flourish among us. 2 

At the election in September 1780 William was nomin- 
ated with Sir Harbord Harbord, 3 who had represented the 
constituency for twenty years, against Bacon, one of the 
Lords of Trade, and John Thurlow. 4 Windham was on 
his way home, all unconscious of what had happened, 
when the election began, and he arrived at Norwich only 
three days before the polling commenced, too late to 
take any effective part on his own behalf. Sir Harbord 
Harbord and Bacon were returned. 

1 Add. MSS. 3791 1 f. 1. 2 Add. MSS. 3791 1 f. 8. 

3 Sir Harbord Harbord, afterwards Lord Suffield. 
* John, a brother of Edward (afterwards Lord Chancellor) Thurlow, 
died March 11, 1782. 



1782] BROOKS'S 23 

Windham was much in London after his return from 
abroad. As a member of Brooks's he became more and 
more drawn into the vortex of political affairs. His 
intimacy with Fox and Burke not unnaturally induced 
him to be enrolled, more or less officially, as a supporter 
of the party of which the Marquis of Rockingham 
was the nominal head, and he was urged to stand for 
the first vacancy for the Parliamentary representation 
of Westminster, an offer he declined in favour of Norwich. 
He was, of course, keenly interested in the fall of Lord 
North and the composition of the Administration that 
followed. 

William Windham to Bartlett Gurney, Norwich 

March 25, 1782 

After every expression of dislike and reluctance, the 
bitter draught is at length swallowed, and His Majesty 
has submitted to the hard necessity of taking for his 
Ministers the most virtuous set perhaps of public men 
that ever appeared in this country. About four o'clock 
to-day Mr. Dunning announced to the House of Com- 
mons, in the room of Lord North, who did not choose to 
come down, that the arrangement known to have been 
proposed the evening before, was accepted, and that it 
would be signified in form to the House on Wednesday 
next. The arrangement is as follows : — First Lord of the 
Treasury, Lord Rockingham ; Chancellor of the Ex- 
chequer, Lord John Cavendish ; President of the Council, 
Lord Camden ; Privy Seal, Duke of Grafton ; Commander 
in-Chief, General Conway x ; Ordnance, Duke of Richmond ; 
Admiralty, Admiral Keppel ; Secretaries of State, Lord 
Shelburne, Mr. Fox. Other appointments are left for 
further consideration. Every art of evasion and negotia- 
tion was put in practice to the last, and it was hardly 

1 General Henry Seymour Conway (1721-1795). 



24 THE WINDHAM PAPERS [1750- 

known what was determined upon till the moment 
Mr. Dunning came to the House, his message coming to 
him, as I understood, from Shelburne, to whom it was 
signified by the King. Lord Rockingham's conduct has 
been as great in the latter part of this negotiation as in 
the former. He refused absolutely to abate one jot of 
his first declaration ; at the same time he was willing to 
sacrifice every private punctilio by which the King hoped 
to have created a jealousy between him and Lord Shel- 
burne. The first-fruits of this administration will be 
an exclusion from Parliament of all those who have 
fattened on the ruins of the country by jobs and contracts, 
and the destruction of one source of undue influence with- 
out doors in the exclusion of the votes of revenue officers. 
Secondly, the great articles of reform proposed in Mr. 
Burke's life, will go on with all despatch. With what 
face will people oppose the appointment of a Ministry, 
composed of men who have uniformly supported the 
cause of the country for near twenty years, and who make 
it the condition of their entering into office, that they 
should deprive themselves of the means of corrupt in- 
fluences ? 

Those who declare themselves enemies to this adminis- 
tration must declare themselves the friends of corruption 
and enemies of reform. 1 



William Windham to E. Norgate 2 

Queen Anne Street 
June 5, 1782 

You have heard, no doubt, from the papers, as well as 
from a letter or two of mine sent to Norwich, a general 
account of my transactions, with respect to becoming a 
candidate for Westminster. In the whole business, from 

1 Windham's " Diary," p. 37. 

2 A gentleman at Norwich who was an active supporter of Wind- 
ham's parliamentary interests there. 



1782] POLITICAL VIEWS 25 

the first mention of it soon after the general election, to 
the present occasion, I had remained nearly passive ; 
not thinking a seat for Westminster an offer to be declined, 
if attainable upon easy terms, nor considering it an object 
to be pursued through the medium of much difficulty or 
expence. This intention of leaving matters to their own 
operation, produced at first by the considerations above 
mentioned, was confirmed afterwards by another feeling, 
when, by the management of some particular persons, a 
resolution was carried at one of the general meetings for 
putting up Mr. Pitt, in case of a vacancy. After that, 
propriety required that a renewal of our correspondence 
should come as a formal invitation from them ; and 
partly in that form it was about to come, that is, as a 
resolution of the Westminster Committee, without any 
sort of application from me ; when, upon inquiry into 
the general sentiments of the people on the question oi 
Parliamentary Reform, by which, though my election 
could not have been prevented, my situation, upon the 
whole, would have been rendered unpleasant ; and from 
the reflection that, on a vacancy happening in the mean- 
while at Norwich, a person might be chosen who could 
not afterwards be set aside, I determined not to wait 
till a resolution of the committee might make refusal more 
difficult, but to forestal their deliberations by a letter 
declining the honour that might be intended me. The 
reasons assigned in my letter were, the difference of 
opinion that prevailed in some of the independent interest 
with respect to myself, destroying that unanimity of 
choice, without which I should not be ambitious of a seat 
at Westminster ; and my disagreements, signified in pretty 
explicit terms, with many of the opinions that seemed 
then to be popular. I should flatter myself, that no part 
of this transaction can have prejudiced my interest at 
Norwich, and that the conclusion ought rather to have 
promoted it. 1 

1 Amyot, " Memoir of Windham," p. 14. 



26 THE WINDHAM PAPERS [1750- 

Lord Rockingham died on July 1, 1782, and, after 
much negotiation and many intrigues, Lord Shelburne 
became Prime Minister, whereupon Fox, Burke, and 
others of the Rockingham party withdrew from the 
Ministry. 



William Windham to E. Norgate 

Queen Anne Street 
July 4, 1782 
You feel no doubt at Norwich, as at every other place, 
a share of the general consternation into which all good 
men are thrown by the death of Lord Rockingham. 
There could be no time in which the loss of such a character 
as his, must not have been severely felt ; but now it falls 
with a weight that crushes. The every existence of that 
interest which has maintained the cause of the country 
since the Revolution, is in danger of terminating in his 
person. The only hope and endeavour must be, in my 
humble opinion, to keep the troops [in America] together, 
by withdrawing them from action for a time, and leaving 
the enemy to pursue his operations, till they can have 
recovered their spirits, and retrieved their losses, suffi- 
ciently to make a new attack. Some of the most con- 
siderable amongst them are strongly of that opinion, and 
urge the immediate resignation of their places, if Lord 
Shelburne is to be at the head of affairs. Others are of 
opinion that they should still continue in, in order to 
complete the good they have begun, and not quit the 
public service till his conduct shall have driven them from 
it. The advocates for either opinion are actuated by 
perfectly honest motives. I am, for my own part, clearly 
for the sentiments of the former, and think there can be 
neither credit nor safety to themselves, nor consequently 
final advantage to the country, in their continuing in 
office. The danger of continuing is, that they will miss 



1782] A RETROSPECT 27 

an opportunity of breaking off with credit and effect, and 
never find another. 1 



Extract from Windham's Diary 

October 3, 1782 
This day at one o'clock after an interval of ten years, I 
arrived at Oxford, not having been here, except for one 
night, since I quitted it in the year 1772. It happens 
particularly that I am in the very same rooms, in which 
I was placed, just fourteen years ago, at my first entrance 
into the University. At the latter end of August, or 
beginning of September of the year 1768, did I enter a 
member of the University of Oxford, and make my first 
trial of academical life in these rooms. The recollection 
which this circumstance revives, and the reflections it 
gives rise to, are not such as dispose one to cheerfulness. 
Has the intermediate time been passed in a way, that I 
can look back upon it with pleasure or approbation ? 
Has the effect of fourteen years been such as expectation 
represented it ? Am I, comparatively with what I was, 
in knowledge, habits and powers, what I looked forward 
to be, and what I might have been ? If I look back to the 
performances of that time, one might be led to think that 
the difference of power was inconsiderable ; in powers 
merely natural, it may be doubtful whether there is any. 
The chief difference is in habits, and in powers dependent 
on habit (meaning by the former, rather practices, habits 
of life ; and by the latter, habits more properly) and in 
short may be called methods. In all these, and par- 
ticularly perhaps, in the last, something has been done ; 
but it is a melancholy truth that the greatest part of 
what has been done, has been the work of a little more 
than three years, and was, in its nature, equally capable 
of being done ten years ago. 

1 Amyot, "Memoir of Windham," p. i6. 



SECTION II 

CHIEF SECRETARY TO THE 

LORD-LIEUTENANT OF 

IRELAND. 1783 



SECTION II 

CHIEF SECRETARY TO THE 

LORD-LIEUTENANT OF 

IRELAND. 1783 

Lord Northington appointed Lord -Lieutenant of Ireland in 
the Portland Administration : Windham accepts office of 
Chief Secretary to the Lord -Lieutenant : His misgivings 
as to his qualifications : Dr. Johnson's encouragement : Wind- 
ham accorded a hearty welcome in Dublin : His reputation 
in 1783 : He retires in August : The reasons for his retire- 
ment discussed : His letter notifying Northington of his 
resignation of the post : His correspondence with the Lord- 
Lieutenant and the Hon. Thomas Pelham. 

WHEN, on the retirement of Lord Shelburne 
in 1783, the Duke of Portland x formed a 
ministry, he appointed Lord Northington 2 
to the office of Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland, 
and Lord Northington, in his turn, offered Windham the 
post of Chief Secretary. This Windham accepted, but 
with misgivings. He confided to Dr. Johnson his doubts 
as to whether he was possessed of the necessary diplo- 
matic qualifications. " Don't be afraid, Sir," said the 
great man, with a pleasant smile, " you will soon make 
a very pretty rascal . " 3 It is not surprising that Windham 
accepted reluctantly, for affairs in Ireland were in a state 
that might well try the nerves of a man versed in 

1 William Henry Cavendish Bentinck, third Duke of Portland 
(1738-1809). 

2 Robert Henley, second Earl of Northington (1747-1786). 

3 Boswell, " Life of Dr. Johnson " (ed. Hill), iv. 200. 

3i 



32 THE WINDHAM PAPERS [1783 

political matters, and were likely to prove remarkably 
difficult for an unfledged statesman. Grattan and his 
party were flying in the face of the viceregal policy, 
and making strenuous efforts to secure the independence 
of the Irish party — this within little more than a 
decade of the Union — and to obtain a measure of Catholic 
Emancipation, a concession which, it was an open secret, 
the King bitterly opposed. 

In Dublin Windham was accorded a hearty welcome, 
for he was already known as a distinguished scholar, and 
looked upon as one who would probably become a power 
in the political world. " He had the fire and the dignity 
of genius," wrote Francis Hardy, the friend and associate 
of Grattan in the Irish Parliament. 1 

Some months later Windham wrote to Lord Northing- 
ton : "I am in no danger of losing the recollection of it 
[Dublin Castle] altogether — it would be ungrateful in me 
to forget such a scene of joy. I shall long retain the idea 
of myself, placed in my chair of audience, or traversing 
with my box in my hand, that ' region, dark and dolorous ' 
that divided our respective habitations. The whole 
period, so short in its duration, so unlike the way of life 
from which I emerged, and to which I am returned, 
appears like a dream." 

Windham resigned his post in August, after a tenure 
of only four months. The reason of his retirement has 
been much discussed. There were those who declared 
that it arose out of a disagreement between him and his 
chief, and this view found support in a letter, dated 
Dublin, August 26, 1782, which somehow found its way 
into the newspapers. " Some assert," so runs a passage, 
" that his resignation was chiefly owing to a coolness 

* Life of the Earl of Charlemont (2nd ed.), ii. 82. 



1783] RESIGNS HIS SECRETARYSHIP 33 

between him and a certain great personage. — Mr. Wind- 
ham is a person of deep science, and of great penetration 
and abilities ; — the great personage likes a deep bottle — 
to penetrate a cork — and has strong abilities of bearing 
wine. The one was an enemy to thinking ; — the other to 
drinking, and so they parted." » That this was not the 
case is proved by the correspondence between Lord 
Northington and Windham, now printed for the first 
time. The writer of the letter already quoted went on to 
say that the resignation was occasioned partly by a want 
of " due requisites in Mr. Windham to become a supple 
and venal courtier " — precisely the deficiency that Wind- 
ham feared would unfit him for the office. " The Story of 
Windham's resignation, as I heard it at Brighthelmstone," 
Pitt wrote to W. W. Grenville, 2 August 23, 1783, " sup- 
posed him to have got into some scrape in Borough 
transactions, which made him afraid to shew his face in 
the House of Commons. It did not come from the best 
authority, but the letter I recollect hearing of at Stowe 
made me think it not improbable." 3 Francis Hardy 
declared that it was the result of the Lord-Lieutenant's 
patronage being distributed in favour of the old Court 
party. Yet another account gives the reason that 
Windham believed in Ireland for the Irish, and gives in 
support of this contention that when a clergyman came 
to Windham with a letter from Burke, the Chief Secretary 
" assured the gentleman he should be happy to present 
a person so strongly recommended by Mr. Burke with a 
much greater piece of preferment than that requested ; 

1 Quoted by Amyot, " Memoir of Windham," p. 18. 

2 William Wyndham Grenville (1759-1834), Chief Secretary for 
Ireland, 1782-3 ; created Baron Grenville, 1790 ; held high ministerial 
offices, and was chief of the " All the Talents " ministry. 

3 Fortescue MSS., i. 218. 

I C 



34 THE WINDHAM PAPERS [1783 

but that it was his fixed determination ... to give every 
place in his power to Irishmen ; as he had long been 
persuaded that the natives had the best right to the 
bread of their own land." 1 Burke's letter, 2 however; 
was to ask Windham to secure for the Rev. Richard 
Marlay, Dean of Ferns, the post of second chaplain to the 
Lord-Lieutenant. Windham's reasons for resigning are 
set out at length in the following correspondence, in which 
it will be seen that an attack of fever gave him the excuse 
to retire from a position where he was worried to death by 
the numerous applications for the exercise of patronage. 
The fact that a dissolution was imminent and that he 
desired to enter Parliament was not without weight, 
too, in determining his action. He did not, however, 
as his letters show, definitely make up his mind to retire 
until he was on a visit to London in July. 

William Windham to The Earl of Northington 

London, July 16, 1783 

It seems odd to say that in the whole circle of my 
correspondence as Secretary I have had no letter so un- 
pleasant to write as that which I am now addressing to 
you. I could better have undertaken to acquaint the 
Provost that his peerage had failed than I can state to 
you what I am now about to communicate. The subject 
will undoubtedly surprise you ; I cannot wish it should 
please you ; but I hope and trust it will create no other 
uneasiness than that of temporary regret. Before I 
explain a matter introduced with this exordium, let me 
acquit myself of the levity of having acted from any 
momentary impulse, or of the disingenuity of having 
concealed from you what I had long determined in my 
own mind. With respect to the first I can assure you 

1 Quoted by Amyot, " Memoir of Windham," p. 19. 

2 Dated May 5, 1783. See Add. MSS. 37843 f. 2 



1783] REASONS FOR RESIGNATION 35 

that the matter has been a subject of frequent and anxious 
thought, and if I have hitherto said nothing, the reason 
has been, not a want of openness towards you, but a 
disposition to wait the issue of further trial and to defer 
the decision to the last moment. The present measure 
of the dissolution of Parliament forces an immediate 
determination, and upon the fullest deliberation, and the 
utmost trial that the case will admit, I must decide against 
continuing in my present situation. 

Of this decision the first circumstance which I am 
anxious to explain is, that it is not the result of that 
general dislike and impatience with the extent of which 
you are well acquainted, and the force of which you feel 
equally with myself. These feelings, though very good 
reasons for not accepting, are more for relinquishing such 
a situation. It does not proceed either in any great degree 
from an objection to that which must be considered 
however, as sufficiently objectionable, the sed[entary] 
work that makes the greater part of a secretary's em- 
ployment, so much worse than what used to be the 
business of Mr. Robinson, 1 as an Irish House of Commons 
is worse than an English one. The real ground of my 
determination is my conviction that the bodily infirmity, 
brought on by the life I must lead, and the business I must 
go through, will for the time so oppress and incapacitate 
me, as to render me totally incapable of discharging the 
duties of the situation either with credit to myself or 
advantage to the Government. People of different degrees 
of strength will be differently affected by the same 
situations ; and of persons equally affected in body 
some will find their minds more disturbed by such indis- 
position and their faculties more impaired than others. 
Of this latter species of infirmity few persons I believe 
have so much as myself ; and from my experience of 
the effects of this in the last five weeks, I am persuaded 

1 John Robinson (i 727-1 802), the confidential agent of the King and 
Lord North, was Secretary of the Treasury, 1770-1782 



36 THE WINDHAM PAPERS [1783 

that my state during a parliament winter must be such 
as I have described. A life of close confinement, con- 
stant application, anxious thought, and late hours in hot 
rooms, is what I am satisfied I cannot stand, by which 
expression I do not refer to such illness as is to endanger 
life, or ruin constitution. If the evil were of that sort 
only, it would be one's duty perhaps to take one's chance 
for it ; but the apprehension is of that equivocal and 
intermediate state, which in a situation where every 
exertion is wanted, would deprive me at once of the 
powers of health and of the excuse of sickness. 

If there ever was a person in any situation who needed 
to have all his faculties about him, it is myself in the 
situation I am in ; first, from the difficulty of the under- 
taking itself, then, from my own entire want of prepara- 
tion ; and, finally, from the foolish expectation of some 
people, of the figure I am to make. Under these circum- 
stances it behoves me well to consider in what state I 
shall be to contend with these difficulties, supply these 
deficiencies, and satisfy these expectations. I am far 
from thinking that my prospects in these respects would 
be very good, supposing me even to possess all the 
advantages of perfect health : but what can it then be 
considered, when even the state in which I have been 
for some time past must probably exceed so far what I 
am to look to in future ? You may have been witness in 
some measure of the fits of languor and debility which I 
frequently experience : but no one but myself can judge 
of the effect they have on any exercise of the under- 
standing. They have at various times rendered me 
incapable of the business, such even as it has been 
hitherto. What then is to become of me, when my 
powers are likely to fail in the same proportion as the 
business increases ? This is not the language of momen- 
tary despondency, nor the consequence, as you may be 
apt to suspect, of the attack mentioned in my former letter 
— quite the contrary. I argue to the effect of my situa- 



1783] ON HIS POSSIBLE SUCCESSOR 37 

tion on the other side of the water from the difference 
of my feelings for some days past. After the sickness 
of the passage, the journey through Wales and a dose 
or two of physick I am a different being from what I 
was ten days ago, or shall be probably ten days hence. 
The idea of Flood's x oratory has at this moment 
no terrors, but I know to what state a fortnight of the 
business and confinement of the Castle will infallibly re- 
duce me. Do not consider these, therefore, as idle appre- 
hensions founded on such inequalities as every one ex- 
periences in himself, and the mere effect of the moment. 
They are the result of frequent observation of myself at 
various times ; and upon these, as well as more recent 
experience, and after weighing the difficulty of the 
business, my own comparative strength, when at its best, 
and the impaired state in which it is likely to be at the 
time of trial, I am settled in opinion that the best thing 
I can do, either in prudence to myself, or in justice to 
those with whom I am connected, is to withdraw in time 
from the situation. 

Though I can believe from your friendship, and from 
the footing on which we have been, that you will feel 
concerned at this, yet you have, possibly before this, so 
far come over to my opinion about myself as to regret the 
loss of a pleasant associate rather than of an able assistant. 
My uneasiness at present at the thought of creating to 
you any new distress prevails so much over my own 
vanity that I feel great comfort in that assurance. The 
reality of the fact convinces me that you must by this 
time feel that, for the office of Secretary, there are within 
the land five hundred as good as me. To one person, who 
might be thought of this number, but whom I know 
you would not include in it, namely, Townshend, I have 
already mentioned your objections to the Duke of Portland 

1 Henry Flood (1732-1791), the Irish statesman, at that time in 
opposition to the Government, and in league with Grattan to secure 
the independence of the Irish Parliament. 



38 THE WINDHAM PAPERS [1783 

— the Duke of Portland, by the way, is the only person 
whatever to whom I have yet communicated the purport 
of this letter, with a request of secrecy, till he should 
hear from you or me. He said what you may suppose, 
from his sentiments before, and which nothing but 
strong previous determination and experience of former 
weakness, enabled me to resist. I have great confidence 
in the belief that you think of me with respect to my 
present situation so much as I do of myself, that this letter 
will not communicate to you any part of the pain which 
it has occasioned to me. I shall of course return to you, 
and the moment I have executed the few things I had to 
do, which I think will be on Saturday next. 1 



William Windham to The Earl of Northington 

Brooks's : July 17, 1783 

My letter last night, sent by the messenger, left me so 
unpleasant that I could not bring myself to write on any 
other subject, or to send you, as I had intended, the 
amount of my proceedings and inquiries, since my 
letter of Monday night. With respect to the main article, 
the continuance of the ministry, I find no person, — not 
having as yet talked with either of the persons whose 
intelligence was sent to us from Conway — that seems to 
have any doubt of their continuing till the next sessions. 
As is said of Filch in " The Beggar's Opera," they will 
stand till another sessions. The chief reasons in support 
of this opinion are that the King wants money too much 
to promise himself much success in the creation of a new 
parliament, and that the power of the Crown in general, 
for those purposes, has been so abridged by Crewe's bill 2 
that the same hopes cannot be entertained from that 
measure as formerly. His determination, however, not 

1 Add. MSS. 33100 f. 198. 

2 The Bill introduced by John, afterwards Baron, Crewe (1742- 
1829) for disfranchising excise officers, 1782. 



1783] THE KING'S REFUSAL 39 

to contribute to their strength or render them at all 
independent, is manifested without much reserve ; for he 
absolutely refuses to make any English peers. Whether 
Lord North ' is to be an exception I did not think to 
inquire ; but Welbore Ellis's 2 is refused ; so you may 
imagine no one else has much chance. Fox's 3 opinion 
I do not know, not having seen him as yet to talk upon 
that subject, but the Duke of Portland is what I have told 
you ; and other speculators such as Hamilton, 4 and people 
of that sort, concur in the same notion. Let me mention 
now all the other matters necessary to be taken notice 
of as they come into my head. — Lord Carhampton's 5 step 
was positively refused, not however in a manner harsh 
or angry, but by a dextrous turn of putting the refusal 
on your not having recommended any steps in the 
peerage. Lord North's opinion is that it would have 
been equally refused, had you recommended that alone ; 
but would have passed in company with any other. 

The business of the Staff, &c, I have talked over with 
Burgoyne, 6 who was not aware of the circumstance of 
the message from Lord Townshend, nor seemed to have 
thought before of the necessity of confining the numbers 
precisely to those limited on that occasion : but he agrees 
to the necessity of both, now they are stated ; indeed his 
proposal for the staff was of itself perfectly conformable 
to the message. I am to desire also my Lord North to 
take the King's pleasure on the immediate reduction of 
the staff, except as to his own pay, about which, though the 
exception sounds ridiculous, his wishes and opinions are, as 

1 Lord North (1732-1792), Prime Minister, 1770-1782 ; succeeded his 
father as (second) Earl of Guilford, 1790. 

2 Welbore Ellis (17 13-1802), created Baron Mendip of Mendip, 1794. 

3 Charles James Fox (1749-1806), at this time Secretary of State for 
Foreign Affairs. 

* William Gerard Hamilton, " Single-speech Hamilton " (1729-1796). 

5 Simon Luttrell, Viscount Carhampton, subsequently created Earl 
Carhampton (died 1787). 

6 General John Burgoyne (1722-1792), at this time Commander-in- 
Chief of the forces of Ireland. 



40 THE WINDHAM PAPERS [1783 

upon every other occasion, perfectly fair and liberal. The 
circumstance which you mention (for I have received 
your letter) of the troops being in Ireland before the 
meeting of Parliament, has been already mentioned to 
Conway, but must be enforced again by me, as I find he 
shows a disposition to be careless about it. Clinton, 1 
when I last saw Lord North, was understood to have 
refused his peerage, not being able to succeed as to being 
a viscount, which the King refused on the old grounds of 
not granting two steps at once. They have acted rather 
scurvily in sending over so many as they have done 
when you had recommended only five. 

The same post as brought me your letter has brought 
me one from Ogle, 2 written with civility, but with much 
discontent. He begins with Dear Sir, but ends with 
having the honour to be. The footing on which he puts 
[it] is of having been struck out of the Duke of Portland's 
list, which he feels as a marked slight. This is the best 
ground one would wish him to put it upon ; because it is 
such as one [can] take away ; by stating that any former 
recommendation of the Duke's was not only out of the 
question, but not even known. I conceive one shall 
be able to set him right again ; though it is a queer thing 
that almost the only fair and honourable man should be 
so troublesome to deal with. The Duke of Portland, when 
I talked to him the other day, seems of opinion that there 
would have been [no] difficulty about including him, or 
very many others as you had a mind, His Majesty seeming 
perfectly disposed to consent to anything in Ireland, while 
he can keep his ministry low at home. I should tell 3'ou 
that the King affects to speak of you with great cordiality. 

This letter is written from Brooks's, where I am 
going to sup for the first time. My situation here begins 
to have as little repose as in Dublin. I have had 

1 General Sir Henry Clinton (1738 ?-i/95). 

2 (?) George Ogle (1742-1814), Irish politician, who opposed Catholic 
Emancipation, and after the Union represented Dublin at Westminster. 




A". Dan, e, pinxt 



T. Burke, sculpt. 
FREDERICK: NORTH, SECOND EARL OF GUILFORD 



1783] LORD NORTHINGTON'S REBUKE 41 

Clermont 1 with me half the day about the riband : and 
finding I am to sup here, he cannot refrain from the 
satisfaction of being of the party. I wish you were here 
too, and the whole business over. 2 



The Earl of Northington to William Windham 

Dublin : July, 1783 
As your letters from London gave me reason to think 
that your departure from thence was to take place before 
any letter from me could possibly reach you, I had 
deferred, of course in expectation of your return, to take 
any notice of the subject of these. The bad accounts of 
you from Oxford, and the variety of complaints which 
at present you suffer under, and the slow progress made 
in your case, leave me little hope of seeing you soon; 
even if I could be so uncharitable to wish you to under- 
take such a journey at the moment of your re-establish- 
ment from such severe attacks. 

The subject of your letter of the 16th Inst., you 
may readily suppose, afforded me no less surprise than 
mortification. That a measure of that moment in which, 
next to yourself, I was by far the most seriously con- 
cerned, should have been so long decided upon without 
any communication to me of the resolution which you 
had taken, did, I must confess, appear to me a sort of 
conduct which my frankness of behaviour and constant 
friendly Intercourse with you did not lead me to expect 
from your hands. Notwithstanding, however, this appa- 
rent slight of me (hurting me in my private feelings, and 
affecting me very seriously in all publick points of con- 
sideration) I am willing to believe, because I wish it, that 
notions of delicacy alone, and a strong feeling at the 
time of the difficulties and embarrassments the step you 
was about to take would create to me, were alone the 

1 William Henry Fortescue, Earl of Clermont (died 1806), Post- 
master-General, and M.P. for the County of Louth. 

2 Add. MSS. 33100 f. 204. 



42 THE WINDHAM PAPERS [1783 

notions which led to the concealment of your purpose at 
our last parting. My anxious and earnest wishes attend 
you for the speedy recovery of your Health, and as the 
most likely means of restoration, I desire you will divest 
your thoughts of a Subject which I am sure has con- 
tributed most to your present unpleasant state. 

Let me, therefore, advise you to drop all thoughts of a 
Return to Ireland. Your Return has been doubted ever 
since your departure, your disinclination to the Business 
of your Department had not escaped the Eagle-Eyed 
observers of the Castle. Their conjectures spread — gained 
ground upon your non-Arrival, and became to a certain 
degree confirmed by a whisper — Intelligence from General 
Lutterell. 1 To what purpose then would your Return 
serve ? If only to fulfill an engagement of a point of 
Honor to me, and to keep your word, I cannot be so devoid 
of feeling as to wish you in your present state to attend 
to such an engagement, since I think it might be pro- 
ductive of much unpleasantness and mortification to you, 
and could be no further of service to me, than the giving 
me a Detail of the Conversations you have had with the 
Duke of Portland and Fox upon many interesting subjects 
during your stay in Town. 

This communication may, however, be given me nearly 
as well, if I draw out a short account of what you have 
already sent me, and desire you to add to it what upon 
further recollection may suggest itself to you. This I will 
either send at the same time this letter goes or just after. 
I have not been well myself for these last three or four 
days — and I am now without even Hamilton, who has 
been with the Bishop of Clogher upon his Election. You 
may be sure from your knowledge of the Enemy, that 
without any of these advance Guards to intercept, the 
Castle and the Lodge have had a continual Assail.— I am 
vexed therefore, tired and continually importuned ; but 

1 Henry Lawes Luttrell (1743-1821); Major-General 1782; suc- 
ceeded his father as (second) Earl Carhampton 1787. 



1783] THE PONSONBYS IN ARMS 43 

none of these distress and disturb me equally with the 
silly sort of conduct of our worthy friend in Downing 
Street [the Duke of Portland] with regard to his Irish 
connections. What does he mean ? Is it to disgust 
me with my Situation ? God knows it is not so very 
desireable but what a man would be happy to find an 
honorable Cause of retirement ! If he wishes me to 
continue by a mistaken partiality to a Post he is 
marring the Harvest of my Government which is to be 
reaped by the whole of his friends. But such, I find, if 
an explanation does not ensue, at least I am to expect, such 
sort of Attempts will be made to carry points in the teeth 
of Government here, which if they prove successful 
must overturn the Power of any Government here. 1 

William Windham to The Earl of Northington 

July 22, 1783 
. . . The Duke of Portland sent for me last night and in- 
formed me that all the Ponsonby's were in arms. By his 
desire I called this morning on William Ponsonby, 2 and 
found him in a state of agitation hardly less than that of 
Clements, 3 and of a sort much more ferocious. In the 
course of conversation, however, I thought I had rather 
subdued him ; but on coming home this evening I find 
a letter, in which he says that on reflection he cannot 
help seeing the transaction in the same light as at first, 
and that the only reparation for the marked slight put 
upon all his family (by not recommending O'Callaghan) 4 
would be immediately to make good the omission. With- 
out this atonement he and all his people are to go into 
opposition. In his conversation with the Duke he had 

1 Add. MSS. 33100 f. 533. 

2 William Brabazon Ponsonby (1744-1806), member of the Irish 
Parliament from 1764 ; appointed joint Postmaster-General of Ire- 
land ; created Baron Ponsonby 1806. 

3 Robert Clements (1732-1804), afterwards first Earl of Leitrim. 

* Cornelius O'Callaghan ( 1 742-1 797), afterwards first Baron Lismore. 
He married Frances, the sister of William, Lord Ponsonby. 



44 THE WINDHAM PAPERS [1783 

extricated a regular list of charges against you and me, 
either jointly or separately. One was of general neglect 
of the Ponsonby's ; another of my having on the day 
of my going declined to see old Ponsonby, 1 and having 
neglected afterwards to send him any excuse (the 
same may be said by every one who called that day) ; 
the third, the difficulty about the Deanery ; and the 
fourth, last and heaviest, the refusal of O'Callaghan's 
peerage. On all these charges I met him, I think, with 
sufficient success, and upon the whole seemed to have 
silenced his battery : but he has mounted his guns 
anew, and the engagement recommences with the menace 
I have just stated. My answer will be that I can give no 
answer in your absence, but that, in my own opinion, 
no injury is proved requiring such reparation. George 
Ponsonby, 2 as he says, has sent over his resignation. It 
would have been more in course if he had given it to you. 
He complained heavily of the bargain attempted to be 
made for the Deanery of Ossory, which I defended ; 
though I rather believe the matter had better be yielded 
at once ; as I meant to have observed previous to this 
conversation ; but it may now be matter of consideration 
whether this threat held out should not be required first to 
be withdrawn. 

The terms insisted on by Mrs. Grenville I don't under- 
stand. Nothing passed between her and me but what is 
known to Cooke, 3 viz. : that there must be no return for 
her borough of a person not to continue there, and that 
she rather expected 2000/ English, but should take the 

1 John Ponsonby (171 3-1 789), father of William (afterwards Baron) 
Ponsonby ; Speaker of the Irish House of Commons (1756-1771). 

2 George Ponsonby (1757-1817), third son of John Ponsonby, was 
Irish Chancellor of the Exchequer during the vice-royalty of the Duke 
of Portland, 1782. In 1806, under the Fox-Grenville administration, 
he was Lord Chancellor of Ireland. 

3 Edward Cooke (1755-1820) went to Ireland in 1778 as private 
secretary to Sir Richard Heron, Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant. 
At this time he held some minor official post in Ireland. In later years 
he returned to England, was in 1807 Under-Secretary for War, and 
1 8 12-18 17 Under-Secretary for Foreign Affairs. 



1783] DOMESTIC DETAILS 45 

best I could get for her, provided it was not less than the 
estabished market price. 

The stocks fall very much, without any reason assigned 
except the great scarcity of money, owing very much 
to the high price of gold in Holland, which has occasioned 
great quantities of coin to be carried out of the kingdom. 
Much has been smuggled from the coast of Norfolk. 1 

William Windham to The Hon. Thomas Pelham 2 

Salt Hill : August 11, 1783 

I came hither last night from Oxford . . . not without 
some hopes, though unknown possibly to you, of your 
coming at the same time. . . . Should it be inconvenient 
to you to meet me here, I will, if you wish it, take the 
very first opportunity of coming to London : in the 
mean while, any information which you may wish from 
me shall be communicated as fully as can be done by 
letter ; and, without waiting your inquiries, I will myself 
suggest anything which may occur to me as useful for 
you to know. Under this head, I may immediately 
mention some articles, of small consequence in themselves; 
yet equally trying and vexatious with things of greater 
importance. I mean all that relates to Household 
establishment. Of these the articles are not numerous; 
though some of them expensive — Plate, Chariot, Coach- 
horses and Liveries. Plate is not absolutely necessary, 
but is upon the whole more eligible, and as you need not 
be sollicitous about the fashion, but may buy it at second 
hand, will, I understand, answer better in point of 
economy. For a chariot, any decent Town-chariot, a 
little vamped up, will, I apprehend, do perfectly well, 
particularly as you will have had such short notice. 
Coach-horses you had better buy here, ready broke and 

1 Add. MSS. 33100 f. 215. 

2 The Hon. Thomas Pelham, afterwards second Earl of Chichester 
(1 756-1 826), succeeded Windham as Chief Secretary to the Lord- 
Lieutenant of Ireland. 



46 THE WINDHAM PAPERS [1783 

seasoned from the Job men : and these, if good, will, I 
find, at any time sell without loss in the country : you 
must have a set. Of the livery you will order the lace 
and buttons here, and take the cloth there. There must 
be frock liveries and state, each of them such as you 
would make, under the same description, here. With 
respect to horses, should you not be able to get a set 
easily and to your mind before you go, you may take 
the same method as was recommended to me, and was 
followed by me, for the time I staid, namely, to hire jobs, 
which, under the plea of want of time for preparation, 
you may probably continue, without notice being taken 
of it, during the whole time. Of servants you will 
want four immediately in livery, including the porter, who 
remains under all changes. These you must take from 
England, unless you have a mind to take one or two of 
mine, and they are willing to stay. A Coachman and 
postillion you will find there also, but I would advise you 
by no means to take them, but at wages vastly less than 
they received from me, and if you have any coachman 
of whom you have a good opinion, to take him at once. 

One of the most material concerns is a good maitre 
d'Hotel ; and in this article I am happy to be able to 
assist you, at least for the present, should you not 
otherwise be provided, by leaving with you for some time 
my servant, who was recommended to me by Sir Richard 
Heron, 1 and whom I found so far as I had experience of 
him, a most diligent, trustworthy and intelligent servant. 
If he can be of any use, he shall remain with you as long 
as you wish. — All other articles of establishment you will 
either find upon the spot, or can easily provide. There is 
a set of desert china, which was bought for me at a sale 
just before I came away, and which they tell me are 
very handsome. These you may have, if you please, at 
the same price they cost me, or, if you think that some 

1 Sir Richard Heron (1726-1805), Chief-Secretary to the Lord- 
Lieutenant, John, Earl of Buckinghamshire, 1 776-1 779. 



1783] A JUSTIFICATION 47 

abatement should be made, at such a price as shall be 
deemed reasonable. Other odd matters, which you will 
wish probably to take from me, will go by appraisement : 
but these are of small amount. 

Having run through these few things, which, though 
least in consequence, are perhaps first in order, I will 
neither detain you nor delay my letter any longer, than 
to say that, being persuaded you will not feel those 
objections to the office, either from health, temper or 
peculiarity of habit that I do, I most sincerely rejoice at 
your acceptance of it, principally because it relieves me 
from all apprehension of inconvenience that might be 
occasioned by my retirement. Without any affected 
modesty about myself, or insincere compliment to you, 
I assure you I think the interests of the present admin- 
istration, to which I am happy to think we are now 
united in wishing well, will not only suffer no prejudice 
but gain considerably by the exchange. Consider that I 
really think my constitution not sufficiently good ; no 
one does well what he does with an ill will. 1 



William Windham to The Earl of Northington 

Oxford : 2 August 15, 1783 

After the receipt of your most friendly letter, I shall feel 
every hour long till this letter reaches you, not only to 
say how much your kindness affects me, but to acquit 
myself of a charge, of all others most painful to me, and 
which is rendered doubly sensible by your very gentle 
and tender manner of urging it. Let me be suspected of 
anything rather than of having been intentionally wanting 
in candour and attention towards you. Whatever may 
be my faults, reserve and duplicity are not of the number ; 
or if any such qualities had place in my composition, this 
would have been the last occasion on which they would 

1 Add. MSS. 33100 f. 252. 

2 After his illness Windham resided for some time at Oxford 



48 THE WINDHAM PAPERS [1783 

have shewn themselves. Nobody could be more sensible 
that your conduct to me called for every possible return 
of confidence and attention : nor has anything given me 
more pain than the appearance, which I felt I incurred, of 
acting in a way not conformable to those sentiments. 

Two ideas might naturally strike your mind, each of 
them making a very reasonable ground of complaint : 
either that I had secretly resolved on what I should do, 
at the time I took my leave of you, and had concurred in 
the proposal of going to England, as a convenient oppor- 
tunity of declaring it : or that I deferred finally to make up 
my mind upon the subject till I should have consulted 
the Duke of Portland. I do assure you that neither of 
these was the fact. I neither knew, at the moment I 
parted from you, what I should do : nor had I an idea, 
should the resolution be taken, of communicating it 
except to yourself at my return. That I should forbear 
to say anything, till the matter was absolutely decided, 
can easily be conceived. The question was of a sort 
which I must determine for myself ; the task of intimating 
such an intention was not so pleasant as that one would 
wish to undergo it unnecessarily : and I was too well 
acquainted with my own weakness in resisting the argu- 
ments of those for whom I had a regard, to hazard the 
mention of such a purpose, till I could resolve that it 
must at all events take place. I had nothing to do, 
therefore, but to endeavour by a careful estimate of all 
circumstances of health, liking and ability — considering 
the two former chiefly as they affected the latter — to make 
up my own mind upon the subject : to accomplish which 
was no easy task : one's sentiments varying almost 
every twelve hours, according as a night passed at the 
Phcenix Park gave one a feel of strength and confidence, 
or the confinement of a day in the Castle brought on such 
languor, weariness and disgust as sunk one into absolute 
despair. 

In this state of uncertainty I took my leave of you, 



1783] WHY WINDHAM RESIGNED 49 

thinking that a fortnight was yet left me for deliberation, 
while in the meantime the journey would afford me 
opportunities of discussing the question more coolly and 
connectedly than was possible in Dublin, and at the same 
time furnish me with a new datum, by ascertaining the 
chance of release, by a dissolution of the ministry. The 
idea of the letter I afterwards wrote to you, on the 
mention of the matter to the Duke of Portland, had never 
entered my mind. As to the person to whom such a 
communication was first due, it would never have been 
a question with me, not only in point of what may be 
called official propriety, but because the effect which 
it was too likely to have in embarrassing you, was the 
circumstance so much uppermost in my thoughts. To 
confess the truth, it was the only circumstance that very 
materially distressed me : for though I have the greatest 
esteem, regard and attachment to the Duke of Portland, 
and that I could never disappoint his wishes without 
pain, yet the circumstances attending my acceptance of this 
office had been so peculiar, my disinclination had been 
so strongly marked, and the importunity by which that 
was overcome was so near what might be called unfair, 
that I by no means felt the same obligation to consult his 
inclinations, as I should upon any other occasion. A 
conversation had accordingly passed with him, without 
my uttering a word upon the subject ; as indeed it would 
have done, independent of that consideration, unless I 
had resolved on writing to you. 

What brought on the measure so suddenly, and com- 
pelled an immediate decision, was the reflexion which 
from strange inadvertence I had not before made, that 
my option of a seat in the new Parliament would not stand 
over till the return of the writs but must determine 
the instant of my election ; that the resolution therefore 
must be taken immediately or not at all. When I had 
settled to write to you, I then thought it best to mention 
it to the Duke of Portland for the sake of saving time, 

1 D 



50 THE WINDHAM PAPERS [1783 

requesting, however, that till he should hear from you, 
it might remain an entire secret, and not intending that 
he should speak of it, even to Fox. Possibly in that 
restriction I might have been wrong, as the same purpose 
that induced the mention of it to the Duke of Portland 
made it desirable that Fox also should be acquainted 
with it. 

This is a faithful representation of the progress of the 
business as it passed in my mind. The measure itself has 
been sufficiently distressing to me, without the aggrava- 
tion of having added to it an appearance of contrivance 
and stratagem. What struck me most and could least 
be got over, was the idea of leaving you, as it were, in 
the lurch, of deserting you in the midst of difficulties on 
which we had entered together, and effecting my own 
escape, without regarding those I left behind. My only 
consolation was that by consulting my own ease and 
comfort, I hoped I should not make your condition 
worse ; and that my sharing your plagues and vexations 
could contribute little to relieve them, but this reflexion 
would lose much of its efficacy, if I had not the satisfac- 
tion of seeing my place supplied by such a man as Pelham. 
I know but very few men who are so fit for the situation, 
and I know none with whom I conceive and hope you 
will find yourself so much at your ease. I have upon this 
occasion great pleasure in thinking that you will never 
feel a moment's regret of me. I must make haste now 
and finish my letter, having been delayed by some visitors 
this morning till I am in danger of being too late for 
the cross post. By an unfortunate combination of cir- 
cumstances, I did not receive yours till last night. I had 
gone for a night to Salt Hill, in order to meet Pelham, but 
by a delay in the receipt of letters, was detained there 
too, and have come back not quite so well as I went. 
I am to meet him however if I can next Monday in 
London ; when, if I get your letter with the Queries 
you mention, I may answer them more completely 



1783] RETIRES INTO PRIVATE LIFE 51 

by further conversation with the Duke of Portland 
and Fox. 

As Pelham purposes to set off within a fortnight, to 
which both for his own sake as well as yours I shall urge 
him strongly, I will without further hesitation follow 
the advice which you so kindly urge, and drop all thoughts 
of returning to Ireland : I should have had some satisfac- 
tion, as far as a trifling motive goes, in returning there, if 
it were only to mar the self-complacency of those who 
will now pretend to have foreseen that I never meant to 
return ; but this is not much worth thinking on. I wish 
I could as easily follow your advice in divesting myself of 
all other anxieties in that quarter ; which I shall not do till 
I hear things are more settled and in a prosperous train ; I 
might say, till you are out of the country. I shall have an 
interest in your success, not less personal than if I had still 
continued a party ; for every difficulty in which you are 
involved, I shall feel as reproaching me for leaving you. 
It is well for me that matters were so settled before I got 
your letter ; for otherwise the very kind and handsome 
manner in which you there express yourself would in- 
fallibly have brought me back to the situation, whatever 
miseries it might have cost me. I will now take my 
leave of you for the present, by observing that for the 
whole of this business, anxious as it has been, I shall 
think myself well repaid by the privilege which I derive 
from thence, of assuring you that I am, with the greatest 
truth, my dear Lord, 

most sincerely and affectionately yours, 

W. Windham. 1 

William Windham to The Earl of Northington 

Oxford : August 26, 1783 

I cannot depart my official life, without charging 
Pelham, as my heir and executor, to be the bearer of 

1 Add. MSS. 33100 f. 262. 



52 THE WINDHAM PAPERS [1783 

my last farewell to you. I meant to have had a number 
of letters ready against his arrival ; but by the same 
indolent procrastination that in Lord North ruined an 
empire, and in me, had I continued where I was, would 
have been productive of a thousand distresses, I have 
left them all undone, and can only write these few lines 
to you, to be sent to him before I am up. I don't know 
anything I have to say, till I shall receive your queries 
to the Duke of Portland. 

The more I see of Pelham, the more I am satisfied with 
his being my successor. He seems to set about his 
business in a composed, methodical manner, to apply 
his mind readily to the work, to form very good judg- 
ments and to be perfectly vigilant and discreet. 1 . . . 

William Windham to John Coxe Hippisley 2 

Oxford : September 16, 1783 

It seems a strange time to begin a letter to India, when 
the post is within half an hour of setting out : but I 
must write now, or I shall miss the opportunity they tell 
me of the next packet. How shall I comprize in so 
short a compass an account even of my own history ? 
Let me tell you at once, that in the course of five little 
months since I wrote last, I have been in the responsible 
office of Secretary to the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland ; 
and that I am now returned again to the condition of 
a private man. This, perhaps, need not surprize you in 
one respect, as we have seen whole Ministries change in as 
short a period : but happily that has not been the case 
in the present instance. The abstract of my history is, 
that I undertook the office much against my will, having 
been formerly in the country, and being well acquainted 
with the unpleasant nature of the business ; and finding, 

1 Add. MSS. 33100 f. 290. 

2 John Coxe Hippisley (1748- 182 5), Agent of the British Govern- 
ment in Italy, 1779-80 ; afterwards in the East India Company's 
service ; created baronet, 1796. 



1783] AN EXPLANATION 53 

upon trial, that the liking did not increase, and that 
my health suffered, I took the opportunity of a fever, 
that attacked me during an absence on some business in 
England, and before I was elected into the new Parlia- 
ment, and while my resignation could not be attended 
with much embarrassment to Government, withdrew 
from a situation, which was too little suited either to 
my talents or temper, to admit a hope of my filling it 
with credit. I am now, therefore, returned to my privacy, 
with a greater enjoyment of it than ever, though possibly 
not so rooted in it as formerly : the transition to public 
life having been once made, will be more easy on any 
future occasion ; just as going abroad is to a person who 
has once crossed the Channel. At present, however, I 
have no prospect of such an occasion, nor any wish for 
one. When a vacancy happens at Norwich I shall 
probably come into Parliament, and my attachment to a 
particular set of Men will then probably lead me, by 
degrees, to take an active part in business, but my 
genius lies to employment of a different kind, and however 
I may embark for a while civilibus undis, it will only be 
with a view of returning with higher enjoyment to the 
pursuit of Literature and Philosophy — but enough of 
myself any otherwise than as that account may be con- 
nected with the mention of your business. The scene of 
my illness in England was the place I am now in, namely 
Alma Mater [illegible] where about five weeks ago, Sir 
Gilbert Elliot x called upon me, and where General 
Maitland, most obligingly came to see me on purpose, a 
few days ago, and where Lord Loughborough called on 
me the day before yesterday : so that Oxford seems to 
have been the place for a sort of Parliament of your 
friends. 2 

1 Sir Gilbert Elliot (1751-1814) ; Member of Parliament from 1776 ; 
Constitutional Viceroy of Corsica (1795-7) ; created Baron Minto 
1 797 ; Governor-General of Bengal 1807-13 ; created Earl of Minto 181 3: 

2 Add. MSS. 37848 f. si. 



54 THE WINDHAM PAPERS [1783 

William Windham to The Earl of Northington 

Brooks's : December 18, 1783 

You have probably heard from some other hand a 
better account than I can give you of the events that 
have taken place since my last letter. My information of 
things future may lose something of its credit, upon the 
receipt of a letter, which I put into the hands of a friend 
of mine, the other day, a Mr. Wills. I there predicted 
that the ministry were to be triumphant, in the House of 
Lords. 1 The failure of this prediction you are already 
acquainted with : I can only say in my own excuse that 
I took my ideas from the language of Fox, who at three 
o'clock the night before at Brooks's, where one sup- 
poses that no disguise is used, spoke with great confidence 
of having a majority of thirty. The effect which the real 
issue produced, I need not talk of to you, who must have 
seen a more curious scene on your side of the water. As 
curious will be the reverse, I hope, on the arrival of the 
news of yesterday. 

You know probably the terms of the resolution : in- 
deed upon recollection you will have them more correctly 
than I give them from the papers : so I will only say that, 
by all accounts, nothing has ever been known equal to 
the animation of the house, and the triumph of ministry. 
Fox according to the usual account, greater than ever ; 
Lord North, of whom that is not so constantly said, is 
universally agreed to have been uncommonly able and 
successful in both his speeches. Pitt, after a great deal 
of intemperate and virulent declamation, was at last 

1 " Before the second reading of Fox's India Bill in the Lords the 
King gave Temple a card, authorising him to say that whoever voted 
for the Bill ' would be considered by him as an enemy.' This soon 
became known, and, on December 17, the Commons voted by 153 to 
80 that it was now necessary to declare that to report the King's 
opinion on any question pending in Parliament with a view to in- 
fluence votes is a high crime and misdemeanour. Nevertheless the 
King's unconstitutional move was successful ; the Lords rejected the 
Bill."—" Political History of England," x. 250. 



1783] FOX'S INDIA BILL 55 

so beaten and struck down, that upon the second question; 
I hear, he could not even make up a speech. Whether 
the rashness, folly and presumption of your worthy pre- 
decessor x will venture to undertake the government 
under the present circumstances, and whether his 
Majesty's magnanimity will remain unshaken by these 
resolutions of the angry Commons, is now the subject of 
speculation among the learned. I will hazard no more 
conjectures : for which indeed I have a further reason 
than the fear of being proved wrong, namely, that I have 
hardly an opinion upon the subject. One confidence only 
I have, that good, either immediate or ultimate, must 
be the result : and perhaps the greatest would be that 
which should come through the medium of temporary 
confusion. The conduct by which the fate of the 
measure was turned, was happily so marked that people 
cannot mistake it ; and I hear accordingly that people 
in general speak of it with much indignation. On such 
accounts, however, one can perhaps lay no great stress : 
the most satisfactory intelligence, therefore, to you may 
be that Fox, who has just been here, is in an extasy of 
spirits. The substance of the Duke of Portland's inter- 
view with the King yesterday was to acquaint him with 
the reports and desire his Majesty's authority to contra- 
dict them. To which the King answered " that he could 
give him no such authority, having never approved the bill." 
The fact is that every possible attention was shewn in 
submitting to him the several parts of the business, as 
it went on : and desiring upon each his sentiments : 
nor was anything said that imported the least disapproba- 
tion, and much that implied satisfaction. 

I write this from Brooks's, which presents a scene 
such as you have so frequently beheld here : I don't 
know that it would be a bad wish to say that I 

1 George Nugent -Temple Grenville, second Earl Temple (1753—1813), 
Lord -Lieutenant of Ireland in the Shelburne Administration. The 
Duke of Rutland succeeded Lord Northington, but in 1787 Temple, now 
Marquis of Buckingham, again became Lord -Lieutenant. 



56 THE WINDHAM PAPERS [1783 

should not be sorry, if you were soon to make part 
of it. 1 



William Windham to The Earl of Northington 

December, 1783 

It is worth while to write you a few lines from Brooks's, 
if it be only for the sake of bringing the place into your 
thoughts, and giving you a momentary vision of a scene, 
which at most hours of the day, may have a chance of 
being more agreeable than the one that is before you. 
At present however there is further reason, that you 
may have the last, and probably the most authentick 
account of a report of no long standing, and not much 
vouched and supported ; yet sufficient to excite con- 
siderable alarm. I must be brief, having deferred writing 
to the last moment, that I may relate all that is hitherto 
known. 

Lord Temple, that terror of administrations, was 
with the King yesterday, for an hour and half after 
the Levee. That fact and that only is certain. Two 
evidences declare that Lord Lothian 2 yesterday, at 
dinner at the Prince of Wales's, related in their hearing 
that Lord Temple, on coming out of the Closet, told him 
that the King had authorized him to say that his (his 
Majesty's) friends would do a very acceptable thing to 
him, if they opposed the present Indian Bill. That is 
[what] he, Lord Lothian, declared repeatedly, and talked 
of during the whole of dinner. — Adam Alsop, and Andrew 
Stuart 3 told Fox that Lord Carmarthen 4 had reported 
the same declaration made by Lord Temple afterwards 
to him. These points therefore seem to be pretty well 

1 Add. MSS. 33100 f. 443. 

2 William John Kerr, fifth Marquis of Lothian (i 737-181 5). 

3 Andrew Stuart (d. 1801), lawyer; Member of Parliament from 
1774 until his death. 

4 Francis Osborne, fifth Duke of Leeds (1751-1 799), until his succes- 
sion to the dukedom in 1789, known as Lord Carmarthen. He was 
an active politician, and Foreign Secretary under Pitt, 1783-91. 



1783] THE KING AND CHARLES JAMES FOX 57 

established, that both Lord Lothian and Lord Carmarthen 
related this declaration as coming from Lord Temple. 
On the other hand, Lord Lothian on being asked by Fox, 
denies that he had even seen Lord Temple since his 
leaving the King, and this account is confirmed by Lord 
Essex, 1 the Lord in waiting, who says that when Lord 
Temple left the King, no one else remained at St. James's. 
The presumption, therefore, is, that Lord Lothian had 
related a conversation that had passed before Lord 
Temple's going into the closet, as having happened after- 
wards ; and finding afterwards that he had got into a 
scrape, wished to recall his report : and that Lord Car- 
marthen might have talked loosely, and related as a 
matter which Lord Temple was authorized to declare, 
what he might have said only as his private opinion. — 
This seems to be the whole of what is known upon the 
occasion. No other circumstances appear to confirm 
the opinion of Lord Temple's conversation having pro- 
duced any effect ; and on the contrary, all those of the 
King's friends whose support was expected, seem to 
continue firm in their purpose. Fox, who is just gone 
from here, and whose account I have taken, tells me to 
caution you against feeling at all alarmed. One circum- 
stance might be thought suspicious, that the Archbishop 
who is understood to be a warm supporter, and who I know 
has the Bishop of London's proxy for that purpose, was 
sent for to the King either yesterday or this morning : 
but Fox does not seem to apprehend that anything is to be 
inferred from this. I shall let you know what I hear 
further of this, if I find that you have not got accounts 
from better hands. 2 

1 William Anne Capel, fourth Earl of Essex (i 732-1799). 

2 Add. MSS. 33100 f. 522 



SECTION III 

FIRST YEARS IN PARLIAMENT 

1784-1793 



SECTION III 

FIRST YEARS IN PARLIAMENT 

i 784- i 793 

CHAPTER I 

The downfall of the Coalition Ministry : Pitt Prime Minister : 
Windham elected M.P. for Norwich : A regular attendant at 
the Literary Club : His friendship with Dr. Johnson : Some 
correspondence between them : Windham's accounts of his 
last interviews with Johnson : Johnson's death : Windham 
invites Fox to the funeral : The political pupil of Burke : Some 
of Windham's friends : Mrs. Siddons : Windham's interest 
in aeronautics : His ascent in a balloon with Sadler : Fitz- 

patrick's ascent. 

THE opposition of the King to Fox's India Bill 
having brought about the downfall of the Coali- 
tion Ministry in December 1783, Pitt became 
Prime Minister. As, however, the followers of 
Fox and Lord North still formed a majority in the House 
of Commons, Parliament was dissolved in the following 
March. Windham was again nominated for Norwich, and; 
after a fierce contest, was returned as junior member on 
April 5 by a majority of sixty-four votes over the Hon. 
Henry Hobart, 1 being one of the few supporters of the 
unpopular Coalition Ministry who were returned to 
Westminster. 

1 The figures were : Sir Harbord Harbord, 2305 ; Windham, 1297 ; 
Hobart, 1233. 

61 



\ 



62 THE WINDHAM PAPERS [1784- 

The Duke of Portland to William Windham 

London : April 7, 1784 

I am most sincerely obliged to you and give you my 
most hearty thanks for having caused the only very 
satisfactory event that has happened since this cursed 
Dissolution has taken place, and I desire you to accept 
my best congratulations on your Election which you have 
obtained with no less honor to yourself than with ad- 
vantage to the Publick Cause. You have undergone 
much trouble, fatigue, uneasiness and vexation of every 
kind, but you have succeeded, and succeeded with every 
circumstance that should give you comfort and make 
you satisfied with yourself. As a publick man I must 
again repeat my thanks to you, and in the private and 
more grateful capacity of a Friend I share with you the 
joy which you ought to feel, and which ought to be the 
effect of the Conduct you have observed. 

I cannot like Westminster, nor can I say that my mind 
is at ease respecting York and Yorkshire (but this is to 
yourself). I trust Norfolk will afford me a better 
prospect. No pains shall be wanting on my part to 
realize this hope, but I desire that you will suggest any 
thing in which my endeavours can be thought to be of 
service. 1 

Now more than ever before Windham stayed in 
London, and in these years of his life he found the metro- 
polis a very pleasant place. Previous to going abroad in 
1778 he had been elected a member of the Literary Club, 
and now he was a regular attendant at its meetings. He 
made the acquaintance of the whole circle, and Dr. Johnson 
had a great liking for him. When it was that Windham 
first made Johnson's acquaintance is not known ; but it 
is clear from Boswell's " Life," that as early as 1776 they 

1 Add. MSS. 37845 f. 3. 



1793] THE ESSEX HEAD CLUB 63 

were on intimate terms. At the end of 1783 Dr. 
Johnson founded the Essex Head Club, whereof Windham 
was an original member. That the two men had a very 
tender regard for each other there can be no doubt, and 
it is certain that they were as much together as circum- 
stances permitted. " After dinner," Windham noted in 
his Diary, May 15, 1784, " took Johnson an airing 
over Blackfriars Bridge, thence to the Club ; present, 
Boswell, Murphy, Brocklesby, Berry,Mr. Bowles, Hoole, 
and his son, and a son x of Dr. Burney, he that was 
expelled Cambridge." 

Dr. Johnson to William Windham 

August 1784 

The tenderness with which you have been pleased to 
treat me, through my long illness, neither health nor 
sickness can, I hope, make me forget ; and you are not to 
suppose, that after we parted you were no longer in my 
mind. But what can a sick man say, but that he is 
sick ? His thoughts are necessarily concentered in him- 
self ; he neither receives, nor can give delight ; his en- 
quiries are after alleviations of pain, and his efforts are 
to catch some momentary comfort. Though I am now 
in the neighbourhood of the Park, you must expect no 
account of its wonders, of its hills, its waters, its caverns, 
or its mines ; but I will tell you, dear Sir, what I hope 
you will not hear with less satisfaction, that, for about 
a week past, my asthma has been less afflictive. 2 

That Johnson was sincerely grateful to the younger 
man he has shown in a letter to Dr. Brocklesby, written 
from Ashbourne, September 2, 1784. " Mr. Windham 
has been here to see me," he wrote ; " he came, I think, 

1 Charles, second son of Dr. Burney. 

2 Boswell, " Life of Johnson " (ed. Hill), iv. 632. 



64 THE WINDHAM PAPERS [1784- 

forty miles out of his way, and staid about a day and a 
half ; perhaps I make the time shorter than it was. 
Such conversation I shall not have again till I come back 
to the regions of literature ; and there Windham is, inter 
Stellas luna minor es." It was on this visit that Windham, 
as the Doctor put it, endeavoured to "wheedle" him 
into paying a visit to Oxford as the younger man's 
guest. 1 

Dr. Johnson to William Windham 

Lichfield : October 2, 1784 
I believe you had been long enough acquainted with the 
bhcenomena of sickness, not to be surprised that a sick 
man wishes to be where he is not, and where it appears 
to everybody but himself that he might easily be, without 
having the resolution to move. I thought Ashbourne 
a solitary place but did not come hither till last Monday. 
I have here more company, but my health has for this 
last week not advanced ; and in the languor of disease how 
little can be done ? Whether or when I shall make my 
next remove, I cannot tell ; but I entreat you, dear Sir, 
to let me hear, from time to time, where you may be 
found, for your residence is a very powerful attractive to, 
Sir, your most humble servant. 2 

William Windham to Dr. Johnson 

Oxford : October 6, 1784 

I returned to this place two days ago, not without a 
secret hope, that you might be here before me ; and that 
I might find myself at once in possession of your company, 
and of an evidence of your improving health. Those 
pleasing expectations, your letter has for a while sus- 
pended, but I hope not dispelled. From accounts 

1 Boswell, "Life of Johnson" (ed. Hill), iv. 356. 2 Ibid. 




Mmsmamm 

Sir 'Joshua Reynolds, pinxt. 

DR. JOHNSON 



ll'»i. Doughty, sculpt. 



1793] DR. JOHNSON'S ILLNESS 65 

which I received from Mrs. R. Burke x and from Dr. 
Brocklesby, 2 I cannot help flattering myself, notwith- 
standing the languor you describe, and the retardation of 
your recovery during the last week, that you are upon the 
whole gaining on your complaints, and that when next 
I have the pleasure of seeing you, I shall be able to con- 
gratulate you and myself, on evident marks of your 
advancement. 

The interruption given to my residence here by the love 
of [illegible] which carried me for some time to London, 
would incline me to protract my stay for a fortnight 
longer, till increase of numbers shall render living in the 
University less agreable. My continuance here has, how- 
ever, no certain limits but my own inclinations, and they 
will not suffer me to depart, as long as I have any prospect 
of being favoured with your company. 3 

Johnson's health did not improve, and on November 16 
he returned to London. His friends were unremitting in 
their attentions, for it was evident that his strength was 
failing day by day, and all knew that his life was ebbing 
fast ; Windham was one of the most frequent visitors at 
Bolt Court, and on December 7 he had a long and interest- 
ing conversation with him, as he records in his " Diary." 

After waiting some short time in the adjoining room, I 
was admitted to Dr. Johnson in his bedchamber, where, 
after placing me next him on the chair, he sitting in his 
usual place on the east side of the room (and I on his 
right-hand) he put into my hands two small volumes 
(an edition of the New Testament) as he afterwards told 
me, saying, Extremum hoc munus morientis habeto. He 

1 Wife of the son of Edmund Burke. 

2 Richard Brocklesby (i 722-1 797), physician ; the friend of Burke, 
and also of Dr. Johnson, whom he attended in his last illness. 

3 Add. MSS. 37914 f. 18. 



66 THE WINDHAM PAPERS [1784- 

then proceeded to observe that I was entering upon a life 
which would lead me deeply into all the business of the 
world ; that he did not condemn civil employment, but 
that it was a state of great danger ; and that he had 
therefore one piece of advice earnestly to impress upon 
me — that I would set apart every seventh day, for the 
care of my soul ; that one day, the seventh, should 
be employed in repenting what was amiss in the six pre- 
ceding, and for fortifying my virtue for the six to come ; 
that such a portion of time was surely little enough for 
the meditation of eternity. He then told me that he had 
a request to make to me, namely, that I would allow his 
servant Frank to look up to me as his friend, adviser, and 
protector in all difficulties which his own weakness and 
imprudence, or the force or fraud of others, might bring 
him into. He said that he had left him what he con- 
sidered an ample provision, viz. 70/. per annum ; but 
that even that sum might not place him above the want 
of a protector, and to me, therefore, he recommended 
him, as to one who had will, and power, and activity to 
protect him. Having obtained my assent to this, he 
proposed that Frank should be called in, and desiring 
me to take him by the hand in token of the promise, 
repeated before him the recommendation he had just 
made of him, and the promise I had given to attend to it. 
I then took occasion to say how much I felt, what I had 
long foreseen that I should feel, regret at having spent 
so little of my life in his company. I stated this as an 
instance where resolutions are deferred till the occasions 
are past. For some time past I had determined that 
such an occasion of self-reproach should no longer 
subsist, and had built upon the hope of passing in his 
society the chief part of my time, at the moment when it 
was to be apprehended we were about to lose him for 
ever ! I had no difficulty of speaking to him thus of 
my apprehensions ; I could not help, on the other hand, 
entertaining hopes ; but with these I did not like to 



1793] WINDHAM AND DR. JOHNSON 67 

trouble him, lest he should conceive that I thought it neces- 
sary to flatter him. He answered hastily that he was sure 
I would not ; and proceeded to make a compliment to the 
manliness of my mind, which, whether deserved or not, 
ought to be remembered that it may be deserved. 

I then stated that among other neglects was the omis- 
sion of introducing, of all others, the most important, 
the consequence of which particularly filled my mind 
at that moment, and on which I had often been desirous 
to know his opinions. The subjects I meant were 
I said, ' natural and revealed religion.' The wish thus 
generally stated was in part gratified on the instant. 
For revealed religion, he said, there was such historical 
evidence as, upon any subject not religious, would have 
left no doubt. Had the facts recorded in the New Testa- 
ment been mere civil occurrences, no one would have 
called in question the testimony by which they are 
established. But the importance annexed to them 
amounting to nothing less than the salvation of mankind, 
raised a cloud in our minds, and created doubt unknown 
upon any other subject. Of proofs to be derived from 
history, one of the most cogent, he seemed to think, was 
the opinion so well authenticated and so long entertained 
of a Deliverer that was to appear about that time. 
Among the typical representations, the sacrifice of the 
Paschal lamb, in which no bone was to be broken, had 
early struck his mind. For the immediate life and 
miracles of Christ ; such attestation as that of the 
apostles, who all, except St. John, confirmed their testi- 
mony by their blood ; such belief as their witness pro- 
cured from a people best furnished with the means of 
judging, and least disposed to judge favourably ; such 
an extension afterwards of that belief over all the nations 
of the earth, though originating from a nation of all 
others the most despised, would leave no doubt that the 
things witnessed were true, and were of a nature more 
than human. With respect to evidences, Dr. Johnson 



68 THE WINDHAM PAPERS [1784- 

observed, we had not such evidence that Caesar died 
in the Capitol, as that Christ died in the manner 
related. 1 



On December 11 Windham was again admitted to the 
sick chamber, and of this meeting also he has left a 
record. 

After promising that I considered what I was going 
to say as a matter of duty, I said that I hoped he would 
not suspect me of the weakness of importuning him to 
take nourishment for the purpose of prolonging his life 
for a few hours or days. I then stated what the reason 
was, that it was to secure that which I was persuaded 
he was most anxious about, viz., that he might preserve 
his faculties entire to the last moment. Before I had 
quite stated my meaning, he interrupted me by saying 
that he refused no sustenance but inebriating sustenance, 
and proceeded to give instances where, in compliance 
with the wishes of his physicians, he had taken even a 
small quantity of wine. I readily assented to any objec- 
tions he might have to nourishment of that kind, and 
observing that milk was the only nourishment I intended, 
flattered myself that I had succeeded in my endeavours, 
when he recurred to his general refusal, and begged that 
there might be an end to it. I then said that I hoped he 
would forgive my earnestness — or something to that 
effect : when he replied eagerly, ' that from me nothing 
would be necessary by way of apology ' ; adding with great 
fervour, in words which I shall (I hope) never forget — 
' God bless you, my dear Windham, through Jesu 
Christ ' ; and concluding with a wish that we might meet 
in some humble portion of that happiness which God 
might finally vouchsafe to repentant sinners. These 
were the last words I ever heard him speak. I hurried 

1 Windham's " Diary," pp. 28-30. 



1793] THE DEATH OF DR. JOHNSON 69 

out of the room with tears in my eyes, and more affected 
than I had been on any former occasion. 1 

This was the last meeting between them, for when 
Windham went to Bolt Court the next afternoon, the 
dying man was sleeping, and he did not enter the room. 
In the evening Johnson passed away, a man so eminent 
in literary annals that even to have been his friend is 
sufficient for immortalization. The sad news was brought 
almost at once to Windham, who thus commented upon it : 

While I was writing the adjoining articles, received the 
fatal account, so long dreaded, that Dr. Johnson was no 
more. May those prayers which he incessantly poured 
from a heart fraught with the deepest devotion, find that 
acceptance with Him to Whom they were addressed, 
which piety so humble and so fervent may seem to 
promise. 2 

William Windham to Charles James Fox 

Brooks's : December 18, 1784 

You have heard, no doubt, that to the great men who 
have departed in our time one more instance is to be 
added ; and that learning and virtue have sustained a 
loss, equal to any they have ever known, in the death 
of Dr. Johnson. Though you have never cultivated his 
acquaintance nor lived much in his society, you have so 
much respect perhaps for his genius and character, as to 
feel a satisfaction, — which is all that can be said, — in doing 
an act of honour to his memory. His particular friends, 
including The Club of which you are a member, mean to 
attend his corpse on Monday morning from his house 
in Bolt Court, Fleet Street, to its place of interment in 
Westminster Abbey. You are not too much of a philo- 

1 Windham's " Diary," p. 31. Ibid. p. 33. 



70 THE WINDHAM PAPERS [1784- 

sopher to share in the vulgar prejudice, that leads men 
to pay honours to the dead. If you can make it con- 
venient to you to be in Fleet Street by 11 o'clock, or in 
Westminster Abbey by 12, I trust j^ou will put on a 
black coat, and show yourself among the mourners at 
his funeral. 1 



Windham was one of the pall-bearers at Johnson's 
funeral, the others being Sir Joseph Banks, Sir Charles 
Bunbury, Edmund Burke, Langton, and George Colman. 
Subsequently he took an active part in erecting a memorial 
to his friend. " Last Sunday," Bos well wrote to Temple, 
November 28, 1789, " I dined with Malone, with Sir 
Joshua Reynolds, Sir Joseph Banks, Mr. Metcalfe, Mr. 
Windham; Mr. Courtenay, and young Mr. Burke, being 
a select number of Dr. Johnson's friends, to settle as to 
effectual measures for having a monument erected to him 
in Westminster Abbey." 2 

Windham was almost as intimate with Burke as with 
Johnson. He became his political pupil. He was also 
the friend of Malone and Reynolds, who painted his 
portrait. 3 Of the relations existing between these men 
something will be shown in these volumes ; whilst others 
whose names frequently occur at this time in his Diary 
are Fox, Fitzpatrick, Hare, Selwyn, Sheridan, Gilbert 
Elliot, Lord Spencer, the Duke of Portland, Lord 
Townshend, and, among theatrical folk, Mrs. and Miss 
Kemble, and Mrs. Siddons. 

1 Add. MSS. 37843 f. 220. 

2 Letters of Boswell to the Rev. W. J. Temple (ed. Seccombe), 263. 

3 " The two portraits which Sir Joshua Reynolds has lately painted 
of Mr. William Windham of Norfolk and Richard Brinsley Sheridan 
are so like the originals, that they seem almost alive and ready to speak 
to you. Painting in point of resemblance, can go no farther." — Prior, 
" Life of Malone," p. 388. 



1793] MRS. SIDDONS' VICTORY 71 

William Windham to Mrs. Siddons * 

Oxford : October 10, 1784 

I sincerely congratulate you on the victory obtained 
over malice and brutality the first night of your appear- 
ance. From Mr. Lawrence, a friend of Sheridan's, who 
was present upon the occasion, and who is just come down 
here, I have received the whole account. Nothing had 
pleased me more than the style of your address, which 
completely removed any regret for the necessity of 
delivering it. It spoke the only language proper for the 
occasion — the language of innocence, disclaiming favour 
and calling only for justice against calumny and outrage. 
I regret that I was not in the house at the time. You 
will now resolve, I hope, that the matter shall end, and 
that nothing shall provoke you to further explanation. 2 

Mrs. Siddons to William Windham 

January 1, 1785 

I wish you many happy returns of this day, and hope 
you will not be engaged this evening to tea, as I am to 
have a little music ; but my party does not exceed two 
gentlemen, who perhaps you know, with my own fireside. 
I am sure you would like it, and you can't be to learn 
that I am truly sensible of the honour of your society. 
I am flying to rehearsal, and shall flatter myself that you 
will give me the happiness of seeing you. 3 

1 Mrs. Siddons, who had been touring in the provinces, reappeared 
at Drury Lane Theatre on October 5, 1784, in the character of Mrs. 
Beverley in " The Gamester," and to her great astonishment was 
hooted when she stepped upon the stage. This unusual reception of 
a favourite actress was the result of rumours which had been circulated 
while she was away, that as a reward for appearing at the benefits 
given to Digges and Brereton she had extorted a share of the receipts. 
The fact, generally known, that she was extraordinarily careful of her 
money, made the public believe the story. Kemble led her off the 
stage, but she insisted on returning and denying the allegations, which 
were, indeed, soon proved to be unfounded. 

2 Windham, " Diary," p. 24. 3 ibid. p. 39. 



72 THE WINDHAM PAPERS [1784- 

Windham was at this time on very friendly terms with 
Mrs. Siddons. Sir Gilbert Elliot, writing to his wife on 
March 14, 1787, of a ball at Miss Adair's, mentions that the 
actress was the principal person there. " She did not 
dance," he remarked, " but was attended unremittingly 
by Windham on one hand, and Tom Erskine x on the 
other, and sometimes young Burke in front and young 
Adams in rear." 2 Windham's intimacy with Mrs. 
Siddons did not endure, however, for in his Diary, for 
May 27, 1805, after noting that he went to see her in 
" Zara," he added : "Had not seen her for years : im- 
pression of her excellence not less than formerly." 

John Hely-Hutchinson 3 to William Windham 

Palmerston : August 12, 1784 

Your kind letter has given me very sensible pleasure : 
it confirmed an opinion which I had formed after some 
consideration, and in which I had the mortification of 
standing single, and it flatters me with the hopes of the 
continuance of your friendship, on which I must set a high 
value whilst I have any regard for cultivated talents 
under the direction of virtue and candor, and under the 
influence of the finest feelings. These qualities would 
have certainly made their way through the thorny and 
entangled labyrinth of the Castle, but are more pleasantly 
exercised by the member for Norwich, who will serve 
his discerning constituents with the same spirit and in- 
tegrity that animated his elegant and manly address for 
their suffrages. With them you are to answer only for 
your own conduct, in which you and they may always 
justly confide, but God knows for whom and for what a 

1 Thomas, afterwards Baron, Erskine (17 50-1 823), Lord Chancellor 
1806. 

2 " Life and Letters of Lord Minto," i. 136. 

3 John Hely-Hutchinson (1724-1794), Provost of Trinity College, 
Dublin, 1774. An active politician, and an advocate of Irish inde- 
pendence and Catholic Emancipation. 




Sir Win-. Beechey, R.A. 



SARAH SIDDONS 



1793] A TROUBLESOME OFFICE 73 

Secretary to a Lord Lieutenant may be responsible. I 
hold this to be the most troublesome office in the British 
Empire, which, comprising every department in the 
Church, Law, State, Army and revenue, and both houses 
of parliament, is made more troublesome by the wild 
turbulence of the times. There is no intermediate body 
of men between the Castle and the people. The men of 
property and in great offices have not the power of 
restraining, because they have little or no influence. 
These disorders, as you justly observe, may by their 
excess work their own cure. There have been some favor- 
able appearances of that kind in the metropolis and in 
other parts of the Kingdom. The great difficulty lies 
here : this country is become free and must be governed, 
if peaceably governed, by considering its interest as the 
primary object in all public deliberations. Of the interest 
of Ireland that of Great Britain should be certainly con- 
sidered as an essential part ; but if the interest of the 
latter is to be preferred in the Irish parliament, I fear 
much for the public peace. The situation of Ireland is 
new ; the maxims of her government should be different 
from those adopted when the circumstances of the country 
were different. The commercial system should be form'd 
on principles of exact equality : Ireland to encourage the 
staple manufacture of England, the woolen in the same 
degree that England encourages our staple manufacture, 
the linnen, which we ought to encourage to the utmost 
extent, and it is capable of being doubled in value, to 
prevent, as far as possible, all jealousy between the two 
countries in adjusting this equality, justice requires that 
a liberal compensation should be made to England for 
the superiority of her markets. The difficulty above 
stated has occasioned the present disturbances. Ad- 
ministration had stood the parliamentary reform without 
receiving much damage ; and might have weather'd out 
protecting duties by yielding a little to the blast, and 
not steering directly against it. Temporary expedients, 



74 THE WINDHAM PAPERS [1784- 

such as premiums on the exportation of certain coarse 
goods, were recommended, and would probably have 
given time for future adjustments between the two 
kingdoms. Meeting these motions with flat negatives, 
without proposing present expedients, or holding out 
future expectations, much irritated the people. The 
censure of the Lord Mayor, which followed, administered 
fuel to the fire, and offended the Magistracy and the 
Citizens of Dublin. The press teemed with the most 
violent abuse. The House of Commons wag'd war with 
the printers, and the press bill spread the flame through 
the Kingdom ; these circumstances immediately following 
each other, have raised the fever of parliamentary reform 
to the highest pitch. Whilst those measures were carrying 
on by Administration, the cry was, if you stop now they 
will say you are afraid — but I think and always thought, 
that true fortitude was seen in temperate councils which 
wisdom warrants and when Justice guides — and that a 
man, not conscious of fear, is never to act lest he should 
be suspected of such a motive. But do not suppose that 
I impute all these things to the Lord Lieutenant or his 
Secretary — by no means — they came here in haste, they 
found men were in haste to get into great offices — aude 
aliquid si vis esse aliquis, is sometimes the maxim of 
better men than Juvenal had in view. A most absurd 
notion has prevailed in a certain great Kingdom that no 
man can be a friend to English Government who is not 
detested by the Irish people. An unpopular Govern- 
ment is not quite so advantageous to a Lord Lieutenant 
and his Secretary as it is sometimes made to those who 
act with them. The worst administration for the followers 
of it was Lord Chesterfield's ; he kept clear from the policy 
of the Lords Justices, whose first object was to commit 
every chief Governor that they might have had the merit 
of extricating him from difficulties which themselves had 
raised. It requires no great ingenuity to raise diffi- 
culties at present ; but he who can remove them will be 



1793] THE CRAZE FOR BALLOONING 75 

a friend indeed to both countries. Till those disturbances 
arose I have often lamented your retiring from us, but 
since the storm has arisen, I have rejoiced that you were 
on shore, both on your account and my own : for if you 
had been at the helm I should have been ever on the 
deck ; and tho' I have lost much in losing the assistance 
and society of a most valuable and amiable friend, yet 
we have both been gainers in ease and tranquillity. 

I hope your health is firmly established and that you 
will not always stay in the House to very late hours, 
which I know to be highly injurious, but I also hope you 
will not follow the example of another friend of mine in 
your house who keeps all his talents for his friends in 
private but brings nothing of all his great store into the 
public streets. Pray remember me as a man who is 
proud of being obliged to you because he has the highest 
respect for your character and an earnest desire to hold 
a place in your friendship. 1 

Windham was much interested in ballooning, which in 
the early part of 1785 became a craze that attracted a 
considerable section of society. In March, he noted in 
his Diary, he " went out in order to attend the balloon 
in which Zambeccari and Sir Edward Vernon were to 
ascend " ; and soon after he decided that he would make a 
flight. That he was aware of the risk he ran is shown 
by the fact that he made his will, and wrote the following 
letter (which is especially interesting because it contains 
Windham's confession of religious faith), that, however, 
was only to be delivered in the event of his death. 

William Windham to George James Cholmondeley 

May 4, 1785 

There is some difficulty in sitting down in earnest to 

write a letter, to which the occasion would hardly have 

1 Add MSS. 37873 f. 98. 



76 THE WINDHAM PAPERS [1784- 

been given, if a good hope and confidence had not been 
entertained that it was never likely to be read. Something, 
however, must be said in case of the worst, that I may 
not leave the world without one affectionate farewell 
to him, who in the final evanescence of all worldly objects 
must be the last to remain upon my sight. I must not 
suffer my imagination to dwell on a subject which it 
would quickly render too big for utterance ; but dispatch 
in a few words, such matters as are immediately present 
to me. 

Some notice must be taken of a circumstance, which, 
however innocent, sits uneasy upon my mind, as it is 
a deception practised towards you. I mean the con- 
cealment from you of my present purpose, and the means 
by which I was obliged to effect that concealment. My 
motives to this you cannot mistake or be displeased at ; 
and, I think, will not condemn my determination. The 
hope that the news of my landing might, from the precau- 
tions of secrecy I have used, be the notice you would 
receive of my flight, prevailed over the wish of parting 
from you as my last earthly object, and of gratifying a 
similar wish, which I conceived would exist with you. 
Should you receive this letter I shall have wished that I 
had acted otherwise : should the event be as I hope, I 
shall be glad that I acted as I have. Something likewise 
must be said of my motives to this adventure. From the 
moment of my hearing of Balloons, I felt, in common I 
believe with every man of the smallest imagination, the 
wish of adventuring in one ; and as early as the beginning 
of the winter before last, concerted with Dr. Fordyce that 
we should build one and go up together. The dissolution 
of Parliament joined to my own and his dilatoriness 
delayed the execution of the purpose ; till during my 
residence at Oxford in last September I got acquainted 
with Sadler ; with whom I should then have gone up ; 
but that before I knew him sufficiently to trust him with 
my intention, he had inserted an advertisement, which, as 



i 7 93] A SERIOUS ADVENTURE 77 

you may hear from a letter which I happened to write 
at the time to Legge, fixed him, he thought, to the 
necessity of going up at Oxford. I give you this detail, 
that you may vindicate me against the imputation either 
of doing this from ostentation, or, of having chose to wait, 
till experience should have done away any great appre- 
hensions of danger. The credit to one's resolution that 
would have attended such an adventure some time ago, I 
should not have been insensible to : though I may safely 
say, that that was but a part of my motive, and the fear 
of its being supposed the whole or the principal part, was 
on the other hand one of the chief obstacles to the design. 
At this moment I should be desirous to go, though not a 
soul should know it : long since, the fear of blame, and 
appearance of coveting a foolish distinction, were the 
causes that created the chief difficulty. So much for this. 
Let me now speak of another matter of infinitely greater 
importance to me, as it affects my opinion of your virtues, 
in itself, as it relates to the happiness of one, with whose 
character neither yours nor mine would stand in any ad- 
vantageous comparison. If I have been desirous to hurry 
over the whole of this letter, that the general purport and 
occasion might not melt me into tenderness, I must dwell 
as little upon this part of it, lest it should betray me into 
sensations very inconsistent with what I would wish to 
feel at this moment — the subject I mean is the history of 
your Conduct to Cecy. 1 You have in that instance, done an 
injury to a fellow-creature, which no means now left you 
can probably ever repair, and for which hardly any degree 
of contrition and humiliation, which you can feel, will ever 
atone. You have undone a great and noble mind, whose 
only weakness has been too fond an attachment to you, — 
by a course of conduct utterly irreconcileable to justice and 
duty : and as little creditable in the motives as justifiable 
in the act. That you should prefer a life of vanity and 

1 Cecilia Forrest, who married Windham in 1798. See ante, p. 15 
(note). 



78 THE WINDHAM PAPERS [1784- 

voluptuousness to a connection with such a woman as 
Miss Forrest, is no very honourable mark of your choice 
of happiness : That you should think yourself at liberty 
to pursue that choice, to the utter ruin and extinction of 
her peace of mind, is, in the circumstances, in which you 
stood, no very favourable evidence of your regard to duty. 
I forbear to push this matter any further than to say, that 
her original, fatal attachment for you, has, I have reason 
to be assured, and notwithstanding the most heroic efforts 
to lock the secret from the knowledge of her nearest con- 
nexions, continued with so unhappy a force, as to have 
destroyed the very spring and power of happiness : and, 
after a struggle supported with a degree of constancy 
which redeems the weakness of the occasion, to have 
proved in the end too hard for her bodily strength, and to 
be now drawing her apace towards the grave. Do not 
imagine, however, that what I here say, or a provision 
which you will find in my will, is intended to invite you 
to do from remorse and compunction, what you ought 
long since to have done from principle and from choice. 
I have too high an opinion of her to suppose that in such 
circumstances she would condescend to accept you. I 
should hope that from her pride : I fear there is a principle 
still stronger, which would equally prevent her, an un- 
limited preference of your happiness to her own. Could 
she ever be prevailed upon, I am far from sure, that I 
should wish such an event to take place. I fear you have 
not virtue enough to make such a connexion a source of 
happiness ; and I am sure her love is of a quality too 
exalted and noble, to admit of happiness under any other 
condition. Here let me end this painful subject, and 
having discharged, what I have thought it incumbent on 
me to say, and what perhaps I shall say, even though 
this letter should not be received, let me banish it for the 
present entirely from my thoughts, and keep in view those 
parts of your character, where my affections may be 
unmixed. 



1793] A CONFESSION OF FAITH 79 

That I preserve to the last the same sentiments 
towards you, my dear Cholmondeley, as at any period 
since the first bloom of affection was past, the disposition 
newly made in my property (which by the way is left at 
Cocks's) will sufficiently testify. If it appears in one 
respect less favourable than a former one, the reason will 
be understood from what is said above. I am sorry to 
have been obliged to cut down the bequest, till it ceases 
almost to be considerable : but I have not done more, 
than a regard to the merit, the wants, or the virtues of the 
parties, rendered, I thought, incumbent on me. All my 
papers are left to you, with perfect confidence, that an}/ 
of a secret nature, which are not numerous, nor perhaps 
important, will be destroyed, without further inspection 
than is necessary to ascertain their nature. They will 
be found chiefly in a deal box, which has stood for some 
time past, in the front room above stairs. — More need not 
be said about these, nor about other such particulars. 
My literary papers are clearly of no consequence, and will 
only bear witness to the strenua inertia, in which I have 
suffered a life that might have been distinguished, and 
talent of which I believe something might have been 
made, to be wasted and trifled away. 

The best, the greatest, the most solemn office I can 
render in a letter of this sort, is to extort you to a steady 
contemplation of divine truths, and a sincere endeavour 
to confirm in yourself that faith, which after various fluc- 
tuations I believe to be the true one, and which, inde- 
pendent of evidence, is supported by too great authorities 
ever to be rejected with confidence. Whatever may be 
the diversity of opinion as to the particular nature, I 
believe Christ to be a person divinely commissioned, and 
that faith in him affords the fairest hope of propitiating 
the great author of the world. Cultivate in your mind this 
persuasion, and dwell upon it till it grows into a principle 
of action. May it avail both to the purposes of final 
salvation. Nothing more remains to be said but that you 



80 THE WINDHAM PAPERS [1784- 

will preserve of me such a tender remembrance, as it 
would be my joy to think should outlive me, and as may 
animate you during your continuance in this world, to 
such temper of mind and government of action, as may 
advance you to some better state hereafter. Farewell, 
my ever dear friend, and look up to God as the fountain 
of all good ! 

May He take you into his protection ! x 

On May 5 Windham ascended from Moulsey with James 
Sadler, one of the earliest British aeronauts, who on this 
occasion made his last flight. 2 This exciting episode 
was duly recorded by Windham in his Diary : 

Much satisfied with myself ; and, in consequence of 
that satisfaction, dissatisfied rather with my adventure. 
Could I have foreseen that danger or apprehension would 
have made so little impression on me, I would have in- 
sured that of which, as it was, we only gave ourselves a 
chance, and have deferred going till we had a wind 
favourable for crossing the Channel. I begin to suspect, 
in all cases, the effort by which fear is surmounted is 
more easily made than I have been apt to suppose. 
Certainly the experience I have had on this occasion will 
warrant a degree of confidence more than I have ever 
hitherto indulged. I would not wish a degree of confi- 
dence more than I enjoyed at every moment of the time. 

Edmund Burke to William Windham 

May 7, 1785 

What time will you receive the congratulations of your 

Terrestrial Friends on your return to Mortality ? O 

1 Add. MSS. 37914 ff. 27-30. 

2 Windham in 1796 stood sponsor for a son of James Sadler by his 
second wife, who was christened William Windham Sadler, and 
achieved fame as an aeronaut. In Add. MSS. 37925 will be found some 
notes on Windham's ascent made by himself. 



1793] ANOTHER ASCENT 81 

pater anne aliquas — iterumque ad tarda reverti corpora ? 
The rest does not hold exactly in the words. I really long 
to converse with you on this Voyage, as I think you are 
the first rational being that has taken flight. 

Adieu, Star triumphant, and some Pity show 
On us poor battlers militant below. 1 

Colonel Richard Fitzpatrick to William 

Windham 

Grosvenor Place, London 
June 27, 1785 
I have gratified my curiosity in a flight from Oxford; 
where your protege Sadler (who, by the by, I consider as 
a Phenomenon) behaved very handsomely, and finding 
his process not answer his expectations and the balloon 
only capable of carrying up one person, very obligingly 
gave me up his place, and after receiving some hasty 
instructions, I ascended by myself, in view of all the 
University, as well I believe as of the whole county. Some 
of your friends there, Mrs. Croft and Mrs. Burgess, were 
particularly civil to me, and did their utmost to keep the 
spectators in order, but in vain, for the curiosity and 
eagerness of the crowd was not to be restrained. The 
thermometer was broken, and your barometer had a 
narrow escape. I ascended with 7 bags of ballast, 
the weight of which I did not then know, but which was 
about a hundred pounds. I had told Sadler that I 
would not take his balloon very far, and my intention 
was to have flown about two hours, but as I wished to 
ascend as high as possible without danger to the balloon, 
after having first try'd the valve to see if I was master of 
the use of it, I continued rising for three quarters of an 
hour, when I suddenly perceived from my flag, that I was 
descending. I discharged gradually five of my bags of 
ballast, throwing out papers between each, without finding 

1 Add. MSS. 37843 f. 9. 
I F 



82 THE WINDHAM PAPERS [1784- 

that I appeared to diminish the velocity of my descent, 
till the 5th, when the paper I threw out floated instead 
of rising, to my great satisfaction, since I perceived some- 
thing had happened of which I was ignorant. I then 
determined to reserve my two last bags till I was certain of 
being very near the earth, and fixed one of them to the 
anchor in order to drop it and break the fall of the 
machine. When I saw the shadow of the balloon in- 
creasing very fast, and could plainly distinguish objects, 
so small as horses in waggons and in the fields, I threw out 
my sixth bag, but unluckily when I was preparing the 
seventh upon the anchor, it slipp'd off, and fell without it. 
Within a very few seconds I came to the ground on the 
side of a steep hill, in a corn field. The shock was trifling, 
but the unevenness of the ground overset the Car, and 
rolled me gently out. Disentangling myself from the 
cords, 1 held fast the side of the car, and with some 
difficult}' held the balloon till some country people came to 
my assistance. I then perceived a large rent in the lower 
part of it, which accounted for my descent, and which, I 
suppose, by a more judicious use of the valve I should 
have prevented. The curiosity and astonishment of the 
country who flocked in by shoals were prodigious. I got 
Sadler's balloon, however, safe in a stable, and waited at 
a little publick house two hours for his arrival. We were 
then conducted with great triumph about 5 miles to 
Wantage in Berkshire, where we dined, but as I did not 
admire this triumphal mode of travelling, I declined 
making my entry in to Oxford, and got on by myself as 
far as Henley, and came the next morning on to London. 
The field where I descended was 20 miles from Oxford, and 
I was just an hour on the voyage. I shall endeavour 
to promote our grand project both for our own amusement, 
and I hope for the advantage of Sadler, whom I really 
consider as a prodigy, and who is oppressed, to the dis- 
grace of the University, I believe from pique and jealousy 
of his superior science. Adieu, Dear Windham. I con- 



1793] FITZPATRICK'S ASCENT 83 

fine myself to the subject of aerostation and refrain from 
earthly considerations, which I hope you are coming to 
look after, as it seems parliament is likely to sit the 
whole summer. 1 

After Fitzpatrick's flight it was some time before 
another amateur made an attempt. The craze ended 
abruptly when the news came that on June 15 M. Pilatre 
de Rosiere and M. de Roman, in their endeavour to cross 
the Channel from Boulogne, had, owing to the balloon 
catching fire, been dashed to the ground from a height of 
about three-quarters of a mile and killed. 

1 Add. MSS. 37914 ff. 32-33- 



CHAPTER II 
1784-1792 

Windham's early speeches : His attack on Warren Hastings 
in connection with the Rohilla war : Speaks in debate on the 
impeachment of Hastings : Wraxall's appreciation of his 
powers of oratory : Appointed a manager for the Commons 
of Hastings' trial : The King's illness and the question of the 
Regency : The commencement of the French Revolution : 
Windham opposes Parliamentary Reform : His views not 
entirely in accord with those of his constituents : Doubtful of 
the safety of his seat : Secures re-election 1790 : Extract from 
Windham's Diary : Publication of Burke's " Reflections on 
the French Revolution " : Rupture between Fox and Burke : 
Windham angry with Burke : They soon become reconciled : 
A letter to Mrs. Crewe : His attitude towards Parliamentary 
Reform : The political breach between Fox and Windham : 
A section of the Opposition supports the Government's repres- 
sive measures. 

WINDHAM spoke for the first time in the 
House of Commons on February 9, 1785, in 
the debate on the Westminster Scrutiny, but 
in his Diary there is only the bare mention 
of the fact. On that occasion he rose after Pitt, and was 
followed by Fox, who congratulated the House " on 
the accession of the abilities which they had witnessed." 
To his second speech, on May 12, there is a more extended 
reference in the Diary : " Spoke for the second time in 
the House for the adjournment of the debate on the Irish 
Proposition. Felt more possessed than on the former 
occasion, but thought my performance inferior, and con- 
ceived that others thought so too. I have found since 

that they were inclined to think well of it. They are so 

84 



1784-1792] ATTACK ON WARREN HASTINGS 85 

good as to be cheaply pleased. It was a mere effusion; 
though delivered in a forcible and perhaps graceful 
manner, containing nothing more than any one would 
have thought of in conversation." 

Windham entered the House of Commons with a con- 
siderable reputation for ability, and he soon showed that 
rumour had not magnified his gifts. Not a great orator, 
he always spoke well and sensibly and to the point ; 
and was listened to with attention. He was soon 
regarded as a rising man, a man marked out for office; 
and the first proof of this general recognition is that to 
him was entrusted by his party the conduct of the attack 
on Warren Hastings in the debate on the Rohilla War. 1 

Extract from Windham's Diary 

June 1, 1786. Day of motion on the Rohilla War. 
... I there [at Brooks's] got from Long the report of 
the Secret Committee, in which I found great advantage, 
and settled to come the next morning to Sir Philip 
Francis 2 to breakfast. I have seldom found myself more 
clear than during my visit to him, and afterwards, till I 

1 Faiz-ullah Khan, one of the Rohilla chiefs, had been permitted by 
treaty, after the conquest of Rohilkhund in 1 774, to retain possession of 
Rampore as a vassal of the Nawab of Oude. In return for being 
permitted to maintain a small army for his own protection, he was 
bound to place at the Nawab's disposal, whenever called upon, a body of 
troops, the number of which should not exceed three thousand. In 
1780, the Nawab, acting on Hastings' instructions, demanded from 
Faiz-ullah Khan five thousand horse. As this was more than he could 
supply, and as the demand was unwarranted by the terms of the treaty, 
Faiz-ullah refused ; whereupon Hastings informed the Nawab that he 
might take possession of Rampore, and add it to his kingdom. This 
scheme was not, however, carried out ; and in 1782 Faiz-ullah Khan 
paid Hastings a sum of money to procure his exemption from supplying 
any troops at all. 

2 Sir Philip Francis (1740-1818), the reputed author of the Letters 
of Junius, had, as a member (1774-1780) of the Council of the Governor- 
General in India, on several occasions opposed Hastings, with whom, 
in August 1780, after many quarrels, he fought a duel at Alipore, and 
was dangerously wounded. 



86 THE WINDHAM PAPERS [1784- 

went to the House : but somehow, by the time I got there, 
my mind had got into some disorder, and my spirits into 
some agitation ; and by the time Burke had finished, I 
found myself in no good state to speak. The same state 
continued, though with a little amendment, till the time 
of my rising : yet I contrived somehow to steady and 
recover myself in the course of speaking, and so far 
executed what I had prepared, that I conceive it to be the 
fashion to talk of what I did as rather a capital per- 
formance ! 'Tis a strong proof on what cheap terms 
reputation for speaking is acquired, or how capricious 
the world is of its allotment of it to different people. 
There is not a speech of mine which, in comparison of 
one of Francis's would, either for language or matter, 
bear examination for one moment ; yet about my per- 
formances in that way a great fuss is made, while of 
his nobody speaks a word. 

In the following year Windham spoke again in a debate 
on the impeachment of Hastings, when he dealt with the 
same charge. This task he performed, says Wraxall, 
" with that logical perspicuity, characteristic of his frame 
of mind, as well as of his style of eloquence, which always 
borrowed aid from metaphysical sources." 1 The im- 
peachment was voted on April 3, 1787, and Windham 
was named as one of the managers of the trial for the 
House of Commons. He accepted the task, but was not 
very happy over his appointment. " This day — for 
which we have all been waiting so anxiously, so earnestly," 
he said to Fanny Burney, " the day for which we have 
fought, for which we have struggled — a day, indeed, of 
national glory, in bringing to this great tribunal a 
delinquent from so high an office — this day, so much 
wished, has seemed to me, to the last moment, so distant, 

1 " Posthumous Memoirs " (2nd ed.), ii. 276. 




E. Burney, delt. 



F WW BURNKY 



.V. Bull, sculpt 



1792] THE KING'S ILLNESS 87 

that now — now that it has actually arrived, it takes me 
as if I have never thought of it before — it comes upon me 
all unexpected, and finds me unready ! " * Windham 
was not one of the most active of the managers of this 
famous trial which, beginning on February 13, 1788, 
lasted until the spring of 1795, when Hastings was 
acquitted by a large majority on all counts of the 
impeachment. 

In November the King showed such obvious indications 
of mental disorder that Parliament had to make arrange- 
ments for a Regency. The Prince of Wales was, of course, 
the person marked out for the office of Regent, and Fox 
at first made the blunder of stating that his Royal High- 
ness had the legal right to be appointed, a position from 
which he retreated hurriedly on discovering that the 
powers of appointing a Regent are vested in Parliament. 
All parties, however, were agreed that the Prince was the 
proper person, but the question was hotly debated in the 
House of Commons whether he should be given a full or a 
restricted authority. Windham spoke on December 19 in 
favour of a Regency without restrictions, but the House 
decided otherwise. Before the Prince took up the office, 
however, the King recovered. 



William Windham to 



Hill Street : November 26, 1788 

I wish it had occurred to me sooner, that from motives 
at least of general anxiety, if not from any concerns of 
business capable of being effected by such causes, you 
might have been glad to receive the best accounts, that 
were to be had, of the King's situation. It has been the 
fashion hitherto, and till lately was not an improper one, 
to speak of His Majesty's disorder in such obscure terms, 

1 Fanny Burney, "Diary " (ed. Ward), ii. 116 



88 THE WINDHAM PAPERS [1784- 

as left the nature of it quite uncertain ; or, if it was 
mentioned more particularly to describe it as a fever. 
It were much to be wished, that fever had more to do 
with it : but the fact has long been understood to be, 
that, whatever fever His Majesty has had, has been only 
symptomatick, and not at all the cause of his disorder, 
which is pure and original insanity. The symptoms of 
this have been increasing by slow degrees, and for a con- 
siderable period. There is reason to think that before 
even his journey to Cheltenham, some of these had 
appeared and been noted : and there is no doubt, that, 
immediately after, the appearances were so strong at his 
levee, that the foreign ministers all remarked them, and 
thought them of such consequence, as instantly to write 
an account of them to their courts. The immediate 
occasion of the Physicians being called in, and means 
being taken to prevent his Majesty being seen any more 
in Publick. is said to have happened, during an airing 
He was taking in a phaeton with the Princess Royal. If 
there were any hopes of the King's recovery from this 
state and so speedily as to render the substitution of any 
other government unnecessary, his situation could not be 
concealed with too much care, but the moment that 
ceased to be the case, too much care cannot be taken to 
make it known publickly and authentically. The greatest 
aggravation, which such a calamity could receive, — and a 
calamity certainly it is so far as relates to the feelings of 
every one who hears it, — would be that it should be 
subject to any doubt and suspicion. If the King of a 
country is completely out of his mind, whatever sorrow 
may be felt for that event, the extent of the evil is, how- 
ever, known : It is, for the time it lasts, just as if the 
King were dead. The same person must, upon all principles 
of reason, and all views of the Constitution, carry on the 
Government, as if the King were actually dead — should 
he again be restored completely to his senses, the case is 
then equally clear : he must be restored completely to his 



1792] A MONARCH'S INSANITY 89 

government. Whatever other opinions are broached or 
thrown out in conversation by persons on either side, this 
seems to me to be the plain sense of the Matter, as we 
may possibly have to declare or act upon at least, before 
many days. The only case of danger and distress is 
when the sanity or insanity of a monarch should be not 
clearly ascertained or not generally known. To guard 
against that, in the instance now before us, I think 
accounts should have been given less ambiguous, less 
sophisticated and less false, than have been industriously 
propagated for some time past : and whatever motives of 
delicacy and prudence might have prevailed at first, as 
undoubtedly there were many, the case seeming now to 
be so decided, the actual insanity to be so complete, and 
the hopes of its ever ceasing so small, that any attempt 
further to disguise it will lye open to very uncreditable 
suspicions. 1 

During the previous year, from the end of August to 
the middle of October, Windham had been abroad 
travelling with Sylvester Douglas (afterwards Lord 
Glenbervie). Again this year, 1789, with the same com- 
panion he went to France for about a month from 
August 12. It is scarcely necessary to state that France 
was at this time in the early throes of the Revolution, 
that the Tiers-Etat had constituted itself the National 
Assembly on June 17 ; and that the Bastille had been 
destroyed on July 14. 

Edmund Burke to William Windham 

Beacons field : September 27, 1789 

It is very true, that I promised myself the satisfaction 

of seeing you very soon after your return from the Land 

of Liberty. I am sure I was very glad of your safe return 

1 Add. MSS. 37873 f. 159. 



go THE WINDHAM PAPERS [1784- 

from it ; for though I had no doubt of your prudence, 
where no duty called you to the utterance of dangerous 
truths, yet I could not feel perfectly at my ease for the 
situation of any friend, in a country where the people, 
along with their political servitude, have thrown off the 
Yoke of Laws and morals. I could certainly wish to 
talk over the details and circumstances with you. But 
the main matter consists in the results, upon the general 
impression made upon you by what you have seen and 
heard ; and this you have been so kind to communicate. 
That they should settle their constitution, without much 
struggle, on paper, I can easily believe ; because at present 
the Interests of the Crown have no party, certainly no 
armed party, to support them ; But I have great doubt 
whether any form of Government which they can estab- 
lish will procure obedience : especially obedience in the 
article of Taxations. In the destruction of the old 
Revenue constitution they find no difficulties — but with 
what to supply them is the opus. You are undoubtedly 
better able to judge ; but it does not appear to me, that 
the National assembly have one jot more power than the 
King ; whilst they lead or follow the popular voice, in the 
subversion of all orders, distinctions, privileges, imposi- 
tions, tythes, and rents, they appear omnipotent ; 
but I very much question, whether they are in a condition 
to exercise any function of decided authority — or even 
whether they are possessed of any real deliberative 
capacity, or the exercise of free Judgement in any point 
whatsoever ; as there is a Mob of their constituents 
ready to Hang them if they should deviate into modera- 
tion, or in the least depart from the spirit of those they 
represent. What has happened puts all speculation to the 
blush ; but still I should doubt, whether in the End 
France is susceptible of the Democracy that is the 
spirit, and in a good measure too, the form, of the con- 
stitution they have in hand : It is, except the Idea of the 
Crown being Hereditary, much more truly democratical 



1792] PARLIAMENTARY REFORM 91 

than that of North America. My son has got a letter from 
France which paints the miserable and precarious situa- 
tion of all people of property in dreadful colours. Indeed, 
the particular details leave no doubt of it. Pray let 
me hear from you again for I fear it will not be in my power 
to go to you or to our friend Dudley North — and I wish 
much to know whether the manes of the Enemies of honour 
and common sense have made any way at Norwich ; for 
I had much rather you were the Spectator, than the 
victim of popular madness. Adieu, my dear friend, and 
believe me, ever with the most sincere attachment, 

Truly yours, 

Edm. Burke. 1 

Windham was constant in his attendance at the House 
of Commons. On March 4, 1790, when speaking in oppo- 
sition to Flood's motion for the Reform of Parliament, he 
aptly put the question, " What, would Mr. Flood recom- 
mend you to repair your house in this hurricane season ? ' 
On this occasion he was supported only b}^ Burke among 
his political associates, Fox and the rest of the party 
being inclined to countenance the measure. Pitt, too, 
was favourable to reform, but thought with Windham 
that this was not the time to discuss it calmly, and at his 
request the motion was withdrawn. This was the first 
occasion on which there were signs that Windham was 
drifting away from the notions he had earlier enter- 
tained. It will be seen later that he who was in his 
youth an advocate for reform, in later days could with 
difficulty be brought even to consider any measure 
involving constitutional reform. 

In June of this year there was a dissolution, and Wind- 
ham, not without reason, for his views on some matters 

1 Add. MSS. 37843 f. 15. 



92 THE WINDHAM PAPERS [i7 8 4~ 

were not in accord with those of his constituents, was of 
the opinion that his seat was shaky. " After a good deal 
of business done in Norwich, in the way of calling, came 
away at half past twelve," he had noted in his Diary on 
March 16. " From some accounts which I heard, cannot 
help entertaining some doubts of the security of my seat. 
Will it not be advisable to put the question to people by a 
species of select canvass ? It is very fair to say, that they 
never know enough of me to be able to make up their 
minds, and that I may reasonably expect, they should 
declare their minds, while time is yet left to me to look 
out for other situations." Windham was, however, re- 
elected, in spite of some opposition. 

Extract from Windham's Diary 

July 24, 1790. I felt that strong sense of the unhappi- 
ness of my own celibacy ; that lively conception of the 
pleasures I had lost ; that gloomy apprehension of the 
conviction, which I should feel of this hereafter, clouding 
all my prospects, relaxing all my motives, and, in an 
especial manner, destroying all enjoyment, that I might 
ever have in residence here, — that unless I could resolve 
manfully to fight against such images, and force my mind 
from the contemplation of evils admitting no remedy, 
the most fatal mischief must ensue, both to my happi- 
ness, and to my powers. Of this resolution the necessity 
was not at first foreseen, nor the resolution of consequence 
fully taken. These images, accordingly, continued to 
pursue me, during the time of my absence at the Assizes. 
The effect of their continuance, during that time, was 
sufficient to point out the necessity of putting a speedy 
stop to them ; which has, accordingly, since then, been 
pretty effectually done. It is, indeed, sufficiently plain 
that wisdom must condemn the thinking on uneasinesses, 
which thinking cannot mend : the hint or symbol for 



1792] BURKE'S '* REFLECTIONS " 93 

enforcing that truth, may be the reflection on the broken 
tea-cup in Rasselas. The precept will not come with less 
weight, for coming from Dr. Johnson ; nor will it be un- 
satisfactory, (o me, to owe to him, what may alleviate 
some of the sorrows of life. 1 



Edmund Burke to William Windham 

October 27, 1790 

I have seen a letter of yours to Mr. Joshua Reynolds, 
which was one of the pleasantest I ever read, except in 
one short Sentence, or rather part of a Sentence. The 
pleasant part, you may think, was your desire of the j 
publication of my Letter of which you had seen the 
beginning. 2 But though this was flattering to me on 
every account, I hope you will think I speak of the general 
Tenour of your Letter, and not the little which touched 
my selfish feelings. If you had seen the middle, and 
end, as well as the beginning of my Book, you would 
have given me such lights, as might make you perhaps 
the less repent of your wish of my h olding up^myjiand 
to be tried by my Country : God send me a good deliver- 
ance. To you, I do not send it to be tried, but to be 
protected : It goes to an Asylum and not to a Court of 
Justice : for I should be sorry, that you were as well 
qualified to be my Judge by your impartiality, as you 
are by your penetration and your skill. You dropped a 
word, as if you thought 1 had not been quite fair in some 
of my representations. This gave me a good deal of 
uneasiness. In this Vein I looked over what I had 
written with some attention. It is possible enough, 
that in the infinite variety of matter contained in my 
original Subject I may have made some Mistakes, and . 
I wrote sometimes in circumstances not favourable to 
accuracy. I wrote from the memory of what I had read ; 



; 



t 



1 Add. MSS. 37921 f ; 21. 

2 " Reflections on the French Revolution 



9 4 THE WINDHAM PAPERS [1784- 

and was not able always to get the documents from whence 
I had been supplied when I wished to verify my facts 
with precision. But I hope my errors will be found to be 
rather mistakes than misrepresentations. I am quite 
sure, that in most of my statements, I have rather shot 
short of the mark than beyond it. However, where I 
have erred, I wish to be corrected ; and shall certainly, 
if the Letter (now a Book) which I send you should come 
to a new Edition, I shall thankfully avail myself of the 
advice I may receive from you. Accept then this mark 
of my sincere respect and affection, the last, I sincerely 
hope of the kind, with which I shall ever trouble my 
friends or the publick. 1 

William Windham to Mrs. Crewe 2 

Felbrigg : October 30, 1790 
I have behaved very ill in point of correspondence, and 
very undeserving of all the merits you have shown 
towards me. The cause has been, not as before, any 
uncomfortableness of mind that disinclined one to exer- 
tion, but good genuine dilatoriness, such as makes one 
often defer things that are upon the whole pleasant, as 
well as those that are unpleasant. It is so long since I 
received your letter, that I hardly remember distinctly 
the points in it that I ought to answer. The time fixed 
for your going to Welbeck was the 18th, I think. I was 
not without thoughts of joining you ; but finding upon 
enquiry, that it was a hundred and eighty miles from here, 
my heart failed me, and I resolved upon grubbing on 
quietly where I was. You must know that in one respect 
the longer I stay here, the longer I feel disposed to do so : 
for though, after a length of solitude, company becomes 

1 Add. MSS. 37843 f. 19. 

2 Frances Anne Crewe, died 1818, the daughter of Fulke Greville, 
and the wife of John, afterwards Baron, Crewe. She was a noted beauty, 
a keen politician, and an intimate friend of Fox, Burke, Sheridan, and 
Windham. 



1792] POLITICIAN OR SCHOLAR 95 

more pleasant, there is both in long continuance in one 
place something that incapacitates one for moving ; and 
to me here, an occupation in various pursuits, which the 
more time I have to engage in them the more hold they 
take of my mind, and the more unwilling I am to quit 
them. In London these things have never time to 
attach ; but here they have nothing to weaken and 
dissipate their effect, and, as they were my first love, 
recover all their original empire. It would have been 
better for me, perhaps, that I had never meddled with 
anything else ; or, meddling with other things, that I had 
begun to do so sooner. From some cause or other I am 
now a little of two characters, and good in neither : a 
politician among scholars, and a scholar among politicians. 
As Dr. Johnson said from Pope, of Lord Chesterfield, " a 
wit among lords, and a lord among wits." 

Under the present half of this divided empire, I am very 
sorry that Parliament is to meet before Christmas ; and 
look with great concern to the termination that is to be put 
in three weeks' time to various schemes which I fancy 
now, if time was given me, I could pursue to some effect. 
Of the business that we are to meet upon I am as ignorant 
as need be, and don't at all know what the right judgment 
is about Pitt's proceedings, or what the points on which 
principally he is to be attacked. I have, in fact, for some 
time past, nearly forgot that I had anything to do with it : 
though a late great politician, who has been unexpectedly 
thrown upon this coast like a whale, has within these 
few days a little awakened my political ardour. The 
little fishing town that is within two miles of me has 
contained no less a man than Colonel Barre. 1 The history 
of his coming here is not a writ of outlawry nor any 
warrant issued against him for treasonable practices, but 
his having been on a visit to Lord Townshend, and been 

1 Colonel Isaac Barre (1726-1802), fought by Wolfe's side at Quebec. 
He retired from the Army in 1773, and devoted himself exclusively to 
politics. John Britton in 1848 wrote a volume to prove that Barre 
wrote the letters of " Junius." 



96 THE WINDHAM PAPERS [1784- 

tempted to proceed thus far, on occasion of some of the 
children having been sent hither to bathe. To you who 
don't know the seclusion of this corner of the world, 
but who live in all the resort of the Palatinate, there may 
appear in this event nothing wonderful : but you cannot 
conceive to us what the appearance is of any one besides 
the natives, or, as we should describe it, of one out of the 
shires. As I could not prevail upon him to take up his 
abode with me, I must go down, I think, and see him again 
to-day. 

One of the circumstances to render me less inclined 
to remove to London at this time, one at least of the 
motives wanting, is, I conclude, that we must not look 
for you there. I fear I shall hardly be able in the interval 
between the breaking up and the meeting of Parliament, 
again to get as far as Cheshire. I had an invitation the 
other day from Lord John, to renew my hunting in 
Northamptonshire, and I made during the winter a half 
promise to Lady Spencer to go at Christmas to Althorpe. 
But all this is dark and doubtful ; and nothing certain 
but death and taxes, and that Pitt will come out with 
new lustre from all the present measures, and heap new 
confusion on his oppositionists. Farewell ! I must live 
upon hope, with the aid of a letter now and then. Re- 
member me, pray, to Crewe, and to all that are obliging 
enough to think of me ; my thanks to Mrs. Lane 1 and 
Mrs. Bouverie. 2 

Extract from Windham's Diary 

November 7, 1790. On Thursday I conceive it was, 
that a material incident happened — the arrival of Mr. 
Burke's pamphlet. 3 Never was there, I suppose, a work 
so valuable in its kind, or that displayed powers of so 

1 Sarah, sister of John Crewe and wife of Obadiah Lane. 

2 The Crewe Papers : Windham Section, pp. 5-10 (" Miscellanies " of 
the Philobiblon Society, vol. ix.). 

3 " Reflections on the French Revolution," published November 1. 



1792] BURKE RENOUNCES FOX 97 

extraordinary a sort. It is a work that may seem 
capable of overturning the National Assembly, and turning 
the stream of opinion throughout Europe. One would 
think, that the author of such a work, would be called to 
the government of his country, by the combined voices 
of every man in it. What shall be said of the state of 
things when it is remembered that the writer is a man 
decried, persecuted, and proscribed ; not being much 
valued, even by his own party, and by half the nation 
considered as little better than an ingenious madman ? 

The French Revolution, so far-reaching in its effects, 
had laid the foundation of the breach between Fox and 
Burke. Fox was enthusiastic about the French people, 
and on all occasions expressed his sympathies with the 
popular cause : Burke, on the other hand, was most bitter 
about everything connected with the Revolution and did 
not disguise his contempt for all who thought that some- 
thing good might ultimately result from the terrible up- 
heaval. So far there had been no open breach between 
the statesmen, although it was clear that they could not 
long continue to work together. The quarrel came at last 
in a debate on May 6, 1791, on the Quebec Bill. In his 
speech Burke lamented the loss of friendship that arose 
from the view he took of the Revolution. To this the 
great-hearted Fox replied, that there was not, and could 
not be, any loss of friendship between them. " Yes, there 
is," Burke said. " I know the price of my conduct, I 
have done my duty at the price of my friend — our friend- 
ship is at an end." When Fox rose again, it is recorded 
that some minutes passed before he could speak for the 
tears that choked his utterance. 

The conduct of both men was characteristic. It is 
not surprising, however, that the sympathy of nearly every 

I G 



: 



9 8 THE WINDHAM PAPERS [1784- 

one went out to Fox. What Windham thought may be 
deduced from the brief entry in his Diary : " Fatal day 
of rupture with Burke." So deeply did he feel on the 
subject that he excused himself from dining on May 16 
with Lord Petre if Burke was to be of the party. Wind- 
ham was at the House of Commons the next day, when, he 
noted, " the only circumstance that did give me satisfac- 
tion was some overtures of reconciliation from Burke." 1 
Soon they were again on excellent terms, which endured 
until Burke's death six years later. 

William Windham to Mrs. Crewe 

Paris : September 15, 1791 
I don't like to let another post go without a line, 
though I have not time enough to make a letter suited 
by its contents to be sent such a distance. 'Tis some- 
thing, however, to know that your letter is received, Rue 
des Petits Augustins, at Paris. The most important 
information, however, in its consequences to me is, that a 
letter to find me here should be sent to Mons. Perregaux, 
Banquier. I hope I shall not be long without profiting 
by the communication. To earn my hopes by the 
readiest way that the time will allow, let me tell 5^011 
that on my arrival I found at the Hotel de l'Universite, 
Payne, 2 General Dalrymple, 3 Lord Palmerston, 4 Lord 
Hardwicke 6 and W. Wyndham, Lord Egremont's 2nd 
brother. The two last had come over, leaving their 
wives at Spa, and are now both gone back. To replace 
them are arrived Sir William and (late Mrs. Harte, now) 

1 Windham's " Diary," May 16, 1791. 

2 (?) Captain (afterwards Admiral) John Willett Payne (1752-1803), 
an intimate friend of the Prince of Wales. 

3 Colonel Hew Whitefoord Dalrymple (1750-1830), Lieutenant- 
Governor of Guernsey ; baronet, 181 5. 

4 Henry Temple, second Viscount Palmerston (1 739-1 802), a member 
of " The Club." 

5 Philip Yorke, third Earl of Hardwicke (1757-1834), Lord- 
Lieutenant of Ireland, 1 801-1806. 




y. J. Masquer te^, pinxt 



II 'in. Say, st ulpt. 



I.AKV HAMILTON 



1792] ATTENDS THE ASSEMBLY 99 

Lady Hamilton. They came the day before yesterday and 
I am going this morning to see them ; but, however I may 
fear being too late, I will not miss the opportunity of 
sending this. There is another Lady also expected here 
whose presence could not fail to make Paris very interest- 
ing to me : but as she was to come with Lady R. Douglas, 
and Lady R. is said to be prevented by a miscarriage or 
some increase of ill-health, we shall probably lose the 
pleasure of her company. This is all that I know of 
company about which you will be much interested, not 
having yet seen your son or knowing for certain whether 
he is here. I might have mentioned indeed Lord Thanet, 1 
who arrived the same day as myself, with a Hungarian 
lady, whom as a brilliant achievement he carried off from 
her husband at Vienna ; and who, as well as himself, is 
now suffering for their sins, by the most complete weari- 
ness (as I should suppose) of one another. Crauford 
(James) is likewise here, and in the same hotel with 
myself. Hare 2 has likewise been here for some time. 
Having begun, like a good Englishman, with an account 
of the English company, I may now just mention the 
little event that took place yesterday of the King's 
acceptance of the constitution. By the extreme friendly 
activity of Noailles (ci-devant Vicomte) 3 I got a place 
in the Assembly and was present at the whole ceremony. 
There was great respect and great applause, but the 
nature of the proceeding was necessarily humiliating, and 
some circumstances in the conduct of it rendered it still 
more so. Before the King appeared, two very splendid 
chairs were placed, one of which I was surprised to see 
occupied by the president, who pronounced from thence, 
he and the King being for some time the only persons 

1 Sackville Tufton, ninth Earl of Thanet (1767-182 5). The Hun- 
garian lady was, presumably, Anne Charlotte de Bojanoiwitz, whom he 
married at St. George's, Hanover Square, February 28, 181 1. 

2 James Hare (1749-1804), M.P. for Knaresborough 1781-1804, 
an intimate friend of Fox. 

3 Louis Marie, Vicomte de Noailles (1756-1804), fifth son of Philippe 
de Noailles, Due de Mouchy. 



ioo THE WINDHAM PAPERS [1784- 

sitting, a long lecture, in which, besides the objection on 
account of its length, there was somewhat too much of 
" la nation," and somewhat too little of " le Roi." The 
principle of this equality between King and president 
was, no doubt, that the president represented the nation : 
but that principle followed up should have put the King 
upon the footstool, with the president's foot on his neck : 
for there is no doubt, to me at least, in theory as well as 
in their practice, that the nation, rightly understood, is 
all in all. It would have been much better, in my mind, 
if being bound in courtesy to remit much they had carried 
their courtesy a little further and remitted more. I hope 
that we shall be the people to keep up a little of the 
" vielle cour " in our manners, while we lose nothing of the 
solid advantages and privileges that the new system can 
promise. 1 

William Windham to W. J. Gurney 

Hill Street, May 2, 1792 

My mind is so full of the measures which made the 
subject of our debate on Monday 2 that I can hardly for- 
bear writing or speaking to any friend, who I think likely to 
have ideas at all similar to my own upon the subject. 
Though my declaration upon the occasion was not exactly 
what some of the papers have put in my mouth, that 
' whenever or in whatever shape a motion for Parlia- 
mentary Reform was brought forward, I would oppose it ' 
(such a declaration exceeding even my objections to 
Parliamentary Reform, and being such as no man hardly 
would make), yet nothing can be more decided, than my 
hostility to the measures now pursuing nor than my 
determination to oppose them to the utmost extremity. 

You will not be surprised at this determination, when 

1 The Crewe Papers : Windham Section, p. 1 1 (" Miscellanies " of 
the Philobiblon Society, vol. ix.). 

2 Charles (afterwards second Earl) Grey had given notice on April 30 
that in the following session of Parliament he would introduce a 
measure of parliamentary reform. 



1792] THE REVOLUTION IN ENGLAND 101 

I tell you, as I did to the House, though they have 
omitted I see in the papers, that part of what I said, that 
in my opinion this is little short of the commencement of 
civil troubles. I can consider it as nothing but the first 
big drops of that storm, which having already deluged 
France is driving fast to this country. I have in general 
been far from adverse to the principles and cause of the 
French Revolution. So much otherwise indeed, that 
from the beginning almost, Mr. Burke and I have never 
exchanged a word on the subject. But when an attempt 
is made to bring the same principles home to us, Principles 
in a great measure extravagant and false and which at 
best have no practical application here, I shall ever prove 
myself as violent an opposer of them as Mr. Burke or any 
one can be. 

It is as the commencement of changes similar to those 
that have taken place in France, that I view the measures 
now declared ; though far from being so considered or 
intended, on the part of the authors of them, or of the 
greater number possibly of those by whom they may be 
supported. I think, however, that this is the conclusion 
to which they are directly and rapidly tending ; and 
which can only be prevented by a timely alarm spread 
among all people, who may think the happiness which 
this country has hitherto enjoyed too valuable to be 
risked on experiments, hitherto unconfirmed by anything 
like an adequate trial, nor recommended even by any 
theory (if theory on such subjects were worth a farthing) 
that has been known in the world till within these half- 
dozen years. 

Mr. Grey and some other gentlemen, men very respect- 
able^DoTrTlor their talents and characters, and with whom 
I am most closely connected, seeing this danger, and 
feeling about it as I do myself, are of opinion, or rather 
were, (for I am not sure whether already some of them 
do not begin to be alarmed) that the only way to avert 
this danger, was to anticipate its arrival, and by timely 



102 THE WINDHAM PAPERS [1784- 

concession, and changes temperately and judiciously 
made, to quiet the minds of people, and defeat the projects 
of those who may wish for changes of a different character. 
Undoubtedly this is a policy very easily understood, and 
that may in various cases be the best to be pursued. It 
would have been happy had this been followed in the case 
of America. It would have been wise to have done the 
same thing in the case of Ireland : it is to be wished that 
the same course were pursued with respect to the Catho- 
licks of Ireland at this moment. But this policy, though 
often good, is like every other prudential measure, very 
often not so, and the question is, whether it is so or not 
in the present instance. I am setting aside for the 
present, all consideration of the measures themselves, 
which they propose, viz., the enlarging the representa- 
tion and shortening the duration of parliament, — the 
former of which may possibly in a very moderate degree be 
desireable rather than not, and the latter of which, I con- 
ceive to be clearly hurtful. I am considering them merely 
with a view to the effect, which they propose by them, of 
defeating the schemes of those, who mean nothing short 
of a complete overthrow of the present constitution. 

Now for this purpose, I am persuaded they will produce 
an effect directly the reverse of that which their authors 
intend ; and this opinion I ground upon the considera- 
tion, that their reform, should they ever introduce it, 
would only be one of many thousands, which others 
have proposed, who of consequence will be little satisfied 
with Mr. Grey's Reform or Constitution, as he or they 
may now be with the present one. You cannot with one 
measure satisfy all schemes. Your measure can be but 
one, your schemes are infinite, many of them the most 
discordant and opposite. Does he suppose for instance, 
that, by any plan which he will recommend, he will satisfy 
those who say that every Government is an usurpation 
upon the rights of man, in which every individual has not 
a vote ? Does he suppose, that he can ever form a House 



1792] THE PRINCIPLE OF CHANGE 103 

of Commons, from which influence, much of it undue, will 
be" excluded, or on which, such influence, whether existing 
or hot, maj' not always be charged ? When the principle 
of change, such as that now adopted, is once established, 
of change not founded on -a comparison of a specifick 
grievance with a specifick remedy, but proceeding on a 
general speculation of benefits to arise from this or that 
mode of constituting a Parliament, what is there that is 
to put a stop to it, till we run the full career of all that the 
speculators of the present day may wish to drive us to ? 
We must not shut our eyes to the fact, that there is at this 
time a spirit very generally diffused, as it has been very 
wickedly excited, of changing the present constitution of 
things without any distinct view of what is to be substi- 
tuted in its room. The promoters of this spirit call the 
means which they apply, an appeal to reason. But to 
whose reason do they appeal ? To the reason of those, 
who they know can be no judges of the question. To 
the reason of the very lower orders of the community, 
whom it is easy to make discontented, as their situation 
must ever render them too apt to be, but whom no man, 
not meaning to betray them would ever erect into 
judges of the first moral principles of Government, or 
of the advantages or disadvantages of great political 
measures. 

It will be well worth the while of people not indifferent 
to their own interests, whatever experiments they may 
wish to make with those of other people, to consider, 
whether this practice of teaching all the world to submit 
to nothing but what their reason can satisfy them of the 
truth of, may not proceed in time to lengths which they 
will not much like ; and whether they do not conceive, 
that upon this doctrine of universal rights arguments 
might be brought, such at least as an audience of labour- 
ing" men may think satisfactory, why there should be an 
equality of property as well as an equality of voting. 
Hints of this sort have already been thrown out, I think, 



104 THE WINDHAM PAPERS [1784- 

in Mr. Payne's pamphlet. I am sure it would not be 
difficult to improve them in a way to make them circulate 
among the lower people, as rapidly as arguments about 
the principles of government are said now to do 
among the workmen at Sheffield. They have already 
abolished in France all titles and distinctions, a species of 
property surely as innocent as any that can be con- 
ceived, and which, on being given to one man, does not 
seem to take anything from another. They have 
abolished likewise in great measure the right of persons 
to dispose of their property by will. What are all the laws 
of property but the mere creatures of arbitrary appoint- 
ment ? And who shall be able to derive any one of them 
by a regular deduction from natural rights, so at least, 
as not to admit endless disputes about the authenticity 
of the pedigree ? Suppose some one should take it into 
their head to write a work addressed to the labouring people, 
exposing to them the iniquity of that system which con- 
demns half the world to labour for the other, and pleading 
for such a partition of goods, as may give to every one 
a competence and leave to none a superfluity. I am 
certainly not meaning to say that such arguments would 
be good ones : I am not meaning to say", that they might 
not be easily answered, but I should be sorry to undertake 
to answer them, in an auditory such as composes the 
majority of every parish in England. For some time 
the habitual respect which the laws have taught for 
property, would perhaps prevail : but when you have 
once well taught men to consider the power from which 
such laws proceed, as an usurpation, how much longer 
will the respect remain for regulations, unfavourable to 
their interests, which that power has ordained ? How 
long will men acquiesce in laws, which condemn them to 
poverty, when they are to be maintained on no other 
ground than such agreement, as they can discern in them, 
with natural rights ? Why publications of this sort 
should not be put forth, I don't see. You cannot punish 



1792] RISKS OF CIVIL CONFUSION 105 

them on any principles which permit the publication of I 
many works now circulating ; and you cannot dispute the 
competency of the common people to judge of the question 
of property, when you allow them to be judges of what 
are certainly not less difficult, the first principles of 
Government. 

But I will not tire you nor myself by going on with 
this subject, on which one might write volumes, without 
stating all the wildness and danger of the principles now 
abroad. My own serious opinion is that unless men of 
all descriptions write to say, that they will not, on mere 
general hopes of improvement, consent to change a state 
of things which has produced and is still producing a 
degree of happiness, security and liberty unknown hitherto 
in the world, we shall, before we are aware of it, be 
involved in all the horrors of civil confusion. If we are, 
it will be an example of human folly and madness, such 
as the world has never yet exhibited. That a nation 
great and happy as this is, raised to a degree of splendour 
that has made us the admiration of the world, enjoying 
the most perfect liberty united with all the blessings of 
order, possessing at this moment peculiar advantages 
from the distracted state of many countries around us, 
and seeing in no country any one advantage that we do 
not enjoy ourselves in a superior degree,, — that such a 
nation should at once, upon the mere assurance of certain 
persons that they can make us better, put all these 
blessings to hazard and risk the falling into universal con- 
fusion is a degree of extravagance which can be called 
by no name but that of madness. In such madness, as 
it appears to me, I, for one, will not be a partaker. I 
hope that among my friends at Norwich there are many 
that are in the same sentiments. Such sentiments are, 
I am sure, very much wanted : but there is nowhere that 
I should so much like to find them, as among persons with 
whom I am otherwise so much connected. 1 

1 Add. MSS. 37873 f. 172. 



io6 THE WINDHAM PAPERS [1784- 

The political breach between Fox and Windham grew 
wider, though they did not allow their differences in 
Parliament to interfere with their private friendship. In 
May 1792 the Government issued a Proclamation against 
Seditious Meetings. This Fox opposed tooth and nail, 
but the Duke of Portland, Lord Spencer, Lord Fitz- 
william, and Windham, with others of the party, thought 
it their duty to the country to support Pitt on this and 
similar occasions. 

The Duke of Portland to William Windham 

Bulstrode : October 13, 1792 
I am not without my fears that this letter may increase 
the gloom into which the Duke of Brunswick's retreat 
has very naturally thrown you, because you will find no 
contradiction or any explanation of the event but what 
you have already seen in the Papers, which in my appre- 
hension very sufficiently accounts for it, because since it 
took place I have not received a single line of intelligence 
from any person whatever. I met a person belonging to 
the Secretary of State's office, the beginning of this week, 
who assured me that everybody now knew as much of 
France as Ministers did, and probably more, for that 
Thelluson x received the earliest and best information 
from thence, and, he believed that what came to the 
Secretary of State's office was the last and the worst. 
All I have to send you, therefore, are my hopes, and they 
are confident and not wholly unfounded that there is too 
large a portion of good sense, or self-interest, or indolence, 
or indecision, or dislike of novelty, or attachment to 
old habits, or in short something that, if it is not good 
sense, will be a substitute for it which will prevent 
our being overrun by French Principles, and as for 
French arms, my dread of them will not disturb me 

1 Peter Thellusson (i737-i797),amerchantconnected with the Paris 
banking house of that name. 



1792] THE QUESTION OF ANARCHY 107 

much, for I do not believe that anything could so 
effectually animate and unite us as an armed attempt 
from France to force us to accept Anarchy. You see 
that I am of opinion that we have both vigor and wisdom 
sufficient to resist such an attempt ; and that opinion is 
founded on the very general diffusion and distribution of 
property, the perfect security in which it is enjoyed, the 
great opulence and prosperity of the Country and the 
superabundance of employment and wages for the manu- 
facturers of all descriptions, who are the most, and indeed 
the only, turbulent part of our community. The Army, 
small as it is, I believe to be perfectly safe, and to be 
depended upon and quite sufficient to support the Civil 
Power which, with that confidence it will derive from the 
military, is very able, with the assistance of the well dis- 
posed part of the Community, to preserve good order 
and defeat any hostile designs or undertakings against 
the present Constitution of our Government. I am sure 
there are Men in this Country (and there does not appear 
to have been one in France), for though it has been the 
system of the present Reign to annihilate them, in 
that it has not succeeded, and they still exist, and I trust 
and believe, there will be found enough to save the 
Country, even from being attempted I do not 
know whether you will concur with me on this point 
and perhaps it is as well you should not, for too much 
and too general confidence might ruin us. Do you 
therefore continue to despond and to exert yourself, and 
I will be sanguine and not idle. 1 

Lord Mulgrave to William Windham 

Harley Street : December 1, 1792 
If I were to say half I wish on the various subjects in 
your letter, I should not save the post. I will, there- 
fore, write more fully hereafter. I find the same timid 

1 Add. MSS. 37845 f. 5. 



108 THE WINDHAM PAPERS [1784- 

disinclination to be first amongst those to whom I apply, 
as you complain of in your part of the country, to which 
there is nothing to be said but that those who are the last 
to exert themselves in defence of their rights frequently 
are or always ought to be the first to lose them. Govern- 
ment, however, are doing their part with vigour, by this 
night's proclamation (which I am in momentary expecta- 
tion of receiving to enclose to you) . You will find that in 
consequence of the tumult in Scotland, a part of the 
Militia is to be immediately embodied. A nice selection of 
the corps most to be depended upon is precluded by the 
locality of the grounds upon which the force is embodied. 
Eleven counties are to be called upon, amongst which 
Norfolk is to be one, and the first impression of the 
Gazette is to be sent to me to transmit to you, because my 
friends do you the justice to rely on your giving this 
measure the turn of encouragement to those who wish 
well to good order, instead of suffering it to have the 
effect of alarming them with apprehensions of unforeseen 
and latent dangers ; the consequence of this measure will 
of course be that the Parliament will assemble within a 
fortnight, when I trust that unanimity, firmness and 
exertion will dispel the Dangers which have been stirred 
up by desperate and unprincipled emissaries. The best 
mode, I should think, for giving effect to associations in 
the county would be to have standing committees in 
different parts who should consist of a small number and 
transact the business of the Association, without calling 
those together who have signed the Resolutions, unless 
any extraordinary circumstance should require the 
exertions, or influence of collected numbers. 

I feel with you the propriety of the increase of Labourer's 
Wages, and the importance of that measure being kept 
distinct from the political circumstances of the time. I 
am not prepared at this moment to give a decided opinion 
as to the mode of effecting that, but I will write more fully 
to you on this Head when I have more deeply considered 



1792] THE LABOURER'S HIRE 109 

it. The most ordinary or obviously legal means are 
certainly the most desirable : I believe there is a power in 
the Quarter Sessions to regulate the price of labour. The 
call of Parliament is so far fortunate that it will probably 
collect a considerable body of country gentlemen from 
different parts, amongst whom the best expedients may 
be determined upon. The alteration in the price of 
Labour must ultimately fall on the Landowners, and 
when they are convinced of the propriety and necessity 
of it, the concurrence of the Farmers, may, I should 
suppose, be easily contrived. These are, however, but 
the sudden thoughts raised by what I have read in your 
Letter and which I should wish to discuss further with 
you. 

There is not the least foundation for the Report of 
Lord Chatham's 1 going to Ireland. Lord Temple and 
Lord Edward Fitzgerald 2 have been dismissed from the 
service for the part they have taken in the propagation of 
Republican doctrines. I hope you will not suffer dis- 
couraging ideas to intrude themselves upon you. I should 
be afraid the little justice y ou do yourself would induce 
you to suspect me of flattery, if I were to say how much I 
think the strength and success of our cause depends upon 
your appearance and exertions in it, and how very much 
chearfulness will be given to any struggle I may endeavour 
to make, by my doing it hand in hand with you. 3 

1 John Pitt, second Earl of Chatham (1756-1835), First Lord of the 
Admiralty, 1 788-1794. 

2 Lord Edward Fitzgerald (1763- 1798) was cashiered from the Army 
for joining in Sir Robert Smith's toast to the abolition of all hereditary 
titles, given at an English dinner-party at Paris in October 1792. 

3 Add. MSS. 37873 f. 183. 



CHAPTER III 
1793 

A coalition suggested between Pitt and the Duke of Portland's 
party : Mudge's chronometer : A Frenchman on the Revolution 
and of the state of affairs in the United States : Alexander 
Hamilton : General Knox : Randolph : Jefferson : Windham's 
increasing importance : Pitt confers with him : Windham on 
the French Revolution : On the Proclamation for the sup- 
pression of seditious meetings: On the divergence of views 
between Fox and Portland : Windham for a while acts as head 
of the party : Fox and the " Friends of the People " : 
Windham comments upon his lack of ambition : He is present 
at the siege of Valenciennes : The surrender of that town : 
Ministerial negotiations : Windham anxious not to take office : 
The siege of Dunkirk : Toulon : Pitt regrets that Windham 
is disinclined to take office : The execution of Marie Antoinette : 
The siege of Mauberge : Burke on the conduct of the war : 
Windham supports the continuance of the war : La Vendee : 
A conference between Pitt and Lord Spencer : Windham and 
his architect, James Wyatt : Burke and Spencer on the 
situation : Spencer and Windham in favour of continuing the 
war : Lord Malmesbury's mission to the King of Prussia : 
The French Princes : Toulon regained by the French. 

ON the eve of the declaration of war against 
France, Thomas Grenville wrote to Windham 
regarding the invitation that he, in common 
with other prominent politicians, had received 
to meet at Windham's house to confer as to the advisa- 
bility of forming a coalition between Pitt and the 
Duke of Portland. 

Thomas Grenville to William Windham 

February 10, 1793 

I received your letter to-day at five o'clock, and 

being obliged to go out to dinner have not till 

no 




y. Hoppnsr. R.A.,putxt. 



G ' Unt, sculpt. 



WILLIAM PUT 



1793] PROPOSALS FOR A COALITION in 

now been able to send you any answer ; being 
desirous of seeing the Duke of Portland upon the 
subject, I learn from him that you had this morning 
apprised him of its being the wish of many persons, 
who concurred with him in the necessity of supporting 
the war in which we are engaged, to meet and communi- 
cate together this evening at your house ; I learn also 
from him that he expressed no sort of objection to any 
concert of his parliamentary friends for that purpose. 
I have, however, read in your letter with a good deal of 
concern that, a proposition was to be made for a deter- 
mination to set aside for the present all views of opposi- 
tion. It is true that a proposition of this nature was dis- 
cussed at the beginning of this session, but you will I 
am sure recollect that the Duke of Portland, Lord Fitz- 
wiliiam, 1 many other persons, and myself amongst them, 
expressed the most distinct dissent from that proposition, 
and that it seemed to be the wish of all those persons to 
pledge themselves to no support of government or sus- 
pension of opposition, except in those particular instances 
which were effected by and comprehended in the very 
peculiar dangers of the times. Under these circumstances, 
of which Mr. Fox was likewise informed and upon which 
communication was constantly had with him, tho' he 
differed in opinion the general course of conduct seemed 
understood to be, that those who saw internal dangers 
from republican principles, and dangers arising from the 
growing power of France, would resist them by support- 
ing those measures of the government which were meant 
to counteract the dangers at home, and such support; 
too, of war with France as might make it most effectual 
if war proved to be necessary. 

For my own part I own I much wish to see again at 
Burlington House 2 those meetings which it has always 

1 William Wentworth Fitzwilliam, fourth Earl Fitzwilliam (1748- 

i833)- 

2 The property of the Duke of Devonshire from 1753 until 1815. 



H2 THE WINDHAM PAPERS [1793 

given me so much pleasure to attend there, and which 
I am persuaded have been of the greatest publick benefit ; 
least of all can I subscribe to any notion of devising any 
project for not engaging the Duke of Portland to take 
his old place at the head of those who act upon his 
sentiments, because he appears to me to have kept that 
place with honour to himself, and I am persuaded too with 
the most perfect satisfaction to all his friends. 1 

W. Banks to William Windham 

Soho Square : March 17, 1793 

You need not have informed me that you respect the 
rights of adversaries, because I well know that you 
respect all rights except perhaps the rights of those whose 
watches have gone better than Mudge's ever did go and 
who in that case certainly have a right to the Public 
reward you seem determined to confer on your Devonshire 
Friend. 2 

As an adversary I claim however one right, which is 
that if the Committee to-morrow should find themselves 
satisfied with the truth of Mr. Mudge's allegations and 
make up their Consciences to report them to the House of 
Commons as proved according to the Standing orders, a 
reasonable time may be allowed before that Report be 
carried up, in order that these who think that public 
money cannot with justice be given to the second-best 
while the most deserving is left unrewarded, may have an 
opportunity of explaining the comparative pretensions 
of these to whom the public are indebted for the improve- 
ment of time-keepers. 

This right of an adversary I hold that you cannot in 

1 Add. MSS. 37849 f. 204. 

2 Thomas Mudge (171 7-1 794) invented a chronometer, for which he 
claimed a reward from the Board of Longitude, which was not granted. 
Subsequently a Committee was appointed on which sat Pitt, Windham, 
and others, to consider the matter. Convinced of the value of the 
timekeeper, they recommended a grant of £2 500, a decision that the 
House of Commons confirmed. 



i 7 93l MUDGE'S CHRONOMETERS 113 

justice deny, for, as your mode of Proceeding allows 
the smallest possible number of Periods for explana- 
tions to take place that the Constitution of Parliament 
recognises, each period ought to have a greater interval 
than is necessary in the Conduct of an act of Parliament 
to allow to the Corresponding one. 1 

W. Banks to William Windham 

Soho Square : March 18, 1793 

Being of Opinion that neither you nor the rest of 
Mudge's Friends are aware of the Pretentions other artists 
have, to be rewarded in Preference to him, I have been 
induced to draw up the inclosed paper which I mean to 
circulate to the members on the day the report is to be 
received. I think it candid to communicate it to you 
forthwith, but I do not mean to bring it out to-morrow, 
because I understand it is not customary to make a 
serious opposition in the Commons for proving allegations. 

I beg to have it understood that I do not mean to Com- 
bat Mr. Mudge's pretentions on any other Ground than 
the Defence of the Decision of the Board of Longitude and 
the pretentions of Mr. Arnold and such others, if such 
there are, whose time-keepers are better than Mr. Mudge's. 
If the House chose to extend their Bounty to Reward him, 
I am sure that I shall lay no obstacle in the way of their 
generosity Provided they give due attention to the claims 
of those who have excelled him. 2 

William Windham to John Coxe Hippisley (at Rome) 

London : March 28, 1793 
I have already much to answer for in having delayed 
so long to write ; at a time when you must be so im- 
patient for letters, and when you have given yourself 
such a claim to them from me, by the numerous ones which 
I have received. It is the sense of my obligations in 
1 Add. MSS. 37854 f. 45. 3 Add. MSS. 37854 f. 47. 

I H 



ii 4 THE WINDHAM PAPERS [1793 

that respect, and the ideas conceived of what I ought to 
do in return, that has, till now, repressed my endeavours, 
and threatens, without care, to throw me into as bad a 
state, as during the time of your absence in India. 1 

An experience of that danger makes me resolve to 
break my chains by times. I have accordingly seized 
my pen this morning, determined to write a page before I 
pull off my night-cap ; and not to go out of the house, 
till I have got upon paper such a quantity, as I may 
venture to send off by next post, should I be unable even 
to make any additions to it. Where shall I begin ? 
And what order shall I follow ? What shall I consider as 
most important ? And where shall I consider you as 
most uninformed, and most desirous therefore of in- 
formation from me ? The points probably most neces- 
sary, will be those, that you can least learn from public 
accounts ; and such will be the history of our domestic 
and party politics, particularly as affecting that class of 
men about whom you are most interested. 

You know, what the state of my mind was respecting 
the situation of Europe, and the progress to be appre- 
hended of those changes which were gaining daily new 
strength, and which were never likely to stop of them- 
selves, till they effected the dissolution of all the sub- 
sisting governments. The reasons for these fears went on 
increasing, in respect both of the progress of the French 
Arms, and of the corresponding opinions in this country, 
till some time, as I recollect, after your departure they 
seemed then to be brought to a sort of crisis, at which some 
immediate explosion was to be apprehended. I am not 
sure whether this was just before, or just after your 
departure, but it was towards the end of November. 

You must consider this as a sort of fixed point, with 
references to which the history of these times is to be 
graduated. The despondency of those who have been 

1 Hippisley had been in the service of the East India Co. in India, 
1786-9. 



i 7 93l THE MINISTERIAL POSITION 115 

distinguished since, as the sect of Alarmists x was then at 
its lowest ebb. Among those who happened to be at 
that time in London, I was among the most eager for 
calling together whatever force of counsel could be 
collected, in order to consider what should be done. The 
general opinion was, that an intimation should be given 
to the Ministry, serving in our view as a menace, and in 
another as an encouragement, that those, by whom they 
had been supported at the time of the Proclamation, 2 would 
not fail them in any measures, which they might think 
it necessary to take in the present circumstances ; and 
that, in the opinion of the persons comprehended under 
that description, measures, vigorous and decisive, both 
internal and external, ought to be taken. This was 
accordingly done ; and though the intimation so con- 
veyed was not so explicit nor so strong, as I could have 
wished ; it is not impossible, that on that little circum- 
stance much of the subsequent conduct of government, 
much in consequence of that of the dispositions and plans 
of foreign powers ; and much, therefore, in the end of the 
fate of Europe, may have turned. I have always been 
a great tracer of the effect of little things ; and the 
opinion, that this step seemingly so inconsiderable : may 
have led to consequences, thus important, is a reflexion 
of great comfort and satisfaction to me, who had some 
share in it, and who rejoice so much in those consequences. 
The sentiments of Fox, in the meanwhile, remained in 
a great measure unknown. He had been absent from 
Town during the greater part of the Summer, and little 
more was known of his sentiments, than what I had 
collected in a short conversation in my way from Norfolk 
to London, previous to the retreat of the combined Army, 
and to those events, which made so large a part of the 
present crisis. My own expectations were not very 

1 Burke and others opposed to the French Revolution were called 
" Alarmists." 
? The Proclamation against Seditious Meetings, &c. 



n6 THE WINDHAM PAPERS [1793 

sanguine ; and the result of three or four conversations, 
to which he seemed to be dragged rather unwillingly, 
gave me an early impression, that our difference was not 
of a temporary or superficial sort, but such as was 
likely to lead us, without some unexpected turn of things, 
wider and wider from each other. It was not a difference 
capable of being reduced to specific points, and of being 
confined, therefore, within precise limits, but a general 
difference of feeling that pervaded all our sentiments on 
the present state of the world. This opinion, admitted 
as you may suppose with great reluctance, and at first 
with considerable hesitation, has alas ! been growing 
stronger, as the scene has opened ; till now that we have 
passed the question of War, without being able to find in 
that an occasion of union, there is nothing, as far as the 
eye can reach, that affords a prospect of our coming 
together. The situation in which we stand, and the 
persons comprized in one or other description, you know 
probably partly from the accounts of the debates, and 
partly from private letters. 

It may be more necessary to say something of the 
situation and sentiments of the Duke of Portland. For 
his sentiments have been on all occasions, except on the 
Bill now depending to prevent treasonable correspondence 
&c. the same as Sir Gilbert Elliot's and mine, who have 
never differed yet in any instance. His opinion and 
feelings on the affairs of France, his ideas on the state of 
this Country : his wishes for war, and his intentions of 
supporting the Ministry, till he was talked out of them by 
other counsellors, were all the same as ours ; But his 
situation is such as no nicety of conduct can make con- 
sistent with itself, and as has been the parent of all his 
difficulties, and all his perplexities, and of such loss of 
personal consequence as it will be difficult ever to repair. 
He has conceived that his present difference with Fox 
could be treated as a difference on a particular point, 
and be reconciled with a continuance of party connection. 



1793] WITHOUT A LEADER 117 

The consequence of which is that he is acting in party 
with a man with whom he never agrees, and is joining 
with him to overturn the power of those by whom his own 
system is supported. One of the effects of this situation, 
illustrating the original falseness of the conception, is 
that he can take no step to aid and co-operate with those 
with whom he concurs in opinion. 

To obviate so strange a consequence was the object 
of that conference, which produced the declaration from 
Sir Gilbert Elliot, about which you have heard probably 
a good deal, and which has drawn upon him a great deal 
of enmity from that side. It was proposed to the Duke 
to put himself at the head of those, whose sentiments 
he agreed with ; and to allow them still to consider 
themselves as acting under their original chief. To this 
it was thought at first, that we had an explicit consent : 
but all was afterwards embroiled, and confused, till, in 
point of fact, we all find ourselves now acting without a 
leader, and with no other concert, than that which we 
have been able to make out among ourselves. 

The only meetings, therefore of the party that have 
taken place on our side, have been at my house. Much 
against my will I have been obliged to act as a sort of head 
of a party, much in the same way as some Colonel or 
Serjeant may now be doing with the remains of Du- 
mouriez's Army. 1 This, however, can last only for a short 
time. It may serve to keep us together for a while ; 
but if the Duke cannot be prevailed upon to return to his 
station, of which I see at present no prospect, and hardly, 
indeed, the opportunity, we must dwindle away and be 
dispersed in various channels till the very name and idea 
of the party will be lost. The credit and consequence that 
has been lost by this conduct, first of Fox, and then of 
the Duke, is dreadful to think of. HadHFbx determined 

1 Dumouriez had been defeated at Neerwinden, March 18, by the 
Austrians under Saxe-Coburg, and driven out of Belgium. Dumouriez 
deserted to the Allies, April 4. 



f 



n8 THE WINDHAM PAPERS [1793 

J to have taken part with us at the close of last year, had he 

■ disclaimed the Friends of the People, and sided with 
those, who had certainly the best claim to be considered 

I as his friends, there is hardly a doubt that he might, at 
this time, have been a Minister. Had he even taken part 
with us at the beginning of this Session, there is little 
doubt, though more than before, that his authority in the 
Country, might have been equally or nearly as great. As 

I it is he has put himself in a situation, in which, as far as 

I can be foreseen, nothing less than a Revolution can ever 
make him Minister. 

The Duke of Portland upon a smaller scale has judged 
equally wrong, and with consequences equally injurious. 
By this attempt of continuing to act with Fox, while 
they differed on questions such as those now depending, 
he has disappointed the expectations of his friends, and 
of the publick, and lost much of that reputation for firm- 
ness and decision, which is so necessary to the head of a 
party, and may be so much wanted hereafter for the 
purpose of recovering Fox. The opinion that the Duke 
had a will and a judgement of his own, and could firmly 
act up to that judgement, would be the best cure for that 
distrust, which otherwise may for ever exclude Fox 
from Office. The situation of the Duke was, I confess, 
difficult. To have taken the course, which I recommended, 
would undoubtedly have changed what was one party 
into two, with each its head and members and separate 
functions ; acting without enmity to each other, but 
moving in different directions, and forming each its own 
system. But the course which is now taken leaves us 
no party at all. The only body that lives and acts is an 
heterogeneous mass, formed hardly in any degree of the 
materials of the Duke of Portland's friends, (though it 
has derived from them its life and energy) and pursuing 
habits and instincts altogether its own. It is a little 
gilded and venomous insect, with great force of wing, 
which has sprung from the carcase of the old party, which 



1793] THE PARTY MELTING AWAY 119 

it leaves to moulder and grow putrid in the eyes of the 
Publick. If I were a Man of ambition and activity and 
talents for such a situation, now is the time when I might 
become a great leader, all the world being ready to hail 
the course I have taken, and which I laboured, with most 
earnest endeavours, to make the course also of the Duke 
of Portland. I have no such disposition, did I possess 
even the powers, so that the party seems to be melting 
away, with no one growing up to replace it, but such 
as must derive all its strength and nutriment from the 
misfortunes and mischief of the Country. 

This is the best picture which I can give you of the 
state of internal politics as confined to public men. The 
evils of this I feel less acutely, from the consideration of 
the promising appearance which things seem to assume 
upon the Continent, where the progress of the mischief is 
at least stopt, with as good hopes of further reduction of 
it, as can be entertained in a business of such extent and 
complexity. 

The representations which you made of the state of 
opinions in the Southern parts of France, combined with 
other accounts confirming the same ideas, makes a very 
considerable part of the hopes, which I allow myself to 
indulge. You will have heard all the accounts, which 
we have as yet got of the complete success of the Austrian 
Arms in Brabant, such as give already full assurance for 
the security of Holland, and leave little, or no doubt, of 
the entire evacuation of Flanders. We know as yet 
for certain (March 27th) only of the Victory of the 18th. 
these are Accounts seemingly pretty authentick of a 
continuence of the same successes, amounting to nearly 
an entire dispersion of the whole of the French Army. 

What we want now is a Naval force in the Mediter- 
ranean, such as might give heart and protection to the 
sentiments which you describe as existing in that part of 
France. Similar aid is wanting towards Brittany ; where, 
as you will see by the French papers, a very general 



120 THE WINDHAM PAPERS [1793 

dissatisfaction prevails. In both these cases, indeed, there 
must be a land force to co-operate with that by sea ; and 
such I conclude in the course of the Summer must be 
found. At all events an English Fleet should be or 
rather should have been, in the Mediterranean, to give 
that succour and protection, which I conceive all the 
Countries upon those Shores are looking for at our hands, 
and which it would be a proud distinction in us to grant. 
I long to think that Rome, our common mother, should 
owe her safety, if danger must approach her, to the 
protecting justice of Great Britain. 

Amidst so much said of our political differences, it 
may be necessary to state in what degree they affect 
private and individual intercourse. You may imagine, 
that those who lived together chiefly as politicians, do not 
continue much to do so, when their politics disagree. The 
secession likewise from the Whig Club, of which you may 
have seen an account in the papers, has been a subject 
of greater complaint than any difference in voting or 
speaking. But none of these have led, in my case, to 
any change of manner in private, nor in my own mind 
to any change of private regard. I retain all my former 
opinions and kindness for Fox, though I see, with regret, 
that his sentiments and wishes on the changes now going 
on in the World, are more remote from mine, than I had 
formerly supposed. The list of the persons who side 
with him on these points you know pretty well by the list 
of the division. Those, who do not appear there, may 
be presumed, in general, to be on the other side. 1 

1 Add. MSS. 37848 f 59. 



1793] A FRENCH ROYALIST'S LETTER 121 

An Unknown Correspondent 1 to William Windham 

The 1 of June (1793) 

Philadelphia at M. Morris, 

Member of the Senate, Market Street 

The affectionate attention you honoured me with 
during the time I spent in England induced me to think 
that you would hear with satisfaction of my happy arrival 
in the Unitate States. I had good companions on board, 
among which I will mention the respectable familly of 
M. Duche, M. Talon, a member of the first constitutionel 
assembly, under an accusation of the convention, M. 
Bonnet, a French clergyman banished, and M. Devillaine, 
a French officer who made the last campaign with the 
Princes. The number of our fellow passengers was eighty 
and against the common rule of sea travellers we lived on 
board ship and parted on the most friendly terms. 

We found the sea so much covered with your vessels 
that I thought its Empire belonged entirely to Great 
Britain. Your men-of-war seemed to me very well 
disposed to protect your Trade, and stationed with a 
peculiar Knowledge of the French coast. Some of them 
came near our vessel but your sea officers, able to dis- 
tinguish the form of every ship, never stoped or pre- 
vented us from continuing our course. We desired our 
Captain to shew his colours to every ship we met with ; 
by this precaution we had an opportunity of speaking 
with several of your Merchantmen and acquainting them 
that hostilities had taken place between France and 
England, and of telling the Captains of those vessels the 
lattitude and longitude where they would receive the 
protection of your men-of-war. 

1 This letter is taken from a copy, the original not being among the 
" Windham Papers." In the copy the signature is omitted, but the 
presumption is that the letter was written by a French Royalist, and 
one of no little importance, since, as will be seen, he was on terms with 
the most important men in the United States. 



122 THE WINDHAM PAPERS [1793 

I landed at Philadelphia the third of May and went 
immediately to M. Washington. He inquired with 
peculiar attention concerning the Officers who served in 
America during the War and more especially concerning 
M. de Lafayette. I looked upon this first enterview 
as a good presage of M. Washington's public sentiments 
and in private conversation I was confirmed in my 
opinion that the President of Congress disliked the 
System of the New Republicains as much as might be 
expected from a man sensible of the true principles of a 
good government and anxious for the happiness of 
mankind. 

To give you a just idea of the opinion of the people 
of the Unitate States, I must have a retrospect to the 
beginning of the French revolution. When the etats 
generaux was called, the Americains expected the im- 
provement of our government. The revolution of July 
1789 received the general aprobation of the people. 
Every one thought it was the struggle of despotism in 
the Aristocraty of the clergy and nobility against the 
principles of liberty. However, some men of ability 
escaped this common enthousiasm and thought that the 
basis upon which the legislature of France proposed to 
elevate the constitution was not that which was proper to 
suport the foundation of a large empire. Had not the 
unhappy Lewis the 16 th adopted the bad proposition 
to go toVarennes, leaving before the National assembly 
the fatal writing which led to doubt of his faith, the 
sentiment I mentioned had received the greatest credit 
and every one had aprouved of the refusal of the King to 
take care of a helm ready to break in his hands. The 
French constitution as it was formerly accepted, leaving 
some means of amelioration, obtained at last the consent 
of the Americain's people. 

The conduct of the first legislative assembly changed 
sudently this favourable disposition. People found in 
the discussion of October, 1791, all the character of a 



1793] A DIVIDED AMERICA 123 

faction which wanted to give humiliation to the throne 
and to ruin the Kingdom. The declaration of war against 
the house of Austria appeared useless, impolitic, and 
rather disposed to destroy the liberty of the people than 
to strengthen it. In short, the revolution of the tenth 
of August divided America into two parts well dis- 
tinguished and almost fixed by the different states. 
Those which are called the eastern, and extend from the 
boundaries of Canada to the Southern part of Maryland, 
looked upon the events of that time as prepared by the 
ambitious pretentions of some individuals, conducted 
against the interest of the people and compleated by all 
species of crimes. The Western States, which are com- 
prehended between the Southern part of Maryland to 
Georgia, have approved openly the conspiracy against 
the King and the Monarchy. And it is very remarkable 
that the states which admit slavery were all more in 
favour of equality and licentiousness. 

The manifesto of the Duke of Brunswick, 1 his attack 
on France with Prussians, and particularly with Hessians, 
to give laws to the French nation again united the 
wishes of the people in favour of the French arms, and on 
that account the massacres of the second and third of 
September have not provoked the indignation that one 
might expect from a people gentle, sensible, humaine and 
compassionate as are the Americains. But when, after 
the retreat of the combined armies, the system of a 
general republic became the politics of the national con- 
vention, when it decreed that it would no more admit of 
the ties of religion, of Kings, of tribunals, proprietory 
probity, fidelity in the most sacred engagements, that 
it had the intention to oppose the poors to the riches, 
crimes to virtues and to carry its infernal doctrine into 
every country, a sentiment of indignation took place and 
was manifested particularly in the Eastern States. They 

1 Frederick William, Duke of Brunswick, who took an active part in 
the war against France. He fell at Quatre Bras, at the head of his troops. 



124 THE WINDHAM PAPERS [1793 

regretted the rejoicing made in favour of such victories 
as ought to put the present age into mourning and leave 
indelible impression on the future. The murder of the 
King augmented those sentiments and gave new ennemis 
to the chiefs of the French republic. A general mourning 
would have been worn in the union but the public spirit, 
badly directed by the newspapers, prevented America 
from paying to the King of France the tribute of gratitude 
which his virtues, his private and public endeavours to sup- 
port the cause of America most undoubtedly entitled him. 

To me the discussion which took place at the meeting 
of your British parliament, the division between the 
Eastern and Western States of America, has been more 
remarkable and form two partis in the union. In a 
constitution well established government gives the 
impulse to every one, but in the infancy of a constitution 
men of various character have the greatest influence in 
the governcment. I must then make you acquainted 
with the leaders of this country. 

The representatives of the people receive the impres- 
sion from those which give them qualification and carry 
it to Congress, to the Senate and to the administration. 
Both houses, that is, the Senate and Congress, have a 
certain majority at present in favour of a well-regulated 
governement. It is more numerous in the Senate, it is 
a strong body which oppose every improper means in 
the present crisis to alter the neutrality. The executive 
power is shared between the two partis which divide 
the Unitate States. At the head of the first in favour 
of an exact neutrality is Hamilton, minister of finances, 1 
general Knox, war minister, 2 Randolph, attorney general ; 3 

1 Alexander Hamilton (1757-1804), American soldier and statesman, 
took an active part in the War of Independence, and, after the death 
of Washington in 1799, became Commander-in-chief of the United 
States army. From 1789 for five years he held the important office 
of Secretary of the Treasury. 

2 General Henry Knox (17 50-1 806), took a prominent part in 
the War of Independence. 

3 Edmund Jennings Randolph (1753-1813). 



1793] THE UNITED STATES MINISTERS 125 

Jefferson, minister of foreign affairs, 1 is the leader of the 
second party which wishes a more intimate connection 
with the french republic. Hamilton is a man of a great 
understanding, fine talents, "a commuhicative genius, an 
untainted probity, an absolute disinterestedness. With 
the desire of reputation he is so indifferent with respect 
to the possession of his office that he would leave it 
rather than abandon an opinion or an object useful to 
his country. Hamilton has created a System of finances 
which everybody admires on account of its advantages 
and of its Simplicity. General Knox is a man of good 
judgment and intirely influenced by Hamilton. Ran- 
dolph is a well informed man and possesses some ability. 
His conversation proves a man attached to the opinion 
that it is impossible to govern an extensive Kingdom 
without an executive force which must not be prevented, 
except when it acts against the constitution of the 
country. In a conversation I had with M. Randolph he 
told me that he had very little to expect of security and 
happiness in a constitution where the chief of the executive 
power was elective ; that everybody in America, except 
M. Washington, in several circumstances of the greatest 
importance had been obliged to conform his opinion to 
that of Congress, though directed against the public 
advantage. I induced M. Randolph to confess that our 
suspensive veto is a chimera when it is not supported by 
the dissolution of the legislative body, that without it, the 
use of the veto will determine the civil war, and the 
destruction of one of the two powers. M. Randolph's 
opinion in point of constitution advise me to rekon him 
among the ministers who are favourable to the good 
principles, what is important because it offers a majority 
of three with the president against one ; but M. Randolph 

1 Thomas Jefferson (1743-1826), drew up the Declaration of 
Independence. In 1785 he went as United States Minister to 
Paris, where he remained for four years. Returning home, he 
became Secretary of State under Washington, and in 1801 was 
elected (third) President. 



i 2 6 THE WINDHAM PAPERS [1793 

is a Virginian and in consequence of it attached by 
interest to the party which wishes to support the odious 
system of the French republic. 

Jefferson is the chief of the jacobin party ; had he the 
talent and capacity of Hamilton he would acknowledge 
with him that there is no prosperity for a great Empire 
without a repressive force directed against every one who 
wished to rise above the law and that the support of 
criminal principles cannot promis any advantage to a 
new country which can only florish by just regard shewn 
to public and private virtue : but the unhappiness of 
representative government is that inferior talent with 
great ambition and little probity cannot suport the credit 
which obtain those of the first order and try by every 
mean to supplant them. As people don't admire the 
genious of Jefferson, his eloquence, his fine speaches, his 
happy repartee in public discussion, it is necessary to 
fixe its attention with the favourable idea of Jefferson's 
excessive love for liberty, of his immoderate attache- 
ment to the people's interest, of his ardent zeal in favour 
of democracy. It is by the consideration he pays to 
jacobin's principles that he is called the democratic 
or whig minister. Those who suport his doctrine have a 
peculiar cathechism. Their principal articles of faith are 
that the death of the King was a necessary sacrifice to 
the intire liberty of the people, that the massacre of the 
second and third of September must be considered 
as the inconveniency which belong to a great revolution, 
the daily convulsion of the empire, as an evil which cannot 
be prevented. As this party dare not aprouve publickly 
of all the crimes committed in France, it says that being 
obliged to take the alternative of the duke of Brunswick 
on the French nation, it preferes the second, it calls 
French nation the union of legalite, Marat and three 
or four thousand murderers. The success of Jemappe l 

1 At Jemappe, on November 6, 1792, was fought the first battle ip 
which the French, under Dumouriez, defeated the Austrians. 



i 7 93] CITIZEN GENET IN AMERICA 127 

had made a great number of proselytes, but Prince 
Cobourg x and general Clerfait 2 have diminshed the zeal 
of the belivers. Jefferson in a close conversation don't 
answer the expectation which his partisans give of him. I 
suppose him to be in an intimate correspondance with 
the party which govern the convention, whilst the diplo- 
matic affairs pass by the chanel of governior Morris, 3 
who is intirely opposite to his sentiments. 

It is probably with the leaders of the jacobins that the 
success of citizien Genet, 4 the representative of the French 
Republic, has been prepared in this country. He has been 
preceded in it by an Americain who was thought influent ; 
he had learned in Paris the doctrine of the new republicains 
and had promised to buy all the grains, corn and flower 
that France wanted for this year ; he promised to send 
in France eigthy thousand arms ; he had also engaged his 
credit to determine America to pay at once the debt 
contracted with France. The first part of his mission 
has succeded, the second is now suspended and the third 
has completely miscarried. I have no doubt that proper 
dispositions will be taken to carry to England all the 
guns proposed to France. 

1 Frederick Joseph, Duke of Saxe-Coburg (1737-1815), Austrian 
Field -marshal, commanded the Imperial forces from 1789 until 1795, 
when, having sustained several defeats, he resigned his command. 

2 Francois Sebastien Charles Joseph de Croix, Comte de Clerfayt 
(1733-1798), Austrian Field -Marshal. In 1792 he commanded the 
Austrian contingent in the Duke of Brunswick's army. In the following 
year he opened the campaign in the Netherlands with the victory of 
Aldenhoven and the relief of Maestricht, and he was largely responsible 
for the defeat of Dumouriez at Neerwinden. 

3 Governor Morris (1752-1817), appointed by Washington, in 
January 1791, to negotiate with the British Government regarding 
certain unfulfilled articles of the treaty of peace. Shortly afterwards, 
until 1794, he served as United States Minister to France. 

4 Edmond Charles Edouard Genet (1765-1834) went to America in 
1793 to endeavour to secure for the French Republic the assistance of 
the United States. In this he was not successful. Washington decided 
to issue a proclamation of neutrality. Genet, however, continuing his 
activities, Washington on the following year demanded, and secured, 
the envoy's recall. Genet then resigned his mission, but remained in 
the United States, and became a naturalised citizen. 



128 THE WINDHAM PAPERS [1793 

I think it useful to inform you with respect to the debt 
of America to France that it amounted after the war to 
eigtheen hundered thousand pounds sterlings, that now 
a million of it has been paid and that for the rest of 
the sum America is indebted to France. The executive 
power of this country is determined not to draw near 
again the moment fixed in former time to pay the sum 
that is due. It has resisted all the requests which have 
been made by the executive power of France to change 
that disposition, but the month of September, October and 
November next are the epochs fixed for paying two 
hundred thousand pounds sterlings in hard money. 
This sum will be of great assistance to the republicains, 
perhaps employed to renew the massacres which took 
place in several circumstances and to continue the war. 

The representative of the French republic is very 
anxious about it : his first step in this country has been 
imprudent, criminal and will not answer his expectation. 
You knew before I left England that citizien Genet had 
the command of a sum of eighty thousand pounds 
sterlings to make new friends and four hundred commis- 
sions to arm vessels and send them as cruizers against 
your trade. It was certainly calculated by the executive 
power of France that M. Genet should land at Charles- 
town in order to raise the spirit of the people of the 
Western States in favour of the pretentions of the french 
republic. Citizien Genet at his arrival was very well 
received in the State of Carolina ; he armed a privateer 
which was an Americain bottom and filled it with an 
Americain crew. The administration of the State refused 
its consent to the departure of the privateer but Citizien 
Genet made a peculiar application to the governor of the 
State and obtained an order to let the privateer go out 
of the harbour ; she went out and since made five prizes. 
One is of a very great value. The conduct of the governor 
of Carolina is very much against the neutrality which 
America promised your minister to observe and directly 



1793] WASHINGTON'S PROCLAMATION 129 

against the wishes of its inhabitants. The fitting out a 
privateer is quite contradictory to the proclamation of 
the President of Congress which (it is true) came out after 
the privateer of Citizien Genet went to sea. The pro- 
clamation is wrote in the following terms : 

" Whereas it appears that a state of war exists between 
Austria, Prussia, Sardinia, Great Britain and the United 
Netherlands, of one part ; and France, on the other, and 
the duty and interest of the Unitate States require that 
they should with sincerity and good faith adopt and 
pursue a conduct friendly and impartial towards the 
belligerent powers, 

" I have therefore thought fit by these presents; to 
declare the disposition of the Unitate States to observe 
the conduct aforesaid towards those powers respectively, 
and to exhort and warn the citizen of the Unitate States 
carefully to avoid all acts and proceedings whatsoever 
which may in any manner tend to contravene such 
disposition; 

" And I do hereby also make known; that whosoever of 
the citizen of the Unitate States shall render himself 
liable to punishement and forfeiture under the law of 
nations, by committing, aiding or abetting hostilities 
against any of the said power, or by carrying to any of 
them those articles which are deemed contraband by the 
modern usage of nation, will not receive the protection 
of the Unitate States against such punishment or for- 
feiture ; and further that I have given instructions to 
those officers, to whom it belongs to cause prosecutions 
to be instituted against all persons, who shall, within the 
cognizance of the courts of the Unitate States, violate the 
law of nations, in respect to the powers at war, or any of 
them, &c." 

Their proclamation is sufficiently expressive, but the 
new republicains don't care for the forms which are fixed 
in the governements established and pretend to make 
the happiness of mankind their object. Citizien Genet, 

1 1 



130 THE WINDHAM PAPERS [1793 

going on his travels in the eastern States; opened his 
system ; it convinces people that he had the intention 
to obtain a majority in Congress and by its assistance to 
countrive America to join France in the war ; in case 
this plan could not succeed to make the executive power 
of America unpopular and to suport the party of the 
French republic in raising Citizien against Citizien, 
State against State. His atrocious politics have obtained 
some success among that classe of people which enjoy 
tumult and troubles in every country. But the prudent 
and wise inhabitants, irritated by this machiavelous 
conduct, have endeavoured to prevent its consequence : 
those even who were in favour of the French republic 
found it against the dignity of America that a French 
minister, after his landing without mentioning any 
thing to the president of Congress or to the ministers, 
fitted out privateers and send them out. The place the 
Citizien Genet chose for landing augmented the discontent, 
and now it is certain that the English ships which have 
been taken will be restored, and that the character and 
the mission of Citizien Genet will be covered with all the 
contempt both deserve. I had opposed his success but my 
constant opinion always was that it " is more advantageous 
to let a fool do for himself than to help him." 

A proof of the general sentiment of the people of 
America is the conduct of the inhabitants of Philadelphia 
about the proclamation. An address of thanks has been 
presented to M. Washington to felicatate him upon the 
steps he had taken to prevent America from engaging 
in a war against the combined powers. This disposition 
will take place through all America. 

Some individuals without character have met few days 
ago in a tavern and have presented an adress to Citizien 
Genet at the instant he came to town. This adress 
contains very reprehensible expressions and also the 
answer of the Citizien, but you most look upon it as dic- 
tated by people without influence and just as if the 



1793] AMERICA'S DEBT TO FRANCE 131 

people of the Canon tavern in London had presented a 
petition to Citizien Channelin. 

So far as I can judge of the disposition of this country, 
it will maintain a neutrale system. The cases which 
perhaps might raise the discontent of America are those 
I mentioned to you during my stay in England. — 
i°. considering France as a fortified town besieged, you 
should by all means avoid protracting the war, render 
it more cruel, and upon this principles seize all ships 
loaded to France with corn or flower and send them to 
British harbours to sell their cargo at the prise market 
in favour of the owners. 2°. take any French ship 
armed with an Americain captain and an Americain crew. 
My opinion upon these two prepositions is that, suposing 
you should be determined to act in this manner, America 
will make some reclamations. In this case do not threaten 
or come to a war. 

Perhaps to prevent France from receiving any assistance 
of this country, your minister will it find expedient to 
buy the crop of next year and to send it under an 
American colour to England. I believe your country 
would find a great advantage in it and sell the corn of 
America with an immense benefit to all the people of 
Europe. 

I think that with respect to the debt of America to 
France and particularly to that part which is to be paid 
in the fall of this year, it would be expedient to advise 
the regent of France to send an agent in order to claim 
the money which is owed. I should supose America 
would not find any difficulty to suspend the moment of 
paying that sum. The people's choice for the negociation 
must be a man of character and of determination. The 
people as Citizien Genet have comonly the mob of all 
countries at their commands. 

I believe it will be prudent also to take some measure 
to prevent the murderers of the King, those of the second, 
third of September and other days from being admitted 



132 THE WINDHAM PAPERS [1793 

in this country. If you are victorious, of which I have 
no doubt, I supose America will not refuse to grant a 
favour requested by all powers of Europe. If you suffer 
that infernal fire which has reduced France to ashes to 
burn in any part of the world, it will be revived and 
inflame it. 

After having examined America in its interior politics, 
in its afinity with France, I must make out the real 
situation in which it may be considered relative to the 
European powers. 

The population of America, white and black, is near 
four millions : it encreases so rapidly that without the 
emigration of Europe in fourtheen years it double in the 
eastern States and in twenty in the western. There is 
now a system of finances regulated upon the rules of 
England. The debt of the Unitate States is fifteen 
millions sterllings. Part of the taxes is appropriated to 
pay the interest of the debt and cannot be disposed to an 
other object. The taxes are of two sorts — upon importa- 
tion which gives upon almost every article ten for cent, 
and upon distilling liquors. These taxes are suported by 
rich people and of so little consequence that every body 
consents to pay them. The expence of the country is 
nothing. Fifteen thousand pounds in each State pays 
the salary of people employed in the administration. 
The army directed against the Indiens is paid upon the 
general taxes and without any augmentation to them. The 
debt of the Unitate States will be certainty extinguished 
in the course of twenty years and probably much sooner. 
America has an arsenal of two hundred field pieces; of 
hundred pieces of Artillery siege all brass, moreover 
howesters, mortars, &c, hundred and twenty stands of 
arms. The principal arsenal is at Westpoint in a very 
good order. I intend to go and visit it. 

The situation of America enables it to oppose every 
State of Europe which would attack its liberty : but it 
cannot attack any. I suported this opinion against the 



1793] THE INDIANS IN AMERICA 133 

most obstinate of this country and proved to them that 
a nation in the situation of America cannot be looked 
upon as an offensive power. For that it is necessary to 
have an excess of population to recruit the army, a 
treasury or an established credit to supply it, a naval 
army to transport it, and America wants these ad- 
vantages. However, it is not indifferent to England that 
America should keep the most exact neutrality. If it 
would declare in favour of France, it would give the hope 
of success to a great number of French people attached 
to the republicain party who desire to come to a good 
issue and perhaps find new friends. All the crop of 
America would be sent to France and some of the ships 
loaded with it would come in its harbours . The Americain 
privateers would do great injury to the trade of England. 
The war with France would certainly continue longer. 
During its continuance, America would loose the habit of 
trading with England, raise a number of manufactures 
which France would encouraged. It is then, by the 
motives above mentioned, the interest of England not 
to quarrel with America, as it is the interest of America 
to keep not only the most exact neutrality but a perfect 
harmony. 

Commissaries have been sent from this country to treat 
with the Indiens in order to make peace. People of 
America think that England encourages the Indian war. 
My opinion about the treaty now offered by the Unitate 
States is that it will not take place, and that, if they agree 
with the Indiens upon the present terms, war will com- 
mence again in less than two years. I firmly believe also 
that, if war continues now, the Indiens will be succesful 
and that on account of the bad dispositions and foolish 
plan of operation admitted by the Americains. I should 
think very easy for this country not only to defeat the 
Indiens but to oblige them to retire as far as Missipy. 
America never will have a long peace without it. 

To give you a general view of the situation of America, 



134 THE WINDHAM PAPERS [1793 

I must now consider it with respect to the ressources it 
offers to speculations. The main things are i°. trade, 
2°. acquisition of cultivated land, 3 . the loan upon private 
individuals, 4 . the loan upon the Unitate States, 5 . the 
reestablishment of French colonies, 6°. the acquisition 
of uncultivated land. i°. The trade of this country is 
attainded with difficulties and to carry it on with sucees 
it is necessary not only to have studied the theory of 
it in the infancy but to have continualy practiced it. 
It is also indispensable to give a part of your confidence 
to merchants established in Europe and to Americans 
houses in the Unitate States. The trading people of 
Europe are continualy exposed by political events and 
those of this country by the enterprizing genious of its 
inhabitants and as it has but an insuficient number of 
manufactures, it is indispensable to bring from Europe 
every things which they fournish. The means America 
offers to exchange are corn, flower, timber : the first 
article, the most productive, cannot be transported in 
time of peace and offers but momentarcous advantages. 
The importation of things manufactured obliges them to 
make advances in money. They are sold with difficulty 
and require a great lengh of time because every body in 
this country being merchants order every kind of goods 
it wants. The best trade is that of commission : it 
produce some advantage and offers little danger. 2 . The 
acquisition of cultivated land is of very little benefit. 
The most interet you may receive is five for cent. The 
plantors who have commonly a great number of tenants 
find much difficulty in being paid their revenu. It is very 
often the case in a representative governement where 
the people have acquired to extensive a share of the 
politicals rights. In such a governement those who are 
at the head of the administration wants a great popularity 
and to obtain it they favour every claim of the multitude. 
To the difficulty which keeps the tenants from paying 
their rentes it is necessary to add the inconveniency which 



1793] CONDITION OF UNITED STATES 135 

arises from tittle not well ascertained, which is very often 
the case. In short, the rentes are so small and the 
expences of justice so great that the proprietor had 
rather give up his rights than have recourse to the law. 
3°. The loan is permitted upon security or privilege ; the 
deposit authorised by the law is inscribed upon a public 
register, so that it is not possible to be deceived. It is 
one of the best methods to make use of money. You 
may receive as much as seven for cent. 4 . The loan 
upon the United States gives an interest now of seven for 
cent, but the principal sum you deposit suffers all the 
mutation which please those who play upon public 
founds and the discredit which the instability of the 
fortune of this country and the uncertainty of its governe- 
ment incite in Europe. 5 . The reestablishement of French 
colonies is uncertain, and perhaps the moment it will take 
place far from the present ; but the instant it shall take 
place be very favourable to the possessors of land in this 
country. 6°. The acquisition of uncultivated land is of a 
very great advantage. The settlement of few families 
doubles directly the capital sum and two years after the 
first cultivation one receive four times what he has 
expended. To succeed with a certainty it is necessary to 
choose very good land, springs, naviguables rivers and 
to dispose of such people as are determine to give you 
all their time and industry. I had the peculiar advantage 
to met with people of that description. Resuming my 
opinion about what concern this country, I think it will 
not come to a way that the people is very much divided 
in political sentiments, that the majority of representa- 
tives and of the executive power is well disposed to your 
country, that the governement of the Unitate States un- 
certain and fearful against the multitude cannot now 
sufficiently assure the property and liberty of individuals, 
that the revolution of France had a fatal influence upon 
the constitution of America, and so much that if the 
French republic could be established, it might overturn 



136 THE WINDHAM PAPERS [1793 

that of this country or divide the federacy in two parts, 
that this country offers rather occasion to reestablish 
some broken fortune than to make people in general 
happy. 

After I will have seen the opinion of the Americain 
fixed with respect to the affairs of France, what I hope will 
not be long, I shall make a journey in the country, with 
several of my friends able to judge the value of the land. 
I shall go as far as Niagara, Montreal, Quebec and see all 
your new settlements. My absence will be more useful 
to confirm the opinion I want to see prevail in this 
country than my stay in Philadelphia. People at last 
might believe if I should continue in town that the 
expression of my sentiments are dictated by some other 
object than public happiness. 

I have often seen here your Minister, M. Hammond, 1 and 
your consul. The first is an exceeding good man, 
true, open, very much attached to the interests of 
his country. I believe the second in the same disposi- 
tion and of a good intelligence with M. Hamond. Lord 
Grenville has not sent the letter mentioned to you. I am 
astonished that he has not performed his promise. 

I should beg your pardon for writing so long letter, 
did I not think that it contains some particulars useful to 
the cause you suport and that my former knowledge of this 
country has rendered me able to observe. What I men- 
tioned relative to the employment of founds may be 
serviceable to those of our countrymen who may be 
desirous of an establishment here. Many of those who 
came lately have expended without judgement the 
remains of ther fortune. 

I preserve, dear Windham, the hope of seeing you in 
London before January next. 

1 George Hammond (1763-1853), First British Minister at Washing- 
ton (1791-1795)- Subsequently Under-Secretary for Foreign Affairs 
in the Pitt Administration (1795-1806), and in the Portland Adminis- 
tration (1807-9). He was a friend of Canning and joint editor of The 
A nti- Jacobin. 



1793] " MR. PITT'S WISHES " 137 

I wrote in English to prevent you to read a bad French 
hand. My best compliments to one's friends. 1 

William Pitt to William Windham 

Downing Street : June 14, 1793 
Mr. Pitt presents his Compliments to Mr. Windham, 
and wishes much if Mr. Windham will give him leave to 
have some Conversation with him before Monday on the 
Subject of the Motion of which Mr. Fox has given Notice 
for that day. 2 It would also be a great Satisfaction to Mr. 
Pitt to have an Opportunity, if it is not disagreeable 
to Mr. Windham, of stating confidentially to him some 
Circumstances arising out of the present State of Politics, 
and which Mr. Pitt rather wishes to communicate Per- 
sonally to himself than thro' any other Channel. It is 
hardly necessary to add that if Mr. Windham has the 
Goodness to comply with Mr. Pitt's Wishes in this respect, 
any thing which may pass will not transpire any where, 
without Mr. Windham's particular Permission. Mr. 
Pitt will be at Leisure any hour either to-morrow or 
Sunday, at which Mr. Windham would find it convenient 
to call in Downing Street. 3 

William Windham to Lord Chatham 

Hill Street : August 1793 

I take the liberty of submitting to your Lordship the 
name of a near Relation of mine, Mr. Lukin, 4 who having 
served as yet in no capacity but that of a Midshipman, 
cannot be known to your Lordship, but by means of such 
a communication. 

He was about the age of twelve when He was sent to 
sea, and passed for a Lieutenant about four or five years 
since. His wish for service could not have been sooner 
expressed, as He is but just returned from Abroad. 

1 AddMSS. 37855 f. 29. 

2 Fox's motion against the war, which was defeated. 

3 Add. MSS. 37844 f 7. 4 William, afterwards Captain, Lukin. 



138 THE WINDHAM PAPERS [1793 

If in case of any promotion of Midshipmen, Your Lord- 
ship will have the goodness to inquire into his character 
from different Captains with whom He has served, I 
should esteem it a mark of obliging attention : and have 
no doubt, that his pretensions and merits, whatever they 
may be, will meet from Your Lordship all the consideration, 
that shall be their due. 1 

On July 10, 1793, Windham left England for the 
Netherlands, with the object of seeing for himself the 
state of the Army under the Duke of York. He went to 
Valenciennes, then being besieged by the Allies, and with 
characteristic but somewhat reckless courage, spent some 
time in the trenches under fire. 

Extract from Windham's Diary 

July 19, 1793. This was the day of our seeing the 
French camp from the little mound with a pole upon it. 
To St. Arnaud, the Abbey, the Vicoque, and Bonne 
Esperance, and back by Augin. This was the day follow- 
ing the preceding, and that on which they fired some 
cannon shot at us, by one of which Phipps' horse was 
wounded. I shall never fail to regret my foolish dilatori- 
ness, and want of consideration, in not having decided 
then to take my leave. Had I gone then I had stayed a 
blessed time ! By suffering myself to stay on beyond 
that, I have outstayed my interest, and left myself with a 
doubt upon my mind, for which, before, there could not 
have been a pretence, whether something more should 
not have been done. I had seen the trenches the day of 
the truce ; and when there was no danger, I had then 
gone down twice besides, once by daylight and once by 
night ; at the former of which time there was a good deal 
of fire of cannon and shells, and at the latter of musketry. 
It was at the latter of those times that a sergeant of the 

1 Add. MSS. 37914 f. 55. 



1793] THE DUKE OF YORK UNDER FIRE 139 

14 th had his head shot off. I had rode about every- 
where, and, as it happened, had run some risk. I had 
done enough to satisfy myself and to show to others, what, 
if it is very necessary to be conscious of oneself, it is 
pleasant also to have known. By not going to the storm 
by the covered way, though I forbore only, what every one 
would have said it was absurd to do, except at least a 
few people, whose opinions perhaps are not worth much, 
yet I felt something below what some might have expected. 
One way of putting it may be, Was it a thing, which would 
have been more praised or blamed, had it been done ? 
Would it, considering all circumstances, have raised the 
character of the actor or have depressed it ? It is the 
hope, that it might have had with some good judges even 
the latter effect, that can alone reconcile me to the not 
having done it. The decision taken of avoiding any 
intermediate course, if I was not wholly to engage, was, I 
think, right. I observed at least a distinct line, that of 
keeping throughout with the Duke of York. It is most 
fortunate for my own satisfaction that the Duke went into 
the trenches and not amiss, that there was, during the time, 
a pretty smart fire. The head of an Austrian was knocked 
off, who was walking a few paces before the Duke, and a 
Guardsman was knocked down while we were standing 
near the battery. 

Windham was still with the Duke of York when the 
garrison of Valenciennes surrendered on July 28. 

Extract from Windham's Diary 

August 1, 1793. Up at six in order to be present 
at the grand ceremony of the troops marching out, and 
laying down their arms. Few scenes in life can be con- 
ceived of equal magnificence. Such a union of troops 
drawn from countries the most remote, and considered as 
of the first character at this time in Europe ; such a 



140 THE WINDHAM PAPERS [1793 

display of officers, of the highest rank, and most dis- 
tinguished reputation, such splendour of appearance, 
such variety of character, such a combination of strong 
interests, can hardly be imagined to have been found on 
any one occasion. In the midst of the general feeling 
excited by such a scene, it was a fine thing to have had as 
parts of it, corps of the British troops who had either had 
their share of honours in the preceding duties, or were 
calculated to do credit to the country, by their appearance 
and equipment. 

The day which at first was cloudy, turned out after- 
wards, to be as brilliant, as could be wished. Nothing 
was wanting to me, to the feel of enjoyment of the occasion, 
but that I should have been party to the service which 
immediately produced it, or should at least not have been 
in a situation in which I could have been party to it. 



Sir Gilbert Elliot to William Windham 

Minto : August 4, 1793 

I cannot tell you how much I am obliged to you for your 
letter, nor how much pleasure it has given me. I am 
extremely glad that you was present at the catastrophe 
and that your specimen of military life has thus been 
complete in all its parts. I enjoy as highly as it is 
possible to enjoy, per alium, all the pleasure and all the 
sorts of pleasure which this expedition has given you. 
I need not tell you that I should have liked to be there, 
nor that my relish of the thing would have been amazingly 
heighten'd by a participation in it with you. But there 
is nothing like envy in my regret for this loss ; for on the 
contrary the enjoyment you have had in it is not only 
agreeable to me in itself, but is a sort of compensation 
to me for my own absence. Your way of seeing and 
enjoying such things, I am willing to flatter myself is so 
much akin to my own, that I feel as if it was gone in the 
family though it did not fall to my own share. I am 




G.Chinntry.piitxt. W. J Eiiwa 

SIR GILBERT ELLIOT, FIRST EARL OF MINTO 



1793] WINDHAM IN THE TRENCHES 141 

exceedingly gratified indeed by your understanding so 
justly the sort and degree of interest I take in all that 
concerns you ; not only in your welfare, in your fame, in 
your interests, but even in your own feelings about your- 
self. I am also highly delighted with the unlimited con- 
fidence you are willing to place in me, of which you could 
offer no proof more perfect than your readiness to have 
told me faithfully your feelings in the trenches, even if 
they had been different from what they proved. If they 
had been of the other sort, and you had told me so, I should 
have given you credit for courage, not less in degree, and 
of a much higher kind, than that which no man could 
doubt in you but yourself, even without the experiment. 
For as the mind is superior to matter, so is magnanimity; 
or the valour of the mind, to that of the nerves. But I 
am still better pleased to know that you have both. I 
know that you resolve almost all questions of conduct; 
small as well as great, into questions of duty; and if 
you sometimes hesitate when others would see no room 
for doubt, it is in a great degree because you are more 
anxious to be right ; and the chance of being wrong is 
more uneasy to you than to almost any man I have ever 
known. I honour this principle too highly to quarrel 
even with any little error in the going of the machine that 
may be incident to it. My indulgence is, indeed, the 
cheaper, as I cannot refuse myself the justice to claim 
kindred with 3 r ou here also. But I have thought of a 
compensation piece, or rather a balance to steady these 
little fluctuations and to render the motion more uniform; 
which I dedicate to you as a Patron of such improve- 
ments, 1 hoping to give no offence to Sir George Shuck- 
borough 2 or the Astronomer Royal. The invention has 
this presumption in its favour, that it is perfectly simple. 

1 A humorous allusion to Windham's service upon the committee 
appointed to investigatet he claim of Thomas Mudge. See ante, p. 1 12 
note. 

2 Sir George Augustus William Shuckburgh-Evelyn, Bt. (175 1- 
1804), the author of a number of mathematical treatises. 



142 THE WINDHAM PAPERS [1793 

It is only a certain degree of hardiness in acting on what 
appears to be right on balance. Suppose a scale of 
Right in which 20 is the highest number. Take, then, an 
alternative to decide on, of which one side shall stand in 
the scale at 10 — the other at 9. I say, act on 10, as 
firmly as if 9 did not exist. You will say this hesitation 
is occasioned by the difficulty of observing correctly 
at what number each side stands, not by want of firm- 
ness afterwards. I am not sure of this. Hesitation is 
often occasioned by what you say, and then it is right ; 
but there is also in many cases a subsequent hesitation, 
and fluctuation, as if the two sides of the question were 
pulling, not uniformly and constantly one against the 
other, so that the strongest should be sure of prevailing, 
but separately and alternately, so that tho' the strongest 
pulls furthest at each pull, yet in the interval of its action; 
the weaker pulls back again, and great part of the work 
must be perpetually repeated, and then the question is 
determined not by who pulls strongest but who pulls last. 
When I mention'd your anxiety to be right, I did not 
mean to talk of any error ; on the contrary, it is to this 
excellent part of your character that a great proportion of 
that homage which the whole world is paying you, ought 
to be ascribed ; and amongst the rest it is to this virtuous 
principle that for one I profess to give the very high 
esteem which you know I have for you, although I beg you 
to remember that I claim friendship and affection with 
you on many other grounds of private endearment and 
early habits. I mention'd your anxiety on these points, 
only to say that I enter entirely into it on this occasion, 
and am very happy to give you my clear suffrage both 
for what you have done, and what you have omitted. 
You was certainly right to visit the Trenches. You 
would have certainly been most exceedingly culpable for 
mounting a breach, or otherwise exposing your life to 
considerable and, in your case, wholly gratuitous, and 
impertinent hazard. If others did so, in my opinion they 



1793] LORD SPENCER 143 

were wrong ; but no two cases are alike on this question; 
and taking all circumstances into the account, publick 
and private, it would have been more blameable in you 
than any Englishman, or perhaps any other man alive. 

It is now time to talk to you of something else, not less 
important perhaps than the scene you have left, tho' 
less splendid and animating. But it is the proper sphere 
of your action ; and one in which you are not a spectator, 
but called by God who gave you the means, by the world 
which wants the use of them, by yourself and friends 
towards both of whom you have an account to render, 
to perform a principal part. I seem to be threatening 
you with the subject at large ; but altho' I wish to do so; 
and I know I could find no time more favourable than 
when you are just returned from witnessing great exer- 
tions in the same common cause, and must, therefore, 
be the more impressed with the duty and desire to be 
doing yourself, and to take your share in these great con- 
cerns of the world, yet I must for want of time confine 
myself to one part of the subject which does not admit 
of delay. I left London the day before you ; on my 
arrival here I reflected on what had passed between us 
concerning Lord Spencer, 1 and the possibility of his 
acceptance. This was not known to ministers, who 
thought on the contrary the thing over. They might 
therefore take such steps towards another arrangement 
as might fix some much worse choice. Thinking, as I 
do, that Lord Spencer's filling that most important and 
critical station is of real and urgent consequence to that 
country, to this country, and, considering the sort of 
danger to be apprehended from thence, to the rest of the 
world, I judged it absolutely necessary to let Dundas 2 
know the possibility of his going to Ireland. I did so by 
letter, but with every sort of caution which could prevent 

1 George John Spencer, second Earl Spencer (1758-1834). 

2 Henry Dundas (1739-1811) ; Home Secretary, 1791-4 ; Secretary 
of War, 1794-1801 ; created Viscount Melville, 1802. 



144 THE WINDHAM PAPERS [1793 

Lord Spencer from being committed. I desired Mr. 
Dundas to wait for your return before any step should 
be taken towards renewing the proposition to Lord 
Spencer. He promised to do so in his answer, but 
presses me to lose no time after your arrival, in getting 
you to bring the subject forward. If you receive this 
letter in time, you had much better see Pitt or Dundas on 
the subject immediately. If not you will, I am sure, feel 
the importance of the matter sufficiently to use such 
means as occur to you with Lord Spencer instantly. The 
Irish arrangement stands entirely still on this account, 
and Government is naturally, I believe, impatient to 
settle it. 

I received your letter this morning and have time for 
no more. I presume you will be in England before this 
letter reaches London. Lady Malmesbury is here on her 
way to Kinnaird, Sir David Carnegie's. Lady Elliot sends 
you her kindest compliments and is happy to hear that 
your tour has give you so much satisfaction, but she 
will not repent of my having resisted the same temptation. 
I hope when you answer this to hear that your health 
has not suffer'd, and that you have recovered the extra- 
ordinary fatigue you have been exposed to. 

Do not delay the Irish business ; but if you have 
leisure, pray write your present thoughts and intentions 
on what relates to your own situation. The enemies of 
all good, as you so will call them, seem to have hopes 
from Ireland. Your stout cooperation in England will 
be wanted, and I confess I look forward with comfort to 
the prospect of acting in consort with you, tho' on a 
different stage ; possibly of corresponding with you 
directly on this great work. 

[P.S.] Lord Spencer need not and I think, should not 
know of my letter to Dundas. 1 

1 Add. MSS. 37852 f. 212. 



i 7 93] THE IRISH VICEROY ALTY 145 

Sir Gilbert Elliot to William Windham 

Minto : Atcgust 13, 1793 

Not having heard from you, I presume you are taking 
steps with Lord Spencer, and that }-ou will not write 
till you can tell me the result. I am so far off, that a 
great delay will be occasion'd by making me the medium 
of your communication with Dundas on this subject ; 
and as I advised you to go directly to him, I have now 
advised him to see or to write to you on the subject. I 
thought it right to let you know, however, that I have 
done so. The more I hear of Ireland the more im- 
portant I think Lord Spencer's mission, and the more 
anxious I am for his acceptance of it. 

You know, or if not, I tell you in confidence that Lord 
Malmesbury * is extremely desirous of Ireland. I shall 
speak to you quite frankly, on the subject. Lord 
Spencer's character and name is of the sort that is wanted 
there, and being united with understanding and talents, 
I consider him as precisely what the occasion calls for, 
and cannot help feeling that the country has a strong 
claim to his services. If it should happen, however, that 
they cannot be obtained, and he is put out of the question, 
not knowing any other person of the same description on 
whom the choice can fall, I presume it will be made on a 
different principle, and they will either fix on some friend 
of a negative quality ; or employ some able man of 
business. The latter would be the better principle, pro- 
vided character is not too much forgot in the choice. 
Looking through the Peerage, I believe impartially that 
they will find none so well qualified by ability, official 
habits and the great talent of knowing and conciliating 
men as Lord Malmesbury. The entire cordiality and 
confidence between him and me would undoubtedly be 
another very favourable and useful point ; and if there 

1 James Harris, first Baron Malmesbury (1746-1820), diplomatist 
and politician ; created Earl of Malmesbury, 1800. 

I K 



146 THE WINDHAM PAPERS [1793 

may be supposed any difference between his general 
views and mine of Publick Principles and dutys, I will 
venture to say that in the sort of business that belongs 
to that office, he will be more likely to approach to me 
than to draw me after him. In a word, after Lord 
Spencer I should prefer him, and I am persuaded he is 
amongst the best, if not the best qualified. I feel, how- 
ever, the impossibility of my suggesting either him or 
any other. I mention all this to you, both for the sake 
of saying every thing to you which I think, and also that if 
you should happen to agree with me and an opportunity 
should occur in which that opinion might drop from you, 
it might not be lost. I pledge my Faith and Honour to 
you in the mean while that Lord Malmesbury shall never 
know of his name having been mentioned to you, unless 
it should hereafter prove agreeable to you ; so you can 
feel yourself under no embarrassment of delicacy on this 
subject. 

I long to have Valenciennes in detail from you ; but 
that will not be to-morrow. 1 

William Windham to The Duke of Portland 

Felbrigg : September 3, 1793 

I was more unfortunate than your Grace can conceive 
in missing the pleasure of seeing you at my return from 
the Continent. Lord William had told me so confidently 
that you would certainly be at Welbeck that I was careless 
about inquiring the first day of my arrival : and the 
day afterwards, I think, had the mortification of finding 
that, if I had inquired, I should have been in time. 

Among my reasons of regret on this occasion is the 
missing an opportunity of talking to your Grace on 
subjects which, however little to me, I am sure, and 
probably even to your Grace, are not for that reason less 
necessary to be consider 'd. I fear the return of such ques- 

1 Add. MSS. 37852 f. 216. 



1793] FAVOURING THE FRENCH SYSTEM 147 

tions as that which 1 mentioned to your Grace at the close 
of the last session, which, though laid asleep for the 
present, will probably be brought up again ; and I wish to 
put myself in as good a state as I can, for forming a firm 
and satisfactory judgement upon them. The situation 
beyond all comparison most agreeable to me would be 
that of a mere member of Parliament, maintaining from 
time to time my own opinion in debate, and giving to 
Ministry, in a cause which I approved, the benefits of a 
support which would become of some value from its total 
exemption from the suspicion of any undue motive. The 
thought of any closer connection is one from which I 
shrink with perfect dread : yet I am far from being 
convinced that it may not be necessary : and for that 
reason am anxious to be provided as much as possible 
with the opinions and views of those to whose judgements 
I am accustomed to look up, and with a view to whose 
conduct I should wish to regulate my own. 

It is plain that the plan of those who are friendly in 
different degrees to the French system, is to endeavour 
to rescue it from final overthrow, by rendering the war 
unpopular here, and thus to destroy the confederacy 
which at present threatens it, and which, when once 
dissolved, is never likely to be again united. If this 
plan succeeds, there is an end in my opinion to all hopes 
of maintaining the constitution of this country, or of 
preserving anything like regular and orderly government 
in any country in Europe. Should it even fail, I do not 
conceive it will fail so completely, or the success of the 
opposite system be so entire, as not to leave Europe 
exposed for a series of years to the danger which now 
threatens it, and not to require all the exertions which 
wise and well-intentioned men can use to keep down the 
operation of opposite principles. The differences, there- 
fore, that now separate people in their political conduct 
are not only of the most important kind, but likely, as 
I conceive, to be of very long continuance. To me it 



i 4 8 THE WINDHAM PAPERS [1793 

seems that the world in my time is not likely to be in a 
state in which, with such opinions as I conceive Fox to 
have, and with such persons as he will probably be for ever 
connected with, I could wish to see him Minister of this 
Country. The only choice, therefore, that will be 
left to me and others who are of that opinion; will be 
either to remain a third body, or rather a third, inde- 
pendent collection of individuals, supporting Ministry 
but not joining them ; or to incorporate ourselves, at 
some period and in some circumstances, with those to 
whom, as party men, we have hitherto been opposed. 
This question, on which there is probably much diversity 
of opinion, among those even who admit it to be the only 
one remaining, and on which much may be said on both 
sides, might safely perhaps be deferred, and left to the 
decision of future circumstances, if it was not for that 
part which involves the consideration of Ireland. The 
situation of Ireland is so important and so critical that it 
forms an epoch by itself ; and may be a reason for 
anticipating a decision which otherwise it might be very 
desirable to keep for some time in suspense. 

The views which open on this occasion, if Ministry are 
fairly desirous on their part of establishing a government 
on a firm and constitutional basis, and restoring to the 
Aristocracy of the Country the influence which they have 
so much contributed to strip it of, and if it is thought on 
the other that such a union ought to take place, would 
be, of course, that some person of proper consideration 
should go to Ireland; while a corresponding weight, 
sufficient to ensure an honourable support, should be 
placed in the Cabinet here. Persons proper for all 
those stations are certainly not wanting, nor would an 
arrangement for their admission seem to be difficult, sup- 
posing Ministry to have a real view to the Interests of the 
Country, and not to be seeking merely to break and dis- 
unite those who might in future be opposed to them. 
The wishes of Ministry have hitherto seemed to point only 



1793] LORD SPENCER 149 

to Lord Spencer ; but if the grounds on which this wish 
has been formed have been good, it would apply not more 
to him than to others of similar description, could they 
be induced to take that situation. At all events, Lord 
Spencer would hardly be induced to place himself there, 
nor would well indeed be advised to do so, without a 
better assurance of support at home, than there appears 
at present the means of forming. If Ministers are not 
sincere or not honest in their views, — an opinion which 
I should have no particular difficulty of admitting — 
nothing remains but to continue the course which one 
is at present pursuing : but if the fact be otherwise, and 
that they are really desirous, though for purposes of their 
own, of forming an administration on its true bottom, it is 
a matter certainly to be well consider'd whether such a 
disposition ought to be frustrated, and an opportunity 
lost which may never again return with equal advantage 
to the country. 

I am sure I am as impartial upon this subject as a 
person can well be, — as impartial, at least, if I may make 
a good bull, on one side : for there is really nothing that I 
dread so much as the necessity of taking any part in a 
measure which I seem to be recommending. Though 
I have brought myself to the state of being ready to do 
whatever should be necessary, I am very far from having 
prepared myself equally in point of inclination : My 
likings are all the other way, and are yielded only to 
arguments which I don't know well how to resist. 

If Welbeck were not so distant, or my desire so strong 
of enjoying for some time a state of perfect retirement, I 
should like to wait upon your Grace, and talk over these 
matters more fully than can be done by letter. Your 
Grace, however, may be as well satisfied not to hear of 
them : and it may be necessary rather to apologize 
for having said so much, than to regret the want of an 
opportunity of saying more. At all events I will desist 
here. It would have been pleasant to me to have seen 



150 THE WINDHAM PAPERS [1793 

your Grace when I came fresh from seeing Lord William ; 
and to have told you how much his character appears 
to advantage, as it is more and more discovered. Though 
such testimonials you must have had from many other 
persons, I am happy to add mine to the number. 1 

H.R.H. The Duke of York to William Windham 

[Address illegible] September 4, 1793 

I take the earliest opportunity in my power to acknow- 
ledge the receipt of your very obliging Letter, and to 
express to you how glad I am that you are pleased with 
your stay among us. 

We are busily employed at present in preparing every- 
thing to begin the Siege of Dunkirk, and I hope in a very 
few days to be able to open the Trenches. Ever since the 
affair of the 24th the Enemy have left us exceedingly 
quiet ; firing, only a few random shot and shells every 
day, which, however, have done no mischief whatsoever. 
I am exceedingly anxious to get this town into our 
possession, as I think it of great national consequence 
and besides that it will render the rest of the campaign 
very easy. 

We are given to understand here that there is a very 
considerable revolt among the Peasants between Aire 
and St. Omer, and that they have already beat the 
garrison of Aix, which marched out against them, they 
have risen in consequence of the decree of the Convention 
to force every person from the age of Sixteen to Sixty 
to serve. 

We have no account as yet concerning the fate of the 
poor Queen of France, 2 though from the last newspapers 
I have seen I am aff raid that there is very little chance 
of Her being alive at this moment. 3 

1 Add. MSS. 37845 f. 13. 

2 Marie Antoinette was tried on October 14, and executed two days 
later. 

3 Add. MSS.- 37842 f. 63.- 



1793] THE DUNKIRK EXPEDITION 151 

Earl Spencer to William Windham 

Oxford : September 14; 1793 
I met with your Letter of the 12th here on my way 
back from Althorp from Hampshire, and having a 
leisure quarter of an hour before bed time, avail myself 
of it to thank you. I confess I expected pretty much that 
the Person whose Opinion you speak of in it, could enter- 
tain those Sentiments, and perhaps though I entirely 
agree with you in not having the least hope of a reunion 
with the Quarter alluded to, they are such as I cannot 
either be surprised at, or altogether disapprove, con- 
sidering all circumstances ; for that Person having always 
professed so strong a diffidence of those in power, has 
surely no great reason for wishing a connection with 
them from anything that has happened very lately, and 
on the contrary may probably be less inclined to it, from 
what must at least to him have appeared in the Light 
of Endeavour to detach from him as many as possible of 
those of his friends, whose sentiments were the most like 
his own, and who was the person most likely to have 
co-operated with him in support of those sentiments. I 
agree with you in being decidedly of opinion that I could 
not go the least out of my way upon a hope of Reunion 
with the other Gentleman whose opinions, if they are 
really such as his late Conduct would lead me to infer, 
are such as I shall be extremely sorry to give my coun- 
tenance to. The other part of your intelligence may 
possibly be here, and if it is will (as it appears to me) 
circumscribe the Part we have to take in this very narrow 
Limits indeed, as it will put it out of our power to think 
of any other than an unconnected support of Government : 
while at the same time the state of affairs will probably 
call for a support the most decided. Since you wrote, 
your Opinion upon the Dunkirk Expedition will not have 
been rendered more favourable, though I am in hopes by 
the News of to-day's Papers, that it is not so bad as we 



152 THE WINDHAM PAPERS [1793 

had great reason to apprehend ; but if the Plan was a 
bad one, the Execution of it does not appear to have made 
amends for the Error, and I am afraid that all those who 
wish to defend the Continuation of the War, will be a 
little put to it to give you an account of the Conduct of it. 
I have not heard since from the Army, and I conclude 
that my correspondent either does not like to enter un- 
pleasant Accounts, or that he has lately been too much 
upon duty to have an opportunity of writing. The 
Accounts from Toulon seem to be confirmed in the 
Paper of to-day, with so many particulars that I hope 
we shall find them true, but I don't quite understand 
what is to be done about it, as I have no idea of Lord 
Hood's having Land force sufficient to defend the Place, 
and the manner in which it seems to have been taken 
would I should think, scarce permit of his making the sort 
of use of the Capture that an Englishman would wish, 
that is, to take possession of, or destroy their Ships and 
Naval stores there. I hope, however, his Lordship will 
send a more distinct and intelligible account of his 
transactions than your friend Sir James Murray does, 
who I really think improves in obscurity and myste- 
riousness every dispatch he writes. I am very glad 
you have not yet sent me back C. Fitzroy's Letter, 
as it will be another opportunity for you to write 
something with it, and now I have drawn you into 
a correspondence, I shall be very unwilling, I assure 
you to lose any occasion of encouraging you to the 
continuance of it. 

I was in town for a day last Saturday, and I saw Sir 
Gilbert Elliot in the Street. I was in a great hurry at the 
time, or I should have stopt to speak with him. What can 
have brought him up from Scotland so soon ? I hear that 
Parliament is to meet on the 29th of October. I hope 
I shall be able to see you before that time, and shall be 
glad to know whether you are to be at Felbrigg about 
the 6th of that month, because I am not quite sure 




y. Hofpner, R.A ., piiixt. % Wrigkl, ife/t. 

GEORGE JOHN, EARL SPENCER 



//. .V 



1793] PITT'S DILEMMA 153 

whether I could not then contrive to call on you for 
a day. 1 

Earl Spencer to William Windham 

St. Albans : September 18, 1793 
I sit down to write to you without having very well 
considered in my own Mind what I am to write, but, 
having a little leisure, cannot avoid communicating the 
apprehensions I have been forced into from observing the 
very awkward predicament in which we seem to have got, 
the difficulties of which appear to increase and grow more 
complicated every day. I was this morning for a few 
hours in London, where dissatisfaction and dejection 
seemed to me very apparent in the face and language of 
every one I happened to meet with. The late total 
failure of the Dunkirk scheme has been a great cause of 
this, and the very censureable neglect or mismanagement 
or perhaps both together, so conspicuous in the Admiralty, 
has not a little added to it. It is Currently reported that 
the Duke of Richmond 2 has justified his own share of 
the business in a manner unanswerable by producing 
the minutest and exactest detail of all the Orders received 
and executed in his department. The necessary conse- 
quence of his justification appears to be Lord Chatham's 3 
condemnation, and between them they have been the 
means of crowning a rash and ill-concerted plan with a 
lame and inefficient execution. My chief reason for 
making all these reflections is that I foresee we shall, by 
and by, when these matters are, as they certainly will be, 
brought before the publick with all the exaggeration and 
aggravation that malice and ability can give them, 
find ourselves in a most distressing position, either obliged 
to defend what we cannot in conscience think defensible, 

1 Add. MSS: 37845 f: 112. 

2 Charles Lennox, third Duke of Richmond (1735-1806), Master- 
General of the Ordnance, with a seat in the Cabinet, 1782-1795. 

3 John Pitt, second Earl of Chatham (1756-1835), First Lord of the 
Admiralty, 1788- 1794. 



154 THE WINDHAM PAPERS [1793 

or if we join in the Clamour, which I very much fear will 
soon become a popular one, give strength to those whose 
strength will be the Ruin and Subversion of everything 
which we the most wish to preserve. 

It will be too much, I doubt, to expect from Mr. Pitt, 
that he will have public spirit enough to sacrifice his 
Brother if he is really to blame, and if he does not sacrifice 
him I shall be almost afraid in the present circumstances 
of his falling himself ; but if he does fall, where are we to 
look to supply his place ? only to those who would (if they 
are in truth acting upon principle) plunge us into a 
System which would lead, for ought I know, to all the 
Horrors and Miseries of France : for as to looking if 
any third Party, of strength and weight enough to make 
head against the joint abilities of Pitt and Fox with all 
their respective supports and appendages, it would, I 
think in the present state of the country, be perfectly 
chimerical. To set against all the bad part of our 
Prospect, I see nothing but Toulon, and there is something 
about that which I am a little at a loss whether to be 
satisfied with or no. I have always had a great aversion 
to engaging in defence of any particular System of French 
Politicks, and Lord Hood's declarations are directly and 
absolutely in favour of the Constitution of 1789, which 
Constitution, if we are to trust to Burke, whose predictions 
have been verified by Experience, contained in it the 
Seeds of all the bitter fruit that followed. How do we know, 
that if all France, or at least a great majority of the 
country, were to declare themselves for that Constitution, 
and it should in consequence be established and sworn to 
as it was in 1789, how do we know that it might not tend 
like the former one to the confusion and escapes which the 
ill-contrived balance of that Constitution gave rise to 
before ? I own I am as much puzzled in my own mind 
whether to be glad or sorry for the Capture of Toulon, 
circumstanced as it is, as ever I was in my life ; and I 
am much tempted to think that perhaps the best event of 



1793] OUR HOLD UPON TOULON 155 

that undertaking for England would be that they should 
do something which might justify Lord Hood in destroying 
their Fleet and Arsenal there, notwithstanding the Treaty. 
You see, my dear Windham, that I am taking a great 
liberty with you, by actually thinking upon Paper to 
you, for I am now wiiting just as they occur to me the 
crude Ideas that suggest themselves upon what I have 
read in the Newspapers. I should be happy if these Ideas 
of mine might draw from you some better conceived and 
better digested opinions, and lead you to point out some 
plan of operation for us in the ensuing parliamentary 
Campaign which we might pursue with Credit from 
the publick, with satisfaction to ourselves, and with 
advantage to the Cause we wish to support. 1 

Sir Gilbert Elliot to William Windham 

Spring Gardens : September 18, 1793 
Since I wrote to you a change has happen'd in my 
destination which will prevent Elliot 2 and me from visiting 
you as we hoped to do. I have not left myself an instant 
to write the many things I have to say and must reserve 
it for a post or two hence. In the mean while, and in 
two words, I am going to Toulon. 3 My duty will be 
to conduct our civil and political affairs in that Region, 
and to improve to the best advantage the unlook'd for 
good fortune which has befallen us there. This is an 
important commission but a most anxious one. It is 
impossible, however, to imagine one more consonant with 
all my wishes, feelings and principles. Pray keep this 
information secret till my actual appointment or departure. 
Elliot goes with me, and I believe we shall go in a week. 
I wish most devoutly I could receive my instructions 

1 Add. MSS. 37845 f. 114. 2 William Elliot of Wells. 

3 Elliot had just been appointed Civil Commissioner at Toulon. 
On December 20, however, Toulon ceased to be in the possession of 
the English. Elliot then went to Florence on a special mission for the 
British Government. 



156 THE WINDHAM PAPERS [1793 

from you. However; if that must not be; I am yet 
highly gratified and delighted with the opportunity of 
taking my post, and lending my hand, such as it is, in this 
great Labour of the World. A distrust of my powers, in 
this very arduous service, alone diminishes the pleasure, 
or checks a little the alacrity, with which I enter on this 
duty. But something must always be hazarded. All 
notions of neutrality, or even of inaction, have, I confess, 
long since gone against me, and although your zeal is quite 
equal to mine, as your exertions have been far greater, 
yet I tremble and grieve most sincerely to think how 
radically the course of our minds seem to differ in those 
points which lead to our practical determinations. I am 
not so much blinded, however, by ardour, and still less so 
much misled by confidence in my own opinions, as to 
oppose them to yours without real and unaffected dis- 
trust, as well as regret. I have caught myself now and 
then writing to you in a form of confidence in myself, 
which might bear even the appearance of censure on your 
opinions, which would have been most completely un- 
warrantable, if intended. I wish, therefore, that you 
should believe I have no other adherence to my own senti- 
ments against yours than that which is imposed on me 
by the very nature of an opinion, which is not subject to 
the will and cannot be commanded. That in such a case 
as the present, I must act on my own is certain. I 
cannot yet quite forego the hope that as the Gruel 
thickens, or, to speak without metaphor, as the danger of 
the world increases, you will come to think action the 
first duty, and responsibility pretty nearly a point of 
honour. I protest I think it so. I cannot divest my- 
self of an opinion that, all things considered, a distinct; 
separate, and unresponsible corps, even supporting 
Government, is in effect a formidable opposition. It is 
certainly a great drain for that confidence of the Publick; 
the whole of which should be turn'd to the acting and 
executive Power of the country at this crisis. Pray do 



1793] WINDHAM'S DISSATISFACTION 157 

not consider this as a letter on this subject. I have been 
sucked in; unprepared. I hope to write again soon. 1 



Sir Gilbert Elliot to William Windham 

Spring Gardens : October 2, 1793 
I am still here and do not expect to set out for Toulon 
before Thursday, the 10th inst. I promised, not to you 
but to myself, that I should write you a long letter, but 
have had my thoughts as well as the whole of my time 
forced another way ; and now I flatter myself that I may 
yet have the pleasure of talking over with you instead of 
writing many things that appear to me extremely in- 
teresting. In this hope, however, you may very well tell 
me that I perhaps reckon without my host, as it depends 
wholly on your doing what you may think it very un- 
reasonable to expect, and what at this moment you have 
possibly no thoughts of. It is nothing less than your 
coming to Town. I will tell you very fairly, as I must 
do very shortly, that I really wish you extremely to come, 
and that the occasion is, I am persuaded, sufficiently grave 
to deserve this sacrifice of your present comfortable leisure 
for a few days. It has got very much about that you 
are not only dissatisfied with some things that have 
passed during this campaign, but that you have ex- 
pressed so indiscriminately that opinion, as to evince some- 
thing like an intention of following it up in publick. The 
greatest possible uneasiness is entertained on that account 
by those who may, indeed, have a sufficient personal 
interest in the question, but who also think such a measure 
certain of producing the most fatal consequences to the 
common cause. It is the duty of a private as well as a 
publick friend to offer an opinion, if it is decided, on 
matters of real moment. Therefore, my dear Windham, 
excuse me ; consider me as speaking still as one linked 
in publick as well as private friendship with 3'ou, and not 

1 Add. MSS. 37852 f. 218. 



158 THE WINDHAM PAPERS [1793 

as already entered on my diplomatick functions, if I say 
that I most deliberately and entirely agree with them in 
thinking that what they apprehend would be fatal to 
the publick cause and interests. In one opinion you will 
I am sure agree with me, as soon as it is stated, viz. 
that not only a publick and formal opposition in Parlia- 
ment on these grounds, but that any intimation of a 
strong opinion from you on that subject, is a measure, and 
cannot be classed as the casual conversation of indifferent 
men. If it is a measure, it should be taken on deliberation, 
and as a fair decision of your judgment. For this reason 
it is that I wish you to come to Town — to enquire where 
your information may be authentick, and to deliberate 
with those with whom you are accustomed to hold 
counsel what your conduct should be, on any result of 
your enquiries. Dundas knows that I meant to write 
this letter but he does not know what I say to you. I 
mention this only that I may not seem even to myself to 
avail myself of your kindness and of our friendship for 
the purposes of others, without telling you distinctly all 
circumstances. In truth, I feel that this question is not 
only so very important for the Publick, but so full of 
delicacys with regard to yourself that I have no hesita- 
tion in pressing you to come. If you do come, I must 
hope on a thousand other grounds that it may be before 
I lose this last opportunity of embracing you, and carrying 
with me your advice and kind wishes. 1 

William Windham to Mrs. Crewe 

Felbrigg : October 5, 1793 
You show a sad pusillanimity in wishing to coax the 
persons you mention ; and seem yourself too much 
inclined to give in to their opinions. In foreign affairs I 
see nothing to make one despond ; and against the folly 
and wickedness of people here one has nothing to do but 

1 Add. MSS. 37852 f. 220. 



1793] AN ENEMY TO JACOBINISM 159 

to make stout light. What can make your Mr. Wallis (?) 
talk any language which you can construe as demo- 
cratical ? if he really does do so, I shall think less favour- 
able of his understanding. Never surely was a time when 
the French system has less to recommend it, and, on the 
contrary, showed more how monstrous it was in all its 
parts ; and as to those who, condemning that system, 
do yet talk against the war, they do really manifest a 
degree of folly, bordering upon the weakness of infancy. 
Be of good heart and cheer. Resist open attacks, and 
don't be led away by their cant. 

I wish I could give you more assistance than I shall be 
able to do in your subscription ; but I will do all I can. 
My hostility to Jacobinism and all its works, weak or 
wicked, is more steady and strong than ever. If Pitt 
is the man by whom this must be opposed, Pitt is the 
man whom I shall stand by. If I do not act with them 
in office, it is only because I think I can be of more use 
as I am. Sir Gilbert's acceptance of the appointment 
offered him has my perfect concurrence. Farewell ! I 
will write when I have anything that I think you 
will like to hear. B} r the wa}', your friend and admirer, 
Mr. Malone, 1 is going somewhere into your neighbourhood, 
and would be very glad, I am persuaded, of any en- 
couragement to make you a visit. Will you authorize 
me to give him such, or, what would be still more 
gracious, write him a line yourself ? I wish I were able 
to accompany him. 2 

William Pitt to William Windham 

Hollwood : October 13, 1793 
I received yesterday the favor of your obliging Letter, 
enclosing several Papers from Mr. Hippisley, the Sub- 
stance of which I had before learnt in some Measure, but 

1 Edmund Malone (1741-1812), a member of the Club and one of 
the Johnson circle ; editor of the works of Shakespeare and Dryden. 

2 The Crewe Papers ; Windham Section, p. 15 (" Miscellanies" of the 
Philobiblon Society, vol. ix.). 



160 THE WINDHAM PAPERS [1793 

less fully from the Lord Chancellor. Allow me to return 
you my thanks for the Communication, and at the same 
time to beg your Permission to retain the Papers for a 
few days, in order to examine them more at Leisure than 
I have yet been able to do. I partake thoroughly in 
your Sentiments both with respect to Toulon, and to 
the Person with whom the Political Concerns arising out 
of the Possession of that Place are entrusted. 

This Event seems to me to furnish a better opening than 
could have presented itself in any other Way for facilitat- 
ing the Restoration of regular Government in France; 
and for terminating the War satisfactorily, perhaps 
speedily. In Sir Gilbert Elliot's hands, I am sure every 
Advantage will be improved to the utmost. I need not 
say how happy I should have been if your Concurrence 
of Opinion on the great Questions now depending, had 
led you also to take an active share in conducting the 
affairs of Government. At least, however, I have the 
Satisfaction of knowing from Experience how much the 
Public may benefit by your Exertions even in your 
present Situation. The Check before Dunkirk is certainly 
much to be regretted. But unless any Impression should 
be produced by it at home to impede the Vigor of future 
Operations, the Mischief will, I trust, be little felt in the 
General Scale of the War. We expect in a few Days 
important Accounts from Maubeuge. 1 Success in that 
Quarter would in a great Measure relieve us from any 
further Anxiety on the Side of the Netherlands, and 
lead to further vigorous Measures, either before the End 
of this Campaign or very early in the next. I have 
enquired about the Paper transmitted from Norwich, 2 

1 Jourdan attacked the Prince of Coburg on October i 5 and compelled 
him to raise the siege of Maubeuge. 

2 " You have received from Norwich probably an account of a seditious 
paper, which made its appearance immediately on the miscarriage 
at Dunkirk, but which drooped and died away on the news of the 
success of Toulon : so little true is it that the progress of arms has no 
influence on that of opinions." — Windham to Pitt, October 11, 179 
(Add. MSS: 37844 f. 11). 3 



1793] MR. HIPPISLEY'S JUSTIFICATION 161 

which I understand was immediately referred to the 
Attorney General. 1 



William Windham to Lord Grenville 

Felbrigg : October 22, 1793 

It would have been better that the papers inclosed 
with this had been sent to your Lordship in the first 
instance ; as I fear that the explanation, which Mr. 
Hippisley seems to look for from me, will hardly com- 
pensate for the delay of transmitting them through my 
hands. 

Mr. Hippisle}', in his letters to me, appears very 
anxious, lest any wrong construction should be put upon 
his conduct : or lest the pains which he has taken, — 
certainly from the best motives, and seemingly with 
the best effect, — should be deemed unseasonable and 
officious. He has sent me numerous documents showing 
both his reasons for acting, and the probable share, he 
has had, in exciting and promoting, those dispositions to- 
wards this country, which at present prevail in the Court 
of Rome. But I cannot think it necessary to trouble 
your Lordship with any of these vouchers for the pur- 
pose of Mr. Hippisley 's justification. His interference, 
as far as it went, could not have been otherwise than 
advantageous : — His application, I mean, for the supply 
of our fleet with grain : and it will not be thought less 
so, because persons jealous of their own consequence, 
and of interests probably more substantial, seem to 
think it matter of complaint, that the service was per- 
formed too soon, and was not retarded in order that it 
might pass through their hands. Mr. Bartram's letter 
contains a reprimand, which might have produced a 
more impatient reply than that which Mr. Hippisley 
has given to it. 

In a letter lately to Mr. Pitt on the same subject I could 

1 Add. MSS. 37844 f. 13. 



162 THE WINDHAM PAPERS [1793 

not forbear expressing my hopes, that it might be found 
consistent with the interests of this country to join in the 
sentiments thus manifested by the Court of Rome ; nor 
to point out Mr. Hippisley as a man proper in various 
respects, to serve as a vehicle for any communication 
that might be intended, and who might be employed 
advantageously for that purpose. 1 



Edmund Malone to William Windham 

London : October 30, 1793 

I am delighted to find you, what I had no doubt you 
would be, so warm and zealous on the subject of the war ; 
the most necessary and honourable that ever was under- 
taken. I would not only part with my coat, but strip 
myself to my skin, to carry it on. The paltry attempt to 
rouse all those who are solely bent on gain to impede its 
progress, will I hope be the daily topick from the moment 
parliament meets. I see it is prorogued to the 10th of 
December. 

There have been some apprehensions these two days 
past for the fate of Ostend. Some of the troops there 
were to have gone to the West Indies ; but Sir Charles 
Grey 2 is by this time at Ostend not to take away their 
troops, but to head them and to defend the place. The 
West India expedition will not be ready these ten days. 
Nothing had arrived last night from Ostend ; but a 
messenger is every hour expected. I will not, therefore, 
send this away, as perhaps I may hear some particulars 
in the course of the day — " Each hour is now, the father, 
not of some stratagem," but of some atrocity greater 
than the former. Does the history of any age or nation 

1 Add. MSS. 37846 f. i. 

2 Sir Charles Grey (1729-1807), created Baron 1801, and Earl 1806. In 
1 793 he and Jervis were about to sail to endeavour to conquer the revolted 
French Indies. Before the expedition started, however, the Duke of 
York had retired from before Dunkirk, and Nieuport was in danger. 
Grey was at once despatched with a small relief force. 




Sir Joshua A'-t ttoitfs, pinxt. 



KDMUNI) MAI.ONF, 



1793] AN UNFORTUNATE QUEEN 163 

furnish us with anything half so calamitous as the last 
moments of the unfortunate Queen of France. Even the 
vilest and the most criminal of the human race have in 
their last moments some person near them to hear their 
last wishes and to receive their last pledges ; she had 
not near her one mortal that she could trust ; not a 
servant of her own choice ; not a single bosom on which 
she could drop a tear, or from which she could receive the 
smallest consolation ; not one whom she could charge 
with a lock of her hair or any the slightest memorial for 
that faithful sister-in-law, who had so long shared her 
sufferings, except the infamous pleader, whom in mockery 
they had assigned to her as her defender, and who by his 
own confession examined her only to betray her. Surely ,. 
Heaven will presently " put a whip into every honest hand 
to lash these villains naked through the world." You j 
know, I suppose, that the faithful Edgeworth 1 was not 
allowed to come near her ; and to mortify and disgrace 
her, they placed by her a constitutional priest, with whom 
she could have no communication. Like Charles in the 
same situation, all that was left to her to say was, " You 
may pray for me if you please, but you shall not pray 
with me." They have set a price on Edgeworth 's 
head. 

A minute fact has lately come to my knowledge, that 
may possibly be of consequence, if attended to. A very 
furious Jacobin, who was an ambassador from a wild 
Club at Derby to the National Convention, but within 
these six months has returned to England, has by some 
means or other, perhaps by the recommendation or some 

oblique interference of Lord L e, got a commission in 

a new Scotch Regiment, and is either actually sailed to 
London, or under orders for it. His name, I am told, is 
Tweadle. Now as he has held this commission for sub- 
sistance, and has no doubt all his former propensities, 
would it not be worth while to give Sir Gilbert Elliot some 

1 The Abbe Edgeworth. 



164 THE WINDHAM PAPERS [1793 

intimation with respect to him, that he may at least 
watch his motions ? 

Thus far I had written yesterday, and afterwards 
wandered out with the hope of picking up some in- 
telligence for you ; but there was not any to be had for 
love or money. All the good I did was to pick up Sir 
William Scott * at the Commons and to engage him to dine 
with me to-day. He may perhaps bring some news with 
him and therefore I will keep my letter unsealed. It 
depends entirely on the Wind, which has been for some 
days westerly, and detained the packets. 

You will receive to-morrow the Manifesto of last night. 
I hoped it would have been more strong and have con- 
tained mere invective. I wanted " words that burn." — 
But perhaps this would have been less royal. — Nieuport 
is supposed to be safe by the adjoining country being 
two feet under water. Lady Lucan's news yesterday, 
which she said she derived from a foreign letter, was, that 
Prince Saxe-Cobourg was deceived by false intelligence 
that the French had turned his Army, which occasioned 
him to retreat when he was really victorious, as appears 
by the great number of Cannon which he took. 

Instead of Sir W. Scott, I have just received an excuse 
from him, so I may now conclude. Boswell and Courteney 
were to have met him ; and I hoped with the authority of 
the King's Advocate to have kept the Citizen in good 
order. However, we must do as well as we can. It is 
astonishing that a man in no other respect hard-hearted, 
should still adhere to these cut-throats : he does, however, 
most lamentably, as far as decency will permit. 2 

1 Sir William Scott (1745-1836), lawyer; won high distinction as 
ecclesiastical and Admiralty Judge; created Baron Stowell 1821; 

2 Add. MSS. 37854 f. 127. 



1793] A FRESH DEFEAT 165 

Edmund Burke to William Windham 

October 1793 

I do not exactly know, though I think I can partly 
guess, in what manner the present situation of things 
appears to you. To me it is the subject of the most 
serious anxiety. I went to Brighthelmstone, thinking 
to pass from thence to Portsmouth, and on through 
Winchester, home. But the news of the fresh defeat in 
the Netherlands brought me hither. Yesterday a sort of 
Message came from Macbride, 1 announcing, that this 
defeat had been followed, on the part of the Allies, with 
a great and decisive Victory. I have seen the Lieutenant 
dispatched by Macbride with this News, which has many 
particulars inducing one to believe that it is founded. 
But as the account particularizes neither time nor place, 
I am obliged, however reluctantly, to suspend my entire 
reliance on its truth. This day will clear up the matter. 

I trust, that the good Event of this affair will enable us, 
(though such an event rarely disposes us) to a calm and 
unprejudiced review of the whole plan of the War — which 
in my opinion has been totally wrong — and that the bad 
military plan has arisen from the false political principles 
on which it is formed. If we have succeeded, I must 
consider it as a great escape. No Victory, however great, 
can reconcile my Mind to this Business of Maubeuge ; 
no more than it could to the affair of Dunkirk, where, 
indeed, Victory was in a manner impossible. I feel 
no great pleasure in the Expedition against Martinico — if 
that should be, as I greatly fear it is, finally resolved 
upon. All these, and many more considerations, give 
me, at times, more uneasiness than I am able to express. 
But the fault is not only in our ministry, the whole 
Body of the Alliance is concerned in it. Things can 
never be brought to a decision, in the way they proceed 

1 Rear-Admiral John MacBride (died 1800), at this time com- 
manding a frigate squadron off Brest. 



166 THE WINDHAM PAPERS [1793 

in, by any Victory or Victories. However, I wish you 
to consider these hints of mine as for your own breast ; 
into which I wish more fully to unbosom mine — praying 
to God, that no hasty word from you or me, may give 
an advantage to the Jacobin Enemy here. If we criticize 
let us criticize to amend, to help, to supply — even possibly 
to encourage. But let us strengthen the principles we 
support, and give no advantage to those who find fault 
with conduct because they are utterly irreconcilable to 
principles. Our principles are antijacobin. We cannot 
be neuter. We are on the stage : and cannot occasionally 
jump into the Pitt or Boxes to make observations on our 
brother actors. Such are there, at home or abroad, 
who abhor Jacobinism as we do, and who act against it, 
bona fide, though with a thousand Errours. I have 
written something to the Ministers, and I have twice seen 
them, and spoken my sentiments very freely and very 
fully. I think we do not disagree in any principle nor 
in any Measure ; but in the time, the order in which 
Measures are to be taken and pursued, to be sure we differ 
— and this I take to be a very important part of the 
consideration. Here I am without any assistance, out 
of my own walls, to correct or to advise me, or to co- 
operate with me. In the world, as well as in the House of 
Commons, no motion is received, that is not seconded. I 
do most earnestly wish to see you. Clouds lower all over 
the Horison, which alarm, but do not dispirit me, if you 
keep up your Vigour. Heu quianam tanti cinxerunt 
aethera nimbi /— quidve pater Neptune paras ? 

Do not you think the new act of Regicide the smallest 
part of the wickedness ? Oh God ! the Charge ! and the 
last article particularly. All this is but the unfolding of 
the Germ of Jacobinism. For God's sake come to Town. 
Again and again I want consolation and assistance. You 
cannot withdraw yourself from the world, now in the 
Vigour of your Age and faculties, without a Crime. 

I hear nothing to confirm the News. But there have 



1793] WINDHAM'S ANXIETY 167 

been three actions at La Vendee. The Royalists failed 
in one, Noirmoutier — but succeeded in three others — all 
very important. 1 

William Windham to Edmund Burke 

Felbrigg : November 1, 1793 

The desire of obeying your summons might be motive 
sufficient to carry me to town, without allowing the reason 
which you assign, if I could be sure that the meeting of 
parliament would be delayed long enough to admit of my 
coming back again. Till it shall be determined that 
parliament is not to meet till after Christmas, I could wish 
to defer a little, my going to London, that I may not begin 
my winter residence sooner than is necessary. To go to 
town from this distance, without a long period before one, 
must be going for good. 

I fear that good in that sense, is the only good which 
would attend my going at present. I have no counsels to 
offer but what I must learn from you ; nor any means of 
enforcing them, but what they must have already from 
your authority. Authority, probably, of any sort, can 
now do but little. What remains of the campaign, and of 
the fate of the armies, must be determined probably by 
the events, for the result of which I am waiting with 
the most anxious expectation. In a letter which I had 
from Brussels of the 21st, great Anxiety was expressed 
for the army of the Prince of Coburgh ; and, what 
was worse, the same was said to be felt in the army 
itself. 

I have not the least doubt of what is right to be done 
by us ; namely, to maintain the war, in and out of parlia- 
ment, by every possible means ; But I tremble to think, 
should disasters increase, how long this may be in our 
power. Toulon and Weissenburg, 2 if they keep to their 

1 Add. MSS. 37843 f. 25. 

2 Weissenburg was captured by General Wurmser, October 15, 
1793. 



168 THE WINDHAM PAPERS [1793 

mark, will, it may be hoped, preserve the balance for this 
year. 

The murder of the queen of France is an event that 
appears more shocking (I know not certainly for what 
reason) than even that of the king. The length of her 
sufferings, though urged commonly with a contrary view, 
makes one less endure that they should terminate at 
last in death. One hoped for some period in reserve, that 
might have softened the memory of her past woes, and 
brought some retribution of happiness in this life,— a 
little longer respite, and relief, one hoped, might have 
reached her. All is now extinct ! An act of such savage 
and unrelenting cruelty, — of such black and unprovoked 
guilt, — I suppose is hardly to be paralleled ; as a case can 
hardly be found of life ended in circumstances so dreadful, 
so destitute of all external support, so beset with every 
thing to embitter and sharpen the last agony. All that 
the imagination pictures of death had been hers for long 
past ;— seclusion, silence, solitude, ignorance of all that 
was passing, separation from all the visible world. Her 
pursuers seem, beforehand, to have plunged her into the 
tomb, that its horrors might have time to sink into her 
mind, — might pervade and occupy every region of the 
soul. It was wonderful how her courage was able to 
sustain so long a conflict ; or how, in fact, she contrived 
to preserve her senses. It is a strong proof of the vigour 
of her mind, and a presumption highly favourable to the 
virtuousness of her character. She seems to have retained 
her dignity and firmness to the last ; to have been wanting 
in nothing that the occasion required ; to have sustained, 
throughout, the part she was to act, worthily of herself, 
and of those whom she represented. The assertors of 
monarchy as opposed to modern doctrines, need wish 
for nothing better, than such a contrast as is formed by the 
conduct of the king and queen, compared with that of 
their destroyers. 

In this solitary place, I have little communication with 



I 



1793] WAR IMPERATIVE 169 

the world, except occasionally by letters, and know but 
little, therefore, of the language generally talked. In 
fact, in matters of this sort, people seldom talk any 
language but what they are taught ; and, therefore, till 
they assemble in town, or parliament sets them a-going, 
they have no very decided opinions. To me the necessity 
for the war seems so impossible not to be seen by the 
commonest understanding, the motives for persevering 
in it to be so powerful, that I cannot but think it must be 
the fault of those who should direct the public mind, if 
the clamours against the war gain any great ground. The 
artifice of those who wish to conceal and give effect to 
their wishes in favour of the French system, under a 
pretended horror of war, is surely so easily seen through, 
that it can never produce much effect. Our first debates 
in parliament must be directed, I think, to strip the mask 
from this miserable hypocrisy ; — it surely cannot be a 
difficult task. 

I shall, at all events, come to town before Christmas. 
If parliament does not meet, I shall be desirous of coming 
very speedily. 1 



William Windham to Edmund Burke 

Felbrigg : November y, 1793 

You will have received, before this, my answer to your 
letter, and find that I am ready to come whenever my 
presence shall be necessary or useful. Though you give 
me, for the present, a dispensation, I am half inclined not 
to make use of it, but to yield to the wish of being for a 
while near the centre of counsel and intelligence. Your 
letter is written in a tone of dejection that makes me 
apprehend something worse than has yet reached me, or 
suspect that I have seen our situation more favourably 
than I ought. The worst news is undoubtedly from La 
Vendee ; yet unless you have further accounts, confirming 

1 Burke, " Correspondence," iv. 179. 



170 THE WINDHAM PAPERS [1793 

those of the convention, I cannot abandon my hopes 
upon the strength merely of what they say. Besides the 
allowance to be made for exaggeration, and often for total 
fabrication, the war of La Vendee does not seem to be of 
a sort which temporary ill success will eradicate. One 
may hope that the whole of that country is so thoroughly 
impregnated with hatred and horror of the present system, 
for which new reasons, too, are arising every day, that 
they never can do more than stop its effects for the 
moment, and that the first opportunity will call them 
out again with their original vigour. 

In all other quarters our affairs seem to be going on 
with reasonable success. No fears, I hope, are enter- 
tained, at least, no news or special ones, of our being 
forced from our hold on Toulon. The progress of the 
northern armies must, of necessity, be slow ; they are 
thus riving the block at the knotty end. But I cannot 
but hope that at the southern extremity the work will 
go on quicker and that a rent may be made by our opera- 
tions that will reach far into France. 

What is your opinion of the declaration ? x I think in 
one passage, they are yielding too much to the adversary ; 
and by seeming to give up part of the question, making 
the defence of the remainder more difficult. Why is all 
right of interference in the affairs of another country, even 
without the plea of aggression on the part of that country, 
to be universally given up ? The more I have thought 
upon that opinion, the more satisfied I have been, that it 
is a mere arbitrary assumption wholly unsupported by 
anything in reason and nature, and in direct repugnance 
to everything which the maintainers of that doctrine 
would be compelled, and even ready, to allow. In other 
respects it seems to be judicious, and it is certainly well 
drawn, and I should hope will produce the best effects ; 

1 The Declaration issued by the British Government, October 29, 
1793, in which the causes and objects of the war were set forth, as 
well as the circumstances which would enable the King to end it. 



1793] THE WEST INDIA EXPEDITION 171 

particularly if, as I see in the papers just received, the 
Austrians have taken possession of Alsace in the name of 
Louis XVII. 

The poor departed queen ! How cheering would such 
intelligence have been to her ! How much does one wish 
that she might have lived to see herself and her son 
restored in' part to their former situation ; or rescued, 
at least, from the fangs of these hell-hounds ! How pain- 
ful is the reflection, that whatever good may now befal, 
she no longer remains to enjoy it ! 

From the delay occasioned at Ostend, the West India 
expedition is, I suppose, laid aside. The opinion which 
you seem to have of it, has taught me not to regret its 
loss. The fever, too, that rages so dreadfully in some 
of the islands, might itself have been a reason, I should 
conceive, for not persisting in it. 

Mrs. Burke, I hope, and all your family are well. Let 
me beg you to present my best respects. 

[P.S.] The system of atheism will now, I think, not 
be denied. What say the religious dissenters to this ? 
The worthy bishop who believes that the God of nature 
and liberty needs no intermediary, will perhaps reconcile 
them. They are perfectly satisfied that there should be 
no religion, provided there is no establishment. 1 

William Windham to Mrs. Crewe 

Felbrigg : November 7, 1793 
I have suffered my debt to you to rise to such an 
amount that I run the risk of being driven to despair; 
and abandoning all thoughts of paying it. Let me make 
an effort in time, and offer a small instalment, though in 
order to do that I must defraud another, and leave 
unwritten a letter which I ought to send abroad. You 
have a claim not from me only, to whom you have done 
so kindly, but from all lovers of good to be hailed and 

1 Burke, " Correspondence," iv. 189. 



172 THE WINDHAM PAPERS [1793 

celebrated, and encouraged in the good work which 
you pursue so zealously. Don't be discouraged or dis- 
countenanced by any rebuffs. I don't know where must 
be either the hearts or the heads of those who can refuse 
to assist in it if they possess the means, much less who can 
attempt to find fault with it. I have another subscription 
in reserve, I formerly subscribed 25/., whenever it shall 
be most wanted. In the mean time I cannot say that I 
have contributed to you quite all the pains I might ; but 
I will from this time, and meant this very post to have 
written to Dr. Burney. I am glad that the pen of Madame 
Abry, 1 or whatever the name is, is going to be exerted 
in the cause. 

There can be no necessity for stimulating your rage 
against the present system and its abettors. Its horrors 
are now of so deep a dye, have a cast of character so truly 
diabolical, that there is an end of all reserve and manage- 
ment : and all who support in any degree that system, are 
persons from whom I am separated by the widest gulph 
that can separate men on publick affairs. 

To talk of condemning this system, and not supporting 
the war, is in those who are sincere in that language such 
extreme weakness, in my opinion, as can only be equalled 
by the wickedness of those who talk about it without 
being sincere. The fact is, that the greater part of those 
who lead on that side either care not what becomes of the 
world, so they can answer their purposes of ambition or 
enmity, or else they do really love this system, for that 
which to most men renders it an object of horror and 
detestation. All who are not of either of these descrip- 
tions are, in my idea, the most deplorable dupes that 
ever belonged to that fraternity. I cannot conceive any 
opinion so utterly devoid of common sense and likelihood, 
as that, if we were to withdraw from the present war, 
supposing it possible in common honour and honesty 
that we could do so, the whole of the French system 

1 Madame D'Arblay (Fanny Burney). 



1793] FEARS FROM THE FRENCH 173 

would not pour into this system, as certainly as the sea 
would into Holland, upon the removal of any of their 
main dykes. What at least is to be our security against 
this, if the French were to chuse to fraternize ; and who 
is to be our security that they will not chuse it ? If 
they are this irresistible people that some chuse to describe, 
and derive such new powers from their present condition, 
why may not part of this preternatural vigour be carried 
into their external operations, and make them equally 
formidable in offence as they are in defence ? In fact, 
with the aid of their principles they would be infinitely 
more so ; in so great a degree that the moment they should 
be let loose to act exclusively against us, I should be one 
of those to distrust altogether our powers of resistance. I 
must not go on, however, on this subject, which is end- 
less : we shall have enough of it when Parliament meets. 
In the meanwhile, let me thank you for your letters, 
exhort you to remain steady in the faith, extol you for 
your splendid exertions in behalf of the poor priests, and 
beg you to believe me, as always, 

Your most faithful and obedient, 

W. W. 
I am waiting with great impatience for the 
papers. Things in Flanders seem to have got round 
again ; and Weissenburg opens the prospect, I hope, 
to great consequences. For Toulon, too, I hope no fears 
need be entertained. The Queen, the fate of the poor 
Queen, for whom now I begin to justify all Mr. Burke's 
enthusiasm, saddens even our prospects of success, so 
much I wish that she might have lived to enjoy them. 1 

Edmund Burke to William Windham 

[Circa : November 7-14, 1793] 
I received your second very kind, very satisfactory 
Letter, just as I was going to thank you for your first. 

1 The Crewe Papers: Windham Section, p. 18 ("Miscellanies" of 
the Philobiblon Society, vol. ix.). 



i 7 4 THE WINDHAM PAPERS [1793 

I do confess, that I feel myself gradually sinking into 
something like despondency. It is not from the Events 
of Warj; which, as one might expect, have been checquered. 
A little security towards a defensive is promised to us in 
the Netherlands. The affair of Weissenburg seems to 
me one of the finest things in military History. I can 
scarcely, as an operation of War, imagine anything 
beyond it. But it is not from our defeats, that my hopes 
are damped, but from our successes. If we had been 
only beaten, better conduct and greater forces, with our 
share of the chances, might set us right again. But I 
see nothing, which all the successes we have had, and 
much greater than I dare to look for, can do towards 
bringing things to the conclusion we wish, as long as the 
plan we have pursued and still pursue, is persevered in. 
When I have the pleasure of seeing you, we will talk over 
this matter in the Detail. 

I agree with you, that the proclamation is well drawn : 
Perhaps too well drawn, as it shows too much art. I 
admit that it seems, more than anything else that has 
yet appeared, to depart from the unfortunate plan of 
making war against France, and to direct it where it ought 
to be directed, to the relief of the oppressed, and to the 
destruction of Jacobinism. I wish, however, that nothing 
had been said about indemnity. It is a thing unheard of 
in this stage of a War : and as in fact we have no pledge 
whatever in our hands but Toulon, it looks as if we meant 
to keep that place, and the ships in that harbour for that 
indemnity though surrendered to our faith upon very 
different Terms. This precious demand of indemnity, 
which has a sort of appearance, (even so much as perhaps 
to hazard the whole effect of the Declaration) of Fairness, 
is yet so very loose and general that I scarce know what 
it is that we and the allied Courts may not claim under 
it. The worst of the matter is that the only object 
which we have hitherto pursued, is the previous security 
of this indemnification. 




Sir Joshua Reynolds, finxt 



J. Hardy, sculpt. 



EDMUND BURKE 



i 7 93] BURKE'S INDIGNATION 175 

The thing however that perfectly sickens me in this 
Declaration is its total disagreement with everything 
we have done or (so far as I see) that we are going to 
do. We promise protection and assistance to those 
who shall endeavour the Restoration of Monarchy in 
that Country : Yet, though Poitou is in a manner at 
our door and they have for eight months carried on a War 
on the principles we have pointed out — not a man, not 
a ship, not an article of stores, has been yet sent to these 
brave unfortunate people ; all the force we can spare 
was destined for our indemnity ; and when now released; 
I do not know with what prudence, from the Flemish 
Service it is intended again to go to the West Indies. 
No talk, nor no thought, of giving the least of the succour 
we stand engaged for, and which common justice and 
common policy ought to have induced us to send though 
we were under no positive engagement at all. This, 
joined with our refusing to recognise that Monarchy in 
those who have a right to exercise its authority, is a 
defeasance to our Declaration which nothing but a total 
change of conduct can cancell. However, though I am 
grieved beyond measure, and mortified at this pro- 
ceeding, our only hopes are from these people. The 
conduct of our late party is so absurd, contradictory, and 
self destructive, that I cannot easily express it. But on 
all these matters we shall talk seriously when we meet, 
which I trust will be soon. Oh ! what you say of 
the Queen in your two Letters is like what I should expect 
from your feelings on that, the most dreadful scene, that 
ever was exhibited to the world ! Stupincd as I was at 
the enormous wickedness of the actors, as well as at 
the nature of it, which was worse, in my opinion, than 
its magnitude, and astonished at the sustained fortitude 
and patience of the sufferer, yet my indignation, at the 
unfeeling manner in which it has been received by the 
Princes of her own House, has perhaps been the strongest 
of my Emotions on this occasion. The wicked faction at 



176 THE WINDHAM PAPERS [1793 

Paris have obtained the only end they could have pro- 
posed to themselves by their savage proceedings, the 
rendering vile and contemptible the Royal Character. 
The execution of a King or Queen by the hands of the 
common hangman, as the lowest and vilest of criminals, 
will produce no more effect than one of the periodical 
hangings at the old Bailey. I am quite of your mind that 
there is something that mingles more of disgust, and of 
compassion, with our horrour in this Barbarity even 
more than in the murder of the King. In fact Women, 
and such Women, are more out of the Field in such con- 
tentions as brought on these Events— and the Circum- 
stances themselves were much worse. Sure some Justice 
ought to be done to a character which does so much more 
than Justice to the nature we belong to. 1 

Earl Spencer to William Windham 

Wilderness : November 11, 1793 
Though I cannot say that the general result of what 
I am going to communicate to you is of any very con- 
siderable importance, yet on the terms of perfect con- 
fidence with which you have done me the Honour to 
treat me, and on which I hope nothing will ever prevent 
our continuing ; I think it indispensably necessary to 
acquaint you that, having come here on a visit to Lord 
Bayham 2 for a night, I met Pitt. This meeting was not 
purely accidental but Lord Bayham who saw me in town 
at Lord Lucan's on Thursday asked me to come, and told 
me that Pitt was very desirous of having an interview 
with me, which he thought might be brought about more 
agreably by me in this mode than any other. I deter- 
mined to accept of the invitation thinking that it might 
possibly be productive of some good, and could not of 
any harm, and at all events would probably afford us 

1 Add. MSS. 37843 f. 31. 

2 The courtesy title of the eldest son of Lord Camden. See vol. i, p. 
287, note 2, of this work. 



1793] PITT EXPLAINS 177 

some information on the present state of Affairs. I 
confess that the Result of it has not in this last point done 
a great deal, and in neither of the former considerations, it 
seems to have been as nearly as possible indifferent : it 
has, however, given me the opportunity of repeating to 
him what you had already expressed for me, and of finding 
that for the present, with respect to any internal arrange- 
ments, matters remain I think, much as your conversa- 
tion with him at the end of the last Session left them, that 
is to say, still open but not ripe for any decisive Step. He 
began by saying that he was desirous of having this 
conversation with me in order to explain any thing 
relating to the events of the last Summer that might have 
left a wish for explanation on my Mind, and to give me 
any confidential information I might desire to have, 
and he might be able to give me, respecting any such 
events and the general state of affairs. He then seemed to 
expect me to point out the particular objects on which 
I wished the conversation to turn. I own I felt very 
awkwardly at the moment, owing rather to the finding 
myself all at once in so very new a situation to me, and I 
believe in consequence of this I did not explain myself at 
first so clearly and intelligibly as I could have wished. 
From this circumstance also it probably arises that I am 
not able to give a very exact detail of what passed be- 
tween us on this branch of the subject, the general sub- 
stance, however, I think was, that the idea of taking 
Dunkirk formed originally a part of the general Plan of 
the Campaign, in which, it was hoped we might have 
got into possession of that Port (stated by him to be 
a considerable object as being a Port, and from the 
nearness of its situation to us being more likely to give 
a favourable impression of the war in their Country) of a 
strong line of Frontier from thence all the way to Mau- 
beuge inclusively, and even of having formed something 
like a winter investment of Lille ; I collect from what 
he said that it had been agreed that the Austrian Artillery 
1 M 



i;8 THE WINDHAM PAPERS [1793 

should have cooperated in the siege of Dunkirk, but as 
they insisted on conducting that of Quesnoy J at the same 
time, it become necessary for our Army there to be 
supplied from home, and a Requisition was accordingly 
sent, and answered in such a manner that he speaks with 
great confidence of being able by a new statement of dates 
to satisfy us that every exertion that could be made was 
made. As to the want of Gun-boats, the fact is that they 
had no idea that they would be wanted till a requisition 
was sent for them from the Army actually before Dunkirk, 
and then, of course, they could not come in time. All this, 
you see, in reality amounts to little more than saying that 
Dunkirk was attacked with an inadequate force, and, of 
course, that all that we lost both in time, in stores, in ex- 
pences, in men, and in reputation by it was absolutely 
en pure perte. I dwelt a good deal (after I had recovered 
my nerves a little) and repeatedly in the course of our 
conversation on the expediency if it could possibly be done 
of making some satisfactory explanation at the opening of 
the Session upon these points, as they are likely to have 
taken some hold of the publick mind, and to have given 
strength to opposition in general. He did not say anything 
directly to this, but I think it did not pass without excit- 
ing his attention. He seems in general to look on the 
French as being at present in a Situation less likely to 
dispose them to yield than they were some months ago, 
owing partly to the Surrender of Lyons and partly to their 
successes in La Vendee, which he apprehends to be 
more decisive than they have ever been yet ; though he did 
not seem to state any very clear Intelligence having been 
received about them. The Ships that were sent away 
from Toulon to the other Sea Ports, which was a measure 
that has excited some Curiosity and no inconsiderable 
Surprize in many people, were sent by Lord Hood on his 
own Authority in order to remove about 5000 Seamen 

1 Quesnoy was taken by the Austrians, September n, 1793. It was 
recovered by the French, August 16, 1794. 



1793] PITT DETERMINED ON WAR 179 

from the Place who were very ill affected and who might 
have been capable of doing much Mischief, more particularly 
before they were so much reinforced there, as they have 
since been. I think this is nearly the substance of what 
passed with respect to past transactions. With respect to 
the future, I found him fully determined on the most 
vigorous exertions in the Prosecution of the War, in 
which he seems to expect a very cordial cooperation on 
the part of the Austrians ; on that of the Prussians he is 
not so sanguine, and even went so far as to say he should 
not be much surprized if they were to withdraw altogether 
from the Confederacy. The other Powers will act as they are 
paid (the Dutch I think we omitted to speak of). He 
seems much inclined to the Opinion that there will be little 
hope of putting an End to the War without penetrating 
pretty far into the interior of France, and in order to [do] 
that, it would seem that we must possess ourselves of all 
the frontier strong Places (even including Lille) before 
we can advance with any Security, the ostensible Object 
of the War is, I suppose, to be consonant to the Language 
of the Declaration, namely, such a Government in France 
as the rest of Europe may reasonably depend upon for its 
future Peace and Security, hinting then at the same time 
that a Monarchy of some kind or other at least is the 
most likely to attain those Ends. On the Article of 
Expence he talked very openly, and said that he should 
want at least 12 millions for the Supply of the Year (I 
suppose of course the extra supply for the War), but 
from the situation of the Finances he hoped to be only 
obliged to lay absolutely new Taxes to the amount of from 
three to 400,000, and he hopes to lay them in a manner that 
shall not be much felt. He asked me whether I happened 
to know anything of the Duke of Portland's present 
Sentiments, I said I had heard that he was still disposed 
to support the War. In the course of this part of the 
Conversation, as he happened to mention your Name, I 
thought it not a bad opportunity to find out whether he 



i8o THE WINDHAM PAPERS [1793 

had still any views similar to what he talked of with 
you last Summer on the subject of political arrange- 
ments, so I said that you had according to his desire as 
I believed, communicated to me at that time the Sub- 
stance of what had passed between you, and that I also 
believed you had expressed to him our joint Opinion that 
we thought upon the whole that an unconnected sup- 
port of Government would then have more weight and 
efficacy than if we were to take a share in any part of the 
administration. I added that my opinion still continued on 
that subject pretty much the same, and that, instead of 
having seen anything to alter it since, I found it rather 
confirmed by circumstances that had happened. He 
answered that he was very glad I had mentioned the 
subject as it would give him an opportunity of saying a 
word or two upon it, though he should not have men- 
tioned it first himself, because at the present moment there 
was no opening that would enable him to make any 
proposal of the kind ; he, however, hoped that I should 
still allow the matter to remain open, and in case any 
occasion offered such as to put it in his power to make 
any such proposal, that he might have my leave to com- 
municate again with me upon the Subject. This is as 
near as I can recollect the substance of what passed 
between us in private ; or this latter part of our con- 
versation. 

I particularly noticed that he treated the Idea of 
a possibility of our coming into office only on the Sup- 
position of our doing it jointly, and I took the more 
particular Notice of this, because in the conversation I 
had at Lord Lucan's with Lord Bayham, which gave rise 
to this meeting, he had thrown out something like a hint, 
which at the same time he assured me he was not com- 
missioned to do, but which I think he never could have 
mentioned if it had not been concerted, that his Father, 
Lord Camden x now found it impossible for him to con- 

1 Sir Charles Pratt, first Earl Camden (1714-1794) ; Lord Chancellor, 



1793] LORD SPENCER AND THE CABINET 181 

tinue in Office, and that he had no doubt but that if 
that Situation would be agreable to me, the members of 
the Administration would be very glad it should be filled 
by me, but that at the same time there was not at present 
an opening for any other Cabinet Office. My immediate 
Answer to this was, first generally, the same sort of 
answer which I afterwards gave to Pitt, but besides that 
even if I did think the occasion called for my coming into 
Office, I could not for a moment entertain an Idea of doing 
so unaccompanied by you. He again repeated that he 
had no Commission to mention the matter to me, and 
that he did not know whether Pitt would mention it in 
the Interview we were to have ; but I have myself very 
little doubt but that he was employed to feel the ground 
a little before that Interview, and that, finding me so 
clearly determined on the subject, Pitt took the Line 
I have already described to you, in our conversation. I 
took occasion to express in the course of what I said 
my decided purpose of supporting government in a 
vigorous prosecution of the War ; and, indeed, I do not 
now see what other possible track we can pursue in order to 
arrive at a desirable termination of it, for any appearance 
of relaxation in our efforts now must unquestionably not 
only encourage the Enemy, but tend to discourage and 
disunite all our Allies, whom, it certainly is of essential 
consequence, if possible, to keep together. I understand 
from Pitt that the last private accounts they have from 
the Prince of Coburg mention his having received positive 
Orders from Vienna to do everything in his Power to force 
the Enemy to a general Action, It is, therefore, a most 
anxious moment for he had begun to take measures 
accordingly, and the very next accounts may very 
possibly contain something of infinite importance. The 
Accounts in yesterday's Extra-ordinary Gazette from 
Toulon are, I think, very satisfactory, as they seem to 

1766-1770 ; President of the Council, 1782-1783, and again from 1784 
until shortly before his death. 



182 THE WINDHAM PAPERS [1793 

indicate a great deal of Spirit; and a very cordial union 
among the different troops of the Garrison, which, from 
all the reinforcements they have lately received, appears 
to be very equal to the defence of the Place ; there have 
also been some very great dissensions between the French 
and Americans, which may very probably turn to good 
account. Upon the whole, notwithstanding the unfavour- 
able circumstances which in the course of this very long 
letter I have alluded to, I feel inclined to be in pretty good 
spirits and if we should happen to gain anything like a 
brilliant advantage to close the Campaign in Flanders 
it may have a surprising effect in making people forget the 
former miscarriages, and join heartily in the maintenance 
of what every day becomes more and more the general 
cause of all that is good or estimable under the Law. Pitt 
has promised to send me word if any important Event 
should take place, and, of course, you shall certainly 
hear from me again, if I should have anything worth 
communicating. 

I am quite ashamed of having been so long winded, but I 
did not well know how to abridge what I had to tell you, 
though after all I believe you will not think there is much 
in it. I go down to Althorp to-morrow and shall stay 
there till the beginning of January. Parliament, I under- 
stand, is to meet a few days before the Birthday. 1 



William Windham to James Wyatt 2 

Felbrigg : November 23, 1793 

I shall no longer insist upon a right which I have no 
means of enforcing, nor complain of injuries, which it 
is not in my power to redress. It is near two years since 
you undertook a business for me neither requiring, nor 

1 Add. MSS. 37845 f. 119. 

2 James Wyatt ( 1 746-1 8 1 3 ), architect, adapted the Pantheon in Oxford 
Street for dramatic performances ; restored Salisbury, Lincoln, Hereford 
and Lichfield Cathedrals; from Graeco-Italian style he developed into 
Gothic. 



1793] A SEVERE REBUKE 183 

admitting of, delay ; and which you have not done yet. 
I have written to you no less than five letters desiring to 
know, whether you meant to do this, or not : and you 
have returned no answer. 

You may think perhaps that this is a mark of genius, 
and the privelege of a man eminent in his profession : 
But you must give me leave to say, that it must be a 
profession higher than that of an Architect, and eminence 
greater than that of Mr. Wyatt, that can make one see 
in this proceeding anything but great impertinence, and 
a degree of neglect, that may well be called dishonest. 

It is dishonest to make engagements, which you are 
either not able or not willing to fullnl : It is in the 
highest degree uncivil to receive letter after letter, con- 
taining a question which the writer is entitled to ask : and 
to send no answer. 

Pray, Sir, who are you, upon whom engagements are 
to be of no force ; and who are to set aside all the forms 
of civility established between man and man ? Had the 
most private Gentleman of the country written to the 
first minister of the country, he would have received an 
answer in a quarter of the time. And what is this privelege 
denied to persons in that station, which you suppose to 
be possessed by you ? A privelege not allowed to a 
man's betters may be expected to be one of which he 
has no great reason to boast. But of this I leave you to 
judge. There is one privelege which you shall not possess, 
that of acting with rudeness and contumely without being 
told of your conduct. If you are fond of placing yourself 
in a situation, in which you must hear these charges with- 
out the power of refuting them, I wish you joy of your 
choice, and with that reflexion shall take my leave of you. 

P.S. Am I to expect, that the metal frames, which 
you ordered at Sheffield, will come at last, when they are 
no longer wanted : or am I to understand only, that what 
you told me, is not true, and that no such order was given ? J 

1 Add. MSS. 37914 f. 67 



i84 THE WINDHAM PAPERS [1793 

Edmund Burke to William Windham 

November 25, 1793 
Since I wrote last, the outside of affairs is a good deal 
mended, but they will not bear inspection. Our politics 
want directness and simplicity. A spirit of chicane, or 
something very like it, predominates in all that is done, 
either by our allies or by ourselves . Westminster-H all has 
ruined Whitehall ; and there are many things in which 
we proceed more like lawyers than statesmen. If this 
distemper is not cured, I undertake to say, with the 
more positive assurance, that nothing but shame and 
destruction can be the result of all our operations in the 
field and in the cabinet. All the misfortunes of the 
war have arisen from this very intricacy and ambiguity 
in our politics ; and yet, though this is as visible as I think 
it is real, I do not find the smallest disposition to make 
any alteration in the system. I have the greatest possible 
desire of talking with you on this subject. I think some- 
thing ought to be done, and I know that I cannot act 
alone. If I had not always felt this, all that has happened 
within these three months would have convinced me of it. 
The very existence of human affairs, in their ancient and 
happy order, depends upon the existence of this ministry ; 
but it does not depend upon their existence only in their 
ministerial situation and capacity, but on their doing 
their duty in it. They are certainly bewildered in the 
labyrinth of their own politics. What you observe is 
most true ; they think they can defend themselves the 
better by taking part of the ground of their adversary. 
But that is a woful mistake. He is consistent and they 
are not. He is strengthened by their concessions. He 
avails himself of what they yield, and contends with 
advantage for the rest. As to the affairs of France, into 
which they have entered at last, it is plain to me that 
they are wholly confounded by their magnitude. The 
crimes that accumulated on each other astonish them. 



1793] THE STATE OF FRANCE 185 

These crimes produce the effects which their authors 
propose by them. They fill our ministers, and I believe 
the ministers of other courts, not with indignation and 
manly resentment, but with an abject terror. They are 
oppressed by these crimes — they cry quarter — and then 
they talk a feeling language of mercy ; but it is not mercy 
to the innocent and virtuous sufferers, but to base, 
cruel and relentless tyrants. I shall explain myself 
more fully when we meet. People talk of the cruelty of 
punishing a revolutionary tribunal, and the authors of 
the denunciation of an infant king, concerning offences 
that the voice of humanity cannot utter, in order to 
criminate his own mother, at the very moment, (this very 
moment) when they turn out of the house, which they 
have given them in the king's name and taken credit 
for it, six hundred and eighty virtuous and religious 
men, in the beginning of a winter, which threatens no 
small rigour, without a place to hide their heads in. 

I am mortified at all this, and I believe I express myself 
with some confusion about it. But we must endeavour 
to make our complaints rather effectual than loud. The 
other faction is dreadful indeed. It consists of two 
parts ; one of which is feebly and unsystematically 
right, the other regularly, uniformly, and actively wrong ; 
and, what is natural, that which is the most steady and 
energetic, gives the law to that which is lax and wavering. 
The entire unfolding of the Jacobin system has made 
no change in them whatsoever. Not one of them has 
been converted ; no, nor even shaken ; and those who 
coincide with us in the absolute necessity of this war 
(to which, however, they give but a very trimming and 
ambiguous support), are become far more attached than 
ever to their Jacobin friends, are animated with much 
greater rage than ever against the ministers, and are 
become not much less irritated against those of their old 
friends who act decidedly and honestly in favour of their 
principles. This state of things requires to be handled 



186 THE WINDHAM PAPERS [1793 

according to its true nature. If you and I take the 
steps we ought to take, there is yet a chance that all may 
be right. For God's sake come, and come speedily, for 
no time is to be lost. 1 



Earl Spencer to William Windham 

Althorp : December 8, 1793 
Lord Lucan tells us that you and Burke will be in 
Town. If I thought that my presence there at this moment 
could be of any possible good Effect, your Wish should 
not long remain unaccomplished, but as I do not foresee 
that any useful Purpose can be answered by my being there 
at present, I shall, I believe, prefer staying here till the 
beginning of next Month, when I shall certainly come to 
Town, as I think it will be very desirable that those who 
think alike on the present State of Politicks should have 
some Communication, and Concert at least for a few 
days previous to the meeting of Parliament. I have of late 
much wished for you here, more especially when Tom 
Grenville 2 was with me, as we had at that time a great 
deal of conversation on these matters, the purport and 
tendency of which, though it is much too extensive for 
the compass of a Letter I am extremely desirous for you 
to be acquainted with. I wish I could prevail upon you 
to come down here in the course of this Month, but if 
that is impossible, I hope I may depend on finding you in 
London in the first week in January. The Period which 
is to produce something of rather a more decisive Nature 
in our Conduct is now fast approaching, and not to have 
well weighed and naturally considered all its bearings 
before we are to act, will be of very bad consequence. 
I, in my own Mind, not only remain of the same Opinion 
on the general Nature of what that Line of Conduct ought 

1 Burke, "Correspondence," iv. 201. 

2 Thomas Grenville (1755-1846), younger brother of Lord Grenville, 
diplomatist and statesman. He bequeathed his books to the British 
Museum, where his collection is known as The Grenville Library. 



1793] PURSUIT OF THE WAR 187 

to be, but are much confirmed in it, by several Circum- 
stances, which may best be explained when we meet. In 
general terms, the Line of Conduct which the present 
Situation of the Country loudly calls upon us to pursue 
appears to me to be, the most vigorous, determined, and 
declared Support of the War (and, of course, of Govern- 
ment), unconnected, however, by Office with Administra- 
tion, and not only unconnected, but avowedly hostile to 
the views and Measures of the Party who call themselves 
the Friends of the People ; unconnected with Administra- 
tion, because we shall by that means establish our Claim to 
the Confidence of every independent Man in the Country; 
and convince the People if they are open to Conviction; 
that there are Men who can adopt a Line of publick 
Conduct solely because they think it right, and not as 
being the old hackneyed Road to high Situations or great 
Emoluments; and openly hostile to the views of the violent 
Party, because we shall thereby cut off all Idea of any 
lingering after the old Opposition as it used to be formed; 
which in truth consisted of such a Medley of discordant 
and absolutely contradictory Principles, as could not but 
extinguish all hopes of its being either useful to the 
Publick, or creditable to those who composed it. On 
Principles like these I am inclined now to be more san- 
guine than I was when we last talked on these Subjects, 
as to the Chance of our being able to collect a body 
sufficiently respectable both as to number and character 
to make a considerable and that a very desirable impres- 
sion on the Publick, and to have a really efficient Weight 
with Ministry and Parliament ; and if I am not too 
sanguine in this Hope, I think you will agree with me 
that the chance of doing it is worth the tryal ; the more 
particular details of this Idea, which I allow is not yet 
sufficiently matured for me to state them fully, will be 
the subject of the Conversations which we must have 
before the 21 st of next Month, and my principal Reason 
for troubling you with this Letter now, was to endeavour, 



188 THE WINDHAM PAPERS [1793 

if possible, to have as early an opportunity of entering 
with you into these Details, as the nature of your other 
Engagements will allow. 

I am much afraid, from the present Complexion of 
our military Operations both by Sea and Land, that 
to all our other difficulties, we shall have an addition 
of a great deal of ill humour to struggle with on the subject 
of the Conduct of the War, but the Objects that we have 
to contend for, are much too important for us to hesitate 
in taking our Share of that difficulty. 

Pray let me have a Line at least to tell me, when I 
am likely to see you and whether here or in Town. 1 

Lord Malmesbury 2 to William Windham 

Frankfort : December 13, 1793 

Altho' I have been in the way of armies I have had no 
military event come in my way, which you have not 
heard and seen from the newspapers — you should other- 
wise have received a letter from me and been thanked 
for the very kind one you wrote me just as I was leaving 
England. I have, indeed, no inducement of news, to write 
to you now, but one which I flatter myself you will not 
think either an uninteresting or useless one. 

The Duke of York was so good as to meet me at Alost 
about a week ago and to talk to me in a very confidential 
manner. I cannot trust the particulars of his conversa- 
tion to the post. The result, as far as it related to himself, 
went to confirm me in the good opinion I was always dis- 
posed to have of him, and in general not to alter that I 
had, that many mistakes and missions had in the course 
of the summer defeated the effect of his exertions and 
rendered the end of the campaign less brilliant than 
the beginning. He was not insensible to those neglects, 

1 Add. MSS. 37845 f. 124. 

2 Lord Malmesbury had been sent by Pitt to Berlin to give a neces- 
sary reminder to King Frederick William of his treaty obligations to 
support England in the war with France. 



1793] THE DUKE OF YORK'S WISHES 189 

but he expressed a very anxious and earnest desire that if 
any of the more violent members of opposition should, in 
their wishes to harass and criminate Government, affect 
a sollicitude about him and a compassion for his situation, 
or even if they should join him in the common censure 
about Dunkirk or any other military operation, I say, that 
in either of these cases, the Duke expressed his anxious 
and earnest desire, that, none of his friends out of zeal 
or regard for him should say anything which might 
raise a clamour against administration or weaken their 
measures by defending him at their expense : that such 
a defence, however grateful he should feel for it, would 
necessarily go to diminish the strength of Government 
and in its effect militate directly against a cause the sup- 
port of which he felt as a duty before which any personal 
consideration ought to give way. That it would be im- 
possible to separate in the minds of the many the partial 
blame of any one specifick measure in the course of the war 
from a general disapprobation of the principle on which 
it was begun and going on, and that the very worst of 
consequences would attend such an idea being attributed 
to those he was happy to call his friends. He named you 
and Pelham and expressly directed me to write to you 
both, which I do, I am sure without altering his sense, if 
I have altered his words. 

The only case in which he hoped to be supported 
and defended was if any gross and notoriously abusive 
attack should be made upon him, and even then he only 
wished (as it would be evidently made with a view to 
provoke) that the defence should rest on general grounds, 
and all particular details and personalities be avoided. 
I am the more anxious to write to you on this subject, 
as I am sure you will feel the Duke to be as right and 
judicious in his advice as he is temperate and forbearing 
in his character, and admit the extreme importance that 
Parliament should open with the greatest appearance of 
concord and unanimity, and that England should give an 



igo THE WINDHAM PAPERS [1793 

impression to Europe, which may perhaps as much con- 
tribute to the success of the great cause in which we are 
struggling as victories or successful negotiations. 

I have written to the same effect, nearly in the same 
words to Pelham. I shall be happy to hear from you at 
your leisure and promise you that my next letter shall be 
more entertaining. 

I leave this place for Berlin to morrow. I see nothing but 
insurmountable difficultys there ; and if I am absurd for 
undertaking them I trust my friends will at least vouch for 
my not having accepted a sinecure office. 1 



William Windham to William Pitt 

December 16, 1793 

The only point in which it is material that I should 
trouble you is that which relates to the communication 
with the Princes. On this I would wish to state such 
portions as I have happened to hear, without repeating 
opinions with which you are already acquainted. 

The Princes, I understand, are full of jealousy of this 
conference which they understand is to precede any 
recognition of their title. Their jealousy turns principally 
upon these points : 

A fear lest the purpose of this country should be to 
limit their authority in order to keep France henceafter 
in a feeble and depressed state. 

A fear lest the ideas of the Constitutionalists should 
be suffered to prevail too much, in which apprehension 
they are confirmed by the terms of the agreement at 
Toulon. 

A fear lest views of indemnification should operate 
too far, and sacrifices be required of them, inconsistent 
with their duty and character. 

A general apprehension growing out of all the former, 
that the Cabinet here is not in earnest in wishing to see 

1 Add. MSS. 37873 f. 243. 



i 7 93] THE COMTE D'ARTOIS 191 

them for the present at the head of the Royalist party ; 
but would rather that the cause should, to a certain 
length, be carried on without them. 

These seem to be the principal heads of uneasiness 
which, whether reasonable or not, must be considered as 
very excuseable in their situation. 

The danger is that in the state of ferment in which their 
minds must be, and stimulated in particular as the 
Comte D'Artois x is by every feeling of duty and honour, 
he should take some rash step, and without consulting 
anything but his sentiments and feelings, should throw 
himself upon the Coast of Brittany, in the first vessel 
that he can procure. 

The person from whom I hear this principally, and 
who, though standing in an inferior station to the Due 
D'Harcourt, 2 is still secretly much in their secrets, is 
persuaded nevertheless that they are much disposed to 
be tractable, and would be quieted by any general assur- 
ance relative to the above points, conveyed to them by a 
person in whose sincerity he could confide. 

I know not that I can add anything to the simple 
exposition of the fact, coupled with those opinions which 
I took the liberty of stating to you the other day. I am 
obliged at present to write rather in a hurry, as I wish 
to leave Town to-day. I regret now rather that I missed 
the occasion of discoursing on any such points more at 
leisure which you and Mr. Dundas were so obliging as to 
offer. 3 

William Windham to Mrs. Crewe 

Felbrigg : December 26, 1793 

I have just got a letter from you, which might serve 

to whet my purpose had it been before almost blunted, 

1 Charles Philippe de France, Comte d'Artois (1757-1836), succeeded 
his brother to the throne in 1824 as Charles X. ; abdicated, 1830. 

2 Due D'Harcourt, son of Marshal D'Harcourt, sometime Governor 
of Normandv. 

3 Add. MSS. 37844 f. 15. 



192 THE WINDHAM PAPERS [1793 

which it was not, of writing to you by this post. Don't 
feel any immediate fear of the machinations of the 
Jacobins, notwithstanding the bad news which this 
Gazette has brought from Toulon ; x and still less suffer 
yourself to be perplext or shaken by their reasoning. 
Those who can stand all these effects of their blessed 
system must have good stomachs indeed. It is in vain 
for them to try to lead off the attention to other objects, 
or to seek for evasions or subterfuges. The experiment 
is full and flat in their faces. There is a full exemplification 
of the state to which they wished, and endeavoured, and 
are endeavouring, to bring the world-robbery, murder, 
atheism, universal profligacy of manners, contempt of 
every law divine and human. Much of this is what 
many of the leaders of this sect have no objection to. It 
is, indeed, to them its recommendation. It serves to cover 
what good-nature and softness may otherwise make them 
shrink from. What others' intentions may be I know 
not ; but my determination is open, steady war against 
the whole Jacobin faction ; and junction for that purpose 
with whomever it may be necessary to join. That it will 
be necessary to join anybody in office I do not mean to 
say. You need not fear my doing it alone ; first, because 
I do not think it will be advantageous to the general 
cause to do it in that way ; and next, because whenever 
the time comes that that question shall arise, there will be 
others, I hope, disposed to do it with me. These are my 
ideas upon the subject, and which there is no necessity 
to make any secret of. The sum of the opinion is, that I 
am a determined foe to the new system, and that I shall 
oppose that, either in or out of office, according as 
circumstances shall show that one or other mode is most 
effectual. 

Your correspondent from Buxton, as well as the other 
who talks about Lord Howe, both provoke me ; but I 
think the last the most ; as he is perfectly foolish, while 

1 Toulon was regained by the French on December 20. 



1793] THE DUKE OF YORK DEFENDED 193 

the other may only be wicked : and folly, though less 
odious, is more provoking than wickedness. These 
clamours against the Duke of York are for the most part 
utterly without foundation ; and in all very nearly so. 
They originate in the mere licentiousness of the office part 
of the army. The Duke of York is, I believe, a most 
respectable character ; his conduct is, I am sure, in many 
respects perfectly exemplary. Nothing material in the 
campaign has suffered from him, if anything at all has ; 
and all the latter part has been of a sort to do him the 
highest honour. Both the court of Vienna and the 
Austrian army are full of his praises. The charges 
against Lord Howe are so perfectly senseless, that one 
wonders how rational creatures can be found to utter them. 
I wish your correspondent, who thinks that Lord Howe is 
so careful of himself, was bound to stand by Lord Howe 
in all the danger to which he would be willing to expose 
himself. If I were to guess at your correspondent from 
his language on this occasion, I should set him down as 
some Tory clergyman, who had learnt to abuse the 
Howes because they did not conquer America. Pray 
let me know if I am right. 

I was going to say that I had nothing more to say, 
but I have upon recollection what I should be sorry to 
omit. It is to recommend a book, which, for soundness 
of thinking as well as eloquence of stile, has had no 
fellows since the commencement of the controversy 
about the French Revolution. It is of great bulk, and 
has a great deal of foppery in it, enough to destroy a work 
of less powerful merits. But it is full of proofs of the 
most uncommon genius, and has a charm and grace in the 
midst of its fopperies that has led me on like a novel, and 
puts me in mind, in some respects, of the attraction which 
every one finds in Montaigne. It is written by a Mr. 
Wylde, an advocate of Edinburgh, and a friend of 
Mackintosh ; but a man of more genius and of not less 
acuteness ; there is no doubt of his being a better man, 



i 9 4 THE WINDHAM PAPERS [1793 

and that conviction of the author's character is one of the 
graces of his book. The Jacobins, who may laugh at it, 
can neither answer it nor equal it. 

Farewell ! till we meet. The hour of attack approaches, 
and I am beginning to throw off my weeds of peace, and 
furbish up my armour. I am luckily, too, at present in 
much better health than I have been through the greatest 
part of the summer. 1 

1 The Crewe Papers : Windham Section, p. 23 (" Miscellanies" of the 
Philobiblon Society, vol. ix.). 



SECTION IV 

SECRETARY-AT-WAR IN THE 
PITT ADMINISTRATION, 

1794-1801 



SECTION IV 

SECRETARY- AT-WAR IN THE PITT 
ADMINISTRATION, 1 794-1801 

CHAPTER I 

1794 

The state of parties : Windham's position among the leaders 
of the Opposition : His personal charm : His merits and 
defects as a speaker : The Duke of Portland clearly defines his 
position at the beginning of the year : His reluctance to accept 
office under Pitt : The Norfolk Militia : The Emigrant Bill: 
Martinico : The acquittal of Warren Hastings : The managers 
of the trial thanked by the House of Commons : The retire- 
ment of Burke from the Parliament : He is granted a pension : 
His wish for a peerage : The coalition of the Portland party 
with the Government : The Duke, Lord Spencer, and Lord 
Fitzwilliam accept office : Windham becomes Secretary-at-War 
with a seat in the Cabinet : Irish affairs : Lord Spencer's 
mission to Vienna : Sir Sidney Smith's plan of attack on the 
French fleet : His dissatisfaction with the treatment he has 
received at the hand of his country : The Prince of Coburg 
resigns the command of the Austrian army : He is succeeded 
by General Clerfayt : The loss of Valenciennes and Conde : 
Windham goes abroad, and stays at the head -quarters of the 
English army : The operations on the Scheldt : Windham, in 
a private letter to Pitt, recommends the removal of the Duke 
of York from the command of the British army abroad : The 
delicacy of the position : Pitt's embarrassment : The contro- 
versy concerning the appointment of Lord Fitzwilliam to the 
viceroyalty of Ireland : The Duke of Portland and his friends 
threaten to resign : Pitt at last consents to make the appoint- 
ment. 

THE political situation has already been defined 
in the foregoing letters. The breach between 
the followers of Fox and those of the Duke of 
Portland had, naturally, weakened the Opposi- 
tion. On the other hand, the Government was far from 

197 



/ 



198 THE WINDHAM PAPERS [1794 

strong, and Pitt was desirous to strengthen it by a coalition 
with the Portland party ; but the Duke of Portland, while 
well aware of the gravity of the situation, and considering 
it his duty to support the measures introduced to allay 
the unrest produced in this country by the spirit of the 
French Revolution, was unwilling to take office under 
Pitt. 

Windham now occupied a position of no little import- 
ance among the leaders of his party. It is a little difficult 
to understand how, within eight years of his taking his 
seat in Parliament, he was within an ace of becoming the 
head of the Opposition (as he confessed he might have 
1 done, had he been ambitious) when the dissension between 
i Fox and Portland was in danger of destroying it altogether 
' as a striking force. 

The position he thus early secured was, apparently, 
less the result of great parliamentary talents than of 
personal popularity and the respect in which he was held . 
As a friend of Fox and Burke, he had, of course, been 
a marked man from the time he took his seat as member 
for Norwich, and these men had naturally put him in the 
way of making himself a power in the House. With this 
excellent start, he had done the rest himself, and without 
apparent effort. He was not a great orator, and he had 
the defect of a somewhat shrill voice that did not carry 
far ; but on all the subjects that he took for his own he 
' spoke well. " In his parliamentary speeches his principal 
I object always was to convince the understanding by 
irrefragable argument, which he at the same time en- 
livened with a profusion of imagery, drawn sometimes 
from the most abstruse parts of science, but oftener from 
the most familiar objects of common life. ... His 
language, both in writing and speaking, was always 



1794] NOT " A THOROUGH PARTY-MAN " 199 

simple, and he was always fond of idiomatic phrases, 
which he thought contributed greatly to preserve the 
purity of our language." x Thus wrote Malone, who, 
is, however, careful to add that Windham was never 
" what is called a thorough party-man." This last; 
regarded from the point of view of parliamentary leaders, 
was a sad defect ; but Windham was never disloyal to his 
political associates, though at times rather a dangerous 
as well as a candid friend. To all affairs, whether of public 
or private life, he brought a chivalrous sense of honour, 
and when he changed his views, as change them he did on 
more than one occasion, no one ever doubted his sincerity. 

The Duke of Portland to William Windham 

Bulstrode : January n, 1794 

When I look at the date of your Letter and recollect 
the sort of engagement I entered into at the time I re- 
turned you my thanks for it, I feel it quite impossible to 
attempt to justify my silence. It is very certain that the 
subject, on which I undertook to give you my sentiments 
more at length, abounds with so many unpleasant vexa- 
tions and distressing considerations that I can not but say I 
was always ready to avail n^self of a pretext to lay it 
aside ; and I will say with no less truth, that although the 
temper and habit of your mind appeared to me necessarily 
to suggest to you many questions and many uses of con- 
science respecting our publick conduct, the line which 
it became and behoved us to follow in the present crisis 
seemed to me so plain and distinct, that even the jealousy 
of my friendship for you did not give me a minute's appre- 
hension of any difference in our ultimate decision. 

After all that has been said and written upon the 
subject, the question for our present determination 
reduces itself to the consideration of what our Duty to 

1 Gentleman's Magazine, June 1810, xxx, 590. 



200 THE WINDHAM PAPERS [1794 

the Publick requires us to do as Whigs, that is; as 
members of a Party, or, as unconnected Individuals — 
or, in other words, what are the most effectual means 
that can be taken by US for the support of the Govern- 
ment and Constitution of our Country, and the general 
preservation and maintenance of Religion, Law, Good 
Order, in short, of the principles and purposes of Civil 
Society. 

I know Fit has been very strongly urged, and by some 
for whose judgement and disinterestedness I have the 
highest respect, that our Duty calls upon us at this 
moment not only to cooperate or act in conjunction with 
ministers, but to make so perfectly a common cause with 
them as to become members of their Administration by 
accepting certain offices which there is very good reason 
to believe are ready to be offered to us. That every 
mode of support other than this demonstrates a distrust 
and diffidence on the part of the Giver, which cannot but 
be injurious to the existing Government, be the hands 
what they may, by which it is administered : that support 
to be effectual must be given completely and indiscrimi- 
nately, and cannot be dealt out by apportionment or 
measure ; that if given partially, it betrays an undecision 
and unsteadiness of character in the Givers, which in as 
much as it is prejudicial to them, equally diminishes and 
weakens the effect, even of that portion of assistance 
which it is intended to be Given, so as to render it doubt- 
ful whether it is not rather of disservice than of any 
ability or benefit to the Publick. This subject has also been 
treated with ridicule as well as with good and powerful 
arguments, but it is an abuse of your time to take more 
notice of them, knowing as I do that there is not a medium 
through which this subject would be seen in which it has 
not been prescribed to your view, that friendship, affec- 
tion, partiality, admiration for you, Integrity and 
artifice have all been exerted to the utmost to induce you 
to adopt this opinion ; and I only state them to show 



1794] THE WHIG PARTY 201 

you, that I am not unmindful of the arguments which 
have been used on this side of the question. 

As I have long been in the habit of believing that 
certain obligations or conditions or Duties are respectively 
attached to every station or rank of life, I have no difficulty 
in admitting that the acceptance of office under certain 
conditions is one of those to which persons of our de- 
scription are liable ; but then I contend that the judge- 
ment of those conditions, under, what I shall call, his 
innate responsibility rests with every individual. I am 
also decidedly of opinion that the existence of a Whig 
Party is essential to the well being of this Country, as 
well as to the preservation of its Constitution, and allow 
me, my dear Windham, when the name of Whig has been 
so prostituted and counterfeited, as we have seen it, to 
deposit with you in a very few words my definition of 
the Whig Party, which I have always understood to be : 
an Union of any number of persons of independent minds 
and fortunes formed and connected together by their 
belief in the principles upon which the Revolution of 1688 
was founded and perfected ; and by the attachment to 
the present form of our Government to all its Establish- 
ments and Orders Religious and Civil ; and the test of 
whose conduct as a Party, must consist in their never 
supporting, proposing or resisting, any measure, in or out 
of Parliament, to which, if they were possessed of power, 
if they were the Ministers of the Country, they would 
not give equally the same treatment. 

Considering these positions as the standard or scale by 
which I am to try the propriety of the Conduct I am to 
hold upon all publick occasions, it is certainly not from 
envy and I hope as little from resentment that I feel 
myself under the' necessity of adverting to the present 
Administration. Whenever I have thought their measures 
right I have supported them, and as often as I think so 
I will support them, in the Conduct of the present War. 
Though there are years in which I may have thought them 



202 THE WINDHAM PAPERS [1794 

injudicious, and some which have been unfortunate, they 
will not, in the present moment, be arraigned or blamed 
by me ; nor shall any encouragement be wanting on 
my part to bring the War to a successful, a safe and 
honorable termination. I shall advert to the conduct of 
the present Administration no further, nor desire the 
principles of their formation or conduct to be remembered, 
no otherwise, than as they may be necessary to justify 
the opinion I mean to submit to you. It will not be 
denied to me that the characteristick feature of the 
present Reign has been its uniform and almost un- 
remitting attention and study to debase and vilify the 
natural aristocracy of the Country, and, under the proper 
pretence of abolishing all party distinctions, to annihilate, 
if possible, The Whig Party. For these express purposes 
the present Ministry was formed ; and that they have most 
religiously adhered to and most exemplarily fulfilled the 
purposes of their creation every year of their existence 
would furnish us with abundant instances ; but this 
conduct at the time of the Regency would of itself be 
sufficient and I would be satisfied to confine myself to 
that measure only, could I forget what passed no longer 
ago than the latter end of the last Session with regard to 
the Election of the 16 Peers of Scotland. But to com- 
press what occurs to me upon this subject into the smallest 
possible compass, I will not insist at all upon the objec- 
tions which arise out of the circumstances I have just 
alluded to, and I will endeavour in the further considera- 
tion of this question to make the interest of the publick 
the main and sole ground upon which my opinion shall be 
formed. 

If the case could permit of any exception, I should 
insist that there never was a crisis, in which it was of so 
much importance, as the present, that the Character of 
those, who are admitted to responsible situations in 
Government should be exempt from all suspicion of being 
influenced by motives of interest, that, considering the 



1794] LORD THURLOW RESIGNS 203 

predicament in which we have so long stood in opposition 
or contradistinction to the present Ministers, it would be 
almost impossible, for any of us, under any circumstances 
which have as yet come to my knowledge to accede to, 
and suffer ourselves to, be incorporated into the present 
Administration without making ourselves obnoxious to 
such suspicions ; from whence I conclude, that it is 
inconsistent with the uniform tenor of our Conduct and 
incompatible with our duty to the Publick to accept any 
offer which there is any reason to imagine will be made to 
us. The conversations which passed about the time of 
the late Chancellor's x removal from His Office, the Glass 
which Lord Loughborough was desired by Dundas and 
authorised by Pitt, to hold up to us, the overtures which 
have been since made to you, and the intimation of such 
a weight, of so many seats, in Cabinet as might be suffi- 
cient to ensure an honourable support to Lord S[pencer] 
if he could be prevailed upon to undertake the Lieu- 
tenancy of Ireland are proofs to demonstration to me, 
that no intention has ever been entertained or perhaps 
conceived of forming an Administration upon such a 
Basis as would comprehend the collective strength of the 
Country ; that the ideas of strengthening Government 
have not originated out of a wish or hope of Union, but; 
as I fear, out of a desire to take advantage of the differences 
which have unhappily arisen among us, and with a view 
to make those divisions, which have been the consequence 
of them, irreconcilable and irreparable. This at least has 
been evidently the object of all the new Proselytes. 
When a conduct has been pursued so very reverse from 
that which I should have thought the peculiarity and 
magnitude of the present Crisis required, and which the 
Duty of Persons in Ministerial situations imposed upon 
them, I own myself at a loss to give them credit for that 
sincerity or for any one of those motives which will 

1 Lord Thurlow was succeeded as Lord Chancellor by Lord Lough- 
borough, January 1793. 



204 THE WINDHAM PAPERS [1794 

warrant me to suppose that any such inclination has 
ever been felt by Pitt as can secure Us, were We to con- 
sent to listen to his overtures, from the reproach of having 
made a sacrifice of our principles, or can give us ad- 
mission to the publick service in such a way as to ensure 
to Government the full benefit of the Influence We derive 
from our characters. If it was worth while to advert to the 
circumstances of the offer of the Marquisate of Rocking- 
ham to Lord Fitzwilliam and of the Garter to myself, 
there would appear in these trifles a want of sincerity, so 
perfectly unnecessary that one cannot help wondering 
at — but which it can not help discovering itself on such 
very trivial occasions. You will allow that it must create 
an impression not very favorable to the idea of trusting 
what ought to be most dear to one, to the keeping of so 
inattentive and careless a Manager. So much then 
for the sincerity which We are to look for in these offers, 
one word now for the Candor, and to you and me, who 
each of us know a little of Ireland, it requires a measure 
of Zeal for the publick service which I confess I am not 
possessed of, to admit the state of that country to be 
brought forward, to be set in the front of all their argu- 
ments by the present Ministers as the inducement, the 
justification, the unanswerable reason for our inlisting into 
their Corps, for our not hesitating to accede to their 
administration : and is it impossible to refuse one's hand 
to Sylvester Douglas x and declare the honor of being 
led by him through ranks of Renunciation, Commercial 
Propositions, Regency Measures, encouragements and 
discouragements to Catholics, and Reformers, alternate 
submissions and resistances, new Jobs, new Boards, and 
the whole Battle array of temporary expedients to the 
Head of the Council Table in Ireland ? But here I will 
leave this part of the subject, a very serious and impor- 
tant one most assuredly, and one, which in my more 

1 Sylvester Douglas (1743- 182 3), Member of the Irish Parliament, 
afterwards created Baron Glenbervie. 



1794] A TRIBUTE TO THE WHIGS 205 

enthusiastic moments, I have looked to as one of the 
earliest and most certain instruments by which, it might 
be hoped, that, the salvation of this Country as well as 
that, might be permanently effected. But in considering 
the question of our acceding to the present administration, 
it is not the expediency or prosperity of the measure as it 
concerns any of us personally that I trouble my head 
about : it is solely the effect which it would have upon the 
publick mind, and its tendency through that Organ to 
render Government more or less respectable, concerning 
which I feel any way interested. It must be allowed that 
there are several persons known by the name of the 
Opposition or Whig Party who, from the responsibility 
of their characters, possess a considerable share of the 
good opinion and esteem of the Publick. Some of them 
certainly owe this to their Talents and Abilities, but all of 
them are at least as much indebted for it to the ingenuous- 
ness, the integrity, and disinterestedness of their Conduct. 
As long as they preserve this title to the publick esteem, so 
long will they have it in their power either as Individuals 
or as Party men to give very great assistance and strength 
to Government by their avowed sanction and support 
of the measures which Ministers may have formed in 
their private Situations ; they can give energy to measures 
which want force ; they can Control and suppress others 
before they can have risen to a state to be obnoxious, 
they can in many cases counteract popular prejudices, 
and engage and insure popular favor, from the confidence 
they possess from the supposition of any jealousy or 
suspicion attaching to them, they can give the tone to the 
publick mind, and very nearly be able to place every 
measure of administration in the light in which they wish 
to be seen. But let them accede to the present 
administration, let them take offices under Mr. Pitt, and 
from that moment their weight, their consideration, their 
very names are lost. Will it ever from that moment be 
a question what may be the opinion of Mr. Windham, Lord 



206 THE WINDHAM PAPERS [1794 

Spencer, Lord Fitzwilliam, or any other person of that 
description ? Whether suspicion or distrust shall follow 
that step, I don't here inquire — I will even suppose that 
the publick will do you all perfect justice — But You 
become involved in the mass of administration, you 
become the adherents and followers of Pitt. You may be 
of some use in Council, but your Station in publick opinion 
is gone, it is lost, and, as far as I am able to judge, can 
not in the present moment be compensated by any good 
which may be done by your obtaining Seats in the Cabinet. 
As upon the Party, the effects of this conduct can not but 
be productive of very material injury ; and to one, devoted 
to Party as I was, for the reasons which I have stated in 
the former part of this Letter, it can not but appear 
certain to produce the most serious injuries to the interests 
of the Publick. It has of late been specially convenient 
to some persons, to whom it has at other times been as 
convenient to be thought to be attached to the Whig 
Party, to suppose, and to endeavour to make it generally 
believed, that the Party was broken to pieces, that it 
was dissolved, that it had not any longer even the means 
of existence ; and I am sorry to say, but with too much 
success. But according to my ideas of several of those 
who have professed themselves members of it according 
to my idea of its vital Principle, I shall deny the possi- 
bility of its dissolution. It must be consistent with the 
principles of Right and Wrong. That it has suffered, that 
some of its most precious and most lovely Ornaments have 
been torn from it, I admit and lament — the wound it re- 
ceived last year in one of its most capital Branches, is an 
event which affects me with the deepest concern and 
affliction ; that no support can be now, at this moment, 
expected from that Branch I can not deny ; but let us 
hope, that time may restore it to its Parent Trunk, and 
that it may again strengthen and invigorate its native 
Stock. If the existence of a Whig Party is as essential, as 
I contend it to be, to the well being and prosperity of the 



1794] DISSENSIONS IN THE PARTY 207 

State and that the inlisting with the present Ministers 
is productive of discredit and weakness to that Party, I 
conceive that it can not well be denied, under the actual 
circumstances of this Country, that a greater injury could 
befall the Cause of Government, than would ensue by the 
principal members of that Party being induced to accept 
any offers which can be held out to them by the present 
Ministry. I have already said enough, and perhaps more 
than enough, upon this subject; and yet I can not pass over 
an argument arising, as I understand, out of the plans of 
the present opposition and the irreconcileable difference 
which is likely to continue for a very long period of time 
between us and that description of persons. Because a 
certain number of Gentlemen, who have been in the 
habit of acting with us for several years, happen now 
to differ from us so essentially upon points of very great 
and high moment and importance, so as to have occasioned 
a complete separation or breach between us ; and Be- 
cause upon these points a perfect uniformity of sentiment 
and Conduct has prevailed between the Whigs and the 
present Ministers, it is urged that the Whigs ought to 
accept offices (seats in the Cabinet, I understand) if such 
should be offered them by the present Ministers. For 
my own part, I must say that no such obligation can be 
admitted by me, any more than that a conclusion is 
warranted by the promises I have stated. I should easily 
conceive a proposal on the part of administration to that 
effect to be particularly ill timed and in all respects very 
injudicious and ill imagined. It would seem on this part 
an admission of weakness which our Conduct is intended 
to render unnecessary and would be a disregard or aban- 
donment of an advantage which the liberality of that 
conduct would alone hold out to them. In another 
light it can not be considered but as liable to particular 
objection in the present moment, in as much as it would 
subject them to the imputation with which they have 
been so often charged, of availing themselves with eager- 



2 o8 THE WINDHAM PAPERS [1794 

ness of these unhappy differences to prejudice the cha- 
racters of that Party and of those very persons whom 
it is their interest to hold out to the publick view as 
disposed to give them a disinterested and consequently 
the most effectual support. So far with respect to the 
offer, now as to the acceptance of it ; I can not discover, 
with all the attention I am master of, any one induce- 
ment or justification which this unhappy schism affords 
for it : in my view of it (the schism) it operates the direct 
contrary way. I should infer that it rendered it necessary 
for us to be more reserved and guarded in our conduct 
towards administration, and to be more than ordinarily 
cautious in not giving ground for suspicious jealousies of 
an interested nature. That it being but too probable that 
opposition, even to this War, would not be an unpopular 
conduct, and considering of whom that Opposition would 
be principally composed, comparisons would naturally 
be made of their conduct with that of the Friends they 
had guided ; and that this consideration ought to be an 
additional argument against our listening to any offer 
that could give colour to suspicions which I am very sure 
the factious spirit which animates and actuates some 
of those who compose that opposition will not let them 
be backward in raising and propagating. I therefore 
must be allowed to say that to the best of my poor judge- 
ment I can not but rank this argument on the side of 
those which I should urge for depreciating any such 
offer in the present circumstances. There now remains, 
as I believe, and as you must hope, only one more subject 
for consideration, and on that I mean to say but a very 
few words, as I conceive I have already in a great measure, 
anticipated what would be applicable to it. But it having 
been asked, if a sincere disposition to form an administra- 
tion upon what we consider its true bottom should 
really exist, whether it should be frustrated ? I will 
acknowledge to you, to whom I wish to speak without 
any reserve, that it is a question which under the present 



1794] A RALLY TO GOVERNMENT 209 

circumstances would require the most cool and serious 
consideration, and to which I am certainly not prepared 
to give an answer. It does not however seem to me to be 
an embarrassment of which we are immediately likely to 
feel the weight, and in the meantime I have not the least 
hesitation in declaring, that considering the proofs I have 
had of the sincerity and candour of the present Ministers, 
and the judgement I have been able to form of the habits 
of their minds and their general track of sentiments, it is 
my clear and decided opinion that the disposition, such 
as it appears to me, ought most certainly to be frustrated, 
and if possible the idea of it not suffered to exist, because 
it seems to me incapable of producing any other effects, 
than the ruin of those who suffer themselves to be 
deluded by it, the inflicting a deeper wound on the cause 
of Whiggism than it has ever yet suffered, and pre- 
paring a severer blow for the cause of Government than 
it has yet been exposed to. 

You are now possessed of my sentiments respecting the 
conduct which it appears to me it would become us to 
hold in the present crisis. I have laid them very fully before 
you, and without any reserve. Should they be fortunate 
enough to meet your concurrence, and that of any other 
person (I mean Lord Spencer in particular) or persons to 
whom you may think proper to communicate them, I 
shall be extremely happy, and very ready to concert with 
you the best means of giving them effect. You cannot 
be more anxious than I am to give the most effectual 
support to the War, to reestablish the Reign of Order, 
and to vindicate the cause of Whiggism. I shall be in 
town on Tuesday, and hope to find you there. 1 

Frederick North 2 to William Windham 

January 28, 1794 

I am truly sensible of your kindness in communicating 

to me the Step you have taken in Regard to that of 

1 Add. MSS. 37845 f. 17. 

2 Frederick North (1766-1827), afterwards fifth Earl of Guilford. 

I O 



210 THE WINDHAM PAPERS [1794 

Portland and rejoice most sincerely in its Success. 
Though I have no personal Connection in that Quarter; 
the being able to form an independent Party under so 
very respectable a Head, in this Critical Moment, is what 
has long appeared to me the most desireable political 
Event that could take Place ; and I hope that Lord 
Spencer, Charles Townshend and Cholmondely have 
already told you how much I wished it, though I doubted 
of its taking Place. At present I wish you Joy of it most 
sincerely, and request you to believe that no one coin- 
cides with you more sincerely in that and every other 
Opinion, than, 

My dear William, 
Your most affectionate and faithful Servant, 

Frederick North 1 



William Windham to Captain Lukin 

Hill Street, March 22, 1794 

The papers of yesterday announced your return to 
the Downs with some Danish vessels, arrested in con- 
sequence of the late orders. I hope it may turn out that 
they will be made prizes. The conduct of these Swedes 
and Danes is so perfectly rascally, that I have no sort of 
compassion for them, and none, I dare say, will be felt 
by those who will find such good account in this kind of 
neutral war. The only danger is, that they may be driven 
at last to join themselves openly to those to whom they 
are now giving every kind of clandestine assistance. 
Though they will find their own destruction in this, they 
may, in the main, considerably embarrass our operations. 

No great stroke has yet been struck by any of the 
armies on the continent. Our campaign here too, in the 
Houses of Parliament, is pretty quiet. If it was not for 
the trial of Mr. Hastings, and the delay which his friends 
create, by insisting on the presence of the judges, and 

1 Add. MSS. 37874 f. 6. 



1794] THE DEFENCE OF ENGLAND 211 

adjourning the proceedings in consequence, till after the 
circuit, he might be set at liberty in a few weeks ; and I 
should then be tempted to make an excursion towards the 
coast, and to meet you probably either at the Downs or 
at Portsmouth. 

There is another business indeed that may call me 
towards Norfolk. With a view to the possibility of a 
descent, troops of different sorts are proposed to be 
raised in aid of the Militia ; one class of which will be 
volunteer cavalry, composed of persons who are in a 
state to furnish their own horses, and till they are called 
out of their own county (which is to be only in the case of 
actual invasion) are to receive no pay, nor any thing from 
government, but their saddles and arms. What think 
you of the possibility of my raising a troop of fifty such 
persons, including such as part of those concerned may be 
willing to hire or bring with them, in addition to them- 
selves ? Should the occasion not arise in which their 
services will be really wanted, the trouble will be very 
little, as I should not propose their meeting more than 
once a week ; and the expence would be no more nor so 
much as attends their weekly meetings at market. For 
a uniform, I would have nothing but a plain coat, such as 
they might wear at other times, or no more ornamented 
than might make them a little proud of it. I believe 
something of this sort I must attempt, and if it could be 
settled without the necessity of more attention on my 
part than I ought to allow myself to spare from other 
objects, I should not dislike to have such a troop estab- 
lished under my direction. 

Mr. Courtenay (the member) who dined with me 
yesterday, shewed me a letter which he had received 
from a Mr. Hayes, one of the Lieutenants, I conceive, 
on board the Boston, in which an interesting account 
is given of some of the principal circumstances of 
the action. It appears; by his account, that the 
Boston had only 200 hands, not above 30 of whom had 



212 THE WINDHAM PAPERS [1794 

ever before been on board, while the Ambuscade had 
450. This difference I suppose must have told con- 
siderably : much more than the difference of four guns 
which the French frigate had beyond ours. The conduct 
of one of the Lieutenants, Mr. Kerr, seems to have been 
singularly gallant. He staid on deck, after he had 
received a cannister shot through his shoulder, and till 
a splinter striking him on the face altogether blinded him. 
The first Lieutenant too, a Mr. Edwards, though wounded 
badly in the hand; came up again after the Captain's 
death; to take command of the ship. In a former account, 
it was said, I think, that he had fainted from loss of blood. 
It is said in this letter, that there was a French fleet in 
sight at the time when the Boston bore up. 1 

The Duke of Portland to William Windham 

London : April 16, 1794 
By wishing to do too much I have the mortification of 
having done nothing — to own the Truth. I had a great 
desire to be authorized to say that your presence would 
be necessary in the course of the Emigrant Bill, and for 
that reason postponed my thanks and congratulations 
which I have the most satisfactory assurances are both 
equally and most amply due to you for the event of 
Saturday at Norwich, — and in the mean time the Bill has 
escaped, notwithstanding all the obstructions with which 
it was threatened, and will get into our House to-day. 
From what I hear of it, you have had a very great loss 
indeed, in missing Burke's speech upon it on last Friday. 
There is not a Jacobine who pretends to taste who dares 
for his own sake to withhold from it his full tribute of 
applause, and I understand it was given in Burke's best 
manner. You had also another loss of a similar kind in 
not hearing Lord Mansfield in answer to Lord Lauderdale's 
motion for overhauling the sentence against Muir and 

1 Amyot, " Memoir of Windham," p. 32 



1794] SIR CHARLES GREY'S SUCCESS 213 

Palmer. 1 He completely overset all Lauderdale's facts, 
his Law, his arguments and his Inferences, and the 
best proof I can give you of its effect is that it appeared 
to be spoken asfast as any one could wish and that he was, 
after the first 5 minutes, as completely in possession of 
the attention of his audience as any Speaker ever was upon 
any occasion. 

Accounts have been received to-day from Sir Charles 
Grey, dated the 15th March, from the Camp before 
Cape Bourbon, in which he says that the whole Island 
of Martinico is in his possession, excepting the Forts 
Bourbon and Royal, the latter it was in his power 
to take whenever he judged it necessary, but wishing to 
preserve the former he should be sorry to be obliged to 
proceed to that extremity — since his landing he has lost 
in killed 71 and in wounded 193 — and 3 missing. I 
suppose long before this the English flag flies every where 
in that Island. Would to God I could see the true French 
Colours hoisted in Nantes, St. Malo's, or in any town in old 
France. This wish leads me naturally to represent to 
you that during your absence from hence the poor 
Royalists will not have a friend, at least not one that can 
say a word for them to Ministers, or who can support the 
only cause that can be successfull, for sure I am that 
neither the capture of Martinico nor of all the French 
Possessions in the W. Indies will have any effect here, or 
do one hundredth part of the service which the Common 
Cause would derive from the real French Army in the 
Vendee. Pray hold yourself engaged to dine with me the 
first Trial Day [of Warren Hastings] after the Holidays 
and I will ask some true Royalists to meet you. The 
Clock strikes six. 2 

1 Muirand Palmer sentenced for sedition. See Howell's State Trials, 
xxiii, 1 17, 237. 

2 Add. MSS. 37845 f. 39. 



214 THE WINDHAM PAPERS [1794 

Richard Burke to William Windham 

June 19, 1794 
I am much obliged to you for your communication of 
the intentions of Government with regard to my father; 
which, as far as the pecuniary consideration goes, are fully 
adequate to my wishes. 1 But I cannot help expressing 
my surprise, that there should be anything like a demur 
with regard to the peerage. It is not that I lay much 
stress on what Sir G. Elliot conveyed to him from the 
Ministers on that subject. I think his pretensions stand 
upon grounds much stronger than any promises actual 
or implied. The terms used to Sir G. Elliot might have 
been general, tho' he seem'd to attach a particular sense 
to them. They were certainly, however, not such as to 
imply that the Ministers had very mean ideas with 
regard to my father, and I did not conceive that what was 
considered as a debt due from the country, due to the 
opinion of Europe at large, could be less than the peerage. 
However, it is for the Ministers to judge what they will 
do or not do. It is a matter absolutely in their own 
breasts. It would be as ridiculous for my father at this 
time of day to haggle about the recompence for his services, 
as it would have been absurd in the Ministers to chaffer 
with him about the price before those services were 
rendered ; services which if the effects of them could 
have been foreseen or could have been bargained for 
(if he was a man capable of bargaining) I do not believe 
any rewards the country has to bestow would have been 
thought too much. But in the retrospect, things have 

1 Burke on June 16 concluded his famous nine days' speech, wherein 
he sought to justify the impeachment of Hastings. Four days later he 
and the other managers of the trial received the thanks of the House 
of Commons. At the prorogation in July he retired from Parliament. 
He was granted a Civil List pension of ^1200 on the lives of himself and 
his wife, and a few months later Pitt secured him a further annuity 
of £2500. Lord Fitzwilliam returned his old friend's son, Richard, the 
writer of the above letter, for the borough of Malton. 



1794] BURKE DESIRES A PEERAGE 215 

a different appearance, especially when impressions are 
no longer fresh and when the man is going off the stage 
and can be of use no farther. It is, therefore, not un- 
natural that difficulties should be made. I confess that 
if the thing was to be judged of in the abstract, if my 
mother was not concerned, and if the arrangement of his 
affairs did not imply the sale of his place in the country 
(in which so much of his as well as my mother's satis- 
factions are involved), I should certainly agree with you, 
that it would be more becoming the place and character 
my father sustains in the world — foregoing all expecta- 
tions from the public to cut himself down to the measure 
of his means (which, however moderate, are more than 
human necessities require) than to consent to have his 
services, which now stand in the first order, set down by 
a secondary reward, at a secondary standard. As matters 
stand however, some sacrifice of dignity must be made 
to ease. And tho' I think he might expect an otium 
cum dignitate and that the peerage is not more than his 
due and, if I may say, the specific reward appropriate to 
his peculiar services, Yet if the Ministers think other- 
wise and think that services like his can be paid in money 
— as far as my vote goes, I shall advise him to submit; 
and I see nothing else for him to do, but to take what is 
given him with thankfulness, and with as good a grace as 
he can. 

I cannot think that the Ministers have sufficiently con- 
sidered or that it can be their intention that what they 
do should lose so much of its grace and effect with regard 
to the public, by what they withhold ; or that they have 
reflected what will be thought when it comes to be known 
that this was an object to my father and that it was 
refused on any grounds whatever. If they do not give 
it to him, for God's sake for what kind of services is it 
reserved, unless it is determined that it should never be 
given to civil service, or only follow in the common line of 
official promotion ? Who do they mean to make peers 



216 THE WINDHAM PAPERS [1794 

in future ? I say nothing with regard to the past, tho' I 
believe some might be found on the list whose services 
are not more brilliant or their fortune more ample than 
his. Indeed; if it was a subject fit for me to discuss, I 
might compare his services for effect and public benefit, 
with those of any single man, since the Restoration. How- 
ever this may end, I shall never forget your active friend- 
ship on the occasion. And depend upon it that he is 
sufficiently a philosopher not only to bear the want of 
any reward at all, but perhaps what is more difficult 
cheerfully to acquiesce in that which does not come to 
his ideas. 1 



The Duke of Portland to William Windham 

July 3, 1794 

My company had separated just before your letter 
arrived, as you may probably know already, by having 
seen Lord Spencer and Grenville who intended to call 
upon you in their way home. I now regret your absence 
much more than I could have imagined I could have had 
any reason to do, because, from what I learn'd from Gren- 
ville, I concluded that your mind was made up to become 
a member of Cabinet and that the mode was become to you 
a very secondary consideration. I can not but wish 
you to reconsider this question and to recollect that I 
may be under the necessity of bringing your doubts 
forward to-morrow in a place where I should be very 
sorry that any ground could be given for suspicion or 
apprehension of backwardness in any, and more particu- 
larly in so conspicuous a Leader on our side as you 
certainly are. It would be idle to attempt to refute 
arguments of which I am ignorant. But I can not help 

1 Add. MSS. 37843 f. 41. It was decided to make Burke a peer. 
The title was to be Lord Beaconsfield, and an income for three lives 
was to be attached to it. The patent was being prepared, when the 
death of Richard Burke on August 2, 1794, made his father no longer 
desirous of the dignity 



1794] WINDHAM ACCEPTS OFFICE 217 

asking whether the Opponent to your coming into 
administration considered that measure in its bearings 
upon the general credit and character and Interests of 
the Cause, and did give and was capable of giving its due 
weight and appretiating the difference of the Office of 
Secretary of War as merely ministerial, or being a real 
efficient Cabinet employment, upon which my opinion of 
the propriety of your acceptance of it, principally, if not 
wholly, rests and depends. There are persons very wise, 
and virtuous friends of ours, and most active and zealous 
supporters of the Cause of Government, who endeavoured 
to make Lord Fitzwilliam refuse to take an active part in 
administration. But they could not succeed — and I 
devoutly pray that further reflection will make them 
equally unsuccessful in your case. 1 



At last the question of joining the Pitt Administration 
was settled, to the great relief of all concerned. "The 
continuance of the negotiation occupied a good deal of 
my time and thoughts, and prevented my engaging in 
any regular employment," Windham wrote on July 2, 
in his Diary. Neither the Duke of Portland nor Windham 
was anxious to take office, and, when pressed to do so, 
urged that they could give greater support to the Govern- 
ment by remaining independent members. Burke, how- 
ever, convinced Windham that this point of view was 
erroneous, and that it was useless to have the best inten- 
tions in the world without the power to give them effect. 

To accommodate the members of the Portland party 
various changes had to be made in the Ministry. The 
Duke became Secretary of State for the Home Department 
in place of Dundas, who went to the War Office ; Lord 
Spencer accepted, for the time being, the position of Lord 

1 Add. MSS. 37845 f. 41. 



218 THE WINDHAM PAPERS 1794] 

Privy Seal ; and, Lord Camden retiring, Lord Fitz- 
william became Lord President,- on the understand- 
ing that he was presently to be appointed Lord- 
Lieutenant of Ireland. A Secretaryship of State was 
at first proposed for Windham, but, to facilitate the 
Ministerial arrangements, he took the place of Sir George 
Yonge (who became Master of the Mint), as Secretary - 
at-War, with a seat in the Cabinet. His patent as 
Secretary-at-War, countersigned by Dundas, bears the 
date July 11, 1794. 1 Five days later he was sworn in 
as Privy Councillor. 

It may here be mentioned that one of the conditions 
imposed upon Pitt by the Duke of Portland was an 
alteration in the government of Ireland at the time of the 
juncture of the two parties. Lord Westmorland 2 was 
Lord-Lieutenant. The Duke of Portland wished to go 
there himself, and was only dissuaded, with great diffi- 
culty, by Lord Mansfield and others, 3 who pointed out that 
it was his duty to take responsible office in the Cabinet. 
The Duke then decided that Lord Fitzwilliam must go to 
Ireland. Though Pitt did not approve this choice, he did 
not refuse his assent, but contented himself with saying 
that Fitzwilliam could not be appointed until a suitable 
office at home was found for Westmorland. Fitzwilliam 
at once began his preparations for his new position. He 
communicated with Grattan and Ponsonby, which 
indicated that under his administration many changes 
■ 

1 Having accepted office, Windham had to offer himself for re- 
election at Norwich. His constituents were not well pleased with the 
change in his political views, and Mingay, a lawyer, who offered him- 
self as a candidate, received some support. Windham, however, was 
returned to Parliament. 

2 John Fane, tenth Earl of Westmorland (1759-1841). 

3 See Lord Mansfield's letter, October 12, 1794 (vol. i. p. 259 of 
this work). 



1794] THE FITZWILLIAM CONTROVERSY 219 

desired by the Irish would be made. Fitzwilliam did not 
observe or enjoin secrecy, so it is not surprising that it 
was generally reported in the summer that he had 
already been appointed Lord-Lieutenant. The state- 
ment was accepted as authentic, and travelled far, 
reaching the Duke of York in Flanders at the end of 
August. 1 Pitt, however, was in no hurry to remove 
Westmorland ; and only in October, when the Portland 
party gave him the choice between sending Fitzwilliam 
to Ireland, and their resignation, did he appoint West- 
morland Master of the Horse. Fitzwilliam then became 
Lord-Lieutenant, and was succeeded as Lord President 
by the Earl of Mansfield. 

Dr. Charles Burney to William Windham 

Churchfield, Margate : July 14, 1794 

The Gazette, which announces your having honoured 
Administration by joining them, has just reached me at 
Margate. Amidst the congratulations, with which you 
must be surrounded, on this occasion, permit me to 
venture offering mine : not, however, so much to you, 
as to the Country ! 

You have accepted a Post : — the honours of it can- 
not greatly have influenced you : — the emoluments of it 
cannot, in the slightest degree, have biassed you. — Even 
those justly merited honours will not escape the breath 
of slander ; and those emoluments will be dearly earned 
by the labours, which must be necessary to give them 
security. That Amor Patrice, however, which has in- 
spirited your decision, fails not in conferring a due 
reward. A reward, which Treachery cannot violate, 
and Wealth cannot purchase ! 

Our Country has insured your services ; — Attacked by 
an infuriate Enemy abroad ; endangered by an insidious 

1 See the Duke of York's letter to Windham, August 31, 1794. 



220 THE WINDHAM PAPERS [1794 

foe at home ; the very vitals of her Constitution under- 
mined, avowedly by one Party, and secretly by another ; 
united with allies, lukewarm, I fear, if not inclined to 
treachery : — to our Country then permit me to offer my 
congratulations ! — To our Country, which can still 
boast herself supported by the l 0i koXoi kcu ayaOoi, and 
may still hope to be preserved by the exertions of talents 
scarcely rivalled, aided by virtues undaunted, and integrity 
unimpeachable ! 

Pardon the intrusion ! — Your engagements must be too 
numerous and too constant, well to allow it ; — but as 
my distance from town prevents my wishing you joy in 
person, I really feel too strongly, on the present occasion, 
not to venture taking the liberty of doing it, by letter. 1 

H.R.H. The Duke of York to William Windham 

Head Quarters at Rosendael 
August 1, 1794 

I have many thanks to return you for your most 
obliging letter which was delivered to me by Lord Spencer, 
and am not half expressing to you how sincerely happy 
I am at you and your friends having stood forward in 
so Handsome a Manner, and accepted office and 
responsibility at a moment when it is so peculiarly 
necessary to strengthen the Hands of Governments. 
I am likewise exceedingly glad that everything went off 
so well at Norwich. 2 

I am exceedingly impatient to hear the result of Lord 
Spencer's negotiation. 3 I am sure it can not be in better 
Hands, and I never saw people so eager so anxious 
to succeed as both His Lordship and Mr. Grenville. I 
confess I am exceedingly sanguine in my expectations 
particularly since I saw the day before yesterday Letters 

1 Add. MSS. 37914 f. 105. 

2 Windham had secured re-election as member for Norwich. 

3 Lord Spencer had gone in June to Vienna as Ambassador Extra- 
ordinary. He returned to England in December. 




DR. BURNEY 



1794] LORD SPENCER'S MISSION 221 

from the Prince of Coburg to the Hereditary Prince of 
Orange written quite in a different stile from one which 
he had received from Him only two days before, and 
holding out a probability of His moving forwards again 
soon with His Army. 1 

Earl Spencer to William Windham 

Vienna : August 12, 1794 

I ought to have written to you a long while ago, but 
my journey so entirely turned my head, and the occu- 
pation I have had since I have been here has filled up 
so much of my time that I have not been able till this 
moment ; and in choosing this moment for the purpose, 
I do not treat you very well, for I am more than half 
asleep, having been the whole evening plodding over 
the long letter 2 which you will have the reading of from 
us in the Cabinet, which will very probably produce 
something of the like effect on the Readers as it has on 
the writers of it at least I am sure if you read it as we 
wrote it at one o'clock in the morning, it cannot fail 
to do so. 

You will see by the contents of it what a long way we 
are come, to do, as far as it seems, very little, and you will 
not fail, I dare say, to observe that, as we have been 
driving for nothing, we are determined you shall have 
at least a long reading for nothing. However, as I am 
sure you will have had enough of our dispatch already, 
I will not give you a bad hash of it in my letter. 

I promised Sir Sidney Smith, 3 to write to you something 
about what he calls his Ideas, but my own Ideas have 

1 Add. MSS. 37842 f. 67. 

2 Regarding a project for an English descent upon the French coast 
to aid the Royalists against the Revolutionists, which was to end in the 
disastrous Quiberon Bay expedition. 

3 William Sidney Smith, generally known as Sidney Smith (1764- 
1840), entered the navy 1777, and fought at the battle of St. Vincent 
and in other actions. He was sent home with despatches after the 
evacuation of Toulon in 1793. 



222 THE WINDHAM PAPERS [1794 

really been so turned and twisted and jumbled about 
ever since, that I protest his have been pretty nearly 
shaken out of my head ; in general, however, I re- 
member he said a good deal about the French coasting 
ships which, by their being very flat bottomed, can 
run into shoal water where none of our Ships-of-War 
can follow them, and of course he is very desirous of 
having a fleet of flat-bottomed Vessels at his Command 
to go and break them all to pieces. He does not seem to 
think much of the Scheme about Calais, but he has an 
Idea that something might be done at Havre ; he is 
certainly an odd excentrick man, but he is very clever, 
and has a great deal of contrivance about him, and if he 
could any how be put into activity without giving offence 
to more regular and orderly sort of Geniuses, who I believe 
all look upon him as a Fellow of the College of Physicians 
does upon a Quack Doctor, he might be of great service. 

I cannot write this without telling how very much 
both Lady Spencer and myself are obliged to you for 
your very kind and friendly offer which she tells me you 
made her the other day of an Ensigncy in the Guards ; 
we are both as much obliged to you as if we had been in the 
way of availing ourselves of it, and I am very glad it 
happened so, as it gave you an opportunity of multiplying 
your satisfaction, by obliging some body else besides us, on 
the occasion. 

Adieu, dear Windham, I wish much to be at home 
again and among you all : I feel quite out of my Element 
here, and though I don't know how much I might be in 
my Element if I were at home in my new situation there; 
yet I cannot help thinking I should be rather less of a 
Bear in a Boat than I feel myself in this still newer 
Character of a Negotiator. 1 

1 Add. MSS 37845 f. 127. 



1794] SIR SIDNEY SMITH'S ADVICE 223 

Captain Sir W. Sidney Smith to William Windham 
Private Diamond, at Plymouth 

August 13, 1794 

Your letter of the 3rd inst.; Franked the 7th, and sent 
to Deal, has followed me here. Lord Spencer and I had 
some conversation on the subject in question during the 
passage to Holland and it was settled that I should com- 
municate the purport of it, direct to you, on my return 
to England. The Labour of beating to the westward 
against strong contrary winds from Flushing to Plymouth, 
and the necessary repairs of the Ship since my arrival, 
have so taken up my time as scarcely to allow me any 
for rest or refreshment, much less to set down quietly 
and give you a digested and detailed opinion of the 
Due de Le vis's 1 "crude" proposition. I am sorry my 
distance from town and the orders I am under to go to sea 
immediately will prevent my having an opportunity of 
making the communication verbally. 

The Due de Levis called on me (by introduction from 
Lord Warwick), I believe previous to his waiting on you. 
I gave him a patient hearing and think with you that 
the Idea should not be wholly abandon'd, though it may 
not be immediately practicable to carry it into effect in 
the mode he suggests. 

I agree with him entirely that the best way of acting 
against France, either in order to make a diversion to 
save Holland, to ward off a threaten 'd attack on this 
countty, or to make an impression on the centre of the 
enemy's country so as to effectuate the great object of 
the war, is by a descent on their coasts. The point of 
attack must depend on intelligence to be obtained, and 
the extent of the force that may be destined to carry the 

1 Pierre Marc Garton, Due de Levis (died 1830), left Paris in 1792 
and joined the army of the Princes, in which he served as a private 
soldier. He was wounded in the Quiberon expedition, and came to 
England. 



224 THE WINDHAM PAPERS [1794 

plan into effect. I am of opinion that the coast must be 
destitute of sufficient strength to defend it by the con- 
centration of their forces in the formation of their great 
armies, but I am by no means of opinion that they are 
so liable to be surprised as the Due de Levis seems to 
apprehend, for their intelligence is so good and their 
establishment of coast signals is so perfectly well 
arranged and so well attended to that that intelligence is 
quickly conveyed from one point to another. The attempt 
might be made to surprise, but it should be with such a 
force as would be equal to proceeding by open assault 
when discovered, which is not impracticable on the very 
gates of a place inadequately garrisoned and irregularly 
fortified on some one side. 

A Ruler laid on the map, from London to Paris shews 
the strait line of shortest distance to be by way of Dieppe 
or Havre de Grace and Rouen, and it is to be remember'd 
that there is no chain of fortified places requiring regular 
sieges by that route. 

Having received the latter part of my education at 
Caen in Normandy, I have had opportunity of being 
acquainted with the Normans, and I am inclined to give 
credit to the Due de Levis 's assertion that Normandy and 
the Southern part of Picardy are disaffected to the 
convention, or at least to the Jacobin System ; and conse- 
quently that they might be induced to shew themselves 
if a sufficient force was at hand, as a central point round 
which to rally ; but my experience at Toulon has proved 
to me that this never can be expected if the white flag x 
is shewn to them as an earnest of the return of the antient 
System in its full extent. A Constitution is the desire 
of every thinking man in France, I am persuaded ; they 
have seen the bad effects of unlimited power in the two 
extremes of absolute and popular government too often 
and too recently not to be averse to placing it anywhere; 
and cannot (I think) be inclined to place it in the same 

1 The flag of the deposed French monarchy. 



1794] A PLAN OF CAMPAIGN 225 

hands who misused it before; and who would be likely to 
govern with a heavy hand in revenge for the persecution 
they have endured. There can be little doubt that there 
exists a party in France, and even in Paris itself, of the 
moderate kind, impatient under the present Tyranny 
which puts their persons and property in such an irksome 
state of insecurity. This party might be induced to shew 
itself if support were near, and such support cannot be so 
quickly convey'd as by the shortest route and that on which 
there are the fewest barriers, viz. that above named. 

Calais from its position does not seem to come into 
this line, or to be of any use as an insulated possession 
now that the Netherlands are evacuated. Dieppe and 
Havre I think would be valuable acquisitions. An 
Army on the two Banks of the River Seine, using that 
river as its line of communication, having its baggage; 
battering train and magazines afloat under the protection 
of Gunboats and consequently being unencumbered but 
with horses and forage might move with facility and be 
less liable to total discomfiture in case of failure, having 
a floating fortress to rally to. 

I am persuaded that an expedition of this kind, if it did 
not succeed to the full extent of the object, might still 
do essential service ; it would cut off one channel by 
which Paris is supplied with provisions ; it would enable 
government to form a positive judgment of the real 
disposition of the people and finally in case of being 
obliged to fall back by the arrival of the Northern army 
on the East bank of the Seine, the {illegible'] would afford 
our army a secure position with its flanks towards the 
sea communicating on each side with its floating Magazines 
by Carentan and La Hogue on the East, and the little 
ports opposite Jersey on the west. Cherbourg would 
by this position be cut off from the possibility of receiving 
succour and as the high land behind the town overlooks 
it, as Faron does Toulon, it must fall in the same way ; 
and thus, in case of ultimate relinquishment of the enter- 

I P 



226 THE WINDHAM PAPERS [1794 

prise, we should have destroy 'd the two ports of Havre 
and Cherbourg, from whence we have otherwise everything 
to apprehend if the enemy are left quietly at liberty to 
realise their project of invading and " revolutionising " 
this country. I speak from local knowledge of the coasts 
and ports in question, having examined the ground at 
leisure during the peace when on a visit to the Due 
D'Harcourt, then Governor of Normandy, and I recom- 
mend his being consulted on the enterprise, his local know- 
ledge and military experience, together with his name and 
influence in the country, would go a great way towards 
ensuring the success of it. I beg to be understood to be 
very far from volunteering it myself. I see my way 
clearly but I do not see my means. Long legged frigates 
cannot approach the shore to cooperate with or cover an 
army. Gun boats alone can do it, but it is not a boat 
with a Gun that answers to my Idea of a Gun boat. I 
have acquitted my conscience towards my country by 
having given my Ideas distinctly to Lord St. Helens on 
the form of vessel I consider as adapted to this service as 
well at home as in Holland, where the species actually 
exists and requires only to be fitted. I have thus enabled 
whoever may be destined for that service to act as my 
peculiar experience would enable me, but I hope I may 
stand excused from stepping forward myself, which I 
am disinclined to do considering the little encouragement 
I meet with for such voluntary exertions. Besides, no 
man can serve in a situation of any degree of eminence 
without hurting his private fortune, and I have unfortu- 
nately none to supply the demands incident to such a 
situation. If I had I would most willingly sacrifice that 
as I do my time and my health ; these with a daring 
spirit and as much military experience as I could acquire 
by going wherever it was to the obtained, being all I 
can call my own, I devote them to my country's service, 
though I confess to you not so cheerfully as I have done 
hitherto. I have suffered such pecuniary embarrassment 



1794] THE NATION'S GRATITUDE 227 

and distress since my return from Toulon as makes me, 

though reluctantly, impeach my country's Justice ; an 

Englishman never works the free horse to the utmost 

of his powers without seeing that he is well fed when he 

comes home, and yet collectively they can suffer an 

officer who has served them to the best of his ability to 

starve in their streets. I do not say this in any ill 

temper. I am ready to do what I am ordered as a military 

man ought to be, but when a man has suffered much 

and worked hard without having in the least mended his 

situation or even his prospects in life, his feelings must 

be wounded at seeing that he is working to little purpose. 

If a service which is denominated from the Throne and 

acknowledged by Parliament of great national importance 

be left unrequited, what hope is there that any future 

service will be more consider'd ? I content myself at 

present with a cruise in a frigate; the object of which; 

as it cannot affect the success of the war, does not afford 

even the prospect of that satisfaction which is the only 

repayment I can look to under the certainty of a lodging 

in the King's Bench prison as my ultimate retreat when 

the service is ended. I hope, my dear Sir, you will 

excuse the freedom with which I speak, but an honest 

man may, nay ought to, speak out to another. 1 



Edmund Burke to William Windham 

Beacons field: August 17; 1794 
I always knew you to have a mind formed for generosity 
and friendship— and I now experience it in the way of 
all others most acceptable to me, that is in your protection 
of Woodford. 2 My Richard was very sollicitous for his 
establishment ; and the employment which you have so 
very kindly bestowed upon him entitling him to half-pay 

1 Add. MSS. 37852 f. 32. 

2 Colonel E. J. A. Woodford, appointed by Windham Inspector- 
General of Foreign Corps in the pay of Great Britain. 



228 THE WINDHAM PAPERS [1794 

puts him out of anxiety for the future. It will be a satis- 
faction for you to know, that besides giving to my Mind; 
and poor Mrs. Burke's, a solid comfort, you serve a young 
man of very great honour, and great good-nature, as 
well as of excellent Talents and much activity. There 
will appear in nothing you have done, any the least trace 
of blind partiality. It is, too, the Son of an excellent 
father (of whom, however, I have not much personal 
knowledge), who is, I believe, of remarkable ability in his 
profession, I mean Col. Woodford. If he is what I 
hear of him he is a sort of man to be looked to ; for I fear 
we are not overrich in soldiership. Again a thousand 
thanks for what you have done for his son. 

I have been talking with our excellent Dr. Walker 
King, (who, having been several times in Ireland with his 
father, the Dean of Raphoe, has very just notions 
concerning that country), about the University. He 
tells me, indeed concurrently with the universal opinion, 
that Dr. Murray has, for several years, governed the 
College as Vice-Provost, with the greatest credit, and 
indeed saved it from utter Ruin ; and that he is in the 
highest Esteem with the whole body. Now, he is in the 
order of Gradation, and would possess no power, but 
what in effect, he has long exercised. This would cut 
off all Cabal, all bickering, and be a plain and simple 
answer to every kind of unstatutable applications from 
without and to all intrigues from within ; not but that 
I believe, if the place were elective, they would choose 
of themselves this respectable Divine. Be sure, my 
dear friend, that I do not meddle in this affair from any 
predilection to persons : I do not know Dr. Murray 
personally. If I have anything personal in it, it is my 
earnest desire that everything done in the Duke of 
Portland's department should be done to his honour. 1 

1 Add. MSS. 37843 i> 43- 



1794] GENERAL CLERFAYT 229 

H.R.H. The Duke of York to William Windham 

Head Quarters 
August 31, 1794 

I have many thanks to return you for your very obliging 
letter which was delivered to me the day before yesterday 
by Mr. Gunning, the Surgeon-General. I am exceedingly 
sensible of your attention to my representation in having 
sent Him, and have no doubt of his being able after a 
thorough examination to put the Hospitals here in a 
good train, which I am sorry to say they want very 
much. I will take care that he shall receive every infor- 
mation, which can be given Him, and he must afterwards 
visit the different Hospitals and examine Himself into 
the different disputes which subsist between the Gentle- 
men of the Medical Departments and which I am afraid 
have been very detrimental to His Majesty's service, as 
well as to the Health of many of His brave Soldiers. 

I am sincerely rejoiced at Lord Fitzwilliam's having 
accepted of the Lord Lieutenancy of Ireland. His ap- 
pointment can not but give the greatest satisfaction to 
both countries. 1 

The Death of Count [illegible] is certainly very unfor- 
tunate at this moment. I trust, however, that it will not 
cause any essential delay in the negotiations. Lord 
Spencer and Mr. Grenville appear to me to have suc- 
ceeded thus far perfectly well in theirs, as I have already 
received a letter from the Prince of Cobourg notifying 
to me his having resigned the Command of the Austrian 
Army to General Clerfayt, and this morning I have 
received a letter from General Beaulieu acquainting me 
of his being arrived at Grave, and being charged with 
a commission for me. I shall do every thing in my 
power to persuade him to press General Clerfayt to 
move forwards as soon as possible as particularly at this 
time of the year every moment is pretious. 

1 See ante, p. 219. 



230 THE WINDHAM PAPERS [1794 

I have at last taken up yesterday the position which 
I had determined upon ever since our retreats with the 
Prince of Orange, but which he has under different 
protests delayed me for these last four weeks from 
occupying. My right is covered by the Inundations of 
the river Aa; my front by the Fortress of Bois-le-duc, 
and my left is at present secured by its connection with 
the Austrian Post at Vechel. Should the Austrians 
however not be able to keep that Post, which I trust 
now will not be the case, by throwing it back a little it 
will be compleatly covered by a Great Morass called 
the Peel. 

From this position I can move forwards to the Assist- 
ance of any of the Dutch Forteresses which may be 
attacked, I effectually cover the only passage into Holland 
which is not defended with Forteresses, and I keep up my 
communication with the Austrian Army. 

Before I finish my letter I can not help troubling 
you, in your official capacity concerning the Bat and 
Forage Money for the officers of Cavalry. While I was 
in England last winter I made an application for leave 
to give it to them, to which I did not get an answer for 
some time, when Lord Amherst informed me that it was 
settled, and that I should receive the official instructions 
to issue it by the next mail, which good piece of intelligence 
I lost no time in communicating to the officers. Since that 
time I have never received the orders which I was led 
to expect and naturally have not issued it. The Cavalry 
officers now complain bitterly, and certainly, if I may be 
allowed to give my opinion, with some reason. I should 
therefore be infinitely obliged to you if you would enquire 
into this Business, and if possible attain it for them as 
really their courage and good conduct is very exemplary 
and their necessary expenses are very great. 1 

1 Add. MSS. 37842 f. 71. 



1794] THE LOSS OF VALENCIENNES 231 

William Pitt to William Windham 1 

Wimbledon : September 10, 1794 
The unfortunate Loss of Valenciennes and Conde, 2 and 
the opinion you appear to have of the little Dependence 
to be placed on the Exertions of Austria (in which our 
Letters from Vienna concur) change much the Situation 
of Affairs since We parted. The Suggestions which you 
state relative to the Command, are such as to shake in 
some degree (coupled with the other Circumstances) 
my Opinion of the Advantage of sending Lord Cornwallis ; 3 
but how this may finally be arranged for next Campaign, 
cannot now be determined. It must depend partly on 
what has passed at Vienna and on many other Con- 
siderations. In the mean Time there is no doubt that the 
Duke of York's Command must continue while the opera- 
tions now in Contemplation last. It is equally clear that 
the Force destined to serve under Lord Moira can neither 
be withdrawn nor exchanged during the Course of those 
Operations. If the operations should be soon concluded, 
the Exchange might still take place ; but I incline to think 
it would be too late for any Attempt on the Coast, and 
on the whole I am more and more inclined to the Opinion 
that any Attempt in that Quarter (except sending in 
Supplies) ought to be deferred till next Spring, when it 
may be attempted with a very formidable Force. 

The Projected Attack upon Antwerp, and the forward 
movement is, I think, clearly right, if Clerfayt will enter 
into it heartily. From what is understood here of his 
Instructions, compared with his Letter to the Duke of 
York, I cannot help having some doubt whether he will 

1 Windham had left England at the end of August and was at this 
time at Berlikom, where the Duke of York had quartered his army. 

2 Valenciennes, which had surrendered to the Allies under the 
Duke of York on July 28, 1793, was retaken with Conde by the French 
on August 30, 1794. 

3 Charles Cornwallis, first Marquis and second Earl Cornwallis (1738- 
1805), General, Commander-in chief in India, 1786-1793. 



232 THE WINDHAM PAPERS [1794 

not find reasons for declining the Attempt. Supposing 
Him not to do so, My chief Reason for thinking the 
Measure useful is that a Victory on our part will at least 
check the Operations of the Enemy, damp their spirits 
and raise those of our Army. I am not competent to judge 
how far it can enable our Armies to take a Position which 
they can improve or which they can maintain for the 
Winter. The Beating the Enemy (if there is a fair Chance 
of it) is itself a great object (independent of Consequences) 
in the present Circumstances. If the Consequence should 
be to dislodge them from Flanders, or to drive them 
beyond the Scheld, it would be infinitely better. But I 
cannot help fearing that it will be very doubtful whether 
We can take secure Winter Quarters in Flanders. Our 
Situation was not thought good last Year, even when 
We had Valenciens and Conde. I do not mention this 
as a reason against the attempt, which it certainly is not, 
provided there is a good chance of immediate Success ; 
But I wish it to be considered beforehand, whether in 
case of Success, a Safe Position for Winter Quarters 
can be established, except under Cover of the Dutch 
Fortresses. 

The Manner in which the Duke of York has treated 
these discussions certainly does him infinite Credit. The 
King has sent me a Letter from H.R.H., which has struck 
me very much, both from its Manliness and Liberality. 
In my own Mind I consider the Expedition to the Coast 
as over for this Year, except for the Purpose of Supplies. 
We have sent to our Friend Tinteniac and shall probably 
send him over immediately to explain why nothing can 
be done now and to say that much will be done hereafter. 
If Lord Spencer has not closed already on the Terms we 
proposed, I think our Plan will now be, to give no Subsidy 
either to Austria or Prussia, but to employ 2,000,000/. in 
getting Troops where We can. Poland is so distant, that 
even if Measures are taken immediately and quickly, I 
doubt whether We can have the Use of them early next 



1794] WINDHAM IN CAMP 233 

Campaign. But you will have the Means of collecting 
much useful Information on these Points, and it will 
be very material to ascertain, as far as possible, what 
subsidised Force can be obtained exclusive of Austria and 
Prussia. 

I hope you will be enabled to send us an Account 
particularly of what is the Plan for Winter Quarters in 
Flanders. Till the attack on Antwerp is over, I reckon 
We have no Chance of seeing you, and I am sure you will 
be of infinite Use while you remain where You are. 1 

William Windham to Mrs. Lukin 

Berlikom, near Bois le Due 
September 12, 1794 

The ways of a camp life are so idle, that all the habits 
of business which I may be supposed to have acquired in 
the last two months, seem to give way before them ; 
And I am in danger of finding myself a worse corre- 
spondent here, when I have so much to tell, and so much 
more time for telling it, than I was in London, when 
occupied from morning till night ; and when my occu- 
pations would leave me but little else to talk of. In fact, 
the pleasures of moving about in a scene so full of interest, 
the fatigue that is apt to follow, and the want of a com- 
fortable room to retire to, are the causes that prove so 
fatal to my correspondence, and the reasons why, for 
want of a little occasional respite, my pleasure in this 
situation is less than it shouldbe. 

We are, as you will have learned from one of my 
former letters, near Bois le Due, which is rather a large 
town, and a strong fortress belonging to the Dutch. 
About three miles from this place are the Duke's head- 
quarters, and at four or five miles further is the camp. 
The immediate place of my residence is the village where 
headquarters are, and I am lodged in the house of a 

1 Add. MSS. 37844 f. 34. 



234 THE WINDHAM PAPERS [1794 

Dutch attorney. The country about is light and sandy, 
affording very pleasant rides, which are not the less so 
from your occasionally meeting bodies of troops, of 
different dresses, establishments, and countries. The 
variety in this respect is not so great as it was last year, 
nor, from a number of circumstances, is the scene so 
interesting, after allowing even for the difference of its 
not being seen, as that was, for the first time. The relief 
which all this gives, after confinement during the summer 
to London, and to such business as that of the war-office, 
is more than you can conceive. It has given me a new 
stock of health ; and the beauty of the autumn morn- 
ings, joined to the general idleness in which one lives by 
necessity, and therefore without self-reproach, has given 
me a feeling of youthful enjoyment, such as I now but 
rarely know. You cannot conceive how you would like 
a ride here, with the idea that if you wandered too far, 
and went beyond the out-posts, you might be carried off 
by a French patrole. It is the enjoyment that George 
Faulknor was supposed to describe, of a scene near 
Dublin, where " the delighted spectator expects every 
moment to be crushed by the impending rocks." Were 
public business out of the question, I should stay here 
probably for a week or two longer ; but, as it is, my stay 
must be regulated by other considerations, and it is 
probable that the messenger whom we are waiting for 
impatiently may occasion my departure immediately. 
The general state of things is as bad as need be. The 
shooters in your part of the world must not suppose that 
they have all the sport themselves. So strong is the love 
of mischief among men, that all the shooting of one 
another that is going on here, does not prevent their 
filling up their intervals by a little murder of partridges. 1 

1 Amyot, If Memoir of Windham," p. 36. 



1794] THE CAMPAIGN OF 1794 235 

William Windham to William Pitt 

Grave : September 16, 1794 

I will not trouble you with a detail of events, which, 
however important, you will learn so much more satis- 
factorily from the dispatch of his Royal Highness the 
Duke of York ; but only say, that however unpleasant 
another retrograde movement may be, and whatever 
opinion may be entertained of our present position, with 
the objections to which no one is so much impressed as his 
R.H. himself ; the measure was wholly unavoidable ; and 
if his R.H. wanted in any instance the concurrence of 
every officer of consideration in the Army, it was in 
endeavouring to maintain his position so long, as He 
did. The evils, however, that might have been appre- 
hended from such an endeavour have not been felt. 
The retreat was effected in the most perfect order, and 
without even being molested ; and the previous loss, 
except in a part of the foreign troops, and where it 
seems too to have proceeded from causes which no skill 
or prudence of the Commander could prevent, has been 
altogether inconsiderable. It was plainly desirable to 
continue to maintain the position, till it should be known 
whether the movements of the Enemy, were merely 
intended to alarm, or were likely to be followed with his 
whole force. 

On the subject of the past, therefore, no more need 
be said. Enough will remain in the consideration of 
what should be done in future, with a view to which the 
Duke will send off this day an aide-de-camp, to General 
Clerfayt, and who will be accompanied, I believe, by 
Mr. Pelham. The principal points to be considered will, 
no doubt, long since have engaged your attention : and 
will be stated probably more particularly in the Duke's 
letter. The Question, I presume, is pretty much of 
establishing the Austrians in the Country, where they 
are, including in that idea the recovery of Treves : — of 



236 THE WINDHAM PAPERS [1794 

preserving the frontier of Holland, and recovering, if 
possible, in whole or in part, the possession of the Scheldt. 

The Duke of York seems to be of opinion, that from 
the direction of the River in this part, His movements 
must become so circuitous, as to require a greater force 
to render them effectual, than if He had not the benefit 
of the protection of the River : But I should hope, that 
He rather overrated the disadvantages of his situation 
in that respect ; and that a corps less considerable even 
than that which He has, might by being kept in a move- 
able state, and applied with address to the movements of 
the Enemy, make it impossible for them to pass the River ; 
and might afford to his R.H. means far from being in- 
effectual both for a co-operation with Gen. Clerfayt and 
for all the other objects of the Campaign. These objects 
for some time past have been confined very much, in 
my apprehension, to the assistance of the Austrians in 
maintaining their present position, and in the protection 
of the Dutch Frontier. 

The recovery of the Scheldt, though in the highest degree 
desirable, has been for a great while very much out of 
my hopes ; and it was very much from that consideration, 
that I shared less, than I should otherwise have done, in 
the desire of the Duke to maintain his late position, and 
to take the chance of an action. It seemed to me, that 
even a complete victory, attended with as great slaughter 
and as great dispersion of the Enemy, as could possibly 
be looked to, would have given us after all no very confi- 
dent hope of being able to effect a great deal in that quarter. 
At present with the Enemy not beat, and with this Army 
at a greater distance, this prospect must of course become 
very faint indeed. — I shall be very well satisfied, there- 
fore, dating from my last hopes, if we secure the other 
two points, namely, the establishing completely the 
Austrians, and the preserving entire the frontier of 
Holland. This, I should think, may very well be done; 
with the chance too of something better, if every power 



1794] THE APATHY OF THE DUTCH 237 

concerned, will fairly play their part : But this will as 
certainly not be done, (at least great doubt may be 
entertained of it) if the Dutch are to go on, as they do, 
throwing the whole business of their defence upon us, and 
never seeming to entertain an idea, that they arc to 
contribute anything to the support of their own cause, 
or not to cheat and obstruct us, who have been willing 
to undertake it, by every means in their power. There 
is really such a brutish insensibility, a base selfishness in 
the conduct of this people, so far as I have had an oppor- 
tunity of knowing it, that I cannot but think, that nothing 
will have any effect, but a direct menace to abandon 
them to their fate ; and to make them sensible, that when 
the means of safety are in their own hands, if they will not 
make use of them, they will be left to perish. Whatever 
they can hope to get done by another, they are perfectly 
certain not to do themselves. The Duke of York is of 
opinion that the loss of the Lys is to be ascribed wholly 
to the measures which we took to assist them in its relief. 

Finding that we were willing to do what we could, they 
hoped that we should do everything ; and of consequence 
abandoned immediately the measures, which they had 
before intended, and which were then practicable, for 
the relief of the place. As a Specimen of their exertions, 
the Garrison of this place consists of a few companies of 
very ordinary troops, with a General of 80 years of age; 
so helpless and infirm, that the Bailiff of the Town, begged; 
that whatever was necessary to be done for the mere 
military police of the Town, might be done by our troops, 
and under the direction of our officers. 

The first thing, therefore, I should think, which 
Government will be desirous of attending to, will be the 
impressing the States with the absolute necessity of 
coming forward fairly in their own defence. Representa- 
tions of a Similar sort will probably not be thought 
superfluous with respect to Austria ; and with respect 
to objects not capable of waiting for the effect of such 



238 THE WINDHAM PAPERS [1794 

communications, provision will be made; as far as 
circumstances admit, by the Communication; which as I 
mentioned above, the Duke is about to have with Gen. 
Clerfayt. Till the result of this is known, it does not 
occur that I have anything more to state or to suggest. 
It does not appear, either, that after that time my presence 
here can be of any particular use : I shall therefore, if 
nothing new presents itself, continue in the intention; 
which I wrote word of sometime since to Chatham; and 
repeat the request, which I then made, of having a frigate; 
if he can spare one, to meet me at Helvoetsluys about 
the 20th. Should it appear to you; however, that my 
presence here can be useful in any respect, I shall be at 
your service, for a longer period. 

[P.S.] Though the Duke of York's opinion seems at 
present to be, that his situation at present may require 
even a larger force than was necessary in that which he 
quitted, yet it is possible, that further inquiry and 
information may alter his opinion in that respect, and 
that the Course of events may enable him to spare, as His 
own inclination will prompt him to do, whenever He can; 
a sufficient change to enable you to set up again; the 
expedition to the Coast of France. You will forgive, 
therefore, my urging to your consideration the importance 
of keeping everything in readiness for such an event, that 
no chance may be lost of what is so infinitely to be wished 
as a successful attempt in that quarter. 1 

The affairs in Flanders had been growing steadily 
worse. After the defeat by Pichegru at Tournay (May 18), 
when the ability of Generals Abercromby and Fox alone 
saved the English army from disaster, the outlook became 
more gloomy each week. Even the reinforcement of 
7000 men, sent out in June under the Earl of Moira, had 
failed to stem the tide of retreat. The suspicion in men's 

1 Add. MSS. 37844 f. 40. 




THK ni'KB OF YORK 



//. Dawe, sculpt. 



1794] THE DUKE OF YORK'S INCAPACITY 239 

minds that the Duke of York was not a leader likely to 
achieve success had slowly been crystallised into a con- 
viction. The situation, however, was one full of diffi- 
culty, and it was left to Windham to make that courageous 
move, which resulted in the Duke's recall. 

William Windham to William Pitt 
Most private Grave : September 16, 1794 

I am now to write to you upon a subject, which I feel 
to be at once so delicate and important, that nothing but 
a sense of that extreme importance, would induce me 
to speak upon it, even under that seal of secrecy and 
confidence, under which I wish you to consider it as being 
delivered. My last letter to Mr. Dundas betrayed; 
probably, an opinion, which, if the distinction might be 
admitted, I should be better satisfied to have betrayed, 
than declared ; but which, if it does exist, must be made 
known in some way or another, however it may go to my 
heart to do anything unfavourable to the hopes and 
wishes of a person, for whom I feel the most genuine 
respect and attachment. There is something too, that 
has an appearance of treachery, — though certainly in this 
instance an appearance only — in secretly frustrating 
the views of any one, from whom one is receiving daily 
marks of confidence and kindness, and whom one is anxious 
to impress with an opinion of ones being warmly 
attached to them. Such undoubtedly is my situation 
with respect to the Duke of York. I really respect and 
love him more and more, the more I see of him : I am 
glad that He should be persuaded that I do so ; But 
certainly no attachment that I have ever expressed or 
meant to convey, can be supposed to be carried to that 
length as that I should prefer his personal wishes or 
interests to what may be capable of affecting the fate 
of the country and of the world in a crisis like the present. 
My opinion, therefore, on any point of this sort, where its 



240 THE WINDHAM PAPERS [1794 

being known may be useful, must be declared, whatever 
effect it may have, on those, whose wishes I should be 
happy to promote, or whatever painful consequences it 
may in the end draw upon myself. To avoid those 
consequences I would take all legitimate means ; one of 
which is to communicate my opinions in all possible 
confidence. My motives are such (and can be no other) 
as I should be ready to have manifested to all the world, 
but it may be naturally wished not to have the fact known, 
where the motive and the reason do not appear at the 
same time. 

Let me give you; therefore, freely but confidentially 
my opinion, that the operations of this Army will, I fear, 
never go on well, while the present Commander remains 
at the head of it. This is my present opinion, nor do I 
foresee any probability of change. It is, I am sure, so 
true at present as to make me bless myself at our escape 
from our late difficulties, and to alter my whole views of 
what it may be proper to do, in the remaining part of the 
campaign. It is from this latter consideration, that I 
think it right, not only that you should know my opinion, 
but that you should know it immediately. The reasons 
of it may come afterwards : — the first of them is, that 
the Army certainly has not that opinion of the Duke of 
York as to act under him with confidence. Though the 
licentiousness of one class of Officers is kept within some- 
what better bounds : though the unpopularity of the 
Duke is abated ; though his virtues, and his other amiable 
qualities, are gradually making their way, yet a confidence 
is not felt in his capacity to conduct an Army ; nor can I 
fairly say, that, judging less from the merits of the case 
than from collateral circumstances, I think it likely, that it 
should be so. The consequences are, in the mean time, most 
pernicious, and show themselves in ways not immediately 
obvious. But the great consequence is the effect which 
this feeling in the Army may have in circumstances such 
as those which we have lately been in : and the force of 



1794] THE DUKE'S ACQUITTAL 241 

this is so great, joined to a chance always that the feeling 
may be well founded, and to more than a chance 
that it is well founded to a certain degree, that I must 
confess I shall tremble for every step which they will 
have to make when left to their own direction. 

What remedy is to be applied in this state of things I 
cannot undertake to point out. I show you the difficulty, 
but can say but little as to the way out of it. To remove 
the Duke at this instant, would certainly be cruel ; for it 
would appear to be the consequence of a step, right in itself, 
and in which He yielded more to the opinions of others, 
than followed his own. The King, too, is delighted with 
his Decision, respecting the question of Lord Cornwallis ; 
and will consider the whole as a manoeuvre to get rid 
of the Duke, which not having succeeded by stratagem, 
must now be effected by force. I stick, however, to my 
opinion, that some great change must be made, or the 
Army will be undone, and our affairs in this quarter never 
succeed, but by what may be considered as chance. A 
thoroughly able man, like such as the Austrians chose 
for their Quarter-Master General, might set all right : 
but where is such a one in our service to be found ? I 
do not now think, that even the plan, which I caught at 
so eagerly, of the Archduke x commanding the whole, 
would by any means answer all the purpose. The evil 
lyes, as much as in anything, in the domestick Economy, 
and discipline of this particular Army. What, therefore, 
is to be done, I do not know. As a preliminary step, 
having in the first place the recommendation of justice, 
and being calculated afterwards to reconcile to the Duke's 
mind and to the King's, whatever measure of change may, 
now or hereafter, be adopted, no symptom of disappro- 
bation should appear or be suspected of the last move- 
ment ; but on the contrary the clearest approbation be 
expressed of it ; at least, (which is all that I am intent 
upon) the clearest acquittal of the Duke. I am doubly 

1 Archduke Charles of Austria (1771-1847). 



242 THE WINDHAM PAPERS [1794 

bound to say this, as I certainly took all pains to make 
him adopt that resolution ; nor could such censure 
upon him be countenanced by any of those persons about 
him, whom I had the opportunity of consulting. Perhaps 
when every idea of censure or dissatisfaction was removed, 
the offer of some principal situation at home, connected 
with Military service, and including great Patronage, 
which no one would discharge more uprightly, and ably 
(I mean, distinctly, Commander-in-Chief, or Master- 
General of the Ordnance, or both together) might serve to 
reconcile the loss of the command of the Army here ; and 
would be an arrangement good in my opinion, both in 
the Offices, which it gave, as it will in those, which it 
took away. If by adding the Ordnance to the situation 
of Commander-in-Chief, under some general denomination, 
or half a dozen Offices besides, the removal might be 
affected for this Campaign, supposing that much is to be 
done in it, I should think the advantage of the change; 
cheaply purchased. If from the answer of Clerfayt, 
or your decisions at home, the Campaign is likely soon 
to end, or not to be very critical, it may be better to let it 
run out, as it is. 

With respect to what I said at the beginning, of the 
confidence, in which this is written, I shall leave it to 
your discretion to whom you may wish to communicate 
the contents, observing only as I have already done, that 
I should be sorry to be known, as the author of the advice, 
though I shall certainly never dissemble the opinion. 
Should the measure be taken, I shall not fail to have my 
full share in the resentment, which it may possibly excite 
in one quarter, and what I shall feel more sensibly, in the 
emotions of wounded kindness, which it may produce in 
another. All, however, must give way before the con- 
siderations, which ought to govern on such an occasion. 
Should Mr. Dundas be among the persons to whom you 
may communicate what I have mentioned, He will 
not take it ill, if I suggest the expediency of a little more 



1794] LORD CORNWALLIS SUGGESTED 243 

guard than his general frankness sometimes suffers him 
to observe. 1 



William Windham to William Pitt 
Most private Head Quarters, near Grave 

September 19, 1794 

I pursue shortly the same topick, that made the subject 
of my private letter to you the day before yesterday. — I 
now know for certain, what I before only conjectured, 
that one of the situations, which I mentioned, that namely 
of Commander-in-Chief, is one so perfectly consonant 
to the wishes of the party in question, that it would go a 
great way towards curing any mortification, that would 
be felt, at losing the present command. I have little 
doubt, therefore, that by the aid of this compensation; 
the affair might easily be arranged for another year : and 
it is certainly much better, that it should, if possible, be 
deferred till then ; not only as such delay will render 
it more easy, but as it may give time for the consideration 
of such further changes in the distribution of offices, as I 
hinted at in my last letter, and as I am persuaded, would 
be of infinite advantage to the publick service. It is a 
question, however, how far the Army can be trusted in its 
present state for the execution of the short, but critical 
service with which it is at present charged. Nothing can 
be conceived more important, nor at the same time more 
delicate, than the services, which it has at this time to 
perform. It is one of the nicest operations of war, I 
conceive, either to pass an army over a river in the face 
of an enemy, or to prevent an enemy from passing. 
It is a game of great skill on either side. If I could by 
wishing set down the general of my choice, I should 
certainly choose, as the player of that game, my Lord 
Cornwallis. His authority would do more to correct the 
abuses of the Army ; his Experience would conduct it 

1 Add. MSS. 37844 f. 44. 



244 THE WINDHAM PAPERS [1794 

better : should an action be brought on, the army under 
him would infallibly act with a degree of confidence more, 
I am sorry to say, than it does under the Duke of York. 
The hope is, that the Enemy may not attempt to pass the 
River, or that if they do, the action may not be of a sort, 
to require any very nice and regular movement, or any- 
thing more, than that which the mere valour of the troops 
will perform, whether they feel confidence in the skill of 
their commander, or not. 

One step to make the hazard less of leaving it as it is 
till the end of the campaign, will be to furnish it with 
those aids, which it ought to have had long since, and the 
want of which is really a subject of very serious complaint. 
When the line was drawn out the other day, in circum- 
stances as critical as an arm