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Plates by Parhl and Crow, Copenhagen 



C#e %\zt$t% of t$t Jctfanfctc ©iscowj) of Jlnurica 














A chapter title in the Codex Frisianus, ' Fundit Vinland gooa ' [Wineland 
the Good found], which has been reproduced in enlarged facsimile on the 
cover, has suggested the title for this book. The chapter which this title 
heads will be found on page 14. The Icelandic text there cited has been 
copied directly from the original, and this method has also been pursued in 
the other cases where citations of strictly historical matter have been made. 
In printing these citations, accents, punctuation and capital letters have been 
added, and supplied contractions have been printed in italics. Passages which 
have not been regarded as clearly historical have also been given in the original, 
but in this case it has been deemed sufficient to print after the best published 
texts. Icelandic proper names, where they occur in the translations, have been 
somewhat altered from their correct form, to the end that they might appear 
less strange to the English reader. This liberty has been taken with less 
hesitancy since it has been possible to give these names in their proper forms 
in the Index. 

To the kindness of Dr. Bruun, Librarian of the Royal Library of 
Copenhagen, I am indebted for the privilege which has made the photographic 
reproduction of the Wineland History of the Flatey Book possible. I am 
under like obligation to the Arna-Magnaean Legation for the use, for a similar 
purpose, of the manuscripts AM. 1 557 4to and 544 4to. To one member of 
the Arna-Magnaean Legation, Dr. Kristian Kalund, I am under still further 
obligation for very many favours, which his profound acquaintance with 

1 This contraction is used throughout to describe the manuscripts belonging to the Arna-Magnaean 


Icelandic manuscripts, and especially with those in his charge as Librarian 
of the Arna-Magnsean Library, have rendered particularly valuable. To 
Professor Gustav Storm I feel myself peculiarly indebted for the kindly help, 
which he so freely tendered me at a time when the courtesy was extended 
at the expense of his own personal engagements. My thanks are also due 
to Dr. Finnur J6nsson, for his supervision of the photographing of the 
Arna-Magnsean manuscripts, and for other friendly acts. I am likewise under 
obligation to Captain Holm, of the Danish Navy, and Captain Phythian, 
of the United States Navy, for help, which finds more particular mention 
elsewhere. Finally and especially, I owe to Dr. Valtyr Guomundsson an 
expression of the appreciation I feel for his frequent and ever ready assistance, 
and particularly for his review of the proofs of the Icelandic texts. 

The kindness which these friends have shown me has contributed in no 
small degree to the pleasure which the making of these pages has afforded. 

A. M. R. . 
Berlin, July, 1890. 



Introductory x 

I. Early Fragmentary References to Wineland 7 

II. The Saga of Eric the Red i g 

III. The Wineland History of the Flatey Book 53 

IV. Wineland in the Icelandic Annals 7 9 

V. Notices of doubtful value; Fictions 84 

VI. The Publication of the Discovery 92 

VII. The Icelandic Texts on 

(i) Hauksbok I0 . 

(ii) AM. 557 4to . . . 122 

(iii) Flateyjarbok : (a) ^attr Eiriks rausa 140 

(b) Grcenlendinga pattr 145 

Notes 159 




The Icelandic discovery of America was first announced, in print, more than two 
centuries and a half ago. Within the past fifty years of this period, the discovery 
has attracted more general attention than during all of the interval preceding, — a fact, 
which is no doubt traceable to the publication, in 1837, of a comprehensive work 
upon the subject prepared by the Danish scholar, Carl Christian Rafn. Although 
it is now more than half a century since this book was published, Rafn is still 
very generally regarded as the standard authority upon the subject of which he 
treats. But his zeal in promulgating the discovery seriously prejudiced his judg- 
ment. His chief fault was the heedless confusing of all of the material bearing 
directly or indirectly upon his theme, — the failure to winnow the sound historical 
material from that which is unsubstantiated. Rafn offered numerous explanations 
of the texts which his work contained, and propounded many dubious theories and 
hazardous conjectures. With these the authors, who have founded their investiga- 
tions upon his work, have more concerned themselves than with the texts of the 
original documents. If less effort had been applied to the dissemination and defence 
of fantastic speculations, and more to the determination of the exact nature of the facts 
which have been preserved in the Icelandic records, the discovery should not have 
failed to be accepted as clearly established by sound historical data. Upon any other 
hypothesis than this it is difficult to account for the disposition American historians 
have shown to treat the Icelandic discovery as possible, from conjectural causes, 
rather than as determined by the historical records preserved by the fellow-country- 
men of the discoverers. 



Bancroft, in his History of the United States, gave form to this tendency many 
years ago, when he stated, that : 

•The story of the colonization of America by Northmen rests on narratives mythological 
in form, and obscure in meaning, ancient yet not contemporary 1 . The intrepid mariners 
who colonized Greenland could easily have extended their voyages to Labrador, and have 
explored the coasts to the south o/ it. No clear historic evidence establishes the natural 
probability that they accomplished the passage, and no vestige of their presence on our 
continent has been found 2 .' 

The latest historian of America, traversing the same field, virtually iterates 
this conclusion, when he says : 

' The extremely probable and almost necessary pre-Columbian knowledge of the north- 
eastern parts of America follows from the venturesome spirit of the mariners of those seas 
for fish and traffic, and from the easy transitions from coast to coast by which they would 
have been lured to meet more southerly climes. The chances from such natural causes are 
quite as strong an argument in favor of the early Northmen venturings as the somewhat 
questionable representations of the Sagas 3 .' 

The same writer states, elsewhere, in this connection, that : 

' Everywhere else where the Northmen went they left proofs of this occupation on the 
soil, but nowhere in America, except on an island on the east shore of Baffin's Bay, has 
any authentic runic inscription been found outside of Greenland V 

If the authenticity of the Icelandic discovery of America is to be determined 
by runic inscriptions or other archaeological remains left by the discoverers, it is 
altogether probable that the discovery will never be confirmed. The application 
of this same test, however, would render the discovery of Iceland very problematical. 
The testimony is the same in both cases, the essential difference between the two 
discoveries being, after all, that the one led to practical results, while the other, 
apparently, did not (1). The absence of any Icelandic remains south of Baffin's Bay 
makes neither for nor against the credibility of the Icelandic discovery, — although it 
may be said, that it is hardly reasonable to expect that, in the brief period of their 
sojourn, the explorers would have left any buildings or implements behind them, 
which would be likely to survive the ravages of the nine centuries that have elapsed 
since the discovery. 

1 If by colonization is meant the permanent settlement or continuous occupation of the country for 
a long series of years, it should be noted that its story rests on the fertile imaginations of comparatively 
recent editors, not upon the original Icelandic records. 

2 Bancroft, History of the United States, vol. i. ch. i. of the earlier editions. 

' Narrative and Critical History of America, edited by Justin Winsor, vol. ii. p. 33. 
* Winsor, loc. cit, vol. i. pp. 66, 67. 


The really important issue, which is raised by the paragraphs quoted, is the 
broader one of the credibility of the Icelandic records 1 . These records, in so 
far as they relate to the discovery, disentangled from wild theories and vague 
assumptions, would seem to speak best for themselves. It is true that Icelandic 
historical sagas do differ from the historical works of other lands, but this difference 
is one of form. The Icelandic saga is peculiarly distinguished for the pre- 
sentation of events in a simple, straightforward manner, without embellishment or 
commentary by the author. Fabulous sagas there are in Icelandic literature, but 
this literature is by no means unique in the possession of works both of history 
and romance, nor has it been customary to regard works of fiction as discrediting 
the historical narratives of a people which has created both. It is possible to 
discriminate these two varieties of literary creation in other languages, it is no less 
possible in Icelandic. There is, indeed, no clear reason why the statements of 
an historical saga should be called in question, where these statements are logically 
consistent and collaterally confirmed. 

The information contained in Icelandic literature relative to the discovery of 
America by the Icelanders, has been brought together here, and an attempt has been 
made to trace the history of each of the elder manuscripts containing this information. 
Inconsistencies have been noted, and discriminations made in the material, so far as 
the facts have seemed to warrant, and especially has an effort been made to avoid 
any possibility of confusion between expressions of opinion and the facts. 

It is not altogether consistent with the plan of this book, to suggest what seems 
to be established by the documents which it presents, these documents being offered 
to bear witness for themselves ; but a brief recapitulation of the conclusions to which 
a study of the documents has led, may not be amiss, since these conclusions differ 
radically, in many respects, from the views advanced by Rafn and his followers, and 
are offered with a view to point further enquiry, rather than to supplant it. 

The eldest surviving manuscript containing an account of the discovery of 
Wineland the Good, as the southernmost land reached by the Icelandic discoverers 
was called, was written not later than 1334. This, and a more recept manuscript 
containing virtually the same saga, present the most cogent and consistent account of 
the discovery which has been preserved. Many of the important incidents thereir 

1 Thus formulated by Winsor, 1. c, vol. i. p. 87: 'In regard to the credibility of the sagas, the 
northern writers recognize the change which came over the oral traditionary chronicles when the 
romancing spirit was introduced from the more southern countries, at a time while the copies of 
the sagas which we now have were making, after having been for so long a time orally handed down ; 
but they are not so successful in making plain what influence this imported spirit had on particular 
sagas, which we are asked to receive as historical records.' 

B 2 


set forth are confirmed by other Icelandic records of contemporary events, and the 
information which this saga affords is simply, naturally and intelligibly detailed. This 
information is of such a character, that it is natural to suppose that it was derived 
from the statements of those who had themselves visited the lands described : it is not 
conceivable from what other source it could have been obtained, and, except its 
author was gifted with unparalleled prescience, it could not have been a fabrication. 
According to this history, for such it clearly is, Wineland was discovered by a son of 
Eric Thorvaldsson, called the Red, the first Icelandic explorer and colonist of 
Greenland. This son, whose name was Leif, returning from a voyage to Norway, 
probably not later than the year iooo, was driven out of the direct track to Greenland, 
and came upon a country of which he had previously had no knowledge. He 
returned thence to Greenland, and reported what he had found, and an ineffectual 
attempt was made soon after to reach this strange land again. A few years later one 
Thorfinn Thordars ojij .called Karlsefni, an Icelander, who had recently arrived in 
Greenland, determined to renew the effort to find and explore the unknown country 
which Leif had seen. He organized an expedition and sailed away from Greenland 
toward the south-west. He first sighted a barren land, which, because of the large 
flat stones that lay strewn upon its surface, received the name of Helluland. 
Continuing thence, with winds from the north, the explorers next found a wooded 
land, to which they gave the name of Markland, from its trees, which, to these in- 
habitants of a treeless land, were a sufficiently distinguishing characteristic. Proceed- 
ing thence, they next descried a coast-land, along which they sailed, having the land 
upon their starboard side. The first portion of this land-fall proved to be a long, 
sandy shore, but when they had followed it for some time, they found it indented with 
bays and creeks, and in one of these they stopped, and sent two of their company 
inland to explore the country. These explorers, when they returned, brought with 
them, the one a bunch of grapes, the other an ear of wild ['self-sown'] grain. They 
hoisted anchor then, and sailed on until they came to a bay, at the mouth of which 
was an island with strong currents flowing about it. They laid their course into the 
bay, and, being pleased with the country thereabouts, decided to remain there the first 
winter, which proved to be a severe one. In the following year, Karlsefni, with the 
greater portion of his company, continued the advance southward, halting finally at a 
river, which flowed down from the land into a lake and thence into the sea. About 
the mouth of this river was shoal water, and it could only be entered at flood-tide ; 
they proceeded up the river with their ship, and established themselves not 
far from the sea, and remained here throughout the second winter. There were 
woods here, and in the low-lands fields of wild ' wheat,' and on the ridges grapes 
growing wild. Here for the first time they encountered the inhabitants of the country, 


to whom they gave the name of Skrellings (Skraelingjar), a name which seems to bear 
evidence of their opprobrium. In the spring after their arrival at this spot, they were 
visited for the second time by the Skrellings, with whom they now engaged in barter ; 
their visitors, however, becoming alarmed at the bellowing of a bull, which Karlsefni had 
brought with him, fled to their skin-canoes and rowed away. For three weeks after 
this, nothing was seen of the natives ; but, at the end of this interval, they returned in 
great numbers and gave battle to Karlsefni and his companions. The Skrellings 
finally withdrew, having lost several of their number, while two of Karlsefni's men 
had fallen in the affray. The explorers, although they were well content with the 
country, decided, after this experience, that it would be unwise for them to attempt to 
remain in that region longer, and they accordingly returned to the neighbourhood 
in which they had passed the first winter, where they remained throughout the third 
winter, and in the following spring set sail for Greenland. 

In a manuscript written probably between 1370 and 1390, but certainly before 
the close of the fourteenth century, are two detached narratives which, considered 
together, form another version of the history of the discovery and exploration of 
Wineland. In this account the discovery is ascribed to one Biarni Heriulfsson, 
and the date assigned to this event is fixed several years anterior to that of 
Leif Ericsson's voyage ; indeed, according to this account, Leif 's voyage to Wineland 
is not treated as accidental, but as the direct result of Biarni's description of the land 
which he had found. This version differs further, from that already described, in 
recounting three voyages besides that undertaken by Leif, making in all four voyages 
of exploration— the first headed by Leif, the second by' Leif's brother, Thorvald, the 
third by Karlsefni, and the fourth andJast_led_Jjy_ Fcey dis,- a natural daughter oLEric „ 
the Red. This account of the discovery is treated at length, and certain of its incon- 
sistencies pointed out in another place, and it is, therefore, not necessary to examine 
it more particularly here. The statement concerning the discovery of Wineland by 
Biarni Heriulfsson is not confirmed by any existing collateral evidence, while that 
which would assign the honour to Leif Ericsson is ; moreover, beyond the testimony 
of this, the Flatey Book, version, there is no reason to believe that more than a single 
voyage of exploration took place, namely, that of Thorfinn Karlsefni. So far as the 
statements of this second version coincide with that of the first, there seems to be no 
good reason for calling them in question ; where they do not, they may well receive 
more particular scrutiny than has been directed to them, hitherto, since the Flatey 
Book narrative is that which has generally been treated as the more important, and 
its details have, in consequence, received the greater publicity. 

Especially has one of the statements, which appears in this second version, claimed 
the attention of writers, who have sought to determine from it the site of Wineland. 


Rafn, by the ingenious application of a subtile theory, succeeded in computing from 
this statement the exact latitude, to the second, of the southernmost winter-quarters 
of the explorers, and for nearly fifty years after its publication Rafn's method of inter- 
pretation remained essentially unassailed. In 1883, however, Professor Gustav Storm, 
of Christiania, propounded a novel, but withal a simple and scientific interpretation 
of this passage ', which can hardly fail to appeal to the discernment of any reader who 
may not in advance have formed his conclusions as to where Wineland ought to have 
been. Professor Storm's method of interpretation does not seek to determine from 
the passage the exact spot which the explorers reached (for which, it may be remarked, 
the passage does not afford sufficiently accurate data), but he is enabled by his process 
of reasoning to determine a limit, north of which Wineland could not have been, and 
this limit is approximately 49 . A region not far removed to the southward of this 
latitude conforms sufficiently well to the descriptions of the country, given in the 
narratives of the exploration, to serve to confirm Professor Storm's result, and also 
the relative accuracy of the mooted passage itself. It will be apparent from an 
examination of this author's treatise that it is not necessarily proven that Wineland 
may not have been situated to the southward of latitude 49 , but it would seem to 
be wellnigh certain that thus far south it must have been. 

There is no suggestion in Icelandic writings of a permanent occupation of the 
country, and after the exploration at the beginning of the eleventh century, it is 
not known that Wineland was ever again visited by Icelanders, although it would 
appear that a voyage thither was attempted in the year 1121, but with what result is not 
known. That portion of the discovery known as Markland was revisited however, 
in 1347, by certain seamen from the Icelandic colony in Greenland. 

It will be seen from this summary that the Wineland history is of the briefest, 
but brief as it is, it has been put in jeopardy no less by those who would prove 
too much, than by those who would deny all. It may not be unprofitable in the 
present aspect of the question to appeal to the records themselves. 

1 Published in Arkiv for Nordisk Filologi, November, 1885, under the title 'Om Betydningen af 
" Eyktarstaor " i FlatjzSbogens Beretning om Vinlandsreiserne.' 


Early Fragmentary References to Wineland. 

Wineland the Good is first mentioned in Icelandic literature by the Priest Ari 
Thorgilsson [forgilsson], in a passage contained in his so-called fslendingabok [Ice- 
landers' Book]. Ari, commonly called the Learned [frooi], an agnomen which 
he received after his death 1 , was born in Iceland in the year 1067 2 , and lived to 
the ripe age of eighty-one 3 , acquiring a positive claim to the appellation ' hinn 
gamli' [the Old, the Elder], which is once given him 4 ; in this instance, however, 
to distinguish him from another of the same name 5 . Of Ari, the father of Icelandic 
historiography, the author of Heimskringla 6 , the most comprehensive of Icelandic 
histories, says in the prologue to his work: 

' The priest Ari Thorgilsson the Learned, Gelli's grandson, was the first of men here 
in the land [Iceland] to write ancient and modern lore in the Northern tongue ; he wrote 
chiefly in the beginning of his book, concerning Iceland's colonization and legislation, then 
of the law-speakers (2), how long each was in office 7 , down to the introduction of Christianity 
into Iceland, and then on to his own day. Therein he also treats of much other old lore, 
both of the lives of the kings of Norway and Denmark, as well as of those of England, as 
likewise of the important events, which have befallen here in the land, and all of his 
narrations seem to me most trustworthy. ... It is not strange that Ari should have been 
well-informed in the ancient lore, both here and abroad, since he had both acquired it from 
old men and wise, and was himself eager to learn and gifted with a good memory 8 .' 

1 fslendingab6c, ed. Finnur Jdnsson, Copenhagen, 1887, p. vi. 

2 Or, 1068. Cf. Maurer, 'Uber Ari Thorgilsson und sein Islanderbuch,' Germania, xv. p. 293; 
Mobius, Are's Islanderbuch, Leipzig, 1869, p. iv. n. 4. The date of Ari's birth is twice assigned, in the 
Icelandic Annals, to 1066, but this date is without collateral support. Cf. Islandske Annaler, ed. Storm, 
Christiania, 1888, pp. 58, 471. 

3 Chr. Worm says '91;' an obvious blunder, as is the explanation of 'hinn gamli' immediately 
following. Vide, Arae Multiscii Schedae de Islandia, Oxford, 17 16, p. 184. 

4 Kristni-Saga, Copenh. 1773, p. 104. 

5 Cf. Werlauff, De Ario Multiscio, Copenh. 1808, p. 13. 

By this name the great historical work, ' The Lives of the Kings of Norway,' is generally known. 
The name is derived from the introductory words of the history, ' Kringla heimsins su er mannf61kit 
byggir,' i.e. 'the world's orb, which is inhabited by mankind.' 

7 Lit. 'how long each spoke.' 

8 Heimskringla, ed. Unger, Christiania, 1868, pp. 2, 3. 


In the introduction to the fslendingabok, Ari says: 

' I first composed an fslendingabOk for our Bishops Thorlak [fwlakr] and Ketil [Ketill], 
and showed it to them, as well as to Ssemund (Ssemundr) the Priest. And forasmuch as they 
were pleased [either] to have it thus, or augmented, I accordingly wrote this [the "libellus" 1 ], 
similar in character, with the exception of the genealogy and lives of the kings, and have 
added that of which I have since acquired closer knowledge, and which is now more 
accurately set forth in this [the "libellus"] than in that 2 .' 

These words conjoined with the quoted statement concerning the character 
of the historian's work, and supplemented by references to Ari in other Icelandic 
writings 3 , have given rise to a controversy as to the probable scope of Ari's literary 
activity. Whether the conclusion be reached that Ari was the author of several 
books, as has been claimed, or that the f slendingabok, which has perished, to which 
he refers in the words above quoted, was a much larger and more comprehensive 
work than the so-called fslendingabok which has been preserved to us, there seems to 
be abundant reason for the belief that all of Ari's historical material was by no means 
comprised in the only book of his now existing, about whose authorship there 
can be no room for dispute 4 . Of this book, the so-called fslendingabok, the oldest 
manuscripts are two paper copies, of a lost parchment manuscript, belonging to 
the Arna-Magnaean Collection in the University Library of Copenhagen, which are 
known as 113 a and 113 b fol. At the end of 113 a, the scribe has written as follows : 

' These " Schedae " and narratives of the priest Ari the Learned are copied from a 
vellum in his own hand, as men believe, at Villingaholt, by the priest John Ellindsson [J(5n 
Erlendsson], Anno domini 1651, the next Monday after the third Sunday after Easter.' 

This John Erlendsson is known to have made transcripts of many of the sagas 

1 Ari, himself (?), heads the introduction to the so-called fslendingab6k with a Latin title, ' Incipit 
libellus Islandorum,' wherefore the Icelandic title of the later composition should be fslendinga- 
boeklingr, rather than fslendingab6k. Cf. Maurer, Uber Ari Thorgilsson, ubi sup., p. 312. 

s The proper interpretation of the passage, which is by no means as obvious as could be wished, is 
critically considered by Bjorn M. 6lsen in an article entitled ' Om Forholdet mellem de to Bearbejdelser 
af Are's Islaendingebog,' contained in Aarb^ger for Nordisk Oldkyndighed og Historie, Copenh. 1885, 
p. 341 et seq. 

» As in Landnamabok [Book of Settlement : the Domesday Book of Iceland] : ' So Ari Thorgilsson 
says, that twenty-five ships sailed to Greenland that summer,' &c, ch. 14, pt. 2 ; and again, ch. 15, pt. 5 : 
' Now we have considered briefly the settlement of Iceland, according to that which learned men have 
written, first, the priest Ari Thorgilsson the Learned,' &c. 

* The various views concerning the scope of Ari's authorship will be found in Maurer's and Gisen's 
articles, loc. cit., and in the latter author's admirable treatise, 'Ari i>orgilsson hinn fr6Si,' in Tfmarit hins 
fsl. b6kmenntafjelags, Reykjavik, 1889, pp. 214-40. Further, in the introduction to the ' Islanderbuch ' 
of Mobius, ubi sup., and in ' Bemerkninger om Are frodes Forfattervirksomhed,' contained in Pt. I. of 
Undersjzigelse af Kongesagaens Fremvsext by A. Gjessing, Christiania, 1873. 



for Bryniolf [Brynjolfr] Sveinsson, Bishop of Skalholt 1 . To this worthy bishop's 2 
literary ardour, and zeal in collecting the neglected treasures of his language, we 
owe the preservation of many manuscripts, which would, but for him, doubtless, 
have perished before the coming of the indefatigable collector, Ami Magnusson. 

Bishop Bryniolf, unfortunately, left no heir, interested in the preservation of his 
library, and his books were soon scattered. When Ami Magnusson visited Iceland, 
thirty years after the Bishop's death, and ransacked the island for surviving manu- 
scripts, the vellum of the fslendingabok, doubtless one of the oldest of Icelandic 
manuscripts, had entirely disappeared 3 . Concerning the two paper copies of this 
vellum, which he succeeded in obtaining, Ami has inserted the following memor- 
andum in the manuscript described as 113 b. fob: 

' The various different readings noted here throughout in my hand, are taken from another 
copy [113 a. fol] written by the Rev. John Erlendsson in 1651. This was formerly the 
property of the Rev. Torfi Jonsson [Jonsson] of Baer, who inherited it from Bishop Bryniolf 
Sveinsson ; I obtained it, however, from Thorlak, son of Bishop Thord [£orlakr f"6r6arson] ; 
it formed originally a portion of a large book, which I took apart, separating the 
treatises. This copy I have called " Codex B," signifying either " Baiensis 4 ," or the second, 
from the order of the letters of the alphabet. Concerning 'Codex B,' it is my conjecture 
that the Rev. John copied it first from the vellum ; that Bishop Bryniolf did not like the 
copy [for this Codex is less exact than Codex A, as may be seen by comparing them], . . . 
wherefore the Rev. John made a new copy of the parchment manuscript, taking greater care 
to follow the original literally, whence it is probable that this Codex A was both the later 
and the better copy.' 

Both of the paper manuscripts 'A' and ' B' were written, it is believed, within 
the same year, and in each of them the paragraphs containing the reference to Wine- 
land are almost identical; the Icelandic name in 'A' being spelt Winland, in 'B' 
Vinland, a clerical variation, devoid of significance. This paragraph, which is the 
sixth in Ari's history, is as follows : 

' That country which is called Greenland, was discovered and colonized from Iceland. 
Eric the Red [Eirekr enn Raupi] was the name of the man, an inhabitant of Breidafirth 

1 At that time an episcopal seat in southern Iceland. 

2 A brief but entertaining account of this remarkable man is contained in the Introduction to the 
Corpus Poeticum Boreale, Vigfusson and Powell, Oxford, 1883, vol. i. pp. xxii-xxv. 

3 Bishop Brynj61f died in 1675. Ami's visit was made between the years 1702 and 1712. For an 
account of Ami Magnusson' s life and labours, see ' Biographiske Efterretninger om Ame Magnussen ' ; 
ved Jon Olafsen fra Grunnavik. Med Indledning, &c, af E. C. Werlauff, contained in, Nordisk Tidskrift 
for Oldkyndighed, Copenh. 1836, pp. 1-166. 

* From the farmstead of Boer (Gaulverjaboer), at which it was obtained. 



[Breipfirscr], who went out thither from here, and settled at that place, which has since been 
called Ericsfirth [Eirfksfigrpr]. He gave a name to the country, and called it Greenland, 
and said, that it must persuade men to go thither, if the land had a good name. They found 
there, both east and west in the country, the dwellings of men, and fragments of boats,, and 
stone implements l f such that it may be perceived from these, that that manner of people had 
been there who have inhabited Wineland, and whom the Greenlanders call Skrellings 
[Scraelinga, nom. Skraelingjar]. And this, when he set about the colonization of the country, 
was XIV or XV winters 2 before the introduction of Christianity here in Iceland 3 , according 
to that which a certain man [lit. he], who himself accompanied Eric the Red thither, informed 
Thorkel [fcorkell] Gellisson.' 

This mention of Wineland, which in itself may appear to be of little importance, 
acquires its greatest value from that which it leaves unsaid ; for had Ari not known 
that his reference to Wineland and its inhabitants would be entirely intelligible to his 
readers, he would hardly have employed it, as he does, to inform his Greenland chronicle. 
This passing notice, therefore, indicates a general diffusion of the knowledge of the 
Wineland discoveries among Ari's contemporaries at the time when the paragraph 
was composed. The ' libellus ' [f slendingabok] was probably written about the year 
1134 4 , and we are accordingly apprised that at that time the facts concerning the Wine- 
land discovery, upon an acquaintance with which Ari seems to rely, were notorious. 
It is impossible, however, to determine whether Ari presumed upon a knowledge 
derived from particulars, which he had himself previously published, or upon a 
prevalent acquaintance with the accounts of the explorers themselves. It is, at least, 
questionable whether Ari would have been content to presuppose such local historical 
knowledge if he had not already sealed it with his own authority elsewhere. Nor is 
the importance which he may have assigned to the Wineland discovery material to 
this view. He had set about writing a chronicle of his fatherland, and his passing 
allusion to Wineland, without a word of explanation, appears incompatible with the 
duty which he had assumed, unless, indeed, he had already dealt with the subject of 
the Wineland discovery in a previous work. Be this as it may, however, certain it is, 
that Wineland has found further mention in two Icelandic works, which in their 
primitive form have been very generally accredited to Ari, namely the Landnamabok 
[Book of Settlement] and the Kristni-Saga [the Narrative of the Introduction of 

1 Cf. Nordisk Tidskrift for Oldkyndighed, Copenh. 1 83 2, pp. 223-4, where certain of these implements 
are described. 

s The customary expression for years, corresponding with our use of the word, ' summers,' as in 
the expression, he was a lad of twelve summers 

8 Christianity became the legalized religion of Iceland in the year 1000 ; the settlement of Greenland, 
therefore, according to Ari's chronology, must have taken place in 985 or 986. 

4 Cf. Mobius, Are's Islanderbuch, pp. xv, xvi ; Maurer, loc. cit. p. 315 ; fslendingab6c, ed. J6nsson, 
p. vi. 


Christianity into Iceland] x . The first of these, in a passage already cited 2 , expressly 
acknowledges Ari's share in the authorship 3 . One manuscript of this work, from 
which the passage is taken, [No. 371, 4to, in the Arna-Magnaean Collection], while it is 
the oldest extant manuscript containing the Landnamabok [now in an incomplete 
state] presents this in a later recension of the original work, than that which is 
contained in the much more modern manuscript, AM. 107, fol. This latter manuscript, 
like the copy of fslendingabok, was written by the Rev. John Erlendsson for Bishop 
Bryniolf Sveinsson *. Both of the references to Wineland in the Landnamabok occur 
incidentally in the course of the history, and are of the briefest. The first of these 
treats of the adventure of Ari Marsson [Marsson] ; it is to be found in Chapter 22, of 
the second part of the book, and is as follows : 

'. . . their 5 son was Ari. He was driven out of his course at sea to White-men's-land 
[Hvi'tramanna-land], which is called by some persons Ireland the Great [frland it mikla] (58) ; 
it lies westward in the sea near Wineland the Good [Vfnland it go5a] ; it is said to be six 
" doegra 6 " sail west of Ireland ; Ari could not depart thence, and was baptized there. The first 
account of this was given by Rafn who sailed to Limerick (3) [Hlimreksfari], and who remained 
for a long time at Limerick in Ireland. So Thorkel [forkell] Geitisson 7 states that Ice- 
landers report, who have heard Thorfinn, Earl of the Orkneys (4) [f>orfinnr jarl 1 Orkneyjum] 
say, that Ari had been recognized there, and was not permitted to leave [lit. could not leave], 
but was treated with great respect there.' 

The names of Ari Marsson's wife, and of his three sons are given in the same 
passage from which the quotation is made, and additional concurrent evidence is 
not wanting to serve to establish the existence of this man ; any particulars, however, 
which might serve to enlighten this narrative, or aid in determining whence Rafn 
and Earl Thorfinn derived their intelligence, are lacking. Without free conjectural 

1 Cf. Storm, Snorre Sturlassons Historieskrivning, Copenh. 1873, pp. 50, 51 ; Vigfusson, Prole- 
gomena to Sturlunga Saga, Oxford, 1878, vol. i. pp. xxx, xxxi, and xxxiv; Brenner, Uber die Kristni- 
Saga, Munich, 1878, pp. 4, 5. 

2 Note 3, p. 8. 

3 In the Saga of Bishop Paul it is stated that ' The priest Ari the Learned, who has related much 
old lore, tells how greatly our land was bowed down upon the death of Bishop Gizur, whom the people 
looked upon as the foremost man in Iceland.' Pals saga, in Biskupa Sogur, Copenh. 1858, vol. i. p. 145. 
This passage Vigfusson regards as a recognition of Ari's share in the authorship of the Kristni-Saga. 
Cf. Prolegomena to Sturlunga Saga, p. xxxiv. 

4 The Landndmab6k containing, as it does, the ground-work of Icelandic biographical history, was 
a favourite subject for the copyist. The editor of the first printed edition states in his preface that his 
text was diligently compiled and collated from five different manuscripts. Cf. Pref. Sagan Landn&ma, 
Skaholt, 1 688. 

' their,' i.e. Mar of Reykh61ar and £6rkatla. c Cf. note 46. 

7 Or Gellisson. Cf. Gronlands historiske Mindesma?rker, Copenh. 1838, vol. i. pp. 167, 8. 

C 2 



emendation to aid in its interpretation, this description of Ari Marsson's visit to 
Ireland the Great is of the same doubtful historical value as a later account of another 
visit to an unknown land, to be considered hereafter. 

The second reference to Wineland in the Landnamabok is contained in a list of 
the descendants of Snorri Head-Thord's son [Snorri Hof $a-£Or$arson] : 

'Their 1 son was Thord Horse-head [l>6ror Hest-hof5i], father of Karlsefni, who found 
Wineland the Good, Snorri's father,' &c. a 

A genealogy which entirely coincides with that of the histories of the discovery 
of Wineland, as well as with that of the episcopal genealogy appended to the 1 slend- 
ingabok 3 . The Landnamabok contains no other mention of Wineland, but a more 
extended notice is contained in the work already named, which, in its present form, is 
supposed to retain evidence of the learned Ari's pen. 

The Kristni-Saga, which is supplementary, historically, to the Landnamabok, is 
given in its entirety in AM. 105, fol. This is a paper copy of an earlier manuscript 
made by the same industrious cleric, John Erlendsson, for Bishop Bryniolf. A 
portion of the same history has also been preserved along with the detached leaves 
of the Landnamabok now deposited in the Arna-Magnaean' Collection, No. 371, 4to. 
These fragments of the two histories originally belonged to one work, the so-called 
Hauk's Book [Hauksbok], a vellum manuscript of the fourteenth century, hereafter to 
be more fully described. The history of the Wineland discovery is contained in the 
eleventh chapter of the printed edition of the Kristni-Saga, in the following words : 

'That summer (6) King Olaf [Tryggvason] went from the country southward to Vindland 
[the land of the Wends]; then, moreover, he sent Leif Ericsson [Leifr Ein'ksson] to 
Greenland, to proclaim the faith there. On this voyage [lit. then] Leif found Wineland the 
Good ; he also found men on a wreck at sea, wherefore he was called Leif the Lucky [Leifr 
hinn heppni] V 

Of the same tenor as this brief paragraph of the Kristni-Saga, is a chapter in the 
Codex Frisianus [Frissbok], number 45, fol., of the Arna-Magnaean manuscripts. This 
Codex Frisianus, or, as it has been more appropriately called, the Book of Kings 
[Konungabok], is a beautifully written and well-preserved parchment manuscript of 
124 leaves ; it obtains its name from a former owner, Otto Friis of Sailing ; it subse- 

1 ' Their,' i. e. Snorri Head-Thordsson and Thorhild Ptarmigan [£>6rhildr rjupa], the daughter of 
Thord the Yeller [l>6r8r gellir]. 

J Landnamab6k, Part III. chap. xi. » Cf. fslendingab6c, ed. J6nsson, p. 18. 

4 ' fat sumar f6r 6lafr komingr or landi sufir til Vindlands ; pa sendi hann ok Leif Eirfkssun til 
Grcenalands, at bo8a par trii ; pa fann Leifr Vfnland hit g65a, hann fann ok menn a skipfiaki 1 hafi, pvf 
var hann kalla8r Leifr hinn heppni.' Kristni saga, ed. in Biskupa Sogur, Copenh. 1858, vol. i. p. 20. 


quently became the property of one Jens Rosenkranz, and next passed into the 
possession of Ami Magnusson 1 . Friis' Book was, in all probability, written about the 
beginning of the fourteenth century 2 ; and if the conjectures as to its age are correct, 
it is, perhaps, the oldest extant Icelandic manuscript containing an account of the Wine- 
land discovery. It is believed, from internal evidence, that the greater part of the 
Codex was written by an Icelander, in Norway, possibly for a Norwegian, and that the 
manuscript was never in Iceland 3 . The early history of the Codex is not known. 
Certain marginal notes appear to have been inserted in the manuscript about the year 
1550 by Lawman Laurents Hansson, and it is conjectured that the book was then 
owned in Bergen * ; fifty years later we find it in Denmark ; for about the year 1600 
a, Dane, by the name of Slangerup [Slangendorpius], inserted his name upon a 
fly-leaf in the book, which leaf, Ami Magnusson tells us, was removed when he had 
the manuscript bound 5 . In this ' Book of Kings,' the Saga of Olaf Tryggvason, in 
which the history of the discovery of Wineland occurs, follows closely the same saga 
as it was written in the two lost parchment manuscripts of the ' Heimskringla,' as 
we are enabled to determine from the copies of these lost vellums made by the Ice- 
lander, Asgeir Jonsson [Asgeirr Jonsson] 6 . It is not known whether the author of 
the ' Heimskringla ' had access to the history of the Wineland discovery in some 
such extended form as that contained in Hauk's Book ; indeed it has been suggested, 
that he may only have been acquainted with the brief narrative of the Kristni-Saga 7 , 
but certain it is, that his account of the discovery was not influenced by the version 
presented in the Flatey Book, which narrative appears in the first printed edition 
of the ' Heimskringla,' where it was interpolated by the editor, Johann Peringskiold 8 . 

1 Thus Arni Magnusson' s entry: 'Bokina hefir 4tt Otto Friis i Sailing. Sl5an Etats-Raad Jens 
Rosencrantz, og eptir hann eignadest eg b6kina.' Cf. Katalog over den Arna-Magnseanske Handskrift- 
samling, Copenh. 1888, vol. i. p. 33. 

2 Cf. Unger, Codex Frisianus, Christiania, 1871 : Forord, p. iii [i.e. p. 1]. Dr. Gustav Storm gives 
the date as about the year 1300; cf. his Sigurd Ranesson's Proces, Christiania, 1877, p. 44; Vigfusson 
would make the manuscript still older, namely ' c. 1260-80.' Cf. Corpus Poeticum Boreale, Oxford, 
1883, vol. i. p. xlix. If this last view is sound, then the MS. is decidedly older than Hauk's Book, the 
earliest manuscript mentioning Wineland, of whose date we have certain knowledge. 

3 Cf. Unger, Codex Frisianus, Christiania, 1871, Forord. 
* Cf. Storm, Sigurd Rannessons Proces, ubi sup. p. 44. 

6 Cf. Katalog o. d. AM. Hdskrsmlg., vol. i. p. 33. 

6 The two parchment manuscripts belonging to the Library of the University of Copenhagen, called 
Kringla [i.e. Heimskringla], and Jofraskinna (King's vellum), were destroyed by the fire of 1728. The 
copies, which had, fortunately, been made, have been preserved. Cf. Unger, Heimskringla, Christiania, 
1868, Forord, p. iii (i.e. p. 1). 

7 Cf. Storm, Snorre Sturlassons Historieskrivning, Copenh. 1873, p. 60. 

8 Cf. Peringskiold's edition, Heimskringla, Eller Snorre Sturlusons Nordlandske Sagor, Stockholm, 
1697, chs. civ-cxi. vol. i. pp. 326-50. 


Similarly, any trace of the Flatey Book version of the discovery is lacking from 
Friis' Book, although the author of the saga of Olaf Tryggvason, therein contained, 
appears to have been acquainted with a somewhat more detailed account of Leif 
Ericsson's life than that afforded by the Kristni-Saga, if we may judge from his own 
language, as we find it in column 136, page 34 b, of the manuscript : 


'Leif, a son of Eric the Red, passed this same winter, in good repute, with King 
Olaf, and accepted Christianity. And that summer 1 , when Gizur went to Iceland, King 
Olaf sent Leif to Greenland to proclaim Christianity there. He sailed that summer to 
Greenland. He found men upon a wreck at sea and succoured them. Then, likewise, he 
discovered Wineland the Good, and arrived in Greenland in the autumn. He took with him 
thither a priest and other spiritual teachers, and went to Brattahlid to make his home with 
his father, Eric. People afterwards called him Leif the Lucky. But his father, Eric, said that 
one account should balance the other, that Leif had rescued the ship's crew, and this that he 
had brought the trickster to Greenland. This 2 was the priest V 

Almost identical with the history of the discovery contained in Friis' Book is that 
of the so-called longer saga of Olaf Tryggvason. This saga, in its printed form, has 
been compiled from several manuscripts of the Arna-Magnaean collection, the most 
important of which is No. 61, fol., a codex dating from about the year 1400 4 . This 
account is contained in the 231st chapter of the printed version 5 as follows : 

'King Olaf then 6 sent Leif to Greenland to proclaim Christianity there. The king 
sent a priest and other holy men with him, to baptize the people there, and to instruct them 

1 The summer of the year in which King* Olaf Tryggvason fell, i.e. the summer of the year 1000. 

2 i.e. 'the trickster.' 

" ' Fvndz'/ Vfnla«d g65a. t»en«a sama vetr war Leifr son Eirfks hins RavSa meb* ()\dfi konungi vel 
metinw, ok t6k via* krzstni. En» helta. svmar, er Gizurr f6r til 1 slawdz sendi 6\q/r konungr Leif til 
Gramkwdz, at boSa par kr'stni. F6r hann pa/ svmar til Grsenla«dz. Han« fan« f hafi main a 
skips-flaki ok hialpafii peim. M fanw [hann] ok Vfn-la«d hit g68a, ok kom of havstit U'l Grsenla»dz. 
Hann hafSi panwig prest ok a8ra kenni-main, ok f6r til vistar 1 Bratta-hlf5 til Eiriks fyffur sins. 
Menn kollttfo hann sfSan Leif hinw hepna. Enw Eiiikr, fa8/r hans, sagSi svd at hat var samskvllda, er 
Leifr haf8i borgit skips-hgfn manna I hafi, ok bat er hann haf8i flutt skaemaiwinw til Gr^nlandz. Pal 

* Cf. Katalog o. d. AM. Hdskrsmlg., Copenh. 1888, vol. i. p. 40. 

* Fornmanna-sogur, Copenh. 1826, vol. ii. pp. 245, 246. 

6 In the summer of the year 1000, according to Vigfusson's reckoning. If the chronology be 
controlled by the statement in the same paragraph of the saga corresponding to that of Friis' Book, that 
Leif made this voyage in the same year in which King Olaf despatched Gizur the White [hvfti] and Hjalti 
Skeggjason to Iceland on a similar mission, then, according to Vigfusson, the date of Leif s voyage, here 
described, would appear to have been the year 1000. Cf. Vigfusson, ' Um Tfmatal f fslendfnga Sogum,' 
in, Safn til Sogu fslands, Copenh. 1856, vol. i. pp. 432, 433. 


in the true faith. Leif sailed to Greenland that summer, and rescued at sea the men of 
a ship's crew, who were in great peril and were clinging to [lit. lay upon] the shattered 
wreckage of a ship ; and on this same voyage he found Wineland the Good, and at the end 
of the summer arrived in Greenland, and betook himself to Brattahlid, to make his home 
with his father, Eric. People afterwards called him Leif the Lucky, but his father, Eric, 
said that the one [deed] offset the other, in that Leif had on the one hand rescued and 
restored the men of the ship's crew to life, while on the other he had brought the trickster 1 
to Greenland, for thus he called the priest'.' 

In composition, doubtless, much more recent than the notices already cited, is a 
passage in the collectanea of Middle-age wisdom known as No. 194, 8vo, of the Arna- 
Magnaean Library. This manuscript contains fifty-two pages, part of which are in 
Icelandic and part in Latin, written between the years 1400-1450 s . From a slip in 
Ami Magnusson's hand, inserted in the collection, it appears that Ami obtained it 
from the Rev. Thorvald Stephensson [forvaldr Stefansson] in the year 1707. What- 
ever its condition may have been at that time, the parchment upon which it is written 
is now in a sad state of decay. In this respect page 10 of the vellum, upon the back 
of which the Wineland chorography is written, in Icelandic, is no exception ; fortu- 
nately, however, the lacunae are so inconsiderable in this page, that they may be 
readily supplied from that which survives, and the Wineland passage appears as 
follows : 

'Southward from Greenland is Helluland, then comes [lit. is] Markland; thence it is not 
far to Wineland the Good, which some men believe extends from Africa, and, if this be so, 
then there is an open sea flowing in between Wineland and Markland. It is said, that 
Thorfinn 4 Karlsefni hewed a " house-neat-timber " (6) and then went to seek Wineland the Good, 
and came to where they believed this land to be, but they did not succeed in exploring it, or 
in obtaining any of its products (7). Leif the Lucky first found Wineland, and he then found 

1 Sktzmanninn. This word is employed in old Icelandic to translate the ' hypocrite ' of the New 
Testament. Vide Vigfusson, Diet. s. v. ski. 

2 ' [A] pvi sama vari sendi (Dldfr konungx Gizur ok Hj'alli til Islan&z, sent adr er xitaa~, pa sendi 
konungx ok Leif Eirfkss<?« til Grasnkwdz, at boSa par krz'stni. Fek£ konungx honum prest ok ngekurra 
a5ra vfgda menn, at skfra par fdlk ok ken«a peim trii x6tla. F6r Leifr pal sumar U'l Grcex&andz. Hann 
t6k f hafi skipshofn peixz. xaanna, er pa vari vfarir, ok lagu d skips-flaki albrotnu, ok f peix'i somv 
ierb fanrc hann Vindlawd (sic) hit g63a ok horn at a-li5nu pvi svmri U'l Grcznlandz, ok f6r U'l vistar i 
Brattahlf5 U'l TZixiks igpur sins. Kolludu menn hann sipan Leif hin« heppna. E« Eixi&r idSir bans 
sagSi at pal var samskullda, er Leifr hafSi borgit ok gefz'/ Iff skips-hofn xaanna ok pat er hann ha/Si 
flutt skemanmnn til GrcexAan&z, svd kallaSi hann prestin. En p6 af raduw ok eggian Leifs var Eirfkr 
skfrSr ok alt f61k & Gra?nl<z;zdi.' AM. 61 fol., col. 2, p. 60 b, and col. 1, p. 61. 

8 The date is given upon the authority of Dr. Kalund, the Librarian of the Arna-Magna?an Library. 

4 In the Codex ; ' forfiSr,' equivalent to forfinnr, as in the terminations -8r, -nnr, in ma8r, mannr, 
' man.' Cf. Tamm, ' Altnordisch NNR, DR,' in Beitrage zur Geschichte der deutschen Sprache und 
Literatur, Halle, 0. S., 1880, pp. 445-54. 


merchants in evil plight at sea, and restored them to life by God's mercy ; and he introduced 
Christianity into Greenland, which waxed there so, that an episcopal seat was established 
there, at the place called Gardar. England and Scotland are one island, although each 
of them is a kingdom. Ireland is a great island. Iceland is also a great island [to the north 
of] Ireland. These countries are all in that part of the world which is called Europe 1 .' 

In a fascicle of detached vellum fragments, brought together in AM. No. 736, 4to, 
there are two leaves containing, besides certain astronomical material, a concise 
geographical compilation. In this Wineland is assigned a location identical with 
that in the codex from which the quotation has just been made, and the notice of 
Wineland is limited to this brief statement : 

' From Greenland to the southward lies Helluland, then Markland ; thence it is not far 
to Wineland, which some men believe extends from Africa. England and Scotland are one 
island,' &c. 2 

While the reference to Wineland omits the account of Thorfinn's visit and Leif's 
discovery, the language in which the location of the land is given, as well as the 
language of the context, has so great a likeness to that of 194, 8vo, that, although it 
was perhaps written a few years earlier, there seems to be a strong probability that 
each of the scribes of these manuscripts derived his material from a common source. 

Somewhat similar in character to the above notices is the brief reference written 
in the vellum fragment contained in AM. 764, 4to. This fragment comprises a so- 
called ' totius orbis brevis descriptio,' written probably about the year 1400 3 . Upon 
the second page of this ' brief description ' is the passage : 

1 ' Su6r frd Gr<znla«di er Hellula«d, bi er Markla«d : p[& e]r (or, patian er) eigi langt U'l Vfnkndz 
ens g68a, er sum/'r menu setla at gawgi af Affrfka ok ef svd er, pa er uthaf inwfallanda i. milli Vfnla«dz 
ok Marklandz. Pa/ er sagt ath k>rfi8r Karlsefni hpggi husasnotrotr/, ok faeri sl&an ath leita Vfnlandz 
ens g68a ok kaemi par er p«'r aetluSu pa/ \and ok na8u eigi ath kanwa ok einguw \andz\osinm. Leifr 
hinrt hepni fan» fystr Vfnlawd, ok p& fanw hann kaupmenn 1 hafinu ilia stadda ok gaf beiva Iff meb gu$s 
miskunw : ok hann kom kr/'stni a [Gra-n]la«d ok 6x bar svd ath bar var bMy£«psst611 settr, bar er i 
GQt&um heiu'r. Eingla«d ok Skotlawd er ein ey, ok er p6 sitt h[vert] k[o»«»]g[s] Tiki, frland [er] 
ey mikil. island er ok ey mikil [f nor8r frd lilandi]. Pessi Ignd ero 9II f bei'm hluta. hems er 
Eyr6pa hehir.' 

The words or portions of words which are enclosed between brackets are either wholly or partially 
wanting, by reason of defects in the vellum ; they have been supplied either from the traces, which are 
still decipherable, or from the context. It will be noticed that no considerable break occurs in that 
part of the paragraph which deals particularly with Wineland. 

2 ' Fro" Graenkwdi i su8r lig[g]r Hellv-land, pa Mark-la»d, paSan er eigi langt U'l Vinlad (sic), er 
sumi'r menw setla at gangi af Affrfca. England oc Scotland era ein ey.' AM. 736, I, 4to, p. 1, 
11. 28, 29. 

* The opinion of Dr. Finnur J6nsson, the editor of fslendingab6c, Eddalieder, &c. 


' From Biarmaland uninhabited regions extend from the north, until Greenland joins 
them. South from Greenland lies Helluland, then Markland. Thence it is not far to 
Wineland. Iceland is a great island,' &c. * 

Differing in nature from these geographical notices [but of even greater interest 
and historical value by reason of the corroborative evidence which it affords of 
certain particulars set forth in the leading narrative of the Wineland discovery] is the 
mention of Wineland contained in a chapter of the Eyrbyggja Saga [Saga of the People 
of Eyrr]. No complete vellum manuscript of this saga has been preserved. The 
eldest manuscript remnant of the saga is deposited in AM. 162 E, fol., and consists of 
two leaves written about 1300 2 ; these leaves do not, however, contain that portion of 
the saga with which we are concerned. Of another vellum codex containing this 
saga, which has entirely perished, we have certain knowledge. This was the so- 
called Vatnshyrna or Vatnshorn's Book [Vatzhornsbok], a manuscript which at one 
time belonged to the eminent Danish scholar, Peder Hans Resen, from whom 
it received the name by which it is sometimes cited, Codex Resenianus. It was 
bequeathed by Resen to the University Library of Copenhagen, where it was 
deposited after his death in 1688 3 . It perished in the great fire of October, 1728 4 , 
but fortunately paper copies, which had been made from it, survived the conflagration. 
The Vatnshorn Codex, it has been conjectured, was prepared for the same John Hacons- 
son, to whom we are indebted for the great Flatey Book, and was, apparently, written 
about the year 1400, or, possibly, toward the close of the fourteenth century 5 . The 
most complete vellum manuscript of the Eyrbyggja Saga now extant, forms a part of the 
so-called Codex Wolphenbuttelensis, belonging to the Ducal Library of Wolfenbuttel, 
for which it was purchased in the seventeenth century, at a public sale in Holstein. 
This manuscript was probably written about the middle of the fourteenth century 6 , 
and although the first third of the Eyrbyggja Saga has been lost from the codex, that 
portion of the history which contains the chapter referring to Wineland has been 
preserved, and is as follows : 

1 ' Af Biarmak«di gangs, lpnd <5bygd af nordr sett, unz Grsenknd tekr met. Sudr tra Gnenhndi 
liggr Hellu l««d, £>a Markland. fa^an er eigthngt til Ufnl<zn</z.' AM. 764, 4to, p. 1 (b), 11. 27, 28. 

2 Cf. Katalog over den Arnamag. Handskr. Saml., Copenh. 1888, vol. i. p. 123. 

3 Cf. Fornsogur, ed. Vigfusson and Mobius, Leipzig, i860, p. xiv; Worm, Lexicon, Helsingp'er, 
1 771, i Deel, p. 256. 

* It was among the most valuable of the manuscripts which were lost in this fire, the same which 
destroyed many of Ami Magnusson's treasured books, and, no doubt, hastened the end of that ardent 
bibliophile, for he survived the loss little more than a year, dying on the 6th of January, 1730. 

6 Cf. Fornsogur, ubi sup. pp. xv, xvi; BarSar saga snsefellsass, &c, ed. Vigfusson, Copenh. i860, 
p. xi. 

6 Vigfusson, Eyrbyggja Saga, Leipzig, 1864, pp. xxiii, xxiv. 



'After the reconciliation between Steinthor and the people of Alpta-firth, Thorbrand's 
sons, Snorri and Thorleif Kimbi, went to Greenland. From him 1 Kimbafirth [KimbafjorSr], 
(in Greenland), gets its name. Thorleif Kimbi lived in Greenland to old age. But Snorri 
went to Wineland the Good with Karlsefni ; and when they were fighting with the Skrellings 
there in Wineland, Thorbrand Snorrason 2 , a most valiant man, was killed V 

The foregoing brief notices of Wineland, scattered through so many Icelandic 
writings, yield no very great amount of information concerning that country. They 
do afford, however, a clear insight into the wide diffusion of the intelligence of the 
discovery in the earlier saga period, and in every instance confirm the Wineland 
history as unfolded in the leading narrative of the discovery, now to be considered. 

1 i. e. from Thorleif, who was called i>orleifr kimbi. 

2 Cod. Wolph. has Snorri Thorbrandsson, apparently a clerical slip, for other manuscripts have, 
correctly, Thorbrand Snorrason. 

8 'Eptir saett p«'ra Stein86rs ok Alptfirpj'wga, Wu forbrandz synir til Grsenakwdz, Snorri ok 
Porleift kimbi, uit [hann] er kendr Kimbafjor8r [a Grcenlandi]. Bid fwleifr kimbi a Gramla«di t/7 
elli. En Snorri f6r U'l Umlandz hins g68a me8 Karlsefni ; ok er p«'r bprSuz i UmWdi ui'd Skrslinga 
pa fiell Snorri forbrandz son hin« hraustazti m«?r.' Codex Wolphenbuttelensis, p. 20, 11. 12-16. 

The Saga of Eric the Red. 

The clearest and most complete narrative of the discovery of Wineland, preserved 
in the ancient Icelandic literature, is that presented in the Saga of Eric the Red. 
Of this narrative two complete vellum texts have survived. The eldest of these texts 
is contained in the Arna-Magnaean Codex, No. 544, 410, which is commonly known as 
Hauk's Book [Hauksbok]. This manuscript has derived its name from its first owner, 
for whom the work was doubtless written, and who himself participated in the labour 
of its preparation. This man, to whom the manuscript traces its origin, has, happily, 
left, not only in the manuscript itself, but in the history of his time, a record which 
enables us to determine, with exceptional accuracy, many dates in his life, and from 
these it is possible to assign approximate dates to that portion of the vellum which 
contains the narrative of the discovery. This fact possesses the greater interest since 
of no one of those who participated in the conservation of the elder sagas, have we 
data so precise as those which have been preserved to us of Hauk Erlendsson [Haukr 
Erlendsson], to whose care, actual and potential, this manuscript owes its existence. 

We know that Jorunn, the mother of this man, was the direct descendant of a 
famous Icelander 1 . His paternal ancestry is not so clearly established. It has been 
conjectured that his father, Erlend Olafsson, surnamed the Stout [Erlendr sterki 
Olafsson], was the son of a man of humble parentage, and by birth a Norwegian 2 . 
This view has been discredited, however, and the fact pretty clearly established 
that Erlend's father, Olaf, was no other than a certain Icelander called Olaf Tot 
[Olafr tottr] 3 . Hauk's father, Erlend, was probably the ' Ellindr bondi ' of a letter 
addressed by certain Icelanders to the Norwegian king, Magnus Law-Amender, 
in the year 1275 4 . In the year 1283 we find indubitable mention of him in 

1 Her genealogy is given at length in Landnamab6k, pt. ii. ch. xxv. 

2 Cf. Munch, ' Om Rigsraaden Hr. Hauk Erlendsson,' in Annaler for Nordisk Oldkyndighed, Copenh. 
1847, pp. 172, 173. 

s Cf. J6n fcorkelsson, Nokkur blo3 ur Hauksb6k, Reykjavik, 1865, pp. iii-vi. 
* Cf. Diplomatarium Islandicum, Copenh. 1888, vol. ii. p. 125, and, Safn til Sogu Islands, Copenh. 
1 86 1, vol. ii. p. 44. 

D 2 


Icelandic annals as 'legifer,' he having in that year 'come out' to Iceland from 
Norway vested with the dignity of 'lawman 1 .' It is as the incumbent of a similar 
office, to which he appears to have been appointed in 1294, that we first find Hauk 
Erlendsson mentioned 2 . It is not unlikely that Hauk had visited Norway prior 
to 1301 ; there can be no doubt that he was in that country in the latter part of that 
year, for he was a ' lawman ' in Oslo [the modern Christiania] upon the 28th of 
January, 1302, since upon that date he published an autographic letter, which is still in 
existence 3 . Whether the rank of knighthood, which carried with it the title of 
' herra 4 ,' had already been conferred upon him at this time is not certain. He is first 
mentioned with this title, in Icelandic annals, in 1306, elsewhere in 1305 5 , 
although it has been claimed that he had probably then enjoyed this distinction for 
some years , but upon what authority is not clear. While Hauk revisited Iceland 
upon more than one occasion after the year 1302, much of the remainder of his life 
appears to have been spent in Norway, where he died in the year 1334 7 . 

On the back of page 21 of Hauk's Book Ami Magnusson has written, probably 
with a view to preserve a fading entry upon the same page, the words : ' This book 
belongs to Teit Paulsson [Teitr Palsson], if he be not robbed 8 .' It is not known who 
this Teit Paulsson was, but it is recorded that a man of this name sailed from Iceland 
to Norway in the year 1344 9 . He may have been the one-time owner of the book, 
and, if the manuscript was then in Norway, may have carried it back to Iceland with 
him. Apart from this conjecture, the fact remains that the early history of Hauk's Book 
is shrouded in obscurity. It is first mentioned in the beginning of the seventeenth 

1 Tslandske Annaler, ed. Storm, Christiania, 1888, pp. 50, 142, &c. 

2 Islandske Annaler, ubi sup. pp. 144, 198, 485 ; but on the other hand, one entry [Flatey Annals], 
P- 3 8 5> gives this date, 1295. 

8 Cf. k>rkelsson, loc. cit. p. vii. , 

4 Cf. Arna biskups saga: 'A pessu ari gaf Magnus koniingr lendum monnum baruna nbfn ok 
herra, en skutilsveinum riddara n6fn ok herra.' (' In this year [1277] King Magnus conferred upon the 
"landed men" the titles of " baron " and " herra," and upon the table-pages the titles of "knight" 
and "herra." ') Biskupa Sogur, Copenh. 1858, vol. i. p. 706. 

e Islandske Annaler, ubi sup. passim. He is last named in Norwegian documents without the 
title in 1304, and is called simply 'Haukr Erlendsson lpgma5r,' Diplomatarium Norvegicum, Chris- 
tiania, 1849, vol. i. p. 93, No. 103. The title 'herra' is first assigned him in these documents in 
1305, Dip. Norv. vol. i. p. 96, No. 106. 

6 Cf. kirkelsson, loc. cit. p. viii; Munch, loc. cit. p. 176. 

7 Islandske Annaler, ubi sup. passim, except p. 219, where the year of his death is given as 1332, 
which date, however, is not reconcilable with Munklffab6k, ed. Christiania, 1845, p. 89. Munch, loc. cit. 
p. 178, gives the date of his death June 3rd, 1334. 

* Cf. Formali, Biskupa Sogur, Copenh. 1858, vol. i.p. xviii, and Katalog over den Arnamagnzeanske 
Handskriftsamling, Copenh. 1889, vol. i. p. 686. 

* Islandske Annaler, ubi sup. p. 353. 


century by John the Learned [Jon laeroi] 1 , possibly about 1600 2 , and a few years later 
by Arngrim Jonsson [Arngrimr Jonsson] 3 ; it was subsequently loaned to Bishop 
Bryniolf Sveinsson, who caused the transcripts of the Landnamabok and the Kristni 
Saga to be made from it, as has already been related. This part of the codex 
the Bishop may have returned to the owner, himself retaining the remainder, for, with 
the exception of the two sagas named, Ami Magnusson obtained the codex from 
Gaulveriabcer in the south of Iceland, and subsequently the remaining leaves of the 
missing sagas from the Rev. Olaf Jonsson [Sira 6lafr Jonsson], who was the clergy- 
man at Stad in Grunnavik [StaSr i Grunnavik], in north-western Iceland, between the 
years 1703 and 1707 4 . 

Hauk's Book originally contained about 200 leaves 5 , with widely varied 
contents. Certain leaves of the original manuscript have been detached from the 
main body of the book, and are now to be found in the Arna-Magnaean Collection, 
under Nos. 371 and 675, 4*0 ; a portion has been lost, but 107 leaves of the original 
codex are preserved in AM. 544, 4to. With the exception of those portions just 
referred to, that part of the manuscript which treats of the Wineland discovery is to 
be found in this last mentioned volume, from leaves 93 to 101 [back] inclusive. The 
saga therein contained has no title contemporary with the text, but Ami Magnusson 
has inserted, in the space left vacant for the title, the words : ' Here begins the Saga 
of Thorfinn Karlsefni and Snorri Thorbrandsson ' [' Her hefr upp sogu peirra fcorfinnz 

1 Cf. Ami Magnusson's note in, Katalog over den Arnamagnseanske Handskriftsamling, vol. i. 
p. 590. 

2 Formali, Biskupa Sogur, ubi sup. p. xii. 

s Arngrimus Ionas, Specimen Islandiae Historicum, Amsterdam, 1643, p. 154. 

* Ami Magnusson's own words are : ' These leaves of Landnama book, as well as those of 
Christendom's saga, I have obtained, for the most part, from Sr. Olaf Jonsson, but Sr. Olafs father [Sr. 
John Torfason of Stad in Sugandis-firth] obtained these leaves from a neighbouring farmer there in the 
west, and took them all apart, separating each sheet from the other to use them for binding. . . . But 
the volume itself ... I obtained [if I remember aright] from Gaulveriabser in F16i, whither, without 
doubt, it drifted after the death of Mag. Bryniolf. ... It is most probable that the book came first from 
the West firths, and that its owner, from whom Mag. Bryniolf borrowed it, carried back Landnama to 
the West, while the rest remained in the South, unless Landnama had already been separated from the 
volume, when it came into Mag. Bryniolf's hands, and he accordingly had the book in two parts.' 
Ami's notes, in the same codex from which the above is quoted, would indicate, that the greater part of 
the manuscript had come into his possession before 1702; a few leaves he obtained subsequently, and 
how greatly he prized this manuscript is indicated by his own words in a letter, which he wrote in the 
hope that it might still be possible to obtain the missing leaves of Landnama ; in this letter he calls 
the fragment, which he had already secured, ' inter pretiosissima eorum quae mihi sunt.' Cf. Katalog 
over den Arnamagnaeanske Handskriftsamling, ubi sup. vol. i. p. 590. 

5 Cf. Formali, Biskupa Sogur, ubi sup. vol. i. p. xviii; Prolegomena, Sturlunga Saga, Oxford, 1878, 
vol. i. p. clx. 



Karlsefnis oc Snorra torbrandzsonar '], although it is not apparent whether he himself 
invented this title, or derived it from some now unknown source. 

The Saga of Thorfinn Karlsefni was written by three different persons ; the first 
portion is in a hand commonly ascribed to Hauk's so-called ' first Icelandic secretary.' 
On p. 99, 1. 14, the ink and the hand change, and beginning with the words Eirikr 
svarar vel, the chirography is Hauk's own, as is readily apparent from a comparison 
with the autographic letter of 1302, already referred to 1 . Hauk's own work continues 
throughout this and the following page, ceasing at the end of the second line on p. 100, 
with the words kglluKu i Hdpi, where he gives place to a new scribe, his so-called 
' second Icelandic secretary.' Hauk, however, again resumes the pen on the back of 
p. 101, and himself concludes the saga. Two of the leaves upon which the saga is- 
written are of an irregular shape, and there are holes in two other leaves; these 
defects were, however, present in the vellum from the beginning, so that they in no 
wise affect the integrity of the text ; on the other hand the lower right-hand corner of 
p. 99 has become badly blackened, and is, in consequence, partially illegible, as is also 
the left-hand corner of p. 101 ; similarly pp. 100 and 101 [back] are somewhat indistinct, 
but, in the original, still not undecipherable. Initial letters are inserted in red and 
blue, and the sub-titles in red ink, which has sadly faded. There are three pagina- 
tions, of which the latest, in red, is the one here adopted. 

The genealogy appended to the saga has been brought down to Hauk's own 
time, and Hauk therein traces his ancestry to Karlsefni's Wineland-born son. By 
means of this genealogical list we are enabled to determine, approximately, the date 
of this transcript of the original saga, for we read in this list of Hallbera, 'Abbess 
of Reyniness,' and since we know that Hallbera was not consecrated abbess until 
the year 1299 2 , it becomes at once apparent that the saga could not have been 
completed before that year. This conclusion is corroborated by additional evidence 
furnished by this ancestral list, for in this list Hauk has given himself his title 
'herra.' As has been stated, Hauk is first accorded this title in 1305, he is last 
mentioned without the title in 1304; which fact not only confirms the conclusion 
already reached, but enables us to advance the date, prior to which the transcript 
of the saga could not have been concluded, to 1304. It is not so easy to determine 
positively when the saga was finished. As Hauk's own hand brings the saga to 
a conclusion, it is evident that it must have been completed before, or not later 
than, the year 1334, the year of his death. If we accept the words of the genealogical 
list literally, it would appear that Hauk wrote this list not many years before his 

1 A facsimile of this letter is contained in Annaler for Nordisk Oldkyndighed, Copenh. 1847. 
s Islandske Annaler, ubi sup. p. 1 99. 


death, for it is there stated that Fru Ingigerd's daughter 'was' Fru Hallbera, the 
Abbess. But Hallbera lived until 1330 \ and the strict construction of H auk's 
language might point to the conclusion that the reference to Hallbera was made 
after her death, and therefore after 1330. Hauk was in Iceland in the years 1330 
and 1331 2 , doubtless for the last time. One of the scribes who aided him in 
writing the codex was probably an Icelander, as may be gleaned from his orthography, 
and as it is highly probable that the contents of the codex were for the most part 
copied from originals owned in Iceland, it may be that the transcript of this 
saga, as well as the book itself, was completed during this last visit. It has been 
claimed that a portion of Hauk's book, preceding the Saga of Thorfinn, was written 
prior to Hauk's acquirement of his title, a view founded upon the fact that his name 
is there cited without the addition of his title, and this view is supported by the 
corresponding usage of the Annals 3 . If this be true, then, upon the above hypothesis, 
a period of more than twenty-five years must have elapsed between the inception of 
the work and the completion of the 'Thorfinn's Saga.' Doubtless a considerable time 
was consumed in the compilation and transcription of the contents of this manuscript ; 
but it seems scarcely probable that so long a time should have intervened between the 
preparation of the different portions of the work. Wherefore, if the reference to the 
Abbess Hallbera be accepted literally, the conjecture that the earlier portion of the 
codex was written prior to 1299 would appear to be doubtful, and it may be necessary 
either to advance the date of this portion of the manuscript or place the date of the 
Saga of Thorfinn anterior to that suggested. However this may be, two facts 
seem to be clearly established, first, that this saga was not written before 1299, 
and second, that this eldest surviving detailed narrative of the discovery of 
Wineland was written not later than the year 1334. 

In the vellum codex, known as Number 557, 4I0, of the Arna-Magnaean 
Collection, is an account of the Wineland discovery, so strikingly similar to that 
of Hauk's Book, that there can be no doubt that both histories were derived from 
the same source. The history of the discovery contained in the above codex is 
called the 'Saga of Eric the Red' [Saga Eireks raufta]. This may well have 
been the primitive title of the saga of Hauk's Book, which, as has been noted, 
obtains its modern name, 'Thorfinns Saga Karlsefnis,' from the entry made by 

1 Islandske Annaler, ubi sup. p. 219. 

2 Islandske Annaler, ubi sup. pp. 206, 219, 347, 397. 

3 Cf. Munch, loc. cit. p. 209 ; fslendmga Sogur, Copenh. 1843, vo1 - •• PP- xxiv.xxv. Both of these 
authorities agree in the statement that the title of ' herra ' was first applied to Hauk in a Norwegian 
diploma of 1303, but as they do not cite their authority, it is not apparent whence the statement was 


Ami Magnusson, early in the eighteenth century. That both sagas were copied 
from the same vellum is by no means certain ; if both transcripts be judged strictly 
by their contents it becomes at once apparent that this could not have been the 
fact, and such a conjecture is only tenable upon the theory that the scribes of 
Hauk's Book edited the saga which they copied. This, while it is very doubtful 
in the case of the body of the text of the Hauk's Book Saga of Thorfinn, may not 
even be conjectured of the Saga of Eric the Red. The latter saga was undoubtedly 
a literal copy from the original, for there are certain minor confusions of the text, 
which indicate, unmistakably, either the heedlessness of the copyist, or that the 
scribe was working from a somewhat illegible original whose defects he was not 
at pains to supply. If both sagas were copied from different early vellums, the 
simpler language of the Saga of Eric the Red would seem to indicate that it was 
a transcript of a somewhat earlier form of the saga than that from which the saga 
of Hauk's Book was derived. This, however, is entirely conjectural, for the codex 
containing the Saga of Eric the Red was not written for many years after Hauk's 
Book, and probably not until the following century. So much the orthography 
and hand of 557, 4to, indicate, and, from the application of this test, the codex has 
been determined to date from the fifteenth century 1 , and has been ascribed by 
very eminent authority to ca. 1400 2 . 

The Saga of Eric the Red begins with the thirteenth line of page 27 of the 
codex [the title appears at the top of this page], and concludes in the fifth line 
on the back of page 35, the hand being the same throughout. Spaces were left 
for initial letters, but these were not inserted, except in one case by a different and 
indifferent penman. With the exception of a very few words, or portions of words, 
upon page 30 [back] and page 31, the manuscript of the saga is clearly legible 
throughout. Certain slight defects in the vellum have existed from the beginning, 
and there is, therefore, no material hiatus in the entire text, for the sense of the 
few indistinct words is either clearly apparent from the context, or may be supplied 
from the sister text of Hauk's Book. 

In his catalogue of parchment manuscripts 3 , Arni Magnusson states, that he 
obtained this manuscript from Bishop John Vidalin [Mag. Jon Vidalin] 4 and adds the 
conjecture, that it had either belonged to the Skalholt Church, or came thither from 

1 Katalog over den Arnamagnaeanske Handskriftsamling, ubi sup. vol. i. p. 708; fslendfnga 
Sogur, Copenh. 1847, vol. ii. p. xxviii. 

s Vigfusson, Corpus Poeticum Boreale, Oxford, 1883, vol. i. p. xli, note 1. 

8 AM. 435, 4 to. 

4 John Vidalin became bishop of Skalholt in December, 1697, and died in 1720. Cf. Worm, 
Lexicon, Helsingoer, 1771, 1 Deel, p. 580. 


among Bishop Bryniolfs books. This conjecture, that the book belonged to the 
Church of Skalholt, has, however, been disputed, and the place of its compilation, at 
the same time, assigned to the north of Iceland 1 . 

These sagas in Hauk's Book and AM. 557, 4to, are so closely allied, belong so 
naturally together and each so enlightens the other, that the two texts have been 
collated, and the translation, which follows, is prepared from both. In the body of 
the text of the translation, the saga as contained in Hauk's Book has been in the main 
more closely followed, but the language of the saga of AM. 557, 4to, is occasionally 
substituted or added, where such treatment has seemed to serve in any degree to 
inform the narrative. In all cases, however, where any considerable differences exist 
between the two texts, these differences are recorded in the notes, the abbreviations 
' EsR ', and ' £sK ' indicating the language of the Saga of Eric the Red [Eiriks 
saga Raufca] and that of the Saga of Thorfinn Karlsefni [fcorfinns saga Karlsefnis] 

The Saga of Eric the Red [and both texts are included under this title] presents a 
clear and graphic account of the discovery and exploration of Wineland the Good. 
In this narrative the discovery is ascribed to Leif, the son of Eric the Red, who hit 
upon the land, by chance, during a voyage from Norway to Greenland. This voyage, 
as has already been stated, probably took place in the year 1000. 

After his return to Greenland, Leif's account of the land which he had 
discovered, seems to have persuaded his brother, Thorstein, and possibly his 
father, to undertake an expedition to the strange country. This voyage, which 
was not destined to meet with a successful issue, may well have fallen in the 
year following Leif's return, and therefore, it may be conjectured, in the year 
1001. About this time there had arrived in Greenland an Icelander of considerable 
prominence, an old friend of Eric's, named Thorbiorn Vifilsson, who had brought 
with him his daughter, Gudrid, or, as she is also called, Thurid. He must have 
arrived before Thorstein Ericsson's voyage, for we are told, that it was in Thor- 
biorn's ship that this voyage was undertaken. It seems probable that Thorbiorn 
arrived at Brattahlid [Eric's home] during Leif's absence from Greenland, and if 
this be true, it follows, that Thorbiorn and Gudrid must have been converted to 
Christianity before its acceptance in Iceland as the legalized religion of the land ; 
for very soon after their arrival in Greenland, Gudrid alludes to the fact of her 
being a Christian, and, from the language of the saga, there can be no question 
that her father had likewise embraced the new faith. The presence of these 
companions in the faith may have materially aided Leif in the work of proselytism, 
in which he engaged, upon his return to Greenland. We are told, that Thorbiorn 

1 Biskupa Sogur, ubi sup. vol. i. p. lxx. 


did not arrive at Brattahlid until the second year after his departure from Ice- 
land, wherefore, if the assumption that he arrived during Leifs absence be sound, 
it becomes apparent that he must have left Iceland in the summer of the year 
998 or 999. 

Eric's son, Thorstein, wooed and married Gudrid, and the wedding was cele- 
brated at Brattahlid in the autumn. It is recorded in the saga that Gudrid was 
regarded as a most desirable match. Thorstein may have promptly recognized 
her worth, and his marriage may have occurred in the autumn of the same year in 
which he returned from his unlucky voyage. It could not well have been celebrated 
in the previous year, for Thorstein's allusions on his death-bed to the religion of 
Greenland, indicate that Christianity must have been for a longer time the accepted 
faith of the land than it could have been at the close of the year 1000. 

In the winter after his marriage, Thorstein died, and in the spring, Gudrid 
returned to Brattahlid. Thorfinn Karlsefni arrived at Brattahlid about this time, 
possibly the next autumn after Thorstein's death, and in his company came Snorri 
Thorbrandsson. Karlsefni was married to Gudrid shortly after the Yule-tide 
following his arrival. If he arrived in Greenland in the autumn of the year 1002, 
this wedding may, accordingly, have taken place about the beginning of the year 
1003 *. In the summer following his marriage, Thorfinn appears to have undertaken 

1 Vigfusson, in his essay, ' Um tfmatal I 1 slendfnga sogum 1 fornold,' in Safn til sogu Islands, loc. 
cit. vol. i. p. 339, and also in his edition of the Eyrbyggja Saga, loc. cit p. 129, assigns as the date 
of Snorri's departure to Greenland, and, by the same token, Karlsefni's, the year 998 [or 999]. This 
conclusion he reaches from the passage in Eyrbyggja, already cited p. 1 8, wherein it is stated that ' after 
the reconciliation of the people of Eyrr and the people of Alpta-firth, Thorbrand's sons, Snorri and 
Thorleif, went to Greenland.' In Vigfusson's edition of the Erybyggja Saga, the chapter containing this 
statement is numbered 48, and the next succeeding chapter begins : ' Next to this, Gizur the White and 
Hialti, his son-in-law, came out to proclaim the gospel, and all the people of Iceland were baptized, and 
Christianity was legally accepted by the Althing.' The words ' next to this ' in the position which they 
thus occupy seem to refer to the words of the preceding chapter : 'After the reconciliation of the people 
of Eyrr and the people of Alpta-firth,' that is, ' next after this ' reconciliation Gizur and his son-in-law 
came to Iceland. But Gizur and Hialti came to Iceland on this mission in 999, and the obvious inference 
is that the reconciliation was accomplished prior to this, according to Vigfusson in the previous year, 
998. [Cf. Eyrbyggja Saga, ed. Vigfusson, p. 129.] In the eldest vellum fragment of the Eyrbyggja 
Saga which we now possess, AM. 162 E. fol., chapter 48 of the Vigfusson text does not occupy the 
place preceding the account of the arrival of Gizur on his mission. The limited contents of this fragment 
do not, unfortunately, enable us to determine where the chapter did stand in this text, but presumably 
it occupied the same position as that in which it occurs in the Codex Wolphenbuttelensis, as well as in 
the vellum fragment of the saga contained in AM. 445 0, 4to, namely, after chapter 55 of the Vigfusson 
edition. [Cf., in that edition, note n, p. 91.] To the events described in this chapter 55, Vigfusson 
[Eyrbyggja, p. 129] assigns the date ioor. The chapter immediately following this chapter 55 begins 
with the words : ' Snorri Godi dwelt at Helgafell eight years after Christianity became the legal religion 


his voyage of exploration to Wineland, that is to say in the summer of the year 1003. 
A longer time may well have elapsed after Gudrid's arrival before her marriage with 
Thorstein, and similarly it is even more probable that a longer interval elapsed 
between Thorstein's death and Gudrid's second marriage. The purpose of this 
conjectural chronology is to determine, if possible, a date prior to which Thorfinn 
Karlsefni's voyage to Wineland could not have been undertaken. While, therefore, 
it is altogether probable that this voyage was made after the year 1003, it does 
not appear to be possible, for the reasons presented, that it could have taken place 
before that year. 

Problems suggested by the text of another version of the history of the discovery 
and exploration, namely, that contained in the Flatey Book, are considered elsewhere, 
as are also points of difference between that narrative and the history as set forth in 
the Saga of Eric the Red. It remains to be said, that the text of this saga does not 
present such difficulties as those which are suggested by a critical examination of the 
narrative of the Flatey Book. This version of the history of the discovery does contain, 
however, one statement, which is not altogether intelligible and which is not susceptible 
of very satisfactory explanation, namely, that ' there came no snow ' in the land which 
the Wineland explorers had found. This assertion does not consist with our present 
knowledge of the winter climate of the eastern coast of that portion of North America 
situated within the latitude which was probably reached by the explorers. The ob- 
servation may, perhaps, be best explained upon the theory that the original verbal 
statement of the explorers was, that there was no snow in Wineland, such as that to 
which they were accustomed in the countries with which they were more familiar *. 
With this single exception there appears to be no statement in the Saga of Eric the 

of Iceland.' The fact, therefore, that the record of the voyage of Thorbrand's sons to Greenland does, in 
certain other late manuscripts, occupy the place which Vigfusson assigns it, would not seem to afford 
sufficient reason for establishing the date of this voyage, by the words of a subsequent passage, when, as 
has been stated, this passage does not indeed follow, but precedes the chapter in the oldest manuscripts 
now existing. If Snorri [and Karlsefni] sailed to Greenland immediately after the reconciliation, as 
Vigfusson conjectures, a fatal flaw in the chronology at once appears. By a comparison with the 
language of the Saga of Eric the Red, it will be seen that if Karlsefni and Snorri sailed to Greenland in 
998 or 999, Karlsefni's voyage of exploration, which was undertaken in the year after his arrival in 
Greenland, would fall either in the year prior to that assigned to Leif's discovery of Wineland, or in the 
year of that discovery, both of which hypotheses are, of course, impossible. The simpler explanation, 
and one entirely consistent with the language of the Eyrbyggja Saga, would seem to be that the word 
' after ' in the sentence, ' Thorbrand's sons went to Greenland after the reconciliation,' does not mean 
the same year or the next year after the reconciliation, but some time thereafter, and necessarily later 
than the year 1001, the earliest date assignable for Thorstein Ericsson's ill-fated voyage, and which is 
also the date of the event immediately preceding this sentence in the elder texts of the Eyrbyggja Saga. 
1 Cf. post, Note No. 55, upon this passage in the saga. 

E 2 


Red which is not lucid, and which is not reasonably consistent with our present know- 
ledge of the probable regions visited. The incident of the adventure with the Uniped 
may be passed without especial mention in this connection ; it gives evidence of the 
prevalent superstition of the time, it is true, but it in no way reflects upon the keenness 
of observation or relative credibility of the explorers. It follows, therefore, that the 
accounts of the discovery contained in Hauk's Book and AM. 557, 4to, whether they 
present the eldest form of the narrative of the Wineland explorers or not, do afford 
the most graphic and succinct exposition of the discovery, and, supported as they 
are throughout by contemporaneous history, appear in every respect most worthy 
of credence. 

The Saga of Eric the Red, also called The Saga of Thorfinn Karlsefni 

and snorri thorbrandsson. 

Olaf was the name of a warrior-king l , who was called Olaf the White. He was 
the son of King Ingiald, Helgi's son, the son of Olaf, Gudraud's 2 son, son of 
Halfdan Whiteleg 3 , king of the Uplands-men (8). Olaf engaged in a Western free- 
booting expedition and captured Dublin in Ireland and the Shire of Dublin, over 
which he became king (9). He married Aud the Wealthy 4 , daughter of Ketil 
Flatnose 5 , son of Biorn Buna 6 , a famous man of Norway. Their son was called 
Thorstein the Red 7 . Olaf was killed in battle in Ireland, and Aud (10) and Thorstein 
went then to the Hebrides (11); there Thorstein married Thurid 8 , daughter of 
Eyvind Easterling 9 , sister of Helgi the Lean 10 ; they had many children. Thorstein 
became a warrior-king, and entered into fellowship with Earl Sigurd the Mighty 11 , 
son of Eystein the Rattler 12 . They conquered Caithness and Sutherland, Ross 
and Moray, and more than the half of Scotland. Over these Thorstein became 
king, ere he was betrayed by the Scots, and was slain there in battle. Aud was at 
Caithness when she heard of Thorstein's death ; she thereupon caused a ship (12) to 
be secretly built in the forest, and when she was ready, she sailed out to the 
Orkneys. There she bestowed Groa, Thorstein the Red's daughter, in marriage ; she 
was the mother of Grelad 13 , whom Earl Thorfinn, Skull-cleaver 14 , married. After this 
Aud set out to seek Iceland, and had on board her ship twenty freemen (13). Aud 
arrived in Iceland, and passed the first winter at Biarnarhofn with her brother, Biorn. 

1 EsR : ' konungr,' king. 2 I>sK : Gudred's son ; EsR : Gudrid's son. 

* hvftbeinn. * EsR: djupauSga; i*sK: djupuSga, i. e. deep-minded, wise. 
6 flatnefr. 6 the Ungartered ? 7 rauor. 8 i>sK : P6ri3r. 

* austmaSr. 10 hinn magri. n hinn rfki. 12 glumra. 
13 EsR : Gunnlad. » hausakljufr. 


Aud afterwards took possession of all the Dale country (14) between Dogurdar river 
and Skraumuhlaups river. She lived at Hvamm, and held her orisons at Krossholar, 
where she caused crosses to be erected, for she had been baptized and was a devout 
believer. With her there came out [to Iceland] many distinguished men, who had 
been captured in the Western freebooting expedition, and were called slaves. 
Vifil was the name of one of these : he was a highborn man, who had been taken 
captive in the Western sea, and was called a slave, before Aud freed him ; now when 
Aud gave homesteads to the members of her crew, Vifil asked wherefore she gave 
him no homestead as to the other men. Aud replied, that this should make no 
difference to him, saying, that he would be regarded as a distinguished man wherever 
he was. She gave him Vifilsdal (15), and there he dwelt. He married a woman 

whose name was *; their sons were Thorbiorn and Thorgeir. They were 

men of promise, and grew up with their father. 

Eric the Red finds 2 Greenland. 

There was a man named Thorvaldjhe was a son of Asvald, Ulf's son, Eyxna- 
Thori's son. His son's name was Eric 3 / He and his father went from Jaederen(ie) to 
Iceland, on account of manslaughter and settled on Hornstrandir, and dwelt at 
Drangar(l7). There Thorvald died, and Eric then married Thorhild, a daughter of 
Jorund, Atli's son, and Thorbiorg the Ship-chested 4 , who had been married before to 
Thorbiorn of the Haukadal family 5 . Eric then removed from the North, and cleared 
land in Haukadal, and dwelt at Ericsstadir by Vatnshorn. Then Eric's thralls caused a 
land-slide on Valthiof s farm, Valthiofsstadir. Eyiolf the Foul 6 , Valthiof's kinsman, 
slew the thralls near Skeidsbrekkur above Vatnshorn. For this Eric killed Eyiolf the 
Foul, and he also killed Duelling-Hrafn 7 , at Leikskalar. Geirstein and Odd of Jorva, 
Eyiolf 's kinsmen, conducted the prosecution for the slaying of their kinsmen, and Eric 
was, in consequence, banished from Haukadal. He then took possession of Brokey 
and Eyxney, and dwelt at Tradir on Sudrey, the first winter (18). It was at this time 
that he loaned Thorgest his outer dais-boards (19) ; Eric afterwards went to Eyxney, 
and dwelt at Ericsstad. He then demanded his outer dais-boards, but did not obtain 
them 8 . Eric then carried the outer dais-boards away from Breidabolstad, and Thorgest 
gave chase. They came to blows a short distance from the farm of Drangar(2o). 
There two of Thorgest's sons were killed and certain other men besides. After this 

1 EsR : simply, ' he married a wife.' a Lit. ' found.' » EsR : ' Eric the Red.' 

4 knarrar-bringa. B hinn haukdoelski. 6 saurr. 7 H61mgongu-Hrafn. 

8 EsR : ' He then took possession of Brokey, and dwelt at Tradir. The first winter, however, 

Eric went to Auxney. He then loaned his outer dais-boards to Thorgest. He dwelt at Ericsstadir.' 


each of them retained a considerable body of men with him at his home. Styr gave 
Eric his support, as did also Eyiolf of Sviney, Thorbiorn, Vifil's son, and the sons of 
Thorbrand of Alptafirth; while Thorgest was backed by the sons of Thord the 
Yeller 1 , and Thorgeir of Hitardal, Aslak of Langadal and his son, Illugi. Eric and 
his people were condemned to outlawry at Thorsness-thing (21). He equipped his 
ship for a voyage, in Ericsvag ; while Eyiolf concealed him in Dimunarvag (22), when 
Thorgest and his people were searching for him among the islands. He said to them, 
that it was his intention to go in search of that land which Gunnbiorn (23), son of Ulf 
the Crow 2 , saw when he was driven out of his course, westward across the main, and 
discovered Gunnbiorns-skerries. He told them that he would return again to his 
friends, if he should succeed in finding that country. Thorbiorn, and Eyiolf, and Styr 
accompanied Eric out beyond the islands, and they parted with the greatest friend- 
liness ; Eric said to them that he would render them similar aid, so far as it might lie 
within his power, if they should ever stand in need of his help. Eric sailed out to sea 
from Snaefells-iokul, and arrived at that ice-mountain (24) which is called Blacksark 3 . 
Thence he sailed to the southward, that he might ascertain whether there was habit- 
able country in that direction. He passed the first winter at Ericsey, near the middle 
of the Western-settlement. In the following spring he proceeded to Ericsfirth, and 
selected a site there for his homestead. That summer he explored the western 
uninhabited region, remaining there for a long time, and assigning many local names 
there. The second winter he spent at Ericsholms beyond Hvarfsgnipa. But the 
third summer he sailed northward to Snaefell, and into Hrafnsfirth. He believed 
then that he had reached the head of Ericsfirth ; he turned back then, and remained 
the third winter * at Ericsey at the mouth of Ericsfirth (25). The following summer he 
sailed to Iceland, and landed in Breidafirth. He remained that winter with Ingolf (26) 
at Holmlatr. In the spring he and Thorgest fought together, and Eric was defeated ; 
after this a reconciliation was effected between them. That summer Eric set out to 
colonize the land which he had discovered, and which he called Greenland, because, - 
he said, men would be the more readily persuaded thither if the land had a 
good name. 

Concerning Thorbiorn. 

Thorgeir, Vifil's son, married, and took to wife Arnora, daughter of Einar of 
Laugarbrekka, Sigmund's son, son of Ketil Thistil, who settled Thistilsfirth. Einar 
had another daughter named Hallveig ; she was married to Thorbiorn, Vifil's son (27), 

1 gellir. 3 kraka. " i>sK : Bliserkr. EsR : Hvftserkr, Whitesark. 

* EsR : ' the fourth and third winter.' 


who got with her Laugarbrekka-land on Hellisvellir. Thorbiorn moved thither, and 
became a very distinguished man. He was an excellent husbandman l , and had a 
great estate. Gudrid was the name of Thorbiorn's daughter. She was the most 
beautiful of her sex, and in every respect a very superior woman. There dwelt at 
Arnarstapi a man named Orm, whose wife's name was Halldis. Orm was a good 
husbandman, and a great friend of Thorbiorn, and Gudrid lived with him for a long 
time as a foster-daughter. There was a man named Thorgeir, who lived at 
Thorgeirsfell (28) ; he was very wealthy and had been manumitted ; he had a son 
named Einar, who was a handsome, well-bred man, and very showy in his dress. 
Einar was engaged in trading-voyages from one country to the other, and had 
prospered in this. He always spent his winters alternately either in Iceland or 
in Norway. 

Now it is to be told, that one autumn, when Einar was in Iceland, he went with 
his wares out along Snaefellsness 2 , with the intention of selling them. He came to 
Arnarstapi, and Orm invited him to remain with him, and Einar accepted this invita- 
tion, for there was a strong friendship [between Orm and himself]. Einar's wares 
were carried into a store-house, where he unpacked them, and displayed them to Orm 
and the men of his household, and asked Orm to take such of them as he liked. 
Orm accepted this offer, and said that Einar was a good merchant, and was greatly 
favoured by fortune. Now, while they were busied about the wares, a woman passed 
before the door of the store-house. Einar enquired of Orm : ' Who was that hand- 
some woman who passed before the door? I have never seen her here before.' 
Orm replies : ' That is Gudrid, my foster-child, the daughter of Thorbiorn of Laugar- 
brekka.' 'She must be a good match,' said Einar; 'has she had any suitors?' Orm 
replies : ' In good sooth she has been courted, friend, nor is she easily to be won, for 
it is believed that both she and her father will be very particular in their choice of 
a husband.' ' Be that as it may,' quoth Einar, ' she is the woman to whom I mean to 
pay my addresses, and I would have thee present this matter to her father in my 
behalf, and use every exertion to bring it to a favourable issue, and I shall reward 
thee to the full of my friendship, if I am successful. It may be that Thorbiorn will 
regard the connection as being to our mutual advantage, for [while] he is a most 
honourable man and has a goodly home, his personal effects, I am told, are somewhat 
on the wane 3 ; but neither I nor my father are lacking in lands or chattels, and 
Thorbiorn would be greatly aided thereby, if this match should be brought about.' 
' Surely I believe myself to be thy friend,' replies Orm, ' and yet I am by no means 
disposed to act in this matter, for Thorbiorn hath a very haughty spirit, and is more- 

1 EsR : ' Godord-man,' cf. note 72. 2 i>sK : Snowfells-strand. 3 EsR : ' are much on the wane.' 


over a most ambitious man.' Einar replied that he wished for nought else than that 
his suit should be broached ; Orm replied, that he should have his will. Einar fared 
again to the South until he reached his home. Sometime after this, Thorbiorn had 
an autumn feast, as was his custom, for he was a man of high position. Hither came 
Orm of Arnarstapi, and many other of Thorbiorn's friends. Orm came to speech 
with Thorbiorn, and said, that Einar of Thorgeirsfell had visited him * not long before, 
and that he was become a very promising man. Orm now makes known the proposal 
of marriage in Einar's behalf, and added that for some persons and for some reasons 
it might be regarded as a very appropriate match : ' thou mayest greatly strengthen 
thyself thereby, master, by reason of the property.' Thorbiorn answers : ' Little did 
I expect to hear such words from thee, that I should marry my daughter to the son 
of a thrall (29) ; and that, because it seems to thee that my means are diminishing, where- 
fore she shall not remain longer with thee 2 since thou deemest so mean a match as 
this suitable for her.' Orm afterward returned to his home, and all of the invited 
guests to their respective households, while Gudrid remained behind with her father, 
and tarried at home that winter. But in the spring Thorbiorn gave an entertainment 
to his friends, to which many came 3 , and it was a noble feast, and at the banquet 
Thorbiorn called for silence, and spoke : ' Here have I passed a goodly lifetime, and 
have experienced the good-will of men toward me, and their affection ; and, methinks, 
our relations together have been pleasant ; but now I begin to find myself in straitened 
circumstances, although my estate has hitherto been accounted a respectable one. 
Now will I rather abandon my farming, than lose my honour, and rather leave the 
country, than bring disgrace upon my family; wherefore I have now concluded to 
put that promise to the test, which my friend Eric the Red made, when we parted 
company in Breidafirth. It is my present design to go to Greenland this summer, 
if matters fare as I wish.' The folk were greatly astonished at this plan of Thor- 
biorn's 4 , for he was blessed with many friends, but they were convinced that he 
was so firmly fixed in his purpose, that it would not avail to endeavour to dissuade 
him from it. Thorbiorn bestowed gifts upon his guests, after which the feast 
came to an end, and the folk returned to their homes. Thorbiorn sells his lands 
and buys a ship, which was laid up at the mouth of Hraunhofn (30). Thirty persons 
joined him in the voyage ; among these were Orm of Arnarstapi, and his wife, and 
other of Thorbiorn's friends, who would not part from him. Then they put to sea. 
When they sailed the weather was favourable, but after they came out upon the 

1 Lit. ' had been there.' 2 EsR : ' go with thee.' s Lit. ' many men came thither.' 

4 l>sK : ' People were greatly astonished at this change of condition.' EsR : ' People thought these 
great tidings, concerning this design of Eric's.' This may refer to Eric's promise, mentioned above, or, 
as seems more probable, the ' Eric ' has been erroneously inserted for Thorbiorn. 


high-seas the fair wind failed, and there came great gales 1 , and they lost their way, 
and had a very tedious voyage that summer. Then illness appeared among their 
people, and Orm and his wife Halldis died, and the half of their company. The 
sea began to run high, and they had a very wearisome and wretched voyage in 
many ways, but arrived, nevertheless, at Heriolfsness in Greenland, on the very 
eve of winter 2 . At Heriolfsness lived a man named Thorkel. He was a man of 
ability and an excellent husbandman. He received Thorbiorn and all of his ship's 
company, and entertained them well during the winter 3 . At that time there was a 
season of great dearth in Greenland ; those who had been at the fisheries had had poor 
hauls, and some had not returned. There was a certain Woman there in the settle- 
ment, whose name was Thorbiorg. She was a prophetess, and was called Little 
Sibyl (31). She had had nine sisters, all of whom were prophetesses, but she was 
the only one left alive. It was Thorbiorg's custom in the winters, to go to entertain- 
ments, and she was especially sought after at the homes of those who were curious 
to know their fate, or what manner of season might be in store for them ; and inasmuch 
as Thorkel was the chief yeoman in the neighbourhood, it was thought to devolve 
upon him to find out when the evil time, which was upon them, would cease. 
Thorkel invited the prophetess to his home, and careful preparations were made for 
her reception, according to the custom which prevailed, when women of her kind were 
to be entertained. A high seat was prepared for her, in which a cushion filled 
with poultry feathers 4 , was placed. When she came in the evening, with the 
man who had been sent to meet her, she was clad in a dark-blue cloak, fastened with 
a strap, and set with stones quite down to the hem. She wore glass beads around her 
neck, and upon her head a black lamb-skin hood, lined with white cat-skin. In her 
hands she carried a staff, upon which there was a knob, which was ornamented with 
brass, and set with stones up about the knob. Circling her waist she wore a girdle 
of touch-wood, and attached to it a great skin pouch, in which she kept the charms 
which she used when she was practising her sorcery. She wore upon her feet shaggy 
calf-skin shoes, with long, tough latchets, upon the ends of which there were large 
brass buttons 5 . She had cat-skin gloves upon her hands, which were white inside 
and lined with fur. When she entered, all of the folk felt it to be their duty to offer 
her becoming greetings. She received the salutations of each individual according 
as he pleased her. Yeoman Thorkel took the sibyl by the hand, and led her to the 
seat which had been made ready for her. Thorkel bade her run her eyes over man and 

1 ThusEsR. 

2 EsR : ' at the winter-night-tide.' The three days which begin the winter season are so called. 
8 EsR adds : ' Thorbiorn and all his shipmates were well pleased.' 

* Lit. 'in which there should be poultry feathers.' B fsK : ' tin-buttons.' 



beast and home. She had little to say concerning all these. The tables were brought 
forth in the evening, and it remains to be told what manner of food was prepared for 
the prophetess. A porridge of goat's beestings was made for her, and for meat there 
were dressed the hearts of every kind of beast, which could be obtained there. She 
had a brass spoon, and a knife with a handle of walrus tusk, with a double hasp of 
brass around the haft, and from this the point was broken. And when the tables 
were removed, Yeoman Thorkel approaches Thorbiorg, and asks how she is pleased 
with the home, and the character of the folk, and how speedily she would be likely to. 
become aware of that concerning which he had questioned her, and which the people 
were anxious to know. She replied that she could not give an opinion in this matter 
before the morrow, after that she had slept there through the night. And on the 
morrow, when the day was far spent, such preparations were made as were necessary 
to enable her to accomplish her soothsaying. She bade them bring her those women, 
who knew the incantation, which she required to work her spells, and which she 
called Warlocks ; but such women were not to be found. Thereupon a search was made 
throughout the house, to see whether any one knew this [incantation]. Then says 
Gudrid : ' Although I am neither skilled in the black art nor a sibyl, yet my foster-mother, 
Halldis, taught me in Iceland that spell-song, which she called Warlocks.' Thorbiorg 
answered : ' Then art thou wise in season ' ! ' Gudrid replies : ' This is an incantation 
and ceremony of such a kind, that I do not mean to lend it any aid, for that I am a 
Christian woman.' Thorbiorg answers : ' It might so be that thou couldst give thy help 
to the company here, and still be no worse woman than before ; however I leave it 
with Thorkel to provide for my needs.' Thorkel now so urged Gudrid, that she said 
she must needs comply with his wishes. The women then made a ring round about, 
while Thorbiorg sat up on the spell-da'is. Gudrid then sang the song, so sweet and 
well, that no one remembered ever before to have heard the melody sung with so 
fair a voice as this. The sorceress thanked her for the song, and said : ' She has 
indeed lured many spirits hither, who think it pleasant to hear this song, those who 
were wont to forsake us hitherto and refuse to submit themselves to us. Many 
things are now revealed to me, which hitherto have been hidden, both from me and 
from others. And I am able to announce that this period of famine will not endure 
longer, but the season will mend as spring approaches. The visitation of disease, which 
has been so long upon you, will disappear sooner than expected. And thee, Gudrid, I 
shall reward out of hand, for the assistance, which thou hast vouchsafed us, since the 
fate in store for thee is now all made manifest to me. Thou shalt make a most worthy 
match here in Greenland, but it shall not be of long duration for thee, for thy future 2 

1 EsR : ' wiser than I supposed.' 2 tsK : vegar pfnir, thy ways ; EsR : vegir pinir. 


path leads out to Iceland, and a lineage both great and goodly shall spring from thee, 
and above thy line brighter rays of light shall shine, than I have power clearly to 
unfold x . And now fare well and health to thee, my daughter ! ' After this the folk 
advanced to the sibyl, and each besought information concerning that about which he 
was most curious. She was very ready in her responses, and little of that which she 
foretold failed of fulfilment. After this they came for her from a neighbouring farm- 
stead, and she thereupon set out thither. Thorbiorn was then sent for, since he had not 
been willing to remain at home while such heathen rites 2 were practising. The 
weather improved speedily, when the spring opened 3 , even as Thorbiorg had 
prophesied. Thorbiorn equipped his ship and sailed away, until he arrived at 
Brattahlid. Eric received him with open arms 4 , and said that it was well that 
he had come thither. Thorbiorn and his household remained with him during the 
winter, while quarters were provided for the crew among the farmers. And the follow- 
ing spring Eric gave Thorbiorn land on Stokkaness, where a goodly farmstead was 
founded, and there he lived thenceforward. 

Concerning Leif the Lucky and the Introduction of Christianity into 


Eric was married to a woman named Thorhild 5 , and had two sons ; one of these 
was named Thorstein, and the other Leif. They were both promising men. Thor- 
stein lived at home with his father, and there was not at that time a man in Greenland 
who was accounted of so great promise as he. Leif had sailed (32) to Norway, where 
he was at the court of King Olaf Tryggvason. When Leif sailed from Greenland, in 
the summer, they were driven out of their course to the Hebrides. It was late 
before they got fair winds thence, and they remained there far into the summer. 
Leif became enamoured of a certain woman, whose name was Thorgunna. She 
was a woman of fine family, and Leif observed that she was possessed of rare 
intelligence 6 (33). When Leif was preparing for his departure Thorgunna (34) asked 
to be permitted to accompany him. Leif enquired whether she had in this the 
approval of her kinsmen. She replied that she did not care for it. Leif responded 
that he did not deem it the part of wisdom to abduct so high-born a woman in a 
strange country, ' and we so few in number.' ' It is by no means certain that thou 

1 EsR : ' and above thy race shall shine a bright beam of light.' 

2 PsK : ' superstitions.' 3 Omitted in PsK. 
4 Lit. ' with both hands.' PsK has ' receives him well with graciousness.' 

8 EsR : Thiodhild. 

8 EsR : lit. ' knew more than a little.' 



shalt find this to be the better decision,' said Thorgunna. ' I shall put it to the 

proof, notwithstanding,' said Leif. 'Then I tell thee,' said Thorgunna, 'that 

I am no longer a lone woman, for I am pregnant, and upon thee I charge it. 

I foresee that I shall give birth to a male child. And though thou give this no 

heed, yet will I rear the boy, and send him to thee in Greenland, when he shall be 

fit to take his place with other men. And I foresee that thou wilt get as much 

profit of this son as is thy due from this our parting ; moreover, I mean to come to 

Greenland myself before the end comes.' Leif gave her a gold finger-ring, a Greenland 

wadmal mantle, and a belt of walrus-tusk. This boy came to Greenland, and was 

called Thorgils. Leif acknowledged his paternity, and some men will have it that this 

Thorgils came to Iceland in the summer before the Froda-wonder (35). However, 

this Thorgils was afterwards in Greenland, and there seemed to be something not 

altogether natural about him before the end came. Leif and his companions sailed away 

from the Hebrides, and arrived in Norway in the autumn. Leif went to the court of 

King Olaf Tryggvason. [He was well received by the king, who felt that he could 

see that Leif was a man of great accomplishments. Upon one occasion the king 

came to speech with Leif, and asks him, ' Is it thy purpose to sail to Greenland in the 

summer ? ' ' It is my purpose,' said Leif, ' if it be your will.' ' I believe it will be well,' 

answers the king, ' and thither thou shalt go upon my errand, to proclaim Christianity 

there.' Leif replied that the king should decide, but gave it as his belief that it would 

be difficult to carry this mission to a successful issue in Greenland. The king 

replied that he knew of no man who would be better fitted for this undertaking, ' and 

in thy hands the cause will surely prosper.' 'This can only be,' said Leif, 'if I 

enjoy the grace of your protection.' Leif put to sea when his ship was ready for the 

voyage. For a long time he was tossed about upon the ocean, and came upon 

lands of which he had previously had no knowledge. There were self-sown wheat 

fields and vines growing there. There were also those trees there which are called 

'mausur ' (36), and of all these they took specimens. Some of the timbers were so large 

that they were used in building. Leif found men upon a wreck, and took them home 

with him, and procured quarters for them all during the winter. In this wise he 

showed his nobleness and goodness, since he introduced Christianity into the country, 

and saved the men from the wreck J ; and he was called Leif the Lucky 2 ever after. 

Leif landed in Ericsfirth, and then went home to Brattahlid ; he was well received by 

every one. He soon proclaimed Christianity throughout the land, and the Catholic 

faith, and announced King Olaf Tryggvason's messages to the people, telling them 

how much excellence and how great glory accompanied this faith. Eric was slow in 

1 EsR : ' as in many other ways, for he brought Christianity to the country.' 2 hinn heppni. 


forming the determination to forsake his old belief, but Thiodhild (37) embraced the 
faith promptly, and caused a church to be built at some distance from the house. 
This building was called Thiodhild's Church, and there she and those persons who 
had accepted Christianity, and they were many, were wont to offer their prayers. 
Thiodhild would not have intercourse with Eric after that she had received the faith, 
whereat he was sorely vexed. 

At this time there began to be much talk about a voyage of exploration 1 to 
that country which Leif had discovered. The leader of this expedition was Thorstein 
Ericsson, who was a good man and an intelligent, and blessed with many friends. 
Eric was likewise invited to join them, for the men believed that his luck and foresight 
would be of great furtherance. He was slow in deciding, but did not say nay, when his 
friends besought him to go. They thereupon equipped that ship in which Thorbiorn 
had come out, and twenty men were selected for the expedition. They took little 
cargo with them, nought else save their weapons and provisions 2 . On that morning 
when Eric set out from his home he took with him a little chest containing gold 
and silver; he hid this treasure, and then went his way. He had proceeded 
but a short distance, however, when he fell from his horse and broke his ribs 
and dislocated his shoulder 3 , whereat he cried ' Ai, ai 4 ! ' By reason of this 
accident he sent his wife word 5 that she should procure the treasure which he had 
concealed, for to the hiding of the treasure he attributed his misfortune (38). There- 
after they sailed cheerily out of Ericsfirth in high spirits over their plan. They 
were long tossed about upon the ocean, and could not lay the course they wished. 
They came in sight of Iceland, and likewise saw birds from the Irish coast 6 . Their 
ship was, in sooth, driven hither and thither over the sea. In the autumn they turned 
back, worn out by toil, and exposure to the elements, and exhausted by their labours, 
and arrived at Ericsfirth at the very beginning of winter. Then said Eric, ' More 
cheerful were we ' in the summer, when we put out of the firth, but we still live 8 , 
and it might have been much worse 9 .' Thorstein answers, 'It will be a princely 
deed to endeavour to look well after the wants of all these men who are now 
in need, and to make provision for them during the winter.' Eric answers, 'It 
is ever true, as it is said, that " it is never clear ere the answer comes," and so it 

1 EsR : ' From this there began to be much talk, that he should explore.' 

2 EsR : ' mostly weapons and provisions.' 

s t>sK : ' injured his arm at the shoulder-joint.' 4 Lacking in J>sK. 

8 i>sK : lit. ' he told his wife.' 

6 Lit. ' had birds from Ireland;' that is, came near enough to the coast of Ireland to see land birds. 

7 EsR has ' ye ' instead of ' we ' throughout. 

8 Lit. ' but now we are.' 

• Lit. ' and there is still much good left;' that is, we have still much to be grateful for. 


must be here. We will act now upon thy counsel in this matter 1 .' All of the 

men, who were not otherwise provided for, accompanied the father and son. They 

landed thereupon, and went home to Brattahlid, where they remained throughout 
the winter. 

Thorstein Ericsson weds Gudrid 2 ; Apparitions. 

Now it is to be told that Thorstein Ericsson sought Gudrid, Thorbiorn's daughter, 
in wedlock. His suit was favourably received both by herself and by her father, and 
it was decided that Thorstein should marry Gudrid, and the wedding was held at 
Brattahlid in the autumn. The entertainment sped well, and was very numerously 
attended. Thorstein had a home in the Western-settlement at a certain farmstead, 
which is called Lysufirth. A half interest in this property belonged to a man named 
Thorstein, whose wife's name was Sigrid. Thorstein went to Lysufirth, in the 
autumn, to his namesake, and Gudrid bore him company 3 . They were well received, 
and remained there during the winter. It came to pass that sickness appeared in 
their home early in the winter. Gard was the name of the overseer there ; he had 
few friends ; he took sick first, and died. It was not long before one after another 
took sick and died. Then Thorstein, Eric's son, fell sick, and Sigrid, the wife of Thor- 
stein, his namesake ; and one evening Sigrid wished to go to the house, which stood 
over against the outer-door, and Gudrid accompanied her ; they were facing the outer- 
door when Sigrid uttered a loud cry 4 . 'We have acted thoughtlessly,' exclaimed 
Gudrid, ' yet thou needest not cry, though the cold strikes thee 5 ; let us go in again 
as speedily as possible.' Sigrid answers, ' This may not be in this present plight. All 
of the dead folk are drawn up here before the door now ; among them I see thy 
husband, Thorstein, and I can see myself there, and it is distressful to look upon.' But 
directly this had passed she exclaimed, ' Let us go now, Gudrid ; I no longer see the 
band ! ' The overseer 6 had vanished from her sight, whereas it had seemed to her before 
that he stood with a whip in his hand and made as if he would scourge the flock. So 
they went in, and ere the morning came she was dead, and a coffin was made ready for 
the corpse ; and that same day the men planned to row out to fish, and Thorstein 
accompanied them to the landing-place, and in the twilight 7 he went down to see their 

1 EsR : ' Eric answers, " These words shall control here." All of those, who had not been 
provided for before, [obtained] accommodation with Eric and his son.' The passage, apparently by 
reason of a clerical confusion, is not clear without emendation. 

s Lit. ' wedded Thurid.' 3 Lit. ' both he and Gudrid.' ' EsR : ' then Sigrid cried, O ! ' 

6 Thus the literal rendering ; the more intelligible translation would appear to be : ' Give heed lest 
the cold strike thee ! ' 

* PsK : Thorstein. 7 Lit. ' the second light.' 


catch. Thorstein, Eric's son, then sent word to his namesake that he should come to 
him, saying that all was not as it should be there l , for the housewife was endeavour- 
ing to rise to her feet, and wished to get in under the clothes beside him, and when 
he entered the room she was come up on the edge of the bed. He thereupon seized 
her hands and held a pole-axe (39) before her breast. Thorstein, Eric's son, died 
before night-fall. Thorstein, the master of the house, bade Gudrid lie down and 
sleep, saying that he would keep watch over the bodies during the night ; thus she did, 
and early in the night, Thorstein, Eric's son, sat up and spoke, saying that he desired 
Gudrid to be called thither, for that it was his wish to speak with her : ' It is God's will 
that this hour be given me for my own and for the betterment of my condition.' 
Thorstein, the master, went in search of Gudrid, and waked her, and bade her cross 
herself, and pray God to help her ; ' Thorstein, Eric's son, has said to me that he 
wishes to see thee 2 ; thou must take counsel with thyself now, what thou wilt do, for 
I have no advice to give thee.' She replies, ' It may be that this is intended to be 
one of those incidents which shall afterward be held in remembrance, this strange 
event, and it is my trust that God will keep watch over me ; wherefore, under God's 
mercy, I shall venture to go to him, and learn what it is that he would say, for I may 
not escape this if it be designed to bring me harm. I will do this, lest he go' 
further, for it is my belief that the matter is a grave one.' So Gudrid went and 
drew near to Thorstein, and he seemed to her to be weeping. He spoke a few words 
in her ear, in a low tone, so that she alone could hear them ; but this he said so that 
all could hear, that those persons would be blessed who kept well the faith, and that it 
carried with it all help and consolation, and yet many there were, said he, who kept it 
but ill. ' This is no proper usage, which has obtained here in Greenland since 
Christianity was introduced here, to inter men in unconsecrated 3 earth, with nought 
but a brief funeral service. It is my wish that I be conveyed to the church, together 
with the others who have died here ; Gard 4 , however, I would have you burn 
upon a pyre, as speedily as possible, since he has been the cause of all of the 
apparitions which have been seen here during the winter.' He spoke to her also of 
her own destiny, and said that she had a notable future in store for her, but he 
bade her beware of marrying any Greenlander ; he directed her also to give their 
property to the church and to the poor 5 , and then sank down again a second time. 
It had been the custom in Greenland, after Christianity was introduced there, to bury 
persons on the farmsteads where they died, in unconsecrated 3 earth ; a pole was 

1 Lit. ' that it was hardly peaceful there.' 

s EsR : ' and tells, what Thorstein, Eric's son, had said to him ; and he wishes to see thee.' 
s EsR : ' consecrated,' obviously incorrectly. * fsK : GarSarr. 

6 EsR: 'or to the poor;' t>sK : 'and some to the poor.' 


erected in the ground, touching the breast of the dead, and subsequently, when the 
priests came thither, the pole was withdrawn and holy water poured in [the orifice], 
and the funeral service held there, although it might be long thereafter. The bodies 
of the dead 1 were conveyed to the church at Ericsfirth, and the funeral services held 
there by the clergy. Thorbiorn died soon after this, and all of his property then 
passed into Gudrid's possession. Eric took her to his home and carefully looked 
after her affairs 2 . 

Concerning Thord of Hofdi. 

There was a man named Thord, who lived at Hofdi on Hofdi-strands. He 
married Fridgerd, daughter of Thori the Loiterer 3 and Fridgerd, daughter of Kiarval 
the King of the Irish. Thord was a son of Biorn Chestbutter 4 , son of Thorvald 
Spine 5 , Asleik's son, the son of Biorn Iron-side 6 , the son of Ragnar Shaggy-breeks 7 . 
They had a son named Snorri. He married Thorhild Ptarmigan 8 , daughter of Thord 
theYeller 9 . Their son was Thord Horse-head 10 . Thorfinn Karlsefni u was the name of 
Thord's son (40). Thorfinn's mother's name was Thorunn 12 . Thorfinn was engaged 
in trading voyages, and was reputed to be a successful merchant. One summer 
Karlsefni equipped his ship, with the intention of sailing to Greenland. Snorri, 
Thorbrand's son 13 , of Alptafirth (41) accompanied him, and there were forty men on 
board the ship with them. There was a man named Biarni, Grimolf's son, a man 
from Breidafirth, and another named Thorhall, Gamli's son (42), an East-firth man. 
They equipped their ship, the same summer as Karlsefni, with the intention of making 
a voyage to Greenland; they had also forty men in their ship. When they were 
ready to sail, the two ships put to sea together 14 . It has not been recorded how long 
a voyage they had ; but it is to be told, that both of the ships arrived at Ericsfirth in 
the autumn. Eric and other of the inhabitants of the country rode to the ships, and a 
goodly trade was soon established between them. Gudrid 15 was requested by the 
skippers to take such of their wares as she wished, while Eric, on his part, showed 

1 PsK : ' of Thorstein and the others.' 

3 PsK : ' Eric received Gudrid, and acted as a father toward her. Shortly thereafter Thorbiorn 
died ; then all of the property passed into her possession ; Eric then took her to his home, and looked 
well after her affairs.' 8 hfma. 4 byrfiusmigr. 

6 hryggr. * jdrnsffia. 7 lo6br6k. 8 rjupa. 9 gellir. 

10 hesthoffii. " Karlsefni, one who gives promise of becoming a man. 

n EsR : Instead of this genealogical list has : ' There was a man named Thorfinn Karlsefni, a son 
of Thord Horse-head, who lived in the north, at Reyniness, in Skagafirth, as it is now called. Karl- 
sefni was a man of fine family and was very well-to-do.' " EsR : Porbiazrson. 

14 PsK : ' Karlsefni and the others put to sea with these two ships, when they were ready.' 

18 PsK: Eric. 


great munificence in return, in that he extended an invitation to both crews to accom- 
pany him home for winter quarters at Brattahlid. The merchants accepted this 
invitation l , and went with Eric. Their wares were then conveyed to Brattahlid ; nor 
was there lack there of good and commodious store-houses, in which to keep them ; 
nor was there wanting much of that, which they needed, and the merchants were well 
pleased with their entertainment at Eric's home during that winter. Now as it drew 
toward Yule, Eric became very taciturn, and less cheerful than had been his wont. 
On one occasion Karlsefni entered into conversation with Eric, and said : ' Hast thou 
aught weighing upon thee, Eric ? The folk have remarked, that thou art somewhat 
more silent 2 than thou hast been hitherto. Thou hast entertained us with great 
liberality, and it behooves us to make such return as may lie within our power. Do 
thou now but make known the cause of thy melancholy.' Eric answers : ' Ye accept 
hospitality gracefully, and in manly wise, and I am not pleased that ye should be the 
■sufferers by reason of our intercourse; rather am I troubled at the thought, that it 
should be given out elsewhere, that ye have never passed a worse Yule than this, 
now drawing nigh, when Eric the Red was your host at Brattahlid in Greenland.' 
' There shall be no cause for that,' replies Karlsefni, ' we have malt, and meal, and 
corn in our ships, and you are welcome to take of these whatsoever you wish, and to 
provide as liberal an entertainment as seems fitting to you.' Eric accepts this offer, 
and preparations were made for the Yule feast (43), and it was so sumptuous, that 
it seemed to the people they had scarcely ever seen so grand an entertainment 
before *. And after Yule, Karlsefni broached the subject of a marriage with Gudrid 
to Eric, for he assumed that with him rested the right to bestow her hand in 
marriage 4 . Eric answers favourably, and says, that she would accomplish the fate 
in store for her, adding that he had heard only good reports of him 5 . And, not 
to prolong this, the result was, that Thorfinn was betrothed to Thurid, and the 
banquet was augmented, and their wedding was celebrated 6 ; and this befell at 
Brattahlid during the winter 7 . 

1 fsK : adds, ' and thanked him.' 

2 f>sK : ' less cheerful.' 3 f>sK : adds, ' in a poor country.' 
4 EsR : adds, ' and she seemed to him a handsome and accomplished woman.' 

6 EsR : ' Eric answers, saying, that his offer should be well considered, and adding that she was 
worthy of a goodly match ; " moreover, it is probable, that she will fulfil her appointed destiny," even if 
she should be married to him, and said that good reports had come concerning him.' 

6 t"sK : ' ok drukkit brullaup peira,' and their bridal drunk. 

7 EsR : ' There was great good cheer at Brattahlid during the winter. Whereat much discussion 
arose, that there was much table-play afoot, and story-telling and much of the like which might contribute 
to the amusement of the household.' The clause ' whereat much discussion arose ' appears to have 
been inserted by accident from the succeeding paragraph. 



Beginning of the Wineland Voyages. 

About this time there began to be much talk at Brattahlid, to the effect that 
Wineland the Good should be explored, for, it was said, that country must be 
possessed of many goodly qualities. And so it came to pass, that Karlsefni and 
Snorri fitted out their ship, for the purpose of going in search of that country in the 
spring 1 . Biarni and Thorhall joined the expedition with their ship, and the men 
who had borne them company 2 . There was a man named Thorvard ; he was wedded 
to Freydis (44), a natural daughter of Eric the Red. He also accompanied them, 
together with Thorvald, Eric's son, and Thorhall, who was called the Huntsman. He 
had been for a long time with Eric as his hunter and fisherman during the summer, 
and as his steward during the winter 3 . Thorhall was stout and swarthy, and of 
giant stature ; he was a man of few words, though given to abusive language, when 
he did speak, and he ever incited Eric to evil. He was a poor Christian; he had 
a wide knowledge of the unsettled regions 4 . He was on the same ship with Thorvard 
and Thorvald 5 . They had that ship which Thorbiorn had brought out. They had 
in all one hundred and sixty men, when they sailed to the Western-settlement (45), 
and thence to Bear Island 6 . Thence they bore away to the southward two 
' dcegr ' (46). Then they saw land, and launched a boat, and explored the land, and 

1 EsR : ' Karlsefni and Snorri determined to go in search of Wineland, and this gave rise to much 
talk.' [Cf. preceding note.] ' And the end of the matter was, that Karlsefni and Snorri equipped their 
ship and determined to go in search of Wineland during the summer.' 

2 f>sK : ' With them went also that man, who was named Biarni, and likewise Thorhall, who have 
before been mentioned, with their ship.' 

3 EsR: 'There was a man named Thorvald; he was a relative by marriage of Eric the Red. 
Thorhall was called the Huntsman [veiSimaor] ; he had long lived with Eric, engaging in fishing and 
hunting expeditions during the summer, and was general care-taker ' [lit. had many things under his 

4 EsR : ' Thorhall was a man of great stature, swart and giant-like ; he was rather stricken with 
years, overbearing in manner, taciturn, and usually a man of few words, underhanded in his dealings, 
and yet given to offensive language, and always ready to stir up evil ; he had concerned himself little 
with the true faith after its introduction into Greenland. Thorhall was not very popular, but Eric had 
long been accustomed to seek his advice.' 

6 EsR : ' with Thorvald and his companions, because he had extensive knowledge of the uninhabited 

6 EsR : ' and they joined Karlsefni and his companions in their expedition, and they were mostly 

Greenland men on board. There were on their ships forty men off the second hundred [i.e. one 

hundred and sixty men]. Then they sailed away to the Western-settlement, and to the Bear Isles.' 

f>sK has, ' xl. men and c ; ' but as the early duodecimal hundred of twelve tens is doubtless meant by 

c,' the numbers agree in both accounts. 


found there large flat stones [hellur], and many of these were twelve' ells wide ; there 
were many Arctic foxes there. They gave a name to the country, and called it Hellu- 
land [the land of flat stones] \ Then they sailed with northerly winds two ' dcegr,' 
and land then lay before them, and upon it was a great wood and many wild beasts ; 
an island lay off the land to the south-east, and there they found a bear, and they 
called this Biarney [Bear Island], while the land where the wood was they called 
Markland [Forest-land] 2 . Thence they sailed southward along the land for a long 
time, and came to a cape ; the land lay upon the starboard ; there were long strands 
and sandy banks there. They rowed to the land and found upon the cape there the 
keel of a ship (47), and they called it there Kialarnes [Keelness] ; they also called the 
strands Furdustrandir [Wonder-strands], because they were so long to sail by 3 . Then 
the country became indented with bays, and they steered their ships into a bay 4 . It 
was when Leif was with King Olaf Tryggvason, and he bade him proclaim Christianity 
to Greenland, that the king gave him two Gaels (48) ; the man's name was Haki, and 
the woman's Haekia. The king advised Leif to have recourse to these people, if he 
should stand in need of fleetness, for they were swifter than deer 5 . Eric and Leif 
had tendered Karlsefni the services of this couple. Now when they had sailed past 
Wonder-strands, they put the Gaels ashore, and directed them to run to the south- 
ward, and investigate the nature of the country, and return again before the end of 
the third half-day. They were each clad in a garment, which they called ' kiafal V 
which was so fashioned, that it had a hood at the top, was open at the sides, was 
sleeveless, and was fastened between the legs with buttons and loops, while elsewhere 
they were naked. Karlsefni and his companions cast anchor, and lay there during 

1 EsR : ' Thence they sailed away beyond the Bear Isles, with northerly winds. They were out two 
" dcegr ; " then they discovered land, and rowed thither in boats, and explored the country, and found 
there many flat stones [hellur], so large, that two men could well spurn soles upon them' [i.e. lie at full 
length upon them, sole to sole] ; ' there were many Arctic foxes there.' 

2 f>sK : ' Thence they sailed two " dcegr," and bore away from the south toward the south-east, 
and they found a wooded country, and on it many animals ; an island lay there off the land toward 
the south-east ; they killed a bear on this [island], and called it afterwards Bear Isle, but the country 

3 EsR : ' Then when two " dcegr " had elapsed, they descried land, and they sailed off this land ; 
there was a cape to which they came. They beat into the wind along this coast, having the land upon 
the starboard side. This was a bleak coast, with long and sandy shores. They went ashore in boats, 
and found the keel of a ship, so they called it Keelness there ; they likewise gave a name to the strands, 
and called them Wonder-strands, because they were long to sail by.' 

* EsR : ' to the bays.' 

6 1>sK : ' King Olaf Tryggvason had given Leif two Gaelic people, the man's name was Haki, and 
she Hekia. They were fleeter than deer. These people were on board Karlsefni's ship.' 
6 EsR: 'biafal.' 

G 2 


their absence 1 ; and when they came again, one of them carried 2 a bunch of grapes, 
and the other an ear of new-sown wheat 3 . They went on board the ship, whereupon 
Karlsefni and his followers held on their way, until they came to where the coast was 
indented with bays. They stood into a bay with their ships. There was an island 
out at the mouth of the bay, about which there were strong currents, wherefore they 
called it Straumey [Stream Isle]. There were so many birds there, that it was scarcely 
possible to step between the eggs 4 . They sailed through the firth, and called it 
Straumfiord [Streamfirth], and carried their cargoes ashore from the ships, and esta- 
blished themselves there. They had brought with them all kinds of live-stock. It was 
a fine country there. There were mountains thereabouts. They occupied themselves 
exclusively with the exploration of the country. They remained there during the 
winter, and they had taken no thought for this during the summer. The fishing 
began to fail, and they began to fall short of food 5 . Then Thorhall the Huntsman 
disappeared. They had already prayed to God for food, but it did not come 
as promptly as their necessities seemed to demand. They searched for Thorhall 
for three half-days, and found him 6 on. a projecting crag. He was lying there, 
and looking up at the sky, with mouth and nostrils agape, and mumbling some- 
thing 7 . They asked him why he had gone thither; he replied, that this did not 
concern anyone 8 . They asked him then to go home with them, and he did so. 
Soon after this a whale appeared there, and they captured it 9 , and flensed it, and 
no one could tell what manner of whale it was 10 ; and when the cooks had prepared 

1 Lit. ' for this period.' s Lit. ' had in the hand.' 

s EsR : ' and when three days [sic] had passed, they ran down from the land, and one of them 
carried in the hand a wine-vessel ' [vm-ker, doubtless a clerical error for ' vm-ber,' grapes], ' and the 
other wheat self-sown. Karlsefni said that they seemed to have found goodly indigenous products ! ' 

4 i>sK : ' There were so many eider-ducks on the island, that it was scarcely possible to walk for 
the eggs.' 

6 EsR : ' they explored the nature of the land. There were mountains there, and the country round 
about was fair to look upon. They did nought but explore the country. There was tall grass there. 
They remained there during the winter, and they had a hard winter, for which they had not prepared, 
and they grew short of food, and the fishing fell off. Then they went out to the island, in the hope that 
something might be forthcoming in the way of fishing or flotsam. There was little food left, however, 
although their live-stock fared well there. Then they invoked God, that he might send them food, but 
they did not get response so soon as they needed. Thorhall disappeared,' &c. 

6 EsR : ' on the fourth half-day Karlsefni and Biarni found him.' 

7 EsR: 'and with eyes, mouth and nostrils wide-stretched, and was scratching himself, and 
muttering something.' 

8 EsR adds, ' he told them not to be surprised at this ; adding that he had lived sufficiently long to 
render it unnecessary for them to take counsel for him.' 

' Lit. ' they went to it.' • , 

10 EsR adds, ' Karlsefni had much knowledge of whales, but he did not know this one.' 


it, they ate of it, and were all made ill by it. Then Thorhall, approaching them, 
says : ' Did not the Red-beard (49) prove more helpful than your Christ ? This is 
my reward for the verses which I composed to Thor, the Trustworthy 1 ; seldom has 
he failed me.' When the people heard this, they cast the whale down into the sea, 
and made their appeals to God 2 . The weather then improved, and they could now 
row out to fish, and thenceforward they had no lack of provisions, for they could 
hunt game on the land, gather eggs on the island, and catch fish from the sea 3 . 

Concerning Karlsefni and Thorhall. 

It is said, that Thorhall wished to sail to the northward beyond Wonder-strands, 
in search of Wineland, while Karlsefni desired to proceed to the southward, off the 
coast 4 . Thorhall prepared for his voyage out below the island, having only nine men 
in his party, for all of the remainder of the company went with Karlsefni. And one 
day when Thorhall was carrying water aboard his ship, and was drinking, he recited 
this ditty: 

When I came, these brave men told me, 

Here the best of drink I 'd get, 
Now with water-pail behold me, — 

Wine and I are strangers yet. 
Stooping at the spring, I 've tested 

All the wine this land affords; 
Of its vaunted charms divested, 
Poor indeed are its rewards 5 . 

1 fulltniann, lit. a person in whom one reposes all confidence. 

2 EsR : ' and when the people knew this, none of them would eat, and they cast [it] down over the 
rocks, and invoked God's mercy.' 

3 EsR : ' They were then able to row out to fish, and they had no longer any lack of the necessities 
of life. In the spring they went into Streamfirth, and obtained provisions from both regions, hunting 
on the mainland, gathering eggs, and deep-sea fishing.' 

* EsR : This introductory paragraph reads : ' Now they took counsel together concerning their 
expedition, and came to an agreement. Thorhall the Huntsman wished to go northward around 
Wonder-strands, and past Keelness, and so seek Wineland ; while Karlsefni wished to proceed south- 
ward along the land and to the eastward, believing that country to be greater, which is farther to the 
southward, and it seemed to him more advisable to explore both.' 

6 The order of the words of the verse is as follows : MeiSar [trees] malm bings [of the metal- 
meeting, i. e. of battle, trees of battle, warriors, men] kvaSu mik hafa [said that I should have] drykk inn 
bazta [the best of drink], er ek kom hingat [when I came hither], me> samir lasta land fyrir lySum [it 
behooves me to blame the land 'fore all] ; bflds hattar [bfldr, an instrument for letting blood, i. e. a 
sword, bflds hattar, the sword's hat, i.e. the helmet] bei5ity>[the god who demands, wherefore, bflds hattar 

■ z * : 


And when they were ready, they hoisted sail ; whereupon Thorhall recited this ditty 1 : 

Comrades, let us now be faring 

Homeward to our own again ! 
Let us try the sea-steed's daring, 

Give the chafing courser rein. 
Those who will may bide in quiet, 

Let them praise their chosen land, 
Feasting on a whale-steak diet, 

In their home by Wonder-strand 2 . 

Then they sailed away to the northward past Wonder-strands and Keelness, 
intending to cruise to the westward around the cape. They encountered westerly 
gales, and were driven ashore in Ireland, where they were grievously maltreated 
and thrown into slavery. There Thorhall lost his life, according to that which 
traders have related. 

It is now to be told of Karlsefni, that he cruised southward off the coast, with 
Snorri and Biarni, and their people. They sailed for a long time, and until they came 

beifiityY, he, or the god, who demands the helmet, the warrior, i. e. man], ek ver6 at rei8a byttu [I must 
bear the pail] ; heldr er sva at ek kryp at keldu [I have rather to stoop to the spring] ; komat vfn a grpn 
mfna [wine has not touched my lips]. 

The prose sense of the verse is : Men promised me, when I came hither, that I should have the best 
of drink, it behooves me before all to blame the land, [f>sK] [' little to blame it,' EsR]. See, oh, man ! 
how I must raise the pail ; instead of drinking wine, I have to stoop to the spring. 

1 EsR : ' Then they put to sea, and Karlsefni accompanies them out off the island. Before they 
hoisted sail, Thorhall uttered this ditty.' 

2 The order of the words in the verse is as follows : Forum aptr par er 6rir landar eru [Let us go 
back where our countrymen are], l&tum kenni sandhimins [sandhiminn, the canopy of the sands, the sea, 
kenni sandhimins, the knowing one of the sea, the sailor, wherefore, latum kenni sandhimins, let the 
sailor], val kanna [explore well] en brei8u knarrarskeifi [the broad courses of the ships, i. e. the sea] ; 
meflan bilstyggvir [while the rest -hating] laufavefirs bellendr [laufave8r, sword-storm, i. e. battle, bellendr, 
wagers, givers, laufaveSrs bellendr, the givers of battle, rest-hating givers of battle, warriors, men], peir 
er leyfa lond [they who praise the land], byggja ok vella hval a FurSustrgndum [live and cook whale 
on Wonder-strands]. 

The prose sense of the verse is: Let us return to our countrymen, leaving those, who like the 
country here, to cook their whale on Wonder-strands. 

EsR has aerir for 6rir, and kseti for kenni, which words are not readily intelligible. The paper 
manuscripts have still other variants, certain of them clearly unintelligible. The verse, as given in 
fcsK, appears to be the least corrupted. The form 6rir, nom. plur. from v£rr, disappeared at the 
beginning of the thirteenth century, being supplanted by the form varir. [Cf. Konr. Gislason, uEIdre 
og nyere Boining af F0rste Persons Plural-possessiv i Oldnordisk-Islandsk., in Aarb. for nord. Oldk. og 
Hist. 1889, pp. 343 et seq.] From this it is apparent that the verse is much older than either text of 
the saga which we have, and must have been composed at least a hundred years before Hauk's Book 
was written ; although it may well be much older than the beginning of the thirteenth century. 


at last to a river, which flowed down from the land into a lake, and so into the sea. 
There were great bars at the mouth of the river, so that it could only be entered at 
the height of the flood-tide. Karlsefni and his men sailed into the mouth of the river, 
and called it there Hop [a small land-locked bay]. They found self-sown wheat-fields 
on the land there, wherever there were hollows, and wherever there was hilly ground, 
there were vines (50). Every brook there was full of fish. They dug pits, on the 
shore where the tide rose highest, and when the tide fell, there were halibut (51) 
in the pits. There were great numbers of wild animals of all kinds in the woods. 
They remained there half a month, and enjoyed themselves, and kept no watch. 
They had their live-stock with them. Now one morning early, when they looked 
about them, they saw a great number of skin-canoes 1 , and staves (52) were brand- 
ished from the boats, with a noise like flails, and they were revolved in the same 
direction in which the sun moves. Then said Karlsefni : ' What may this betoken ? ' 
Snorri, Thorb rand's son, answers him : 'It may be, that this is a signal of peace, 
wherefore let us take a white shield (53) and display it.' And thus they did. There- 
upon the strangers rowed toward them, and went upon the land, marvelling at 
those whom they saw before them. They were swarthy men 2 , and ill-looking, and 
the hair of their heads was ugly. They had great eyes, and were broad of 
cheek (54). They tarried there for a time looking curiously at the people they saw 
before them, and then rowed away, and to the southward around the point. 

Karlsefni and his followers had built their huts above the lake, some of their 
dwellings being near the lake, and others farther away 3 . Now they remained there 
that winter. No snow came there 4 , and all of their live-stock lived by grazing (55). 
And when spring opened, they discovered, early one morning, a great number of 
skin-canoes, rowing from the south past the cape, so numerous, that it looked as if 
coals had been scattered broadcast out before the bay ; and on every boat staves were 
waved. Thereupon Karlsefni and his people displayed their shields, and when they 
came together, they began to barter with each other. Especially did the strangers 
wish to buy red cloth 5 , for which they offered in exchange peltries and quite 
grey skins. They also desired to buy swords and spears, but Karlsefni and Snorri 
forbade this. In exchange for perfect unsullied skins, the Skrellings would take 
red stuff a span in length, which they would bind around their heads. So their 
trade went on for a time, until Karlsefni and his people began to grow short of 
cloth, when they divided it into such narrow pieces, that it was not more than a 

1 EsR : ' nine skin-canoes.' s EsR : ' small men,' instead of ' swarthy men.' 

s EsR : ' some dwellings were near the mainland, and some near the lake.' 

* EsR : ' no snow whatever.' 6 fcsK : skru3, a kind of stuff ; EsR : klaeSi, cloth. 


finger's breadth wide, but the Skrellings still continued to give just as much for 
this as before, or more. 

It so happened, that a bull, which belonged to Karlsefni and his people, ran out 
from the woods, bellowing loudly. This so terrified the Skrellings, that they sped 
out to their canoes, and then rowed away to the southward along the coast. For 
three entire weeks nothing more was seen of them. At the end of this time, however, 
a great multitude of Skrelling boats was discovered approaching from the south, 
as if a stream were pouring down, and all of their staves were waved in a direction 
contrary to the course of the sun, and the Skrellings were all uttering loud cries. 
Thereupon Karlsefni and his men took red shields (53) and displayed them. The 
Skrellings sprang from their boats, and they met then, and fought together. There 
was a fierce shower of missiles, for the Skrellings had war-slings. Karlsefni and 
Snorri observed, that the Skrellings raised up on a pole J a great ball-shaped body, 
almost the size of a sheep's belly, and nearly black in colour, and this they hurled from 
the pole up on the land above Karlsefni's followers, and it made a frightful noise, 
where it fell. Whereat a great fear seized upon Karlsefni, and all his men, so that 
they could think of nought but flight, and of making their escape up along the river 
bank, for it seemed to them, that the troop of the Skrellings was rushing towards 
them from every side, and they did not pause, until they came to certain jutting crags, 
where they offered a stout resistance. Freydis came out, and seeing that Karlsefni 
and his men were fleeing, she cried : ' Why do ye flee from these wretches, such 
worthy men as ye, when, meseems, ye might slaughter them like cattle. Had I but a 
weapon, methinks, I would fight better than any one of you ! ' They gave no heed to 
her words. Freydis sought to join them, but lagged behind, for she was not hale 2 ; 
she followed them, however, into the forest, while the Skrellings pursued her ; she 
found a dead man in front of her ; this was Thorbrand, Snorri's son, his skull cleft by 
a flat stone ; his naked sword lay beside him ; she took it up, and prepared to defend 
herself with it. The Skrellings then approached her, whereupon she stripped down her 
shift, and slapped her breast with the naked sword. At this the Skrellings were 
terrified and ran down to their boats, and rowed away. Karlsefni and his companions, 
however, joined her and praised her valour. Two of Karlsefni's men had fallen, and a 
great number of the Skrellings 3 . Karlsefni's party had been overpowered by dint of 
superior numbers. They now returned to their dwellings, and bound up their 
wounds, and weighed carefully what throng of men that could have been, which had 
seemed to descend upon them from the land 4 ; it now seemed to them, that there 

1 EsR : ' on poles.' 2 ' eigi heil,' a euphemism for pregnant. 

8 EsR : 'four of the Skrellings.' * EsR: simply 'from the land.' 


could have been but the one party, that which came from the boats, and that the other 
troop must have been an ocular delusion l . The Skrellings, moreover, found a dead 
man, and an axe lay beside him. One of their number picked up the axe, and struck 
at a tree with it, and one after another [they tested it], and it seemed to them to 
be a treasure, and to cut well ; then one of their number seized it, and hewed at 
a stone with it, so that the axe broke, whereat they concluded that it could be of no 
use, since it would not withstand stone, and they cast it away 2 . 

It now seemed clear to Karlsefni and his people, that although the country 
thereabouts was attractive, their life would be one of constant dread and turmoil by 
reason of the [hostility of the] inhabitants 3 of the country, so they forthwith prepared 
to leave, and determined to return to their own country. They sailed to the north- 
ward off the coast, and found five Skrellings, clad in skin-doublets, lying asleep near 
the sea. There were vessels beside them, containing animal marrow, mixed with 
blood. Karlsefni and his company concluded that they must have been banished 
from their own land. They put them to death. They afterwards found a cape, 
upon which there was a great number of animals, and this cape looked as if it 
were one cake of dung, by reason of the animals which lay there at night 4 . They 
now arrived again at Streamfirth, where they found great abundance of all those 
things of which they stood in need. Some men say, that Biarni and Freydis 5 
remained behind here with a hundred men, and went no further ; while Karlsefni and 
Snorri proceeded to the southward with forty men, tarrying at Hop barely two 
months, and returning again the same summer. Karlsefni then set out with one 
ship, in search of Thorhall the Huntsman, but the greater part of the company 
remained behind. They sailed to the northward around Keelness, and then bore 
to the westward, having land to the larboard. The country there was a wooded 
wilderness, as far as they could see, with scarcely an open space 6 ; and when they 
had journeyed a considerable distance, a river flowed down from the east toward 
the west. They sailed into the mouth of the river, and lay to by the southern bank. 

The Slaying of Thorvald, Eric's Son. 

It happened one morning, that Karlsefni and his companions discovered in an 
open space in the woods above them, a speck, which seemed to shine toward them, 
and they shouted at it: it stirred, and it was a Uniped(56), who skipped down to the 

1 EsR : ' pvers^ningar,' lit. cross-sight. 

a EsR has instead of the above : ' one of their people hewed at a stone, and broke the axe ; it 
seemed to him of no use, since it would not withstand stone, and he cast it down.' 

3 EsR : ' for those who dwelt there before.' * EsR : ' during the winter.' 

8 PsK : Gudrid. 6 EsR has simply, ' there were wooded wildernesses there.' 




bank of the river by which they were lying. Thorvald, a son of Eric the Red, was 
sitting at the helm, and the Uniped shot an arrow into his inwards. Thorvald drew 
out the arrow, and exclaimed : ' There is fat around my paunch ; we have hit upon a 
fruitful country, and yet we are not like to get much profit of it V Thorvald died soon 
after from this wound. Then the Uniped ran away back toward the north. Karlsefni 
and his men pursued him, and saw him from time to time 2 . The last they saw of 
him, he ran down into a creek. Then they turned back ; whereupon one of the men 
recited this ditty: 

Eager, our men, up hill down dell, 
Hunted a Uniped ; 

Hearken, Karlsefni, while they tell 
How swift the quarry fled ! s 

Then they sailed away back toward the north, and believed they had got sight of 
the land of the Unipeds ; nor were they disposed to risk the lives of their men any 
longer. They concluded that the mountains of Hop, and those which they had now 
found, formed one chain, and this appeared to be so because they were about an 
equal distance removed from Streamfirth, in either direction 4 . They sailed back, 
and passed the third winter at Streamfirth. Then the men began to divide into 
factions 5 , of which the women were the cause ; and those who were without wives, 
endeavoured to seize upon the wives of those who were married, whence the greatest 
trouble arose. Snorri, Karlsefni's son, was born the first autumn, and he was three 
winters' old 6 when they took their departure. When they sailed away from Wine- 
land, they had a southerly wind, and so came upon Markland, where they found five 
Skrellings, of whom one was bearded, two were women, and two were children. Karl- 
sefni and his people took the boys, but the others escaped, and these Skrellings sank 
down into the earth. They bore the lads away with them, and taught them to speak, 
and they were baptized. They said, that their mother's name was Vaetilldi, and their 

1 In EsR the text of this passage seems to be somewhat confused, apparently through a clerical 
error. It reads : ' and runs down thither to where, they [the companions of] Thorvald, the son of Eric 
the Red, lay ; then said Thorvald : " We have found a good land." Then the Uniped runs away, back 
toward the north, having first shot an arrow into Thorvald's intestines ; he drew out the arrow, then 
Thorvald said : " There is fat about the paunch." They pursued the Uniped,' &c. 

2 EsR adds, ' and it seemed as if he were trying to escape.' 

8 Lit. ' The men pursued, most true it is, a Uniped down to the shore, but the strange man took to 
running swift over the banks. Hear thou, Karlsefni ! ' 

* EsR : ' They intended to explore all the mountains, those which were at H6p, and [those] which 
they discovered.' 

* EsR : ' gengu menn pa mjgk sleitum,' the men then began to grow quarrelsome [?]. 

* EsR : ' okvar bar bann er beir fbru a brott,' and was there ' that ' when they went away. It is not 
clear to what the ' bann ' refers. 



father's Uvaegi *. They said, that kings governed the Skrellings 2 , one of whom was 
called Avalldamon 3 , and the other Valldidida (57). They stated, that there were no 
houses there, and that the people lived in caves or holes. They said, that there was 
a land on the other side over against their country, which was inhabited by people 
who wore white garments, and yelled loudly, and carried poles before them, to which 
rags were attached 4 ; and people believe that this must have been Hvitramanna-land 
[White-men's-land 6 ], or Ireland the Great (58). Now they arrived in Greenland, and 
remained during the winter with Eric the Red 6 . 

Biarni, Grimolfs son, and his companions were driven out into the Atlantic 7 , 
and came into a sea, which was filled with worms, and their ship began to sink 
beneath them 8 . They had a boat 9 , which had been coated with seal-tar; this 
the sea-worm does not penetrate. They took their places in this boat, and then 
discovered that it would not hold them all 10 . Then said Biarni : ' Since the 
boat will not hold more than half of our men, it is my advice, that the men 
who are to go in the boat, be chosen by lot, for this selection must not be made 
according to rank.' This seemed to them all such a manly offer, that no one opposed 
it n . So they adopted this plan, the men casting lots ; and it fell to Biarni to go in the 
boat, and half 12 of the men with him, for it would not hold more 13 . But when the 
men were come into the boat, an Icelander 14 , who was in the ship, and who had 
accompanied Biarni from Iceland, said : ' Dost thou intend, Biarni, to forsake me 
here?' 'It must be even so,' answers Biarni. 'Not such was the promise thou 

1 EsR : ' they called their mother Vsetilldi and Uvaegi,' apparently a clerical error. 

2 EsR : ' the land of the Skrellings.' s t>sK : ' Avalldama ' [?] 
4 EsR : ' and they yelled loudly, and carried poles, and went with rags.' 

6 EsR simply, ' men believe that White-men's-land.' 

6 In i>sK this sentence is lacking. 

7 t>sK : frlands haf, lit. Ireland's sea. EsR : Grcenlands haf, lit. Greenland's sea, the term used of 
the sea between Iceland and Greenland. 

8 EsR : ' they did not discover this, before the ship was all worm-eaten beneath them. Thereupon 
they debated what they should do.' 

9 EsR : ' an after-boat,' a jolly-boat usually towed ' after ' the ship, whence the name. 

10 EsR : ' people say, that the shell-worm does not bore in wood, which has been coated with seal- 
tar. It was the advice and decision of most of the men, to transfer to the boat as many as it would 
contain. But when this was tried, the boat would not hold more than half the men.' 

11 EsR : ' Biarni said then, that men should go in the boat, and that this should be determined 
by casting lots, and not by rank. For all of the men who were there wished to go in the boat; 
it would not carry all, wherefore they adopted this plan, to choose men by lot for the boat, and from the 
ship.' I2 EsR: ' nearly half.' 

13 EsR : ' Then they, who had been chosen, left the ship and entered the boat.' 
" EsR : ' a young Icelander.' 

H 2 



gavest my father,' he answers, 'when I left Iceland with thee, that thou wouldst thus 
part with me, when thou saidst, that we should both share the same fate.' ' So be it, 
it shall not rest thus,' answers Biarni ; ' do thou come hither, and I will go to the ship, 
for I see that thou art eager for life V Biarni thereupon boarded the ship, and this 
man entered the boat, and they went their way, until they came to Dublin in Ireland, 
and there they told this tale ; now it is the belief of most people, that Biarni and his 
companions perished in the maggot-sea, for they were never heard of afterward 2 . 

Karlsefni and his Wife Thurid's Issue. 

The following summer Karlsefni sailed to Iceland and Gudrid 3 with him, and he 
went home 4 to Reyniness (59). His mother believed that he had made a poor match, 
and she 6 was not at home the first winter. However, when she became convinced 
that Gudrid was a very superior woman, she returned to her home, and they lived 
happily together. Hallfrid was a daughter of Snorri, Karlsefni's son, she was the 
mother of Bishop Thorlak, Runolf s son (60). They had a son named Thorbiorn, whose 
daughter's name was Thorunn, [she was] Bishop Biorn's mother. Thorgeir was the 
name of a son of Snorri, Karlsefni's son, [he was] the father of Ingveld, mother of 
Bishop Brand the Elder 6 . Steinunn was a daughter of Snorri, Karlsefni's son, who 
married Einar, a son of Grundar-Ketil, a son of Thorvald Crook 7 , a son of Thori of 
Espihol. Their son was Thorstein the Unjust 8 , he was the father of Gudrun, who 
married Jorund of Keldur. Their daughter was Halla, the mother of Flosi, the father 
of Valgerd, the mother of Herra Erlend the Stout 9 , the father of Herra Hauk the 
Lawman. Another daughter of Flosi was Thordis, the mother of Fru Ingigerd the 
Mighty 10 . Her daughter was Fru Hallbera, Abbess of Reyniness at Stad (59). Many 
other great people in Iceland are descended from Karlsefni and Thurid, who are not 
mentioned here. God be with us, Amen ! 

1 EsR : ' " Such was not thy promise to me," says he, " when I set out from Iceland with thee, from 
my father's home." Biarni says : " I see no other course left here, however ; but " [answers] " what 
suggestion hast thou to offer?" He says: "I have to suggest, that we change places, do thou come 
hither, and I will go thither." Biarni answers : " So be it. I see, indeed, that thou clingest eagerly to 
life, and holdest it hard to die." So they changed places.' 

1 EsR : ' And men say, that Biarni perished there in the maggot-sea, together with those men, who 
were there with him in the ship. But the boat, and they who were in it, went their way, until they 
reached land, and afterwards told this tale.' 

3 EsR : ' Snorri.' * EsR : ' to his home.' B i>sK : ' Gudrid.' 

* ' hinn fyrri.' EsR : ' and there this saga ends.' T kr6kr. 

8 ranglatr. » sterki. 10 rfka. 


The Wineland History of the Flatey Book. 

The Flatey Book [Flateyjarbok] is the most extensive and most perfect of 
Icelandic manuscripts. It is in itself a comprehensive historical library of the era 
with which it deals, and so considerable are its contents, that they fill upwards 
of 1700 large octavo pages of printed text 1 . On the title-page of the manuscript 2 
we are informed, that it belonged originally to John Haconsson [Jon Hakonarson], 
for whom it was written by the priests John Thordsson [Jon £6roarson] and Magnus 
Thorhallsson [Magnus fcorhallsson]. We have no information concerning the date 
when the book was commenced by John Thordsson; but the most important portion 
of the work appears to have been completed in the year 1387 3 , although additions 
were made to the body of the work by one of the original scribes 4 , and the annals, 
appended to the book, brought down to the year 1394. Toward the close of the 
fifteenth century, the then owner of the book, whose name is unknown, inserted three 
quaternions of additional historical matter in the manuscript 5 , to fill a hiatus in the 
historical sequence of the work, not, however, in that part of the manuscript which 
treats of Wineland. 

It has been conjectured that the manuscript was written in the north of Iceland 6 , 

1 ' Five pages or ten columns of it fill twenty-eight printed pages.' Vigfusson, Preface to the 
Rolls Ed. 'Icelandic Sagas,' London, 1887, vol. i. p. xxvii. 

2 ' The only title-page found in any Icelandic MS.' Ibid. p. xxv. 

s Cf. Storm, Islandske Annaler, Christiania, 1888, pp. xxxiv-xxxvi. This view, however, conflicts 
with the opinion held by others that this date should be 1380. Cf. FIateyjarb6k, ed. Vigfusson and 
Unger, Christiania, 1860-68, vol. iii, Fortale, i-iii; Finnur J6nsson, Eddalieder, Halle, o. S., 1888, 
i. p. viii. * Magnus Thorhallsson. 

8 Cf. Preface, Icelandic Sagas, ubi sup. vol. i. p. xxx. 

6 ' Annales non in occidentali Islandia, sed potius aut Vididalstungae aut in monasterio Thingey- 
rensi [qui uterque locus in septentrionali Islandia situs est] scripti esse videntur.' Islenzkir Ann&Iar, 
Copenh. 1847, p. xv. This opinion is partially sanctioned by Storm, who suggests that Magnus' 
predecessor probably had his home in the north of Iceland. Cf. Storm, Islandske Annaler, Christiania, 
1888, p. xxxiv. 


but, according to the editors of the printed text, the facts are that the manuscript was 
owned in the west of Iceland as far back as we possess any knowledge of it, and 
there is no positive evidence where it was written l . We have, indeed, no further 
particulars concerning the manuscript before the seventeenth century, when we find 
that it was in the possession of John Finsson [Jon Finsson], who dwelt in .Flatey in 
Breidafirth [Brei3afj6r5r], as had his father, and his father's father before him. That 
the book had been a family heirloom is evident from an entry made in the manuscript 
by this same John Finsson : 

' This book I, John Finsson, own ; the gift of my deceased father's father, John 
Biarnsson 2 ,' &c. 

From John Finsson the book descended to his nephew, John Torfason 3 , from 
whom that worthy bibliophile, Bishop Bryniolf of Skalholt, sought, in vain, to 
purchase it, as is related in an anecdote in the bishop's biography: 

' Farmer John of Flatey, son of the Rev. Torfi Finsson, owned a large and massive 
parchment-book in ancient monachal writing, containing sagas of the Kings of Norway, and 
many others ; and it is, therefore, commonly called Flatey Book \ This, Bishop Bryniolf 
endeavoured to purchase, first for money, and then for five hundreds of land. But he, never- 
theless, failed to obtain it ; however, when John bore him company, as he was leaving the 
island, he presented him the book ; and it is said, that the Bishop rewarded him liberally 
for it V 

The Flatey Book was among a collection of vellum manuscripts intrusted to the 
care of Thormod Torfaeus, in 1662, as a present from Bishop Bryniolf to King 
Frederick the Third of Denmark, and thus luckily escaped the fate of others of 
the bishop's literary treasures. In the Royal Library of Copenhagen it has ever 
since remained, where it is known as No. 1005, fol. of the Old Royal Collection. 

Interpolated in the Saga of Olaf Tryggvason in the Flatey Book are two minor 
historical narratives. The first of these, in the order in which they appear in the 
manuscript, is called, a Short Story of Eric the Red [£attr Eireks Rau?>a], the second, 
a Short Story of the Greenlanders [Grcenlendinga fcattr]. Although these short 
histories are not connected in any way in the manuscript, being indeed separated 
by over fifty columns of extraneous historical matter, they form, if brought together, 

1 Cf. Flateyjarb6k, Fortale, ubi sup. p. vi. John Haconsson appears to have lived at one time in 
the north of Iceland at VfSidalstunga (cf. Safn til sogu fslands, Copenh. 1861, vol. ii. p. 77), which in 
some measure may tend to confirm the view that the book originated in the north of Iceland. 

" Ibid. p. iii. 

8 Cf. Vigfusson, Icelandic Sagas, ubi sup. vol. i. p. xxx. 

* That is from Flatey [Flat Island], the home of the owners of the book. 

6 Cf. Vigfusson, 'Prolegomena' in Sturlunga Saga, Oxford, 1878, vol. i. p. cxliii, note 1. 


what may be called, the Flatey Book version of the history of the Wineland discovery, 
— a version which varies materially from the accounts of the discovery, as they have 
been preserved elsewhere. Before considering these points of difference, it may be 
stated that, as we have no certain knowledge where the Flatey Book was written, 
neither have we any definite information concerning the original material from which 
the transcripts of these two narratives were made. The original manuscripts of these 
narratives would appear to have shared a common fate with the other originals from which 
the scribes of the Flatey Book compiled their work ;— all of this vast congeries of early 
manuscripts has entirely disappeared. This is the conclusion reached by that eminent 
authority, the late Dr. Vigfusson *, whose profound knowledge of the written literature 
of the North was supplemented in the present instance by that close acquaintance 
which he had gained with the Flatey Book, by reason of his having transcribed 
the entire manuscript for publication 2 . 

This total disappearance of all trace of the archetypes of the Flatey Book, although 
it is by no means the only case of the kind in the history of Icelandic paleography 3 , is 
especially to be deplored in connection with the Wineland narrative, since it leaves us 
without a clue, which might aid us in arriving at a solution of certain enigmas which 
this narrative presents. 

In the Flatey Book version of the discovery it is stated that Biarni Heriulfsson, 
during a voyage from Iceland to Greenland, having been driven to the southward out 
of his course, came upon unknown lands ; that, following upon this, and as the direct 
result of Biarni's reports of his discoveries, Leif Ericsson was moved to go in search 
of the strange lands which Biarni had seen but not explored ; that he found these in 
due course, ' first that land which Biarni had seen last,' and finally the southernmost 
land, to which, ' after its products,' he gave the name of Wineland. This account 
differs entirely from the history contained in the other manuscripts which deal with 

1 He says : ' Though I believe I have had in my hands every scrap of the Old Norse or Icelandic 
vellum writing existing in Scandinavia, I have never been able to identify a scrap of the material they 
used, nay more, I never remember having found a line in the well-known hand of either John or 
Magnus, though it is not probable that the Flatey Book was their first or only work, so great has been 
the destruction of MSS. Again, there would have seemed great likelihood of the Flatey Book being 
much copied ; it was easy to read, and very complete in its contents. Yet, with one exception, there is no 
vellum transcript of it, and the great book for some 250 years apparently lay unseen. The one exception is 
AM. 309 fol., which contains parts of Tryggwasson's Saga, and gives its date thus : " He was then king 
when the book was written, when there had passed from the Incarnation of our Lord Jesus Christ 1387 
years, but there be now gone at the time when this book is written 1498 years."' Vigfusson, Pref. 
Icelandic Sagas, ubi sup. vol. i. p. xxix. 

' Cf. Corpus Poeticum Boreale, Oxford, 1883, vol. i. p. xlix. 

s Cf. e.g. Corp. Poet. Boreale, ubi sup. vol. i. p. xlii. 


this subject, all of which agree in ascribing the discovery to Leif Ericsson, and unite 
in the statement that he found Wineland accidentally, during a voyage from Norway to 
Greenland, which he had undertaken at the instance of King Olaf Tryggvason, for 
the purpose of introducing Christianity to his fellow-countrymen in Greenland. Not 
only is Biarni's discovery unknown to any other Icelandic writing now existing, but 
the man himself, as well as his daring voyage, have failed to find a chronicler else- 
where, although his father was ' a most distinguished man,' the grandson of a ' settler,' 
and a kinsman of the first Icelandic colonist. 

The first portion of the Flatey Book version, the ' Short Story of Eric the Red,' 
concludes with the words, ' Biarni now went to his father, gave up his voyaging, and 
remained with his father during Heriulf's lifetime, and continued to dwell there after 
his father.' The second portion of this version of the Wineland history, the ' Short 
Story of the Greenlanders,' begins with the words, ' It is now next to this, that Biarni 
Heriulfsson came out from Greenland on a visit to Earl Eric,' &c. As has already been 
stated, the two portions of the history of the Wineland discovery, as they appear in the 
Flatey Book, are not in any way connected with each other. The first narrative oc- 
cupies its appropriate place in the account of the life of King Olaf Tryggvason, as do 
the other narratives, similar in character, which are introduced into this as into the other 
sagas in the manuscript, and there appears to be no reason why the second narrative, 
'A Short Story of the Greenlanders,' should be regarded as having received treatment 
different, in this respect, from other interpolated narratives of the same class. If, there- 
fore, we interpret the opening words of this story of the Greenlanders, ' It is now next 
to this,' to mean that the incident which follows is related next in chronological order 
after that part of the saga which has immediately preceded it, it becomes apparent that 
Biarni's visit must have taken place after the battle of Svoldr, in which King Olaf 
Tryggvason fell, and Earl Eric was victorious l . This battle took place on the 9th 
of September, in the year 1000. As it is not probable that Biarni would have 
undertaken his voyage to Norway before the summer following, the earliest date 
which could reasonably be assigned for Biarni's sojourn at the Earl's court would 
appear to be the winter of the years 1001-1002 2 . We are told in the same place 
that Biarni returned to Greenland the following summer, and that subsequent to 

1 Schoning, who adopted the narrative of the Flatey Book in his edition of Heimskringla, assigns 
the date of Biarni's visit to the Earl to the year 988 or 989. With him, in this view, the editors of 
Gronlands historiske Mindesmaerker seem inclined to agree, but the Flatey Book itself does not appear 
to furnish any support for this conjecture. Cf. Gronlands historiske Mindesmaerker, Copenh. 1838, 
vol. i. pp. 266-7. 

s Arngrfmr J6nsson, in his Gronlandia, the earliest account of the Wineland discovery printed in 
Iceland, gives as the date of Biarni's voyage the year 1002. Cf. Gronlandia, Skdlholt, 1688, ch. ix. 


his return Leif purchased his ship, and went in search of the land which Biarni had 
seen, but had failed to explore, in the year 985, according to the chronology of the 
' Short Story.' 

Leif 's voyage of exploration, as described in the Flatey Book, could, therefore, 
scarcely have taken place before the year 1002 1 . But, according to the other historical 
data already cited, Leif discovered Wineland during a voyage to Greenland, under- 
taken at the request, and during the lifetime, of King Olaf Tryggvason, hence 
obviously not later than the year 1000. The Flatey Book refers to this voyage in the 
following words : ' That same summer he [King Olaf Tryggvason] sent Gizur and 
Hialti to Iceland, as has already been written. At that time King Olaf sent Leif to 
Greenland to preach Christianity there. The King sent with him a priest and certain 
other holy men to baptize the folk, and teach them the true faith. Leif went to Green- 
land that summer and took [on board his vessel] a ship's-crew of men, who were at 
the time in great peril upon a wreck. He arrived in Greenland late in the summer, 
and went home to his father, Eric, at Brattahlid. The people afterwards called 
him Leif the Lucky, but his father, Eric, said that Leif's having rescued the 
crew and restored the men to life, might be balanced against the fact that he 
had brought the impostor to Greenland, so he called the priest. Nevertheless, 
through Leifs advice and persuasion, Eric was baptized, and all of the people of 
Greenland V 

It will be observed, that, in this record of Leif's missionary voyage, no allusion 
is made to the discovery of Wineland, as in the other accounts of the same voyage, 
with which, in other respects, this passage agrees. By this variation a conflict with 
Biarni's claim to the priority of discovery, previously promulgated in the ' Short Story 
of Eric the Red,' is avoided. A portion of this passage may not, however, be so 
happily reconciled. It is said that, through Leif's advice and persuasion, Eric the 
Red was baptized, while we find in the 'Short Story of the Greenlanders,' the state- 
ment, that ' Eric the Red died before Christianity.' Moreover we have, in the ' Short 
Story of the Greenlanders,' in addition to this direct conflict of statement, an apparent 
repetition of the incident of the rescue of the shipwrecked mariners, when we are 
told that Leif effected a rescue of castaways on his return from a voyage of exploration 
to Wineland, and was therefore called Leif the Lucky. If this be not a repetition of 
the same incident, then we must conclude that Leif upon two different voyages saved 

1 Munch, the eminent Norwegian historian, says 1001. Concerning this date there may well be a 
difference of opinion, but Munch, while accepting the Flatey Book's account of Biarni's discovery, fixes 
the date of it in the year 1000, a date which does not at all agree with the chronology afforded by 
the narrative itself. Cf. Munch, Det norske Folks Historie, Christiania, 1853, Part i. vol. ii. p. 461. 

2 Flateyjarb6k, Christiania, i860, vol. i. p. 448. 



the lives of a crew of ship-wrecked mariners, for which he twice received the same 
title from the same people! In the description of the rescue, contained in the 'Short 
Story of the Greenlanders,' we read that the leader of the castaways was one Thori 
Easterling [f>6rir austmaSr], whose wife, Gudrid, Thorbiorn's daughter [GuftrrSr 
forbjarnardottir], seems to have been among the rescued. This Thori is mentioned 
nowhere save in the Flatey Book. His wife was so famous a personage in Icelandic 
annals that it seems passing strange this spouse should have been so completely 
ignored by other Icelandic chronicles, which have not failed to record Gudrid's 
marriage to Thorstein Ericsson, and subsequently to Thorfinn Karlsefni. Indeed, 
according to the biography of this ' most noble lady,' as written in the Saga of Eric 
the Red, there is no place for Thori, for Gudrid is said to have come to Greenland 
in much less romantic fashion, namely, as an unmarried woman, in the same ship 
with, and under the protection of her father, Thorbiorn. 

Another chronological error occurs in that paragraph of the 'Short Story of 
Eric the Red,' wherein it is stated that, 'after sixteen winters had lapsed from the 
time when Eric the Red went to colonize Greenland, Leif, Eric's son, sailed out from 
Greenland to Norway. He arrived in Drontheim in the autumn when King Olaf 
Tryggvason was come down from the North out of Halogaland.' It has previously 
been stated in this same chronicle that Eric set out to colonize Greenland fifteen years 
before Christianity was legally adopted in Iceland, that is to say in the year 985. 
Whence it follows, from this chronology, that Leif's voyage must have been under- 
taken in the year 1001, but since Olaf Tryggvason was killed in the autumn of the 
year 1000, this is, from the context, manifestly impossible. If we may suppose that the 
scribe of the Flatey Book, by a careless verbal substitution, wrote 'for at byggja' [went 
to colonize], instead of ' for at leita' [went in search of], the chronology of the narrative 
becomes reconcilable. 

In the ' Short Story of the Greenlanders ' inaccuracies of lesser import occur, one 
of which, at least, appears to owe its origin to a clerical blunder. In the narrative of 
Freydis' voyage, we are told, that she waited upon the brothers Helgi and Finnbogi, 
and persuaded them to join her in an expedition to Wineland ; according to the text, 
however, she enters into an agreement governing the manning of their ships, not with 
them, but with Karlsefni. Yet it is obvious, from the context, that Karlsefni did not 
participate in the enterprise, nor does it appear that he had any interest whatsoever 
in the undertaking. The substitution of Karlsefni's name for that of Helgi or 
Finnbogi, by a careless scribe, may have given rise to this lack of sequence. A 
blunder, which has crept into the genealogical list, at the conclusion of the history, 
may, perhaps, owe its origin to a somewhat similar cause. In this list, it will be 
noted, Bishop Thorlak [fcorlakr] is called the grandson of Hallfrid [HallfriSr], Snorri's 


daughter ; in the words of the manuscript, ' Hallfrid was the name of the daughter 
of Snorri, Karlsefni's son ; she was the mother of Runolf [Runolfr], the father of Bishop 
Thorlak.' Now Runolf was, indeed, the father of Bishop Thorlak, but he was the 
husband and not the son of Hallfrid. If we may suppose the heedless insertion 
of the word ' mother ' in the place of ' wife,' the palpable error, as the text now stands, 
would be removed. 

It has been conjectured that the Wineland History of the Flatey Book has been 
drawn from a more primitive source than the narrative of the discovery which has been 
preserved in the two manuscripts, Hauk's Book and AM. 557, 4to\ Two passages in the 
Flatey Book narrative lend a certain measure of plausibility to this conjecture. In the 
' Short Story of Eric the Red ' it is stated, that Eric called his land-fall in Greenland, 
Midiokul [Miejokull], in the words of the history; 'this is now called Blacksark 
[Blaserkr].' In Hauk's Book this mountain is also called Blacksark ; in AM. 557, 
4to, it is called Whitesark [Hvitserkr] ; neither of these manuscripts, however, recalls 
the earlier name. Again, in the list of the descendants of Snorri, Karlsefni's Wine- 
land-born son, appended to the ' Short Story of the Greenlanders,' Bishop Brand is 
so called without qualification, while in both texts of the Saga of Eric the Red he is 
referred to as Bishop Brand the Elder [hin fyrri]. The second Bishop Brand was 
ordained in 1263 2 . This fact, while it would, without the other evidence which we 
possess, establish a date prior to which neither Hauk's Book nor AM. 557, 4*0, could 
have been written, seems, at the same time, to afford negative evidence in support of 
the claim for the riper antiquity of the source from which the Flatey Book narrative 
was drawn. However this may be, the lapses already noted, together with the 
introduction of such incidents as that of the apparition of the big-eyed Gudrid to 
her namesake, Karlsefni's spouse; the narrative of Freydis' unpalliated treachery; 
the account of Wineland grapes which produced intoxication, and which apparently 
ripened at all seasons of the year, of honey-dew grass, and the like, all seem to 
point either to a deliberate or careless corruption of the primitive history. Never- 
theless, despite the discrepancies existing between the account of the Wineland 
discovery, as it has been preserved in the Flatey Book and as it is given elsewhere, 
so striking a parallelism is apparent in these different versions of this history, in the 
chief points of historical interest, as to point conclusively to their common origin. 

The two disjoined ' accounts ' of the Flatey Book, which relate to the Wineland 
discovery, are brought together in the translation which follows. 

1 Cf. Maurer, ' Gronland im Mittelalter,' contained in Die zweite deutsche Nordpolarfahrt, Leipsic, 
1873, vol. i. n. 2, p. 206. 

2 Cf. Biskupa tal a fslandi, in Safn til Sogu fslands, Copenh. 1856, vol. i. p. 4. 

I 2 


A Brief History of Eric the Red 1 . 

There was a man named Thorvald, a son of Osvald, Ulfs son, Eyxna-Thori's son. 
Thorvald and Eric the Red, his son, left Jaederen [in Norway], on account of 
manslaughter, and went to Iceland. At that time Iceland was extensively colonized. 
They first lived at Drangar on Horn-strands, and there Thorvald died. Eric then 
married Thorhild, the daughter of Jorund and Thorbiorg the Ship-chested 2 , who 
was then married to Thorbiorn of the Haukadal family. Eric then removed from 
the north, and made his home at Ericsstadir by Vatnshorn. Eric and Thorhild's 
son was called Leif. 

After the killing of Eyiulf the Foul 3 , and Duelling-Hrafn, Eric was banished 
from Haukadal, and betook himself westward to Breidafirth, settling in Eyxney 
at Ericsstadir. He loaned his outer dais-boards to Thorgest, and could not get 
these again when he demanded them. This gave rise to broils and battles between 
himself and Thorgest, as Eric's Saga relates *, Eric was backed in the dispute 
by Styr Thorgrimsson, Eyiulf of Sviney, the sons of Brand of Alptafirth and 
Thorbiorn Vifilsson, while the Thorgesters were upheld by the sons of Thord 
the Yeller 5 and Thorgeir of Hitardal. Eric was declared an outlaw at Thorsness- 
thing. He thereupon equipped his ship for a voyage, in Ericsvag, and when 
he was ready to sail, Styr and the others 6 accompanied him out beyond the 
islands. Eric told them, that it was his purpose to go in search of that country 
which Gunnbiorn, son of Ulf the Crow 7 , had seen, when he was driven westward 
across the main, at the time when he discovered Gunnbiorns-skerries ; he added, 
that he would return to his friends, if he should succeed in finding this country. 
Eric sailed out from Snaefellsiokul, and found the land. He gave the name of 
Midiokul to his landfall 8 ; this is now called Blacksark. From thence he proceeded 
southward along the coast, in search of habitable land. He passed the first winter 
at Ericsey, near the middle of the Eastern-settlement, and the following spring he 
went to Ericsfirth, where he selected a dwelling-place. In the summer he visited 
the western uninhabited country, and assigned names to many of the localities. 
The second winter he remained at Holmar by Hrafnsgnipa 9 , and the third summer 
he sailed northward to Snaefell, and all the way into Hrafnsfirth; then he said 

1 [Flatey Book, column a 21.] 2 knarrarbringa. ■ saurr. 

4 ' sem segir f sogu Eireks : ' lit. as it says in Eric's Saga. 6 gellir. 

6 ' beir Styrr : ' lit. they Styrr. 7 kraka. 

8 ' kom utan at bvi, bar sem hann kallaSi Miojokul : ' lit. came out to that, which he called M. 
■ The Saga of Eric the Red and Landnama have : ' Hvarfsgnipa.' 


he had reached the head of Ericsfirth. He then returned and passed the third 
winter in Ericsey at the mouth of Ericsfirth. The next summer he sailed to 
Iceland, landing in Breidafirth. He called the country, which he had discovered, 
Greenland, because, he said, people would be attracted thither, if the country had 
a good name. Eric spent the winter in Iceland, and the following summer set 
out to colonize the country. He settled at Brattahlid in Ericsfirth, and learned 
men say, that in this same summer, in which Eric set out to settle Greenland, 
thirty-five 1 ships sailed out of Breidafirth and Borgarfirth; fourteen of these 
arrived there safely, some were driven back and some were lost. This was fifteen 
years before Christianity was legally adopted in Iceland 2 . During the same 
summer Bishop Frederick and Thorvald Kodransson (61) went abroad [from 
Iceland]. Of those men, who accompanied Eric to Greenland, the following took 
possession of land there: Heriulf, Heriulfsfirth, he dwelt at Heriulfsness ; Ketil, 
Ketilsfirth ; Hrafn, Hrafnsfirth ; Solvi, Solvadal ; Helgi Thorbrandsson, Alptafirth ; 
Thorbiorn Gleamer 3 , Siglufirth ; Einar, Einarsfirth; Hafgrim, Hafgrimsfirth and 
Vatnahverfi ; Arnlaug, Arnlaugsfirth ; while some went to the Western-settlement. 

Leif the Lucky baptized 4 . 

After that sixteen winters had lapsed, from the time when Eric the Red went 
to colonize Greenland, Leif, Eric's son, sailed out from Greenland to Norway. 
He arrived in Drontheim 5 in the autumn, when King Olaf Tryggvason was 
come down from the north, out of Halagoland. Leif put in to Nidaros with his 
ship, and set out at once to visit the king. King Olaf expounded the faith to 
him, as he did to other heathen men who came to visit him. It proved easy for 
the king to persuade Leif, and he was accordingly baptized, together with all of 
his shipmates. Leif remained throughout the winter with the king, by whom he 
was well entertained. 


Heriulf (62) was a son of Bard Heriulfsson. He was a kinsman of Ingolf, 
the first colonist. Ingolf allotted land to Heriulf 7 between Vag and Reykianess, 

1 ' halfr fj6r8i t0gr : ' lit. half of the fourth ten, i. e. three decades and a half: the ancient Icelandic 
method of numeration. 2 Hence, a. d. 985. 3 gl6ra. 

* ' var skfrSr : ' lit. was baptized. • Prandheimr, Throndhjem. 6 Lit. sought. 

7 'peim Herjulfi : ' lit. to them Heriulf, i.e. to Heriulf and his people. 


and he dwelt at first at Drepstokk. Heriulf's wife's name was Thorgerd, and 
their son, whose name was Biarni, was a most promising man. He formed an 
inclination for voyaging 1 while he was still young, and he prospered both in 
property and public esteem. It was his custom to pass his winters alternately 
abroad and with his father. Biarni soon became the owner of a trading-ship, and 
during the last winter that he spent in Norway, [his father], Heriulf determined to 
accompany Eric on his voyage to Greenland, and made his preparations to give up 
his farm 2 . Upon the ship with Heriulf was a Christian man from the Hebrides 3 , 
he it was who composed the Sea-Rollers' Song (63), which contains this stave : 

Mine adventure to the Meek One, 

Monk-heart-searcher 4 , I commit now 5 ; 
He, who heaven's halls doth govern 6 , 

Hold the hawk's-seat 7 ever o'er me! 

Heriulf settled at Heriulfsness, and was a most distinguished man. Eric the Red 
dwelt at Brattahlid, where he was held in the highest esteem, and all men paid him 
homage 8 . These were Eric's children : Leif, Thorvald, and Thorstein, and a daughter 
whose name was Freydis ; she was wedded to a man named Thorvard, and they dwelt 
at Gardar, where the episcopal seat now is. She was a very haughty woman, 
while Thorvard was a man of little force of character, and Freydis had been wedded 
to him chiefly because of his wealth 9 . At that time the people of Greenland were 

Biarni arrived with his ship at Eyrar [in Iceland] in the summer of the same year, 

1 ' fystisk utan : ' lit. hankered to go abroad. 

2 ' brd bui sfnu,' broke up his home. 

8 ' SuSreyskr ma8r,' a Sodor man, a man from the Suoreyjar, or Southern Islands, as the Hebrides 
were called. 

4 'meinalausan mianka reyni:' lit. the faultless monk prover; meina-lauss, faultless; munka reynir, 
lit. prover of monks, or searcher of monks ; the faultless or innocent searcher of monks, a poetical 
epithet for Christ. 

B Arranged in prose order, the passage would read : I bid the faultless monk-prover forward my 

6 * drottinn foldar hattar hallar : ' lit. the lord of the halls of the earth's hood ; foldar hgttr, earth's 
hat, or hood, i. e. the sky ; hallar foldar hattar, the halls of the sky, i. e. the heavens ; dr6ttinn foldar 
hattar hallar, the lord of the heavens, i. e. Christ. 

7 ' heiSis stallr,' the seat of the hawk, i. e. the hand. Haldi heiSis stalli yfir me"r, hold the hand above 
me, i. e. protect me. 

8 ' lutu allir til hans,' all bowed down [louted] to him. 

' ' var hon mjgk gefin til fjar : ' lit. she was chiefly given for money. 


in the spring of which his father had sailed away. Biarni was much surprised when 
he heard this news *, and would not discharge his cargo. His shipmates enquired of 
him what he intended to do, and he replied that it was his purpose to keep to his 
custom, and make his home for the winter with his father 2 ; ' and I will take the ship 
to Greenland, if you will bear me company.' They all replied that they would abide 
by his decision. Then said Biarni, ' Our voyage must be regarded as foolhardy, 
seeing that no one of us has ever been in the Greenland Sea 3 .' Nevertheless they 
put out to sea when they were equipped for the voyage, and sailed for three days, 
until the land was hidden by the water, and then the fair wind died out, and north 
winds arose, and fogs, and they knew not whither they were drifting, and thus it 
lasted for many ' dcegr.' Then they saw the sun again, and were able to determine the 
quarters of the heavens 4 ; they hoisted sail, and sailed that ' dcegr ' through before they 
saw land. They discussed among themselves what land it could be, and Biarni said 
that he did not believe that it could be Greenland. They asked whether he wished to 
sail to this land or not. ' It is my counsel ' [said he], ' to sail close to the land.' They 
did so, and soon saw that the land was level, and covered with woods s , and that there 
were small hillocks upon it. They left the land on their larboard, and let the sheet 
turn toward the land. They sailed for two 'dcegr' before they saw another land. 
They asked whether Biarni thought this was Greenland yet. He replied that he did 
not think this any more like Greenland than the former, ' because in Greenland there 
are said to be many great ice-mountains.' They soon approached this land, and saw 
that it was a flat and wooded country. The fair wind failed them then, and the crew 
took counsel together, and concluded that it would be wise to land there, but Biarni 
would not consent to this. They alleged that they were in need of both wood and 
water. ' Ye have no lack of either of these,' says Biarni — a course, forsooth, which 
won him blame among his shipmates. He bade them hoist sail, which they did, 
and turning the prow from the land they sailed out upon the high seas, with south- 
westerly gales, for three ' dcegr,' when they saw the third land ; this land was high and 
mountainous, with ice-mountains upon it (64). They asked Biarni then whether he 
would land there, and he replied that he was not disposed to do so, ' because this land 
does not appear to me to offer any attractions 6 .' Nor did they lower their sail, but 
held their course off the land, and saw that it was an island. They left this land 

1 ' bau tfSindi b6ttu Bjarna mikil : ' lit. these tidings seemed great to Biarni. 

2 ' t'ggj a at fooui" sfnum vetr-vist : ' lit. receive from his father winter-quarters. 

3 That part of the ocean between Iceland and Greenland was so called. 

* ' deila aettir,' to distinguish the airts, i. e. as we should say, to tell the points of the compass. 
6 ' 6fjgll6tt ok sk6gi vaxit : ' lit. not mountainous and grown with woods. 
6 ' 6gagnvsenligt : ' lit. unprofitable, i. e. sterile. 


astern l , and held out to sea with the same fair wind. The wind waxed amain, and 
Biarni directed them to reef, and not to sail at a speed unbefitting their ship and 
rigging. They sailed now for four ' doegr,' when they saw the fourth land. Again they 
asked Biarni whether he thought this could be Greenland or not. Biarni answers, 
' This is likest Greenland, according to that which has been reported to me concerning 
it, and here we will steer to the land.' They directed their course thither, and landed 
in the evening, below a cape upon which there was a boat, and there, upon this cape, 
dwelt Heriulf (65), Biarni's father, whence the cape took its name, and was afterwards 
called Heriulfsness. Biarni now went to his father, gave up his voyaging, and re- 
mained with his father while Heriulf lived, and continued to live there after his 

Here begins the Brief History of the Greenlanders 2 . 

Next to this is now to be told how Biarni Heriulfsson came out from Greenland on 
a visit to Earl Eric, by whom he was well received. Biarni gave an account of his 
travels [upon the occasion] when he saw the lands, and the people thought that he had 
been lacking in enterprise 3 , since he had no report to give concerning these countries, 
and the fact brought him reproach. Biarni was appointed one of the Earl's men, and 
went out to Greenland the following summer. There was now much talk about 
voyages of discovery. Leif, the son of Eric the Red, of Brattahlid, visited Biarni 
Heriulfsson and bought a ship of him, and collected a crew, until they formed 
altogether a company of thirty-five men 4 . Leif invited his father, Eric, to become the 
leader of the expedition, but Eric declined, saying that he was then stricken in years, 
and adding that he was less able to endure the exposure of sea-life than he had been. 
Leif replied that he would nevertheless be the one who would be most apt to 
bring good luck 5 , and Eric yielded to Leif's solicitation, and rode from home when 
they were ready to sail. When he was but a short distance from the ship, the horse 
which Eric was riding stumbled, and he was thrown from his back and wounded his 
foot, whereupon he exclaimed, ' It is not designed for me to discover more lands 
than the one in which we are now living, nor can we now continue longer together.' 
Eric returned home to Brattahlid, and Leif pursued his way to the ship with his 

1 ' settu enn stafn vi8 bvf landit : ' lit. moreover they set the ' stafn ' against that land. ' Stafn/ 
stem, is used of both the bow and stern of a vessel. 

s [Flatey Book, column 281.] s ' dforvitinn : ' lit. incurious. 

' See note 1, p. 61. 

6 ' hann enn mundi mestri heill st^ra af beim fraendum : ' lit. he would, nevertheless, win the greatest 
luck of them, the kinsmen. 


companions, thirty-five men; one of the company was a German 1 named Tyrker. 
They put the ship in order, and when they were ready, they sailed out to sea, and 
found first that land which Biarni and his ship-mates 2 found last. They sailed up to the 
land and cast anchor, and launched a boat and went ashore, and saw no grass there ; 
great ice mountains lay inland back from the sea 3 , and it was as a [table-land of] flat 
rock all the way from the sea to the ice mountains, and the country seemed to them 
to be entirely devoid of good qualities. Then said Leif, ' It has not come to pass with 
us in regard to this land as with Biarni, that we have not gone upon it. To this 
country I will now give a name, and call it Helluland 4 '. They returned to the ship, 
put out to sea, and found a second land. They sailed again to the land, and came 
to anchor, and launched the boat, and went ashore. This was a level wooded land, 
and there were broad stretches of white sand, where they went, and the land was level 
by the sea 5 . Then said Leif, ' This land shall have a name after its nature, and we 
will call it Markland 6 .' They returned to the ship forthwith, and sailed away upon the 
main with north-east winds, and were out two 'dcegr' before they sighted land. They 
sailed toward this land, and came to an island which lay to the northward off the 
land. There they went ashore and looked about them, the weather being fine, and they 
observed that there was dew upon the grass, and it so happened that they touched the 
dew with their hands, and touched their hands to their mouths, and it seemed to them 
that they had never before tasted anything so sweet as this. They went aboard their 
ship again and sailed into a certain sound, which lay between the island and a cape, 
which jutted out from the land on the north, and they stood in westering past the 
cape. At ebb-tide there were broad reaches of shallow water there, and they ran their 
ship aground there, and it was a long distance from the ship to the ocean 7 ; yet 
were they so anxious to go ashore that they could not wait until the tide should rise 
under their ship, but hastened to the land, where a certain river flows out from a lake. 
As soon as the tide rose beneath their ship, however, they took the boat and rowed to 
the ship, which they conveyed up the river, and so into the lake, where they cast anchor 
and carried their hammocks ashore from the ship, and built themselves booths there. 
They afterwards determined to establish themselves there for the winter, and they 
accordingly built a large house. There was no lack of salmon there either in the 

1 ' Su5rma3r : ' lit. a Southern man ; a German was so called as contradistinguished from NorSmaSr, 
a Northman. s ' peir Bjarni : ' lit. they Biarni. 

3 ' allt hit efra : ' lit. all the upper part, i. e. away from the shore. 

4 Helluland, the land of flat stone ; from hella, a flat stone. 

5 6ssebrattr : lit. un-sea-steep, i. e. not steep toward the sea. 

6 Markland, Forest-land ; from mgrk, a forest. 

7 ' var pa langt til sj6var at sja fra skipinu : ' lit. it was far to see from the ship to the sea. 



river or in the lake, and larger salmon than they had ever seen before. The country 
thereabouts seemed to be possessed of such good qualities that cattle would need 
no fodder there during the winters. There was no frost there in the winters l , 
and the grass withered but little. The days and nights there were of more nearly 
equal length than in Greenland or Iceland. On the shortest day of winter the sun 
was up between ' eyktarstad ' and ' dagmalastad (66) 2 .' When they had completed 
their house Leif said to his companions, ' I propose now to divide our company into 
two groups, and to set about an exploration of the country ; one half of our party shall 
remain at home at the house, while the other half shall investigate the land, and they 
must not go beyond a point from which they can return home the same evening, and 
are not to separate [from each other].' Thus they did for a time ; Leif himself, by 
turns, joined the exploring party or remained behind at the house. Leif was a large 
and powerful man, and of a most imposing bearing, a man of sagacity, and a very 
just man in all things. 

Leif the Lucky finds 3 Men upon a Skerry at Sea. 

It was discovered 4 one evening that one of their company was missing, and this 
proved to be Tyrker, the German. Leif was sorely troubled by this, for Tyrker had 
lived with Leif and his father 5 for a long time, and had been very devoted to Leif, 
when he was a child. Leif severely reprimanded his companions, and prepared to 
go in search of him, taking twelve men with him. They had proceeded but a short 
distance from the house, when they were met by Tyrker, whom they received most 
cordially. Leif observed at once that his foster-father was in lively spirits. Tyrker 
had a prominent forehead, restless eyes, small features 6 , was diminutive in stature, 
and rather a sorry-looking individual withal, but was, nevertheless, a most capable 
handicraftsman. Leif addressed him, and asked : ' Wherefore art thou so belated, 
foster-father mine, and astray from the others?' In the beginning Tyrker spoke 
for some time in German, rolling his eyes, and grinning, and they could not 
understand him ; but after a time he addressed them in the Northern tongue : ' I 

1 ' Jjar kvamu engi frost i vetrum,' no frost came there in the winters. 

2 ' s61 hafSi £ar eyktarstaS ok dagmalastafi um skamdegi : ' lit. the sun had there ' eyktarstad ' and 
' dagmalastad ' on the short-day. s Lit. found. 

4 ' bar {>at til tfSinda : ' lit. it came to tidings. 

5 ' mefl beim feSgum : ' lit. with them, the father and son. 
• ' smaskitligr f andliti : ' lit. very small in face. 


did not go much further [than you], and yet 1 I have something of novelty to relate. 
I have found vines and grapes.' ' Is this indeed true, foster-father?' said Leif. 'Of 
a certainty it is true,' quoth he, ' for I was born where there is no lack of either grapes 
or vines.' They slept the night through, and on the morrow Leif said to his shipmates : 
' We will now divide our labours 2 , and each day will either gather grapes or cut vines 
and fell trees, so as to obtain a cargo of these for my ship.' They acted upon this 
advice, and it is said, that their after-boat was filled with grapes. A cargo sufficient 
for the ship was cut, and when the spring came, they made their ship ready, and 
sailed away ; and from its products Leif gave the land a name, and called it Wineland. 
They sailed out to sea, and had fair winds until they sighted Greenland, and the fells 
below the glaciers ; then one of the men spoke up, and said, ' Why do you steer the 
ship so much into the wind ? ' Leif answers : ' I have my mind upon my steering, but 
on other matters as well. Do ye not see anything out of the common 3 ?' They 
replied, that they saw nothing strange 4 . 'I do not know,' says Leif, 'whether it is 
a ship or a skerry that I see.' Now they saw it, and said, that it must be a skerry; but 
he was so much keener of sight than they, that he was able to discern men upon the 
skerry. ' I think it best to tack,' says Leif, ' so that we may draw near to them, that 
we may be able to render them assistance, if they should stand in need of it ; and if 
they should not be peaceably disposed, we shall still have better command of the 
situation than they 5 .' They approached the skerry, and lowering their sail, cast 
anchor, and launched a second small boat, which they had brought with them. Tyrker 
inquired who was the leader of the party. He replied that his name was Thori, and 
that he was a Norseman; 'but what is thy name?' Leif gave his name. 'Art thou 
a son of Eric the Red of Brattahlid ? ' says he. Leif responded that he was. ' It is 
now my wish,' says Leif, ' to take you all into my ship, and likewise so much of your 
possessions as the ship will hold.' This offer was accepted, and [with their ship] thus 
laden, they held away to Ericsfirth, and sailed until they arrived at Brattahlid. 
Having discharged the cargo, Leif invited Thori, with his wife, Gudrid, and three 
others, to make their home with him, and procured quarters for the other members 
of the crew, both for his own and Thori's men. Leif rescued fifteen persons from 

1 If the word in the MS. be 'bit' and not 'b6' [cf. Icelandic text, page 147, line 59], the words 
' and yet ' should be italicised as supplied, and the words now italicised in the translation should then 
stand unbracketed. 

2 ' hafa tvennar s^slur fram : ' lit. carry on two occupations. 

3 ' eSr hvat sjai peV til tfSinda : ' lit. but what do you see of tidings. 

4 ' er tf6indum ssetti,' which amounted to tidings. 

5 ' ba eigum ve"r allan kost undir oss, en beir ekki undir seY : ' lit. we shall have all the choice under us 
[in our control], but they not under themselves. 



the skerry. He was afterward called Leif the Lucky. Leif had now goodly store 
both of property and honour. There was serious illness that winter in Thori's party, 
and Thori and a great number of his people died. Eric the Red also died that winter. 
There was now much talk about Leif's Wineland journey, and his brother, Thorvald, 
held that the country had not been sufficiently explored. Thereupon Leif said to 
Thorvald : ' If it be thy will, brother, thou mayest go to Wineland with my ship, but 
I wish the ship first to fetch the wood, which Thori had upon the skerry.' And so it 
was done. 

Thorvald goes to Wineland 1 . 

Now Thorvald, with the advice of his brother, Leif, prepared to make this 
voyage with thirty men. They put their ship in order, and sailed out to sea; and 
there is no account of their voyage before their arrival at Leif's-booths in Wineland. 
They laid up their ship there, and remained there quietly during the winter, supplying 
themselves with food by fishing. In the spring, however, Thorvald said that they 
should put their ship in order, and that a few men should take the after-boat, and 
proceed along the western coast, and explore [the region] thereabouts during the 
summer. They found it a fair, well-wooded country ; it was but a short distance 
from the woods to the sea, and [there were] white sands, as well as great numbers of 
islands and shallows. They found neither dwelling of man nor lair of beast ; but in 
one of the westerly islands, they found a wooden building for the shelter of grain (67). 
They found no other trace of human handiwork, and they turned back, and arrived at 
Leifs-booths in the autumn. The following summer Thorvald set out toward the east 
with the ship 2 , and along the northern coast. They were met by a high wind off a 
certain promontory, and were driven ashore there, and damaged the keel of their ship, 
and were compelled to remain there for a long time and repair the injury to their 
vessel. Then said Thorvald to his companions : ' I propose that we raise the keel 
upon this cape, and call it Keelness V and so they did. Then they sailed away, to the 
eastward off the land, and into the mouth of the adjoining firth, and to a headland, 
which projected into the sea there, and which was entirely covered with woods. They 
found an anchorage for their ship, and put out the gangway to the land, and Thorvald 
and all of his companions went ashore. ' It is a fair region here,' said he, ' and here I 
should like to make my home.' They then returned to the ship, and discovered on 
the sands, in beyond the headland, three mounds ; they went up to these, and saw 
that they were three skin-canoes, with three men under each. They, thereupon 

1 Lit. Thorvald went to Wineland. 2 ' kaupskipit : ' lit. merchant-ship. 

' Kjalarnes. 


divided their party, and succeeded in seizing all of the men but one, who escaped with 
his canoe. They killed the eight men, and then ascended the headland again, and 
looked about them, and discovered within the firth certain hillocks, which they con- 
cluded must be habitations. They were then so overpowered with sleep 1 that they 
could not keep awake, and all fell into a [heavy] slumber, from which they were 
awakened by the sound of a cry uttered above them 2 ; and the words of the cry were 
these : ' Awake, Thorvald, thou and all thy company, if thou wouldst save thy life ; 
and board thy ship with all thy men, and sail with all speed from the land ! ' A count- 
less number of skin-canoes then advanced toward them from the inner part of the firth, 
whereupon Thorvald exclaimed : ' We must put out the war-boards (68), on both sides 
of the ship, and defend ourselves to the best of our ability, but offer little attack.' This 
they did, and the Skrellings, after they had shot at them for a time, fled precipitately, 
each as best he could. Thorvald then inquired of his men, whether any of them 
had been wounded, and they informed him that no one of them had received a wound. 
' I have been wounded in my arm-pit Y says he ; ' an arrow flew in between the gunwale 
and the shield, below my arm. Here is the shaft, and it will bring me to my end 4 ! ' I 
counsel you now to retrace your way with the utmost speed. But me ye shall convey 
to that headland which seemed to me to offer so pleasant a dwelling-place ; thus it 
may be fulfilled, that the truth sprang to my lips, when I expressed the wish to abide 
there for a time 5 . Ye shall bury me there, and place a cross at my head, and another 
at my feet, and call it Crossness 6 for ever after.' At that time Christianity had obtained 
in Greenland ; Eric the Red died, however, before [the introduction of] Christianity. 

Thorvald died, and when they had carried out his injunctions, they took their 
departure, and rejoined their companions, and they told each other of the ex- 
periences which had befallen them 7 . They remained there during the winter, and 
gathered grapes and wood with which to freight the ship. In the following spring 
they returned to Greenland, and arrived with their ship in Ericsfirth, where they 
were able to recount great tidings to Leif. 

1 ' s!6 a pa hpfga sva miklum, at,' they were stricken with so heavy a sleep, that — 

2 ' I>& kom kail yfir pa : ' lit. then there came a call over them. 

3 ' undir hendi : ' lit. under the arm. 

4 ' mun mik petta til bana leida : ' lit. this must lead me to my bane [death] ; i. e. this will be the death 
of me. 

s ' at ek muni bar biia a um stund : ' lit. that I should dwell up there for a time. 

6 Krossanes. 

7 'sog3u hvarir oorum slfk tiSindi sem vissu:' lit. they told each other such tidings as they 


Thorstein Ericsson Dies 1 in the Western Settlement. 

In the meantime it had come to pass in Greenland, that Thorstein of Ericsfirth 
had married, and taken to wife Gudrid, Thorbiorn's daughter, [she] who had been the 
spouse of Thori Eastman (69), as has been already related. Now Thorstein Ericsson, 
being minded to make the voyage 2 to Wineland after the body of his brother, Thorvald, 
equipped the same ship, and selected a crew of twenty-five men 3 of good size and 
strength 4 , and taking with him his wife, Gudrid, when all was in readiness, they sailed 
out into the open ocean, and out of sight of land. They were driven hither and thither 
over the sea all that summer, and lost all reckoning 5 , and at the end of the first week 
of winter they made the land at Lysufirth in Greenland, in the Western-settlement. 
Thorstein set out in search of quarters for his crew, and succeeded in procuring homes 
for all of his shipmates; but he and his wife were unprovided for, and remained 
together upon the ship for two or more days °. At this time Christianity was still in 
its infancy in Greenland. It befell, early one morning, that men came to their tent, 
and the leader inquired who the people were within the tent. Thorstein replies : ' We 
are twain,' says. he; 'but who is it who asks?' 'My name is Thorstein, and I am 
known as Thorstein the Swarthy 7 , and my errand hither is to offer you two, husband 
and wife, a home with me.' Thorstein replied, that he would consult with his wife, 
and she bidding him decide, he accepted the invitation. ' I will come after you on the 
morrow with a sumpter-horse, for I am not lacking in means wherewith to provide 
for you both, although it will be lonely living with me, since there are but two of us, 
my wife and myself, for I, forsooth, am a very hard man to get on with 8 ; moreover, 
my faith is not the same as yours 9 , albeit methinks that is the better to which you 
hold.' He returned for them on the morrow, with the beast, and they took up their 
home with Thorstein the Swarthy, and were well treated by him. Gudrid was 
a woman of fine presence, and a clever woman, and very happy in adapting herself to 

Early in the winter Thorstein Ericsson's party was visited by sickness, and 
many of his companions died. He caused coffins to be made for the bodies of the 
dead, and had them conveyed to the ship, and bestowed there ; ' for it is my purpose 
to have all the bodies taken to Ericsfirth in the summer.' It was not long before 

' andafiisk : ' lit. died. a ' f/stisk ... at fara : ' lit. hankered to go. 

' halfan pri5ja tog,' half of the third ten; cf. note i, p. 61. 

' valdi hann liS at afli ok vexti : ' lit. selected a company for their strength and size. 

' vissu eigi hvar pau f6ru : ' lit. they did not know where they went. 

' tvau ngkkurar jiaetr : ' lit. some two nights. 7 svartr. 

'er einpykkr mjok : ' am very obstinate. • i.e. he was not a Christian. 


illness appeared in Thorstein's home, and his wife, whose name was Grimhild, was 
first taken sick. She was a very vigorous woman, and as strong as a man, but the 
sickness mastered her; and soon thereafter Thorstein Ericsson was seized with the 
illness, and they both lay ill at the same time ; and Grimhild, Thorstein the Swarthy's 
wife, died, and when she was dead Thorstein went out of the room to procure a deal, 
upon which to lay the corpse. Thereupon Gudrid spoke. ' Do not be absent long, 
Thorstein mine ! ' says she. He replied, that so it should be. Thorstein Ericsson 
then exclaimed: 'Our house-wife is acting now in a marvellous fashion, for she is raising 
herself up on her elbow, and stretching out her feet from the side of the bed, and 
groping after her shoes.' At that moment Thorstein, the master of the house 1 , 
entered, and Grimhild laid herself down, wherewithal every timber in the room 
creaked. Thorstein now fashioned a coffin for Grimhild's body, and bore it away, 
and cared for it. He was a big man, and strong, but it called for all [his strength], 
to enable him to remove the corpse from the house. The illness grew upon Thor- 
stein Ericsson, and he died, whereat his wife, Gudrid, was sorely grieved. They were 
all in the room at the time, and Gudrid was seated upon a chair before the bench, upon 
which her husband, Thorstein, was lying. Thorstein, the master of the house 1 , then 
taking Gudrid in his arms, [carried her] from the chair, and seated himself, with her, 
upon another bench, over against her husband's body, and exerted himself in divers 
ways to console her, and endeavoured to reassure her, and promised her that he would 
accompany her to Ericsfirth with the body of her husband, Thorstein, and those of 
his companions : ' I will likewise summon other persons hither,' says he, ' to attend 
upon thee, and entertain thee.' She thanked him. Then Thorstein Ericsson sat up, 
and exclaimed : ' Where is Gudrid ? ' Thrice he repeated the question, but Gudrid 
made no response. She then asked Thorstein, the master, ' Shall I give answer to 
his question, or not ? ' Thorstein, the master, bade her make no reply, and he then 
crossed the floor, and seated himself upon the chair, with Gudrid in his lap, and spoke, 
saying : ' What dost thou wish, namesake ? ' After a little while, Thorstein replies : 
' I desire to tell Gudrid of the fate which is in store for her 2 , to the end that she may 
be better reconciled to my death, for I am indeed come to a goodly resting-place 3 . 
This I have to tell thee, Gudrid, that thou art to marry an Icelander, and that ye are 
to have a long wedded life together, and a numerous and noble progeny, illustrious, 
and famous, of good odour and sweet virtues. Ye shall go from Greenland to Norway, 
and thence to Iceland, where ye shall build your home. There ye shall dwell together 

1 ' forsteinn b6ndi : ' the word b6ndi signifies a man who is the owner and manager of a home. 

2 ' segja Gu3rf3i forlog sfn : ' tell Gudrid her fate. 

3 ' hvfldar-staor : ' lit. place of rest, i.e. paradise; cf. Fritzner, Ordbog, s.v. 


for a long time, but thou shalt outlive him, and shalt then go abroad and to the South *, 
and shalt return to Iceland again, to thy home, and there a church shall then be raised, 
and thou shalt abide there and take the veil, and there thou shalt die.' When he had 
thus spoken, Thorstein sank back again, and his body was laid out for burial, and 
borne to the ship. Thorstein, the master, faithfully performed all his promises to 
Gudrid. He sold his lands and live-stock in the spring, and accompanied Gudrid to 
the ship, with all his possessions. He put the ship in order, procured a crew, and 
then sailed to Ericsfirth. The bodies of the dead were now buried at the church, and 
Gudrid then went home to Leif at Brattahlid, while Thorstein the Swarthy made a 
home for himself on Ericsfirth, and remained there as long as he lived, and was 
looked upon as a very superior man. 

Of the Wineland Voyages of Thorfinn and his Companions. 

That same summer a ship came from Norway to Greenland. The skipper's 
name was Thorfinn Karlsefni 2 ; he was a son of Thord Horsehead 3 , and a 
grandson of Snorri, the son of Thord of Hofdi. Thorfinn Karlsefni, who was 
a very wealthy man, passed the winter at Brattahlid with Leif Ericsson. He very 
soon set his heart upon Gudrid, and sought her hand in marriage; she referred 
him to Leif for her answer, and was subsequently betrothed to him, and their 
marriage was celebrated that same winter. A renewed discussion arose concerning 
a Wineland voyage, and the folk urged Karlsefni to make the venture, Gudrid 
joining with the others 4 . He determined to undertake the voyage, and assembled 
a company of sixty men and five women, and entered into an agreement with his 
shipmates that they should each share equally in all the spoils of the enterprise 5 . 
They took with them all kinds of cattle, as it was their intention to settle the country, 
if they could. Karlsefni asked Leif for the house in Wineland, and he replied, 
that he would lend it but not give it. They sailed out to sea with the ship, and 
arrived safe and sound at Leifs-booths, and carried their hammocks ashore there. 
They were soon provided with an abundant and goodly supply of food, for 
a whale of good size and quality was driven ashore there, and they secured it, 
and flensed it, and had then no lack of provisions. The cattle were turned out 

1 ' ganga su6r,' go to the South ; an expression employed here, doubtless, as in many other places in 
Icelandic sagas, to signify a pilgrimage to Rome. 

2 Karls-efni : a person who has about him the promise of becoming a capable man. 

8 hesthofoi. 4 ' baeSi GuSrfor ok aSrir menn : ' lit. both Gudrid and others. 

B ' er beir fengi til gceoa : ' lit. which they might get of good things. 


upon the land *, and the males soon became very restless and vicious ; they had 
brought a bull with them. Karlsefni caused trees to be felled, and to be hewed 
into timbers, wherewith to load his ship, and the wood was placed upon a cliff 
to dry. They gathered somewhat of all of the valuable products of the land, 
grapes, and all kinds of game and fish, and other good things. In the summer 
succeeding the first winter, Skrellings were discovered 2 . A great troop of men 
came forth from out the woods. The cattle were hard by, and the bull began 
to bellow and roar with a great noise, whereat the Skrellings were frightened, and 
ran away, with their packs wherein were grey furs, sables, and all kinds of peltries. 
They fled towards Karlsefni's dwelling, and sought to effect an entrance into the 
house, but Karlsefni caused the doors to be defended [against them]. Neither 
[people] could understand the other's language. The Skrellings put down their 
bundles then, and loosed them, and offered their wares [for barter], and were 
especially anxious to exchange these for weapons, but Karlsefni forbade his men to 
sell their weapons, and taking counsel with himself, he bade the women carry out 
milk 3 to the Skrellings, which they no sooner saw, than they wanted to buy it, and 
nothing else. Now the outcome of the Skrellings' trading was, that they carried 
their wares away in their stomachs, while they left their packs and peltries behind 
with Karlsefni and his companions, and having accomplished this [exchange] they went 
away. Now it is to be told, that Karlsefni caused a strong wooden palisade to be con- 
structed and set up around the house. It was at this time that Gudrid, Karlsefni's 
wife, gave birth to a male child, and the boy was called Snorri. In the early part 
of the second winter the Skrellings came to them again, and these were now much 
more numerous than before, and brought with them the same wares as at first. 
Then said Karlsefni to the women : ' Do ye carry out now the same food, which 
proved so profitable before, and nought else.' When they saw this they cast their 
packs in over the palisade. Gudrid was sitting within, in the doorway, beside the 
cradle of her infant son, Snorri, when a shadow fell upon the door, and a woman 
in a black namkirtle (70) entered. She was short in stature, and wore a fillet about 
her head; her hair was of a light chestnut colour, and she was pale of hue, and 
so big-eyed, that never before had eyes so large been seen in a human skull. She 
went up to where Gudrid was seated, and said: 'What is thy name?' 'My name 
is Gudrid ; but what is thy name ?' ' My name is Gudrid,' says she. The housewife, 
Gudrid, motioned her with her hand to a seat beside her ; but it so happened, that, 

1 ' gekk par i land upp : ' lit. went up on the land there. 
a ' pa ur6u peir varir vi8 Skraelingja : ' lit. they became aware of Skrellings. 
3 ' bunyt : ' milk, or an article of food prepared from milk ; cf. Fritzner, Ordbog, s. v. 



at that very instant Gudrid heard a great crash, whereupon the woman vanished, and 
at that same moment one of the Skrellings, who had tried to seize their weapons l , 
was killed by one of Karlsefni's followers. At this the Skrellings fled precipitately, 
leaving their garments and wares behind them ; and not a soul, save Gudrid alone, 
beheld this woman. ' Now we must needs take counsel together,' says Karlsefni, 
' for that I believe they will visit us a third time, in great numbers 2 , and attack us. 
Let us now adopt this plan : ten of our number shall go out upon the cape, and 
show themselves there, while the remainder of our company shall go into the 
woods and hew a clearing for our cattle, when the troop approaches from the 
forest. We will also take our bull, and let him go in advance of us.' The lie 
of the land was such that the proposed meeting-place had the lake upon the one 
side, and the forest upon the other. Karlsefni's advice was now carried into 
execution. The Skrellings advanced to the spot which Karlsefni had selected 
for the encounter, and a battle was fought there, in which great numbers of the 
band of the Skrellings were slain. There was one man among the Skrellings, of 
large size and fine bearing, whom Karlsefni concluded must be their chief. One 
of the Skrellings picked up an axe, and having looked at it for a time, he brandished 
it about one of his companions, and hewed at him, and on the instant the man fell 
dead. Thereupon the big man seized the axe, and after examining it for a 
moment, he hurled it as far as he could, out into the sea; then they fled helter- 
skelter into the woods, and thus their intercourse came to an end. Karlsefni and his 
party 3 remained there throughout the winter, but in the spring Karlsefni announces, 
that he is not minded to remain there longer, but will return to Greenland. They now 
made ready for the voyage, and carried away with them much booty in vines and 
grapes 4 , and peltries. They sailed out upon the high seas, and brought their ship 
safely to Ericsfirth, where they remained during the winter. 

Freydis causes 5 the Brothers to be put to Death. 

There was now much talk anew, about a Wineland-voyage, for this was reckoned 
both a profitable and an honourable enterprise. The same summer that Karlsefni 
arrived from Wineland, a ship from Norway arrived in Greenland. This ship was 

1 ' pvfat hann haffii viljat taka vapn peira : ' lit. because he had wished to take their weapons. 

* ' me8 ufrifii ok fjolmenni : ' lit. with un-peace [war] and a multitude of men. 

* ' t>eir Karlsefni,' they Karlsefni. 

* ' vfnviQi ok berjum : ' lit. ' wine-wood ' and berries. Vines are called in Icelandic ' wine-wood,' 
and grapes ' wine-berries.' The relation between the words of the sentence would indicate that the 
' berries ' here named are ' wine-berries ' or grapes. 

6 ' le"t drepa : ' lit, caused to be put to death. 


commanded by two brothers, Helgi and Finnbogi, who passed the winter in Green- 
land. They were descended from an Icelandic family of the East-firths \ It is now 
to be added, that Freydis, Eric's daughter, set out from her home at Gardar, and 
waited upon the brothers, Helgi and Finnbogi, and invited them to sail with their 
vessel to Wineland, and to share with her equally all of the good things which 
they might succeed in obtaining there. To this they agreed, and she departed 
thence to visit her brother, Leif, and ask him to give her the house which he 
had caused to be erected in Wineland, but he made her the same answer [as that 
which he had given Karlsefni], saying, that he would lend the house, but not give 
it. It was stipulated between Karlsefni and Freydis, that each should have on 
ship-board thirty able-bodied men 2 , besides the women ; but Freydis immediately 
violated this compact, by concealing five men more [than this number], and this 
the brothers did not discover before they arrived in Wineland. They now put 
out to sea, having agreed beforehand, that they would sail in company, if possible, 
and although they were not far apart from each other, the brothers arrived somewhat 
in advance, and carried their belongings up to Leif's house. Now when Freydis 
arrived, her ship was discharged, and the baggage carried up to the house, whereupon 
Freydis exclaimed : ' Why did you carry your baggage in here ? ' ' Since we believed,' 
said they, ' that all promises 3 made to us would be kept.' ' It was to me that Leif loaned 
the house,' says she, ' and not to you.' Whereupon Helgi exclaimed : ' We brothers 
cannot hope to rival thee in wrong-dealing.' They thereupon carried their baggage 
forth, and built a hut, above the sea, on the bank of the lake, and put all in order about 
it ; while Freydis caused wood to be felled, with which to load her ship. The winter 
now set in, and the brothers suggested, that they should amuse themselves by playing 
games. This they did for a time, until the folk began to disagree 4 , when dissensions 
arose between them, and the games came to an end, and the visits between the houses 
ceased ; and thus it continued far into the winter. One morning early, Freydis arose 
from her bed, and dressed herself, but did not put on her shoes and stockings. A 
heavy dew had fallen 5 , and she took her husband's cloak, and wrapped it about her, 
and then walked to the brothers' house, and up to the door, which had been only 
partly closed 6 by one of the men, who had gone out a short time before. She pushed 

1 ' fslenzkir at kyni, ok 6r Austfjorfium : ' lit. of Icelandic descent and from the East-firths. 

2 ' vfgir menn : ' lit. men capable of bearing arms. 

s ' akve8in or8 : ' lit. fixed words, i. e. explicit agreements. 

4 ' menn barusk verra f milli :' lit. men introduced a worse condition among them. 

5 ' ve5ri var sva farit, at dggg var fallin mikil : ' the weather was of such a character that a heavy dew 
had fallen. 

6 ' lokit hur3 aptr a miSjan klofa : ' lit. closed the door behind to the middle of the groove. 



the door open, and stood, silently, in the doorway for a time. Finnbogi, who was 
lying on the innermost side of the room, was awake, and said : ' What dost thou wish 
here, Freydis?' She answers: ' I wish thee to rise, and go out with me, for I would 
speak with thee.' He did so, and they walked to a tree, which lay close by the wall 
of the house, and seated themselves upon it. ' How art thou pleased here?' says she. 
He answers : ' I am well pleased with the fruitfulness of the land, but I am ill-content 
with the breach which has come between us, for, methinks, there has been no cause 
for it.' ' It is even as thou sayest,' says she, ' and so it seems to me ; but my errand 
to thee is, that I wish to exchange ships with you brothers, for that ye have a larger 
ship than I, and I wish to depart from here.' ' To this I must accede,' says he, ' if it is 
thy pleasure.' Therewith they parted, and she returned home, and Finnbogi to his bed. 
She climbed up into bed, and awakened Thorvard with her cold feet, and he asked 
her why she was so cold and wet. She answered, with great passion : ' I have been to 
the brothers,' says she, ' to try to buy their ship, for I wished to have a larger vessel, 
but they received my overtures so ill, that they struck me, and handled me very 
roughly ; what time thou, poor wretch, wilt neither avenge my shame nor thy own, 
and I find, perforce, that I am no longer in Greenland, moreover I shall part from 
thee unless thou wreakest vengeance for this.' And now he could stand her taunts 
no longer, and ordered the men to rise at once, and take their weapons, and this 
they did, and they then proceeded directly to the house of the brothers, and entered it, 
while the folk were asleep l , and seized and bound them, and led each one out, when 
he was bound ; and as they came out, Freydis caused each one to be slain. In this 
wise all of the men were put to death, and only the women were left, and these no 
one would kill. At this Freydis exclaimed : ' Hand me an axe!' This was done, and 
she fell upon the five women, and left them dead. They returned home, after this 
dreadful deed, and it was very evident that Freydis was well content with her work. 
She addressed her companions, saying : ' If it be ordained for us, to come again to 
Greenland, I shall contrive the death of any man who shall speak of these events. 
We must give it out, that we left them living here, when we came away.' Early in 
the spring, they equipped the ship, which had belonged to the brothers, and freighted 
it with all of the products of the land, which they could obtain, and which the ship 
would carry. Then they put out to sea, and, after a prosperous voyage, arrived with 
their ship in Ericsfirth early in the summer. Karlsefni was there, with his ship 
all ready to sail, and was awaiting a fair wind; and people say, that a ship richer 
laden, than that which he commanded, never left Greenland. 

* ' at peim sofondum : ' lit. to them sleeping. 


Concerning Freydis. 

Freydis now went to her home, since it had remained unharmed during her 
absence. She bestowed liberal gifts upon all of her companions, for she was anxious 
to screen her guilt. She now established herself at her home ; but her companions 
were not all so close-mouthed, concerning their misdeeds and wickedness, that 
rumours did not get abroad at last. These finally reached her brother, Leif, and he 
thought it a most shameful story. He thereupon took three of the men, who had been 
of Freydis' party, and forced them all at the same time to a confession of the affair, and 
their stories entirely agreed. ' I have no heart,' says Leif, ' to punish my sister, 
Freydis, as she deserves, but this I predict of them, that there is little prosperity in 
store for their offspring.' Hence it came to pass, that no one from that time forward 
thought them worthy of aught but evil. It now remains to take up the story from the 
time when Karlsefni made his ship ready, and sailed out to sea. He had a successful 
voyage 1 , and arrived in Norway safe and sound. He remained there during the 
winter, and sold his wares, and both he and his wife were received with great favour 
by the most distinguished men of Norway. The following spring he put his ship in 
order for the voyage to Iceland ; and when all his preparations had been made, and 
his ship was lying at the wharf, awaiting favourable winds, there came to him a 
Southerner 2 , a native of Bremen in the Saxonland, who wished to buy his 'house- 
neat *.' ' I do not wish to sell it,' said he. ' I will give thee half a " mOrk " in gold for 
it' (71), says the Southerner. This Karlsefni thought a good offer, and accordingly 
closed the bargain. The Southerner went his way, with the ' house-neat,' and Karl- 
sefni knew not what wood it was, but it was ' mOsur *,' come from Wineland. 

Karlsefni sailed away, and arrived with his ship in the north of Iceland, in Skaga- 
firth. His vessel was beached there during the winter, and in the spring he bought 
Glaumboeiar-land (59), and made his home there, and dwelt there as long as he lived, 
and was a man of the greatest prominence. From him and his wife, Gudrid, a nu- 
merous and goodly lineage is descended. After Karlsefni's death, Gudrid, together 
with her son, Snorri, who was born in Wineland, took charge of the farmstead ; and 
when Snorri was married, Gudrid went abroad, and made a pilgrimage to the South *, 
after which she returned again to the home of her son, Snorri, who had caused a 
church to be built at Glaumbcer. Gudrid then took the veil and became an anchorite, 
and lived there the rest of her days. Snorri had a son, named Thorgeir, who was the 

1 ' Honum f6rsk vel : ' lit. it went well with him. 

2 SuSrmaSr : a Southerner, i.e. a German ; cf. note 1, p. 65. 
5 husa-snotra. Cf. note 6. 

* Or ' mausur,' as in the MS.; cf. note 36. " Cf. note 1, p. 72. 


father of Ingveld, the mother of Bishop Brand. Hallfrid was the name of the 
daughter of Snorri, Karlsefni's son ; she was the mother of Runolf, Bishop Thorlak's 
father. Biorn was the name of [another] son of Karlsefni and Gudrid ; he was the 
father of Thorunn, the mother of Bishop Biorn. Many men are descended from 
Karlsefni, and he has been blessed with a numerous and famous posterity; and 
of all men Karlsefni has given the most exact accounts of all these voyages, of 
which something has now been recounted. 



In addition to the longer sagas of the discovery and exploration of Wineland, and 
the scattered references in other Icelandic historical literature, already adduced, the 
country finds mention in still another class of Icelandic records. These records are 
the chronological lists of notable events, in and out of Iceland, which are known 
as the Icelandic Annals. It has been conjectured that the archetype of these Annals 
was compiled either by the learned Ari, the father of Icelandic historiography, or in 
the century in which he lived l . Although there is the best of reasons for the belief, 
that the first writer of Icelandic Annals was greatly indebted to Ari the Learned for 
the knowledge of many of the events which he records, such written evidence as we 
have from the century in which Ari lived, would seem to indicate that this kind of 
literature had not then sprung into being 2 . 

A recent writer in an able disquisition upon this subject arrives at the conclusion, 
that the first book of Annals was written in the south of Iceland about the year 1280 3 . 
While this theory is apparently well grounded, it is, nevertheless, true that the first 
writer of Icelandic Annals of whom we have definite knowledge, was an Icelandic 
priest named Einar Haflidason [Einarr Haflioason], who was born in 1307, and died 
in 1393 4 . The fact that Einar was the compiler of such a book is gleaned from his 

1 Cf. Langebek, Scriptores rerum Danicarum, Copenh. 1773, vol.ii. p. 177 ; Bjorn J6nsson a SkarSsa, 
Annalar, Hrappsey, 1774, vol. i. p. 4 ; Gronlands historiske Mindesmaerker, Copenh. 1838, vol. ii. 
PP- 577—8 ; Antiquarisk Tidskrift, Copenh. 1846-8, p. 122. 

2 Cf. Snorra Edda, Copenh. 1852, vol.ii. p. 12: 'Apessu landibseoi log og attvfsi e8a p/'oingar helgar, 
e6a sva hin spakligu frae3i, er Ari ^orgilsson hefir a boekr sett af skynsamligu viti.' [' In this land both 
laws and genealogical lore, or translations of sacred -writings, or also of those learned records, which 
through a gifted wisdom, Ari Thorgilsson has committed to books.'] ' Learned records ' [' spakligu 
frseSi '] does not explicitly exclude the Annals, but the language of Hungrvaka, a work contemporary 
with that from which the above quotation is made, does, in the following passage : ' pat er a norraenu er 
ritaS ; log, e5r sogur, e8r mannfraeSi ' [' that which is written in the Northern tongue [Icelandic] laws, 
or sagas, or genealogies']. Biskupa Sogur, Copenh. 1858, vol. i. p. 59. 

s Storm, Islandske Annaler, Christiania, 1888, pp. lxviii-lxxxiii, &c. 

4 Cf. Finnr Jonsson, Historia Ecclesiastica Islandiae, Copenh. 1772, vol. i. pp. 592, 593. 


own work, through an entry under the year 1304, in which his birth is recorded in 
such wise as to point unmistakably to his authorship \ This collection of Annals is 
contained in the parchment manuscript AM. 420 b, 4to, which has received the name, 
Lawman's Annals [Logmanns-Annall], probably from the office held by some one of its 
former owners 2 . Under the year 1121, we find in these Annals the entry: 'Bishop 
Eric Uppsi 3 sought Wineland *.' 

The next considerable collection of Annals, the date of which we are enabled to 
determine with tolerable accuracy, is that appended to the Flatey Book, the manu- 
script of which has already been described. These Annals were written by the priest 
Magnus Thorhallsson 5 , and doubtless completed before the year 1395, for all entries 
cease in the previous year. Among the recorded events of the year 1121 it is stated 
that ' Eric, Bishop of Greenland, went in search of Wineland 6 .' 

Of a riper antiquity than either of the foregoing works, are, in all likelihood, the 
so-called Annales Reseniani, the original vellum manuscript of which was destroyed 
by the fire of 1728. A paper copy from this original, written by Ami Magnusson, is 
preserved in AM. 424, 4to. The dates included in these Annals extend from the year 
228 to 1295 inclusive, and it has been conjectured that these records were compiled 
before the year 1319 7 . Here, under the year 1121, occurs the statement: 'Bishop 
Eric sought Wineland V 

1 The entry is as follows : ' Rev. Einar Haflidason born, " in octava nativitatis gloriosae virginis 
Marise." I, a sinful man, bid you who may read or hear these letters pray to God for me, that at the 
day of judgment I may be numbered among his chosen men/ &c. [' Fceddr Sfra Einar HafliSason, in 
Octava nativitatis gloriosa? virginis Marie. BiS ek syndugr ma5r betta letr lesandi e8r heyrandi, at be"r 
bifiit fyrir me"r til Gu8s, sva at ek maetti reiknast a ddmsdegi i me8al hans valdra manna.'] Prof. Storm 
agrees with Ami Magnusson in the opinion that Einar himself wrote these Annals, from the beginning 
down to the year 1362. Cf. Storm, Isl. Ann. ubi sup. pp. xxi and 264. 

! Cf. Halfdan Einarsson, Sciagraphia Historiae Literariae Islandicae, Copenh. 1777, p. 133; Storm, 
Isl. Ann. p. xxiv. 

* Vigfusson [Diet. s. v.] translates uppsi, the fish 'gadus virens;' Ivar Aasen [Diet. s.v. Ufs], on the 
other hand, renders the Norwegian word ' store Sei [large coal-fish], Isl. [i. e. Icelandic] Upsi.' This is 
confirmed by Benedikt Grondal [Dyrafraefii, Reykjavik, 1878, p. 89], who calls the Upsi, Merlangus 
carbonarius, deriving the descriptive carbonarius, from the black colour of the mouth of the full- 
grown fish. 

* ' Eirfkr bis&up vppse leitade Vfnlandz.' 

6 Cf. Introductory notice of authorship in Flatey Book. Flateyjarb6k, loc. cit. vol. i. 

* ' Ehfkr biskup af Grdnlandi far at leita Vfn \andz.' The verb ' leita ' has the double significance, 
' to go to for aid,' and ' to go in search of.' The entry here seems to point clearly to the latter interpreta- 
tion, literally, ' went to seek.' 

7 Cf. Storm, Isl. Ann. p. vii ; fslenzkir Annalar, Copenh. 1847, pp. xxxi, xxxii. 

8 ' Eirfkr byscop leitafli Vfn landz.' In another copy of these Annals, contained in the de la Gardie 
Collection in the Upsala University Library, Nos. 25-29, the original entry under the year 1 121 appears 


A parchment manuscript is preserved in the Royal Library of Copenhagen, No. 
2087, 4to, old collection, which contains the annals known as Annales regii. These 
are written in various hands, and are brought down to the year 1341. From the first 
entry down to the year 1306, the hand is the same, and from this fact the conclusion 
has been drawn, that this portion of the manuscript was completed not later than 
1307 1 . Against the year 1121 we find the entry: 'Bishop Eric of Greenland went 
in search of Wineland V 

Similar entries to these occur in two other collections of Icelandic Annals, which 
may be mentioned here, for, while these are, in their present form, of much more 
recent creation than those already noticed, they still seem to have drawn their 
material from elder lost vellums. One of these, Henrik Hoyer's Annals, derives 
its name from its first owner, who died in Bergen in the year 1615. It is a paper 
manuscript contained in AM. 22, fol., and bears strong internal evidence of having 
been copied from an Icelandic original, which has since disappeared 3 . The entry in 
this manuscript under the year 1121 is : ' Bishop Eric sought Wineland 4 .' 

The other modern collection, known as Gottskalk's Annals, is contained in a 
parchment manuscript in the Royal Library of Stockholm, No. 5, 8vo, which it is 
believed was chiefly written by one Gottskalk Jonsson [Gottskalk Jonsson], a priest, 
who lived in the north of Iceland in the sixteenth century, and it has been conjectured, 
from internal evidence, that the portion of the compilation prior to the year 1394 was 
copied from a lost manuscript 5 . The entry under the year 1121 corresponds with 
those already quoted : ' Eric, the Greenlanders' bishop, sought Wineland V 

From these different records, varying slightly in phraseology, but all of the same 
purport, we may safely conclude that, in the year 1121, a certain Bishop of Greenland, 
called Eric Uppsi, went upon a voyage in search of Wineland. It is the sum of 
information which the Annals have to give concerning that country, and is meagre 
enough, for we are not only left unenlightened as to why the voyage was undertaken, 

to have been confused or misunderstood by the copyist. It reads : ' Thorgils Erche biskup leitati 
Vmlands.' [' Arch-bishop Thorgils sought Wineland.'] The name Eirfkr appears to have been mis- 
read, and that of Thorgils carried over from the preceding sentence, as may be better seen by comparison 
with Ami Magnusson's entry of the same year : ' Sajtt HafiiQa oc f>orgils, Eirfkr byscop leitaSi Vfn- 

1 Cf. Langebek, Scr. rer. Dan. vol. iii. p. 2 ; Storm, Isl. Ann. p. xi. 

2 ' Eirfkr biskup af Gronlanndi f6r at leita Vfnlan«dz.' 

3 Cf. Katalog over den Arnamagn. Handskr. Saml. Copenh. vol. i. pp. 19, 20; Storm, Isl. Ann. p. x. 

4 ' Eirikr biskup leitadz' XJinlands.' 

8 Cf. Storm, Isl. Ann. pp. xxv-xxviii. 

6 ' Eirekr Grcenlendinga byskup leitadi Vindlands.' A variant of this collection of Annals, AM. 
412, 4to, the so-called H61a-Annall, has, correctly, 'Vfnlands.' 



but we are not even informed whether the bishop succeeded in finding the country 
of which he went in search. It is not possible to obtain much additional knowledge 
concerning this Bishop Eric elsewhere. It seems altogether probable that he was the 
' Greenlanders' bishop Eric Gnup's son,' mentioned in a genealogical list in 
Landnama \ and it is clear that if this be the same Eric, he was by birth an Icelander. 
This view is in a slight measure confirmed by an entry in the Lawman's Annals 
under the year 1112 [in the Annals of the Flatey Book under the year 11 13] wherein 
the journey of Bishop Eric is recorded 2 , a 'journey ' presumably undertaken away 
from Iceland, and probably to Greenland. In the ancient Icelandic scientific work 
called Rimbegla, in a list of those men who had been bishops at Gardar, the episcopal 
seat in Greenland, Eric heads the list 3 , while in a similar list of Greenland bishops 
in the Flatey Book, Eric's name is mentioned third 4 . No record of Bishop Eric's 
ordination has been preserved, and none of his fate, unless indeed, it be written in 
the brief memorial of his Wineland voyage. It has been conjectured that this voyage 
to Wineland was undertaken as a missionary enterprise, a speculation which seems to 
have been suggested solely by the ecclesiastical office of the chief participant. It has 
been further conjectured, since we read in the Annals of the ordination of a new bishop 
for Greenland in 1124 6 , that Eric must have perished in the undertaking. The date of 
his death is nowhere given, and it is possible that the entry in the Annals, under the 
year 1121, is a species of necrological record. It is, in any event, the last surviving 
mention of Wineland the Good in the elder Icelandic literature. 

Although no subsequent visit to Wineland is recorded, a portion of the American 
coastland, seen by the original explorers, does appear to have been visited by certain 
of the Greenland colonists, more than a hundred years after Bishop Eric's Wineland 

A parchment manuscript, AM. 420 a, 4to, contains a collection of Annals, known 
as the Elder Skalholt Annals [Skalholts-Annall hinn forni], not heretofore cited 
because of a lacuna covering the year 1121. This manuscript, which Ami Magnusson 
obtained from Skalholt, in the south of Iceland, and which he conjectures may have 
belonged to Skalholt church, or to Bishop Bryniolf's private library 6 , is believed to 

1 Landnama, Part i. ch. xiii. » ' Ferd Eireks bri/fops.' 

8 Similarly the MS. AM. 415, 4to. Cf. Langebek, Scr. rer. Dan. vol. vi. p. 620. 

4 Rymbegla, Copenh. 1780, p. 320 ; Flateyjarb6k, loc. cit. vol. iii. p. 454. 

" Bishop Arnold [Arnaldr] ; he was duly ordained Bishop of Greenland, at Lund, and was clearly 
the first bishop of Greenland so ordained. Cf. Grcenlendinga Mttr [Einars Mttr Sokkasonar], Flatey- 
jarb6k, Christiania, 1868, vol. iii. pp. 445, 446. Annales Reseniani, Annales regii, Flatey Book Annals, 
Gottskalk's Annals, and Hoyer's Annals all give this date n 24, the Lawman's Annals alone assigns 
the event to 1125. 

6 Katalog o. d. AM. Handskr. Saml. vol. i. p. 625. 


have been written about the year 1362 *. We find in this, against the year 1347, the 
following record : ' There came also a ship from Greenland, less in size than small 
Icelandic trading vessels. It came into the outer Stream-firth. It was without an 
anchor. There were seventeen men on board, and they had sailed to Markland, but 
had afterwards been driven hither by storms at sea V The Annals of Gottskalk record 
the simple fact in the same year: 'a ship from Greenland came into the mouth of 
Stream-firth 3 .' On the other hand the Annals of the Flatey Book, under the year 
1347, have the following more particular record : ' A ship came then from Greenland, 
which had sailed to Markland, and there were eighteen men on board V 

This scanty record is the last historical mention of a voyage undertaken by Leifs 
fellow-countrymen to a part of the land which he had discovered three hundred years 
before. The nature of the information indicates that the knowledge of the discovery 
had not altogether faded from the memories of the Icelanders settled in Greenland. 
It seems further to lend a measure of plausibility to a theory that people from the 
Greenland colony may, from time to time, have visited the coast to the south-west of 
their home for supplies of wood, or for some kindred purpose. The visitors in 
this case had evidently intended to return directly from Markland to Greenland, and 
had they not been driven out of their course to Iceland, the probability is that this 
voyage would never have found mention in Icelandic chronicles, and all knowledge 
of it must have vanished as completely as did the colony to which the Markland 
visitors belonged. 

1 Storm, Isl. Ann. pp. xv, xvi. 

2 ' Pi kom ok skip af Grsenkwdi minwa at vexti en« sma f slandz fdr. Pat kom I Strauw fior5 in« 
ytra. Pat \ar akk<?ris laust. Par \dru a xvij raenn ok hdfdu farit U'l Marklandz en# sf8an vorfiit 
hingat hafreka.' 

3 ' Kom skip j Straumfiardar 6s af Graenlandi.' 

4 ' Pi kom skip af Grsznlandi, pa/ er s6tt hafdi U'l Marklandz, ok attian metin a.' 

M 2 

Notices of Doubtful Value ; Fictions. 

It will be remembered that a passage in the Book of Settlement [Landnamabok] 
recites the discovery, by one Ari Marsson, of a country lying westward from Ireland, 
called White-men's-land, or Ireland the Great. This White-men's-land is also men- 
tioned in the Saga of Eric the Red, and in both places is assigned a location in the 
vicinity of Wineland the Good. Many writers have regarded this White-men's-land 
as identical with a strange country, the discovery of which is recounted in the 
Eyrbyggja Saga, having been led to this conclusion, apparently, from the fact that 
both unknown lands lay to the ' westward,' and that there is a certain remote resem- 
blance between the brief particulars of the Eric's Saga and the more detailed narrative 
of Eyrbyggja. 

It is related in the Eyrbyggja Saga 1 that a certain Biorn Asbrandsson [Bjorn 
Asbrandsson] became involved in an intrigue with a married woman named Thurid, 
which resulted in his wounding the affronted husband and slaying two of the husband's 
friends, for which he was banished from Iceland for the term of three years. Biorn 
went abroad, led an adventurous life, and received the name of 'kappi' [champion, 
hero] on account of his valorous deeds. He subsequently returned to Iceland, where 
he was afterwards known as the Broadwickers'-champion [BreriSvikingakappi]. He 
brought with him on his return not only increase of fame, but the added graces of 
bearing due to his long fellowship with foreign chieftains, and he soon renewed his 
attentions to his former mistress. The husband, fearing to cope alone with so powerful 
a rival, invoked the aid of one skilled in the black art to raise a storm, which should 
overwhelm the object of his enmity. The hero, however, after three days of exposure 
to the preternaturally-agitated elements, returned exhausted, but in safety, to his home. 
The husband then prevailed upon his powerful brother-in-law, the godi (72) Snorri, to 
come to his assistance, and as a result of Snorri's intervention, Biorn agreed to leave 
the country. He accordingly rode ' south, to a ship in Lava-haven 2 , in which he took 

1 Eyrbyggja Saga, ed. Gudbrand Vigfusson, Leipsic, 1864, chaps. 29, 40, 47. 

s Hraunhofn, situated on the southern side of the promontory of Snrefellsness in western Iceland. 


passage that same summer, but they were rather late in putting to sea. They sailed 
away with a north-east wind, which prevailed far into the summer, but nothing was 
heard of this ship for a long time afterwards V 

Further on in the same saga we read of the fortuitous discovery of this same 
Biorn by certain of his fellow-countrymen, and as the account of their strange meeting 
contains the sole description of this unknown land, it may best be given in the words 
of the saga. 'It was in the latter days of Olaf the Saint 2 that Gudleif [GuSleifr 
Gufclaugsson] engaged in a trading-voyage westward to Dublin, and when he sailed 
from the west it was his intention to proceed to Iceland. He sailed to the westward 
of Ireland, and had easterly gales and winds from the north-east, and was driven far 
to the westward over the sea and toward the south-west, so that they had lost all 
track of land. The summer was then far spent, and they uttered many prayers that 
they might be permitted to escape from the sea, and it befell thereupon that they 
became aware of land. It was a great country, but they did not know what country 
it was. Gudleif and his companions determined to sail to the land, for they were 
weary with battling with the tempestuous sea. They found a good harbour there, 
and they had been alongside the land but a short time when men came toward them. 
They did not recognize a single man, but it rather seemed to them that they were 
speaking Irish ; soon so great a throng of men had drawn about them that they 
amounted to several hundreds. These people thereupon seized them all and bound 
them, and then drove them up upon the land. They were then taken to a meeting, at 
which their case was considered. It was their understanding that some [of their captors] 
wished them to be slain, while others would have them distributed among the people 8 
and thrown into bondage. While this was being argued they descried a body of men 
riding, and a banner was carried in their midst 4 , from which they concluded that 
some manner of chieftain must be in the company; and when this band drew near they 
saw a tall and warlike man riding beneath the banner ; he was far advanced in years, 
however, and his hair was white. All of the people assembled bowed before this man, 
and received him as he had been their lord ; they soon observed that all questions and 
matters for decision were submitted to him. This man then summoned Gudleif and his 
fellows, and when they came before him he addressed them in the Northern tongue [i.e. 
Icelandic], and asked them to what country they belonged. They responded that they 
were, for the most part, Icelanders. This man asked which of them were the Icelanders. 

1 ' Annan dag eptir rei5 Bjorn su5r f Hraunhofn til skips ok t6k se"r par pegar fan um sumarit, ok 
urSu heldr sf5bunir. feir t6ku ut landnyr3ing, ok viSraoi pat longum um sumarit, en til skips pess 
spurSist eigi sioan langan tfma.' Eyrbyggja Saga, loc. cit. p. 91. 

2 That is to say, toward the end of Olaf's reign. Olaf died in 1030. 

3 Lit. ' divided for their sustenance.' * Lit. ' in the company.' 


Gudleif then advanced before this man, and greeted him worthily, and he received his 
salutations graciously, and asks from what part of Iceland they came, and Gudleif replies 
that he comes from Borgarfirth. He then enquired from what part of Borgarfirth he 
came, and Gudleif informs him. After this he asked particularly after every one of the 
leading men of Borgarfirth and Breidafirth, and in the course of the conversation he 
asks after Snorri Godi and Thurid, of Froda [Froiba], his sister, and he enquired espe- 
cially after all details concerning Froda, and particularly regarding the boy Kiartan 1 , 
who was then the master at Froda. The people of the country, on the other hand, 
demanded that some judgment should be reached concerning the ship's crew. After 
this the tall man left them, and called about him twelve of his men, and they sat 
together for a long time in consultation, after which they betook themselves to the 
[general] meeting. Thereupon the tall man said to Gudleif and his companions : " We, 
the people of this country, have somewhat considered your case, and the inhabitants 
have given your affair into my care, and I will now give you permission to go whither 
ye list ; and even though it may seem to you that the summer is far spent, still I 
would counsel you to leave here, for the people here are untrustworthy and hard to 
deal with, and have already formed the belief that their laws have been broken." 
Gudleif replied : " If it be vouchsafed us to reach our native land, what shall we say 
concerning him who has granted us our freedom." He answers : " That I may not tell 
you, for I cannot bear that my relatives and foster-brothers should have such a voyage 
hither, as ye would have had if ye had not had my aid ; but now I am so advanced 
in years," said he, " that the hour may come at any time when age shall rise above my 
head ; and even though I should live yet a little longer, still there are those here in the 
land who are more powerful than I who would offer little mercy to strangers, albeit 
these are not in this neighbourhood where ye have landed." Afterward this man 
aided them in equipping their ship, and remained with them until there came a fair 
wind, which enabled them to put to sea. But before he and Gudleif parted, this man 
took a gold ring from his hand and handed it to Gudleif, and with it a goodly sword ; 
and he then said to Gudleif: " If it be granted thee to come again to thy father-land, 
then do thou give this sword to Kiartan, the master at Froda, and the ring to his 
mother." Gudleif said : " What shall I reply as to who sends these precious things ? " 
He answers: "Say that he sends them who was more of a friend of the mistress at 
Fr6da, than of the Godi at Helgafell, her brother. But if any persons shall think 
they have discovered from this to whom these treasures belonged, give them my 
message, that I forbid any man to go in search of me, for it would be a most 
desperate undertaking, unless he should fare as successfully as ye have in finding 

1 This Kiartan was Thurid's son. 


a landing-place ; for here is an extensive country with few harbours, and over all a 
disposition to deal harshly with strangers, unless it befall as it has in this case." 
After this they parted. Gudleif and his men put to sea, and arrived in Ireland late in 
the autumn, and passed the winter in Dublin ; but in the summer they sailed to Ice- 
land, and Gudleif delivered the treasures, and all men held of a verity that this man 
was Biorn Broadwickers'-champion ; but people have no other proof of this, save these 
particulars, which have now been related (73).' 

It will be observed that the narrator of the saga does not in this incident once 
connect this unknown land with White-men's-land, nor does he offer any suggestion 
as to its situation. The work of identifying this strange country with White-men's- 
land, and so with Wineland the Good, has been entirely wrought by the modern 
commentator l . If we accept as credible a meeting so miraculous as the one here 
described, if we disregard the statements of the narrative showing the existence of 
horses in this unknown land, which the theorist has not hesitated to do 2 , and, finally, 
if we assume that there was at this time an Irish colony or one speaking a kindred 
tongue in North America, we may conclude that Biorn's adopted home was some- 
where on the eastern North-American coast. If, however, we read the statements of 
the saga as we find them, they seem all to tend to deny this postulate, rather than to 
confirm it. The entire story has a decidedly fabulous appearance, and, as has been 
suggested by a learned editor of the saga, a romantic cast, which is not consonant 
with the character of the history in which it appears 3 . A narrative, the truth of 
which the narrator, himself, tells us had not been ratified by collateral evidence, 
and whose details are so vague and indefinite, seems to afford historical evidence 
of a character so equivocal, that it may well be dismissed without further con- 

Of an altogether different nature from the narrative of discovery above recited, is 
the brief notice of the finding of a new land, set down in the Icelandic Annals toward 
the end of the thirteenth century. In the Annales regii, in the year 1285, the record 

1 Cf. Torfeus, Historia Vinlandise Antiquae, Copenh. 17 15, p. 72 : ' Nescio an ad hanc Vinlandiam 
aut incertam aliam America? partem referenda sit terra ilia, ad quam historia Eyrbyggensium memorat 
Gudleifum Gunnlaugi filium,' &c. Other later writers have spoken with less hesitancy. 

2 ' Dass Biorn zu Pferde an den Strand gekommen, konnte einer von den gewohnlichen Zusatzen 
der Sagaschreiber seyn, die keinen Anstand nehmen, die einzelnen Umstande nach Wahrscheinlichkeit 
auszum'ahlen, damit die Sache anschaulicher werde.' Miiller, Sagaenbibliothek, aus der Danischen 
Handschrift fibers, v. Lachmann, Berlin, 1816, p. 144. 

3 ' Die Geschichte von Bjorn Brei3vfkingakappi ursprunglich vielleicht eine selbststandige kleine 
Erzahlung, hier aber vom Verf. ohne weiteres der Eb. eingefugt, [sie] hat etwas romanhaftes, das 
nichts weniger als mit dem sonstigen Ernste der Saga ubereinstimmt.' Vigfusson, ed. Eyrbyggja, 
p. xvii. 


reads: 'Adalbrand and Thorvald, Helgi's sons, found New-land 1 ;' in the Annals of 
the Flatey Book, under the same year, ' Land was found to the westward off Iceland 2 ;' 
and again in Gottskalk's Annals an entry exactly similar to that of the Flatey Book. 
In H oyer's Annals the entry is of a different character: 'Helgi's sons sailed into 
Greenland's uninhabited regions 3 .' 

In the parchment manuscript AM. 415, 4to, written, probably, about the beginning 
of the fourteenth century 4 , is a collection of annals, called ' Annales vetustissimi,' and 
here, under the year 1285, is an entry similar to that of the Flatey Book : ' Land found 
to the westward off Iceland V In the Skalholt Annals, on the other hand, the only 
corresponding entry against the year 1285, is : ' Down-islands discovered 6 .' 

It required but the similarity between the names New-land and Newfoundland to 
arouse the effort to identify the two countries ; and the theory thus created was sup- 
posed to find confirmation in a passage in a copy of a certain document known as 
Bishop Gizur Einarsson's Register [brefa-bok], for the years 1540-47, which is 
contained in a paper manuscript of the seventeenth century 7 , AM. 266, fol. This 
passage is as follows : ' Wise men have said, that you must sail to the south-west from 
Krisuvik mountain to Newland 8 .' Krisuvik mountain is situated on the promontory 
of Reykianess, the south-western extremity of Iceland, and, as has been recently 
pointed out 9 , to sail the course suggested by Bishop Gizur would in all probability 
land the adventurous mariner in south-eastern Greenland. The record of the Annals, 
however, is so explicit, that, in determining the site of ' Newland,' we do not need to 
orient ourselves by extraneous evidence. We are informed, that, in 1285, Helgi's sons 
sailed into Greenland's ' obygfcir,' the name by which the Greenland colonists were 
wont to designate the uninhabited east coast of Greenland ; and as it is elsewhere 
distinctly stated that the ' Newland,' which these men discovered in the same year, lay 
to the ' westward off Iceland 10 ,' there can be little room for hesitancy in reaching the 
conclusion that 'Newland,' the 'obygftir' and the 'Down-islands,' all lie together, and 

1 ' Fuwdu Helga sym'r nfia. tend Adalbrandr ok l>orvalldr.' These men were priests of some 
prominence in their time. Cf. Arna saga biskups, Biskupa Sogur, Copenh. 1858, vol. i. The above 
entry is in a later hand than that of the other entries under the same year. 

8 ' Fanz tend vestr undan fstendi.' 3 ' Helga synir sigldu I Grcenl<z«dz 6bijo5ir (6byg8ir).' 

* Cf. Katalog over den AM. Handskriftsamling, vol. i. p. 619. 

s ' Fandz tend vestr vndan f skwde.' * ' Funduz Diineyiar.' 

7 Cf. Katalog AM. Handskrifter, vol. i. p. 240. It is, perhaps, worthy of note that Adalbrand 
was a priest in the south of Iceland, not far from Skalholt, where Bishop Gizur's book was, doubtless, 
written, and whither any record which Adalbrand or his brother may have left, might easily have found 
its way. 

8 ' Hafa vitrir menn sagt at suSvestr skal sigla til N^alands undir Krfsuvlkr bergi.' 

Storm, Historisk Tidskrift, Christiania, 1888, p. 264. I0 ' vestr undan fslandi.' 


are probably only different names for the same discovery. However this may be, it is 
at least manifest, from the record, that if Newland was not a part of the eastern coast 
of Greenland l , there is nothing to indicate that it was anywhere in the region of 

A few years after this discovery is recorded, namely in 1289, we find the following 
statement in the Flatey Annals : ' King Eric sends Rolf to Iceland to seek New-land 2 ;' 
and again in the next year: ' Rolf travelled about Iceland soliciting men for a New-land 
voyage V No additional information has been preserved touching this enterprise, and 
it therefore seems probable that if the voyage was actually undertaken, it was barren 
of results. The Flatey Annals note the death of Rolf, Land-Rolf [Landa-Rolf] as he 
was called, in 1295 4 , and as no subsequent seeker of Newland is named in Icelandic 
history, it may be assumed that the spirit of exploration died with him. 

This brief record of the Annals is unquestionably historically accurate, moreover 
there may be somewhat of an historical foundation for the adventures of the Broad- 
wickers'-champion recounted in the Eyrbyggja Saga ; neither of these notices of dis- 
covery, however, appears to have any connection with the discovery of Wineland ; 
they have been considered here chiefly because of the fact that they have been treated 
in the past as if they had a direct bearing upon the Wineland history. 

The historical and quasi-historical material relating to the discovery of Wine- 
land, has now been presented. A few brief notices of Helluland, contained in the 
later Icelandic literature, remain for consideration. These notices necessarily partake 
of the character of the sagas in which they appear, and as these sagas are in a greater 
or less degree pure fictions, the notices cannot be regarded as possessing any historical 

First among these unhistorical sagas is the old mythical tale [fornsaga] of Arrow- 
Odd [Orvar-Odds Saga], of which two recensions exist ; the more recent 5 and inferior 
version 6 is that which contains the passages wherein Helluland is mentioned, as 
follows : ' " But I will tell thee where Ogmund [Qgmundr] is ; he is come into that firth 
which is called Skuggi 7 , it is in Helluland's deserts . . . ; he has gone thither because 

1 It has even been suggested that the supposed land may have been an ice-floe. Cf. Zahrtmann, 
' Om Zeniernes Reiser i Norden,' in Nordisk Tidskrift for Oldkyndighed, Copenh. 1833, p. 24. 

3 ' Ehikr konungx sendi R61f U'l 1 sla«dz at leita nyia \andz.' The ' Eirfkr konungr ' was King Eric 
Magnusson of Norway, who died 1299. 

3 ' For R61fr vm island ok krafdi menn til nfia. \andz ferdar.' 

4 ' Andadiz La«da-R61fr.' 6 Cf. Boer, Qrvar-Odds Saga, Leiden, 1888, p. xxiv. 

6 Maurer, Ueber die Ausdrticke: altnord., altnorw., u. island., Sprache, Munich, 1867, p. 210. 

7 This firth is also referred to in the fictitious Gunnars saga keldugnupsfffls, Copenh. 1866, p. 51. 
Although Helluland is not mentioned by name, the context appears to indicate that the firth was 
intended to have a location similar to that assigned it in Arrow-Odd's Saga. 



he does not wish to meet thee ; now thou mayest track him home, if thou wishest, and 
see how it fares." Odd said thus it should be. Thereupon they sail until they come 
into Greenland's sea, when they turn south and west around the land. . . . They sail 
now until they come to Helluland, and lay their course into the Skuggi-firth. And 
when they had reached the land the father and son went ashore, and walked until 
they saw where there was a fortification, and it seemed to them to be very strongly 
built 1 .' 

In the same category with Arrow-Odd's Saga may be placed two other mythical 
sagas, the Saga of Halfdan Eysteinsson [Halfdanar saga Eysteinssonar], and the Saga 
of Halfdan Brana's-fosterling [Halfdanar saga Brgnufostra] ; in the first of these the 
passage containing the mention of Helluland is as follows : ' Raknar brought Hellu- 
land's deserts under his sway, and destroyed all the giants there V In the second of 
these last-mentioned sagas the hero is driven out of his course at sea, until he finally 
succeeds in beaching his ship upon 'smooth sands' beside 'high cliffs;' 'there was 
much drift-wood on the sands, and they set about building a hut, which was soon 
finished. Halfdan frequently ascended the glaciers, and some of the men bore him 
company .... The men asked Halfdan what country this could be. Halfdan 
replied that they must be come to Helluland's deserts 3 .' 

Belonging to a class of fictitious sagas known as ' landvaettasogur ' [stories of a 
country's guardian spirits], is the folk-tale of Bard the Snow-fell-god [BariSar saga 
Snaefellsass]. The first chapter of this tale begins : ' There was a king named Dumb, 
who ruled over those gulfs, which extend northward around Helluland and are now 
called Dumb's sea 4 .' Subsequently we find brief mention of a king of Helluland, of 

1 ' " En segja mun ek \>6r til, hvar Qgmundr er ; hann er komfnn f fjorS pann, er Skuggi heitir, hann 
er 1 Hellulands ubyg3um, . . .; er hann bvi bar kominn, at hann hirfiir ekki bik at finna ; nu mattu 
scekja hann heim, ef bii vilt, ok vita hversu er gengr." Oddr sagfii sva skyldu vera. Sf8an sigla beir bar 
til er beir k6mu f Grcenlands haf, snua ba suor ok vestr fyrir landit. . . . Sigla bar til, at beir koma til 
Hellulands, ok leggja inn a fjor8inn Skugga. En er beir eru landfastir orSnir, ganga beir fe8gar a land, 
ok bar til sem beir sja, hvar virki stendr, ok syniz beim bat harSla ramrngpYt.' Qrvar-Odds Saga, ed. 
Boer, Leyden, 1888, pp. 131, 132; cf. also the verse in the -<Evidrapa, same edition, p. 206. 

1 ' Raknar Iag8i undir sik Hellulands 6byg5ir, ok eyddi bar ollum jotnum.' Halfdanar saga 
Eysteinssonar, ed. Rafn, Fornald. sogur Nordrl. Copenh. 1830, vol. iii. p. 556. 

3 ' Viflr var par rekinn mikill a sandinn, ok taka beir par til skdlasmfdar, ok var skjott algjor. 
Halfdan gengr a jokla jafnan, ok nokkrir men me8 honum, . . . Menn Halfdanar spurSu, hvat land 
petta vaeri. Halfdan kva5 pa mundu vera komna at Hellulands 6byg8um.' Halfdanar saga Bronu- 
f6stra, ed. Rafn, Fornald. sog. Nordrl. vol. iii. p. 568. 

4 ' Dumbr hefir konungr heitiS, hann r6b fyrir hafsbotnum beim, er ganga norSr urn Helluland ok 
nu er kallat Dumbshaf.' Bar3ar saga Snaefellsas, ed. Vigfusson, Copenh. i860. The edition of this 
saga, contained in Biorn Marcusson's Nockrer Marg-Frooder Sogu-t>aetter fslendinga, H61ar, 1756, 
however, gives Dumb dominion over the gulfs, which extend from Risaland to the south-east : ' Hann 


whom Gest, the son of the hero of the saga, says : ' I have never seen him before, 
but I have been told by my relatives that the king was called Rakin \ and from their 
account I believe I recognize him ; he at one time ruled over Helluland and many 
other countries, and after he had long ruled these lands he caused himself to be buried 
alive, together with five hundred men, at Raknslodi ; he murdered his father and 
mother, and many other people ; it seems to me probable, from the reports of other 
people, that his burial-mound is northward in Helluland's deserts V Gest goes in 
quest of this mound, sails to Greenland's deserts, where, having traversed the lava- 
fields [!] for three days on foot, he at length discovers the burial-mound upon an island 
near the sea-coast ; ' some men say that this mound was situated to the northward 
off Helluland, but wherever it was, there were no settlements in the neighbourhood V 
The brief extracts here quoted will suffice to indicate not only the fabulous 
character of the sagas in which they appear, but they serve further to show how 
completely the discoveries of Leif, and the explorations of Karlsefni had become 
distorted in the popular memory of the Icelanders at the time these tales were 
composed, which was probably in the thirteenth or fourteenth century 4 . The Hellu- 
land of these stories is an unknown region, relegated, in the popular superstition, to 
the trackless wastes of northern Greenland. 

ried fyri hafs Botnum peim er ganga af Risalande, i Lands-sudur,' 1. c. p. 163. This text was 
probably drawn from Vatnshyrna ; cf. BarSar saga Snsefellsass, ed. Vigfusson, p. 1, n. 1. 

1 The edition of the saga of 1756 has Ragnar; cf. the quotation from Halfd. saga Eysteinssonar. 

2 ' Ekki hef ek set hann fyrr, en sagt hefir mer verit af fraendum mfnum, at koniingr hefir heitiS 
Rakin, ok af peirri sogn pikkjumst ek kenna hann ; hefir hann raSit fyrir Hellulandi ok morgum 63rum 
londum, ok er hann hafQi lengi rd9it let hann kviksetja sik me3 ccccc manna a Raknsl65a ; hann myr5i 
fo3ur sinn ok m63ur, ok mart annat f61k ; pikki mer van, at haugr hans muni vera norfiarliga i Hellu- 
lands 6byg8um at annarra manna frasogn.' BarSar saga, ed. Vigfusson, pp. 38, 39. 

3 ' Segja sumir menn, at sja haugr hafi staSit norfiarliga fyrir Hellulandi, en hvar sem pat hefir verit, 
pa hafa par engar bygSir I n&nd verit.' BarSar saga, loc. cit. p. 41. 

* Cf. Maurer, Ueber die Ausdriicke, &c, p. 25 ; Vigfusson, Prolegomena, Sturlunga Saga, p. lxii. 

N 2 


The Publication of the Discovery. 

The earliest foreign mention of Wineland appears in the work of the prebendary, 
Adam of Bremen, called Descriptio insularum aquilonis l . The material for this work 
was obtained by its author during a sojourn at the court of the Danish king, Svend 
Estridsson, after the year 1069, and probably, very soon thereafter, for his history 
appears to have been completed before the year 1076, the date of king Svend's death 2 . 
The most important manuscript of Adam's longer work, the Gesta Hammaburgensis 
ecclesioc pontificum, is the Codex Vindobonensis, deposited in the Imperial Library of 
Vienna under the number 413. This manuscript, written in the thirteenth century 3 , 
contains also the complete 'description of the Northern islands,' which is partially 
lacking in the fine manuscript of the same century, contained in the Royal Library of 
Copenhagen. This ' description ' was first printed 4 in Lindenbruch's edition of Adam's 
work, published in 1595 6 , and is the first printed reference to Wineland, being as 
follows: ' Moreover he 6 spoke of an island in that ocean discovered by many, which 
is called Wineland, for the reason that vines grow wild there, which yield the best of 
wine. Moreover that grain unsown grows there abundantly, is not a fabulous fancy, 
but, from the accounts of the Danes, we know to be a fact. Beyond this island, it is 
said, that there is no habitable land in that ocean, but all those regions which are 
beyond are filled with insupportable ice and boundless gloom, to which Martian thus 
refers : " One day's sail beyond Thile the sea is frozen." This was essayed not long 
since by that very enterprising Northmen's prince, Harold 7 , who explored the extent 
of the northern ocean with his ship, but was scarcely able by retreating to escape in 


1 Also called by editors 'De situ Danix;' cf. ed. Lindenbrach, 1595, Stephanius, 1629. 

* Cf. Adami gesta Hammaburgensis ecclesise pontificum, ex recensione Lappenbergii, 2nd ed. 
Hanover, 1876, p. ii. 

3 Adami gesta Hammab. ed. 1876, p. vii. 4 Idem, p. xiv. 

6 ' M. Adami Historia Ecclesiastica, . . . eivsdem avctoris libellvs de Sitv Daniae,' . . . Cura ac 
labore Erpoldi Lindenbrvch, Lugd. Bat. 1595. 

6 Cf. preceding lines : ' Itaque rex Danorum cum multis aliis contestatus est,' &c. 

7 Probably King Harold Hardrede, who was slain in 1066. 


safety from the gulf's enormous abyss \ where before his eyes the vanishing bounds of 
earth were hidden in gloom V 

The learned cleric, it will be observed, is very careful to give his authority for a 
narrative, which evidently impressed him as bordering sharply upon the fabulous. 
The situation, which he would ascribe to the strange country is inaccurate enough, 
but the land where vines grow wild and grain self-sown, stripped of the historian's 
adornments, would accord sufficiently well with the accounts of the discoverers of 
Wineland to enable us to identify the country, if Adam had not himself given us the 
name of this land, and thus arrested all uncertainty 3 . It is not strange, however, that 
with the lapse of time the knowledge of such a land should have been erased from the 
recollection of the outer world. The author of the so-called ' Breve Chronicon Nor- 
vegiae 4 ' is, therefore, constrained to omit all reference to this wonderful land, although 
his reference to Greenland indicates an acquaintance with that tradition, which in Ice- 
landic geographical notices, already cited, would ascribe Wineland to a more southerly 
clime, bordering indeed, upon Africa. The manuscript of this history, which has been 
preserved, belongs to the Earl of Dalhousie 6 , and was probably written between the 
years 1443 and 1460 6 . The passage mentioned, while it is not strictly pertinent, in a 

1 As to the possible significance of these words and the passage in AM. 194, 8vo, 'then there 
is an open sea flowing in between Wineland and Markland,' quoted page 15, ante, cf. Storm, 'Gin- 
nungagap i Mythologien og i Geografien,' in Arkiv for nordisk Filologi, Lund, 1890, pp. 340-50. 

2 ' Praeterea unam adhuc insulam recitavit a multis in eo repertam occeano, quae dicitur Winland, 
eo quod ibi vites sponte nascantur, vinum optimum ferentes. Nam et fruges ibi non seminatas 
habundare, non fabulosa opinione, sed certa comperimus relatione Danorum. Post quam insulam, ait, 
terra non invenitur habitabilis in illo occeano, sed omnia quae ultra sunt glacie intolerabili ac caligine 
inmensa plena sunt. Cuius rei Marcianus ita meminit : " Ultra Thilen," inquiens, " navigatione unius 
diei mare concretum est." Temptavit hoc nuper experientissimus Nordmannorum princeps Haraldus. 
Qui latitudinem septentrionalis occeani perscrutatus navibus, tandem caligantibus ante ora deficientis 
mundi finibus, inmane abyssi baratrum retroactis vestigiis pene vix salvus evasit.' Ed. 1876, p. 187. 

3 As late as 1673 [1689 ?] Olof Rudbeck would seek to identify this 'Winland,' which Adam men- 
tions, with Finland. ' Ne tamen poetis solis hoc loquendi genus in suis regionum laudationibus familiare 
fuisse quis existimet, sacras adeat literas quae Palsestinae foecunditatem appellatione fluentorum laciis 
§ mellis designant. Tale aliquid, sine omni dubio, Adamo Bremensi quondam persuaserat insulam 
esse in ultimo septentrione sitam, mari glaciali vicinam, vini feracem, & ea propter fide tamen Danorum, 
Vinlandi&m dictam prout ipse in de situ Danise p. m. 37. fateri non dubitat. Sed deceptum eum hac 
sive Danorum fide, sive credulitate sua planum facit affine isti vocabulum Finlandice provincise ad 
Regnum nostrum pertinentis, pro quo apud Snorronem & in Hist. Regum non semel occurrit Vinlandicz 
nomen, cujus promontorium ad ultimum septentrionem & usque ad mare glaciale sese extendit.' Ole 
Rudbeks, Atland eller Manheim, Upsala. n. d. [1689?], pp. 291, 292. 

4 First printed by Munch in Symbolse ad Historiam Antiquiorem Rerum Norvegicarum, Christiania, 

5 Cf. Storm, Monumenta Historica Norvegise, Christiania, 1880, p. xvi. 

6 Idem, p. xvii ; Munch, Symbolse, p. ii. 


measure indicates, perhaps, the information accessible at this period, to an author who 
must have been more or less acquainted with the current lore of the land in which the 
Wineland history was still preserved. Greenland, this author writes, ' which country 
was discovered and settled by the inhabitants of Thule [Telensibus], and strengthened 
by the Catholic faith, lies at the western boundary of Europe, almost bordering upon 
the African isles, where the overflowing sea spreads out V No quickening evidence 
came from Iceland until long afterward, and those who saw Adam's Wineland recital, 
probably regarded it as the artless testimony of a too-credulous historian. 

After the publication of Adam of Bremen's work, in 1595, the name of Wineland 
next recurs in print, in a poem written by the Danish clergyman, Claus Christoffersson 
Lyschander, called 'Den Gr^nlandske Chronica' [the Chronicle of Greenland], which 
was published in Copenhagen in 1608. Founded, apparently, upon the scantiest of 
historical material, which material was treated with the broadest of poetic licence, the 
Chronicle is devoid of historical value 2 . Lyschander seems to have derived from 
Icelandic Annals 3 the knowledge of Bishop Eric's Wineland voyage, and to have 
elaborated this entry, with the aid of his vivid imagination, into three lines of doggerel 
in somewhat the following manner : 

And Eric of Greenland did the deed, 
Planted in Wineland both folk and creed, 
Which are there e'en now surviving*. 

A few years prior to this rhapsody of Lyschander's, the geographer Ortelius had 
ascribed to the Northmen the credit of the discovery of America. According to 
Alexander von Humboldt, Ortelius announced this opinion in 1570, and he cites 
Ortelius' work, ' Theatrum orbis terrarum,' in the edition of 1601 5 . The edition of 
1584 of Ortelius' work does not so credit the discovery, but the English edition of 

1 ' Que patria a Telensibus reperta et inhabitata ac fide catholica roborata terminus est ad occasum 
Europe fere contingens affricanas insulas ubi inundant oceani refluenta.' Munch, Symbola?, p. 2. 

2 Cf. Storm, Om Kilderne till Lyschanders Gr0nlandske Chronica,' in Aarb. f. Nord. Oldk. og Hist., 
1888, pp. 197-218. s Idem, pp. 210, 211. 

4 'Oc Erich paa Gr0nland lagde haand oppaa 

Plandtet paa Vjnland baade Folck oc Tro 
Som er der endnu ved ljge.' 

5 ' Le mente d'avoir reconnu la premiere de"couverte de 1'Amdrique continentale par les Normands, 
appartient indubitablement au geographe Ortelius, qui annonca cette opinion des l'annde 1570, presque 
encore du vivant de Barthdlemi de Las Casas, le celebre contemporaine de Colomb et de Cortez.' 
Alex. v. Humboldt, Examen critique de 1'histoire de la gdographie du Nouveau Continent, Paris, 1837, 
vol. ii. p. 1 20. 



1606 does explicitly, and clearly sets forth upon what foundation the author rests his 
statement l . Ortelius does not seem to have had, and could not well have had at the 
time he wrote, any acquaintance with Icelandic records ; his opinion, as he himself 
tells us, was based upon the marvellous relation of the voyages of the brothers Zeni, 
first published in 1558. It is not pertinent to dwell here upon the authenticity of the 
Zeni discoveries, and while it is true that Ortelius stated the fact, when he announced 
that the ' New World was entered upon many ages past by certain " islanders " of 
Greenland and Iceland,' he travelled to it by a circuitous route, and hit upon it, after 
all, by a happy chance. 

The debased taste in Iceland, which followed the age when the greater sagas 
were committed to writing, found its gratification in the creation of fictitious tales, 
in recounting the exploits of foreign heroes, and for a time, the garnered wealth 
of their historical literature was disregarded or forgotten by the people of Iceland. 
With the revival of learning, which came in post-Reformation times, after a long period 
of comparative literary inactivity, came a reawakening of interest in the elder literature, 
and the Icelandic scholars of this era heralded abroad the great wealth of the discarded 
treasures which their ancestors had amassed. 

The first writer in modern times to glean from Icelandic records, and to publish, 
as thus established, the discovery made by his countrymen, was Arngrim Jonsson 
[Arngrimr Jonsson], who was born in Iceland in 1568. His various historical works, 
published during his life-time, were written in Latin, and all, with the exception of the 
first edition of a single work, issued from presses on the Continent. His writings 
were, for the most part, devoted to the history of his fatherland and to its defence, but 
incidentally two of these, at least, refer to the Wineland discovery. The first of these 
works, ' Crymogcea, sive Rerum Islandicarum,' was published in Hamburg in 1610, 
1614, 1630. The notice in this book refers to the discovery of ' New Land ' in 1285, 
and Land-Rolf's expedition to Iceland [undertaken with a view to the exploration of 
this land], diverges into a consideration of the Frislanda of the Zeni narrative, which 

. ' ' Iosephus Acosta in his booke De Natura noui orbis indeuors by many reasons to proue, that this 
part of America was originally inhabited by certaine Indians, forced thither by tempestuous weather ouer 
the South sea which now they call Mare del Zur. But to me it seemes more probable, out of the historie 
of the two Zeni, gentlemen of Venice [which I haue put down before the Fable of the South sea, and 
before that of Scandia] that this New World many ages past was entred vpon by some islanders of 
Europe, as namely of Greenland, Island, and Frisland; being much neerer thereunto than the Indians, 
nor disioyned thence [as appeares out of the Map] by an Ocean so huge, and to the Indians so vnnaui- 
gable. Also, what else may we coriiecture to be signified by this Norumbega [the name of a North region 
of America] but that from Norway, signifying a North land, some Colonie in times past hath hither 
beene transplanted?' The Theatre of the Whole World: Set forth by that Excellent Geographer 
Abraham Ortelius, London, 1606, p. 5. 


the author regards as Iceland, and concludes : ' In truth we believe the country which 
Land-Rolf sought to be Wineland, formerly so-called by the Icelanders, concerning 
which island of America, in the region of Greenland, perhaps the modern Estote- 
landia, elsewhere J ; ' a statement chiefly interesting from the fact that it is the first 
printed theory as to the location of Wineland. 

In a second book, written ca. 1635 2 , but not published until 1643, Arngrim refers 
at some length to Karlsefni and his Wineland voyage 3 , which information he states he 
draws from Hauk's history, and also makes mention of Bishop Eric's Wineland 
voyage, noting incidentally Adam of Bremen's reference to that country 4 . 

Arngrim died in 1648, leaving behind him an unprinted Latin manuscript, which 
was subsequently translated into Icelandic and published in Iceland under the title 
' Gronlandia V In this treatise he deals more minutely with the Wineland discovery, 
but it is probable that this book failed to obtain as wide a circulation among the 
scholars of Europe as his earlier works, and even though it had become well 
known, it was destined to be followed, a few years later, by a much more exhaustive 
work, which must have supplanted it. 

Although the Icelandic discovery had now been published, the chief documents 
from which the knowledge of the discovery was drawn, remained for many years in 
Iceland, where they were practically inaccessible to the foreign student. Arngrim 
Jonsson was himself, probably, the first to set the example, which, actively followed 
after his death, soon placed the Icelandic manuscripts within comparatively easy reach 
of the students of the Continent 6 . We have already seen, incidentally, how certain of 
these codices were exported ; it remained for the tireless bibliophile, Ami Magnusson, 
to complete the deportation of manuscripts from his fatherland, so that early in the 
eighteenth century all of the more important early vellums containing the Wineland 
narrations were lodged in the libraries of Copenhagen. The hugest of all these 

1 ' Terram ver6 Landa Rolfoni quaesitam existamarem esse Vinlandiam olim Islandis sic dictam ; de 
qua alibi insulam nempe Americae e regione Gronlandise, quae forte hodie Estotelandia,' &c. Crymogcea, 
p. 120. 

2 Vigfusson and Powell, Corp. Poet. Bor. vol. i. p. xx. 

3 Specimen de Islandiae historicvm, et Magna ex parte Chorographicvm, Amsterdam, 1643, pp. 153, 


4 Idem, p. 148. 

6 Gronlandia edur Graenlands Saga Vr Islendskum Sagna Bookum og Afialum samantekin og a 
Latinskt mal Skrifud af peim heidurliga & halaerda Manni, Syra Arngrime Jonssine ... En a Norraenu 
utl0gd af Einare Ejolfssjne. tryckt i Skalhollte Af Hendrick Kruse, Anno, 1688. 

6 Arngrim presented a manuscript of Edda to the Danish scholar, Ole Worm, about 1628. It was, 
perhaps, the first Icelandic manuscript thus sent from Iceland. Cf. Vigfusson, Sturlunga Saga, Pro- 
legomena, p. cxlv. 


manuscripts, the Flatey Book, had been brought by the talented Icelander, Thormod 
Torfaeus *, from Iceland to Denmark, as a gift to King Frederick the Third. 

In the year 1715 Torfaeus published the first book devoted exclusively to the 
discovery of Wineland. In this little work the place of priority is assigned to the 
account of the discovery as unfolded in the Flatey Book 2 ; this is followed by a 
compendium of the Saga of Eric the Red [Thorfinns Saga], with which the author 
seems to have become acquainted through a transcript of the Hauk's Book Saga, made 
by Biorn of Skardsa [Bjorn a SkarSsa] 3 . The interest which Torfaeus' little book 
elicited was of such a character that the general dissemination of the knowledge of the 
discovery may almost be said to date from its appearance ; the publication of the texts 
of the sagas upon which Torfaeus' book was based was not accomplished, however, 
until the present century. 

In 1837 the sumptuous work entitled ' Antiquitates Americanae 4 ' was published 
by the Royal Society of Northern Antiquaries of Copenhagen. The book was edited 
by Carl Christian Rafn, with whom were associated Finn Magnusen and Sveinbiorn 
Egilsson ; the associate editors, however, especially the last-named, seem to have 
shared to a very limited extent in the preparation of the work ; all were scholarly men, 
well versed in the literature of Iceland. This book was by far the most elaborate 
which had been published up to that time upon the subject of the Icelandic discovery 
of America, and in it the texts of the sagas relating to the discovery were first printed, 
and with these the lesser references bearing upon the discovery, which were scattered 
through other Icelandic writings. Side by side with the Icelandic texts, Latin and 
Danish versions of these texts were presented, and along with these the interpretations 
and theories of the gifted editor, Rafn. The book obtained a wide circulation, and 
upon it have been based almost all of the numerous treatises upon the same subject, 
-which have since appeared. Rafn's theories touching the Old Stone Tower at New- 
port, R. I., and the Dighton Picture Rock near Taunton, Mass., have latterly fallen 
into disfavour, but others of his errors, less palpable than these, if we may judge by 

1 formdSr Torfason was born in Iceland in 1636, and died at his home in Norway in 1719. Cf. 
Worm, Lexicon. 

2 Justin Winsor states, in his Narrative and Critical History of America [vol. i. note x, pp. 91, 92], 
that, ' the Codex Flatoyensis . . . seems to have been unknown to Torfaeus.' A mistake rendered 
the more inexplicable by the fact that the learned editor reproduces a page of Torfaeus' ' Vinlandia,' 
the contents of which work so clearly confute this statement. 

3 Cf. Torfaeus, Historia Vinlandiae Antiquae, p. 29. 

4 Antiquitates Americanae, sive Scriptores rerum Ante-Columbianarum in America. Samling af de 
Nordens Oldskrifter indeholdte Efterretninger om de gamle Nordboers Opdagelsesreiser til America fra 
det 1 ode til det i4de Aarhundrede. Edidit Societas Regia Antiquarior. Septentrionalium, Copenh. 



recent publications, still exercise potent sway. While the editor of the ' Antiquitates 
Americanae ' deserves great praise for having been the first to publish to the world the 
original records, he has seriously qualified the credit to which he is entitled by the 
extravagant theories and hazardous statements to which he gave currency, and which 
have prejudiced many readers against the credibility of the records themselves. 

Since the publication of the 'Antiquitates Americanae' the most important and 
original treatise upon the Wineland discovery which has appeared, is that recently 
published by Dr. Gustav Storm, Professor of History in the University of Christiania, 
entitled, ' Studies relating to the Wineland voyages, Wineland's Geography and Eth- 
nography V These ' Studies ' appear to have been the natural sequence of an article 
upon the vexed question, affecting the site of Wineland, to which reference has already 
been made 2 . Professor Storm's method of treatment is altogether different from that 
of Rafn ; it is philosophical, logical, and apparently entirely uninfluenced by precon- 
ceived theories, being based strictly upon the records. These records of the Icelandic 
discovery have now been presented here. They clearly establish the fact that some 
portion of the eastern coast of North America was visited by people of Iceland and the 
Icelandic colony in Greenland early in the eleventh century. In matters of detail, 
however, the history of the discovery leaves wide the door to conjecture as to the 
actual site of Wineland. It was apparently not north of the latitude of northern New- 
foundland ; present climatic conditions indicate that it was situated somewhat south of 
this latitude, but how far south the records do not show. 

1 ' Studier over Vinlandsreiserne, Vinlands Geografi og Ethnografi,' in Aarb. f. Nord. Oldk. og 
Hist., Copenh. 1887, pp. 293-372. 2 Cf. ante, p. 6. 


The Icelandic Texts. 

The following texts of the leading sagas, relating to the discovery of Wineland, 
have been edited to conform, line by line, with the manuscripts, but with normalized 
orthography, since the reproduction of the manuscripts in type would have no especial 
significance where the facsimiles of the vellums are themselves given. The chief diffi- 
culty which the reading of these manuscripts offers to the unpractised reader is that 
of supplying the numerous contractions. This is a difficulty which they share with all 
other Icelandic manuscripts, but, except in a very slight measure, it is not complicated 
by the real crux, which many Icelandic vellums offer, in their faded writing or blackened 
parchment ; and the phototypic reproductions are therefore, except in portions of two 
of the pages of Hauk's Book, substantially as legible as the originals. . 

Although there are many paper copies of the so-called £orfinns saga karlsefnis of 
Hauk's Book, and of Eiriks saga rauSa of AM. 557, 4to (74), they are based upon the 
vellum manuscripts of these sagas here given in facsimile, and it has not, therefore, 
been deemed necessary to record the variants which they contain, or to make especial 
note of their readings, except in cases where the vellum manuscripts are now indistinct. 
Certain paper manuscripts, notably AM. 281, 4to, 770 b, 4to, and 118, 8vo, appear to 
have derived their texts of forfinns saga karlsefnis from Hauk's Book, when the two 
pages 100 b and 101 were in better state than they now are, and these have been of great 
assistance in the preparation of the printed text * ; in the few minor instances in which 
the vellum originals are not clearly to be read, the words of the paper manuscripts 
are given. 

If it be remembered that i and./, i and y, u and v, are used in these manuscripts 
more or less interchangeably, the unskilled reader should have little difficulty in 
following the facsimiles of these sagas and comparing these with the normalized 

1 In editing the text of these two pages of Hauk's Book I have been very materially aided by Dr. Valty'r 
GuSmundsson. Portions of these pages would be well-nigh undecipherable in the original manuscript, 
without the help afforded by the paper manuscripts, but these indistinct portions are very inconsiderable. 

O 2 


The Hauk's Book Text. 

The first scribe of forfinns saga karlsefnis, as the Hauk's Book text of the Saga 
of Eric the Red has been called, has been known as Hauk's ' first Icelandic secretary.' 
He is, perhaps; chiefly distinguished from his collaborators, particularly from Hauk 
himself, by the variety of forms which he employs, many of which are, doubtless, due 
to carelessness. He generally writes both ce and ce, e, but frequently simply e. He uses 
v for the most part for both u and v, but in a few instances reverses this usage and 
employs u in the dual capacity. He distinguishes between 9 and J>, and occasionally 
between $ and d, although he generally writes d for both 9 and d, in one instance, 
however, writing the same word upon the same page with both d and d, as on p. 93, 
Aud, And. He writes both fyrsta and fysta,fyri andfiri, cristni [p. 97, 1. 3] and kristni 
[p. 97, I. 11], Vivils and Vifvils, and once, apparently a slip, emeirr \emeiR] for meirr. 
Many words are written with a single instead of a double consonant, zsjtoka for Jjokka, 
knor for kngrr, Snort for Snorri, skapstor for skapstdrr, many verbs, on the other hand, 
are written with double in place of single /, as giallda [gj'alda], villdi \yildi\. He writes 
the genitive [in 5] for the most part with s, frequently with double s, as Kelliss, Einarss, 
the leading exception being in the case of proper names, as Islands, Granlandz, Asvalldz, 
porbrandz, although he also writes [p. 98, 1. 12] /*'/ nioz [til mots], and [p. 93 b, 1. 32] lands 
[lands.] He writes fodr iorfgdur, brodr for brodur, besti for bezti, semiligaz for sozmiligast. 
The prepositions / and a he usually connects with the succeeding noun, writing both 
preposition and noun as one word, as iskogi [i skdgi], avaldiofs s1\§dum] [a Valjjjofs 
stgdum]. He uses for his negative prefix [0] almost oxclusively, although he writes 
[P- 99» 1- 3] vgledi [ugletli], and for the feminine pronoun he employs the form hvn, hun 
[hon], and writes gera [gera, gipra], voro [vdru]. He writes his reflexive forms only 
with a z, as borduz [bgrdusk], gerdiz [gerdisti], kvez [kvezk]. The forms which he uses 
seem to indicate clearly, however, that the scribe was, indeed, an Icelander, for they 
belong to Icelandic, not to Norse, paleography. A single expression, however, which 
he employs, acquires a certain noteworthiness when contrasted with the language of 
the scribe of Eiriks saga rauSa. This ' first Icelandic secretary ' writes [p. 94, 11. 30-1] 
Einarr var a tslandi, while the scribe of AM. 557, 4to, has [p. 28, 1. 28] Einarr var ut 
her. The first expression would ordinarily have no significance whatever in determin- 
ing where the ' Icelandic secretary ' was writing, and in all likelihood has none here. 
If, however, the secretary had written ut her [' out here '] as the scribe of EsR has, 
instead of d Islandi [' in Iceland '], we should be better warranted in concluding that 
his work was done in Iceland. 

Hauk, who follows the ' first Icelandic secretary,' if he wrote in Iceland, wrote 
with one of the peculiarities to be found in Norse vellums, the uniform omission of h 


before the sibilant / in such words as liodlyndr [hljddlyndr], lutdSir [hlutadir], laupa 
[hlaupa]. He, unlike any of the other scribes of these manuscripts [except the second 
secretary, as noted below], distinguishes between ce and ce, and usually discriminates 
these correctly, although he writes [p. 99 b, 1. 16] bcedi for bcedi. Hauk distinguishes 
between a? and #, and between ti and p, but writes sipan [sidan], and he/pi [hefdi]. He 
uses v for both u and v throughout his work, and again, in contrast with the first scribe, 
writes en in place of enn. He writes ck instead of kk, as ecki for ekki, ockr for okkr, 
nockot (ngkkuf), and also quad for kvdS. He writes iamnan for jafnan, and substitutes 
/ for p in such words as aptr, lopt, knept ; he writes sun for son, and not only many 
verbs with double 11, but such words as helldr, sialldan. He uses the same reflexive 
terminations as the first writer. 

The third scribe of forfinns saga karlsefnis is Hauk's so-called ' second Icelandic 
secretary.' If this secretary was, indeed, an Icelander, he must have been brought 
under strong Norwegian influence, for he employs throughout such Norse forms as 
vurdu [urdu], rid [hrid], Hop [hljdp] and huggj [hjd]. He writes, for the most part, 
both ce and 02 with e, although he also writes ndr [ncer], and einfdtingr [Einfcetingr] ; 
while discriminating between/ and d, as in the normalized orthography, he writes both 
#and rfwith d. He differs from Hauk in using both u and v, and from both Hauk 
and the first secretary in writing haar [hdr], saad [sad, sdif], and also in writing sea// 
[sjdlf], sea [sjd]. For eigi he writes both eige and eighe ; medr for mcd, vidr for vid, 
iammykit for jafnmikit, iamlangt for jafnlangt. He has hafdu for hpfdu, bannadu for 
bgnnudu, and writes his reflexive verbal forms as Hauk and the first secretary, as 
komaz [kotnask], byz \bysk\ but also fundust [fundusk], biuggust [bjoggusk], and 
parallel with Hauk's lutadu [hlutu&u], he writes skemtadu [skemtudii]. No one of the 
three scribes uses accents, and the g of the printed texts, except in the verbal forms 
above noted, is generally written 0, although occasionally au. 

The AM. 557, 4to Text. 

The peculiarities of the text of the Saga Eireks rauda, as it is called in the Codex, 
AM. 557, 4to ; many of them point to a later date for this text than that of either Hauk's 
Book or the Flatey Book, for we find here such forms as giora [g$ra], sied [set], pier 
[Per], hier [her], hiellt [helt], and also other forms indicating the modern pronunciation, 
as eirn [einn], tall [Jarl], iosteirn [iorsteinn]. The scribe does not discriminate between 
u and v , nor between & and d, writing d throughout, although he employs _p as in the 
normalized orthography. He writes both ce and ce with ce ; and g, while frequently 
written simply 0, is occasionally also written au, as maurg [mgrg], baurn [bgm], laund 
[Ignd], &c. He writes a both 'aa' and a, q is writtenin qvat [kvaS], ck for kk, as 


JAckia [Pykkja], ecki [ekki], ockr [okkr]. Fysta is written for fyrsta ; dreing for dreng, 
and similarly leingi for lengi, geingr for gengr, Jweingi for pvengi; hafva is written for 
hafa, kvomu for kvamu [kdmn], and while i is usually employed as in the normalized 
texts, the scribe also writes Eirekr, saker, epter. He writes many proper names as 
Styrr, Einarr, iorgeirr in the nominative with a single final r, and occasionally 
omits the second r in other words ; fgdur is written both fedr and faudr, brddur is 
written brodr, and the omission of the u in such inflected forms, and in the nominative 
plural of certain nouns is very common. He generally writes the genitive form [in 5] 
with s, although occasionally with z, as Ingiallz [Ingjalds], agcetz manz \dgcets mantis], 
lambskinz [lambskinns] ; he also writes leingzt [lengst], scemiligazt [scemiligast], likazt 
[likasf]. He generally writes hun [/ion] while his contraction indicates lion, but he also 
writes liaiin [lion], and haunum [honum]. He uses throughout the same reflexive forms 
[except in one instance skyzz for skyzk], writing giordizt [gqrdisk], lituduzt [litudusk], 
kvezt [kvezk], &c. Finally, as has already been suggested, the errors, verbal and 
textual, of which there are many scattered through the saga, seem to point pretty 
clearly to the faults of a copyist, working, perhaps, from a somewhat illegible original. 

The Flatey Book Text. 

In the reproduction of the original manuscript of this version of the history it has 
been found necessary, in order to preserve the text in its actual size, and at the same 
time have this conform in size to the page of the quarto manuscripts, to divide each 
column of the Flatey Book text into two parts, and as there are two columns to each page 
of this folio manuscript, each page of this phototypic reproduction represents one-fourth 
of the page of the original. The first portion of the narrative, Eiriks J>attr rauSa, begins 
with the second line from the bottom of col. 221 of the Flatey Book, and ends in col. 
223, twenty lines from the bottom, with the words ' mefian Herjdlfr lifdi, ok stfan bjd 
hann par cptir fyhtr sinn.' The second part of the narrative, Groenlendinga J>attr, 
begins in col. 281, fifteen lines from the bottom of the page, and is brought to a 
conclusion in col. 288, in the twenty-sixth line from the top of the page. The hand, 
which is the same throughout, is that of John Thordsson. In the photographic 
reproduction of the manuscript it has, of course, been impossible to preserve the 
colours of the illuminated initials, which are inserted in the original in red and green 
and blue ; the sub-titles, which, like those of Hauk's Book, are written in red, have, 
like the Hauk's Book titles, been printed in bolder type. 

Contrasted with the other texts, the most marked peculiarity of this scribe is, 
perhaps, the use of ce for e, for which, with very few exceptions, it is uniformly written 
at the beginning of words, as ceigi [et'gi], ainn [einn], /Eirekr [Eirikr], and very 


frequently, though not so constantly, in the body of such words as mceira [metro], 
rceida [rei<Sa], Iceitan [leitan], Lccifr [Leifr], This ce of the scribe, which has more the 
appearance of ce than that of his co-worker Magnus, is used generally for both ce and 
ce, although e is occasionally similarly used, there being no discrimination between ce 
and ce ; g is generally written 6, but occasionally also au, and yet again simply ; a is 
in a few instances written ' aa ' ; / is uniformly used for the preposition t, as is generally 
the case in the other manuscripts, and accented i is occasionally written ij, as vijda 
[viffa], Vijnland [V inland] ; e is almost constantly used in the place of i at the end of 
words, and sometimes elsewhere, as aller [allir] ; e is occasionally written for j, as in 
fear [fjdr\ sea [sj'd] ; u and v are used interchangeably ; d is written throughout for 
both 3 and d; J> is written normally, although in the initial at the beginning of Eiriks 
Jjattr we find ■Dorualldr [Porvaldr] ; n and / are frequently reduplicated in such words 
as nafnn [na/n], Biarnne [Bjarni]. The double forms mig and mik, eftir and eptir 
occur, although the usual forms are mig, sig [mik, sik] and eftir, aftr [eptir, aptr]. Fyrst 
is written fysf, the forms id [if], ad [at] occur, as also ath [at], andith [audit], voth [vat], veer 
[ve'r], kallar [karlar], &c. Stfast is written sidazst, as are other similar forms, and 
reflexive forms are written with the same termination, as fystizst [fystisk], kuetzst 
[kvezk]. The genitive [in s] is usually written with s, although the forms Islandz, as also 
lanz, Branz occur ; q is, for the most part, substituted for k in kveda and its inflected 
forms. In this manuscript, as in Hauk's Book, and AM. 557, 4*0, meS is almost always 
written with the contracted equivalent, and so also is ok (and) with a sign correspond- 
ing to our symbol (&). 

The facsimiles are throughout exact reproductions of the manuscripts, so far as it 
is possible to reproduce these by photographic process. 



H^r hefr upp sggu peira I>or- 

finns karlsefnis ok Snorra forbrandssonar. 

17. Oldfr hdt herkonungr, er kallaSr, var (Slafr 1 hvfti, 

18. harm var son Ingjalds konungs Helgasonar, Olafssonar, Gu8r08arsonar 2 , Hdlfdanar- 

19. sonar hvftbeins Upplendinga konungs. (5laTr herjafii f vestrvfking, ok vann 

20. Dyflinni £ frlandi, ok Dyflinnarsker s . far gerSisk hann konungr yfir. Hann fekk 

21. Au8ar djupuSgu, d6ttur Ketils flatnefs, Bjarnarsonar bunu, agaets manns 6r Noregi; 

22. torsteinn rau8r h6t son peira. Olafr fell d frlandi i orrostu, en Au8r ok forsteinn f6ru pd 

i Su8r- 

23. eyjar; par fekk forsteinn I>uri8ar 4 , d6ttur Eyvindar austmanns, systur Helga hins ma- 

24. gra; pau dttu mgrg born, fcorsteinn gerSisk herkonungr. Hann r^zk til lags me8 

25. Sigur8i jarli hinum rfka, syni Eysteins glumru; peir unnu Katanes ok Su8r- 

26. land, Ros ok Mersevi, ok meirr en hdlft Skotland. Ger8isk forsteinn bar konungr yfir, 

27. a8r Skotar sviku hann, ok fell hann bar f orrostu. Au3r var pd £ Katanesi, er hon 

28. spurSi fall t>orsteins ; hon ldt pd g0ra knprr 1 sk6gi £ laun, ok er hon var bum, helt 

29. hon dt f Orkneyjar; J>ar gipti hon Gr6, d6ttur fcorsteins rauSs; hon var m63ir Grela- 

30. 8ar 6 , er forfinnr jarl hausakljiifr dtti. Eptir pat f6r Au8r at leita f slands; 

31. hon hafSi £ skipi xx karla frjdlsa. Au8r kom til fslands, ok var hinn fyrsta 

1 MS. oloafr. * MS. gndredarsonar. * i. e. Dyflinnarskiri. ' MS. poridar. 

8 Laxdoela Saga has GreilaSar; cf. Laxdoela Saga, ed. Kalund, Copenh. 1889, p. 8. 

;ttktf 4 ^a . tivvi) tt>ri^«tf K^o^tvif* lUdksattmi W^tt^ 

*f top* f«*tyA' *»$> wHn **f.J*& &j kpr 'Utak***a< 'en u<^ 
*tv itjem et) 'tfj* Vtrt) Jim Uttam eii> Q#-f**> » t"|. eti m. 

7 tyu$|%^ «^ A^ A&l*^^ 








1. vetr 1 Bjarnarhpfn me8 Birni, br68ur sfnum. SfSan nam Au8r pll Dala- 

2. Ignd milli Dggur8ardr ok Skrdmuhlaupsdr \ Hon bj6 i Hvammi. Hon haf5i 

3. boenahald 2 i Krossh6Ium; par l^t hon reisa krossa, pvf at hon var 

4. skfrS ok vel triiu3. Me8 henni k6mu ut margir ggfgir menn, peir er herteknir hpfSu 

5. verit i vestrvfking, ok varu kallaSir dnau8gir. Einn af peim he"t Vffill; hann 

6. var aettst6rr ma8r, ok hafSi verit hertekinn fyri vestan haf, ok var kallaSr 

7. dnauSigr &3r Au3r* leysti hann; ok er Au8r gaf bustaSi skipverjum sfnum, 

8. pd spurSi Vifill hvf Au3r gaefi honum 0ngan biistaS, sem g3rum mgnnum. 

9. AuSr kva9 bat engu 4 mundu skipta, kalla3i hann par gofgan mundu pikkja, 

10. sem hann var. Hon gaf honum Vffilsdal, ok bj6 hann par. Hann atti konu, er h^t 
ir. peira synir varu peir l>orbjgrn ok {"orgeirr. Peir varu efniligir menn, ok 6xu upp 

12. forvaldr he"t ma3r; hann var son Eirikr rau8i farm Greenland. me3 fg5ur sfnum. 

13. Asvalds tJlfssonar, 0xna-{'6rissonar 5 . Eirfkr hdt son hans. feir fe3gar f6ru af 

14. Ja8ri til Islands, fyri vfga sakir, ok namu land d Hornstrondum, ok bjoggu at 

15. Drgngum. far andaSisk forvaldr; en Eirfkr fekk pa !>6rhildar, d6ttur Jgru- 

16. ndar Atlasonar ok f>orbjargar knarrarbringu, er pa atti forbjorn hinn haukdoelski, 

17. ok bj6 d Eirfksstg3um sfSan, er Eirfkr r^zk norSan ; pat er hja Vatnshorni. 

18. M feldu prselar Eirfks skriSu d boe Valbj6fs a Valpj6fsstg3um 6 . Eyj61fr saurr, 

19. fraendi hans, drap praelana hja SkeiSsbrekkum, upp fra Vatnshorni. Fyri pat va Eirf- 

20. kr Eyj61f saur; hann va ok H61mgongu-Hrafn at Leikskalum 7 . Geirsteinn ok Oddr 

21. a Jgrva, frajndr Eyj61fs, vildu eptir hann msela; pa var Eirfkr gerr brott 6r 8 Hau- 

22. kadal. Hann nam pa Brokey ok 0xney, ok 8 bj6 at Trg3um I Su3rey enn fyrsta vetr. 

23. M le"3i hann forgesti setstokka. Sf3an f6r Eirfkr f 0xney, ok bj6 a Eirfks- 

24. stg5um. Hann heimti pa setstokkana, ok na3i eigi. Eirfkr s6tti pd setstokk- 

25. ana d Brei3ab61sta5, en forgestr f6r eptir honum. f>eir bgr3usk skamt frd 10 

26. gar3i at Drgngum. far fellu II synir forgests ok ngkku- 

27. rir menn a3rir. Eptir pat hgf3u hvdrirtveggju setu fjglmenna. Styrr veitti Eirfki, 

28. ok Eyj61fr 6r Svfney, forbjgm Vffilsson " ok synir forbrands f Alptafir5i. En for- 

29. gesti veittu synir I>6r8ar gellis, ok forgeirr 6r Hftardal, Aslakr 6r Langadal 

30. ok Illugi, son hans. l?eir Eirfkr ur8u sekir a f>6rsnessbingi. Hann bj6 skip I Ei- 

31. rfksvagi, en Eyj61fr leyndi honum 1 Dimunarvagi, me3an peir forgestr 

32. Ieitu3u hans um eyjarnar. Hann sag8i peim, at hann setla3i at leita lands 

33. pess, er Gunnbjgrn, son Tjlfs kraku, sd, er hann rak vestr um haf, ok hann fann 

34. Gunnbjarnarsker. Hann kvezk aptr mundu leita til vina sinna, ef hann 

1 MS. skravmv hlavps ar. 2 MS. bena halld. 3 AuSr repeated in MS. * MS. eyngv. 

5 MS. yxna poriss sonar. 6 MS. valdiofs avaldiofs stgdum. 7 MS. leikslalum. 

8 MS. o. 3 MS. i. w skamt fra repeated in MS. u MS. vivils son. 



i. fyndi landit. I>eir i'orbjgrn ok Eyj61fr ok Styrr fylgSu Eirfki tit um eyja- 

2. mar. SkilSusk beir meS hinni mestu vin&ttu. Kvezk Eirfkr peim skyldu 

3. verSa at bvflfku trausti, ef hann msetti sdr vi5 koma, ok kynni peir 

4. hans at purfa. Sigldi Eirfkr i. haf undan Snj6fellsjokli ; hann kom 

5. utan at jgkli peim, er heitir Bldserkr. F6r hann baSan suSr, at leita ef 

6. par vaeri byggjanda. Hann var hinn fyrsta vetr f Eirfksey, nser mi- 

7. Sri hinni vestri bygS. Um varit eptir f6r hann til EirfksfjarSar, ok t6k sdr par 

8. biistaS. Hann f6r bat sumar i vestri 6bygS, ok var bar lengi. Hann gaf 

9. bar viSa ornefni. Hann var annan vetr f Eirfksh61mum fyri Hvarfs- 

10. gnupi. En hit priSja sumar f6r hann allt norSr til Snj6fells, ok inn f 

11. HrafnsfjgrS. M kvezk hann kominn fyri botn EirfksfjarSar ; hverfr hann pa aptr, 

12. ok var hinn priSja vetr f Eirfksey fyri mynni EirfksfjarSar. En eptir, 

13. um sumarit, f6r hann til Islands, ok kom f BreiSafjgrS. Hann var pann vetr meS 

14. Ing61fi a H61mlatri. Um varit bgrSusk peir forgestr, ok fekk 

1.5. Eirfkr usigr. Eptir pat vdru peir saettir. fat sumar f6r Eirfkr at byggja 

16. land bat, sem hann hafSi fundit, ok kallaSi Groenland, bvf at hann kvaS menn bat 

17. mjok mundu f/sa ban gat, ef landit hdti vel. Af torbirni. 

18. fcorgeirr Vffilsson 1 kvangaSisk, ok fekk Arn6ru, d6ttur Einars fra 

19. Laugarbrekku, Sigmundarsonar, Ketilssonar pistils, er numit hafSi £ist- 

20. ilsfjgrS. Qnnur d6ttir Eirfks 2 hdt Hallveig; hennar fekk forbjgrn, ok t6k meS Laugar- 

21. brekkuland a Hellisvollum. Rdzk I>orbjgrn bangat bygSum, ok gerSisk 

22. ggfugmenni mikit. Hann var g6Sr b6ndi, ok hafSi rausnar raS. GuSr- 

23. fSr hdt d6ttir forbjarnar; hon var kvenna vaenst ok hinn mesti skorungr f pllu 

24. athsefi sfnu. MaSr hdt Ormr, er bj6 at Arnastapa; hann atti konu, 

25. er Halldfs hdt. Ormr var g63r b6ndi, ok vinr forbjarnar mikill, ok var GuSrfSr 

26. bar lgngum at f6stri meS honum. forgeirr hdt maSr; hann bj6 at forgeirsfelli. 

27. Hann var auSigr at fd, ok hafSi verit leysingi; hann dtti son, er Einarr hdt; hann var 

28. vaenn maSr, ok vel mannaSr, hann var ok skartsmaSr mikill. Einarr var f sig- 

29. lingum meSal landa, ok t6ksk honum bat vel; var hann jafnan sinn vetr hvart 

30. a fslandi eSa f Noregi. Nu er frd bvf at segja eitt haust, ba er Einarr 

31. var 4 fslandi, f6r hann meS varning sinn ut eptir Snj6fellsstrgnd, ok vil- 

32. di selja. Hann kemr til Arnastapa; Ormr b^Sr honum bar at vera, ok 

33. bat biggr Einarr, bvf at bar var vinatta. Var borinn inn varnin- 

34. gr hans f eitt utibiir. Einarr braut upp varning sinn, ok syndi Ormi 

1 MS. vifvils son. * Obviously erroneously for, Einars. 

1^ n^ ^^r^T!!?!!^ kin 

\\rl^&w»k iAnw kA»W 4kv4l tdtftc k^ vA* ftwptt -et>'*t 1> 




1. ok heimamgnnum, ok bau5 honum af at hafa slfkt er hann vildi. Ormr pa betta, 

2. ok talSi Einar vera g65an fardreng ok au3numann mikinn. En er peir 

3. heldu & varninginum gekk kona fyri utiburs dyrrin. Einarr spyrr Orm: 

4. 'Hver vseri su hin fagra kona, er par gekk fyri dyrrin. Ek hefi eigi 

5. hana hdr fyrri sdt.' Ormr svarar : ' Pat er Gu3rf5r, f6stra mfn, d6ttir f>orbjarnar at Lau- 


6. Einarr maelti: 'Hon mun vera kostr g63r, eSa hafa ngkkurir menn til 

7. komit at bi3ja hennar ? ' Ormr segir : ' Be5it hefir hennar vfst verit, ok liggr bat eigi laust 

8. fyri ; finnsk pat i, at hon mun vera mannvond, ok sva fa3ir hennar.' ' Svai 

9. me8 bvf,' sagSi Einarr, 'at hdr er su kona, er ek setla mdr [at] bi3ja, ok vil- 

10. da ek at bessa mala leitaSir bd vi5 f'orbjgrn, fg3ur hennar, ok legSir 

11. allan hug a, at betta msetti framgengt verSa. Skal ek pe"r fullkomna 

12. vin&ttu fyri gjalda, ef ek get raSit. M& f'orbjgrn b6ndi bat sja, 

13. at okkr vaeri vel hendar teng§ir, pvf at hann er s6mama5r mikill 

14. ok & sta3festu g68a, en lausaK hans er mdr sagt heldr a fgrum; 

15. en mik skortir hvarki land n6 lausafd, ok okkr feSga, ok mundi torbirni 

16. verSa at pessu hinn mesti styrkr, ef betta toekisk.' Ormr segir: 'Vfst bykkjumk [ek] 

17. vinr binn vera, en p6 em ek eigi vi5 mitt ra5 fuss, at vit berim 

18. betta upp, pvf at f'orbjgrn er skapst6rr, ok p6 metna6arma8r mikill. 

19. Einarr kvezk ekki vilja annat en [at] upp vseri borit b6nor3it. Ormr kva3 hann rd- 

20. 8a skyldu. Ferr Einarr su5r aptr unz hann kemr heim. Ngkkuru sf8ar ha- 

21. f8i f'orbjgrn haustbo3, sem hann dtti vanda til, bvf at hann var st6rmenni mik- 

22. it. Kom pax Ormr fra Arnastapa, ok margir a3rir vinir forbjarnar. Ormr kom at md- 

23. li vi8 f'orbjgrn, ok sag3i, at Einarr var par skgmmu fra forgeirsfelli, ok ger5isk 

24. hinn efniligsti ma3r. Hefr Ormr nu upp b6nor3it fyri hgnd Einars, 

25. ok segir pat vel hent fyri sumra hluta sakir, 'ma beY, b6ndi, ver3a at bvf 

26. styrkr mikill fyri fjarkosta sakir.' f'orbjgrn svarar : ' Eigi var3i mik slfkra 

27. or3a af \>6r, at ek munda 1 gipta praels syni d6ttur mfna ; ok pat finni pdr nd, at 

28. (6 mitt pverr, er slfk ra3 gefi3 mdr; ok eigi skal hon me3 pdr vera lengr, er 

29. pdr p6tti hon sva lftils gjafor3s ver8.' Sf3an f6r Ormr heim, ok hverr 

30. annarr b6ndmanna 2 til sfns heimilis. Gu8rf3r var eptir me5 fg3ur sfnum, 

31. ok var heima pann vetr. En at vari haf3i f'orbjgrn vinabo3, ok kom par 

32. mart manna, ok var hin bezta veizla. Ok at veizlunni kraf3i f'orbjgrn sdr 

33. hlj63s, ok maelti : ' He"r hefi ek buit langa sefi, ok hefi ek reynt 3 g63vilja 

34. manna vi3 mik ok astu3; kalla ek vel farit hafa var skipti; en nu 

1 MS. mundi. a sic. 3 MS. reyn. 

P 2 



i. tekr 1 hagr minn at uhoegjask fyri lausafjdr sakir, en hdr til 

2. hefir kall.u verit heldr vir8ingar ra8. .Nu vil ek fyrr buinu breg- 

3. 8a, en soemSinni tyna. -<Etla ek ok fyrr af landi fara, en sett mfna svfvirSa, 

4. ok vitja heita Eirflcs hins rau3a, vinar mfns, er hann haf3i, ba er vit 

5. skil3um d Brei8afir8i. JEtla ek nu at fara til Groenlands i sumar, ef svd 

6. ferr sem ek vildi. Monnum b6tti mikil bessi raSabreytni, bvf at 

7. forbjgrn var vinsaall ma8r, en b6ttusk vita at forbjgrn mundi svd fremi betta upp 

8. hafa kveoit, at ekki mundi tj6a at letja hann. Gaf fcorbjorn mgnnum gjafir, 

9. ok var brugSit veizlunni; sf3an f6r hverr til sins heima. forbjgrn selr lgnd 

10. sfn, ok kaupir seV skip, er uppi st68 i Hraunhafhar6si. RdSusk til 

11. fer3ar me8 honum XXX manna; var par 1 fer3 Ormr fra Arnastapa, 

12. ok kona hans, ok aSrir vinir forbjarnar, beir er eigi vildu vi8 hann skilja. SfSan 

13. le"tu beir i haf, ok er beir vara i hafi t6k af byri ; fengu beir hafvillur, 

14. ok f6rsk beim 6greitt um sumarit. f>vf naest kom s6tt 1 li8 beira, 

15. ok anda8isk Ormr ok Halldfs, kona hans, ok helmingr li8s peira. Sj6 t6k 

16. at stcera, ok pol5u menn hit mesta vas ok vesold d marga vega; en 

17. t6ku p6 Herj61fsnes i Groenlandi vi8 vetr sjdlfan. Sd ma5r h6t 

18. fcorkell, er bj6 a Herj61fsnesi ; hann var hinn bezti b6ndi. Hann t6k vi8 

19. forbirni ok gllum skipverjum hans um vetrinn. l>orkell veitti beim skgru- 

20. liga. I benna tfma var hallaeri mikit d Groenlandi ; hof5u menn fen- 
31. git lftit fang, beir er 1 vei8ifer8ir hgf5u farit, en sumir ekki ap- 

22. tr komnir. Su kona var par I byg8 2 , er torbjgrg Wt; hon var spakona, 

23. ok var kgllu8 h'til vglva. Hon haf8i att se"r IX systur, ok vdru 

24. allar spakonur, en hon ein var pa d lffi. fat var hdttr forbjargar 

25. um vetram, at hon f6r at veizlum, ok [bu8u 5 ] beir menn henni mest heim, 

26. er forvitni var d at vita forlgg sfn e8a drfer8; ok me8 bvl 

27. at i»orkell var bar mestr b6ndi, bd b6tti til hans koma at vita, 

28. naer le"tta mundi 6drani bessu, sem yfir st68. B^3r forkell spdkonunni 

29. heim, ok er henni par vel fagnat, sem si8r var til, bd er vi3 bess hdttar 

30. konum skyldi taka. Var henni biiit hdsaeti, ok lagt undir hana hoegindi, 

31. bar skyldi i vera hoensafiSri * ; en er hon kom um kveldit, ok sa ma8r, 

32. er m6ti henni var sendr, bd var hon svd buin, at hon hat8i yfir 

33. se"r tuglamgttul blan, ok var settr steinum allt f skaut ofan ; 

1 MS. tek. ' MS. by8. 8 MS. ok \>eii menn henni beir mest beim. * MS. hesna fidri, i.e. hcesnaiiJri. 

£K$ii*tF ja%*rk ev-'Vww few ^pv ^*rw?< *)^\m) *fek ty 
^il*v- (^4kp^vi^ e^r^m *»> vdf ^H dUt p\>^ M»v< MT 

* ►'fc^ ***** W ^ l*vm <tt^Wn Mifftyp 




1. hon haf5i d hdlsi seV glertglur, ok lambskinns kofra svartan 

2. a hgf5i, ok vi6 innan kattskinn hvft, ok hon haf5i staf f hendi, 

3. ok var a knappr; hann var buinn me5 mersingu, ok settr steinum ofan 

4. um knappinn; hon hafSi um sik hnj6skulinda, ok var par 

5. d skj68upungr mikill, ok varoveitti hon par i taufr sfn, 

6. pau er hon purfti til fr681eiks at hafa. Hon haf8i d f6tum 

7. kalfskinns-skiia loona, ok f pvengi langa ok d tinknappar miklir 

8. d endunum; hon hafSi a hondum s£r kattskinns-gl6fa, ok vara hv- 

9. ftir innan ok loSnir. En er hon kom inn, p6tti ollum monnum skylt at velja 

10. henni scemiiigar kveSjur. Hon t6k pvf sem henni vara menn ge3ja5ir til. T6k I'orkell 

11. b6ndi [i] hgnd henni, ok leiddi hana til pess saetis, sem henni var buit. I'orkell ba3 

12. hana pa renna par angum yfir hju ok hjorS 1 ok sva hfb/li. Hon var fa- 

13. malug um allt. Bor3 varu upp tekin um kveldit, ok er fra J>vi 

14. at segja, hvat spakonunni var matbuit. Henni var gerr grau- 

15. tr a ki3jamj61k, ok matbuin hjgrtu 6r gllum kykvendum beim, 

16. er bar varu til. Hon haf3i mersingarsp6n ok knff tannskeptan 2 , tvfholk- 

1 7. a8an af eiri, ok var brotinn af oddrinn s . En er bor3 vara upp tekin, pa 

18. gengr torkell bdndi fyri forbjgrgu, ok spyrr hversu henni bikki bar um at h'task, 

19. e5a hversu skapfeld henni eru bar hibyli e3a hsettir manna, e3a hversu 

20. flj6tliga hon mun vfs ver3a bess, er hann hefir spurt hana ok monnum er 

21. mest forvitni at vita. Hon kallask ekki munu segja fyrr 

22. en um morgininn eptir, er hon haf3i a3r sofit um n6ttina. 

23. En um morgininn at ali3num degi, var henni veittr sd umbunin- 

24. gr, sem hon burfti at hafa til at fremja sei3inn. Hon ba3 ok 

25. fa s^r konur bser, er kunnu froeSi bat, sem til seiSsins barf, ok var- 

26. Slokkur h^tu; en bser konur fundusk eigi. fa var leitat at 

27. um bceinn, ef npkkur kynni. l>a segir Gu5rl3r: ' Hvarki em ek fjglkunn- 

28. ig n€ vfsinda kona, en b6 kendi Halldfs, f6stra mfn, me'r d fslandi 

29. bat kvae3i, er hon kalla5i varSlokkur.' I'orkell segir : ' M ertu happfr65.' 

30. Hon segir : ' fetta er pat eitt atferli, er ek aetla i jtogum atbeina at 

31. vera, bvf at ek em kristin kona.' forbjgrg segir: ' Svd msetti verSa, at bii 

32. yrSir mgnnum at H3i he'r um, en bii v»rir bd kona ekki verri en 

33. a3r; en vi8 forkel mun ek meta, at fa bd hluti, er hafa 

1 MS. evidently by a slip, hrord. ' MS. tan» skepan. * MS. oddinw. 



i. parf.' forkell herSir mi d Gufirfgi, en hon kvezk g^ra mundu sem hann vildi. 

2. S16gu pd konur hring um hjallinn, en f>orbjgrg sat d uppi. KvaS Gu8- 

3. rf8r pa kvae8it svd fagrt ok vel, at engi p6ttisk heyrt hafa med 

4. fegri rgdd kvaeSi kve6it, sd er par var hjd. Spakonan pakkar 

5. henni kvseSit, ok kvaS: 'Margar pser ndtttirur mi til hafa s6tt, 

6. ok pikkja fagrt at heyra, er kvseSit var svd vel flutt, er d5r 

7. vildu vi8 oss skiljask, ok enga hty'Sni oss veita. En m^r era mi margir 

8. peir hlutir auSs^nir, er a8r var ek duli8, ok margir a8rir. En ek 

9. kann pdr pat at segja, torkell, at hallaeri petta mun ekki haldask 

10. lengr en f vetr, ok mun batna drangr sem varar. S6ttarfar 

11. pat, sem d hefir legit, man ok batna vanu brdSara. En pe"r, Gu8- 

12. rf8r, skal ek launa f hgnd liSsinni pat, er oss hefir af hir staSit, pvf 

13. at pfn forlgg eru me"r mi allgloggsae. fu munt gjafor8 fd heV 

14. d Groenlandi, pat er scemiligast er, p6 at hii verSi pat eigi til langaeSar, 

15. pvf at vegar pfnir liggja tit til fslands, ok man par koma fra pe"r 

16. bae8i mikil aett ok g68, ok yfir bfnum kynkvfslum skfna bjar- 

17. tari geislar, en ek hafa megin til at geta slfkt vandliga 

1 8. se"t ; enda far bti nii heil ok vel, d6ttir 1 ' SfSan gengu menn at vfsinda- 

19. konunni, ok fre"tti pa hverr pess, er mest forvitni var d at vita. Hon 

20. var ok g68 af frasognum ; gekk pat ok lftt f taum, er hon sag8i. J?essu 

21. naest var komit eptir henni af gSrum bee. F6r hon bd pangat. 

22. i>d var sent eptir i'orbirni, bvf at hann vildi eigi heima vera me8an 

23. slfk hindrvitni var framiS. Ve8rdtta batnafii skj6tt, sem {"orbjgrg 

24. haf8i sagt. By> forbjgrn skip sitt, ok ferr par til er hann kemr f Bratta- 

25. hlfd. Eirfkr tekr vel vi3 honum me8 blfSu, ok kva8 pat vel er hann var par 

26. kominn. Var f>orbjgrn me8 honum um vetrinn, ok skuldaliS hans, en beir 

27. vistuSu hdseta me8 b6ndum. Eptir um vdrit gaf Eirfkr forbirni 

28. land d Stokkanesi, ok var bar gerr scemiligr boer, ok bj6 hann bar sfSan. 

29. Eirfkr dtti pd konu, er I>6rhildr he"t, Af Leif enum heppna ok kristni kom a Groanland. 

30. ok vi8 henni II sonu ; hit annarr forsteinn, en annarr Leifr. &eir vara bd8ir 

31. efniligir menn, ok var frorsteinn heima me8 fg8ur sfnum, ok var eigi sd ma8r d Grcen- 

32. landi, er jafnmannvsenn botti sem hann. Leifr haf3i siglt til Noregs, 

33. ok var me8 ( konungi Tryggvasyni. En er Leifr sigldi af Groenlandi um sumarit, 

' W*v«*m urfr fft%y* ve&24t*H 

r** of rot ~ 

^A^tf*^" Jh&! 



i. ur5u peir saehafa til SuSreyja. faSan byrjaSi beim seint, ok dvol6usk 

2. peir par lengi um sumarit. Leifr lag8i pokka d konu pd, er f>6rgunna 

3. hdt. Hon var kona settst6r, ok skil3i Leifr, at hon mundi vera margkunnig. En 

4. er Leifr bj6sk brott, beiddisk fdrgunna at fara me5 honum. Leifr spur8i 

5. hvdrt pat vseri ngkkut vili fraenda hennar. Hon kvezk pat ekki hirSa 1 . 

6. Leifr kvezk eigi pat kunna sja at sfnu ra3i, at g0ra hertekna svd st6r- 

7. setta3a konu i 6kunnu landi ; ' en ve"r liSfair.' l>6rgunna maslti : ' Eigi er vfst, 

8. at peV pikki pvi betr raSit.' 'A bat mun ek p6 hsetta,' sag5i Leifr, 

9. 'ftl segi ek p^r,' sag8i I>6rgunna, 'at ek man fara kona eigi einsam- 

10. an, ok em ek me8 barni ; segi ek pat af pfnum vgldum. Get ek at 

11. pat mun vera sveinbarn, pd er fceSisk. En p6ttu vilir jzingvan gaum 

12. at gefa, pa man ek upp foeSa sveininn, ok pe*r senda til Groen- 

13. lands, pegar fara ma me3 o5rum mgnnum. En ek get, at pe"r ver- 

14. 8i at pvflfkum nytjum sonareignin, sem nu ver8r skilna- 

15. 8r okkar til. En koma aetla ek me"r til Groenlands, a5r tykr.' 

16. Leifr gaf henni fingrgull, ok vaSmals mgttul groenlenzkan 

17. ok tannbelti. i>essi sveinn kom til Groenlands, ok nefndisk forgils. Leifr t6k 

18. vi8 honum at faSerni, ok er pat sumra manna sggn, at pessi forgils 

19. hafi komit til Islands fyri Fr68arandr um sumarit. En sjd 

20. forgils var sf3an a Groenlandi, ok p6tti par enn eigi kynjalaust um 

21. hann verQa, d3r lauk. feir Leifr sigldu brott 6r SuSreyjum, ok t6ku 

22. Noreg um haustit. F6r Leifr til hirSar 6ldfs konungs Tryggvasonar. LagSi konungr a hann 

23. g63a virSing, ok J>6ttisk sja, at hann mundi vera vel mentr ma8r. 

24. Eitt sinn kom konungr at mdli vi9 Leif, ok segir: '.32tlar pii ut til Groe- 

25. nlands i sumar?' 'fat setla ek,' sag5i Leifr, 'ef pat er y8varr vili.' Konungr svarar : 

'Ekget, ., 

26. at bat mun vel vera, ok skaltu bangat fara me8 pnndum 

27. mfnum, ok bo3a bar kristni.' Leifr kva3 hann raSa skyldu, en kvezk 

28. hyggja, at p>at 0rindi mundi torfiutt d Groenlandi. Konungr kvezk eigi pann 

29. mann sja, er betr vseri til fallinn en hann, ' ok muntu giptu til bera.' 

30. ' f»at mun bvf at eins,' segir Leifr, ' ef ek ny"t ySvar vicV Laetr Leifr 

31. i haf, ok er lengi uti, ok hitti d Ignd pau, er hann vissi a3r enga van 

32. til. Vara par hveitiakrar sjdlfsanir, ok vmvi5r vaxinn. tar 

33. vara pau tre", er mgsurr heita, ok hgf8u peir af pessu gllu ngkkur 

1 MS. hirta. 



i. merki, sum tre" sva mikil, at f hus vara lgg8. Leifr fann menn 

2. a skipflaki, ok flutti heim me8 s6r. Syndi hann f pvf hina mestu st6r- 

3. mensku ok drengskap, sem mgrgu goru, er hann kom kristni a landit, 

4. ok var jafnan sfSan kalla8r Leifr hinn heppni. Leifr t6k land 

5. f Eirfksfiroi, ok f6r heim sf8an f BrattahlfS; t6ku par allir menn vel 

6. vi8 honum. Hann bo8a8i bratt kristni um landit ok almenniliga tru, ok sf- 

7. ndi monnum or8sending Olafs konungs Tryggvasonar, ok sagSi hversu morg agseti ok mik- 

8. il dyY8 fylgoi pessum si8. Eirfkr t6k pvf mali seint, at lata 

9. si8 sinn, en fj6ohildr gekk skj6tt undir, ok le"t gora kirkju eigi allnser 

10. husunum. fat hiis var kallat fj65hildar kirkja. Haf8i hon par fram 

11. bcenir sfnar, ok peir menn sem vi8 kristni t6ku. fj68hildr vildi ekki sam- 

12. raeSi vi8 Eirfk, sfSan hon t6k tru, en honum var petta mjok m6ti 

13. skapi. A pessu g0r8isk or8 mikit, at menn mundu leita lands pess, 

14. er Leifr haf8i fundit. Var par forma8r at forsteinn Eirfks- 

15. son, fr68r ma8r ok vinssell. Eirfkr var ok til be8inn, ok triiSu menn hans ga?- 

16. fu framast ok forsja. Hann var lengi fyri, en kva8 eigi nei vi8, er vinir 

17. hans b&8u hann til, bjoggu sfSan skip pat, er forbjgrn hafSi lit haft, ok vara 

18. til raSnir XX menn, ok hgfSu If tit 14, eigi meira en vapn ok vistir. 

19. fann morgin rei8 Eirfkr heiman, t6k hann einn kistil, ok var par 

20. f gull ok silfr; fal hann pat, ok f6r sfSan lei8ar sinnar, ok bar sva til 

21. at hann fell af baki, ok brotna rifin f sf8unni, en lesti hgndina f ax- 

22. Iarli8num. Af peim atburS sagSi hann f6rhildi, konu sinni, at hon 

23. toeki Kit a brott, le"zk pess hafa at goldit, er hann hafSi Kit f61git. 

24. Sf8an sigldu peir lit 6r Eirfksfirfii me8 gleSi mikilli; p6tti peim allvae- 

25. nt sitt efni. fa velkti liti lengi f hafi, ok k6mu peir ekki a pser sl6- 

26. Sir, sem peir vildu. feir k6mu I syn vi8 Island, ok sva hgf3u peir fugl af 

27. frlandi. Rak pi skip peira um haf innan. F6ru aptr um haustit, ok vara 

28. allmjok vaestir ok prekaSir; koma vi8 vetr sjalfan a EirfksfjgrS. 

29. fa maeld Eirfkr: 'Katari sigldu ve*r f sumar tit 6r firSinum, en nil era 

30. ve*r, ok era p6 enn mgrg g65 at.' forsteinn svarar : ' fat er nu hgfS- 

31. ingligt bragS, at sja ngkkut gott ra8 fyri peim 

32. mgnnum gllum, sem h4r era mi rafistafalausir, 

33. ok fa peim vist i vetr.' Eirfkr svarar: 'fat er 

•-ei* yn y& "*?*jf 








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K& WJj^tfp ikwttta^W' v 5dvfbt< 1*^ vet^i W( 






1. jafnan satt, sem mselt er, at eigi veit fyrr en svarat er, ok svd man 

2. he"r fara. Skal mi hafa r&3 pfn um betta.' F6ru nu allir, peir er eigi 

3. hgfSu aSrar vistir, me3 peim fe8gum. Sf3an f6ru peir heim f BrattahM5, 

4. ok varu par um vetrinn. forsteinn Eiriksson fckk i > uri8ar. Aptrggngur. 

5. Nu er fra pvf at segja, at forsteinn Eiriksson vak3i bonor5 

6. vi8 GuorfSi, ok var pvi mali vel svarat, ba?oi af henni ok af fo8ur 

7. hennar. Er petta at ra8i gert. forsteinn gengr at eiga Guorioi, ok var 

8. petta bru3kaup I Brattahh'3 um haustit. F6r sja veizla vel fram, ok var 

9. allfjglmennt. forsteinn atti bu 1 Vestrbygd, a boe beim, er he"t i L/sufirSi. En 
io. sa ma5r atti bar helming i biii, er forsteinn he"t; Sign'Sr he"t kona hans. 

11. For f>orsteinn 1 Lysufjor3, um haustit, til nafna sins, ok bau GucSrior ba?3i. 

12. Var bar viS beim vel tekit. Varu bau bar um vetrinn. fat gerSisk til 

13. ti'5inda, at s6tt kom f boe beira, er If tit var af vetri. Garor hdt bar 

14. verkstj6ri; hann var ekki vinsa?ll maSr; hann t6k fyrst s6tt, ok andaSisk. Sf5- 

15. an var skamt at bf3a, at hverr ldzk at gorum. M t6k s6tt forsteinn Eirfks- 

16. son, ok Sigri8r, kona forsteins, nafna hans ; ok eitt kveld fystisk Sigrfor at 

17. ganga til na3ahuss, er st63 i gegn litidyrum. Gu8rf5r fylgoi henni, 

18. ok horf6u {wer m6ti utidurunum. fa kva8 hon vi5 hatt, SigriSr. Gu3- 

19. rf5r maelti: ' Vit hofum 6varliga farit, ok attu o'ngan 1 sta3 vi3 at 

20. kalt komi a f>ik, ok fgru vit heim sem skj6tast.' Sigrf3r svarar: 'Eigi er fcert 

21. at sva biinu. HeY er nu li5it bat allt hit dau3a fyri durunum, ok f>or- 

22. steinn, b6ndi binn, ok bar kenni ek mik, ok er slikt hormung at sja.' Ok 

23. er betta lei5 af, mselti hon : ' Fgru vit nu, Gu3rf3r. Nu s6 ek ekki H8it.' 

24. Var ba forsteinn horfinn henni; p6tti hann &3r haft hafa svipu f hendi, 

25. ok vilja berja li3it. Si3an gengu pa?r inn, ok dor morginn kcemi, ba 

26. var hon latin; ok var ger kista at lfkinu. Ok penna sama dag set- 

27. Iu3u menn at r6a, ok leiddi forsteinn p& til vara, ok i annan lit f6r hann at 

28. sja vei3iskap beira. M sendi forsteinn Eirfksson nafna sfnum or3, at hann 

29. kcemi til hans, ok sag3i sva, at bar vseri varla kyrt, ok husfreyja vil- 

30. di fcerask & foetr, ok vildi undir kla?3in hja honum, ok er hann kom 

31. inn, var hon komin upp a rekkjustokkinn. M t6k hann 

32. hana hgndum, ok lag5i boljzixi fyri brj6st 

33. henni." forsteinn Eiriksson anda3isk 

1 MS. eyngan. 




i. naer dagsetri 1 . forsteinn b6ndi ba6 Gu8rf5i leggjask ni3r ok sofa; en hann kv- 

2. ezk vaka mundu urn n6ttina yfir lfkinu. Hon g0rir svd, ok er skamt lei3 d 

3. n6ttina, settisk forsteinn Eirfksson upp, ok maslti ; kvezk vilja at Gu8rf3r vaeri 

4. Jiangat kollu3, ok kvezk vilja tala vi8 hana : ' Gu3 vill at bessi stund s^ 

5. meY gefin til leyfis ok umb6tar mfns ra3s.' forsteinn b<5ndi gengr d fu- 

6. nd Gu3rf3ar, ok vak3i hana, biSr hana signa sik ok biSja seV gu3 hjdlpar, 

7. ok segir hvat forsteinn Eirfksson haf3i talat vi3 hann; 'ok hann vill finna pik. 

8. VerSr pri ra5 fyri at sja hvat pu vill upp taka, pvf at ek kann he"r 

9. um hvdrskis at fysa.' Hon svarar: 'Vera kann, at Jsetta s6 setlat til nok- 
10. kurra J>eira hluta, er sf8an s^ f minni haf3ir, pessi hinn undarligi hlu- 
u. tr, en ek vamti at gu3s gsezla 2 mun yfir meY standa ; mun ek 

12. ok d haetta me6 gu3s miskunn, at fara til m6ts vi5 hann, ok vita hvat 

13. hann vill tala, \>vi at ek mun eigi forSask mega, ef me"r skal mein 

14. at ver8a. Vil ek sf5r at hann gangi vf3ara; en mik grunar, at pat 

15. man a liggja.' Nu f6r Gu3rfSr, ok hitti forstein; sy"ndisk henni sem 

16. hann feldi tar. Hann maelti f eyra henni nokkur or8 hlj6tt, svd at hon 

17. ein vissi. En pat maelti hann svd at allir heyrSu, at peir menn vseri 

18. sselir, er triina heldu, ok henni fylgSi oil hjalp ok miskunn, ok sagSi 

19. p6, at margir heldi hana ilia; ' er pat engi hdttr, sem hdr hefir 

20. verit d Groenlandi, sf3an kristni kom her, at setja menn ni3r 1 livf- 

21. g8a mold vi3 lftla yfirsgngva. Vil ek mik ldta flytja 

22. til kirkju ok a8ra pd menn, sem he"r hafa andazk, en GarSar 

23. vil ek brenna ldta d bdli sem skj6tast, bvi at hann veldr 

24. ollum aptrgongum peim, sem he"r hafa verit i vetr.' Hann sag3i 

25. henni ok um sfna hagi, ok kvaS hennar forlpg mikil mundu ver- ! 

26. 8a, en ba8 hana varask at giptask groenlenzkum mgnnum; 

27. ba8 at hon leg8i fe" peira til kirkju, ok sumt fatce- 

28. kum mgnnum, ok bd line - hann aptr o3ru sinni. Sa haf8i 

29. hdttr verit d Groenlandi, si3an kristni kom 

30. pangat, at menn vara grafnir d boejum, 

31. bar sem gndu8usk, f tivfg8ri moldu; 

32. skyldi setja staur upp af 

33. brjosti hinum dauSa. En 

1 MS. dag satri. 2 MS. ggtla. 


v«t^ j^t^ w<*t^^tr^ 


1 d^ttn i^£^.«nffc*i)«te ^A^^^Aftlfai^ fate 

* .■" 


Uo(k V»j<r Wa* S^ 









^L^iiatea fb&t&- 


- t^lp fc , iy*)^ WfS* 1 "M^ 1 J**> v ^ ***> 

rtVjt" frtt*tt wxyn 




1. En 1 sfSan, er kennimenn k6mu til, pd skyldi upp kippa staurinum, ok he- 

2. 11a par i vig3u vatni, ok veita par yfirsongva, p6tt pat vaeri mi- 

3. klu sfSar. Llk peira forsteins vara foerS til kirkju 1 Eirfksfjgr3, ok veittir 

4. par yfirspngvar af kennimgnnum. T6k Eirfkr vi3 Gu8rfSi, ok var 

5. henni 1 fg8ur sta5. Lftlu sfSar anda8isk forbjgrn ; bar pa ii allt undir Gu3rf3i. 

6. T6k Eirikr hana til sfn, ok sd vel um hennar kost. Af HofSa-fdrSi. 

7. f>6r5r he"t maSr, er bj6 at Hgf3a d Hgf3astrgnd. Hann atti Fri3ger- 

8. 8i, d6ttur t>6ris hfmu ok Fri3ger3ar, d6ttur Kjarvals fra- 

9. konungs. I>6r3r var son Bjarnar byrSusmjors, f>orvaldssonar hryggs, Asleiks- 
10. sonar, Bjarnarsonar jarnsi3u, Ragnarssonar lo5br6kar. fau dttu son, er Snorri 
ii. he"t; hann atti f>6rhildi rjupu, d6ttur fdrSar gellis. feira son var f>6r8r hest- 

12. hgf5i. forfinnr karlsefni hit son £6r3ar. M68ir fcorfinns he"t f>6r- 

13. unn. forfinnr var f kaupfer3um, ok p6tti g68r fardrengr. Eitt 

14. sumar \>fx Karlsefni skip sitt, ok aetlar til Gro3nlands. Snorri forbran- 

15. dsson ferr meS honum 6r Alptafir5i, ok vara XL manna d skipi. MaSr hit Bjarni 

16. Grfm61fsson, brei5firzkr 2 at sett. Annarr heV l>6rhallr Gam- 

17. lason, austfirzkr ma8r. f>eir bjoggu hit sama sumar skip sitt, ok setlu- 

18. 8u til Grcenlands; peir vara ok IIII tigir manna a skipi. Lata peir Karlsef- 

19. ni f haf bessum II skipum, pegar peir vara bunir. Ekki er um bat getit, hversu 

20. langa dtivist beir hgfSu. En fra bvf er at segja, at baeSi bessi 

21. skip k6mu a EirfksfjgrS um haustit. Eirfkr rei8 til skips, ok a8rir 

22. landsmenn. T6ksk me3 peim grei81ig kaupstefna. Bu8u stynmenn Eirf- 
23.- ki at hafa slfkt af varningi, sem hann vildi. En Eirfkr s^nir 

24. peim stormensku af se"r I m6ti, pvf at hann bau3 pessum II 

25. skipshgfnum til sin heim um vetrinn i Brattahlf3. tetta pd- 

26. gu kaupmenn, ok pgkku8u honum. Sl3an var fluttr heim var- 

27. ningr peira f BrattahliS. Skorti bar eigi utibur st6r 

28. til at var5 veita f varning beira; skorti bar ekki 

29. mart bat, er hafa burfti, ok lfkaSi beim vel um 

30. vetrinn. En er dr6 at j61um, t6k' Eirikr fse8 

31. mikla, ok var 6gla3ari en hann dtti vana 

32. til. Eitt sinn kom Karlsefni at ma- 

33. Ii vi3 Eirfk, ok maelti: 'Er be'r 

34. bungt, Eirikr b6ndi? 

1 En» repeated in MS. " MS. freidfirdskr, obviously a clerical slip. 

3 an»arr hJt repeated in MS. 

Q 2 



i. Menn pikkjask finna, at pii ert 6gla8ari en pu dtt vana til. W hefir 

2. veitt oss me5 hinni mestu rausn, ok era ve'r skyldir til at launa pdr 

3. slfku g65u, sem ve'r hgfum fgng a. Nu segSu Hvat ugle6i [pinni veldr].' Eirfkr svarar : 

4. '£r piggit vel ok g65mannliga. Nu leikr me"r pat eigi f hug, at d ySr verSi 

5. hallt urn var skipti, hitt er heldr, at mdr pikki uggligt, pa er peV 

6. komit annarssta8ar, at pat flytisk, at pe"r hafit engi j61 verri haft 

7. en pessi, er nu koma, ok Eirfkr hinn rau5i veitti y6r I BrattahliS d Groen- 

8. landi.' ' f>at mun eigi sva fara, b6ndi,' segir Karlsefni, ' ve'r hgfum [a] skipi va- 

9. ru baeSi malt ok korn, ok hafiS par af slfkt, er peV viliS, ok g0ri3 

10. veizlu sva st6rmannliga, sem y5r lfkar fyri pvf.' fetta piggr Eirfkr, ok 

11. var pa buit til j61aveizlu, ok var hon hin soemiligsta, sva at menn 

12. p6ttusk trautt pvflfka rausn sdt hafa f fdtceku landi. Ok eptir j61- 

13. in vekr Karlsefni b6nor5 fyri Eirfk um GuSrfSi, pvf at honum 

14. leizk sem hann mundi forraeSi a hafa. Eirfkr svarar vel, ok segir, at hon man sfnum for- 

15. lpgum verSa at fylgja, ok kvezk g6Sa eina fr£tt af honum hafa; ok lauk sva, at torfmnr festi 

16. fcuriSi, ok var pa aukin veizlan, ok drukkit brullaup peira, ok var petta I BrattahliS um vetrinn. 

17. f BrattahlfS h6fusk miklar umrce6ur, at menn skyldu leita Vfnlands H6fsk VinlandsferS. 

18. ens g65a, ok var sagt, at bangat mundi vera at vitja g63ra landskosta. Ok par kom, at 


19. frii ok Snorri bjoggu skip sitt, at leita landsins um vdrit. Me5 beim f6r ok sd ma8r, er Bjarni 

20. he"t, ok annarr f>6rhallr, er fyrr era nefndir, me6 sfnu skipi. MaSr he*t forvarSr ; hann dtti 


21. dfsi, d6ttur Eirfks rauSa, laungetna. Hann f6r ok me5 peim, ok forvaldr, son Eirfks, ok 


22. er kalla3r var vei8ima8r. Hann haf3i Iengi verit me5 Eirfki, vei8ima5r hans um sumrum, en 

23. bryti um vetram. Hann var mikill ma5r, ok sterkr ok svartr ok pursligr, hlj681yndr ok 

illorSr, pat er hann 

24. maelti, ok eggjaSi jafnan Eirfk ens verra. Hann var ilia kristinn. Honum var vl8a kunnigt 

i libygflum. 

25. Hann var d skipi me8 f>orvar5i ok t>orvaIdi. feir hgfSu f>at skip, er forbjprn hafSi ut haft. 

26. feir hgfSu alls XL manna ok C, er beir sigldu til Vestribyg8ar, ok paSan til Bjarneyjar. 

27. I>a8an sigldu peir II dcegr f suflr. H sd beir land, ok skutu bdti ok konnuSu landit, funnu 

28. par hellur st6rar, ok margar XII dlna vfSar; fjolfii var par melrakka. £eir gdfu 

29. bar nafn, ok kplluSu Helluland. faSan sigldu peir II dcegr, ok brd til landsu8rs 6r sufiri, 

30. ok fundu land sk6gvaxit, ok mgrg dy"r d. Ey la bar undan I landsu3r, bar f drdpu peir 

31. einn bjgrn, ok kglluSu par sfSan Bjarney, en landit Markland. I>a8an sigldu beir su3r me6 

32. landinu langa stund, ok k6mu at nesi einu, Id landit d stj6rn ; vara par strandir langar 

33. ok sandar. i>eir reru til lands, ok fundu par d nesinu kjgl af skipi, ok kgllu5u par 

34. Kjalarnes. f>eir kglluSu ok strandirnar FurSustrandir, pvf at langt p6tti fyr 1 at sigla. 

1 fcotti fyr, supplied from paper MSS., AM. 281, 4to, 597 b, 4to ; the words are not decipherable in the vellum. 











1. N g0r8isk landit vagskorit. I>eir heldu skipunum f einn vag. <5ldfr konungr Tryggvason 


2. gefit Leifi tva menn skozka, h^t maSrinn Haki, en hon Hekja '. £au varu dyVum 

3. skj6tari. fessir menn varu f skipi mefl Karlsefni ; en er beir hgf8u siglt fyrir FurSustrandir, 

pd ld- 

4. tu peir ena skozku menn a land, ok ba5u pau hlaupa su5r a landit, at leita landskosta ok koma 

5. aptr d8r III dcegr vaeri H5in. f"au hpf3u pat klaeSi, er pau kolluSu kjafal, pat var sva g0rt, 

6. at hattr var a upp, ok opit at hlidunum, ok engar ermar d, knept saman milli f6ta me5 

7. knappi ok nezlu, en ber varu pau annarssta3ar. £eir bi3u6u par pa stund, en er pau k6mu ap- 

8. tr, hafSi annat i hendi vfnberja kongul, en annat hveitiax n^sait. Gengu bau a skip 

9. lit, ok sigldu peir sf5an lei8ar sinnar. t"eir sigldu inn a fjorfi einn; par la ein ey fyrir utan ; 

10. par um varu straumar miklir; bvf kglluSu peir hana Straumey. Sva var morg se5r f 

11. eynni, at varla matti ganga fyrir eggjum. {"eir kplluSu par Straumfjor3. Kir baru bar 

farm af 

12. skipum sfnum, ok bjoggusk bar um. feir hgf5u me8 seY allskonar fenad. far var fagrt 

Iandsleg. feir ga- 

13. 8u enkis utan at kanna landit. f>eir varu bar um vetrinn, ok var ekki fyrir unnit um sumarit. 

T6kusk af 

14. vei8arnar, ok g0r5isk illt til matar. fa hvarf brott I>6rhallr vei5ima5r. f>eir hgf3u a5r 

heitit a 

15. gu8 til matar, ok var5 eigi vi3 svd skjott, sem beir b6ttusk purfa. I>eir leitu5u i>6rhalls um 

III dcegr, 

16. ok fundu hann a hamargnfpu einni. Hann la par, ok horfSi i Iopt upp, ok gapti bae8i munni 

ok npsum, ok 

17. pul3i nokkut. I>eir spur8u hvf hann var par kominn. Hann kva8 pa engu pat var3a. 

I>eir bd3u hann fara heim 

18. me5 se"r, ok hann g0r3i sva. Lftlu si'3ar kom bar hvalr, ok foru beir til, ok skaru, ok 

kendi engi ma3r hvat hvala 

19. var, ok er matsveinar su3u, ba atu peir, ok var3 gllum illt af. fa maelti f>6rhallr: ' Drjugari 

var3 enn 

20. rau3skeggja3i mi en Kristr y3arr. Hefir ek petta nu fyrir skdldskap minn, er ek orta um f>6r fu- 

21. lltruann ; sjaldan hefir hann me"r brugSizk.' Ok er menn vissu ]petta, baru beir hvalinn 

allan a kaf, 

22. ok skutu sfnu mdli til gu8s. Batna3i ba veSratta, ok gaf beim dtr63ra, ok skorti ba sf3an 

23. eigi fong, bvi at bd var dy"ravei3r a landinu, en eggver f eynni, en fiski 6r sj6num. Af Karlsefni 

24. Sva er sagt, at P&baDr vill fara nor8r fyrir Fur3ustrandir, at leita Vfnlands, ok i>6rhalli. 

25. en Karlsefni vill fara su3r fyrir landit. Bfsk Krhallr ut undir eynni, ok ver3a beir eigi 

fleiri saman 

26. en IX menn; en allt annat li3 f6r me3 Karlsefni. En er !>6rhallr bar vatn a skip sitt, ok 

27. drakk, pa kva3 hann vfsu : ' Hafa kva3u mik mei3ar mdlmbings, er ek kom hingat, meV 

28. samir land fyrir l/'3um lasta, drykkinn bazta. Bilds hattar ver3r buttu beiSityV at styVa, heldr 

29. er sva at ek kr/p at keldu ; komat vi'n a grpn mfna.' Ok er peir varu bunir, undu {)eir segl. 

30. M kva3 I>6rhallr : ' Forum aptr par er 6rir eru, sandhimins, landar, latum kenni val kanna 


31. skei5 en breiSu ; me3an bilstyggvir byggja bellendr, ok hval vella, laufa ve3rs, beir er 

32. leyfa lpnd d Fur3ustrondum.' Sf3an sigldu beir nor3r fyrir Fur5ustrandir ok Kjalarnes, 

33. ok vildu beita vestr fyrir. f>d kom mod beim vestanvedr, ok rak ba upp a frlandi, ok vdru 


34. par bar3ir ok bjd8ir, ok ldt f>6rhallr bar Iff sitt, eptir bvf sem kaupmenn hafa sagt. Nu er 

[at] segja af 

35. Karlsefni, at hann f6r su8r fyrir landit, ok Snorri ok Bjarni me3 sfnu f61ki. £eir f6ru lengi, 

ok allt par 

1 MS., apparently through a clerical slip, en hon haki en hon hekia. 



i. til er peir k6mu at d einni, er fell af landi ofan ok f vatn eitt til sj'6var. Eyrar varu par 

2. ok matti eigi komask f ana utan at hafloe5um. fceir Karlsefni sigldu i 6sinn, ok kglluSu 

i H6pi. 

3. f>eir fundu par a landi sjalfsana hveitiakra, par sem laegSir 

4. varu, en vfnviS allt par sem holta vissi. Hverr loekr var par fullr af 

5. fiskum. feir g0rou grafir par sem moettisk landit, ok f!68it gekk ofast, 

6. ok pa er ut fell sj6rinn, varu helgir fiskar f grgfunum. tar var mikill fjgl- 

7. 8i dyra d sk6ginum me8 gllu m6ti. i>eir varu par halfan md- 

8. na5, ok skemtuSu 1 seY, ok ur8u 2 viS ekki varir. F6 sitt hgf- 

9. fiu peir me8 se"r. Ok einn morgin snemma, er peir litu- 

10. 8usk 3 um, sa peir mikinn fjgl8a huSkeipa, ok var veift 

11. trjam* a skipunum, ok I6t pvf lfkast sem f hdlmpust, [ok] 

1 2. var veift s61arsinnis. £>d mselti Karlsefni : ' Hvat man petta hafa [at] 

1 3. teikna ? ' Snorri torbrandsson svarar honum : ' Vera kann at petta s^ friSar- 

14. mark, ok tgkum Bkjold hvftan, ok berum at m6ti ; ' ok svd g0r8u peir. Pi 

15. reru peir f m6t, ok undru8usk 6 pa, sem fyrir vdru, ok gengu i land upp. feir vara svar- 

16. tir menn ok illiligir, ok hgf8u illt har d hgfSi. {"eir varu mjok eygSir ok breiSir 

1 7. f kinnum. DvolSusk beir of stund, ok undraSusk 6 bd, sem fyrir vdra, ok reru sf- 

18. 8an f brott, ok suSr fyrir nesit. l>eir Karlsefni hgfSu g0rt bu8ir sfnar upp frd 

19. vatninu, ok varu sumir skdlarnir nser vatninu, en sumir firr. Nii vdru beir bar bann 

20. vetr. tar kom enginn snj6r, ok allt gekk ii beira sjdlfala fram. En er vd- 

21. ra t6k, sd beir einn morgin snemma, at fjol8i hiiSkeipa reri sunnan 

22. fyrir nesit, svd mart sem kolum vaeri sdit fyrir h6pit ; var pa ok veift [d] hverju 

23. skipi trjanum 6 . teir Karlsefni brug8u bd skjgldum upp, ok er peir fundusk, t6- 

24. ku peir kaupstefnu sfn 7 d mill!,' ok vildi pat f61k helzt hafa rautt 

25. skruS. feir hgf8u m6ti [at] gefa skinnavgra ok algrd skinn. feir vildu ok kaupa sver8 

26. ok spj6t, en pat bgnnuSu beir Karlsefni ok Snorri. t>eir Skraelingar t6ku sp- 

27. annarlangt rautt skruS fyrir ufglvan belg, gk bundu um hgfuS sir. Gekk 

28. svd kaupstefna peira um hrf8. Pi t6k at faettask skruSit me8 peim 

29. Karlsefni, ok skdru peir pd svd smatt f sundr, at eigi var brei8ara en pvers 

30. fingrs, ok gdfu Skraelingar p6 jafnmikit fyrir sem d8r e8a meira. t>at bar 

31. til, at graSungr hlj6p 6r sk6gi, er peir Karlsefni dttu, ok gellr hdtt. tetta fae- 

32. lask Skraelingar, ok hlaupa lit d keipana ok reru sfSan su8r fyrir landit. 

33. VerSr pd ekki vart vi8 pd brjdr vikur i samt. En er sja stund var liSin, 

34. sjd beir fara sunnan mikinn fjglSa Skraelinga skipa, svd sem straumr stoeSi, var 

35. pd trjanum 6 gllum veift andsoelis, ok f\& upp allir mjgk hdtt. I'd t6ku 

1 MS. skemtadu. ' MS. nnrdu, i.e. vurSu. » MS. litadust. ■ MS. triom. 

• MS. nndradust. « MS. trionnwj. ' sin repeated in MS. 

1 — ^^ r- -- >•- ^ »»*u h m I (Hyp* Hliy* v*J XI 

Mi y ^|^ ^ a^KQ, U JUT* .lU-stmt- 

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1. peir Karlsefni rau3an skjgld, ok bdru at m6ti. Skraelingar hlj6pu J af ski- 

2. pum, ok si3an gengu peir saman, ok bgr3usk. Var3 par skothn'3 hpr8, bvi at 

3. Skraelingar hgfSu valslgngur. fat sa peir Karlsefni, at Skraelingar foer3u upp d 

4. stgng kngtt stundar mikinn, bvf naer til at jafna sem sau3arvgmb, 

5. ok helzt bldn at lit, ok fleygSu af stgnginni upp a landit yfir li3 beira 

6. Karlsefnis, ok tet illiliga vi5, bar sem niSr kom. Vi3 

7. betta sl6 6tta miklum d Karlsefni ok allt li8 hans, 

8. svd at bd fysti engis annars en flyja, ok halda undan 

9. upp me3 anni, bvf at beim p6tti li3 Skraelinga drffa at se*r 

10. gllum megin, ok le"lta eigi fyrr en beir koma til ham- 

11. ra ngkkurra, ok veittu bar viSrtgku har5a. Freydfs kom tit, 

12. ok sd at Jieir Karlsefni heldu undan, ok kallaSi : 'Hvf renni pe*r undan 

13. bessum auvir5ismgnnum, sva gildir menn sem be"r eru3, er meY p6tti sem peY 

14. maetti5 drepa ni3r sva. sem bufe - ; ok ef ek hef3a vapn, j)6tti mdr sem 

15. ek skylda betr berjask, en einnhverr y8ar!' I>eir g&fu engan gaum hennar 2 

1 6. or8um. Freydfs vildi fylgja peim, ok var8 seinni, pvi at hon var eigi heil ; 

17. gekk hon p6 eptir peim i skdginn. En Skraelingar soekja at henni. Hon fann fyrir 

18. s6r mann dauSan, £>ar var torbrandr Snorrason, ok st68 hellusteinn f hgf3i 

1 9. honum ; sverSit la bert i hja honum ; t6k hon bat upp, ok b^sk at verja sik. 

20. H k6mu Skraelingar at henni, en hon dr6 ba ut brj6stit undan klaeSunum, ok 

21. slettir d beru sverSinu. Vi5 betta 6ttask Skraelingar, ok hljdpu 1 undan a skip sfn, 

22. ok rem i brott. fceir Karlsefni finna [mi] hana 3 , ok lofa kapp hennar. Tveir menn 

23. fellu af peim Karlsefni, en fjol3i af beim Skraelingum. Ur5u peir Karls- 

24. efni ofrli8i bornir, ok f6ru nu heim eptir petta til bu3a sinna, ok bundu sar sfn, 

25. ok fhuga hvat fjglmenni pat myndi verit hafa, er at beim s6tti af landi- 

26. nu ofan. S^nisk peim nu sem pat eina mun li5it verit hafa, er af ski- 

27. punum kom, en hitt f61kit man verit hafa sj6nhverfingar. I>eir Skraelingar fun- 

28. du einn mann dau3an, ok la 0x f hja;. Einn beira t6k upp 0xina, ok hj6 4 

29. me8 tr6, ok pa hverr at g3rum, ok p6tti peim vera g0rsimi, ok bfta vel 6 ; sfSan 

30. t6k einn ok hj6 4 f stein, svd at brotnaSi 0xin, ok ba b6tti beim engu 

31. nft, er eigi stoSsk grj6tit, ok kgstu8u e ni3r. f>eir Karlsefni p6ttusk nti 

32. sja, b6tt bar vaeri landskostir g68ir, at bar myndi jafnan 6tti ok ufri3r 

33. d liggja af beim, er par bjoggu. Si8an bjoggusk beir a brott, ok aetlu5u til 

34. sins lands, ok sigldu nor8r fyrir landit, ok funnu V Skraelinga f skinnhjupum 

1 MS. lupu. * MS. adds syllable 'or,' repeated in next line. 

* Bjora a Skarosa [AM. 118, 8vo] writes in place of 'finna nu hana,' which is not clear in the vellnm, 'finna nu 
Freydis." * MS. hnggj. 5 MS. val. * MS. kastadu. 




i. sofnaSa nser sj6 ; beir hgf3u me8 se*r stokka, ok f dyVamerg dreyra blandinn. i>6t- 

2. tusk peir Karlsefni pat skilja, at bessir menn myndu hafa verit g0rvir brott af 

3. landinu; peir drapu pa. Si8an fundu peir Karlsefni nes eitt, ok a fjglSa dy-ra; 

4. var nesit at sja, sem mykiskan vseri, af pvf at d/rin ldgu par um nsetmar. 

5. Nu koma peir Karlsefni aptr f StraumfjorS, ok vdru par fyrir alls gn6ttir, pess er peir 

6. purftu at hafa. £at er sumra manna sogn, at pau Bjarni ok GuSrfS 1 hafi par 

7. eptir verit, ok X tigir manna me8 peim, ok hafi eigi farit lengra. En peir Karlsefni ok Snorri 

8. hafi su5r farit, ok XL manna meS peim, on hafi eigi lengr verit f H6pi en vart 

9. tva mdnaSi, ok hafi sama sumar aptr komit. Karlsefni for pa einu skipi 

10. at leita I>6rhalls vei8imanns, en annat li5it var eptir; ok f6ru peir norSr fyrir Kjalarnes, 

n. ok berr pa fyrir vestan fram, ok var landit a bakborSa beim. I>ar vdru ba eySimerkr einar allt 

12. at sja fyrir beim, ok nser hvergi rj63r f. Ok er beir hofou lengi farit, fellr a af lan- 

13. di ofan 6r austri ok i vestr; {>eir logflu inn f dr6sinn, ok ldgu vi8 hinn sySra bakkann. 

14. Put var einn morgin, er beir Karlsefni sd fyrir ofan Vig forvalds Eirikssonar. 

15. rj63rit fiekk ngkkurn, sem glitradi vi3 J>eim, ok ceptu peir d pat; pat hroerSisk, 

16. ok var pat Einfoetingr, ok skauzk ofan d pann arbakkann, sem beir ldgu vi8. forvaldr, 

17. Eirfks son rauSa, sat vi8 styVi, ok skaut Einfoetingr or f smdbarma honum. Pot- 

18. valdr dr6 ut orina, ok maelti: 'Feitt er um fstruna, gott land hgfum v6r fengit 

19. kostum, en b6 megum ve"r varla nj6ta! ' forvaldr d6 af sdri bessu lftlu sf8ar. 

20. f>a hleypr Einfoetingr d braut, ok norSr aptr. fceir Karlsefni f6ru eptir honum, ok sd hann 
ai. stundum. I>at sd peir sfflast til hans, at hann hlj6p d vig ngkkurn. M hurfu peir Karlsefni 

22. aptr. M kva5 einn maflr kvioling penna : 'Eltu seggir, allsatt var pat, einn Einfceting 

23. ofan til strandar; en kynligr maflr kostafli rdsar hart um stopir. Heyrflu Karls- 

24. efni!' f>eir f6ru pa i brott, ok norflr aptr, ok b6ttusk sja Einfoetingaland. Vildu beir bd 

25. eigi hsetta lifli sfnu lengr. f>eir setluflu gll ein fjgll, bau er 1 H6pi vdru, ok bessi, er mi 

26. funnu beir, ok bat stceflisk mjok svd d, ok vseri jafnlangt 6r Straumfirfli beggja 

27. vegna. Hinn brioja vetr vdru peir f Straumfirfli. Gengu menn bd mjgk i sveitir, ok 

28. varfl peim til um konur, ok vildu peir, er ukvaendir vdru, scekja til i hendr peim, sem kvsen- 

29. dir vdru, ok st68 af pvf hin mesta iir6. f"ar kom til hit fyrsta haust Snorri, 

30. son Karlsefhis, ok var hann pd breVetr, er peir f6ru brott. Pa. er beir sigldu af Vfnlandi t6- 

31. ku beir suflrcen veflr, ok hittu bd Markland, ok funnu bar Skroelinga V, ok var einn 

32. skeggjaflr, konur vdru II, ok bprn tvau. T6ku beir Karlsefni sveinana, en hinir k6- 

33. musk undan, ok sukku beir Skraelingar i jgrfl niflr. Sveina bessa II hofflu beir me8 se*r 

34. fceir kendu beim mdl, ok vdru skfrflir. fceir nefndu m63ur sfna Vethilldi, ok fgSur 

35. Uvege. £eir sgg8u at konungar stj6rnu8u Skrselingum, ok he"t annarr beira Avalldama, 

36. en annarr Avilldudida 2 . Pen kvd3u bar engin hus, ldgu menn J)ar i helium e8a holum. 

37. freir sggSu par liggja land g8rum megin gagnvart sfnu landi, er peir menn byg- 

38. 8i, er vdru 1 hvftum klse8um, ok bdru stangir fyrir se*r, ok vdru festar vi8 flfkar, ok oep- 

39. flu hdtt, ok setla menn, at pat hafi verit Hvftramannaland e8a frland et mikla. 

40. Pi Bjarna Grfm61fsson bar 1 Jfrlands haf, ok k6mu i ma8ksj6, ok 

1 MS. tic. » Bjorn a Skardsa [AM. 118, 8vo] has ' Avalldainna ' and ' Valldidida. 



1. sgkk drjugum skipit undir beim; beir hgf8u bat bann, er brseddr var me3 seltjgru, bvi at par 

faer eigi sj6ma8kr 

2. a. t>eir gengu i batinn, ok s£ peir pa, at peim matti hann eigi gllum vinnask. Pi mselti 

Bjarni : ' Af pvl at batrinn tekr 

3. eigi meira en helming manna varra, b£ er bat mitt ra3, at menn s6 hluta3ir i batinn, bvf at 

betta skal ekki fara at 

4. mannvir8ingu.' fcetta p6tti gllum svd drengiliga bo3it, at engi vildi m6ti maela. G0r3u J>eir 

sv&, at [beir] 

5. hlutuSu mennina, ok hlaut Bjarni at fara i bitinn, ok helmingr manna me3 honum, pvf at 

batrinn t6k ekki meira. 

6. En er J>eir vara komnir f batinn, ba maelti einn fslenzkr ma3r, er ]>i var I skipinu, ok Bjarna 

haf3i fylgt af 

7. fslandi: '^tlar bu, Bjarni, heV at skiljask vi5 mik?' Bjarni svarar : 'Sva ver3r nu at 

vera.' Hann svarar : ' Q3ru he"zk 

8. bu fg3ur mfnum, pi er ek f6r af fslandi me3 pe"r, en skiljask sva vi8 mik, J>a er \>u sag5ir, 

at eitt sk- 

9. yldi ganga yfir okkr ba8a.' Bjarni svarar: 'Eigi skal ok svd vera, gakk bu hingat I batinn, 

en ek man upp 

10. fara f skipit, bvf at ek s6, at bii ert svd fuss til fjgrsins.' Gekk Bjarni pi upp 1 skipit, en 

J)essi ma3r i 

11. batinn, ok f6ru beir sf3an lei3ar sinnar, til bess er beir k6mu til Dyflinnar i frlandi, ok 

sgg3u Jiar {)essa sggu; en 

12. J>at er flestra manna setlan, at Bjarni ok hans kumpanar hafi latizk i ma8ksj6num, J>vf at 

ekki spur3isk til jjeira 

13. Annat sumar eptir f6r Karlsefni til fslands, ok Gu3rf3r iEttartala frd, Karlsefni ok furiSi, 

konu hans. sfdan 1 . 

14. me8 honum, ok f6r heim f Reynisnes. M63ur hans b6tti sem hann hefSi h'tt til kostar tekit, 

ok var Gu3r- 

15. f8r eigi heima enn fyrsta vetr. En er hon pr6fa8i, at Gu3n'3r var kvennskgrungr mikill, f6r 

16. hon heim, ok vara samfarar beira g63ar. D6ttir Snorra Karlsefnissonar var Hallfri3r, m68ir 

forlaks biskups 

17. Run61fssonar. I>au attu son, er forbjgrn he"t ; hans d6ttir he"t I>6rann, m63ir Bjarnar biskups. 

f"orgeirr he"t 

18. son Snorra Karlsefnissonar, fa3ir Yngvildar, m63ur Brands biskups hins fyrra. D6ttir Snorra, 


19. sonar var ok Steinunn, er atti Einarr, son Grandar-Ketils, forvaldssonar kr6ks, f>6rissonar 

20. i Espih61i. feira son var torsteinn ranglatr, hann var fa3ir Gu3runar, er dtti Jgrundr at 

Keldum ; 

21. beira d6ttir var Halla, m68ir Flosa, fg8ur Valger3ar, m63ur herra Erlends sterka, fgSur herra 


22. Iggmanns. Qnnur ddttir Flosa var p6rdfs, m68ir fru IngigerSar rfku. Hennar d6ttir var fru 

Hallbera, ab- 

23. badfs 1 Reynisnesi at StaS. Mart st6rmenni er komit annat a fslandi frd Karlsefni ok f>urf3i, 

fiat er ekki 

24. er heV skra8. Veri gu3 me3 oss, amen. 

1 ' si6an ' to be read at the end of line 12. 


[AM. 557, 4to, p. 27.] EIRfKS SAGA RAUDA 1 — 1. 

13. [<5]lafr 2 he"t konungr, er kallaSr var 6lafr hvfti. Hann var son Ingjalds konungs 

14. Helgasonar, Olafssonar, Gu3r05arsonar ', Halfdanarsonar hvftbeins Upple- 

15. ndinga konungs. (5lafr herjaSi 1 vestrvfking, ok vann Dyflinni* a Ir- 

16. landi ok Dyflinnarskfri, ok g0r8isk konungr yfir. Hann fekk 6 AuSar d- 

17. jtipauSgoi, d6ttur Ketils flatnefs, Bjarnarsonar bunu, agsets manns 6r N- 

1 8. oregi ; f>orsteinn rau8r h£t son peira. Olafr fell a I rlandi f orrostu, en Au- 

19. 8r ok forsteinn f6ru pi 1 SuSreyjar; par fekk fcorsteinn furfSar, d6ttur Eyvindar 

20. austmanns 8 , systur Helga hins magra; pau attu morg born, forstei- 

zi. nn g0r8isk herkonungr. Hann re"zk til lags me8 SigurSi enum rfka, syni Eyste- 

22. ins glumru. f>eir unnu Katanes ok Su8rland, R03 ok Moeri, ok meirr en 

23. hdlft Skotland. G0r8isk forsteinn par konungr yfir, &3r Skotar sviku hann, ok 

24. fell hann par f orrostu. Au8r var pa a Katanesi, er hon spurSi fall forsteins. 

25. Hon lsetr pa g0ra knorr i sk6gi a laun, en er hon var biiin, helt hon ut 

26. 1 Orkneyjar. far gipti hon Gr6, d6ttur t>orsteins, ok hon var m68ir GunnlaSar, er forfinnr 

27. jarl hausakljufr atti. Eptir pat f6r Au8r at leita Islands; hon hafSi a 

28. skipi tuttugu karla frjalsa. Au8r kom til fslands, ok var hinn fyrsta vetr 

29. f Bjarnarhgfn me8 Birni br68ur sfnum. SfSan nam AuSr q11 Dalalgn- 

30. d, milli Dogur8ar&r ok Skramuhlaupsar, ok bj6 f Hvammi. Hon hafSi b- 

31. oenahald i Krossh61um. tar le"t hon reisa krossa, bvf at hon var skfrS ok vel 

* MS. saga eireks rauda. * MS. [OJleifr. 3 MS. gudridar sonar. • MS. diflina. 

5 hann feck repeated in MS. * MS. austz mannz. 


v tit 

^v . **v *«SHv fester. **♦**>& $*p #v jhs> jfoj?&g"jw«*fo 



[AM. 557, 4to, p. 27 <$.] EIRfKS SAGA RAUDA— 2. 

1. tniuS. Meb 1 henni kvamu lit margir ggfgir menn, peir er herteknir hgf8- 

2. u verit f vestrvfking, ok vara kallaSir dnau8gir. Einn af peim he"t Vifill ; hann 

3. varr settst6rr ma8r, ok hafSi verit hertekinn fyrir vestan haf, ok var kalla8r dn- 

4. au8igr, d8r Au3r leysti hann ; ok er AuSr gaf bustaSi 2 skipverjum sinum, pa 

5. spurfii Vffill pvf Au5r gaefi honum eigi bustaS, sem g3rum mgnnum. AuSr kvaS 

6. eigi mundu skipta, kvaS hann par gofgan pikkja mundu, sem hann vseri. Honum ga- 

7. f AuSr Vffilsdal, ok bj6 hann par. Hann atti konu ; peira synir vara peir forgeirr ok 

8. fcorbjprn. feir vara efniligir menn, ok 6xu upp meS fo3ur sfnum. 

9. forvaldr he"t maSr ; hann var son Asvalds, (Jlfssonar, 0xna-I>6rissonar 3 . Ei- 
10. rfkr rau3i h6t son hans. feir feSgar f6ru af Ja3ri til Islands, fyrir vfga 

n. sakir, ok namu land d Hornstrondum, ok bjoggu at Drongum. far an- 

12. da3isk forvaldr; Eirfkr fekk pd !>6rhildar, d6ttur Jgrundar Atlasonar ok 

13. forbjargar knarrarbringu, en pa atti dSr forbjgrn hinn haukdcelski. 

14. Rdzk Eirfkr pd norSan, ok ruddi land i Haukadal, ok bj6 a Eir- 

15. fksstg3um, hjd Vatnshorni. M feldu prselar Eirfks skriSu 4 a bee Valpj6- 

16. fs a Valpj6fsstg8um. Eyj61fr saurr, fraendi hans, drap prselana h- 

17. jd Skei8sbrekkum, upp fra Vatnshorni. Fyrir pat vd Eirfkr Eyj61f saur; 

18. hann vd ok H61mggngu-Hrafn at Leikskalum. Geirsteinn ok Oddr d Jgr- 

19. va 5 , fraendr Eyj61fs, mseltu eptir hann; pa var Eirfkr g0rr d brott 6r 

20. Haukadal. Hann nam pd Brokey, ok bj6 at TrgSum f SuSrey. En hi- 

21. nn fyrsta vetr f6r Eirfkr i 0xney. M le'Si hann forgesti setstokka. 

22. Hann bj6 d EirfksstgSum ; pa heimti hann setstokkana, ok nd8i eigi. E- 

23. irfkr s6tti setstokkana a Brei3ab61sta8, en forgestr f6r eptir honum. 

24. feir bgr5usk skamt fra gar8i d Drongum. far fellu tveir synir forgests, 

25. ok ngkkurir menn aSrir. Eptir pat hgfSu hvarirtveggju setu fjglmenna. Styrr 

26. veitti Eirfki, ok Eyj61fr or Svfney, forbjgrn Vffilsson 6 , (ok) synir forvalds 6r Alpt- 

27. afirSi 7 . En forgesti veittu 8 synir I>6r5ar gellis, ok forgeirr 6r Hftardal, ok As- 

28. ldkr 6r Langadal ok Illugi son hans. f>eir Eirfkr urSu sekir d fdrnesp- 

29. ingi. Hann bj6 skip sitt f Eirfksvagi, en Eyj61fr leyndi honum f Dfm- 

30. unarvagi, meSan peir forgestr leituSu hans um eyjarnar. Hann sagSi peim, 

31. at hann setla8i at leita lands pess, er Gunnbjgrn, son tJlfs kraku, sd, er 

32. hann rak vestr um haf, pd [er] hann fann Gunnbjarnarnessker. Hann kvezk aptr 

33. mundu leita til vina sinna, ef hann fyndi landit. feir forbjgrn ok Styrr ok Ey- 

' MS. af. s MS. bvstad. 8 MS. eyxna foris sonar. * MS. skylldv. 

s MS. iorfa. e MS. uifils, the son has been omitted. ' MS. alt-a iirSi. 8 MS. veitti. 

R 2 


[AM. 557, 4to, p. 28.] EIRfKS SAGA RAUDA.— 3. 

i. j61fr fylgSu Eirfki ut um eyjar, ok skilSu me8 hinni mestu vin- 

2. dttu. Kvezk Eirfkr peim skyldu ver8a at bvflfku trausti, sem hann majtti 

3. seV vi6 koma, ef beir kynni hans at burfa. Sigldi Eirfkr d haf undan 

4. Snaefellsjgkli, ok kom utan at jgkli peim, er Hvftserkr heitir. Hann f6r 

5. ba8an su8r, at leita ef bangat er byggjanda. Hann var hinn fyrsta ve- 

6. tr f Eirfkseyju, nser miSri enni vestri bygSinni. Um vdrit eptir f6r 

7. hann til Eirfksfjar3ar, ok t6k s6r par bustaS. Hann f6r bat sumar f hina vestri 6by- 

8. g8, ok gaf vf3a jzirnefni. Hann var annan vetr f Eirfksh61mum vifl Hvarfs- 

9. gnfpu 1 . En hit priSja sumar f6r hann allt nor5r til Snaefells, ok inn f Hrafns- 

10. fjgrS. M p6ttisk hann kominn fyrir botn EirfksfjarSar ; hverfr hann pd aptr, ok var 

n. hinn fj6r8a ok prioja vetr f Eirfkseyju fyrir munni EirfksfjarSar. Eptir um sumarit 

12. f6r hann til fslands, ok kom f Brei8afjpr5. Hann var pann vetr me6 Ing61fi d Hdlmlatri 2 . 

13. Um vdrit borSusk peir forgestr, ok fekk Eirfkr usigr; eptir pat vdru peir 

14. sattir gp'rfiir. {"at sumar f6r Eirfkr at byggja landit, bat er hann hafSi fun- 

15. dit, ok hann kallaSi Greenland. Hann kva8 bess menn mundu mjgk fysa bangat, 

16. ef landit hdti vel. f>orgeirr Vffilsson kvdngafiisk, ok fekk Arn6ru, d6ttur E- 

17. inars frd Laugarbrekku, Sigmundarsonar, Ketilssonar Instils, er numit haf8i Kst- 

1 8. ilsfjgrS. Qnnur d6ttir Einars hdt Hallveig ; hennar fekk i>orbjgrn Vffilsson, ok t- 

19. 6k me8 land 4 s Laugarbrekku d Hellisvollum. Re*zk forbjgrn ba- 

20. ngat bygoum, ok g0r8isk ggfugmenni mikit. Hann var go8or3sma8r, ok h- 

21. af8i rausnar bu. Gu8ri3r h^t d6ttir forbjamar; hon var kvenna vaenst ok hinn 

22. mesti skgrungr f ollu athaefi sfnu. Ma8r hdt Ormr, er bj6 at Arnarst- 

23. apa ; hann dtti konu pd, er Halldfs h6t. Ormr var g68r b6ndi, ok vinr fcor- 

24. bjarnar mikill; var Gu3rf3r bar lgngum at fdstri me5 honum. Ma8r h6t fcorgeirr, 

25. er bj6 at forgeirsfelli ; hann var vellau8igr at (6, ok hafSi verit leysingi*; 

26. hann dtti son, er Einarr he"t, hann var vsenn ma8r ok vel manna8r, ok skartsmafir 6 mikill 

27. Einarr var i siglingum landa f milli, ok teksk bat vel; var jafnan sinn hvdrt vetr 

28. d fslandi e8a f Noregi. Nu er frd bvf at segja eitt haust, er Einarr var lit hir, at hann 

29. f6r me8 varning sinn lit eptir Snsefellsnesi, ok skyldi selja. Hann kemr 

30. til Arnarstapa; Ormr by"8r honum bar at vera, ok bat biggr Einarr, bvf at bar var v- 

31. indtta vi8 kp'rin. Varningrinn Einars var borinn f eitthvert utibur. Einarr 

32. br^tr upp varninginn, ok s^ndi Ormi ok heimamgnnum, ok bauS Ormi slf- 

1 MS. hwfsnipv. * MS. holatri. * MS. apparently by a clerical slip, land a lanndi a. 

' MS. lavsin«g. • MS. skazz mail. 

T fat* itt 8Ama^» $ <2«. i .Ilvri rtar*** n <£ „ • /. * 

W< • *?T p,s> (fr* (wit j& r$r /Uhr «&* 4 |U,*kv ii7 . <W 

V*v pit * tfnSf * (&i» 1 &S>£. ft . (ft $ fa u<m < ^ w&afp^A, f>a#mi ' 
^^ f Hm^r p pftt&ftfh- *]***$. e^'«f&-;e^ for* v j£ 

££ f J^? &tt4$i $rV4*i7fc$ JITT. $. pa|p Si iW w im^ ^yp p *»l 

V iff. ^ • flu-MV. # . fli«y. I;. r>*lMM<&fr » (JaJTm* par£* $tn$i%itt wpifp. f, *t 
>\<b*Ct &%}&$** froz^i^e &t\vpt*&iuu tn$rr$*Tv $4&ai$f~.i» +?. 






I2 5 

[AM. 557, 4to, p. 28 5.] EIRIKS SAGA RAUDA.— 4. 

i. kt af at taka sem hann vildi. Ormr pa betta, ok tal5i Einar vera g6- 

2. 8an fardreng ok au8numann mikinn. En er peir heldu a varninginum, 

3. gekk kona fyrir utibiirs dyrnar. Einarr spurSi Orm hver su en fagra kona 

4. vaeri, er par gekk fyrir dyrnar; 'ek hefi hana ekki h6r fyrr seV Ormr segir : 'Pat 

5. er Gu8rf3 1 , f6stra mfn, d6ttir Porbjarnar b6nda fra Laugarbrekku.' Einarr 

6. maelti : ' Hon mun vera g68r kostr, e3a hafa ngkkurir menn til komit 

7. at bi3ja hennar ? ' Ormr svarar : ' Be3it hefir hennar vfst verit, vinr, ok liggr 

8. eigi laust fyrir; finnr bat a, at hon mun vera mannvond, ok faSir hennar.' 

9. 'Sva fyrir bat,' kva9 Einarr, 'at hon er sii kona, er ek aetla mdr at bi3ja, ok vilda ek 

10. a bessi mal kcemir bu fyrir mik vi3 fgSur hennar, ok leg5ir a alendu 2 at 

11. flytja, bvf at ek skal be'r fullkomna vinattu fyrir gjalda. Ma Porbjgrn b6- 

12. ndi a lfta, at okkr vseri vel hentar tengSir, pvf at hann er s6mama3r mikill 

13. ok a staSfestu g68a, en lausafe hans er me"r sagt at 3 mjgk s^ d fg- 

14. rum. Skortir mik hvarki land n6 lausafd, ok okkr fe8ga, ok mundi forbir- 

15. ni ver8a at pvf hinn mesti styrkr, ef pessi ra8 toekisk.' Ormr svarar: 'Vf- 

16. st pikkjumk ek vin pinn vera. En p6 em ek ekki fuss at bera bessi m- 

17. al upp, pvf at i'orbjgrn er skapstdrr ok p6 metnaSarmaSr mikill.' Einarr kv- 

18. ezk ekki vilja [annat] en [at] upp vaeri [borit] b6nor8it. Ormr kva3 hann ra3a skyldu. Ei- 

19. narr f6r su8r aptr unz hann kemr heim. Ngkkuru sf3ar ha- 

20. f3i i'orbjgrn haustboS, sem hann atti vanda til, pvf at hann var st6rmenni mikit. 

21. Kom bar Ormr fra Arnarstapa ok margir a8rir vinir ]?orbjarnar. Ormr ke- 

22. mr at mali vi3 I'orbjgrn, ok segir, at Einarr s6 bar skamt 4 fri torgeirsfelli, 

23. ok g0r3isk efniligr ma3r; hefr Ormr mi upp bonor8it fyrir hgnd 5 Einars, 

24. ok sag3i at bat vseri vel hent fyrir sumra manna sakir ok hluta. ' Ma 

25. be"r, b6ndi, at bvf ver3a styrkr mikill fyrir fjarkosta sakir.' I'orbjgrn svarar : ' Eigi var- 

26. 8i mik slfkra or3a af be'r, at ek munda braels syni gipta d6ttur mfna ; 

27. ok pat finni3 pe*r at f6 mitt pverr, ok eigi skal hon fara me3 be'r, ef be'r pce- 

28. tti hon sva litils gjafor3s ver3.' For Ormr heim, ok hverr bo3smanna til sinna 

29. heimkynna. Gu3n'3r 6 var eptir me3 fg3ur sfnum, ok var heima bann vetr. En 

30. at vari haf3i I'orbjgrn vinabo3, ok var veizla g63 buin, ok kom par mar- 

31. gt manna, ok var veizlan hin bezta. Ok at veizlunni kvaddi I'orbjgrn se"r 

32. hlj63s, ok mselti : ' He"r hefi ek biiit langa sefi ; hefi ek reynt g63vilja 

1 MS. fie. a MS. alenwda. » MS. apparently et. 

4 Properly, skgmmu. ' MS. haun. 6 MS. Gu8ma«dr. 


[AM. 557, 4to, p. 29.] EIRlKS SAGA RAUDA— 5. 

i. manna vi8 mik ok istiiS ; kalla ek vel vir skipti farit hafa. En mi tekr 

2. fjarhagr 1 minn at uhoegjask, en kallat hefir verit hingat til ekki uvirSuli- 

3. gt 2 ra6. Nu vil ek fyrr biii mfnu bregoa, en scemS minni t^na; fyrr 

4. af landi fara, en sett mfna svfvir3a. J3tla ek nu at vitja um mil Eiriks 

5. rauSa, vinar mfns, er hann haf&i, pi er vdr skilSumsk i Brei5afir5i. -ZEtla ek 

6. nu at fara til Groenlands f sumar, ef svi ferr sem ek vilda.' Mgnnum p- 

7. 6tti mikil tfdindi um pessa rioag0r3 }?orbjarnar 3 . forbjgrn hafoi len- 

8. gi vinsaell verit, en 4 p6ttusk vita, at forbjgrn mundi petta hafa sv- 

9. i framt upp kve3it, at 5 hann mundi ekki stoSa at letja. Gaf F-orbjgrn mgnnum gja- 

10. fir, ok var veizlu brugoit eptir petta, ok f6ru menn heim til heimkynna 

1 1 . sinna. forbjorn selr lendur sfnar, ok kaupir skip, er st63 uppi f Hraunhafnar6si. R6- 

12. ousk til fer3ar me8 honum brfr tigir manna. Var par Ormr fra Arnarstapa ok kona hans, 

13. ok beir vinir forbjarnar, er eigi vildu vi8 hann skilja. Sfdan \6ta beir i haf. fi er 

14. peir hpf5u lit litit, var ve8r hagstoett. En er peir kvimu f haf, t6k 

15. af byri, ok fengu beir mikil ve8r, ok f6rsk beim ugreitt um sumarit. I>vf nae- 

16. st kom s6tt f li8 beira, ok andaoisk Ormr ok Halldfs, kona hans, ok helmingr 

17. beira. Sj6 t6k at stcerka 6 , ok fengu peir vds mikit ok vesold i marga vega, 

18. ok t6ku p6 Herj61fsnes i Groenlandi vi8 vetrnaetr sjalfar. Si ma8r bj6 

19. i Herj61fsnesi, er fcorkell he"t. Hann var nytjamafir 7 ok hinn bezti b6ndi. Hann t- 

20. 6k vi3 forbirni ok gllum skipverjum hans um vetrinn. forkell veitti peim skor- 

21. uliga. LfkaSi J?orbirni vel ok gllum skipverjum hans. [If tit, peir sem i v- 8 , 

22. [f] penna tfma var hallaeri mikit i Groenlandi; hgfSu menn fengit 

23. eifiiferS" hgf5u verit, en sumir eigi aptr komnir. Su kona var I by- 

24. g8, er forbjgrg he"t; hon var spikona; hon var kgllud If til vglva 10 . Hon hafSi 

25. itt se"r nfu systr, ok var hon ein eptir i Hfi. fat var hittr fcorbjargar i vetr- 

26. um, at hon f6r i veizlur, ok bu8u menn henni heim, mest beir, er forvitni 

27. var d um forlgg sfn e8a alfer8ir; ok mefi pvf at forkell var bar mestr b6ndi, b- 

28. i p6tti til hans koma at vita hvenser" le"tta mundi uirani pessu, sem yf- 

29. ir st68. fcorkell bfbi spikonu bangat, ok er henni buin g68 viStaka, 

30. sem si8r var til, bi er vi8 pess hittar konum skyldi taka. Biiit var henni 

31. hisaeti, ok lagt undir hoegindi; par skyldi i vera hoensafi8ri. En er hon 

32. kom um kveldit, ok si ma3r, er I m6ti henni var sendr, pi var hon svi buin, 

33. at hon haf8i yfir se"r tuglamgttul 12 blin, ok var settr steinum allt f sk- 

34. aut ofan. Hon hafSi i hilsi se"r glertglur; hon haf8i i hgfSi lamb- 

35. skinns kofra svartan, ok vifl innan kattarskinn hvftt. Staf haf3i hon i hendi, ok 

1 MS. fiarhugr. * MS. vmlvligt. • MS. Eireks. 

4 ek is added in MS. after en, obviously by a slip : menn should be supplied in its stead. ■ MS. er. 

* MS. stretka. * nytiv mair. * The bracketed words belong at the end of line 32. 

• MS. vedr ierd. M MS. litill volve. " MS. hven<zr at vita. ■ MS. tygla mauttvl. 

f^ TJESltfc Yl „,Lu S «17 rfcfS ? aft* fe~ ^ * W P* ^ 

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R^)ltw- ^v*. <&£>!• prt (rt*rt2£re-. tftitf ^l^f -*- M<tf ftrr £if.£,, fan 







[AM. 557, 4to, p. 29 £.] EIRfKS SAGA RAUDA.— 6. 

1. var i knappr; hann var biiinn messingu, ok settr 1 steinum ofan um kn- 

2. appinn. Hon haf6i um sik hnj6skulinda, ok var par i skj68upungr miki- 

3. 11 ; varSveitti hon par f taufr pau, er hon purfti til fr681eiks at hafa. Hon 

4. haf3i kalfskinns-sk6 loSna i f6tum, ok i pvengi langa ok sterkli- 

5. ga, latunsknappar miklir i endunum. Hon hafSi a hondum seV katt- 

6. skinns-gl6fa, ok vara hvltir innan ok loSnir. En er hon kom inn, p6tti 

7. gllum mgnnum skylt 2 at velja henni soemiligar kveSjur. En hon tok pvf e- 

8. ptir sem henni varu menn skapfeldir til. T6k forkell b6ndi f hond vfs- 

9. endakonunni, ok leiddi hann hana til pess sastis, er henni var buit. forkell 

10. ba5 hana renna bar augum yfir hjgr3 ok hjii ok hfbfli. Hon var famalug um 

n. allt. Bor5 vara upp tekin 3 um kveldit, ok er hi. pvf at segja 

12. at spakonunni var matbuit. Henni var gjzSrr grautr af ki6jamj61k, 

13. en til matar henni varu buin hjgrtu 6r allskonar kvikendum, beim sem 

14. bar vara til. Hon haf8i messingarsp6n ok knff 4 tannskeptan, tvfholka8a- 

15. n af eiri, ok var af brotinn oddrinn. En er borS vara upp tekin, gengr P- 

16. orkell b6ndi fyrir forbjgrgu, ok spyrr hversu henni virSisk 5 par hfbfli e8a 

17. hasttir manna, e8a hversu flj6tliga hann mun bess vis ver6a, er hann hefir 

18. spurt eptir, ok menn vildu vita. Hon kvezk pat ekki mundu upp bera f- 

19. yrr en um morgininn 6 , ba er hon hef8i sofit bar um n6ttina. En 

20. eptir a dli3num degi var henni veittr sa umbiiningr, sem hon skyldi se- 

21. iSinn 7 fremja. BaS hon fa se"r konur baer, sem kynni froeoi bat, er byrft- 

22. i til seiSinn at fremja 8 , ok varfilokkur 9 heita; en baer konur fundusk eigi. 

23. M var at leitat um bceinn, ef nokkur kynni. M svarar Gu8rf3r: 'Hvarki 

24. em 10 ek fjglkunnig ne* vfsenda kona, en b6 kendi Halldfs, f6stra mf- 

25. n, me'r a Islandi, bat froeoi, er hon kalla8i varSlokkur 9 .' fcorbjorg svara§i : ' Pi 

26. ertu fr63ari en ek aetlada.' Gu8rf8r segir: ' l>etta er bess konar frceSi ok 

27. atferli, at ek setla f 0ngum atbeina at vera, bvf at ek em 10 kona krist- 

28. in.' forbjgrg" svarar: 'Sva maetti verSa, at bu yr8ir mgnnum at li8i hir um, 

29. en vserir kona [eigi] at verri; en viS i>orkel met ek at fa ba hluti he"r til, 

30. er barf.' forkell herSir mi at Gu8rf8i, en hon kvezk mundu g0ra sem h- 

31. ann vildi. S16gu konur hring umhverfis, en {"orbjgrg uppi i sei3- 

32. hjallinum. Kva5 Guorfor bd kvaefiit sva fagrt ok vel, at engi b6tti- 

33. isk fyrr heyrt hafa me3 fegri raust kve5it, sa, er bar var. Spdkon- 

34. a pakkar henni kvseSit; 'hon haf8i margar natturur hingat at s6tt, ok 

1 MS. settum. 2 MS. skyll. 3 MS. upp tekin am tekin«. 4 MS. hnif. 5 MS. vizdizt. 

• MS. morgvnin«. * MS. se in, apparently a clerical omission. " MS. seidin»ar fremia. 

9 MS. vard lokr. » MS. er. u MS. |>orbj6m. 


[AM. 557, 4to, p. 30.] EIRIKS SAGA RAUDA— 7. 

i. p6tti fagrt 1 at heyra pat er kve5it var, er a8r vildi fra oss snua- 

2. sk, ok oss 0ngva hty3ni veita. En mer era mi margir peir hlutir a- 

3. u8s;fnir, er a8r var bae3i ek ok a3rir dul5ir. En ek kann pat at 

4. segja, at hallaeri betta mun ekki haldask lengr, ok mun batna 

5. arangr sem varar. S6ttarfar pat, sem lengi hefir legit, mun batna v- 

6. ami br&5ara. En pe"r, Gu8rf6r, skal ek launa f hgnd liSsinni pat, se- 

7. m oss hefir af [t>£r] staSit, pvf at pin forlgg era me"r mi gll gloggsae. fat 

8. muntu gjaforS fa h6r a Grcenlandi, er scemiligast er til, p6 at peY ver- 

9. 8i pat eigi til langseSar, pvf at vegir pfnir liggja lit til Islands, ok mun par ko- 

10. ma fra pe"r aetfbogi baeSi mikill ok g63r, ok yfir pfnum aettkvfslum m- 

11. un skfna bjartr geisli ; enda far nii vel ok heil, d6ttir mm I ' SfSan ge- 

12. ngu menn at vfsenda-konunni, ok fr&ti hverr eptir pvf sem mest forvitni var L 

13. Var hon ok g63 af fraspgnum; gekk pat ok lftt f tauma, sem hon [sagfii]. fessu naest 

var k- 

14. omit eptir henni af pSram boe, ok f6r hon pi pangat. Var sent eptir fcorbirni, p- 

15. vf at hann vildi eigi heima vera meSan slfk heiSni var framin 2 . Ve8- 

16. ratta 3 batna8i skj6tt, begar er vara t6k, sem forbjprg haf3i sagt. B- 

17. fr torbjorn skip sitt, ok ferr unz hann kemr f BrattahlfS. Tekr Eirfkr vi8 

18. honum baSum hpndum, ok kva8 bat vel, er hann var par kominn. Var frorbjorn me8 

honum um 

19. vetrinn, ok skuldali8 hans. Eptir um varit gaf Eirfkr forbirni land a Stok- 

20. kanesi, ok var par g0rr soemiligr boer, ok bj6 hann par sfSan. Eirfkr dtti pa ko- 

2 1 . nu, er I"j68hildr hdt, ok tva sonu ; he"t annarr forsteinn, en annarr Leifr. t>- 

22. eir vara baSir efniligir menn; var J>orsteinn heima me5 fpSur sfnum, ok var eigi ba s-_ 

23. a maSr a Grcenlandi, er jafnmannvaenn p6tti sem hann. Leifr hafSi 

24. siglt til Noregs; var hann par me8 <5lafi konungi Tryggvasyni. En er Leifr sigldi 

25. af Grcenlandi um sumarit, ur3u peir saehafa til Su3reyja. f>a8- 

26. an byrja3i peim seint, ok dvglSusk par lengi um sumarit. Leifr 

27. Iag8i hug a konu pa, er !>6rgunna he"t. Hon var kona aettst6r. tat sa 

28. Leifr, at hon mundi kunna fleira en fatt eitt; en er Leifr sigldi a 

29. brott, 4 beiddisk t>6rgunna at fara me3 honum. Leifr spur8i hvart bat v- 

30. aeri nokkut vili fraenda hennar. Hon kvezk ekki at bvf fara. Leifr 

31. kvezk eigi kunna at gpira hertekna sva st6raetta8a konu f 6kunn- 

32. u landi; 'en \6t li8fair.' f>6rgunna maelti: 'Eigi er vfst, at pe"r pikki 

33. pvf betr raSit.' ' A pat mun ek haetta,' sag8i Leifr. ' H segi 

34. ek peY,' sag3i Itfrgunna, ' at ek fer eigi einsaman, ok mun ek vera 

1 MS. fagvrt. » MS. Truman. s MS. vedradtta. ' MS. bvrt. 

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[AM. 557, 4to, p. 30 ,5.] EIRfKS SAGA RAUDA— 8. 

1. me8 barni, ok segi ek pat af pfnum voldum. fess get ek ok, at ek muni 1 

2. svein fteSa, pa er par kemr til. En p6ttu vilir ©"ngvan gaum at gef- 1 

3. a, p& mun ek upp fce8a sveininn, ok pdr senda til Groenlands, pegar fara ma 1 

4. me8 oSram mgnnum. En ek get, at peY ver3i at pvflikum nytjum sonareignin 1 

5. vi5 meY, sem mi ver8r skilnaSr okkar til 1 ; en koma setla ek til Groenlands ' 

6. &8r en tykr.' Hann gaf henni fingrgull, ok mottul groenlenzkan ok t- 1 

7. annbelti. fessi sveinn kom til Groenlands, ok nefndisk forgils. Leifr t6- 

8. k viS honum at faSerni; en pat [er] sumra manna spgn, at pessi forgils k- 

9. cemi til fslands i Fr63arundr um sumarit. En sja forgils kom & Gr- 

10. oenland, ok potti enn eigi kynjalaust um ver5a, a8r lauk. feir Leifr sigldu 

11. i brott 61 SuSreyjum, ok t6ku Noreg um haustit. Re"zk Leifr til hir3ar 

12. (5lafs konungs Tryggvasonar, ok lag8i konungr a hann g65a viroing, ok p6ttisk sja at 

13. Leifr mundi vera vel mentr ma8r. Eitt sinn kom konungr at mali vi5 Leif, ok sp- 

14. yrr hann: 'jEtlar pu til Groenlands 1 sumar at sigla?' Leifr svarar: 'fat vilda 2 

15. ek, ef sa er y8varr vili.' Konungr svarar: ' Ek get, at sva muni vel vera. Skaltu fara m- 

16. e8 0rindum mfnum, at bo8a kristni i Grcenlandi.' Leifr kvaS hann ra8a 

17. mundu, en kvezk hyggja, at pat 0rindi mundi torflutt i Grcenlandi. 

18. En konungr kvezk eigi pann mann sja, er betr vaeri til fallinn en hann, 'ok muntu 

19. giptu til bera.' 'fat mun pvf at eins,' kvaS Leifr, 'at ek nj6ta s ySvar vi8.' 

20. Leifr le"t 1 haf, pegar hann var buinn. Leif velkti lengi uti, ok hitti hann a 

21. lgnd pau, er hann vissi a8r 0ngva van i. Vara par hveitiakrar sjalfs- 

22. anir, ok vfnvi3r vaxinn. far varu ok pau tr^, er mosur[r] 4 hdtu, ok hgf8u p- 

23. eir af qIIu pessu nokkur merki. Leifr flutti heim me8 s6r, ok fekk 

24. gllum vist um vetrinn 6 . Sfndi hann sva mikla stdrmensku ok gcezku af 

25. s^r, [er] hann kom kristni a landit, ok hann bjargaSi monnunum ; var hann kallaSr 

26. Leifr hinn heppni. Leifr t6k land f Eirfksfir8i, ok f6r hann heim i Bratta- 

27. hll8. T6ku menn vel vi3 honum. Hann bo8a8i bratt kristni um landit, ok alme- 

28. nniliga trii, ok sj'ndi mgnnum orSsendingar (3lafs konungs Tryggvasonar ok segir 

29. hversu mgrg aga5ti ok mikil d^r8 pessum si8 6 fylgSi. Eirf- 

30. kr t6k pvi mali seint, at lata si8 sinn. En fjoShildr gekk skj<5tt un- 

31. dir, ok k4t g0ra kirkju eigi allnser husum. Var pat hus kallat fj63hil- 

32. darkirkja. HafSi hon par fram bcenir sfnar, ok peir menn sem viS kristni t6ku, en 

33. peir varu margin fj68hildr vildi ekki halda samfarir vi8 Eirfk, siSan 

34. er hon t6k tru, en honum var pat mjok i m6ti skapi. Af pessu g0r8isk 

1 The words and syllables thus marked are not clearly legible in the vellum. 

2 MS. vildi. 3 MS. nioti. * MS. mavsvr. 

6 The scribe has apparently omitted a line after merki, the reference in this sentence being clearly to the ship- 
wrecked mariners. • • Repeated in MS. 


[AM. 557, 4to, p. 31.] EIRfKS SAGA RAUDA— 9. 

r. or8 mikit, at hann mundi leita lands bess, er Leifr haf3i fundit. Var par for- 

2. maSr 1 at 1 {"orsteinn 1 Eirfksson, g68r ma8r ok fr68r, ok vinssell. Eirfkr var ok til be8inn, ok 

3. trii8u menn 1 pvf, at hans gsefa mundi framast vera ok forsjd. Hann var pa 

4. vi8 2 , er vinir hans ffstu hann til. Bjoggu beir skip pat sfdan, er forbjorn 

5. haf8i lit haft, ok vara til raSnir tuttugu menn. HofSu peir {6 lftit, en 

6. mest vapn ok vistir. t>ann morgin er Eirikr f6r heiman t6k hann kistil, ok var 

7. par f gull ok silfr; fal hann pat fe\ ok f6r sfSan leiSar sinnar; ok er hann var skam- 

8. t d lei3 kominn, fell hann af bald, ok braut rif sin, ok lesti Qxl sfn- 

9. a, ok kva8 vi8 : ' a iai ! ' Af bessum atburS sendi hann konu sinni or8, at hon 

10. toeki fdit d brott, bat* er hann haf3i f61git; \6t bess hafa at go- 

11. ldit, er hann haf8i f^it f61git. SfSan sigldu beir tit 6r Eirfksfiroi 

12. me& gle8i, ok b6tti vsent urn sitt ra8. Pi velk8i lengi tit f hafi, ok 

13. kvamu ekki a baer saein 4 sl68ir, [er] beir vildu. feu- kvamu f syn vi8 fsl- 

14. and, ok sva hofSu beir fugl af frlandi. Reiddi bd skip peira um haf 

15. innan. Foru aptr um haustit, ok vara mceddir ok mjgk preka8ir, ok kva- 

16. mu vi3 sjalfan Ein'ksfjgrS. 'Katari vdru be"r f sumar, er pdr f6ru8 tit 6r 5 firSinum, 

17. en nu era pdr, ok eru nu p6 mgrg g68 at.' forsteinn maelti: 'fat er b6 

18. hgfSingligt brag3, at sjd nokkut rd8 fyrir beim mpnnum, sem nu eru 

19. raSlausir, ok fa beim vistir.' Eirfkr svarar: ' Skal beim or8 um betta fara 6 oil- 1 

20. um beim er eigi hofSu a8r vistir, me8 beim fedgum. SfSan t6ku beir la- 

21. nd, ok f6ru heim. [Gu8rf8i l>orbjarnard6ttur. Var bvf m- 7 

22. Nii er fra bvf at segja, at forsteinn Eirfksson vak8i b6nor8 vi8 

23. ali vel svarat, bae8i af henni, ok sva af fgour hennar; ok er betta 

24. at raSum g0rt, at forsteinn gekk at eiga Gu8rf8i, ok var bruokaupit 

25. i BrattahlfS um haustit. F6r sti veizla vel fram, ok var mjgk fjolmennt. 

26. torsteinn dtti bu f Vestribyg8 i bos beim, er f L^sufirSi heitir. Sa ma8r dtti 1 

27. bar helming f bui, er forsteinn he"t; SigrfSr hdt kona hans. F6r i>orst-' 

28. einn f L^sufjgrS. F6r forsteinn f L^sufjgrS 8 ok [bau] GuSrfSr baeSi. Var bar vel 

29. vi8 beim tekit. Vdru bau bar um vetrinn 9 . i>at g0r8isk bar til tfSind- 

30. a, at s6tt kom f boe beira, er lftit var af vetri. Gar8i he"t bar verkstj6ri ; 

31. hann var 6vinsaell maor; hann t6k fyrst s6tt, ok andafiisk. SfSan var skamt at 1 

32. bf8a, at hverr t6k s6tt at o6rum, ok gndu8usk. M t6k s6tt forste- 

33. inn Eirfksson, ok SigrfSr, kona fcorsteins; ok eitt kveld fystisk hon at gan- 

34. ga til garQs pess, er st63 gegnt utidyrum. Gu8rf3r fylgdi, ok sat- 

35. u pser f m6t durunum; pa kva8 SigrfSr, 'ol' GuSrf8r msalti: Vit hgfum 

36. farit 6hyggiliga, ok dttu 0ngvan sta8 vi8, at f kalt ve8r koma 10 , 

37. ok fprum inn sem skj6tast. SigrfSr svarar: 'Eigi fer ek at sva bunu. H6r 

38. er 1 liflit allt hit 11 daufia fyrir dyrunum, ok bar f sveit kenni ek torstein 

39. b6nda {>inn, ok kenni ek mik, ok er slfkt hgrmung at sjd ; ' ok er ]?etta lei8 

' The words and syllables so marked are not clearly decipherable. 

2 The passage between pa and vid is not decipherable in the vellum, and the paper copies are not agreed in their 
readings. The Kail. Coll. [Royal Library, Copenhagen,] 616, 4to, New Roy. Coll. 1697, 4U), AM. 563*, 4to, 401, fol. 
[amended], RaskColl. 30, have 'var hann bratt pessa fuss;' Thott. Coll. 984 a, fol. and 1776, 4to [Royal Library, Copen- 
hagen], New Roy. Coll. 1714, 4to, AM. 931, 4to, TJoi, 4to, 932, 4to, 401, fol., have ' var hann skipspurfi vi9.' 

3 MS. apparently pau. ' sic. * MS. vrvt. 

* There is an omission' or clerical blunder here which can only be rectified by free emendation. 
7 The bracketed passage belongs to the end of line 22. 

* Apparently a clerical repetition. 

* MS. vinturinn. M This sentence as it stands is unintelligible. u MS. vid. 



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[AM. 557, 4to, p. 31 6.] EIRfKS SAGA RAUDA— 10. 

1. af, maelti hon 1 : 'Nu s6 ek eigi lifiit.' Var pd ok verkstj6rinn horfinn 2 , er henni p- 

2. 6tti &3r hafa svipu i hendi, ok vilja berja licit. Si3an gengu baer inn, 

3. ok &8r morgunn kcemi, var hon onduS, ok var g0r kista at Ifkinu. Ok pann sama 

4. dag aetlu8u menn ut at r6a, ok leiddi forsteinn pa til vara, ok 1 annan li- 

5. t f6r hann at sja um vei5iskap peira. M sendi f"orsteinn Eirfksson naf- 

6. na sfnum or3, at hann koemi til hans, ok sag3i sva, at par var varla kyrt, ok 

7. husfreyja vildi foerask a foetr, ok vildi undir klae3in hja honum, ok 

8. er hann kom inn, var hon komin a rekkjustokkinn hja honum. Hann t6k hana 

9. hondum, ok lagSi boloxi fyrir brj6stit. t>orsteinn Eirfksson anda3isk 

10. nser dagsetri. f>orsteinn bad Gu3rf3i leggjask ni8r ok sofa; en 

11. hann kvezk vaka mundu um n6ttina yfir likunum. Hon g0rir sva. Gu3ri5r so- 

12. fnar bratt, ok er skamt lei5 a n6ttina, reistisk hann upp, forsteinn, ok kv- 

13. ezk vilja at Gu3rf3r vaeri bangat kglluS, ok kvezk vilja maela vi5 hana; 

14. 'Gu8 vill at bessi stund s6 mdr gefin til leyfis ok umb6ta mfns ra- 

15. 8s.' fcorsteinn gengr a fund Gu8n'8ar, ok vakSi hana, ok ba3 hana si- 

16. gna sik, ok bi3ja sdr gu8 hjalpa: 'forsteinn Eiriksson hefir mselt vi8 

17. mik, at hann vill finna bik. Sja bu nu ra3 fyrir, hvarskis kann ek fysa.' Hon 

18. svarar: 'Vera kann, at betta s6 aetlat 3 til ngkkurra hluta beira, sem sf3- 

19. an eru I minni hafSir, bessi hinn undarligi hlutr, en ek vsenti, at 

20. gu8s gaezla mun yfir mdr standa. Mun ek a haetta me8 gu8s 

21. miskunn at maela vi3 hann, pvf at ek ma nu ekki for8ask mein til 

22. mfn. Vil ek si8r at hann gangi 4 vf8ara. En mik grunar, at bat 

23. s6 at o3rum kosti.' Nu f6r Gu8n'3r, ok hitti forsteinn, ok s/ndisk henni 

24. sem hann feldi tar; ok maelti f eyra henni ngkkur or3 hlj6tt, sv- 

25. i at hon ein vissi, ok sag3i at fieir menn vaeri saelir, er truna heldu 

26. vel, ok henni fylgSi miskunn 6 ok hjalp, ok sag8i J)<5, at margir heldi 

27. hana ilia; ' er pat engi Mttr, sem hdr hefir verit a Groenlandi, sf8a- 

28. n kristni var h6r, at setja menn ni8r f 6vfg8a 6 mold vi3 btla yfirsgng- 

29. va. Vil ek mik lata flytja til kirkju ok a8ra pa menn, sem hdr hafa an- 

30. dazk, en Gar3a vil ek lata brenna & bali sem skj6tast, bvf at hann vel- 

31. dr gllum aptrggngum beim, sem h6r hafa or3it 7 1 vetr.' Hann 

32. sagSi henni ok um sfna hagi, ok kva3 hennar forlgg mikil m- 

33. undu ver3a. En hann ba8 hana varask at giptask groenlenz- 

34. kum manni; ba3 hann ok at hon leg3i (6 beira til kirkju, e8a gefa b- 

35. at fatcekum mgnnum, ok \>i hneig hann aptr i g3ru [sinni]. Sa haf3i hdttr v- 

36. erit a Gro3nlandi, sf3an kristni kom lit bangat, at menn varu graf- 

37. nir bar a bosjum 8 , er menn gndu3usk 9 , i 6vfg3ri 10 moldu; skyldi bar se- 

38. tja staur upp af brjdsti 11 en si'3an, er kennimenn kvamu til, b& sky- 

39. ldi kippa upp staurinum, ok hella par i vfg5u vatni, ok veita par 

1 MS. hon moelti. J Repeated in MS. 3 MS. setla. * MS. ganga. ' MS. myskyn«. 

e MS. vigda. 7 MS. vordit. 8 MS. bxnym. » MS. aunduzt. 10 MS. vigri. u MS. bristi. 

S 2 


[AM. 557, 4to, p. 32.] EIRfKS SAGA RAUDA— 11. 

i. yfirsgngva, p6tt pat vaeri miklu sf5ar. Lfkin vdru foer3 til kirkju f Eirfks- 

2. fjgrS, ok veittir yfirspngvar af kennimgnnum. Eptir pat andaSisk t'orbjg- 

3. rn ; bar pd fe"it allt undir Gu8rf64. T6k Eirfkr vid henni, ok sa vel um kost hennar. 

4. [M]a8r he"t {"orfinnr karlsefni, son i>6r8ar hesthgf8a, er bj6 norSr f Re- 

5. yninesi 1 SkagafirSi, er nu er kallat. Karlsefni var settg68r 

6. ma8r, ok vel au8igr at fe\ t>6runn h^t m68ir hans. Hann var f kaupfer8um ok p6- 

7. tti fardrengr g68r. Eitt sumar byr Karlsefni skip sitt, ok aetlaSi til 

8. Groenlands. Re"zk til ferSar me8 honum Snorri i>orbrandsson l 6t Alptafiro 5 - 

9. i, ok vdru XL manna me3 peim. Ma8r h6t Bjarni Grim61fsson, brei8firzkr mafir ; 
1 o. annarr he"t l>6rhallr Gamlason, austfirzkr 2 ma8r. £>eir bjoggu skip sitt samsum- 

11. ars sem Karlsefni, ok setluSu til Groenlands. i>eir varu d skipi XL mann- 

12. a. Lata peir f haf fram tvennum skipum, begar peir era bunir. Eigi var um 

13. pat getit, hversu langa utivist peir hpf8u. En frd pvf er at seg- 

14. ja, at baeSi pessi skip kvamu f EirfksfjgrS um haustit. Eirfkr rei8 

15. til skips, ok aSrir landsmenn, ok t6ksk me8 peim grei81ig kaupstefna. 

16. Bu5u stj'rimenn Gu5rf5i at hafa slfkt af varninginum, sem hon v- 

17. ildi. En Eirfkr s^ndi mikla st6rmensku af seV i m6ti, pvf at hann bau5 

18. pessum skipverjunum bdSum heim til sfn til vetrvistar f Bratta- 

19. hlf8. fetta pagu kaupmenn, ok f6ru meft Eirfki. Sf8an var fluttr heim 

20. varningr peira f Brattahlfd; skorti par eigi g66 ok st6r utibiir at var- 

21. 8veita f; lfka8i kaupmgnnum vel me8 Eirfki urn 3 vetrinn. En er 

22. dr6 at j61um, t6k Eirfkr at ver8a 6gla8ari en 4 hann dtti vanda til. Eitt 

23. sinn kom Karlsefni at mdli vi8 Eirfk, ok mselti: 'Er [pe"r] pungt, Eirfkr? Ek 

24. pikkjumk finna, at pu ert ngkkuru fdldtari en verit hefir, ok pii vei- 

25. tir oss me8 mikilli rausn, ok era vdr skyldir at launa pdr eptir pvf 

26. sem v6t hpfum fpng d. Nu segSu hvat 6gle8i pinni veldr.' 

27. Eirfkr svarar : '$6t piggiS vel ok g68mannliga. Nu leikr mdr pat eigi f 

28. hug, at d y8r hallisk um vdr vi8skipti ; hitt er heldr, at meY pikkir 

29. illt, ef at er spurt, at peV hafi8 verit hir svd j61in pessi, er nu ko- 

30. ma i hgnd.' Karlsefni svarar : ' t"at mun ekki d pd lei8, ve'r hgfum d skipum 

31. vdrum malt ok mjol ok korn, ok er y8r heimilt at hafa af sl- 

32. fkt sem pdr vili&, ok g0ri8 veizlu slfka, sem st6rmensku ber til;' ok bat 
33- pigg r hann. Var pd buit til j61aveizlu, ok varS hon svd skgrulig, at menn 

34. p6ttusk trautt slfka rausnarveizlu s6t hafa. Ok eptir j61in vekr 

35. Karlsefni vi8 Eirfk um rdSahag vifl Gu8rf8i, er honum leizk sem pat m- 

36. undi d^hans forraefii; en honum leizk kona frf3 ok vel kunnandi. Eirfkr 

37. svarar ; kvezk vel mundu undir taka hans mdl, en kvad hana g6- 

38. fls gjaforSs verSa; 'er pat ok lfkligt, at hon fylgi sfnum forlggu- 

39. m,' p6 at hon vaeri honum gefin ; ok kva5 g65a frdtt af honum koma. 

1 MS. |>orbiazr son. a MS. austfizdzkr. 

* Repeated in MS. « MS. ugladr er. 


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[AM. 557, 4 to, p. 32 6.] EIRfKS SAGA RAUDA— 12. 

r. Nu er vakit mal viS hana, ok le"t hon pat sitt ra3, sem Eirfkr vildi fyrir 

2. sjd; ok er nu ekki at lengja um pat, at bessi ra8 t6kusk, ok var pa ve- 

3. izla aukin, ok g0rt brullaup. Gle5i mikil var f Brattahlf8 um vet- 

4. rinn. A pvf \6k\1 miklar umrce8ur um vetrinn l i Brattahlf3 2 , at par vara 

5. mjok tgfl uppi hgf8 ok sagnaskemtan, ok margt pat, er til h^byl- 

6. ab6tar mitti vera. JikluSu beir Karlsefni ok Snorri at leita Vfn- 

7. lands, ok tglu8u menn margt um pat. En pvf lauk sva, at peir Karlse- 

8. fni ok Snorri bjoggu skip sitt, ok setlu8u at leita Vfnlands um su- 

9. marit. Til peirar ferSar re'Susk peir Bjarni ok Porhallr, me8 skip sitt, 

10. ok pat foruneyti, er peim haf3i fylgt. Ma5r he"t forvaldr; h- 

11. ann var magr Eiriks rau8a. I>6rhallr var kalla3r vei8ima3r ; hann haf- 

12. 8i lengi verit i vei8ifgrum me8 Eirfki um sumrum, ok hafSi hann 

13. margar varSveizlur. i>6rhallr var mikill vexti, svartr ok pursligr; hann 

14. var heldr vi3 aldr, 6dsell f skapi, hlj631yndr, famalugr hvers- 

15. dagliga, undirfprull, ok p6 atmaelasamr, ok fystisk jafnan 

16. hins verra. Hann haf8i lftt viS tru blandazk, sfSan hon ko- 

17. ma Groanland. f>6rhallr var lftt vinsseldum horfinn, en J)6 haf8i 

18. Eirfkr lengi tal af honum haldit. Hann var i skipi me3 peim P- 

19. orvaldi, pvf at honum var vf8a kunnigt f 6byg9um. feir hgf3u bat sk- 

20. ip, er forbjorn haf3i lit bangat, ok rd8usk til ferdar me8 b- 

21. eim Karlsefni, ok varu bar flestir groenlenzkir menn i. A skipum pe- 

22. eira var fjgrutigi manna annars hundra3s. Sigldu peir undan sf- 

23. 8an til Vestribyg8ar 3 , ok til Bjarneyja. Sigldu beir undan Bjar- 

24. neyjum, nor8anve3r. Varu beir uti tvau doegr ; ba fundu beir 

25. land ok rem fyrir a batum, ok kgnnuSu landit, ok fundu bar he- 

26. llur margar, ok sva st6rar, at tveir menn mattu vel spy mask f iljar : 

27. melrakkar varu par margir. teir gafu nafn landinu, ok kgllu3u Hell- 

28. uland. M sigldu peir nor3anve3r tvau doegr, ok var pa land fyrir p- 

29. eim, ok var a sk6gr mikill, ok d^r mgrg; ey la f landsu3r und- 

30. an landinu, ok fundu peir par bjarndjT, ok kgllu3u Bjarney. En 

31. landit kgllu3u beir Markland, bar er sk6grinn 4 [var]. M er li3in varu tv- 

32. au doegr, sja beir land, ok beir sigldu undir landit ; bar var nes, er beir 

33. kvamu at. i»eir beittu me3 landinu, ok le"tu landit a stj6rnbor3- 

34. a; bar var 0rcefi, ok strandir langar ok sandar. Fara beir a batum til 

35. lands, ok fengu kjgl 6 af skipi, ok kglluSu par Kjalames. feir gd- 

36. fu ok nafn strgndunum, ok kglluSu Fur3ustrandir, pvf at la- 

37. ngt var me3 at sigla. ta g0r8isk v&gskorit landit, ok heldu 6 

38. peir skipunum at vagunum. i>at var pa, er Leifr var me5 Olafi konungi 

39. Tryggvasyni, ok hann ba3 hann bo3a kristni i Greenland!, ok 

1 MS. vetvriim. 

a This sentence appears to have been interpolated here by a clerical blunder ; it belongs properly to line 6, before 
' ^itlu8u beir Karlsefni,' &c. 

3 New Roy. Coll. (Copenhagen), No. 1714, 4to, AM. 931, 4to, 563 b, 4to, 401 fol. (amended), 932, 4to, Rask Coll. 
30 and 36, have ' til vestri obygoar.' ' MS. skogvrinn. ' MS. skiol. ' ' ok helldu ' repeated in MS. 


[AM. 557, 4to, p. 33.] EIRfKS SAGA RAUDA— 13. 

i. pd gaf konungr honum tvd menn skozka, h^t karlma8rinn Haki, en konan Haek- 

2. ja. Konungr ba8 Leif taka til pessara manna, ef hann byrfti skj6tleiks 

3. vi8, bvf at pau vdru dyrum skj6tari. fcessa menn fengu peir Leifr 1 ok Eirfkr til 

4. fylgSar vi8 Karlsefni. En er peir hpfSu siglt fyrir Fur8ustrandir, p- 

5. i. \6tu peir ena skozku menn d land, ok bd8u pau hlaupa 1 su5r- 

6. att, ok leita landskosta, ok koma aptr &9r prjii dcegr vaeri H8in. 

7. fau vdru svd buin, at pau hgfSu pat kla;8i, er pau kollu8u 

8. biafal, {sat var svd gefrt, at hattrinn 2 var d upp, ok opit at hli9um, ok e- 

9. ngar ermar d, ok knept 1 milli f6ta; helt par saman knappr 

10. ok nezla, en ber vdru [bau] annarssta8ar. t>eir kgstuSu akkerum, 

11. ok lagu par pessa stund, ok er prfr dagar vdru liSnir, hlj6pu pau af 

12. landi ofan, ok haf8i annat peira f hendi vfnber 8 , en annat hvei- 

1 3. ti sjdlfsdit. Sag8i Karlsefni at bau b6ttusk * fundit hafa landsk- 

14. osti g68a. T6ku beir pau d skip sitt, ok f6ru leiSar sinnar, par til er var- 

15. 8 fjarSskorit. f>eir lpgSu skipunum inn d fjor8inn; par var ey ein 6- 

16. t fyrir, ok vdru par straumar miklir 5 , ok um eyna; peir kollu8u hana Straums- 

17. ey. Fugl var par sva margr, at trautt mdtti foeti ni8r koma i m- 

18. illi eggjanna. feir heldu inn me8 fir8inum, ok kglluSu hann Straumsfj- 

19. Qr8, ok baru farminn af skipunum, ok bjoggusk bar um. i»eir hgf8u m- 

20. e8 sdr allskonar (6, ok leitu8u sdr par landsnytja. Fjoll vdru par, ok fa- 

21. grt var par um at litask. ^eir gd8u enskis nema at kanna land- 

22. it. f>ar vdru grgs mikil. far vdru peir um vetrinn, ok g0r8isk vetr m- 

23. ikill, en ekki fyrir unnit, ok g0r8isk illt til matarins, ok t6kusk af v- 

24. eiSarnar". H f6ru peir ut f eyna, ok vsentu at par mundi gefa ngkku- 

25. t af veifium e8a rekum. far var p6 lftit til matfanga, en [6 peira 

26. var8 par vel. SfSan hdtu peir d gu8, at hann sendi peim ngkkut til 

27. matfanga, ok var eigi svd brdtt vi8 ldtit, sem beim var annt til. itfrha- 

28. llr hvarf d brott, ok gengu menn at leita hans; st63 bat yfir brju dcegr 

29. i samt. A hinu fj6r8a dcegri fundu beir Karlsefni ok Bjarni 7 , hann f6rha- 

30. 11 d hamargnfpu einni ; hann horf8i f lopt upp, ok gapti hann baeSi aug- 

31. um ok munni ok npsum, ok kl6ra8i se"r, ok kl^pti sik, ok pul8i ngkk- 

32. ut. f>eir spur8u hvf 8 hann va3ri par kominn. Hann kva8 pat ongu skipta; 

33. ba8 hann pd ekki pat undrask; kvezk svd lengst lifat hafa 

34. at peir purftu ekki rd8 fyrir honum at g0ra. feir bd8u hann fara heim 

35. me8 s6r. Hann g0r8i svd. Lftlu sfSar kom bar hvalr, ok drifu menn til, ok 

36. skdru hann, en b6 kendu menn eigi hvat hval pat var. Karlsefni kunni mikla sk- 

37. yn d hvalnum, ok kendi hann p6 eigi. fenna hval su8u matsveinar, ok d- 

38. tu af, ok var8 p6 pllum illt af. M gengr l>6rhallr at, ok mslti : ' Var eigi 

39. svd, at hinn rau8skeggja8i var8 drjugari en Kristr y8varr? fetta haf8a 

1 MS. leifi. • MS. hattnrinw. » MS. apparently vinker. ' MS. pottizt. 

5 MS. mikli. • MS. veidirnor. 7 MS. byarmadi. • MS. pvi. 


fc5USi. W«/^i^P5Wi« Aim- **v PAS #^~ y^ft 

ii» ■ 

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[AM. 557, 4to, p. 33 6.] EIRfKS SAGA RAUDA.— 14. 

1. ek nu fyrir skaldskap minn, er ek 1 orta um 1?6r fulltruann; sjaldan he- 

2. fir hann meY brug8izk.' Ok er menn vissu betta vildu 0ngvir ny^a, ok kgstu3u 

3. fyrir bjgrg ofan, ok sneru sfnu mali til gu5s miskunnar. Gaf peim pa u- 

4. t at r6a, ok skorti pa eigi birgSir. Um varit fara peir inn i Straumsfjg- 

5. r8, ok hgf3u fgng af hvarutveggja landinu, veiSar af meg- 

6. inlandinu, eggver ok utr68ra af sj6num. [i3ima5r fara 2 

7. [N]u roe3a peir um fer3 sfna ok hafa tilskipan. Vill £6rhallr ve- 

8. nor8r um Furfiustrandir, ok fyrir Kjalarnes, ok leita sva Vin- 

9. lands; en Karlsefni vill fara su8r fyrir land ok fyrir austan, ok pikkir land pvl m- 

10. eira, sem su8r er meir, ok pikkir honum pat raSligra, at kanna hvar- 

11. tveggja. Nu bfsk f^rhallr lit undir eyjum, ok ur3u [eigi] meir i fer3 me6 h- 

12. onum en nfu menn. En me6 Karlsefni f6r annat li8it peira. Ok einn dag, er 

13. t^rhallr bar vatn a skip sitt, pa drakk hann, ok kva8 vfsu pessa: 'Hafa k- 

14. va8u mik meiSar malmpings, er ek kom hingat, mdr samir lftt fyrir ly"- 

15. Sum lasta, drykk inn bazta. Bflds hattar 3 ver5 ek byttu bei3it/r at 

16. rei8a, heldr er sva at ek kryp at keldu; komat 4 vfn a grgn 

17. mfna.' Lata £eir lit sfSan, ok fylgir Karlsefni peim undir eyna. A8r peir 

18. dr6gu seglit upp, kva5 !>6rhallr vfsu: 'Fgrum aptr par er serir eru, sandhimi- 

19. ns, landar, latum val kanna kaeti knarrar skrei3 hin breiSu ; me- 

20. San bilstyggvir byggja bellendr, ok hval vella, laufa ve8rs, pann 

21. er leyfir Ignd a FurSustrgndum ! ' Sl6an ski!3u peir, ok sigld- 

22. u nor8r fyrir Furfiustrandir ok Kjalarnes, ok vildu beita par fyrir 

23. vestan ; kom pa ve5r a m6ti peim, ok rak pa upp vi6 frland, ok var- 

24. u par mjgk pja8ir ok bar6ir. I'd 1& ^rhallr Iff sitt. 

25. Karlsefni f6r su8r fyrir land, ok Snorri ok Bjarni, ok annat 1- 

26. i9 beira. feir f6ru lengi, ok til bess, er beir kvimu at a beiri, er fe- 

27. 11 af landi ofan ok I vatn, ok sva. til sj6var. Eyjar varu bar miklar fyrir ar- 

28. 6sinum, ok matti eigi komask inn f ana nema at haflce8um. Sigldu b- 

29. eir Karlsefni pa til ar-6ssins, ok kglluSu i H6pi landit. ^ar fundu peir sja- 

30. lfsana hveitiakra, par sem IsegSir varu, en vfnviSr allt par 

31. sem holta kendi. Hverr loskr var par fullr af fiskum. teir g0r5u par 

32. grafir, sem landit mcettisk, ok fl68it gekk efst, ok er lit fell, varu 

33. helgir fiskar f grgfunum. i>ar var mikill fjgl8i d/ra a sk6gi m- 

34. e8 gllu moti. feir varu par halfan manuS, ok skemtu s^r, ok urflu vi8 

35. ekki varir. Fe* sitt hgfSu peir me8 s^r. Ok einn morgin snemma, er peir 

36. lituSusk um, sa peir nfu hu8keipa, ok var veift trjanum af skipu- 

37. num, ok le"t pvf lfkast 1 sem 1 halmpustum, ok ferr s61arsinnis. f>a m- 

38. selti Karlsefni : ' Hvat mun petta takna ? ' Snorri svarar honum : ' Vera kann at 6 

39. petta se fri8artakn, ok tgkum skjgld hvftan, ok berum f m6t.' Ok sva 

1 a is inserted in the MS. after ek, apparently a clerical error. * The bracketed words belong to the end of line 7. 
3 MS. hattr. « MS. komit. 6 MS. a. 


[AM. 557, 4to, p. 34.] EIRfKS SAGA RAUDA— 15. 

i. gjz(r8u peir. M reru hinir f m6t, ok undru8usk pd, ok gengu peir d land, f- 

2. eir varu smair menn ok illiligir, ok illt hgf3u peir hdr d hpfSi ; eygSir vd- 

3. ru peir mjgk ok breifiir f kinnunum. Ok dvglSusk par um stund ok undruSusk; 

4. reru sf8an f brott, ok su8r fyrir nesit. f>eir hgfSu g0rt bygSir sfnar upp frd 

5. vatninu, ok sumir skalarnir nser meginlandinu, en sumir naer vatni- 

6. nu. Nu vdru peir par bann vetr. far kom alls engi snjdr, ok allr finaSr 

7. gekk par titi sjalfala. [huSkeipa reri sunnan fyrir nesit ', 

8. En er vara t6k, geta peir at lfta, einn morgin snemma, at fjolSi 

9. svd margir sem kolum vseri sait, ok var pa 2 veift d hverju skipi tr- 
io, janum. feir brugfiu ba skjgldum upp, ok t6ku kaupstefnu sfn d mill- 

11. um, ok vildi pat f61k helzt kaupa rautt klaefii, peir vildu ok kaup- 

12. a sver8 ok spj6t, en pat bgnnuSu beir Karlsefni ok Snorri. t>eir hgf5u 6fglv- 

13. an belg fyrir klae8it, ok t6ku spannarlangt klae8i fyrir belg, ok bundu um 

14. hgfufi s6r; ok f6r svd um stund; en er minka t6k klaeSit, b4 skdru 

15. beir f sundr svd at eigi var breiSara en bvers fingrar breitt. Gdfu beir Sk- 

16. raelingar jafnmikit fyrir e8a meira. fat bar til, at gri8ungr hlj6p 6t 

17. sk6gi, er s peir Karlsefni dttu, ok gall hatt vi8. feir faelask vi8, Skraelingar, ok hlaupa u- 

18. t d keipana, ok reru su8r fyrir land. Var8 pa ekki vart vi8 pi brjdr vikur 

19. i samt. En er sjd stund var liSin, sja peir sunnan fara mikinn fjo- 

20. 18a skipa Skraelinga, svd sem straumr stoe8i ; var 

21. pa. veift trjanum gllum rangsoelis, ok yla allir Skraelingar ha- 

22. tt upp. fa t6ku peir rau8a skjgldu ok bdru f m6t. Gengu beir bd sa- 

23. man ok bgr8usk ; varS bar skothrlS hgr8. {"eir hgf8u ok valslg- 

24. ngur, Skraelingar. fat sja beir Karlsefni ok Snorri, at beir foerSu upp d stgng- 

25. um, Skraelingamir, kngtt mikinn, ok blan at lit, ok fl6 upp a land y- 

26. fir liSit, ok l^t illiliga vi8, par er ni8r kom. Vi8 petta sl6 6tta miklum 

27. yfir Karlsefni ok d li8 hans, gvd at bd tysti enskis annars, en ha- 

28. Ida undan, ok upp me8 dnni, ok til hamra ngkkurra; veittu peir par 

29. viStgku haroa. Freydfs kom ut, ok sd er peir heldu undan. Hon 

30. kallaSi: 'Hvf* renni be"r undan, slfkum auvirSis 5 mgnnum, svd gildir menn, 

31. er me"r poetti lfldigt at be"r maettid drepa pd svd sem buTe*; ok 

32. ef ek hefSa vdpn, poetti meY sem ek munda betr berjask 

33. en einnhverr y8var.' feir gdfu 0ngvan gaum hvat sem hon sagSi. 

34. Freydls vildi fylgja peim, ok varS hon heldr sein, pvf at hon var eigi 

35. heil ; gekk hon pd eptir peim i sk6ginn ; en • Skraelingar soekja at henni. 

36. Hon fann fyrir se"r mann dauSan, forbrand Snorrason, ok st65 hellu- 

37. steinn 1 hgf8i honum ; sverSit Id hjd honum, ok hon t6k bat upp, ok 

38. bfsk at verja sik me8. fd koma Skraelingar at henni; hon tekr brj6st- 

39. it upp 6t serkinum, ok slettir d sver8it; peir faelask vi8, ok hlaupa undan, 

• The bracketed words belong to the end of line 8. - * MS. bo, i. e. b6. ' MS. en«. 

4 MS. bvi. » MS. v virdis, i.e. \i-vir8is. • 


', an- 

wrfm £..--Hr »* ^MgaAti- %<tt*p&» pv £»'* U«uj,A>, U^,, :«* 

&LS* \ tljn fMfy *&// ;; ^ g a ^ voW^Im** £ H^: 

]U7 2.UOVA Ti>§£«t* pfrtrPrrH aaiT nioz&w fntoTi* *v VtoP&t J 

•MM A. ...II*. "l?-»T. /», Jtt* h^u^i E^..JJ ~*^w. <»_-J>A— T.... J .. O^- „ 




" s&Ofornia. 



[AM. 557, 4to, p. 34 &.] EIRfKS SAGA RAUDA— 16. 

i. ok d skip sfn, ok heldu d brottu. feir Karlsefni finna hana, ok lofa 1 happ 

2. hennar. Tveir menn fellu af Karlsefni, en fj6rir af Skrselingum, en p6 u- 

3. r8u peir ofrliSi bornir. Fara peir nu til bu3a sinna, ok ihuga hvat fjg- 

4. lmenni pat var, er at peim s6tti d landinu; sy*nisk peim nu, at pat eina m- 

5. un liSit hafa verit, er a skipunum kom, en annat li3it mun 

6. hafa verit pversyningar. feir Skraelingar fundu ok mann dauSan, ok la 

7. 0x hja honum; einn peira hj6 f stein, ok brotnaSi jzixin; p6tti honum pd 

8. 0ngu nft er eigi st63 vi5 grj6tinu, ok kastaSi ni9r. feir p6ttusk n- 

9. u sja, p6tt par vaeri landskostir g63ir, at par mundi jafn 6fri5r 

10. ok 6tti d liggja, af peim 2 er fyrir bjoggu. Bjoggusk peir d brott, ok setl- 

11. uSu til sfns lands. Sigldu peir norSr fyrir, ok fundu fimm Skraeli- 

12. nga f skinnhjupum sofanda, ok hgf§u meS seV skrokka 3 ok f d/ramerg 

13. dreyra blandinn. Virtu peir sva, at peir mundu g0rvir af landinu. feir 

14. drapu pa. Si'5an fundu peir nes eitt ok fjol5a dy"ra, ok pann veg 4 

15. var nesit at sja, sem mykiskan vaeri, af pvf at d^rin lagu p- 

16. ar um vetrna. Nu koma peir I StraumsfjgrS, ok er par allskonar [gndttir]. 

17. Er pat sumra manna sogn, at pau Bjarni ok Freydfs hafi par eptir verit, 

18. ok tfu tigir manna me8 peim, ok hafi eigi farit lengra. En peir Karlsefni ok Sno- 

19. rri hgf3u su5r farit, ok XL manna, ok haf5i eigi lengr verit 

20. 1 H6pi, en vart tvd mana5i 5 , ok hafSi hit sama su- 

21. mar aptr komit. Karlsefni f6r d einu skipi, at leita f6rha- 

22. lis, en liSit var eptir, ok f6ru peir nor3r fyrir Kjalarnes, ok berr pd 

23. fyrir vestan fram, ok var landit a bakbor5a peim. far vara eySime- 

24. rkr einar; ok er peir hofSu lengi farit, fellr a af landi ofan 6r au- 

25. stri ok f vestr. feir lagu inn 1 dr6sinum, ok lagu vi§ hinn sy3ra bak- 

26. kann. fat var einn morgin, sja peir Karlsefni fyrir ofan rjoSrit flekk ngkk- 

27. urn, sva sem glitaSi vi3 peim, ok oeptu peir a. fat hroer3isk, ok var pat 

28. Einfoetingr, ok sk^zk ofan pangat sem peir lagu, forvaklr, son Eirfks hin- 

29. s rau3a; pa mselti forvaldr 6 : ' Gott land hgfum veV fengit.' fa hley- 

30. pr Einfoetingrinn a brott, ok norSr aptr, ok skaut d3r 1 smapar- 

31. ma d forvaldi. Harm dr6 lit grina; pa maelti forvaldr: 'Feitt er um fstruna.' 

32. feir hlj6pu 7 eptir Einfoetingi, ok sd 8 hann stundum, ok p6tti sem hann 

33. leitaSi undan; hlj6p hann lit a vag einn. fa hurfu peir aptr. 

34. fa kva5 einn ma8r kviSling penna: 'Eltu seggir, allsatt var pat, ei- 

35. nn Einfceting ofan til strandar; en kynligr ma6r kosta3i ras- 

36. ar hart of stopi ; heyrSu Karlsefni 1 ' feir foru pa I brott, ok 

37. norSr aptr, ok pottusk sjd Einfoetingaland. Vildu peir pa eigi 

38. lengr haetta li3i sfnu. feir aetlu3u at kanna gll fjgll, pau 

39. er i H6pi varu, ok er peir fundu. F6ru peir aptr, ok varu f StraumsfirSi 

1 MS. lof. ' MS. en« \eh. * skokka ? 4 MS. vag. « MS. manudu. 

' There is an obvious clerical confusion here, as also in the following passage, which, except in arrangement, conforms 
to the similar passage in J>sK. 7 MS. hlippu. * MS. san. 


[AM. 557, 4to, p. 35.] EIRfKS SAGA RAUDA— 17. 

i. hinn priSja vetr 1 . Gengu menn pd mjgk sleitum; s6ttu [peir] er kvdnlausir vdru 1 hen- 

2. dr peim, er kvdngaSir vdru. far kom til hit fyrsta haust Snorri, son Karlsefnis, ok var par 

3. pann, er peir f6ru a brott; hgf8u peir sunnanveSr 2 ok hittu Markland, ok fun- 

4. du Skraelinga fimm, var einn skeggja8r, ok tvser konur, born tvau. T6ku 

5. peir Karlsefni til sveinanna, en hitt komsk undan, ok sukku i jgr8 ni6r. E- 

6. n sveinana hgfSu peir me8 se'r, ok kendu peim mdl, ok varu skfrfiir. fceir n- 

7. efndu m63ur sfna VsetiHdi ok Uvsegi 3 . teir sggSu at konungar stj6rnu8u 

8. Skrselingalandi. He*t annarr Avalldamon, en annarr he*t Valldidida. feir kv- 

9. d8u par engi hus, ok lagu menn f helium e8a holum. feir sgg5u land par g- 

10. Srumegin gagnvart sfnu landi, ok gengu menn par i hvltum klaeSum, ok ce- 

11. p8u hatt, ok bdru stangir, ok f6ru me8 flfkr. fat setla menn Hvitramannaland. 

12. Nu k6mu peir til Grcenlands, ok era me8 Eirfki rau8a um vetrinn. M Bja- 

13. ma Grfm61fsson bar i Grcenlandshaf, ok k6mu 4 f ma8kasja ; fundu peir 

14. ei fyrr en skipit g0risk ma8ksmogit undir 6 peim. I'd tg- 

15. Iu8u peir um hvert ra8 peir skyldu taka. f»eir hgfSu eptirbat bann, 

16. er brseddr var seltjgru; bat segja menn, at skelma8krinn smjugi eigi pat tr^ 

17. er seltjgrunni er brsett. Var pat flestra manna sggn og tillaga, at skipa m- 

18. gnnum bdtinn, sva sem hann toeki upp. En er pat var reynt, pa t6k bd- 

19. trinn eigi meirr upp en helming manna. Bjarni mselti pd, at menn skyldi 

20. fara f bdtinn, ok skyldi pat fara at hlutfollum, en eigi at mannvir8ing- 

21. urn 6 . En hverr peira manna vildi fara i bdtinn, sem par vdru ; pd mdtti hann eigi vi8 Q- 

22. Hum taka. Fyrir pvl t6ku peir petta rd8, at hluta menn i bdtinn ok af k- 

23. aupskipinu 7 . Hluta8isk par svd til, at Bjarni hlaut at fara i bdtinn ok n- 

24. aer helmingr manna me8 8 honum. fd gengu peir af skipinu, ok i bdtinn, er til 

25. pess hgfSu hlotizk. fd er menn vdru komnir i bdtinn, mselti einn ungr ma8r 

26. fslenzkr, sd er verit haf8i fgranautr Bjarna: '^!tlar pd, Bjarni, at skiljask h^r vi8 

27. mik?' Bjarni svarar: 'Svd ver8r nu at vera.' Hann segir: 'Svd me8 pvi, at pii he*zk m^r 

eigi pvf, 

28. pd er ek f6r me8 pe*r af fslandi frd biii fg8ur mfns.' Bjarni segir : ' Eigi se* ek hdr 

29. b6 annat rd8 til; e8a svara, hvat leggr pu he"r til rd8s.' Hann segir : ' S6 ek raSit 

30. til, at vit skiptumsk f rumunum, ok farir pu hingat en ek mun pan- 

31. gat 9 .' Bjarni svarar: ' Svd skal vera. Ok pat se* ek, at pii vinnr gjarna til lifs, ok pikkir 

32. mikit fyrir at deyja.' Skiptusk peir pd i rumunum. Gekk pessi ma8r f b- 

33. dtinn, en Bjarni 10 upp i skipit; ok er pat sggn manna, at Bjarni l&isk par 1 

34. mafikahafinu, ok peir menn, sem i skipinu vdru me8 honum. En bdtrinn ok 

35. beir, er par vdru d, f6ru lei8ar sinnar, til bess er peir t6ku land, 

36. ok sgg8u pessa sggu sf8an. [f6r hann heim til" 

37. Annat sumar eptir f6r Karlsefni til Islands, ok Snorri me3 honum, ok 

38. bus sins i Reynines. M68ur hans b6tti sem hann hef8- 

39. i lftt til kostar tekit, ok var hon eigi heim[a] bar hinn fyrsta vetr; ok er hon 

1 MS. vintr. 

* er J>eir f6ru a brott may belong to this clause ; there is, in any reading, an obvious error in the preceding words. 
8 fgSur should, perhaps, be supplied before Uva:gi, as in psK. « MS. kom. s MS. undir vndi. 

• MS. rnan«vi>dinvm. 7 MS. erroneously kavpskipvnvw. e MS. med me8. ' MS. panat. 
10 MS. biama. " The bracketed words belong to the end of line 37. 


TlW F*W jJcTr^ 

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t «m#r i*4*tP* **»• * ft***i l?' 4f&~apw» '*• B v for? £©£:*' -^m»J5rAKrc_ 
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[AM. 557, 4to, p. 35 $.] EIRfKS SAGA RAUDA— 18. 

1. reyndi at GuSrfflr var skorungr mikill, f6r hon heim, ok varu samfarar 1 

2. peira g68ar. D6ttir Snorra Karlsefnissonar var HallfrfSr, m66ir Thorlaks 2 biskups R- 

3. un61fssonar; pau dttu son, er fcorbjgrn he"t. Hans d6ttir he"t t>6runn, m68ir Bj- 

4. amar biskups. i»orgeirr hit sonr Snorra Karlsefnissonar, fafiir Ingveldar, m- 

5. 6flur Brands biskups hins fyrra. Ok tykr par pessi sogu. 

1 MS. samfedr. » MS. fie. 

T 2 


[FLATEYJARBOK, Column 221 &.] EIRfKS i-ATTR RAUDA— 1. 

59. fctrvaldr hdt ma8r, fattr Eiriks rauSa. Capitulum. 

60. son (5svalds tJlfssonar, 0xna-I'6rissonar. forvaldr ok Ei- 

ffyef toiaJa apofTvhS z-o H0*u^nr arsoteir &^ fetic 

4tth ftHa»a htw? i* ftstfti tp»tar foau froa m; fitmi 

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^ J^lH ^ ^WV^baA^n t.ian W*a rl 

• na t*^r i tlltt eim ibd- ihn fyeaUti Ujn& e* 

vtn'u&tt Sgi ^|«ie twrthi 1fofrfr fckcafe 
^1ai?|iis ; rTi^ii^nt?fe"i lictma rtf 




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1. rfkr hinn rau8i, son hans, f6ru af JaSri til f slands, fyrir vfga sakir. Pa, var vf3a 

2. bygt Island, feir bjoggu fyrst at Drgngum & Hornstrgndum. f>ar anda5i- 

3. sk torvaldr. Eirfkr fekk ba i>(5rhildar, d6ttur Jgrundar ok forbjargar knarrar- 

4. bringu, er ba atti i»orbjgm hinn haukdoelski. Rdzk Eirfkr ba norSan, ok bj6 

5. & Eirfksstg8um hja Vatnshorni. Son Eirfks ok fdrhildar he"t Leifr. En 

6. eptir vfg Eyjiilfs saurs ok H61raggngu-Hrafns var Eirfkr goYr brott 

7. 6t Haukadal; f6r hann vestr til Brei3afjar3ar, ok bj6 i 0xney a Eirfksstg8um. Hann le- 

8. 8i {"orgesti setstokka, ok naSi eigi [ba er] hann kalla8i til. f"a8an af g0r5usk deilur ok 

9. bardagar meS beim I>orgesti, sem segir f sggu Eirfks. Styrr forgrfmsson veitti Eirfki at 

10. malum, ok Eyjiilfr 6t Svfney ok synir Brands 6x Alptafir5i, ok forbjgrn Vffils- 

11. son. En f'orgestlingum veittu synir f^rftar gellis ok forgeirr 61 Hftardal; 

12. Eirfkr var8 sekr & l>6rsnes-bingi. Bj6 Eirfkr skip sitt [til] hafs, f Eirfksvagi ; 

13. en er hann var biiinn, fylgSu beir Styrr honum dt um eyjar. Eirfkr sagSi 

14. beim, at hann setlaSi at leita lands bess, er Gunnbjgrn, son tjlfs kraku, si, 

15. er [hann] rak vestr um haf, b& er hann fann Gunnbjarnarsker ; kvezk hann ap- 

16. tr mundu leita til vina sinna, ef hann fyndi landit. Eirfkr sigldi undan Sn- 

17. sefellsjgkli. Hann fann landit, ok kom utan at pvf, bar sem hann kallaSi Mifl- 

18. jgkul; sa heitir mi Blaserkr. Hann f6r ba baSan su3r meS landinu, at 

19. leita ef pa3an vseri byggjanda landit. Hann var hinn fyrsta vetr f Eirfks- 

20. ey, naer miSri hinni eystri byg5 ; um varit eptir f6r hann til Eirfksfjar3ar, ok 

21. t6k se"r par bustad. Hann f6r bat sumar f hina vestri ubygS, ok gaf 

22. vf3a ©"rnefni. Hann var annan vetr f H61mum vi8 Hrafnsgnfpu. En 

23. hit priSja sumarit f6r hann til Islands, ok kom skipi sfnu f BreiSafjgrS. Hann 

24. kalla3i landit, pat er hann haf8i fundit, Groenland, bvf at hann kva8 pat mundu 

25. fysa menn bangat, er landit he'd vel. Eirfkr var a fslandi um vetrinn; en um 

26. sumarit eptir for hann at byggja landit. Hann bj6 f Brattahh'3 f Eirfksfir3i. 

27. Sva. segja fr63ir menn at a Jivl sama sumri, er Eirfkr rau8i f6r at by- 

28. ggja Groenland, ba f6r halfr fj6r8i tp'gr skipa 6t Brei8afir8i ok Borgar- 

29. fir3i, en fj6rtan kvamusk lit pangat; sum rak aptr, en sum tyn- 

30. dusk, tat var XV vetrum fyrr en kristni var lggtekin a Islandi. A 



31. bvf sama sumri f6r utan FriSrekr biskup ok forvaldr KoSransson. fessir menn na- 

32. mu land a Groenlandi, er pa f6ru tit me8 Eirfki: Herjulfr Herjiilfsfjgrd, hann bj6 

33. a Herjulfsnesi ; Ketill KetilsfjgrS ; Hrafn HrafnsfjgrS ; Sglvi Sglvad- 

34. al ; Helgi forbrandsson Alptafjgr3 ; forbjgrn gl6ra SiglufjgrS ; Einarr Einarsfjgrfl ; 

35. Hafgrfmr Hafgrfmsfjgr8 ok Vatnahverfi; Arnlaugr ArnlaugsfjgrS ; 

36. en sumir f6ru til VestribygSar. Leifr heppni var skirSr. 

37. H er sextan vetr v&ru liQnir fra bvf er Eirfkr rauSi f6r 

38. at byggja Greenland, ba f6r Leifr, son Eirfks, utan af Grcen- 

39. landi til Noregs. Kom hann til frandheims um haustit, ba er (5lafr konungr 

40. Tryggvason var kominn norSan af Halogalandi. Leifr lag8i ski- 

41. pi sfnu inn til Ni8ar6ss, ok f6r begar a fund (5l&fs konungs. Bo8a8i konungr tru 

42. honum sem gSrum heiSnum mgnnum, er a hans fund k6mu. Gekk konungi bat au- 

43. Bveldliga vi8 Leif; var hann ba skfrSr ok allir skipverjar hans. Var Le- 

44. ifr me8 konungi um vetrinn vel haldinn. Bjariii leitaSi Grconlands. 

45. Herjulfr var BarSarson, Herjulfssonar ; hann var fraendi Ing6- 

46. lfs landnamamanns. teim Herjulfi gaf Ing61fr land a mill- 

47. i Vags ok Reykjaness. Herjulfr bj6 fyrst i. Drepstokki ; i»orger8r he"t 

48. kona hans, en Bjarni son peira, ok var hinn efniligsti ma8r. Hann 

49. fystisk utan pegar a unga aldri. VarS honum gott bae8i til fjdr ok 

50. mannvir8ingar, ok var sinn vetr hvart utan lands eSa me8 fgSur sfnum. B- 

51. ratt atti Bjarni skip i fgrum; ok hinn sf3asta vetr, er hann var i Noregi, 

52. pa bra Herjulfr til GrcenlandsferSar me8 Eirfki, ok bra btii sfnu. 

53. Me8 Herjulfi var i. skipi su8reyskr ma8r kristinn, sa er orti Hafger- 

54. fiingar drapu ; par er petta stef f : ' Mfnar biSr ek miinka- 

55. reyni meinalausan fara beina heiSis haldi hattar foldar 

56. hallar dr6ttinn yfir me"r stalli.' Herjulfr bj6 a Herjulfsnesi; hann var 

57. hinn ggfgasti ma8r. Eirfkr rauSi bj6 f BrattahlfS; hann var 

58. bar me8 mestri virSingu, ok lutu allir til hans. I>essi v&ru bgrn Eirfks: 

59. Leifr, forvaldr ok torsteinn, en Freydfs he"t d6ttir hans; hon var gipt peim manni, 

60. er k>rvar5r bit, ok bjoggu pau f Ggrfium, bar sem nu er biskupsst611. Hon 

JB *» * 


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1. [var] svarri mikill, en fcorvarSr var lftilmenni. Var hon mjgk gefin til fjar. 

2. HeiSit var f61k a Grcenlandi f pann tfma. fat sama sumar kom Bjarni 

3. skipi sfnu d Eyrar, er faSir hans hafSi brott siglt um varit. I>au 

4. tffiindi p6ttu Bjarna mikil, ok vildi eigi bera af skipi sfnu. I'd spur- 

5. 8u hdsetar hans, hvat er hann baerisk fyrir, en hann svarar, at hann aetlaSi at 

6. halda siSvenju sinni, ok biggja at fg3ur sfnum vetrvist ; ' ok vil ek h- 

7. alda skipinu til Grcenlands, ef be*r vilit mdr fylgS veita.' Allir kva5- 

8. usk hans ra8um fylgja vilja. I'd mselti Bjarni : ' livitrlig mun bikkja 

9. var ferS, bar sem engi varr hefir komit f Grcenlandshaf.' En b6 hal- 

10. da beir mi f haf, pegar peir vara biinir, ok sigldu brja daga, bar til er landit 

11. var vatnat; en bd t6k af byrina, ok lagSi d norrosnur ok jpokur, 

12. ok vissu beir eigi hvert at beir f6ra, ok skipti bat mgrgum doegrum. Eptir pat sd peir 

13. S61 1 ok mattu pa deila settir; vinda nii segl, ok sigla petta dcegr 

14. d8r peir sd land, ok roeddu um me8 s^r, hvat landi petta mun vera. En Bjarni kve- 

15. zk hyggja, at pat mundi eigi Greenland, feir spyrja, hvdrt hann vill sigla at pessu 

16. landi e8a eigi; 'tat er mitt rd5, at sigla 1 nand vi5 landit.' Ok svd g0ra peir ok 

17. sd pat brdtt, at landit var 6fjgll6tt, ok sk6gi vaxit, ok smar hseSir 

18. d landinu, ok le'tu landit d bakborSa, ok ldtu skaut horfa d land. Sf5an 

19. sigla beir tvau doegr, d8r beir sd land annat. i>eir spyrja hvdrt Bjarni set- 

20. Ia8i pat enn Greenland. Hann kvazk eigi heldr a;tla petta Greenland en hit fyrra; 'bvi 

21. at jgklar era mjgk miklir sagSir d Grcenlandi.' fceir nalguSusk brdtt 

22. betta land, ok sd bat vera sle"tt land ok vi8i vaxit. M t6k af byr fyrir beim. I'd r- 

23. ceddu hdsetar bat, at beim b6tti bat raS, at taka pat land, en Bjarni vill bat eigi. 

24. fceir b6ttusk bse5i burfa vi8 ok vatn. 'At pngu era b^r bvf 6birgir,' 

25. segir Bjarni. En b6 fekk hann af bvf ngkkut dmaeli af hdsetum sfnum. Hann ba8 

26. bd vinda segl, ok svd var g0rt, ok settu framstafn frd landi; ok sigla i 

27. haf titsynnings byr brjii doegr, ok sd land it bri8ja; en bat land var h- 

28. dtt ok fjoU6tt ok jgkull d. feir spyrja bd, ef Bjarni vildi at landi 

29. Idta bar; en hann kvazk eigi bat vilja; 'bvf at m^r lfzk petta land 6gagnvaenligt.' 

30. Nu lgg8u peir eigi segl sitt, halda me8 landinu fram, ok sd, at pat var eyland; 

1 MS. has sia [i. e. sja] after sol. 



[FLATEYJARBOK, Column 223 5.] EIRfKS i>ATTR RAUDA— 5. 

31. settu enn stafn vi8 pvf landi, ok heldu f haf hinn sama byr; en ve- 

32. 8r 6x i hgnd, ok ba8 Bjarni J>a svipta, ok eigi sigla meira en baefii dy- 

33. g8i vel skipi beira ok rei8a. Sigldu nu fjogur doegr; pd sa peir land 

34. hit f]6r8a. Pi spurSu peir Bjarna, hvart hann sedafii petta vera Groenland eSa eigi. 

35. Bjarni svarar: 'fcetta er likast pvf, er me'r er sagt frd Grojnlandi, ok hdr munu ve*r at landi 

36. halda.' Svd gjzira peir, ok taka land undir einhverju nesi at kveldi dags, 

37. ok var par batr a nesinu; en par bj6 Herjulfr, fafiir Bjarna, a pvf nesi, 

38. ok af pvf hefir nesit nafn tekit, ok er sfSan kallat Herjiilfsnes. F6r 

39. Bjarni nu til fgSur sfns, ok hsettir nu siglingu, ok er me8 fpSur sfnum 

40. me9an Herjulfr lifSi, ok sffian bj6 hann bar eptir foSur sinn. 

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46. £at er H6r hefr Grcenlendinga patt. Capitulum. 

47. nu pessu nsest, at Bjarni Herjulfsson kom utan 

48. af Groenlandi a fund Eirfks jarls, ok t6k jarl vi5 honum vel. 

49. Sagfii Bjarni fra fer3um sfnum, er hann haf8i Ignd 

50. se"t, ok J><5tti monnum hann verit hafa uforvitinn, er hann 

51. hafSi ekki at segja af Jjeim lgndum, ok fekk hann af J>vi ngkkut amaeli. 

52. Bjarni g0r8isk hir8ma8r jarls, ok f6r ut til Groenlands um sumarit eptir. 

53. Var nii mikil umrceSa um landaleitan. Leifr, son Eirfks rau- 

54. 8a 6t Brattahlf8, f6r a fund Bjarna Herjulfssonar, ok keypti 

55. skip at honum, ok re"S til haseta, svd at peir vdru halfr fj6r8i t0gr 

56. manna saman. Leifr ba8 sinn f^Sur Eirfk, at hann mundi enn fyrir vera fgr- 

57. inni. Eirfkr talSisk heldr undan; kvezk pd vera hniginn i aldr, 

58. ok kvezk minna mega vi8 vasi gllu en var. Leifr kve8r hann enn mundu 

59. mestri heill styVa af beim frsendum ; ok petta Ut Eirfkr eptir Leifi, ok rf5r h- 

60. eiman, pa er peir eru at pvf bunir, ok var ba skamt at fara til skipsins. 




r. Drepr hestrinn fceti, sa er Eirfkr rei8, ok fell hann af baki, ok lestisk 

z. f6tr nans. fa mselti Eirfkr : ' Ekki mun me"r aetlat at finna lgnd fleiri en 

3. petta, er nii byggjum ve>; munum ver nu ekki lengr fara allir samt.' 

4. F6r Eirfkr heim f Brattahlfd, en Leifr re"zk til skips ok fdlagar hans me8 

5. honum ; halfr f]6r8i t0gr manna, far var su8rma8r einn f fer8, er Tyrker 

6. hdt. Nu bjoggu peir skip sitt, ok sigldu i haf, pa [er] peir vara bunir; ok 

7. fundu ba bat land fyrst, er beir Bjarni fundu sfSast. far sigla 

8. beir at landi, ok kostuSu 1 akkerum, ok skutu bati, ok f6ru a land, ok sa bar 

9. eigi gras; jgklar miklir vara allt hit efra, en sem ein hella vaeri all- 

10. t til jgklanna fra sj'6num, ok syndisk beim bat land vera goeSalaust. 

11. fa mDelti Leifr: 'Eigi er oss nu bat orSit um betta land sem Bjarna, at ve"r hafim eigi 

12. komit a landit. Nu mun ek gefa nafn landinu, ok kalla Helluland.' 

13. SfSan f6ru beir til skips. Eptir betta sigla peir f haf, ok fundu land annat. 

14. Sigla enn at landi, ok kasta akkerum; skj6ta sf5an bdti, ok ganga i. landit. 

15. fat land var sl&t, ok sk6gi vaxit, ok sandar hvftir vf5a, bar sem beir f6ru, 

16. ok 6saebratt. Pi mselti Leifr: 'Af kostum 8 skal bessu landi nafn gefa s , ok kalla 

17. Markland.' F6ru sfSan ofan aptr til skips sem flj'6tast. Nii 

18. sigla peir ba8an i haf Iandnyr8ings-ve8r, ok vdru uti II dcegr 

19. d8r \>e\r si land, ok sigldu at landi, ok k6mu at ey einni, er la norflr 

20. af landinu, og gengu bar upp, ok sask um, i g68u ve8ri, ok fundu 

21. pat at dggg var & grasinu ok var8 beim bat fyrir 4 , at beir t6- 

22. ku hgndum sfnum i dgggina 8 , ok brugSu i munn s^r, ok b6ttusk ekki jaf- 

23. nsoett kent hafa, sem bat var. Sf8an f6ru beir til skips sfns, ok sigl- 

24. du 1 sund bat, er la, milli eyjarinnar, ok ness bess, er nor8r gekk 8 

25. af landinu; stefndu i vestraett fyrir nesit. far var grunnsaevi m- 

26. ikit at fjgru-sj6var, ok st68 \>i uppi skip beira, ok var \>i langt 

27. til sj6var at sja frd skipinu. En peim var sva mikil forvitni a, at 

28. fara til landsins, at peir nentu eigi bess at bf8a, at sj6r felli un- 

29. dir skip beira, ok runnu til lands bar er a ein fell 6r vatni einu. En 

30. b e gar sj6r fell undir skip beira, pa t6ku beir batinn, ok reru til skip- 

1 MS. kostude. 2 MS. kustum ? 3 MS. gef. * var8 l>eim {>at fyrir repeated in MS. 

» MS/ddgina. e MS. gek. 

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31. sins, ok fluttu Jjat upp f ana, sfSan i vatnit, ok kgstuSu par akkerum, 

32. ok Mru af skipi hii3fgt sfn, ok g0r5u par bii8ir; t6ku pat ra8 sf3an 

33. at biiask par um bann vetr, ok gpr3u par hus mikil. Hvarki sk- 

34. orti par lax f anni ne" f vatninu, ok stcerra lax en peir hef3i 

35. fyrr se"t. tar var sva g68r landskostr, at bvf er beim s^ndisk, 

36. at par mundi engi f£na3r f63r purfa a vetrum. far kvd- 

37. mu engi frost a vetrum, ok Iftt renuSu par grgs. Meira 

38. var par jafndoegri en a Groenlandi e3a fslandi : s61 haf3i par eyktar- 

39. stafi ok dagmalastaS um skammdegi. En er peir hpf3u lokit hus- 

40. g0r8 sinni, pa mselti Leifr vi3 fgruneyti sitt : ' Nu vil ek skipta lata li3i varu 

41. f II sta3i, ok vil ek kanna lata landit, ok skal helmingr li3s vera vi3 

42. skala heima, en annarr helmingr skal kanna landit, ok fara eigi lengra 

43. en peir komi heim at kveldi, ok skilisk eigi.' Nu g0r3u peir sva um stund. 

44. Leifr g0r8i ^mist, at hann for me3 peim e8a var heima at skala. Leifr var mik- 

45. ill ma8r ok sterkr, manna skoruligastr at sja, vitr ma5r ok g68r 

46. h6fsma8r um alia hluti. Leifr hinn lieppni fann monn i skeri a hafl. 

47. A einhverju kveldi bar pat til tf3inda, at manns var vant 

48. af li8i peira, ok var pat Tyrker su8rma3r. Leifr kunni pvf st6rilla, 

49. pvi at Tyrker haf8i lengi verit me3 peim fe3gum, ok el- 

50. skat mjgk Leif f barncesku. Tal8i Leifr mi mjgk i. hendr fgru- 

51. nautum sinum, ok bj6sk til fer3ar at leita hans, ok XII menn me8 honum. 

52. En er beir varu skamt komnir fra skala, ba gekk Tyrker i m6t beim, 

53. ok var honum vel fagnat. Leifr fann bat bratt, at fdstra hans var ska- 

54. pgott. Hann var brattleitr ok lauseygr, smaskitligr i andliti, lf- 

55. till vexti, ok vesalligr 1 , en fbr6ttama8r a allskonar hagleik. $i. 

56. maelti Leifr til hans: 'Hvf vartu sva seinn, fdstri minn, ok fraskili fgruneytinu ? ' Hann 

57. tala8i ba fyrst lengi a by"zku, ok skaut marga vega augu- 

58. num, ok gretti sik ; en beir skil3u eigi hvat er hann sag8i. Hann mselti bd d nor- 

59. rcenu, er stund lei3: 'Ek var genginn eigi miklu lengra en bit; kann 

60. ek ngkkur ny"nsemi at segja. Ek fann vlnviS ok vfnber.' Mun 

1 MS. nesaligr. 




i . bat satt, f6stri minn ? ' kva8 Leifr. ' At visu er pat satt,' kva3 hann, ' bvf at ek var par 

2. fceddr, er hvdrki skorti vfnviS ne vmber.' Nu svdfu beir af bd 

3. n6tt; en um morguninn moelti Leifr vi8 haseta sfna: 'Nii skal hafa 

4. tvennar s^slur fram, ok skal sinn dag hv&rt lesa vfnber eSa 

5. hoggva vmviS, ok fella morkina, sva at bat ver3i farmr til skips 

6. mfns.' Ok petta var rd8s tekit. Svd er sagt, at eptirbatr beira var f- 

7. yldr af vfnberjum. Nu var hgggvinn farmr d skipit ; ok er varar, bd b- 

8. joggusk beir, ok sigldu brott, ok gaf Leifr nafn landinu eptir land- 

9. kostum, ok kallaSi Vmland. Sigla nii sf5an f haf, ok gaf peim vel byri 

10. bar til er beir sa Greenland, ok fjgll undir joklum ; bd t6k einn ma8r til mdls, 

11. ok mselti vi8 Leif: 'Hvf styiir bu sva mjgk undir ve8r skipinu?' Leifr svarar: 

12. 'Ek hygg at stj6rn minni, en p6 enn at fleira, e8a hvat sjai be"r til 

13. tfSinda?' teir kvdSusk ekki sjd pat er tfSindum ssetti. 'Ek veit eigi,' 

1 4. segir Leifr, ' hvart ek se" skip e8a sker.' Nu sja peir, ok kva8u sker vera. Hann 

1 5. sa bvf framar en peir, at hann sa menn f skerinu. ' Nu vil ek, at veV bei- 

16. tim undir ve8rit,' segir Leifr, 'sva at (ve"r) naim til beira, ef menn eru burftugir 

17. at na vdrum fundi, ok er nau8syn d at duga beim; en me8 bvf at 

18. beir s^ eigi friSmenn, bd eigum vdr allan kost undir oss, en beir ekki undir 

19. sdr.' Nu soekja beir undir skerit, ok laeg8u [segl] sitt, kgstu8u akkeri, ok sku- 

20. tu litlum bati gSrum, er beir hpf3u me8 s6i. Pi spurSi TyTker, hverr 
81. par rd8i fyrir HSi. Sa kvezk f>6rir heita, ok vera norrcenn ma8r at 

22. kyni; ' e8a hvert er pitt nafn?' Leifr segir til sfn. 'Ertu son Eirfks ra- 

23. u5a 6t BrattahlfS?' segir hann. Leifr kva8 svd vera. 'Nii vil ek,' segir Leifr, ' bj68a 

24. y8r ollum d mitt skip, ok fe"munum peim, er skipit md vi8 taka.' £eir p- 

25. dgu pann kost, ok sigldu sfSan til Eirfksfjar8ar me8 peim farmi, par til er 

26. peir k6mu til Brattahlf8ar. Bdru farminn af skipi ; sfSan bau- 

27. 8 Leifr l>6ri til vistar me8 s6t, ok GuSrfSi, konu hans, ok III mpnnum o8rum, 

28. en fekk 1 vistir g8rum hdsetum, baeSi I>6ris ok sfnum felogum. Leifr t6k 

29. XV menn 6r skerinu. Hann var sf8an kallaSr Leifr hinn heppni 2 . Leifi var8 n- 

30. u ba?8i gott til fjdr ok mannvirSingar. l>ann vetr kom s6tt mik- 

» MS. fek. a MS. hepni. 

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31. il f li8 f6ris, ok andaSisk harm f6rir ok mikill hluti liSs hans. farm ve- 

32. tr andaSisk ok Eirfkr rau6i. Nu var umrceoa mikil um Vmlands- 

33. for Leifs, ok p6tti forvaldi, br68ur hans, of iivf3a kannat hafa ver- 

34. it landit. fa maelti Leifr vi5 f orvald : ' f u skalt fara med skip mitt, br63ir, e- 

35. f pd vill til Vfnlands, ok vil ek p6, at skipit fari a6r eptir vi6i 

36. beim, er f6rir dtti i skerinu.' Ok sva var gert. forvaldr f6r til Vinlands. 

37. Nu bj6sk forvaldr til beirar feroar me3 XXX manna, me5 umraoi Leifs, 

38. br68ur sfns. SfSan bjoggu beir skip sitt, ok heldu f haf ok er 

39. engi frasogn um fer3 peira, fyrr en peir koma til Vfnlands til 

40. Leifsbuoa, ok bjoggu bar um skip sitt, ok satu um kyrt pann vetr, ok 

41. veiddu fiska til matar sdr. En um varit mselti forvaldr, at peir skyldu bu- 

42. a skip sitt, ok skyldi eptirbatr skipsins, ok ngkkurir menn me5, fara fyrir 

43. vestan landit, ok kanna par um sumarit. feim s^ndisk landit fagrt ok 

44. sk6g6tt, ok skamt milli sk6gar ok sj6var, ok hvftir sandar. far var ey- 

45. j6tt mjpk, ok grunnssevi mikit. feir fundu hvergi manna vistir n6 

46. dyYa, en f eyju einni vestarliga fundu peir kornhjalm 

47. af tre. Eigi fundu peir fleiri mannaverk, ok f6ru aptr, ok kvamu 

48. til LeifsbiiSa at hausti. En at sumri gSru f6r forvaldr fyrir austan me5 

49. kaupskipit, ok hit nyrSra fyrir landit. fa g0r3i at peim ve3r hva- 

50. sst fyrir andnesi einu, ok rak pa par upp, ok brutu kjglinn undan ski- 

51. pinu, ok hgf3u bar langa dvgl, ok bcettu skip sitt. fa mselti 

52. forvaldr vi5 fgrunauta sfna : ' Nu vil ek at ver reisim hdr upp kjglinn 

53. & nesinu, ok kallim Kjalarnes V ok sv& g0r8u peir. Sf3an sigla peir 

54. pa8an I braut, ok austr fyrir landit, ok inn i fjar3arkjapta pd, 

55. er par vdru nsestir, ok at hgf3a peim, er par gekk fram; hann var allr 

56. sk6gi vaxinn. fa leggja peir fram skip sin i laegi, ok skjota bry- 

57. ggjum a land, ok gengur forvaldr bar a land upp me6 alia fgrunauta sfna. Hann 

58. mselti pa : ' H6r er fagrt, ok h^r vilda ek bee minn reisa ; ' ganga sf3an til 

59. skips, ok sja d sandinum inn fra hgffianum III ha38ir, ok f6ru til 

60. pangat, ok sjd par huSkeipa III, ok III menn undir hverjum. fa skip- 

1 MS. kialnar nes. 




i. tu Jjeir lioi sfnu, ok hgf8u hendr d beim gllum, nema einn komsk f braut 

2. me6 keip sinn. feir drepa hina VIII, ok ganga sfSan aptr d hoffiann, 

3. ok sjask par um, ok sja inn 1 fjgrSinn haeSir ngkkurar, ok aetluo- 

4. u beir pat vera bygoir. Eptir pat sl6 d bd hgfga svd miklum, at beir 

5. mdttu eigi voku halda, ok sofna peir allir. i>d kom kail y- 

6. fir pa, svd at peir voknuSu allir. Svd segir kallit : ' Vaki pu t>or- 

7. valdr ok allt fgruneyti bitt, ef pu vill Iff bitt hafa, ok far pu d 

8. skip pitt, ok allir menn bfnir, ok fariS frd landi sem skj6tast.' I'd f6r 

9. innan eptir firSinum utal hu8keipa, ok log6u at peim. i>orvaldr maelti pd: 'Ve"r 

10. skulum fcera lit d bor5 vfgfleka, ok verjask sem bezt, en vega lftt I 

11. m6t.' Svd g0ra beir, en Skrselingar skutu d bd um stund, en flyja 

12. sl6an f brott 1 sem dkafast, hverr sem mdtti. fd spurfii fcorvaldr menn 

1 3. sfna, ef peir vari ngkkut sdrir. f>eir kvdSusk eigi sdrir vera. ' Ek he- 

14. fir fengit sdr undir hendi,' segir hann, 'ok fl6 or milli skipborSsins ok 

15. skjaldarins undir hgnd me'r, ok er he*r grin; en mun mik betta til b- 

16. ana lei8a. Nu rse& ek, at be"r bui8 fer8 y8ra sem flj6tast aptr 

17. d lei8 en 2 \>6r skulut foera mik d hgf8a bann, er me'r b6tti byggi- 

18. ligastr 8 vera; md bat vera, at me'r hafi satt d munn komit, at ek muni 

19. bar bua d um stund. tar skulu be"r mik grafa, ok setja krossa at hgfSum 

20. me'r ok at f6lum, ok kalliS bat Krossanes jafnan sfSan.' Groenland var bd 
31. kristnat, en p6 anda8isk Eirfkr raudi fyrir kristni. Nu andaSisk i>or- 

22. valdr, en peir g0r8u allt eptir pvf sem hann haf8i mselt, ok f6ru s!8an, ok hittu 

23. par fgrunauta sfna, ok sggSu hvdrir g8rum slfk tfSindi sem vissu, ok bjoggu 4 

24. bar bann vetr, ok fengu se"r vfnber ok vfnviS til skipsins. Nu buask 

25. [beir] baoan um vdrit eptir til Grcenlands, ok kvdmu skipi sfnu f Eirfksfjgr8 

26. ok kunnu Leifi at segja mikil tfflindi. torsteinn Eiriksson andaoisk i Vestribyg'5. 

27. fat haf8i g0rzk til tfSinda me8an d Groenlandi, at forsteinn f Eirfksfir8i 

28. hafSi kvdngask, ok fengit Gu8rf8ar l>orbjarnard6ttur, er 

29. dtt hafoi l>6rir austmaSr, er fyrr var frd sagt. Nu f/stisk 

30. fcorsteinn Eirfksson at fara til Vfnlands eptir lfki forvalds, br68ur sfns, ok 

1 MS. burt. * en is repeated in the MS. ' MS. byg^iligazst 4 bingf. 

u pr pxi bya^ etsrtnk i * Mof&& Cm mt!4u titter 
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31. bj6 skip hit sama, ok valdi hann li8 at afli ok vexti, ok hafSi me8 

32. se"r halfan prioja tog manna, ok Gu8rf8i konu sfna ; ok sigla f haf, pe- 

33. gar pau era buin, ok 6r lands^n. I>au velkSi uti allt sumarit, ok viss- 

34. u eigi hvar pau f6ru ; ok er vika var af vetri, pa t6ku peir land i Lfsu- 

35. firSi a Grcenlandi, f hinni vestri bygS. f>orsteinn leitaSi peim um vistir, ok 

36. fekk vistir gllum hasetum sinum, en hann var vistlaus, ok kona hans. Nu 

37. vara pau eptir at skipi tvau ngkkurar nsetr. I'd var enn ung krist- 

38. ni a Grcenlandi. PaX var einn dag, at menn kvamu at tjaldi peira snemma. 

39. Sa spurSi, er fyrir peim var, hvat manna vaeri f tjaldinu. forsteinn svarar : ' II menn,' segir 

40. hann, ' e3a hverr spyrr at ? ' ' i>orsteinn heiti ek ok er kallaSr I>orsteinn svartr ; en pat er 

41. 0rindi mitt hingat, at ek vil bj68a ykkr b£8um hj6num til vi- 

42. star til mfn.' fcorsteinn kvezk vilja hafa umrseSi konu sinnar, en hon ba- 

43. 8 hann r&8a, ok nu jatar hann bessu. ' M mun ek koma eptir ykkr a 

44. morgin me8 eyki, bvf at [mik] skortir ekki til at veita ykkr vist, en fa- 

45. sinni er mikit me8 me"r at vera, pvf at II era vit par hj6n, pvf at ek er 

46. einpykkr mjok. Annan si8 hefir ek ok en be'r hafi8, ok setla ek pann 

47. p6 betra, er be"r hafiS.' Nu kom hann eptir peim um morgininn me8 eyki, 

48. ok foru pau me3 forsteini svarta til vistar, ok veitti hann peim vel. Gu8- 

49. rf8r var skorulig kona at sja, ok vitr kona, ok kunni vel at ver- 

50. a me3 6kunnum mgnnum. fat var snemma vetrar, s6tt kom I li8 forsteins Eirfkssonar, 

51. ok andaSisk par margir forunautar [hans]. fcorsteinn baS 1 gora kistur at lfkum b- 

52. eira, er gnduSusk, ok fcera til skips, ok bua bar um; 'bvf at ek vil 

53. lata flytja til EirfksfjarSar at sumri, gll lfkin.' Nu er bess skamt at bf- 

54. 8a, at s6tt kemr f h^bj^li forsteins, ok t6k kona hans s6tt fyrst, er hdt 

55. Grfmhildr. Hon var akafliga mikil, ok sterk sem karlar 2 , en b6 kom s6- 

56. ttin henni undir; ok bratt eptir bat t6k s6ttina forsteinn Eirfksson, ok lagu bau 

57. bse8i senn; ok anda8isk Grfmhildr, kona fcorsteins svarta. En er hon var dau- 

58. 8, ba gekk forsteinn fram 6r stofunni eptir fjgl, at leggja a Gu8- 

59. ri3r mselti ba: 'Vertu litla hrfS f brott, i>orsteinn minn,' segir hon. Hann kva8 sva vera 

60. skyldu. M mselti forsteinn Eirfksson : ' Me8 undarligum hsetti er nu um husfr- 

1 MS. bat. 2 MS. kallar. 




i. eyju 1 vara 5 , bvf at nu orglask hon upp vi8 Qlnboga, ok bokar fotum sf- 

2. num fra stokki, ok breifar til skua sinna ; ok i bvf kom forsteinn b6ndi inn, 

3. ok lagSisk Grfmhildr ni3r f pvf, ok brakaSi pa i hverju tre" f stofunni. 

4. Nu g0rir forsteinn kistu at lfki Grimhildar, ok foer3i f brott, ok bj6 um. Hann var bse- 

5. 8i mikill maSr ok sterkr, ok purfti hann bess alls, d8r hann kom henni brott 3 af 

6. boenum. Nu elnaSi s6ttin forsteini Eirfkssyni, ok anda5isk hann. Gu8rf8r kon- 

7. a hans, kunni bvf lftt. fa varu bau oil f stofunni. GuSrfSr haf8i setit 

8. d st61i frammi fyrir bekknum, er hann hafSi legit [a], forsteinn b6ndi hennar. H t6- 

9. k forsteinn b6ndi GuSrfSi af st61inum f fang sft, ok settisk i bekkinn ann- 

10. an me3 hana, gegnt lfki forsteins, ok talSi um fyrir henni marga vega, ok huggaSi 

11. hana, ok lift henni bvf, at hann mundi fara me8 henni til EirfksfjarSar, me8 lfki kirsteins, 

b6nda hennar, 

12. ok fgrunauta hans; 'ok sva skal ek taka hingat hj6n fleiri,' segir hann, 'bft til 

13. hugganar ok skemtanar.' Hon bakka8i honum. !>orsteinn Eirfksson settisk bd upp, 

1 4. ok mselti : ' Hvar er GuSrfSr ? ' III tfma mselti hann betta, en hon pagSi. Pi mselti hon 


15. k>rstein b6nda: 'Hvdrt skal ek svpr veita hans mali e8a eigi?' Hann ba8 hana eigi 

16. svara. I'd gekk torsteinn b6ndi yfir g61fit, ok settisk d st61inn, en Gu8rf3r sat f kn- 

17. jdm honum, ok pd maelti t>orsteinn b6ndi: ' Hvat viltu, nafni?' segir hann. Hann svarar, 

er stun- 

18. d leiS: * Mft er annt til pess, at segja GuSrfSi forlgg sfn, til pess at 

19. hon kunni pd betr andlati mfnu; bvf at ek er kominn til g68ra hvfl- 

20. dasta8a. En bat er bft at segja, Gu8rf8r, at bu munt gipt vera islenzkum manni, 

21. ok munu langar vera samfarar ykkrar, ok mart manna mun frd ykkr 

22. koma, proskasamt, bjart ok dgaett, scett ok ilmat vel. Munu pit 

23. fara af Groenlandi til Noregs, ok pa8an til fslands, ok g0ra bu d f slandi. far munu bit le- 

24. ngi bua, ok muntu honum lengr Ufa. M munt utan fara, ok ganga su8r, ok 

25. koma lit aptr til fslands til bus bfns, ok bd mun bar kirkja reist vera, 

26. ok muntu bar vera ok taka nunnuvfgslu, ok bar muntu andask.' Ok pd 

27. hnfgr forsteinn aptr, ok var biiit um lfk hans, ok foert til skips, i>orsteinn b6ndi 

MS. hush-rein. * MS. uorrar. 3 MS. burt. 


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28. efndi vel vi5 Gu8rf3i allt bat, er hann haf3i heitit. Hann seldi um varit jgr- 

29. 6 sma ok kvikfe", ok f6r til skips med Gu3ri3i, me8 allt sitt ; bj6 skipit, ok fekk 

30. menn til, ok f6r sf3an til Eiriksfjar3ar. Varu nil lfkin jgr3ut at kirkju. Gu3rf3r for til 

31. Leifs i Brattahlf3, en fcorsteinn svarti g0r5i bu i Eirfksfir3i, ok bjo par meSan hann 

32. Iif5i, ok p6tti vera hinn vaskasti ma3r. Pra Vinlandsfer3um t'orfinns ok peira felogum. 

33. tat sama sumar kom skip af Noregi til Grcenlands. Sa ma3r h6t torfinnr 

34. Karlsefni, er pvi skipi styr8i. Hann var son f6r3ar hesthgf- 

35. 8a, Snorrasonar, I>6r3arsonar fra [Hgf3a]. forfinnr karlsefni var st6r- 

36. au8igr at (6, ok var um vetrinn 1 Brattahli3 me8 Leifi Eirfkssyni. 

37. Bratt feldi hann hug til Gu3rf8ar, ok ba8 hennar, en hon veik til Leifs svgrum 

38. fyrir sik. Sf3an var hon honum fostnuS, ok g0rt bru8hlaup peira i. peim 

39. vetri. Hin sama var umrce3a a Vinlandsfgr sem fyrr, ok fy- 

40. stu menn Karlsefni mjgk peirar ferSar, ba?8i Gu5ri3r ok a3rir menn. Nu var 

41. r&5in fer3 hans, ok r6S hann se"r skipverja, LX karla ok konur V. fann mal- 

42. daga g0r3u beir Karlsefni ok hasetar hans, at jofnum hgndum skyldi beir 

43. hafa allt pat, er peir hgf3u fengit 1 til goe3a. t>eir hgf5u me3 se"r al- 

44. lskonar Kna3, pvf at peir setlu3u at byggja landit, ef beir ma?tti 

45. pat. Karlsefni ba3 Leif husa & Vfnlandi, en hann kvezk lja mundu hii- 

46. sin, en gefa eigi. Sf3an heldu beir f haf skipinu, ok k6mu til Leifsbii- 

47. 3a me3 heilu ok hgldnu, ok baru par upp hu3fgt sin. I>eim bar bratt f 

48. hendr mikil fgng ok g63 : bvf at rey3r var bar upp rekin, bse3i m- 

49. ikil ok g63; f6ru til sf3an, ok skaru hvalinn. Skorti ba eigi mat. Fe*n- 

50. a3r gekk bar i land upp; en pat var bratt at gra3K var3 drigt, ok 

51. g0r3i mikit um sik. fceir hgf3u haft me3 se"r graSung einn. Karlsefni le*t 

52. fella vi5u, ok telgja til skipsins, ok lag3i vi3inn a bjarg eitt til 

53. burkanar. t"eir hgf3u gll goe3i af landkostum beim, er bar varu, bae3i af vfn- 

54. berjum ok allskonar vei3um ok goe3um. Eptir pann vetr hinn fyrsta kom su- 

55. mar; p& ur3u peir varir vi3 Skraelingja, ok f6r par 6x sk6gi fram 

56. mikill flokkr manna, far var naer nautfe" peira, en gra3ungr- 

57. tok at belja, ok gjalla dkafliga hatt ; en bat hraddusk Skraslingar, 

58. ok lgg3u undan me3 byr3ar sfnar, en pat var gr&vara ok safa- 

59. li, ok allskonar skinnavara, ok snua til bcejar Karlsefnis, ok vildu 

60. bar inn 1 husin, en Karlsefni let verja dyrnar. Hvarigir skil3u ann- 

1 More correctly, er jpeir fengi. 



i. ars mal. fa t6ku Skraelingjar ofan bagga 1 sfna, ok leystu, ok bu6u beim, 

2. ok vildu vapn helzt fyrir; en Karlsefni bannaSi beim at selja vipnin, ok mi 1- 

3. eitar hann ra3s me3 beim hsetti, at hann ba3 konur bera lit biinyt at beim, ok be- 

4. gar er beir sa biinyt, ba vildu beir kaupa bat, en ekki annat. Nti var s- 

5. li kaupfgr Skrselingja, at peir baru sinn yarning f brott f mgg- 

6. um sfnum, en Karlsefni ok forunautar hans hgfSu eptir bagga beira ok sk- 

7. innavoru; f6ru beir vi6 sva biiit f brott 2 . Nu er fra bvi at segja, at 

8. Karlsefni laetr g0ra skf5gar8 ramligan um bee sinn, ok bjoggusk bar um. 

9. t bann tfma foeddi Gu8rf3r sveinbarn, kona Karlsefnis, ok bit sa sveinn S- 

10. norri. A gndverSum gSrum vetri kvamu Skrselingjar til m6ts vi8 ba, ok varu m- 

11. iklu fleiri en fyrr, ok hQf3u slikan varnaS sem fyrr. fa mselti Karlsefni vi8 

12. konur: ' Nu skulu b6r b6ia. ut slfkan mat sem fyrr var rffas- 

1 3. tr, en ekki annat ; ' ok er beir sa bat ba kgstufiu beir bgggunum sfnum inn 

14. yfir skf8gar8inn. En Gu8ri8r sat f dyrum inni me8 vgggu Snorra, sonar sfns, 

15. ba bar skugga i dyrrin, ok gekk bar inn kona I svgrtum namkyrtli 

16. heldr lag, ok hafSi dregil um hgfuS, ok lj6sjgrp & hit, fglleit' 

17. ok mjgk eyg8, sva at eigi haf3i jafnmikil augu s^t f einum manns- 

18. hausi. Hon gekk par at, er Gu8rf8r sat, ok maelti: ' Hvat heitir bii?' se- 

1 9. gir hon. ' Ek heiti Gu8rf3r, e8a hvert er bitt heiti ? ' ' Ek heiti GuSrfSr,' segir hon. 

20. Pi rdtti Gu8rf5r hiisfreyja hgnd sfna til hennar, at hon saeti hja henni, en 

21. bat bar allt saman, at bd heyr8i Gu8rf3r brest mikinn, ok var ba k- 

22. onan horfin, ok f bvl var ok veginn einn Skraelingja af einum hiiskarli 

23. Karlsefnis, bvf at hann hafSi viljat taka vipn peira. Ok f6ru mi f brott sem 

24. tf8ast, en klae8i beira lagu bar eptir ok varningr. Engi ma8r haf3i 

25. konu pessa s6t utan Gu8ri8r ein. 'Nii munum \6t purfa til ra8a at t- 

26. aka,' segir Karlsefni, 'pvf at ek hygg at beir muni vitja var hit briSja 

27. sinni me8 ufri5i ok fjglmenni. Nu skulum v^r taka bat r£8, at X menn fari fram 

28. a nes betta, ok s^ni sik bar, en annat Ii3 vdrt skal fara 1 sk6g, ok hg- 

29. ggva Jjar rj68r fyrir nautfd varu, ba er li8it kemr fram 6r sk6gi- 

30. num. Vdr skulum ok taka gri8ung vara, ok lata hann fara fyrir oss.' En bar 

1 MS. bakka. • MS. burt. ' MS. foleit. 


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31. var sva h&ttat, er fundr beira var setlaSr, at vatn var g5ru- 

32. megin, en sk6gr a annan veg. Nu vara J>essi ra3 hgf3, er Karlsefni I- 

33. agfii til. Nu komu Skrselingjar i bann sta5, er Karlsefni haf3i setlat til bar- 

34. daga. Nu var bar bardagi, ok fell fjgl3i af liSi Skrselingja. Einn 

35. mafir var mikill ok va^nn i liSi Skrselingja, ok b6tti Karlsefni sem hann mundi vera hgfo 1 - 

36. ingi beira. Nu hafSi einn beira Skraelingja tekit upp 0xi eina, ok leit 

37. & um stund, ok reiddi at fdlaga sfnum, ok hj6 til hans; sd fell begar 

38. dau8r. M t6k sd hinn mikli ma5r vi5 0xinni, ok leit a um stund, 

39. ok varp henni sl8an d sj6inn sem lengst matti hann; en sf5an flj?ja peir 

40. a sk6ginn, sva hverr sem fara matti, ok tykr par nd peira vi3skiptum. 

41. Vara peir Karlsefni par pann vetr allan, en at vdri pa l^sir Karlsefni, at hann vill eigi par 

42. vera lengr, ok vill fara til Groenlands. Nu bua beir fer5 sfna, ok hgf3u J)a3- 

43. an mgrg goeSi i vinviSi ok berjum ok skinnavgru. Nii sigla beir I ha- 

44. f, ok kvamu til Eiriksfjarfiar skipi sfnu heilu, ok vara par um vetrinn. Freydis 

45. Nu teksk umro35a at n£ju um Vfnlandsfer9, let drepa broe6r 

46. pvi at sii fer5 pykkir bae3i g68 til fjar ok virSingar. fat sama sumar 

47. kom skip af Noregi til Groenlands, er Karlsefni kom af Vfnlandi. fcvi skipi st- 

48. frbu broe8r II, Helgi ok Finnbogi, ok vdru barm vetr & Groenlandi. feir brceSr varu isl- 

49. enzkir at kyni, ok 6r Austfjgroum. far er nu til at taka, at Fre- 

50. ydfs Eirlksd6ttir g0r5i fer5 sfna heiman 6r Ggr5um, ok f6r til fundar vi3 b£ 

51. brce8r Helga ok Finnboga, ok beiddi ba, at beir foeri til Vfnlands me8 farko- 

52. st sinn, ok hafa helming goe8a allra vi3 hana, beira er bar fengisk. Nu j- 

53. dttu beir bvf. faSan for hon i fund Leifs br68ur sfns, ok [ba8], at hann ga^fi henni 

54. hus bau, er hann haf3i g0ra latit a Vfnlandi. En hann svarar hinu sama, kve- 

55. zk lja mundu hus, en gefa eigi. Sa var maldagi me8 beim Karlsefni ok Fre- 

56. ydfsi, at hvarir skyldu hafa XXX vfgra manna & skipi, ok konur 

57. um fram; en Freydfs bra af bvi begar, ok haf3i V mgnnum fleira, ok leyn- 

58. di beim, ok ur8u beir broe8r eigi fyrri vi3 ba varir, en beir k6mu til Vfnlands. Nu 

59. le'tu bau f haf, ok hgf3u til bess mselt a5r, at bau mundi samflo- 

60. ta hafa, ef sva vildi ver5a, ok bess var litill munr, en b6 k6mu beir brce8r 

x 2 



i. ngkkuru fyrri, ok hgfSu uppborit fgng sfn til husa Leifs. En er Fr- 

2. eydis kom at landi, pa ry8ja peir skip sitt, ok bera upp til huss fgng 

3. sin. M ma;lti Freydfs : ' Hvf baru beV inn heV fgng y8r ? ' ' fvf at \6t hug- 

4. Sum,' segja beir, 'at haldask muni oil akveSin orS meS oss.' ' Me"r \66i 

5. Leifr husanna,' segir hon, ' en eigi y8r.' I'd maelti Helgi : ' i>rj6ta mun okkr brceor ill- 

6. sku vi3 bik.' Baru mi lit fgng, ok gjzirSu se"r skala, ok settu 

7. bann skala firr sj6num d vatnsstrgndu, ok bjoggu vel um. En Freydis le"t 

8. fella vi5u til skips sms. Nti t6k at vetra, ok tgluSu beir brceSr, 

9. at takask mundu upp leikar, ok vaeri hgf5 skemtan. Svd var gjzJrt 

10. um stund, par til er menn barusk verra f milli, ok ba g^rSisk sundr- 

11. bykW meo rjeim, ok t6kusk af leikar, ok ^ngvar g0r5usk kvdmur milli 

12. skdlanna, ok f6r svd fram lengi vetrar. fat var einn morgin snemma 

13. at Freydfs st68 upp 6r rumi sfnu, ok kteddisk, ok f6r eigi i sk6klse6in ; 

14. en ve5ri var svd farit, at dggg var fallin mikil. Hon t6k kdpu 

15. b6nda sins, ok f6r f, en sf6an gekk hon til skdla 1 j>eira 

16. broeSra, ok til dyra, en ma8r einn haf8i ut gengit lltlu d3r, ok lokit hur8 

17. aptr d miSjan klofa. Hon lauk upp hurSinni, ok st68 i gdttum stund 

18. \>i ok pag8i; en Finnbogi la innstr f skalanum, ok vakSi. Hann maelti: 

19. 'Hvat viltu hingat, Freydfs?' Hon svarar: 'Ek vil at bii standir upp, ok gangir 

20. ut me8 me"r, ok vil ek tala vi8 fik-' Svd goYir hann. tau ganga at tre*, er 

21. la undir skalavegginum, ok settusk 3 par ni8r. ' Hversu lfkar pdr ? ' segir hon. Hann svarar : 

22. 'G6Sr pikki 3 mdr landskostur, en illr bikki* mdr bustr sd, er vdr f milli er, 

23. bvf at ek kalla ekki hafa til or8it.' 'I'd segir bu sem er,' segir hon, 'ok svd b- 

24. ikki s m6i; en bat er 0rindi 4 mitt d binn fund, at ek vildi kaupa skipum 

25. vi8 ykkr broeSr, \>vi at pit hafit meira skip en ek, ok vilda ek f brott 

26. he8an.' ' I>at mun ek ldta gangask,' segir hann, ' ef be"r lfkar bd vel.' Nii skilja Ipau 

27. vi8 bat. Gengr hon heim, en Finnbogi til hvflu sinnar. Hon stfgr upp i rumit kgldum 

28. f6tum, ok vaknar hann fcorvarSr vi8, ok spyrr hvf at hon vaeri svd kgld ok vdt. 

29. Hon svarar me& miklum pj6sti : 'Ek var gengin,' segir hon, 'til peira brceSra, at fala sk- 

30. ip at peim, ok vilda ek kaupa meira skip; en peir ur8u vi8 pat svd ilia, 

1 gekk hon til skdla repeated in MS. ' MS. settizst. ' MS. J>iki. 

4 MS. eyrewde. 

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31. at J>eir bgr3u mik, ok ldku sarliga; en bu, vesrell ma8r, munt hvarki vilja rek- 

32. a minnar 1 skammar ne* J>innar, ok mun ek fiat nu finna, at ek er 

33. f brottu af Groenlandi, ok mun ek g0ra skilnad vi8 bik, utan bu hefnir bessa.' Ok 

34. nti st63sk hann eigi atglur hennar, ok ba5 menn upp standa sem skj6tast, ok 

35. taka vapn sfn ; ok sva g0ra peir, ok fara pegar til skala peira brceora, ok 

36. gengu inn at beim sofondum 2 ok t6ku ba, ok fcerou f bond, ok leiddu sva 

37. ut hvern sem bundinn var, en Freydfs ldt drepa hvern sem lit kom. Nu varu 

38. bar allir karlar 3 drepnir, en konur varu eptir, ok vildi engi pser d- 

39. repa. fa maelti Freydfs : ' Fai me"r 0xi f hgnd.' Sva var g0rt ; sfSan vegr hon 

40. at konum peim V, er par varu, ok gekk af peim dauSum. Nii f6ru pau til ska- 

41. la sfns eptir pat it ilia verk, ok fannsk pat eitt a, at Freydfs p6ttisk all- 

42. vel hafa umraSit, ok maelti vio fdlaga sfna: 'Ef oss verSr au5it, 

43. at koma til Groenlands,' segir hon, ' pa skal ek pann mann ra8a af Iffi, er 

44. segir fra pessum atbur8um. Nu skulu ve*r bat segja, at bau bui he*r ep- 

45. tir, pa er v^r f6rum f brott.' Nu bjoggu beir skipit snemma um varit, pat 

46. er peir brce8r hgfSu att, me6 beim gllum goe5um, er bau mattu til fa ok sk- 

47. ipit bar; sigla sfoan f haf, ok ur3u vel rei3fara, ok k6mu f EirfksfJQrS 

48. skipi sfnu snemma sumars. Nu var par Karlsefni fyrir, ok hafSi albiiit sk- 

49. ip sitt til hafs, ok bei3 byrjar, ok er bat mal manna, at eigi mundi au8- 

50. gara skip gengit hafa af Grcenlandi, en pat er hann styV8i. Fr& Freydisi. 

51. Freydfs f6r nu til bus sfns, bvf at bat haf6i stafiit me8an lisk- 

52. att. Hon fekk mikin feng fjar qIIu fgruneyti sfnu, bvf at hon 

53. vildi leyna lata uda3um sfnum. Sitr hon nu f bui sfnu. Eigi 

54. ur8u allir sva haldinorfiir, at beg8i yfir uda8um beira e8a ills- 

55. ku, at eigi koemi upp um sf8ir. Nu kom petta upp um sf8ir fyrir Leif, br6- 

56. 8ur hennar, ok p6tti honum pessi saga allill. I'd t6k Leifr III menn af liSi peira 

57. Freydfsar, ok pfndi pa [til] sagna 4 um penna atbur8 allan jafnsaman, ok var 

58. me3 einu m6ti sogn beira. 'Eigi nenni ek,' segir Leifr, 'at g0ra bat at vi3 Freydfsi sy- 

59. stur mfna, sem hon vseri vero, en spa mun ek peim pess, at peira afkvaemi 

60. mun lftt at prifum ver8a.' Nu lei5 pat sva fram, at 0ngum botti um bau 

1 MS. mitar minnar. * MS. sofondum. 3 MS. kallar. ' MS. sagnara ? 



i. pau 1 vert pa8an f fra, nema ills. Nu [er] at segja fra pvf er 

2. Karlsefni bfr skip sitt, ok sigldi i haf. Honum forsk vel, ok kom til Noregs 

3. me8 heilu ok holdnu, ok sat par um vetrinn, ok seldi varning 

4. sinn, ok haf3i par gott yfirlaeti, ok pau bse8i hj6n, af hinura 

5. gofgustum monnum i Noregi. En um varit eptir bj6 hann skip sitt til 

6. Islands, ok er hann var albiiinn, ok skip hans la til byrjar fyrir brygg- 

7. junum, pa kom par at honum su3rma3r einn, setta8r af Brimum 6r 

8. Saxlandi. Hann falar at Karlsefni husasnotru hans. 'Ek vil eigi selja,' sa- 

9. g8i hann. 'Ek mun gefa pe"r vi3 Mlfa 2 mgrk gulls,' segir su8rma8r. Karlsefni p6tti 

10. vel vi3 bo8it, ok keyptu slSan. F6r su3rma3r f brott 8 me8 husas- 

1 1 . notruna, en Karlsefni vissi eigi hvat tre" var ; en bat var mosurr 4 , kominn 

12. af Vmlandi. Nu siglir Karlsefni i haf, ok kom skipi sfnu fyrir norSanland 

13. i Skagafjgr8, ok var par upp sett skip hans um vetrinn; en um varit 

14. keypti hann Glaumboejarland, ok g0r3i bii i, ok bj6 bar me8an hann lif3i, ok 

15. var hit mesta ggfugmenni, ok er mart manna frd honum komit ok 

16. Gu3rf3i, konu hans, ok g63r settbogi. Ok er Karlsefni var anda5r t6k Gu5rf3r 

17. vi3 bus var3veizlu ok Snorri, son hennar, er fceddr var & Vfnlandi; ok er 

18. Snorri var kvangaSr, ba f6r Gu8n'3r utan, ok gekk su5r, ok kom ut ap- 

19. tr til bus Snorra, sonar sfns, ok haf3i hann bd latit g0ra kirkju f Gl- 

20. aumboe. SfSan var8 Gu3rf3r nunna ok einsetukona, ok var par me8an 

21. hon lif8i. Snorri dtti son pann, er forgeirr h6t, hann var fa8ir Ingveldar, m6- 

22. 8ur Brands biskups. D6ttir Snorra Karlsefnissonar h^t HallfrfSr ; hon var m68ir Run61- 

23. fs, fo8ur forlaks biskups. Bjprn hdt son Karlsefnis og Gu8rf3ar; hann var fa8ir ^runnar, 

m68ur B- 

24. jamar biskups. FjgISi manna er fra Karlsefni komit, ok er hann kynsaall ma8r or- 

25. Sinn, ok hefir Karlsefni g0rst sagt allra manna atbur3i um farar pessar allar, 

26. er nu er ngkkut or8i & komit. 

1 J>au repeated in MS. ' MS. half. a MS. burt. • MS. mausiur. 

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(1) It has been claimed that the Icelandic discovery attained a practical result through the 
imparting of information to those to whom the discovery of America has been generally 
ascribed, and notably to Columbus and the Cabots. The tendency to qualify Columbus' fame 
as the original discoverer dates from the time of Ortelius ', while the effort to show that his 
first voyage was influenced by information which he received from Icelandic sources was, 
perhaps, first formulated in extenso within the present century 2 . The theory that Columbus 
obtained definite information from Icelandic channels rests, after all, upon the following vague 
letter, which is cited by Columbus' son in the biography of his father, as follows : 

' In the month of February, of the year 1477, I sailed one hundred leagues beyond the 
island of Tile, the southern portion of which is seventy-three degrees removed from the 
equinoctial, and not sixty-three, as some will have it ; nor is it situated within the line which 
includes Ptolemy's west, but is much further to the westward ; and to this island, which is as 
large as England, the English come with their wares, especially those from Bristol. And at 
the time when I went thither the sea was not frozen, although the tides there are so great 
that in some places they rose twenty-six fathoms, and fell as much. It is, indeed, the fact that 
that Tile, of which Ptolemy makes mention, is situated where he describes it, and by the 
moderns this is called Frislanda V 

John and Sebastian Cabot are supposed, by similar theorists, to have derived knowledge 

1 '"Christophe Colombe," dit Ortelius, "a seulement mis le Nouveau-Monde en rapport durable de commerce et 
d'utilite avec l'Europe." [Theatr. Orbis terr. ed. 1601, pp. 5 et 6.] Ce jugement est beaucoup trop severe. D'aillenrs 
l'opinion du geographe n'etait point basee sur l'expedition au Vinland dont il ne fait aucunement mention, peut-etre parce 
que les ouvrages d'Adam de Breme ne furent imprimes qu'en 1579, mais sur les voyages de Nicolo et Antonio Zeni [1388- 
1404], dont, pour le moins, la localite est restee problematique.' Alex. v. Humboldt, Examen critique, Paris, 1837, 
vol. ii. p. 120. 

' Finn Magnusen, 'Om de Engelskes Handel og Fjerd paa Island i det isde Aarhundrede, isser med Hensyn til 
Columbus's formentlige Reise dertil i Aaret 1477,' in Nord. Tidskr. for Oldkyndighed, Copenh. 1833. pp. 112-169. 

3 I have not been able to find that the original of this letter is in existence. The quotation is made from the Italian 
edition of the Biography, entitled : Historie Del. S. D. Fernando Colombo ; nelle quali s' ha particolare, & vera relatione 
della vita, & de' fatti dell' Ammiraglio D. Christoforo Colombo, suo padre, * * nuouamente di lingua Spagnuola tradotta 
nell Italiana dal S. Alfonso Vlloa, Venice, 1571. On page 9 of this book, the letter is thus printed : 'Jo nauigai 1' anno 
mcccclxxvii nel mese di Febraio oltra Tile isola cento leghe, la cui parte Australe e lontana dall' Equinottiale settantatre 
gradi, & non sessantatre, come alcuni vogliono : ne giace dentro della linea, che include 1' Occidente di Tolomeo, ma e 
molto piu Occidentale. Et a quest' isola, che e tanto grande come 1' Jnghilterra, vanno gl' Jnglesi con de loro mercatantie, 
specialmente quelli di Bristol. Et al tiempo, che io vi andai, non era congelato il mare, quantunque vi fossero si grosse 
maree, che in alcuni luoghi ascendeua ventisei braccia, et discendeua altre tanti in altezza. E bene il vero, che Tile, quella 
di cui Tolomeo fa mentione, giace doue egli dice ; & questa da' moderni e chiamata Frislanda.' 


of the Icelandic discovery through the English, and especially the Bristol trade with Iceland 1 . 
These theories do not require further consideration here, since they have no bearing on the 
primitive history of the Wineland discovery. 

(2) Lggsogumenn [sing. logsggumaSr], lit. law-saying men, publishers of the laws. The 
office was introduced into Iceland contemporaneously with the adoption of the law code of 
Ulfliot [tJMj6tr], and the establishment of the Althing [Popular Assembly] in the year 930, 
and was, probably, modelled after a similar Norwegian office. It was the duty of the ' law- 
sayer ' to give judgment in all causes which were submitted to him, according to the common 
law established by the Althing. The ' law-sayer ' appears to have presided at the Althing, 
where it was his custom to regularly announce the laws. From this last, his most important, 
function called Maw-saying' [logsaga], the office received its name. From the time of its 
adoption, throughout the continuance of the Commonwealth, the office was elective, the 
incumbent holding office for a limited period [three years] although he was eligible for re- 
election 2 . [Vigfusson, Diet. s. v., states that during the first hundred years the law-speakers 
were elected for life.] 

(3) Little is known of Rafn beyond his genealogy, which is given in Landnama, Pt. II, 
ch. xxi, and again in Sturlunga Saga I, ch. vii [Vigfusson's ed. p. 5]. Rafn was distantly 
related to Ari Marsson and Leif Ericsson. His ancestor, Steinolf the Short [Steinolfr hinn 
lagi], was the brother of Thorbiorg, Ari Marsson's grandmother, and through the same 
ancestor, Steinolf, Rafn was remotely connected with Thiodhild, Leif Ericsson's mother. 

(4) By this Thorfinn, the second earl of that name, is probably meant, i. e. Thorfinn 
Sigurd's son. ' He was the most powerful of all the Orkney earls. * * * Thorfinn was five 
years old when the Scotch king, Malcolm, his maternal grandfather, gave him the title 
of earl, and he continued earl for seventy years. He died in the latter days of Harold 
Sigurdsson,' [ca. a.d. 1064] 3 . 

(5) It is recorded in Icelandic Annals [Annales regii, Skalholt, Gottskalk's, and Flatey 
Annals] that King Olaf Tryggvason effected the Christianization of Halogaland in the year 
999. In this year, according to the Saga of Olaf Tryggvason in 'Heimskringla,' 'King Olaf 
came with his men the same autumn to Drontheim, and betook himself to Nidaros, where he 
established himself for the winter ; ' and in the same place we read, ' Leif, the son of Eric the 
Red, he who first settled Greenland, was come that summer from Greenland to Norway ; he 
waited upon King Olaf, accepted Christianity, and spent the winter with King Olaf.' In the 
spring following, and hence in the spring of the year 1000, for Olaf was killed in the autumn 
of that year, ' King Olaf sent Leif Ericsson to Greenland to proclaim Christianity there, and he 
sailed that summer to Greenland. He rescued at sea a ship's crew of men who were in 

1 ' Bristol, wo die Gabotti [Cabots] ihre zweite Heimath gefunden hatten, unterhielt damals mit Island einen lebhaften 
Handelsverkehr, und da wir Sebastian Cabot auf seiner zweiten Fahrt Island beruhren sehen, so hat man nicht ohne Grand 
vermuthet, dass die beiden Venetianer von den Entdeckungen der Normannen unterrichtet gewesen sind, deren Andenken 
auf jener Insel noch jetzt in aller Frische sich erhalten hat.' Peschel, Geschichte der Erdkunde, Munich, 1865, 
pp. 260-1. 

* Cf. Maurer, Die Entstehung des Islandischen Staats und seiner Verfassung, Munich, 1852, pp. 147, 152-3, and the 
same author's, Island von seiner ersten Entdeckung bis zum Untergange des Freistaats, Munich, 1874, pp. 52-3. 

3 Orkneyinga Saga, ed. Vigfusson, in Icelandic Sagas, London, 1887, ch. xxxviii. p. 58. 

NOTES. 161 

desperate straits, and were clinging to a wreck, and he then found Wineland the Good.' 
[Heimskringla, ed. Unger, pp. 192, 196, 204.] The preponderance of evidence certainly points 
to the year 1000 as the year of Leifs discovery. 

(6) Hiisa-snotro-tre, lit. ' house- neat- wood.' The word hiisa-snotra is of infrequent 
occurrence, and its exact significance has given rise to widely diverging opinions. Saxo 
Grammaticus renders it ' gubernaculum,' in an excerpt from Arrow-Odd's Saga [Book v, of 
Historia Danica, ed. P. E. Muller, Copenh. 1839, vol. ii. p. 251]. Torfaeus, in his ' Historia 
Vinlandise ' [p. 28], renders the word ' coronis ; ' ' vir quidam Bremensis coronidem ejus 
[husasnotra habetur] licitabat,' leaving us in doubt as to what he meant by 'coronis;' it may 
be conjectured, however, that he had in mind the same meaning which was subsequently 
given to the word by Biorn Haldorsen, in his dictionary, namely, 'coronis domus.' Werlauff 
[Symbolae ad geographiam medii aevi, ex monumentis Islandicis, p. 14] translated the word, 
as it occurs in this passage, ' scopse.' ' Fertur Thorfinnum Karlsefni scopas ex ligno sibi 
aptasse.' Vigfusson [Diet. s. v.] defines the word, 'house-neat,' 'house-cleaner,' inclining 
evidently to WerlaufFs interpretation, but quoting Finn Magnusen as having suggested 
the translation 'broom.' Fritzner [Diet. s. v.] defines the word 'a weather-vane, or other 
ornament, at the point of the gable of a house or upon a ship.' This interpretation of 
Fritzner's is confirmed by Dr. Valt/r GuSmundsson, in a critical study of the meaning 
of the word, wherein he shows the close relationship existing between the probable specific 
names for the parts connected with the ornamented point, occasionally vane-capped, both 
upon the peak of the house-gable and the peculiarly carved prow of the ship. That the 
names should have been used interchangeably for the similar object, in both house and 
ship, is the less remarkable, since we read of a portion of a ship's prow having been 
removed from a vessel and placed above the principal entrance of a house, that is, in some 
part of the gable-end of the dwelling l , 

(7) This passage is somewhat obscure. It may, perhaps, indicate that the 'house-neat- 
wood ' was obtained at Stream-firth, although it is stated in general terms in Flatey Book 
that the 'house-neat-wood' came from Wineland. If the meaning is, as suggested in this 
passage, that the 'house-neat' was hewed to the northward of Hop, the only intelligible 
interpretation of the following clause would seem to be that, although Karlsefni attained the 
region which corresponded with Leifs accounts of Wineland, he did not succeed, on account 
of the hostility of the natives which compelled him to beat a retreat, in accomplishing a 
thorough exploration of the country, nor was he able to carry back with him any of the 
products of the land. This author, it will be noted, records only the two voyages described in 
the Saga of Eric the Red, namely, Leifs voyage of discovery, and Karlsefni's voyage of 

(8) Lit. the Uplanders, i.e. the people of the Norwegian Oplandene ; a name given to a 
district in Norway comprising a part of the eastern inland counties. 

(9) Olaf the White is called in the Eyrbyggja Saga ' the greatest warrior-king in the 
western sea,' [mestr herkonungr fyrir vestan haf]. This expedition, in which he effected the 
capture of Dublin, appears to have been made about the year 852. [Cf. Munch, Norske 

1 Cf. GuSmundsson, Privatboligcn paa Island i Sagatiden, Copenhagen, 1889, pp. 154, 158-60. 



Folks Historie, pt. i. vol. i. p. 441.] The title, which is assigned him, 'herkonungr,' signifies 
a king of troops, a warrior-king. Norway, prior to the reign of Harold Fairhair, was divided 
into numerous petty states, called ' fylki.' The rulers of these small kingdoms were called 
• fylkiskonungar ' [fylki-kings], as contradistinguished from those 'kings' who had command 
over a troop of warriors or a war-ship, but who were not necessarily rulers of the land. These 
warrior-kings were called ' herkonungar,' or occasionally 'sj6konungar [sea-kings], [Cf. 
Keyser, Norges Stats- og Retsforfatning i Middelalderen, in his ' Efterladte Skrifter,' Chr'a, 
1867, vol. ii. p. 20 et seq.] As the forays of these ' warrior -kings ' were mainly directed against 
the people living in and about the British Isles, and hence to the westward of Norway, the 
expression, 'at herja I vestrvfking,' ' to engage in a westerly foray,' came to be a general term 
for a viking descent upon some part of the coast of Great Britain, Ireland, or the adjacent 
islands. These free-booting expeditions began on the Irish coasts, perhaps as early as 
795. In 798, the Norsemen plundered the Hebrides, and in 807 obtained a lodgment 
upon the mainland of Ireland 1 . 

(10) Aud, or as she is also called Unnr, [cf. ante, note 4, p. 15], the Enormously- 
wealthy [hin djiipauoga] or Deep-minded [hin djupuSga], was one of the most famous of the 
Icelandic colonists. Her genealogy is thus given in the first chapter of the Laxdcela Saga: 
' There was a man named Ketil Flat-nose, a son of Biorn Buna; he was a mighty chieftain in 
Norway, and a man of noble lineage ; he dwelt at Romsdal in the Romsdal-fylki, which is 
between South Mcer and North Mcer. Ketil Flat-nose married Ingvild, daughter of Ketil 
Wether, a famous man ; they had five children. . . . Unn, the Enormously-wealthy, was Ketil's 
daughter, [she] who married Olaf the White, Ingiald's son, son of Frodi the Brave, who slew 
the Swertlings.' Aud was one of the few colonists who had accepted the Christian religion 
before their arrival in Iceland. Her relatives, however, seem to have lapsed into the old faith 
soon after her death, for on the same hill on which Aud had erected her cross, they built a 
heathen altar, and offered sacrifices, believing that, after death, they would pass into the hill. 
[Landnama, Pt. ii. ch. xvi.] Earl Sigurd the Mighty, with whom Aud's son, Thorstein, 
formed his alliance, was the first earl of the Orkneys, and this league was formed ca. 880. 
[Orkneyinga Saga, ed. Vigfusson, 1. c. p. 5.] Vigfusson makes the date of Thorstein the Red's 
fall, ca. 888, of Aud's arrival in Iceland, ca. 892, and of her death, ca. 908-10. [Timatal 
1. c, p. 494] ; Munch, on the other hand, gives the date of Aud's death as 900. [Norske 
Historie, pt i. p. 802.] 

(11) SuSreyjar [Sodor], lit. the southern islands ; a name applied specifically, as here, to 
the Hebrides. 

(12) Knorr, a kind of trading-ship. It was in model, doubtless, somewhat similar to the 
modern Nordlands-jaegter, the typical sailing craft of northern Norway. It was, probably, 
a clinker-built ship, pointed at both ends, half-decked, [fore ?] and aft, and these half-decks were 
in the larger vessels connected by a gangway along the gunwale. The open space between 
the decks was reserved for the storage of the cargo, which, when the ship was laden, was pro- 
tected by skins or some similar substitute for tarpaulins. The vessel was provided with a single 
mast, and was propelled by a rude square sail, and was also supplied with oars. The rudder 

1 Cf. Orkneyinga Saga, translated by Hjaltalin and Goudie, Edinburgh, 1873, p. xxi. 

NOTES. 163 

was attached to the side of the ship, upon the starboard quarter, and the anchor, originally of 
stone, was afterward supplanted by one of iron, somewhat similar in form to those now in use. 
When the vessel was in harbour a tent was spread over the ship at both ends. The vessel 
was supplied with a large boat, called the 'after-boat,' sometimes large enough to hold twenty 
persons [Egils Saga Skallagrfmssonar, ch. 27], which was frequently towed behind the ship ; 
in addition to this, a smaller boat often appears to have been carried upon the ship. [Cf. Egils 
Saga Skallagrfmssonar, ch. 60, wherein we are told that three men enter the smaller boat, but 
eighteen the 'after-boat']. The knorr was swift and more easily controlled than the long-ship 
[langskip] or war-ship, as we may conclude from a passage in the Saga of Olaf Tryggvason, 
ch. 184, wherein Earl Hacon tells Sigmund Brestisson, when the latter is preparing to sail to 
the Faeroes, to take vengeance for his father, ' the voyage is not so long as it is difficult, for 
long-ships cannot go thither on account of the storms and currents, which are oftentimes so 
severe there, that a merchant-ship [byrSingr] can scarcely cope with these, [wherefore] it seems 
to me best, that I should cause two "knerrir" to be equipped for your voyage.' Upon Queen 
Aud's vessel there were twenty freemen, and besides these there were probably as many 
more women and children, perhaps forty or fifty persons in all. As Aud was going to a new 
country to make it her permanent home, she took with her, no doubt, a considerable cargo of 
household utensils, timber, grain, live-stock, &c. In the Egils Saga mention is made of two 
vessels (knerrir, sing, knprr), presumably of about the same size as this ' knorr,' in which Aud and 
her people made the voyage to Iceland. We read there, that after the death of Thorolf 
Kveldulfsson, who received his death-wound from Harold Fairhair's own hand, because of his 
refusal to pay tribute to the king, that Kveldulf, Thorolf 's father and Skallagrim, his brother, 
decided to go to Iceland. ' Early in the spring [878], Kveldulf and his son each made his ship 
ready. They had a considerable ship's company, and a goodly one. They made ready two 
large "knerrir," having upon each thirty able-bodied men, besides women and young persons. 
They took with them all of the property which they could.' [Egils Saga Skallagrfmssonar, ed. 
Finnur j6nsson, Copenh. 1886, p. 81.] A recent writer, Tuxen, reasoning from this passage, 
concludes, that there could not have been less than forty persons on board each ship, there 
may well have been more, and to transport these, together with their probable cargo, would, 
he estimates, require a sloop of not less than forty tons burden, which would belong to the 
smallest class of vessels now making the voyage between Copenhagen and Iceland. Reasoning 
from a comparison of a vessel of this size with the ship unearthed at the farm of Gokstad, 
north of Sandefiord, Norway, in 1880, he concludes, that such a 'knorr' would have been 
somewhat over forty-two feet long, with a breadth of beam of from sixteen to eighteen feet, 
that is to say rather more than twenty feet shorter than the Gokstad ship, with about the 
same breadth of beam, but probably considerably deeper from gunwale to keel. It is not 
clear, however, why so small a size should be assigned to the 'knprr;' there seems excellent 
reason for the conclusion that these vessels were not only as large, but even decidedly larger, 
than the Gokstad ship. Sailing free, before the wind, these ships could doubtless attain 
a very creditable rate of speed, but the nature of the sail and its adjustment was apparently 
such that they could not make such favourable progress when beating into the wind, especially 
in land-locked waters, and hence the frequent recurrence in the sagas of the statement, that 
' the ship waited for a fair wind ' [byrr], before setting sail. It was, probably, in ships of a 

Y 2 


similar model to that of the 'knorr,' that Leif and Karlsefni made their voyages. These 
vessels, while they seem to have been constructed with little regard to the comfort of their 
crews, were well adapted to fulfill their duties in the more essential features of sea- 
worthiness and speed \ 

(13) Frjals, a freedman, from frf-hals, i.e. having the neck free; a ring worn about the 
neck having been a badge of servitude. Slaves were called )?raelar, thralls. The thrall 
was entirely under the control of his master, and could only obtain his freedom by purchase, 
with the master's approval. He was occasionally freed by his lord, as a reward for some 
especial act of devotion, for a long period of faithful service, or, in Christian times, as an 
act of atonement or propitiation on the part of the master. The early settlers of Iceland 
brought with them many of their thralls from Norway ; others were captured in the westerly 
forays, or purchased in the British Isles, — indeed the ranks of the slaves would appear, both 
from actual record and from their names, to have been mainly recruited from the British 
Isles. The majority of these were, probably, not serfs by birth, but by conquest, as witness 
the case of Vifil in this saga. The freeing of thralls was very common in Iceland, and 
there are frequent references in the sagas to men who were themselves, or whose fathers 
had been, ' leysingjar,' freedmen. The master could kill his own thrall without punishment ; 
if he killed the slave of another he was required to pay to the master the value of the slave, 
within three days, or he laid himself liable to condemnation to the lesser outlawry. The 
thralls were severely punished for their misdeeds, but if one man took into his own hands 
the punishment of the thralls of another, it was held to be an affront which could be, 
and usually was, promptly revenged by their master. It was this right of revenge for 
such an affront, which led Eric the Red to kill Eyiolf Saur, who had punished 
Eric's thralls for a crime committed against Eyiolf's kinsman, Valthiof. The master, 
however, was made liable for the misdeeds of his thrall, and could be prosecuted for these ; 
the offence in Eyiolf s case was, that he took the execution of the law into his own hands 2 . 

(14) Dalalgnd, lit. the Dale-lands. The region of which Aud took possession is in 
the western part of Iceland, contiguous to that arm of the Breidafirth [Broad-firth] which is 
known as Hvamms-firth. Hvammr is on the northern side of this firth at its head, and 
Krossh6lar [Cross-hill] is hard by. Both Hvammr and Krossholar still retain their 
ancient names. 

(15) Vifilsdalr [Vifilsdale] unites with Laugardalr to form the H6r3adalr, through which 
the Horda-dale river flows from the south into Hvamms-firth, at the south-eastern bight of 
that firth. 

(16) Jeederen was a district in south-western Norway, in which the modern Stavanger 
is situated. 

(17) Drangar on Horn-strands, where Eric and his father first established themselves, 

1 Cf. Tuxen, 'De Nordiske Langskibe,' in Aarb^ger for Nord. Oldk. og Hist., i888, pp. 47-134. For a description 
of the Gokstad ship see also. The Viking-ship discovered at Gokstad in Norway, described by N. Nicolaysen, Christiania, 

1 Cf. Maurer, Die Freigelassenen nach altnorwegischem Rechte, Munich, 1878 ; Kalund, FamilieKvet pa Island i den 
fyrste Saga Periode [indtil 1030], Copenh. 1870, pp. 354-364 ; Keyser, Stats- og Retsforfatning i Middclalderen, Chr'a., 
1867, pp. 289-295. 

NOTES. 165 

is on the northern shore of the north-west peninsula of Iceland. Erics-stead, to which 
Eric removed after his father's death and his own marriage to Thorhild, was in Haukadalr, 
in western Iceland, in Queen Aud's 'claim;' through this valley the Haukadale river flows, 
from the east, into the south-easterly bight of Hvamms-firth. 

(18) Brokey [Brok-island, which receives its name from a kind of grass called ' brok 'J is 
the largest of the numerous islands at the mouth of Hvamms-firth, where it opens into 
Breida-firth. Eyxney, Oxney [Ox-island] is separated from Brokey by a narrow strait. Su3rey 
[South-island] is in the same archipelago, immediately south of Brokey. It is said that 
the first dwelling upon Brokey was built in the last half of the seventeenth century. 
Su3rey is no longer inhabited ; the present dwelling on Oxney is situated on the southern 
side of the island, while Eric's home, it is claimed, was upon the northern side of the 
island, at the head of a small bay or creek, called Eirfksvagr, and it is stated that low 
mounds can still be seen on both Oxney and SuSrey, which are supposed to indicate the 
sites of Eric's dwellings 1 . 

(19) In the skali, which was, perhaps, at the time of which this saga treats, used as 
a sleeping-room, there was a raised dais or platform, called the 'set,' on either side of what 
may be called the nave of the apartment, extending about two-thirds the length of the room. 
This ' set ' was used, as a sleeping-place by night, and the planks or timbers with which the 
'set' was covered were called 'set-stokkar,' although this name seems to have been especially 
applied to those timbers, which formed the outer portion of the ' set V 

(20) Drangar [Monoliths] and Brei3ab6lstaf3r [Broad-homestead] were both situated on 
the mainland, a short distance to the southward of the islands on which Eric had established 

(21) One of the famous ' settlers ' of Iceland, named Thorolf Moster-beard [Mostrarskegg] ; 
like many another 'settler' [landnamsmaSr], because he would not acknowledge the supremacy 
of king Harold Fairhair, left his home in the island of Moster, in south-western Norway, 
and sailed to Iceland, where he arrived about the year 884 [Vigfusson, Ti'matal, 1. c. p. 493]. 
He was a believer in the ' old ' or heathen faith, and when he reached the land, he cast the 
pillars of the 'place of honour' of his Norwegian home into the sea; upon these the figure 
of the god Thor was carved, and where these penates were cast up by the sea, according 
to the custom of men of his belief, he established himself. The cape upon which the 
wooden image of the god drifted, Thorolf called Thorsness. This cape is on the southern 
side of Breidafirth, at the mouth of Hvamms-firth, and here Thorolf subsequently 
established a district court [hera8s}>ing] which received from his ' claim ' the name of 
' Thorsness-thing.' The exact site of this 'thing' is somewhat uncertain. Vigfusson 
[Eyrbyggja Saga, Vorrede, p. xix] suggests that it was, probably, somewhat to the westward 
of the mouth of Hvamms-firth. When the ' Quarter-courts ' were established in the tenth 
century, Thorsness-thing was removed farther to the eastward [Eyrbyggja Saga, ed. Vig- 
fusson, p. 12] — and there have been those, who claim to have been able to discover the 

1 Cf. Ami Thorlacius, ' Um Ornefni 1 forties l>ingi,' in Safh til Sogu Islands, vol. ii. pp. 283, 293, 296; Kalund, 
Bidrag til en historisk-topografisk Beskrivelse af Island, Copenh. 1877, vol. i. pp. 455-6. 
a Cf. Guomundsson, Privatboligen pa Island i Sagatiden, pp. 213-14. 


true site of this ancient court. [Cf. Finn Magnusen, Gronlands historiske Mindesmserker, 
vol. i. pp. 520 et seq. ; Thorlacius, Urn Ornefni f tomes bingi., L c. pp. 294-5.] Vigfusson 
says of Magnusen's supposed discovery, that it had in it more of 'poetry than truth' ['ist 
mehr Dichtung als Wahrheit '], and this opinion seems to be entirely confirmed by Dr. 
Kalund. [Cf. Vigfusson, Eyrbyggja Saga, Vorrede, p. xix ; Kalund, Bidr. til en hist.-top. 
Beskr. af Island, vol. i. p. 443.] It was at this court that Eric the Red, despite the 
assistance which he received from his friends, was condemned to outlawry. 

(22) Di'munarvagr [Dimun-inlet] was, probably, in that group of small islets called 
Di'mun, situated north-east of Brokey at the mouth of Hvamms-firth. 

(23) Very little information has been preserved concerning Gunnbiorn, or his discovery. 
His brother, Grimkell, was one of the early Icelandic colonists, and settled on the western 
coast of Snowfells-ness, his home being at Saxaholl. [Landnama, pt. ii. ch. viii.] Gunn- 
biorn's sons, Gunnstein and Halldor, settled in the North-west peninsula, on arms of the 
outer Ice-firth [fsafjarSardjup] [Landnama, pt. ii. ch. xxix]. It is not known whether 
Gunnbiorn ever lived in Iceland, but it would seem to be probable that it was upon 
a voyage to western Iceland, that he was driven westward across the sea between Iceland 
and Greenland, and discovered the islands, which received his name, and likewise saw the 
Greenland coast. Eric sailed westward from Snowfells-ness, the same cape upon which 
Gunnbiorn's brother had established himself, and it is, perhaps, not unlikely, that it was from 
somewhere in the region of Grimkell's ' claim ' that Gunnbiorn was driven westward, and 
that the knowledge of this may have guided Eric in laying his course. 

(24) Blacksark [Blaserkr] and Whitesark [Hvitserkr] may have been either on the 
eastern or the south-eastern coast of Greenland. It is not possible to determine from the 
description here given, whether Blacksark was directly west of SnsefellsjOkull, nor is it 
clear whether Blacksark and Whitesark are the same mountain, or whether there has been 
a clerical error in one or the other of the manuscripts. 

(25) An effort was made by the editors of 'GrOnlands historiske Mindesmserker,' to 
determine the actual site of the different firths, islands and mountains here named. In the 
light of subsequent explorations, it may be said, this effort was crowned with rather dubious 
success. So much seems to be tolerably certain, from Captain Gustav Holm's explorations 
of the eastern coast of Greenland, accomplished in 1883-5, that there were no Icelandic 
settlements upon that coast ; wherefore both the Eastern and Western Settlement must be 
sought upon the western coast of Greenland, that is, to the westward of Cape Farewell, 
and between that cape on the south and Disco Island on the north ; for, according to 
Steenstrup, the only ruin in northern Greenland, not of Eskimo origin, of which we have 
any knowledge, is the so-called ' Bear-trap ' on Nugsuak Cape l , on the mainland, a short 
distance north of Disco Island. [Steenstrup, ' Unders0gelsesrejserne i nord-Gr0nland i 
Aarene 1878-80,' in Meddelelser om Gr0nland, Copenh. 1883, p. 51.] The principal Norse 
remains [i.e. remains from the Icelandic colony in Greenland] have been found in two 
considerable groups ; one of these is in the vicinity of the modern Godthaab, and the other 
in the region about the modern Julianehaab [the famous Kakortok church ruin being in 

1 It is Captain Holm's opinion that this ' Bear-trap ' is not of Icelandic but of Eskimo origin. 

NOTES. 176 

the latter group]. It may be, that the first or Godthaab ruins, are upon the site of the Western 
Settlement, and the second, or Julianehaab group, upon that of the Eastern Settlement. It is 
not apparent, however, whether the Western uninhabited region was between Godthaab and 
Julianehaab or beyond Godthaab to the north, but it seems clear, that Erics-firth, Hrafhs-firth, 
Snowfell, Hvarfsgnipa, and Ericsey, were all situated upon the western coast of Greenland \ 

(26) This Ingolf was called Ingolf the Strong [hinn sterki]. There is some confusion 
in Landnama concerning his genealogy; he was probably a son of one of the Icelandic 
colonists, named Thorolf Sparrow [spgrr]. His home, H6lmslatr [Holm-litter], was on the 
southern side of Hvamms-firth. 

(27) Thorbiorn's and Thorgeir's father was the same Vifil, who came out to Iceland 
with Queen Aud, and who received from her the land on which he settled, Vifilsdale, as 
has been narrated in this saga, and is thus told in Landnama: 'Vifil was the name of a 
freedman of Aud's. . . She gave him Vifilsdale, where he dwelt. . . His son was Thorbiorn, 
father of Gudrid, who married Thorstein, the son of Eric the Red, and afterwards Thorfinn 
Karlsefni, from whom are descended Bishops Biorn, Thorlak, and Brand. Another son of 
Vifil's was Thorgeir, who married Arnora,' &c. [Landn4ma, pt. ii. ch. xvii.] The estate 
which Thorbiorn received with his wife, and upon which he lived after his marriage, called 
Laugarbrekka [Warm-spring-slope] on Hellisvellir [Cave-fields], is situated on the southern 
side of Snowfells-ness, near the outer end of that cape. Arnarstapi [Eagle-crag], where 
Gudrid's foster-father lived, was a short distance to the north-east of Laugarbrekka. 

(28) Thorgeirsfell was upon the southern side of Snowfells-ness, to the eastward of 

(29) The simple fact, that Thorgeir was a freedman, would seem to have offered no valid 
reason for Thorbiorn's refusal to consider his son's offer for Gudrid's hand, since Thorbiorn 
was himself the son of a man who had been a thrall; the real ground for his objection 
was, perhaps, not so much the former thraldom of Einar's father, as the fact that he was 
a man of humble birth, which Thorbiorn's father, although a slave, evidently was not. 

(30) Hraunhofh [Lava-haven] was on the southern side of Snowfells-ness, nearly midway 
between Laugarbrekka and Thorgeirsfell. It was this harbour from which Biorn Broad- 
wickers'-champion set sail, as narrated in Eyrbyggja 2 . 

(31) Litil-vglva. The word vglva signifies a prophetess, pythoness, sibyl, a woman 
gifted with the power of divination. The characterization of the prophetess, the minute 
description of her dress, the various articles of which would seem to have had a symbolic 
meaning, and the account of the manner of working the spell, whereby she was enabled to 
forecast future events, form one of the most complete pictures of a heathen ceremony 
which has been preserved in the sagas. 

(32) The expression ' Leif had sailed ' [' Leifr haf5i siglt '], would seem to refer to an 
antecedent condition, possibly to the statement concerning the arrival of Thorbiorn and 
his daughter at Brattahlid; i.e. 'Leif had sailed,' when they arrived. If this be, indeed, 

1 An account of the explorations of the ruins in the vicinity of Godthaab will be found in Meddelelser om Gnjmland, 
Copenhagen, 1889, in Jensen's article entitled, ' Undersif>gelse af Grijmlands Vestkyst [1884-85] fra 64° til 67°N.' For 
a description of the ruins in the neighbourhood of Julianehaab, cf. Holm, 'Beskrivelse af Ruiner i Julianehaabs Distrikt, 
unders<f>gte i Aaret 1880,' in Meddelelser om Gr<J>nland, Copenh. 1883. 

1 Cf. ante, p. 84. 


the fact, it follows that Thorbiorn and his daughter must have arrived at Brattahlid during 
Leif's absence in Norway, and obviously before his return to Greenland, in the autumn of 
the year iooo. Upon this hypothesis, it is clear, that Thorbiorn and Gudrid must have 
been converted to Christianity before its legal acceptance in Iceland, that is to say, before 
the year iooo; and further, that Thorstein Ericsson may have been married to Gudrid in 
the autumn after his return from his unsuccessful voyage, namely, in the autumn of the 
year iooi ; accordingly Karlsefni may have arrived in the following year, have been wedded 
to Gudrid at the next Yule-tide, 1002-3, and have undertaken his voyage to Wineland in 
the year 1003. This chronology is suggested with the sole aim of fixing the earliest possible 
date for Karlsefni's voyage of exploration. 

(33) The expression of fsK. ' margkunnig,' conveys the impression that Thorgunna was 
gifted with preternatural wisdom. 

(34) It has been suggested, that this Thorgunna is the same woman of whom we read in 
the Eyrbyggja Saga: 'That summer, when Christianity was accepted by law in Iceland, 
a ship arrived out by Snowfells-ness ; this was a Dublin ship . . . There was a woman of the 
Hebrides on board, whose name was Thorgunna; the ship's folk reported, that she had 
brought with her such precious articles as were very rare in Iceland. And when Thurid, 
the mistress of Fr6da, heard this, she was very curious to see these treasures ; for she was 
fond of finery, and showy in her dress ; she accordingly went to the ship, where she met 
Thorgunna, and enquired of her whether she had any woman's garb of surpassing beauty. 
She replied, that she had no precious things to sell, but that she had finery in which 
she felt it no disgrace to appear at feasts or other assemblies. Thurid asked to see 
these articles, and was well pleased with them, and thought them very becoming, but 
not of very great value. Thurid endeavoured to purchase these articles, but Thorgunna 
would not sell them. Thereupon Thurid invited her to make her home with her, for she 
knew that Thorgunna had many treasures, and she thought that, sooner or later, she might 
succeed in obtaining them. Thorgunna replies : "lam well content to make my home with 
thee, but thou shalt know that I am inclined to give but little for my maintenance, since I am 
well able to work ; wherefore I will myself decide what I shall give for my support from such 
property as I possess." Thorgunna spoke about the matter somewhat harshly, but Thurid 
still insisted that she should accompany her. Thorgunna's belongings were then carried from 
the ship ; they were contained in a large locked chest and a portable box ; these were carried 
to Frc5da, and when Thorgunna came to her lodgings, she asked to be provided with a bed, 
and a place was assigned her in the innermost part of the sleeping-apartment. She then 
unlocked her chest, and took from it bed-clothes, which were all very elaborately wrought ; 
she spread an English sheet and silk quilt over the bed ; she took bed-curtains from the chest 
together with all the precious hangings of a bed ; all of these were so fine that the folk thought 
they had never seen the like. Thereupon Mistress Thurid exclaimed : " Fix a price upon the 
bed-clothing." Thorgunna replies : " I shall not lie in straw for thee, even if thou art 
fine-mannered and carriest thyself proudly." Thurid was displeased at this, and did not 
again seek to obtain the precious articles. Thorgunna worked at weaving every day, when 
there was no hay-making ; but when the weather was dry, she worked at hay-making in the 
in-fields, and she had a rake made especially for her, and would use no other. Thorgunna 

NOTES. i6g 

was a large woman, tall, and very stout; with dark brown eyes set close together, 
and thick brown hair; she was for the most part pleasant in her bearing, attended 
church every morning before she went to her work, but was not, as a rule, easy of 
approach nor inclined to be talkative. It was the common opinion that Thorgunna must be 
in the sixties.' [Eyrbyggja Saga, ed. Vigfusson, pp. 92-3.] In the autumn after her arrival 
Thorgunna died, and the strange events accompanying her last illness, are recorded in the 
chapter following that above quoted. As she approached her end, she called the master of 
the house to her, and said : ' " It is my last wish, if I die from this illness, that my body be 
conveyed to Skalholt, for I foresee that it is destined to be one of the most famous spots in 
this land, and I know that there must be priests there now to chant my funeral service. 
I would, therefore, request thee to have my body conveyed thither, for which thou shalt have 
suitable compensation from my possessions; while of my undivided property Thurid shall 
receive the scarlet cloak, and I thus direct, that she may be content, if I make such dis- 
position of my other property as I see fit ; moreover, I would have thee requite thyself for 
such expense as thou hast incurred in my behalf, with such articles as thou wishest, or she 
may choose, of that which I so appoint. I have a gold ring, which is to go with my body to 
the church, but my bed and hangings I wish to have burned, for these will not be of profit 
to any one ; and this I say, not because I would deprive any one of the use of these things, 
if I believed that they would be useful ; but I dwell so particularly upon this," says she, 
" because I should regret, that so great affliction should be visited upon any one, as I know 
must be, if my wishes should not be fulfilled." ' [Eyrbyggja Saga, 1, c. pp. 95-6.] 

The age here assigned to Thorgunna hardly agrees with the probable age of the He- 
bridean Thorgunna of Leif's acquaintance. Indeed the description of this remarkable 
woman, as given in ' Eyrbyggja,' would seem to indicate that there may have been an error 
in the age there assigned her, possibly a clerical error ; if this is not the fact, it is pretty clear, 
that the Hebridean Thorgunna of Leif's acquaintance and the Thorgunna of 'Eyrbyggja' 
cannot be the same person. We are given to understand in the Saga of Eric the Red, that 
the woman of Leif's intrigue was a woman out of the ordinary rank ; we are also told, that Leif 
gave her many precious bits of finery, among the rest a gold ring, and a mantle of wadmal. 
The Thorgunna of ' Eyrbyggja ' was certainly an extraordinary woman, and was distinguished 
also for the apparel and ornaments which she possessed. The parallelism is sufficiently 
striking to point to the possibility, that the Thorgunna of 'Eyrbyggja' was the Thorgunna 
of Eric's Saga, who had, perhaps, come to Iceland to seek a passage to Greenland, in 
pursuance of her intention as announced to Leif at their parting. It is stated in Eric's 
Saga to have been rumoured, that Thorgunna's son came to Iceland in the summer before the 
Froda-wonder. The Thorgunna of the Eyrbyggja Saga arrived in Iceland the summer before 
this 'wonder,' which indeed, owed its origin to her coming, but there is no mention in 
this saga of her having had a son, a singular omission, truly, if it be an omission, in so minute 
a description as the saga has preserved of this remarkable woman. Finally, it is evident, 
if Leif's voyage to Norway was made in 999, and the Thorgunna of Leif's intrigue and she 
of ' Eyrbyggja ' are the same, that Thorgunna's son must have been of a very tender age at 
the time of his mother's arrival in Iceland. In view of these, as well as certain chronological 
difficulties, which this narrative presents, it seems not improbable that the whole account of 



Thorgunna and the Froda-wonder, as contained in ' Eyrbyggja,' was a popular tale interjected 
in the saga for a reason not now apparent. This tale may well have been builded upon a 
historical foundation, but the remains of this foundation are not sufficiently well-preserved to 
enable us to separate accurately the sound from the unsound material *. 

(35) The Froda-wonder is the name given to the extraordinary occurrences, which befell 
at the farmstead of Frdda soon after Thorgunna's death. The 'wonder' began with the 
appearance of a 'weird-moon,' which was supposed to betoken the death of some member of 
the family. This baleful prophecy was followed by the death of eighteen members of the 
household, and subsequently by the nightly apparitions of the dead. The cause of this marvel 
was attributed to the fact, that the Mistress of Fn5da had prevailed upon her husband to 
disregard Thorgunna's injunction to burn the drapery of her bed ; and not until these hangings 
were burned was the evil influence exorcised, and the ghostly apparitions laid, the complete 
restoration of the normal condition of aifairs being further facilitated by the timely recom- 
mendations of a priest, whose services had been secured to that end \ 

(36) It is not certain what variety of wood is meant ; the generally accepted view has 
been, that it was some species of maple. It has also been suggested that the word mausurr 
mpsurr, may be allied to the modern Swedish MasbjOrk, veined-birch, German, Maser-birke, 
and again [cf. Gronl. hist. Mindesm. vol. i. p. 280] to the German Meussdorn, a view which 
Arngrim Jonsson was the first to advance [Gronlandia, ch. x]. It was believed, that this 
last-named received its name, ' darumb das diser dorn den Meusen und ratten zu wider ist,' 
[Bock, Kreuter Buch, ch. cxliij]. The same author writes of this wood: 'ist man fro das 
man Meussdorn zu Besen bekommen kan, als zu Venedig vnd sunst auf den Meerstetten. 
Die Meuss vnd Ratten werden mit disen dornen verscheucht' [Hieronymus Bock [Tragus], 
Kreuter Buch, 1546, p. 347]. It may be, that this or a similar passage suggested to Finn 
Magnusen and Werlauff the interpretation, ' besom,' ' broom,' which they gave to husasnotra 
[af mgsurtre' ; cf. note 6]. That the tree called mgsurr was also indigenous in Norway is 
in a manner confirmed by a passage in the Short Story of Helgi Thorisson [I>attr Helga 
£6rissonar], contained in Flatey Book [vol. i. p. 359] : ' One summer these brothers engaged 
in a trading voyage to Finmark in the north, having butter and pork to sell to the Finns. 
They had a successful trading expedition, and returned when the summer was far-spent, 
and came by day to a cape called Vimund. There were very excellent woods here. They 
went ashore, and obtained some " mgsurr " wood.' The character of this narrative, and 
the locality assigned to the 'mpsurr' trees, affect the trustworthiness of the information. 
It is reasonably clear, however, that the wood was rare and, whether it grew in Finmark or 
not, it was evidently highly prized 3 . 

(37) Thiodhild is also called Thorhild, and similarly Gudrid is called Thurid. It has 
been conjectured, that Thorhild and Thurid were the earlier names, which were changed 
by their owners after their conversion to Christianity, because of the suggestion of the 
heathen god in the first syllable of their original names \ 

(38) Such a fall as this of Eric's does not seem to have been generally regarded as 

1 Cf. Vigfusson, Eyibyggja Saga, Vorrede, p. xvii. " Cf. Eyrbyggja Saga, ed. Vigfusson, pp. 98-103. 

* Cf. Saga Haralds haroraoa, Fommannasogur, p. 184. * Cf. GronL hist. Miiidesm. vol. i. 256-7, 471. 



an evil omen, if we may be guided by the proverb : ' Fall er farar heill ' [(5lafs saga Trygg- 
vasonar, Flateyjarbdk. 1. c. vol. i. p. 231]. The complete saying is given by Guomundr 
j6nsson [Safn af Islenzkum Or6skvi5um, Copenh. 1830. p. 100] : ' Fall er fararheill, fra 
gar8i en ei i gar3,' 'a fall bodes a lucky journey from the house but not toward it.' 

(39) The display of an axe seems to have been peculiarly efficacious in laying such 
fetches. From among numerous similar instances the following incident may be cited : 
'Thorgils heard a knocking outside upon the roof; and one night he arose, and taking 
an axe in his hand, went outside, where he saw a huge malignant spectre standing before 
the door. Thorgils raised his axe, but the spectre turned away, and directed itself toward 
the burial-mound, and when they reached it, the spectre turned against him, and they 
began to wrestle with each other, for Thorgils had dropped his axe V 

(40) Thorfinn Karlsefni's ancestral line was of rare excellence; it is given in Land- 
nama at rather greater length, but otherwise as here : ' Thord was the name of a famous 
man in Norway, he was a son of Biorn Byrdusmior,' &c. ' Thord went to Iceland and took 
possession of HofdastrOnd in Skaga-firth, . . and dwelt at Hofdi [Headland]. Headland- 
Thord married Fridgerd,' &c. 'They had nineteen children. Biorn was their son, . . 
Thorgeir was the second son . . Snorri was the third, he married Thorhild Ptarmigan, 
daughter of Thord the Yeller ' [Landnama, pt. iii. ch. x]. Karlsefni's mother is not named 
in Landnama. His grandmother's father, Thord the Yeller, was one of the most famous 
men in the first century of Iceland's history ; he it was who established the Quarter-courts. 

(41) AlptafjorSr [Swan-firth] is on the southern side of Hvamms-firth, near its junction 
with Breida-firth, in western Iceland. It is not improbable that the two ships sailed from 
Breida-firth, the starting-point for so many of the Greenland colonists. 

(42) It has been claimed that this Thorhall, Gamli's son, was no other than the Thorhall, 
Gamli's son, of Grettis Saga. [Cf. Vigfusson and Powell, Icelandic Reader, p. 381 ; Storm, 
Studier over Vinlandsreiserne, p. 305. The latter author calls attention, in his treatise, to Vig- 
fusson's confusion of Thorhall the Huntsman with Thorhall, Gamli's son.] In the vellum manu- 
script AM. 152 fol., Grettis Saga, p. 6 6, col. 23, we read of a Thorvallr [sic] Vindlendingr, and 
in the same manuscript of a Thorhall, son of Gamli Vinlendingr [p. 17 b, col. 68]. In the Grettis 
Saga of the vellum AM. 551 a, 4to, in corresponding passages, we read first of a Thoralldr 
[sic] Vinlendingr, and subsequently of Thorhall, a son of Gamli Vidlendingr. Again, in the 
parchment manuscript AM. 556 a, 4to, we find mention [p. 11, 11. 6-7] of a Thorhalldr 
Vidlendingr, and in the same manuscript [p. 23, 1. 11] of Thorhall, a son of Gamli Vidlendingr. 
From these passages it would appear that both Thorhall and his father Gamli are called 
Vindlendingr, Vidlendingr, and, once, Vinlendingr. This, in itself, would appear to preclude 
the conjecture that this Thorhall received the appellation, Vinlendingr [Winelander], because 
of his visit to Wineland, for his father had possessed the same title before him ; moreover the 
Thorhall, Gamli's son, of the Saga of Eric the Red, is said to be an Eastfirth man, while the 
Thorhall of Grettis Saga belonged to a northern family living at Hrutafirth, in the Hiinafl6i. 
We find from the probable chronology of Grettis Saga that Thorhall's son was married, and 
living at Melar, in Hrutafirth, in 1014. [Cf. Timatal i Islendinga Sogum, p. 473.] If the 

1 Floamanna Saga, ch. 13, ed. Vigfusson and Mbbius, in Fornsogur, Leipsic, i860. 

Z 2 


Thorhall who went to Wineland was a young man and unmarried, as is not improbable, it is 
manifest that he could not have had a married son living in Iceland in 1014, and chronologically 
it would then appear to be impossible to identify the Thorhall, Gamli's son of Grettis Saga, 
with the man of the same name in Eric's Saga ; this is, of course, purely conjectural, but from 
the other data previously cited, it would appear to be pretty clearly established, that the 
Thorhall, Gamli's son of Grettis Saga, was called after his father Vindlendingr [Wendlander], 
and that he was an altogether different man from the Thorhall, Gamli's son, of the Saga of 
Eric the Red. 

(43) The celebration of Yule was one of the most important festivals of the year, in the 
North, both in heathen and in Christian times. Before the introduction of Christianity, it 
was the central feast of three, which were annually held. Of the significance of these three 
heathen ceremonials, we read : ' Odin established in his realm those laws, which had obtained 
with the Ases ... At the beginning of winter a sacrificial banquet was to be held for a good 
year [til ars], in mid-winter they should offer sacrifice for increase [til groSrar], and the third 
[ceremonial], the sacrifice for victory, was to be held at the beginning of summer [at sumri].' 
[Ynglinga Saga, 'Lagasetning (5Sins,' in Heimskringla, ed. Unger, Chr'a., 1868, p. 9.] As to 
the exact time of the holding of the Yule-feast, it is stated in the Saga of Hacon the Good : 
' He established the law, that the keeping of Yule should be made to conform to the time 
fixed by Christians, and every one should then stand possessed of a measure of ale, or should 
pay the equivalent, and should hold the whole Yule-tide sacred. Before this Yule began with 
[lit. had been kept on] " hgku " night, which was the mid-winter night, and Yule was kept for 
three nights.' [Saga Hakonar g66a, in Heimskringla, ed. Unger, p. 92.] The heathen Yule 
seems not to have coincided exactly with the Christian Christmas festival, and hence the change 
adopted by Hacon, who was a Christian, and who hoped, no doubt, to aid the propagation 
of his faith by thus blending the two festivals. Of the manner in which the three heathen 
festivals were transformed into Christian holidays by those who had experienced a change of 
faith, we read : 'There was a man named Sigurd. ... He was accustomed, while heathendom 
survived, to hold three sacrifices every winter ; one at the beginning of winter [at vetrn6ttum], 
a second at mid-winter, a third at the beginning of summer [at sumri]. But when he accepted 
Christianity, he still retained his old custom regarding the feasts. He gave a great banquet 
to his friends in the autumn ; a Yule-feast in the winter, to which he also invited many 
persons ; the third banquet he held at Easter, and to this also he invited many guests.' [Saga 
6lafs hins helga, in Heimskringla, ed. Unger, p. 351-52.] We learn from the Saga of the 
Foster-brothers, that the celebration of the Yule-tide in this fashion, was of rare occurrence in 
Greenland, ['pvf at sjaldan var Jdladrykkja a Grcenlandi.' F6stbroe8ra Saga, Copenh. 1822, 
p. 138. Konrad Gislason's edition of the same saga has : ' pvf at hann vil joladrykkju hafa, ok 
gera se"r pat til agsetis — pvf at sjaldan voro drykkjur a Grenlandi,' ' for he desired to give a 
Yule-wassail, and get himself fame thereby, — for they seldom had drinking-bouts in Greenland.' 
FostbrseSra Saga, Copenh. 1852, p. 84.] 

(44) Freydis also accompanied the expedition, as appears further on in the saga. 

(45) This passage is one of the most obscure in the saga. If the conjecture as to the 
probable site of the Western Settlement, in the vicinity of Godthaab is correct, it is not 
apparent why Karlsefni should have first directed his course to the north-west, when his 



destination lay to the south-west. It is only possible to explain the passage by somewhat 
hazardous conjecture. Leif may have first reached the Western Settlement on his return 
from the voyage of discovery, and Karlsefni, reversing Leif 's itinerary, may have been led to 
make the Western Settlement his point of departure; or there may have been some reason, 
not mentioned in the saga, which led the voyagers to touch first at the Western Settlement. 
[Prof. Storm would argue from the situation of Lysu-firth, the home of Gudrid's first husband 
in that Settlement, that the expedition may have set sail from there. Cf. Storm, Studier over 
Vinlandsreiserne, pp. 326-8. In this place Storm calls attention to the fact, that Thorstein 
Ericsson's unsuccessful voyage was directed from Eric's-firth, which lay considerably farther 
to the eastward than the Western Settlement, and that he would therefore be less apt to hit 
the land, than Karlsefni who sailed from the Western Settlement.] The language of EsR. 
would admit of the conclusion, that the Bear Islands were not far removed from the Western 
Settlement ['til Vestri-bygdar ok til Biarmeyia ' [sic]] ; the statement of fsK., however, which 
speaks of Bear Island [in the singular] seems to indicate that the point of departure was not 
immediately contiguous to that settlement ['til Vestri-bygoar ok pa6an til Biarneyiar ']. 

(46) Doegr is thus defined in the ancient Icelandic work on chronometry called Ri'mbegla : 
' In the day there are two "dcegr;" in the "dcegr" twelve hours.' This reckoning, as applied to 
a sea-voyage, is in at least one instance clearly confirmed, namely in the Saga of Olaf the Saint, 
wherein it is stated that King Olaf sent Thorarin Nefiolfsson to Iceland : ' Thorarin sailed out 
with his ship from Drontheim, when the King sailed, and accompanied him southward to 
Moeri. Thorarin then sailed out to sea, and he had a wind which was so powerful and so 
favourable [hrafibyrr], that he sailed in eight "doegr" to Eyrar in Iceland, and went at once to 
the Althing.' [Saga Olafs konungs ens helga, ed. Munch and Unger, Chr'a., 1853, pp. 125-6.] 
Thorarin's starting-point was, doubtless, not far from Stad, the westernmost point of Norway, 
the Eyrar, at which he arrived, probably, the modern Eyrar-bakki, in southern Iceland, the 
nearest harbour to the site of the Althing. The time which was consumed in this phenomenal 
voyage is confirmed by Thorarin's words on his arrival at the Althing : ' I parted with King 
Olaf, Harold's son, four nights ago ' [6lafs saga hins helga, 1. c. p. 126]. It is tolerably clear 
from this passage, that this could not have been a normal voyage, and yet we are told in 
Landnama, that from Stad, in Norway, to Horn, on the eastern side of Iceland, is seven 
' dcegra-sigling ' [a sail of seven ' doegr ']. In the same connection it is also stated, that from 
Snowfells-ness the shortest distance to Hvarf in Western Greenland, is a sail of four 'doegr ;' 
from Reykianess, on the southern coast of Iceland, southward to Jolduhlaup in Ireland is five 
[some MSS. have three] 'dcegr' of sea [Landnama, pt. i. ch. i]. These and similar state- 
ments elsewhere, have led many writers to the conclusion, that the word ' doegr ' may also 
indicate a longer period than twelve hours, and possibly the same as that assigned to dagr, a 
day of twenty-four hours. The meaning of the word is not so important to enable us to 
intelligently interpret the saga, as is the determination of the distance, which was reckoned 
to an average ' dcegr's ' sail ; that is to say, the distance which, we may safely conclude, was 
traversed, under average conditions, in a single 'doegr' by Icelandic sailing craft. It seems 
possible to obtain this information with little difficulty. The sailing distance, as given in 
Landnama, from Reykianess to Ireland, may best be disregarded because of the confusion 
in the manuscripts ; the sailing distance from Snowfells-ness to Hvarf in Greenland gives 


rather better data, although it is only possible to determine approximately the site of Hvarf ; 
but the distance from Stad in Norway to Cape Horn in Iceland, can be determined accurately, 
and as this was the voyage, with which Icelanders were most familiar, it affords us a trust- 
worthy standard of measurement, from which it is possible to determine the distance which 
was traversed in a sail of one 'dcegr; ' and the discussion of the mooted question, whether the 
'dcegr ' of Rimbegla, and of King Olaf the Saint's Saga is the same as that of Landnama, is not 
material to this determination. Having regard to the probable course sailed from Norway to 
Iceland, it would appear that a 'doegr's' sail was approximately one hundred and eight miles. 
This result precludes the possibility, that any point in Labrador could have been within a 
sailing distance of two 'dcegr ' from the Western Settlement. It has been noted that there are 
variations in the different manuscripts touching the comparatively little known voyage from 
Iceland to Ireland ; if, similarly, there may have been such a variation in EsR, for example, 
' tvau ' (two) having been written for the somewhat similar ' f iau ' (seven), of an elder text, 
it then becomes apparent that the distance could have been traversed in a sail of seven ' dcegr.' 
Such corruption might have taken place because of lack of accurate knowledge to correct the 
error at the time in which our MSS. were written. The winds appear to have been favourable 
to the explorers; the sail of seven 'dcegr' 'to the southward,' from Greenland with the needful 
westering, would have brought Karlsefni and his companions off the Labrador coast. Apart 
from this conjecture, it may be said that the distance sailed in a certain number of ' dcegr ' 
(especially where such distances were probably not familiar to the scribes of the sagas), seem 
in many cases to be much greater than is reconcilable with our knowledge of the actual 
distances traversed, whether we regard the ' dcegra ' sail as representing a distance of one 
hundred and eight miles or a period of twenty-four hours. 

(47) This may well have been the keel of one of the lost ships belonging to the colonists 
who had sailed for Greenland with Eric the Red a few years before ; the wreckage would 
naturally drift hither with the Polar current \ 

(48) MS. Skotzka, lit. Scotch. This word seems to have been applied to both the people 
of Scotland and Ireland. The names of the man and woman, as well as their dress, appear 
to have been Gaelic, they are, at least, not known as Icelandic ; the minute description of the 
dress, indeed, points to the fact that it was strange to Icelanders. 

(49) Enn rau8skeggja5i, i.e. Thor. It has been suggested, that Thorhall's persistent ad- 
herence to the heathen faith may have led to his being regarded with ill-concealed disfavour 2 . 

(60) There can be little doubt that this ' self-sown wheat ' was wild rice. The habit of 
this plant, its growth in low ground as here described, and the head, which has a certain 
resemblance to that of cultivated small grain, especially oats, seem clearly to confirm this view. 
The explorers probably had very slight acquaintance with cultivated grain, and might on this 
account more readily confuse this wild rice with wheat. There is not, however, the slightest 
foundation for the theory, that this 'wild wheat' was Indian corn, a view which has been 
advanced by certain writers. Indian corn was a grain entirely unknown to the explorers, and 
they could not by any possibility have confused it with wheat, even if they had found this corn 
growing wild, a conjecture for which there is absolutely no support whatever. [Cf. Schtibeler, 

1 Cf. Landnamabok, pt. ii. ch. xiv, see also the similar passage in the Flatey Book narrative, p. 6i, ante. 
* Cf. Icelandic Reader, Oxford, 1879, p. 381. 

NOTES. 175 

1 Om den Hvede, som Nordmaendene i Aaret 1000 fandt vildtvoxende i Vinland,' in Forhand- 
linger i Videnskabets-Selskab, Chr'a., 1859, pp. 21-30.] The same observation as that made 
by the Wineland discoverers was recorded by Jacques Cartier five hundred years later, 
concerning parts of the Canadian territory which he explored. Of the Isle de Bryon we have 
this description, ' Nous la trouuames plaine de beaulx arbres, champs de ble' sauuaige,' &c, 
and in the same narrative, with reference to another portion of the discovery, we are informed 
that the explorers found ' h\€ sauuaige, comme seille, quel il semble y abuoir este seme 1 et laboureV 
[Relation Originale du Voyage de Jacques Cartier au Canada en 1534, ed. Michelant and 
Ram6, Paris, 1867, pp. 19 and 25.] It is no less true that this same explorer found grapes 
growing wild, in a latitude as far north as that of Nova Scotia, and, as would appear from the 
record, in considerable abundance : ' Apres que nous feusmes arriuez auec noz barques 
ausdictz nauires & retournez de la riuyere saincte Croix, le cappitaine Hinanda apprester 
lesdictes barques pour aller a terre a la dicte ysle veoir les arbres qui sembloient fort 
beaulx a veoir, & la nature de la terre d'icelle ysle. Ce que fut faict, & nous estans a 
ladicte ysle la trouuasmes plaine de fors beaulx arbres de la sorte des nostres. Et pareil- 
lement y trouuasmes force vignes, ce que n'auyons veu par cy deuant a toute la terre, & par 
ce la nommasmes l'ysle de Bacchus.' [Bref recit, &c, de la Navigation faite en 1535-6 
par le Capitaine Jacques Cartier aux lies de Canada, Hochelaga, Saguenay et autres, 
ed. D'Avezac, Paris, 1863, p. 14 b and 15.] Again, in the following century, we have an 
account of an exploration of the coast of Nova Scotia, in which the following passage occurs : 
' all the ground betweene the two Riuers was without Wood, and was good fat earth hauing 
seuerall sorts of Berries growing thereon, as Gooseberry, Straw-berry, Hyndberry, Rasberry, 
and a kinde of Red-wine-berry : As also some sorts of Graine, as Pease, some eares of Wheat, 
Barley, and Rye, growing there wild,' &c. [Purchas his Pilgrimes, London, 1625, vol. iv, 
Bk. x, ch. vi, p. 1873.] 

(51) Helgir fiskar, lit. 'holy fish.' The origin of the name is not known. Prof. Maurer 
suggests that it may have been derived from some folk-tale concerning St. Peter, but adds 
that such a story, if it ever existed, has not been preserved \ 

(52) It is not clear what the exact nature of these staves may have been. Hauk's Book 
has for the word translated 'staves,' both 'triom' and 'trionum,' AM. 557 has 'trianum.' 
The word trjonum has the meaning of ' snout,' but the first form of the word, as given in 
Hauk's Book, ' triom,' i. e. trjom [trjam], seems to be the correct form [from tr6, tree]. These 
' staves ' may have had a certain likeness to the long oars of the inhabitants of Newfoundland, 
described in a notice of date July 29th, 1612 : 'They haue two kinde of Oares, one is about foure 
foot long of one peece of Firre ; the other is about ten foot long made of two peeces, one being 
as long, big and round as a halfe Pike made of Beech wood, which by likelihood they made of 
a Biskin Oare, the other is the blade of the Oare, which is let into the end of the long one slit, 
and whipped very strongly. The short one they use as a Paddle, and the other as an Oare.' 
[Purchas his Pilgrimes, London, 1625, vol. iv. p. 1880.] 

(53) The white shield, called the 'peace-shield' [frioskjoldr], was displayed by those who 
wished to indicate to others with whom they desired to meet that their intentions were not 

1 Cf. Maurer, Isliindische Vollcssagen der Gegenwart, Leipsic, i860, p. 195. The fish, now so called, is halibut, and 
is described by Eggert Olafsen, Reise durch Island, Copenh. and Leipsic, 1774, Pt. I, p. 191. 


hostile, as in Magnus Barefoot's Saga, 'the barons raised aloft a white peace-shield' [Saga 
Magnus berfoetts, in Codex Frisianus, ed. Unger, Chr'a., 1869, p. 267]. The red shield, on 
the other hand, was the war-shield, a signal of enmity, as Sinfiotli declares in the Helgi song, 
' Quoth Sinfiotli, hoisting a red shield to the yard, ..." tell it this evening, . . . that the 
Wolfings are come from the East, lusting for war."' [Cf. Helga kvipa Hundingsbana, in Edda- 
lieder, ed. Finnur Jdnsson, Halle o. S. 1890, Pt. II, verses 34-5, pp. 4 and 5.] The use of a 
white flag-of-truce for a purpose similar to that for which Snorri recommended the white 
shield, is described in the passage quoted in note 52, ' Nouember the sixt two Canoas 
appeared, and one man alone coming towards vs with a Flag in his hand of a Wolfes skin, 
shaking it and making a loud noise, which we tooke to be for a parley, whereupon a white 
Flag was put out, and the Barke and Shallop rowed towards them.' [Purchas his Pilgrimes, 
I. c. vol. iv. p. 1880.] 

(54) The natives of the country here described were called by the discoverers, as we 
read, Skraelingjar; since this was the name applied by the Greenland colonists to the Eskimo, 
it has generally been concluded that the Skraelingjar of Wineland were Eskimo. Prof. 
Storm has recently pointed out that there may be sufficient reason for caution in hastily 
accepting this conclusion, and he would identify the inhabitants of Wineland with the 
Indians [Beothuk or Micmac], adducing arguments philological and ethnographical to 
support his theory \ The description of the savages of Newfoundland, given in the passage 
in Purchas' ' Pilgrims,' already cited, offers certain details, which coincide with the description 
of the Skrellings, contained in the saga. These savages are said by the English explorers 
to be ' full-eyed, of a black colour ; the colour of their hair was diuers, some blacke, some 
browne, and some yellow, and their faces something flat and broad.' Other details, which 
are given on the same authority, have not been noted by the Icelandic explorers, and one 
statement, at least, 'they haue no beards 2 ,' is directly at variance with the saga statement con- 
cerning the Skrellings seen by the Icelanders on their homeward journey. The similarity of 
description may be a mere accidental coincidence, and it by no means follows that the 
English writer and Karlsefni's people saw the same people, or even a kindred tribe. 

(55) John Guy, in a letter to Master Slany, the Treasurer and ' Counsell ' of the New- 
found-land Plantation, writes : ' the doubt that haue bin made of the extremity of the winter 
season in these parts of New-found-land are found by our experience causelesse ; and that not 
onely men may safely inhabit here without any neede of stoue, but Nauigation may be made to 
and fro from England to these parts at any time of the yeare. . . . Our Goates haue liued 
here all this winter ; and there is one lustie kidde, which was yeaned in the dead of winter.' 
[Purchas his Pilgrimes, vol. iv. p. 1878.] ' Captaine Winne ' writes, on the seventeenth of 
August, 1622, concerning the climate of Newfoundland : ' the Winter [is] short & tolerable, 
continuing onely in Ianuary, February and part of March : the day in Winter longer then in 
England : . . . Neither was it so cold here the last Winter as in England the yeere before. 
I remember but three seuerall dayes of hard weather indeed, and they not extreame neither : 
for I haue knowne greater Frosts, and farre greater Snowes in our owne Countrey.' 
[Purchas his Pilgrimes, vol. iv. p. 1890.] 

1 Cf. Storm, Studier over Vinlandsreiserne, 1. c. pp. 346-55. 
* Cf. Purchas his Pilgrimes, vol. iv. p. 1881. 

NOTES. 177 

(56) Einfoetingr, i. e. a One-footer, a man with one leg or foot. In the Flatey Book 
Thorvald's death is less romantically described. The mediaeval belief in a country in which 
there lived a race of one-legged men, was not unknown in Iceland, for mention is made in 
Ri'mbegla, of ' a people of Africa called One-footers, the soles of whose feet are so large, that 
they shade themselves with these against the heat of the sun when they sleep.' [Ri'mbegla, 
I.e. p. 344.] This fable seems to have been derived, originally, from Ctesias : [' Item hominum 
genus, qui Monosceli [Monocoli] vocarentur, singulis cruribus, mirae pernicitatis ad saltum : 
eosdemque Sciapodas vocari, quod in maiori aestu humi iacentes resupini, umbra se pedum 
protegant : non longe eos a Troglodytis abesse,' [Ctesise Cnidii quae supersunt, ed. Lion, Got- 
tingen, 1823, p. 264], and was very widely diffused [cf. C. Plinius Secundus, Naturalis Historia, 
lib. vii, ch. 2 ; Aulus Gellius, Noctes Atticae, lib. ix, iv, 9 ; C. Jul. Solinus, Polyhistor, ch. lxv, 
&c] It is apparent from the passages from certain Icelandic works already cited [pp. 15, 16, 
ante], that, at the time these works were written, Wineland was supposed to be in some way 
connected with Africa. Whether this notice of the finding of a Uniped in the Wineland region 
may have contributed to the adoption of such a theory, it is, of course, impossible to determine. 
The reports which the explorers brought back of their having seen a strange man, who, for 
some reason not now apparent, they believed to have but one leg, may, because Wineland 
was held to be contiguous to Africa, have given rise to the conclusion that this strange man 
was indeed a Uniped, and that the explorers had hit upon the African ' land of the Unipeds.' 
It has also been suggested * that the incident of the appearance of the ' One-footer ' may have 
found its way into the saga to lend an additional adornment to the manner of Thorvald's 
taking-off. It is a singular fact that Jacques Cartier brought back from his Canadian explora- 
tions reports not only of a land peopled by a race of one-legged folk, but also of a region in 
those parts where the people were ' as white as those of France ; ' ' Car il (Taignoagny) nous 
a certiffie auoir est6 a la terre de Saguenay, en laqlle y a infini or, rubis & aultres richesses. 
Et y sont les hoiues blancs comme en France & accoutrez de dras de laynes. . . . Plus diet 
auoir este en autre pais de Picquemyans & autres pais, ou les gens n'ont que vne iambe.' 
[Voyage de I. Cartier, ed. d'Avezac, Paris, 1863, p. 40 b.~\ 

(57) These words, it has been supposed, might afford a clue to the language of the 
Skrellings, which would aid in determining their race. In view not only of the fact, that 
they probably passed through many strange mouths before they were committed to writing, 
but also that the names are not the same in the different manuscripts, they appear to 
afford very equivocal testimony. Prof. Storm with reference to these names, which he cites 
thus, Avalldamon, Avaldidida, Vastilldi and Uvaege, says, that, while the information they 
afford is very defective : ' So much seems to be clear, that in their recorded form, they [these 
words] cannot be Eskimo, for d is entirely wanting in Eskimo, and even g is rare except as a 
nasal sound [he refers : Fr. v. Mtiller, Grundriss der Sprachwissenschaft, it. 164] ; Avalldamon 
especially cannot be Eskimo, for Eskimo words must either end with a vowel, or one of the 
mute consonants b, k, [q], t, p. . . . Especially is the soft melody of these Skrelling-words 
altogether different from the harsh guttural sounds of the Eskimo language. We must 
therefore refer for the derivation of these words to the Indians, whom we know in this region 

1 Vigfusson and Powell, Icelandic Reader, 1. c. p. 384. 



in later times. The inhabitants, whom the discoverers of the sixteenth century found in New- 
foundland, and who called themselves " Beothuk " [i.e. men], received from the Europeans the 
name of Red Indians, because they smeared themselves with ochre ; they have now been 
exterminated, partly by the Europeans, partly by the Micmac Indians, who in the last century 
wandered into Newfoundland from New Brunswick. Of their language only a few remnants 
have been preserved, but still enough to enable us to form a tolerably good idea of it. This 
language lacks f, but possesses b, d, g, I, m, n, v as well as the vowels a, e, i, o, u, so that its 
sounds conform entirely to the requirements of the four Skrelling-words. Unfortunately no 
glossary for the words father, mother, king, has been preserved, so that a direct comparison 
is impossible ; however, the female name Shanandithit and the word adadimit [spoon] bear a 
remarkable resemblance to the ending -didida in Avilldidida, and the words buggishaman or 
bukashaman [man, boy] and anyemen [bow] may also be compared to the termination -amon in 
Avalldamon [Ref. Gatchet, two discourses before the Amer. Philos. Society, 19 June, 1885, 
and 7 May, 1886]. This is, of course, only suggested conjecturally ; since the Beothuk seem 
now to have died out, we shall probably, never succeed in obtaining more accurate results. 
I must, however, not omit to mention, that the Micmac language [in Nova Scotia and New 
Brunswick] also has such sounds, as to render it possible that these words might have been 
derived from them ; but the glossaries, which I have examined, and which are much more 
complete than that of the Beothuk tongue, afford no especial resemblance to the Skrelling- 
words under consideration.' [Storm, Studier over Vinlandsreiserne, 1. c. pp. 349-51.] 

Captain Gustav Holm, of the Danish Navy, whose explorations both upon the east and west 
coast of Greenland, and whose prolonged residence in that country entitle him to speak with 
authority, has, at my request, acquainted me with his conclusions respecting the possible 
resemblance between the Skrelling-words and the Eskimo language, and also with 
reference to the points of resemblance between the Skrellings of the saga and the present 
inhabitants of Greenland. These conclusions are as follows : 

' 1. Although the four names, Vaetilldi, Uvcegi, Avalldamon and Valdidida have nothing 
in common with Eskimo words, it cannot be gainsaid that they may be of Eskimo origin, 

' (a) We do not know whether they have been properly understood and recorded. 

'(b) The different manuscripts of the saga give the names in entirely different forms 
[e. g. Avalldania instead of Avalldamon]. 

' (c) Even if the names have been correctly understood and recorded, there is nothing to 
prevent their being Eskimo ; as illustrative of this, the name-list of East-Green- 
landers may be cited, [in 'Den 0stgr0nlandske Expedition,' Copenh. 1888, pt. II. p. 183 
et seq.], in which many names, although they are recorded by a Greenlander [my 
steersman, who was a remarkably intelligent and talented man] have quite as little 
appearance of being Eskimo as the four under consideration. 

' (<0 The Eskimo language has not always the harsh guttural sound which has hitherto 
been ascribed to it. The Angmagsalik language is, on the contrary, very soft; they 
use d instead of ts and t, g instead of k, &c. [Cf. Den 0stgr0nlandske Expedition, 
I. p. 156; II. p. 213.] 



' (e) It is not impossible, that the names may have been derived from Eskimo originals. 

I would mention Uvoegi, the father's name, for instance, which name, as recorded, 

follows that of the mother. " Uve " with the suffix " uvia," signifies in Danish, 

" hendes ^Egtefaelle " [i.e. her husband], [vide Kleinschmidt's Gr0nlandske Ordbog, 

p. 403]. That " Uvcegi " should have any connection with the Greenland word 

" uve " ] is, as a matter of course, a mere guess, by which I have sought to point 

out, that the possibility of Eskimo origin may not be rashly rejected. 

'2. The description of the Skrellings would apply to the Eskimo, with the exception, 

that their eyes cannot be called large, but neither can this be said of the eyes of the 

North American Indians. 

' Even as there are on the north-western coast of North America races which seem to 
me to occupy a place between the Indian and the Eskimo, so it appears to me not sufficiently 
proven, that the now extinct race on America's east coast, the Beothuk, were Indians. 
Their mode of life and belief have many points of resemblance, by no means unimportant, 
with the Eskimo and especially with the Angmagsalik. It is not necessary to particularize 
these here, but I wish to direct attention to the possibility, that in the Beothuk we may 
perhaps have one of the transition links between the Indian and the Eskimo.' 

It will be seen that Captain Holm, while he differs from Professor Storm in many of his 
views, still arrives at much the same conclusion. 

(58) The sum of information which we possess concerning White-men's-land or Ireland the 
Great, is comprised in this passage and in the quotation from Landnama (ante, p. 11). It does 
not seem possible from these very vague notices to arrive at any sound conclusions concerning 
the location of this country. Rafn [Gronlands historiske Mindesmaerker, vol. iii. p. 886] 
concludes that it must have been the southern portion of the eastern coast of North America. 
Vigfusson and Powell [Icelandic Reader, p. 384] suggest that the inhabitants of this White- 
men's-land were ' Red Indians ; ' with these, they say, 'the Norsemen never came into actual 
contact, or we should have a far more vivid description than this, and their land would bear a 
more appropriate title.' Storm in his ' Studier over Vinlandsreiserne ' (1. c. p. 355-363) would 
regard ' Greater Ireland ' as a semi-fabulous land, tracing its quasi-historical origin to the Irish 
visitation of Iceland prior to the Norse settlement. No one of these theories is entirely 
satisfactory, and the single fact which seems to be reasonably well established is that ' Greater 
Ireland ' was to the Icelandic scribes terra incognita. 

(59) Staor i Reynines, the modern Reynista8r, is situated in Northern Iceland, a short 
distance to the southward of Skaga-firth. Glaumbcer, as it is still called, is somewhat farther 
south, but hard by. 

(60) Thorlak Runolfsson was the third bishop of Skalholt. He was consecrated bishop 
in the year 1118, and died 1133 [Jc3n SigurSsson, 'Biskupa tal a fslandi,' in Safn til Sogu 
Islands, vol. i. p. 30]. Biorn Gilsson was the third bishop of Holar, the episcopal seat of 
northern Iceland; he became bishop in 1147, and died in the year 1162. Bishop Biorn's 
successor was Brand Saemundsson, 'Bishop Brand the Elder,' who died in the year 1201 
[Jon SigurSsson, Biskupa tal a Islandi, ubi sup. p. 4]. As AM. 557, 4to, refers to this 

1 Cf. in this connection, Rink, Tales and Traditions of the Eskimo, Edinb. and London, 1875, p. 13, where we find; 
'uviga = my husband,' and again, p. 74 ; ' Uvoege, probably the Greenlandish uvia, signifying husband.' 



Bishop Brand as ' Bishop Brand the Elder,' it is apparent that it, as well as Hauk's Book, must 
have been written after the second Bishop Brand's accession to his sacred office. Bishop 
Brand Jonsson, the second Bishop Brand, became Bishop of H6lar in the year 1263, and died 
in the following year [Biskupa tal, ubi sup. p. 4]. 

(61) We read concerning the introduction of Christianity into Iceland : 'Thorvald [Kod- 
ransson] travelled widely through the southern countries ; in the Saxon-land [Germany] in the 
south, he met with a bishop named Frederick, and was by him converted to the true faith and 
baptised, and remained with him for a season. Thorvald bade the bishop accompany him to 
Iceland, to baptise his father and mother, and others of his kinsmen, who would abide by his 
advice ; and the bishop consented.' [' Kristni Saga' in Biskupa Sogur, ed. Vigfusson, Copenh. 
1858, vol. i. p. 3.] According to Icelandic annals, Bishop Frederick arrived in Iceland, on this 
missionary emprise, in the year 981 ; from the same authority we learn that he departed from 
Iceland in 985. 

(62) Heriulf or Heriolf, who accompanied Eric the Red to Greenland, was not, of course, 
the same man to whom Ingolf allotted land between Vag and Reykianess, for Ingolf set about the 
colonization of Iceland in 874, more than a century before Eric the Red's voyage to Greenland. 
The statement of Flatey Book is, therefore, somewhat misleading, and seems to indicate 
either carelessness or a possible confusion on the part of the scribe. Heriulf, Eric the Red's 
companion, was a grandson of the 'settler' Heriulf, as is clearly set forth in two passages in 
Landnama. In the first of these passages the Greenland colonist is called 'Heriulf the 
Younger ' [Landnama, pt. ii, ch. xiv] ; the second passage is as follows : ' Heriolf, who has 
previously been mentioned, was IngolPs kinsman and foster-brother, for which reason 
Ingolf gave him land between Vog and Reykianess; his son was Bard, father of that 
Heriolf, who went to Greenland and came into the " Sea-rollers." ' [Landnama, pt. iv, 
ch. xiv.] As has already been stated, there is no mention in Landnama or other Icelandic 
saga, save that of the Flatey Book, of Heriulfs son, Biarni. Reykianess, the southern 
boundary of Heriulfs 'claim,' is at the south-western extremity of Iceland; Vag was, 
probably, situated a short distance to the north of this cape, on the western coast of the 
same peninsula. 

(63) In the 'King's Mirror' [Konungs Skuggsja], an interesting Norwegian work of the 
thirteenth century, wherein, in the form of a dialogue, a father is supposed to be imparting 
information to his son concerning the physical geography of Greenland, he says : ' Now there 
is another marvel in the Greenland Sea, concerning the nature of which I am not so 
thoroughly informed, this is that, which people call " Sea-rollers " [hafger3ingar]. This is 
likest all the sea-storm and all the billows, which are in that sea, gathered together in three 
places, from which three billows form ; these three hedge in the whole sea, so that no break is 
to be seen, and they are higher than tall fells, are like steep peaks, and few instances are 
known of persons who, being upon the sea when this phenomenon befell, have escaped 
therefrom.' [Speculum regale, ed. Brenner, Munich, 1881, p. 47.] A Danish scholar, in a 
treatise upon this subject, concludes that the hafgeroingar were earth-quake waves, and that 
those here celebrated were such tidal-waves caused by an unusually severe earth-quake in the 
year 986. [Cf. Steenstrup, Hvad er Kongespeilets 'Havgjerdinger ?' Copenh. 1871, esp. 
p. 49.] However this may be, there can be little question that Heriulf experienced a perilous 

NOTES. 181 

voyage, since out of the large number of ships, which set sail for Greenland at the same time, 
so few succeeded in reaching their destination. 

(64) This has been assumed by many writers to have been Labrador, but the description 
does not accord with the appearance which that country now presents. 

(65) Certainly a marvellous coincidence, but it is quite in character with the no less 
surprising accuracy with which the explorers, of this history, succeed in finding ' Leif's-booths ' 
in a country which was as strange to them as Greenland to Biarni. 

(66) This statement has attracted more attention, perhaps, than any other passage in the 
account of the Icelandic discovery of America, since it seems to afford data which, if they can 
be satisfactorily interpreted, enable us to determine approximately the site of the discovery. 
The observation must have been made within the limits of a region wherein, early in the 
eleventh century, the sun was visible upon the shortest day of the year between dagmdlastadr 
and eyktarstadr ; it is, therefore, apparent that if we can arrive at the exact meaning of either 
dagmdlastadr or eyktarstadr, or the length of time intervening between these, it should not be 
difficult to obtain positive information concerning the location of the region in which the 
observation was made. We are informed by a treatise, inserted in the printed text of 
Rimbegla, written by Bishop John Arnason, that the method adopted by the ancient Icelanders 
for the determination of the various periods of the day, was to select certain so-called ' eykt- 
marks' [eyktamork] about every dwelling, as, peaks, knolls, valleys, gorges, cairns, or 
the like, and to note the position of, and course of the sun by day, or the moon and stars by 
night, with relation to these ' eykt-marks V The circle of the horizon having been thus arti- 
ficially divided, in the absence of clocks or watches, certain names were assigned to the position 
which the sun occupied at, as we should say, certain 'hours' of the day; 'dagmalasta6r,' lit. 'day- 
meal-stead,' indicates the position of the sun at the ' day-meal/ which was the principal morning 
meal. We have, unfortunately, no accurate data which might enable us to determine the 
position of the sun at ' dagmalastaor ; ' such information we have, however, concerning 'eykt,' 
for it is stated, in an ancient Icelandic law-code, that 'if the south-west octant be divided into 
thirds, it is " eykt " when the sun has traversed two divisions and one is left untraversed ' 
['pa er eykS er utsuorsaett er deild £ priojunga, ok hefir sol gengna tva hluti, en einn dgenginn;' 
Kristinnrettr forlaks ok Ketils, Copenh. 1775, p. 92. Cf. also Gragas, ed. Finsen, Copenh. 
1852, Pt. I, p. 26]. There seems to be little room for question that the ' eykt' of ' Kristinnrettr ' 
and the eyktarstadr of the Flatey Book are the same, and the statement of ' Kristinnrettr ' 
accordingly affords a clear and concise definition of the position of that point upon the horizon 
at which the sun set on the shortest day of the year in Wineland, and which the explorers 
called ' eyktarstaor.' Nevertheless the rational and simple scientific application of this know- 
ledge has been, until very recently, completely ignored, in the effort to reach, through this 
definition, the solution of the problem involving the exact clock-time of dagmdlastadr and 
eyktarstadr and thus the hour at which the sun rose and set on the shortest Wineland day. 

The widely divergent views of the leading writers upon this subject have been 

concisely summarized by Professor Gustav Storm, in a very able treatise wherein he points 

out the real value of the information, to be derived from the passage in ' Kristinnrettr.' 


1 Cf. Rimbegla, 1. c. Eiktamork fslendsk, pp. 2, 4, and 22, recently reprinted in 'KvaeJi eplir Stefan 6lafsson,' ed. 
Jon forkelsson, Copenh. 1886, vol. ii. pp. 358, 364-5. 


With the addition of a few minor details as to authorities, cited by Professor Storm, which 
additions are here italicized, his summary is as follows : 

' The first writer in modern times to seek to determine Wineland's geographical situation 
was Arngrim Jonsson in " Gronlandia ; " he, as well as all subsequent investigators, has 
employed to this end the passage in the Groenlendinga-pattr of the Flatey Book, in which 
mention is made of the duration of the shortest day in Wineland [the passage under considera- 
tion] ; but as to the significance of this passage many different opinions have been advanced, 
and, as far as I can see, there seem to be strong objections to them all. Arngrim Jonsson 
translated " sol in ipso solstitio hyberno, circiter 6 plus minus supra horizontem commorat ; " 
he writes by way of caution " plus minus " [about], since he adds " sciotericiis enim destitue- 
bantur " [Gronlandia, ch. ix, p. $$ of the Latin MS., gl. kgl. Saml. [Royal Library of Copenh.] 
No. 2876, 4to, but at p. 33, of the Icelandic printed text, heretofore cited, from which latter, however, all 
qualification is omitted, and the statement reads simply, " the sun could be seen fully six hours on 
the shortest day," " sva par matte sol sia um skamdeigid sialft vel sex stunder"]. This explana- 
tion was, doubtless, only known to the few Danish scholars of the seventeenth century, who had 
access to Arngrim's " Gronlandia ; " it first became more widely disseminated in the Icelandic 
translation, which was published at Skalholt in 1688. Arngrim's explanation was also accepted 
by Torfaeus in his " Vinlandia" [1705] : " Brumales die's ibi qvam vel in Islandia, vel Gron- 
landia longiores, ad horam nonam circa solstitia sol oriebatur, tertiam occidit" [Vinlandia, 
1. c. pp. 6 and 7], although Torfaeus remarks that this observation must, on account of the 
fruitfulness of the country, be regarded as inaccurate, since it points to a latitude of jj8°26'. 
While his work was in the press Torfaeus became acquainted with Peringskidld's — or more 
correctly the Icelander, Gudmund Olafsson's — translation in the printed edition of Heims- 
kringla ', which he properly enough rejected, but which caused him to undertake a renewed 
consideration of the subject. With the passage from Gragas [i. e. the passage defining " eykt"\ 
as a basis, he now arrived at the following interpretation of this : " spatium qvod sol a meridie 
in occidentem percurrit, sex horas reqvirit, ex qvibus singuli trientes duas constituunt, bes 
desinit in horam qvartam pomeridianam." [Vinlandia, Addenda, pp. 6 and 7]. Now if 
" eykt " be four o'clock, p.m. — and the shortest day accordingly eight hours — Wineland's 
latitude becomes 49°, i. e. Newfoundland, or the corresponding Canadian coast. This new 
interpretation became, by reason of the attention which Torfaeus' writings attracted in the 
learned world, most widely disseminated in the last century ; thus we find it accepted by the 
German investigator, J. R. Forster, who concludes that Wineland was either Gander Bay or 
the Bay of Exploits, in Newfoundland, or on the coast of the northern side of the Gulf of 
St. Lawrence [ 49 ] [Joh. Reinh. Forster, Geschichte der Entdeckungen und Schifffahrten 
im Norden, Frankf. 1784, p. 112]; the same interpretation is also accepted by Malte Brun, 
Precis de la G^ographie universelle, Paris, 1812, I. 394. Meanwhile, early in this century, 
Icelandic scholars began to advance a new view, which has gradually forced its way into 
general recognition. This view was first suggested by Vice-lawman Pall Vidalin in his un- 
published Skynngar 2 , subsequently adopted by Bishop Finnr Jdnsson [1772] in his Hist. 

1 ' The day was longer there than in Greenland or Iceland, for the sun had there its hour of increase and the day- 
meal-stead or place of rising at breakfast-time [about six or seven o'clock] on the shortest day.' Heimskringla, 
ed. Peringskibld, vol. i. p. 33. Suhm inclined to this opinion in Kjdbh. Selsk. Skrifter, viii. 80, and believed that 
Wineland was ' Pennsylvania, Maryland, or perhaps Carolina.' 

' Vidaliris work was written prior to 1727, but was not published until 1854, when it appeared in Reykjavik 
under the title, Skyringar yfir FomyrM Ldgb6kar /eirrar, er Jdnsbik kallast [Commentaries on ancient terms in the 
law-book called J6nsbik\. The subject under consideration is treated in this work, pp. 56-82. 

NOTES. 183 

Eccl. Isl. 153 et seq. [i.e. 153-56 note], it was next approved by Schoning in a note to 
Heimskringla [Heimskringla, Copenh. 1777, vol. i. p. }oo], and in his history of Norway 
[Norgcs Riges Historie, Copenh. 1781, vol. iii. 419], and in this century was more elaborately 
developed by Rafn and Finn Magnusen. The new point of departure in this theory is Snorri's 
expression in Edda concerning the seasons of the year, " Fra jafndcegri er haust til pess er 
s<5l sezt 1 eykSar staS" ["Autumn lasts from the equinox until the sun sets in ' eyktarstadr,' " Edda 
Snorra Sturlusonar, Copenh. 1848, vol. i. p. 510] ; since it was assumed that the beginning of 
winter, according to Snorri, coincided, as a matter of course, with the beginning of winter 
according to the Icelandic calendar [the week from the nth to the 17th of October], it was 
found that the sun set at Reykholt [Snorri's home] on the 17th of October at four o'clock ; to 
conform with this, " Eyktarstadr " was interpreted to mean the end of " Eykt," and " Eykt " 
became the period of time from 3.30 to 4.30. Now if the sun was above the horizon in Wine- 
land on the shortest day from Dagmal to EyktarstaSr, a day nine hours in length was obtained, 
which Prof. Thomas Bugge computed gave a latitude of 40°22', or, according to Rafn and Finn 
Magnusen, more exactly, 4i°24'io". Rafn believed that it followed of a certainty that Wine- 
land was identical with the southern coast of Rhode Island and Connecticut, directly to the 
westward of Cape Cod. But very serious objections to this theory suggest themselves. 
When Leif Ericsson — according to the Flatey Book — approached Wineland, he saw at first 
an island to the northward of the land ; he then sailed to the westward into a sound between 
the island and the land's most northerly cape, and still farther west, they arrived at a river and 
lake, where they established themselves ; the composer of the saga accordingly had in mind 
a country facing toward the north, and upon whose northern shore Leif and his people 
established themselves in " Leifsbu8ir." Nevertheless Rafn renders this thus [Annaler for 
Nord. Oldkyndigh. Copenh. 1840-41, pp. 6 and 16] : "They came to an island, which lay to 
the east off the land, and sailed into a sound between this island and a cape, which projected 
toward the east [and north] from the land." ' [Gustav Storm, Om Betydningen af ' Eyktar- 
staSr' i Flatpbogens Beretningom Vinlandsreiserne, foredraget i Christiania Videnskabsselskab 
2den Nov. 1883, pp. 1-4. The article has since been published in Arkiv for Nordisk Filologi, 
November, 1885.] 

Professor Storm, in this same treatise, points out the inaccuracy of Rafn's astronomical 
calculation, which corrected, would change the latitude to 42°2i', the vicinity of Boston, which 
region does not, however, correspond to the descriptions of the saga. He further shows the 
error in the interpretation of the passage in Snorri's Edda, upon which this theory is based. 
The cause of the confusion in these different theories is satisfactorily explained by the 
following paragraph in Professor Storm's article, the contribution of the astronomer, Mr. 
Geelmuyden, to whom Professor Storm had submitted the astronomical data for solution : 

' For the correct understanding of the passages in the old sagas, wherein these day- 
marks [i. e. the eyktamork of Rimbegld] are mentioned, it is of the utmost importance to bear in 
mind that they were in practical use ; nor should it be forgotten that the sun's position above 
a certain day-mark only gives a certain horizontal projection, and especially it will not do to 
transfer the stroke of the clock corresponding to a certain day-mark— whether that correspond- 
ing to a certain season of the year be taken, or the mean for the entire year — to the similar 
day-mark at other places on the earth. 

'When, therefore, the Greenlanders found, according to the statement in the Flatey 


Book, that the sun upon the shortest day " had DagmalastaSr and EyktarstaSr," this does not 
mean that the sun was visible until a certain hour, for they lacked the means of determining 
the hour, according to our understanding of the word, but it does mean that the sun was visible 
in certain horizontal directions which they were experienced in determining.' 

Applying the passage in Kristinnrdttr to the determination of the position of the sun at 
sunset, on the shortest day of the year in Wineland, Mr. Geelmuyden concludes that : 

' Since tJtsuorsaett is the octant, which has S. W. in its centre, therefore between 22-5° 
and 67-5° Azimuth, EyktarstaSr must be in the direction 22-5° + f of 45°= 52-5° from the south 
toward the west. Solving the latitude in which the sun set in this direction on the shortest 
day [in the eleventh century] we find it to be 49°55'. Here, therefore, or farther to the south 
the observation must have been made.' 

I am indebted to Capt. R. L. Phythian, U. S. N., Superintendent of the U. S. Naval 
Observatory, Washington, for the following detailed computation undertaken, at my request, 
from a brief statement of the problem : 

' As the solution of the question you propose depends, of course, upon the interpretation 
of the data furnished, it is necessary that I should give in detail the process by which the 
amplitude of the sun is derived from the statement contained in your letter. 

' " Eyktarstad " is assumed to be the position of the sun in the horizon when setting. The 
south-west octant you define to be the octant having S.W. as its centre ; its limits, therefore, 
are S. 22*° W. and S. 6 7 i° W. 

' " It is eykt when, the south-west octant having been divided into thirds, the sun has 
traversed two of these and has one still to go." That is, it is eykt when the point of the 
horizon is 30 west of S. 22^ W., or S. 52!° W. From this the sun's amplitude when in this 
point of the horizon is W. 37 30' S. 

' The sun's declination on the shortest day of the year 1015 was S. 23 34' 30" [nearly]. 

'The simple formula for finding the sun's amplitude when in the true horizon is 
sufficiently accurate for the conditions of this case. 

' It is sin A = sin d sec. L, 

from which sec L = sin A cosec. d. 

' Solving with the above data : 

A =-37° 30' log. sin. -978445 

d = — 23° 34' 30" log. cosec. — 039799 

L= 4-48° 56 log. sec. + 018244. 

' If I have been in error in the process by which the amplitude has been arrived at, the 
substitution of its correct value in the above computation will give the proper latitude.' 

This computation was undertaken independently of Mr. Geelmuyden's conclusions, and in 
reply to my query, evoked by the slight discrepancy in the two results, which was then first 
brought to his attention, Capt. Phythian writes, as follows : 

'The formula by which I computed the latitude is the simplest form that can be em- 
ployed for the purpose, but was, for reasons that will be mentioned later, deemed sufficiently 

NOTES. 185 

' It assumes that the bearing of the sun was taken when its centre was actually on the 
horizon, and the latitude is found by the solution of a spherical right-angled triangle. 
Manifestly the learned Professor has taken into account the effect of refraction, and solved an 
oblique triangle. By this method, calling the refraction 33', we find the latitude to be 
49° 5°'-2. The slight difference between this result and that of the Professor [less than 5'] is 
accounted for by the supposition that he did not assume the same refraction. 

'The conditions of this case do not seem to give additional value to a rigorous solution. 
Since the explorers were on the eastern coast of the continent they must have observed the 
setting of the sun over land, and probably recorded its bearing before it reached the horizon. 
In such a case, the introduction of refraction and semi-diameter would lead to a result more in 
error than the simpler solution. 

' The data furnished are not sufficiently definite to warrant a more positive assertion than 
that the explorers could not have been, when the record was made, farther north than Lat. 
[say] 49V 

The result, therefore, of the application of Professor Storm's simple and logical treatment 
to this passage in Flatey Book, ' the sun had there Eyktarstad,' &c, is summed up in Capt. 
Phythian's statement, ' the explorers could not have been, when the record was made, farther 
north than Lat. [say] 49 ; ' that is to say, Wineland may have been somewhat farther to the 
south than northern Newfoundland or the corresponding Canadian coast, but, if we may rely 
upon the accuracy of this astronomical observation, it is clear that thus far south it must 
have been. 

(67) Kornhjalmr af tr6, a wooden granary. The word 'hjalmr' appears to have a double 
significance. In the passage in the Saga of King Olaf the Saint: 'Wilt thou sell us grain, 
farmer? I see that there are large "hjalmar" here' [Heimskringla, ed. Unger, p. 353], 
the word ' hjalmar ' may have the meaning of stacks of grain. The use of the word as indicat- 
ing a house for the storage of grain is, however, clearly indicated in the Jydske Lov of 1241, 
wherein we read : ' But if one build upon the land of another either a " hialm " or any other 
house,' &c. ['sen byggaer man annaends iord antugh mseth hialm aeth maeth nokaer andre hus,' 
&c. Danmarks gamle Provindslove, ed. Thorsen, Copenh. 1853, pp. 79-80]. As there is no 
suggestion in the saga of the finding of cultivated fields, it is not apparent for what uses a 
house for the storage of grain could have been intended. 

(68) Vi'gflaki, lit. a war-hurdle. This was a protection against the missiles of the enemy 
raised above the sides of the vessel. In this instance, as perhaps generally on ship-board, 
this protecting screen would appear to have been formed of shields attached to the bulwarks, 
between these the arrow, which caused Thorvald's death, doubtless, found its way. 

(69) The Landnamabok makes no mention of this Thori ; its language would seem to 
preclude the probability of a marriage between such a man and Gudrid ; the passage with 
reference to Gudrid being as follows : ' His son was Thorbiorn, father of Gudrid who married 
Thorstein, son of Eric the Red, and afterwards Thorfinn Karlsefni ; from them are descended 
bishops Biorn, Thorlak and Brand.' Landnama, pt. ii, ch. xvii. 

(70) Namkyrtill [namkirtle] is thus explained by Dr. Valtfr GuSmundsson, in his 
unpublished treatise on ancient Icelandic dress : ' Different writers are not agreed 
upon the meaning of " namkyrtill ; " ■ Sveinbjorn Egilsson [Lexicon poet.] interprets it as 
signifying a kirtle made from some kind of material called 'nam.' In this definition he 



is followed by Keyser [Nordmsendenes private Liv i Oldtiden], and Vigfusson [Diet.]. The 
Icelandic painter, Sigur&r Gu&mundsson [' Um kvennabuninga a fslandi ao fornu og n£ju,' in 
Nf fjelagsrit, vol. xvii], has, on the other hand, regarded the word as allied to the expression : 
'at nema at beini' [i.e. fitting close to the leg, narrow], and concludes that 'namkyitill' 
should be translated, 'narrow kirtle,' in which view Eirikr Jonsson [Oldnordisk Ordbog] and 
K. Weinhold [Altnordisches Leben] coincide. 

' I cannot agree with either of these interpretations. The mention in Flatey Book is 
so indefinite, that nothing can be determined from it. On the other hand, the meaning of this 
word becomes apparent from a passage in Laxdcela Saga, if this be compared with other 
references to female dress in ancient times, contained in the elder literature. This passage in 
Laxdcela Saga is as follows : " Gudrun wore a ' namkyrtill ' and a close-fitting upper garment 
[vefjarupphlutr], with a large head-dress ; she wore wrapped about her an apron with dark 
embroidery upon it and fringed at the ends " [" Guorun var 1 namkyrtli, ok vi5 vefjarupphlutr 
prongr, en sveigr mikill a hof8i ; hon haf6i kn/tt um sik blaeju ok varu 1 mork bla ok trof fyrir 
enda."] " Namkyrtill " evidently means here half-kirtle or petticoat, for with it an " upphlutr " 
[waist] of different stuff is worn, which in Snorra Edda [ii. 494] is called "helfni" [i.e. 
half-kirtle]. The origin of the word seems to me to have been as follows : In the ordinary 
woman's gown [kirtle] the upper part, or "upphlutr," was, obviously, much narrower [i.e. 
closer-fitting] than the lower part of the garment, and was, in consequence, worn out sooner 
than the lower part. With the better class of people the kirtle was usually made from some 
foreign stuff of bright colour, especially red. Now when the upper part [upphlutr] was worn 
out, the wearers, indisposed to abandon the lower part of the garment, which was still serviceable, 
took [namu] or cut off the lower part, and wore it with an upper garment made from domestic 
stuff [homespun], the so-called wadmal [vefjarupphlutr]. The lower detached part of the gar- 
ment or skirt then received the name of " nam " or " namkyrtill " [cf. landnam, 6rnam] because it 
had been taken [numiS] from the entire kirtle. By the preservation of the serviceable lower part 
of the garment, with its foreign stuff" of showy colour, the dress was rendered more ornamental 
than it would have been if both the lower and upper portion of the kirtle had been made from 
wadmal, which it was not easy to obtain, in Iceland, dyed in colours. Such I conclude to have 
been the origin of the word " nam " or " namkyrtill." The word subsequently continued in use, 
regardless of the fact whether the skirt or lower half-kirtle, to which it was applied, had been 
cut from an old kirtle or not 1 .' 

(71) A ' mork ' was equal to eight ' aurar ' [cf. Laxdcela Saga, ch. 26, ed. KSlund, Copenh. 
1889, p. 90]; an 'eyrir' [plur. 'aurar'] of silver was equal to 144 skillings [cf. Vidalin, 
Sky-rfngar yfir Fornyr8i Logbdkar, Reykjavik, 1854, p. 351]. An 'eyrir' would, therefore, have 
been equal to three crowns [kroner], modern Danish coinage, since sixteen skillings are equal 
to one-third of a crown [33^ 0re], and a half ' mork ' of silver would accordingly have been 
equal to twelve crowns, Danish coinage. As the relative value of gold and silver at the time 
described is not clearly established, it is not possible to determine accurately the value of 
the half ' mork ' of gold. It was, doubtless, greater at that time, proportionately, than the 
value here assigned, while the purchasing power of both precious metals was very much 
greater then than now. 

1 Cf. also the same author's reference to ' namkyrtill ' in Grundriss der Germ. Philol. XIII, Abschnitt, Sitte I, § 31. 

NOTES. 187 

(72) At the time of the ' settlement ' of Iceland the homestead of the more prominent 
'settler' became the nucleus of a little community. The head of this little community, who was 
the acknowledged leader in matters spiritual and temporal, was called the 'go6i.' With the 
introduction of Christianity the 'gooi' or ' gooorosmaor ' lost his religious character though 
he still retained his place of importance in the Commonwealth. 

(73) 'fat var ofarliga a d6gum Olafs hins helga, at GuSIeifr hafoi kaupferS vestr til 
D/'flinnar; en er hann sigldi vestan, setlaSi hann til Islands; hann sigldi fyrir vestan Irland, ok 
fekk austanveSr ok landnyr3inga, ok rak pa langt vestr f haf ok f iitsu8r, sva at peir vissu ekki til 
Ianda ; en pa var mjok aliSit sumar, ok hetu peir morgu, at pa bseri or hafinu, ok pa kom par, 
at peir urou vi5 land varir ; pat var mikit land, en eigi vissu peir hvert land pat var. fat ra5 
toku peir Gudleifr, at peir sigldu at landinu, pvi'at peim potti illt at eiga lengr vi5 hafsmegnit. 
£eir fengu par hOfn g63a ; en er peir hof3u par litla stund vio land verit, pa koma menn til 
fundar vi5 pa ; peir kendu par engan mann, en helzt pdtti peim, sem peir maelti irsku ; brdtt 
kom til peirra sva mikit fjolmenni, at pat skipti morgum hundru3um. fceir tdku pa hSndum 
alia ok bundu, ok raku p& siSan & land upp. b& vdru peir faer5ir a mdt eitt, ok daemt um p£. 
fat skildu peir, at sumir vildu at peir vasri drepnir, en sumir vildu at peim vaeri skipt A vistir 
ok vaeri peir pja9ir. Ok er petta var kaert, sja peir hvar reiS flokkr manna, ok var par borit 
merki 1 flokkinum ; pdttust peir pa vita, at h5f6ingi nokkurr mundi vera f flokkinum ; ok er 
flokk penna bar pangat at, sa peir, at undir merkinu rei3 mikill maSr ok garpligr, ok var p6 
mjok a efra aldr ok hvi'tr fyrir hserum. Allir menn er par voru fyrir, hnigu peim manni, ok 
fognuou sem herra sfnum ; fundu peir pa bratt, at pangat var skotiS ollum raSum ok atkvae8um, 
sem hann var. Si'3an sendi pessi ma8r eptir peim Guoleifi ; ok er peir komu fyrir penna mann, 
pa maelti hann til peirra a norraenu, ok spyrr, hvaSan af londum peir voru. feir s5g3u, at peir 
vaeri flestir l'slenzkir. f>essi ma5r spurdi hverir peir vaeri pessir islenzku menn ; gekk Guoleifr 
pa fyrir penna mann ok kvaddi hann virouliga, en hann tdk pvf vel, ok spyrr hva8an af Islandi 
peir vaeri, en Gu81eifr segir at hann vaeri 6r Borgarfir6i ; pa spur3i hann hva5an or Borgarfir3i 
hann var ; en Gunnlaugr segir[pat]. Eptir pat spuroi hann vandliga eptir seYhverjum hinna 
staerri manna 1 BorgarfirSi ok Brei8afir6i. Ok er peir tolu8u petta, spyrr hann eptir Snorra 
goSa ok furi'Si fra Fr66&, systur hans, ok hann spurcii vandliga eptir Ollum hlutum fra Fr68a 
ok mest at sveininum Kjartani, er pa var bdndi at Frdoa. Landsmenn kolludu 1 oSrum sta9, 
at nokkurt ra5 skyldi gjdra fyrir skipshofninni. Eptir pat gekk pessi mikli ma6r brott fra peim, 
ok nefndi me3 sdr xij menn af sfnum monnura, ok satu peir langa hn'5 a tali. Eptir pat g6ngu 
peir til mannfundarins. M maelti inn mikli ma8r til peirra Guoleifs : " Ver landsmenn h6fum 
talat nokkut [malj y8ar, ok hafa landsmenn nu gefit y3vart mal a mitt vald, en ek vil mi gefa 
y3r fararleyfi pangat sem per vilit fara ; en p6 y3r pykki nu mjok a li8it sumar, pa vil ek p6 
ra6a yor, at per lati6 a brott h^San, pviat her er folk utrutt ok illt viSreignar : en peim pykkja 
a5r brotin leg a sdr." GuSIeifr maelti : " Hvat skulum ver til segja, ef oss ver8r audit at koma 
til aettjarcia varra, hverr oss hafi frelsi gefit?" Hann svarar: "fat mun ek y5r eigi segja, 
pvi'at ek ann eigi pess fraendum mi'num ok fdstbrseorum, at peir hafi hi'ngat pvilfka fer8, sem 
p6r mundut haft hafa, ef per nyti3 eigi mm vi3 ; en nu er sva komit aldri mfnum," sag5i hann, 
" at pat er a Ongri stundu orvaent, naer elli stfgr yfir hofu3 m£r ; en poat ek lifa enn um 
stundar sakir, pa eru hdr a landi rfkari menn en ek, peir at li'tinn fri8 munu gefa utlendum 
monnum, pdat peir se' eigi hi'ngat nalsegir, sem pdr erut at komnir. Sloan let pessi ma8r bua 

b b 2 


skipit me8 beim, ok var par vi5 til pess er byrr kom, sa er peim var hagstaeSr lit at taka. En 
aor peir GuSleifr skildu, Wk pessi ma3r gullhring af hendi ser, ok fser f hendr Guoleifi, ok par 
me5 gott sverS ; en si'8an maelti hann vi3 GuSleif : " Ef per ver3r au8it at koma til fostr-jar8ar 
pinnar, pa skaltii faera sver3 petta Kjartani, bondanum at Fr63a, en hringinn PuriSi m68ur 
hans." Guoleifr maelti: " Hvat skal ek til segja, hverr peim sendi pessa gripi?" Hann 
svarar: " Seg, at sa sendi, at meiri vin var husfreyjunnar at Fn58a en gooans at Helgafelli, 
bro5ur hennar. En ef nokkurr bykkist vita par af, hverr pessa gripi hefir atta, pa seg pau mi'n 
or5, at ek banna hverjum manni a minn fund at fara, pvfat pat er en mesta lifsera, nema peim 
takist pann veg giptusamliga urn landtokuna, sem y3r hefir tekizt ; er h6r ok land [vi'tt ok] illt 
til hafna, en radinn 6frior allstaSar litlendum monnum, nema sva beri til sem nu hefir oroit." 
Eptir petta skildu peir. [Peir] Guoleifr letu i haf, ok toku frland si'5 um haustiS, ok v<5ru f 
Dyflinni um vetrinn ; en um sumarit sigldu peir til fslands, ok faer3i GuSleifr pa af hondum 
gripina, ok hdfSu allir pat fyrir satt, at pessi maor hafi verit Bjdrn Brei3vi'kingakappi ; en 
engi Onnur sannyndi hafa menn til pess, nema pau sem nu vbru sog5.' Eyrbyggja Saga, ed. 
Vigfusson, pp. 119-22. 

(74) The paper manuscripts founded upon the text of the saga presented in H auk's Book 
are as follows : 

In the Arna-Magn-asan Collection, Copenhagen. 

No. 118, 8vo. The first page of this manuscript bears the following title : ' Hier hefur 
Graenlan[ds Ann]al. Er fyrst Saga efir [His]toria Porfin«s KaHsef[nis] Pordar sonar.' The 
saga, which fills twenty-four sheets, was written in the seventeenth century by BjOrn a SkarSsa. 
There are certain interpolations in the text, as on p. 15 b, concerning ' Helluland hiS mikla,' 
p. 16, on the origin of the name 'Markland,' and on p. 19 b, concerning the Skrelling boats. 
With the exception of these inserted passages, and a few minor verbal changes, the text 
follows closely that of PsK. 

No. 281, 4to. On the back of p. 83 [modern pagination] of this book is the title : 
'Hier hefwr s0gu Porfins Kallsefnis Pordarsonor.' It is a neatly written manuscript, in a 
hand somewhat resembling the elder vellum hands. On the back of p. 84 the passage from 
Landnama: 'So segir Ari porgylsson ad \>at sumar foru XXII skip,' &c, together with the 
list of colonists as given in the Flatey Book text, have been inserted by the scribe, and the 
fact noted at the bottom of the page. On p. 93 the saga concludes with the words : ' Vere 
Gud med oss,' as in H auk's Book, which words are usually omitted from the paper transcripts 
of PsK. It is a good clear copy of the H auk's Book text, one of the most accurate and 
useful. It was made by Sigur&ur Jonsson of KnOr toward the close of the seventeenth 
century. [Cf. AM. Katalog.] 

No. 597 b, 4to. In the centre of p. 32 [modern pagination] is the title: 'Hier hefur 
S0gu Porfins Kallsefnes Pordarsonar.' This text, like that of 281, 4to, has the interpolated 
passage from Landnama, above noted ; unlike 281, 4to, however, it is a careless copy, and 
contains many errors, as : 'kirtel ' for 'kistil,' 'fuller vonn ' for 'fulltruann,' &c. It contains 
numerous marginal notes in an old hand, ends on the back of p. 41, and was written [cf. 
AM. Katalog] in the latter half of the seventeenth century. 

No. 768, 4to. At the head of the first page of text of this manuscript is the title : 'Hier 

NOTES. 189 

hefur Graenlands Annal, er fyrst Saga edur Historia Porfins Kails efnis Pordar Sonar.' 
The saga contains thirty-eight pages, based upon the text of H auk's Book, although with 
numerous additions from the narrative of the Flatey Book, as also concerning Helluland it 
mikla, &c. It is written in German script, dates from the seventeenth century, having belonged, 
according to Ami Magnusson's conjecture, in 1669, to Bishop Thord, from whom Thormod 
Torfaeus received it. It would appear from a passage on p. 5 of this manuscript, that 
the scribe had access to Hauk's Book, for he writes: 'Cesser efterfarandi Capituli er 
einfalldliga efter Hauks Bok skrifadir,' &c. 

No. 770 b, 4to. This manuscript contains two sagas written about 1770. The first 
of these, covering thirty-six pages, bears the title : ' Hier hefur Sogu Porfinns Karlsefnis 
p6rdarsonar.' It is an almost literal transcript of the text of PsK. 

No. 1008, 4to. Near the middle of this book is the saga bearing the title : ' Her hefr 
vpp sogu peirra Porfinnz Karlsefnis oc Snorra Porbrandz sonar.' In the margin, in an 
old hand, are the words ' Fordret Mag. Joon Arnesen af AM,' and upon the same page 
Dr. Gudbrand Vigfusson has written ' eptir Hauksbok.' It is a fair copy of PsK, written 
ca. 1700. 

In the Royal Library, Copenhagen. 

No. 1692, 4to [Ny kgl. Saml.]. This copy, written in cursive hand, in the last century, 
fills one hundred pages, and is entitled : ' Sagan af porfinni Karlsefni Pdr3ar syni.' Accord- 
ing to an inserted note, the copy was made by J. Johnsen [Jdn Jonsson] from AM. 281, 4to. 

No. 1698, 4to [Ny kgl. Saml.]. This saga, which follows closely PsK, under the title : 
' Her hefur upp S0gu peirra Porfinrcs Karls-Efhis og Snorra Porbrandssonar,' fills twenty- 
seven pages of the manuscript, and was written, in German script, probably in the last 
century. This text is peculiarly interesting because of the variant it has from the words 
of the original in the passage describing the distance from Bjarneyjar to Helluland, which 
is thus given in this text: 'paoan sigldu [peir] iii daegur,' &c. [Cf. Note 46, p. 174.] 

No. 1734, 4to [Ny kgl. Saml.]. This manuscript, while it does not contain PsK, does 
contain certain notabilia concerning Eric the Red, Greenland, the situation of Wineland, 
Albania [Hvi'tramannaland], &c, and on pp. 21 et seq. has an account of Porbjorn, [sic] Kallz 
Efni. It was written in the last half of the last century by J. Johnson [Jonsson] after AM. 
770 b, 4to. 

No. 1754, 4to [Thott. Saml.]. This text of the saga, with the title: 'Her hefr upp 
sogu peirra Porfinnz Karlsefnis oc Snorra Porbrandzsonar,' contains seventy-two pages, 
copied ' Ex codice vetusto membraneo in Bibl. Acad. Hafn. inter MSS. Arnae Magnaei, No. 
544 in 4to.' As the scribe states, ' there are certain lacunae here and there in the Codex 
illegible by reason of smoke and age, which have caused certain lacunae in this copy ; ' 
it is otherwise a good clear copy, in running hand, of PsK, made at a time when Hauk's 
Book was in no better state than at present, as the lacunae of the copy indicate. 

The paper manuscripts founded upon the text [EsR] of AM. 557, 4to, are as follows : 


No. 563 b, 4to. This is an inferior copy from the latter half of the seventeenth century. 
It is in running hand and contains nineteen pages. According to a slip, in Ami Magnusson's 


hand, inserted in the manuscript, it has been compared with a copy in quarto 'written 
by the Rev. Vigfus Gudbrandsson,' and is filled with interlineations and corrections, which 
bring it to a fair likeness with the text of 557, 4to. 

No. 770 b, 4to. The second saga in this manuscript has the title : ' Hier hefst Saga 
af Eiri'ki Rauda,' beside which title Ami Magnusson has written 'er miog o correct' 
['is very incorrect']. It is an inferior transcript of EsR, in the same hand as that of 
the text of PsK which precedes it. 

No. 931, 4to. At the foot of p. 13 of this manuscript is the title ' Her Byriar Sauguna 
Af Eyreke Rauda Porvaldss.' This text covers twenty-two pages, completed, as is stated at 
the end of the saga, in the year 1734 ['oc likr her pessare spgu pann 3. Januarij Anno 
1734 ']. It is a good clear copy of the text of EsR, omitting, however, the verses of Porw. 
[sic] the Huntsman, and the Einfceting ditty. 

No. 932, 4to. This collection of sagas was written, as is stated on the title-page, in the 
year 1821. On p. 268 of the manuscript the ' Saga fra Eyreci Rauda' begins, and is con- 
cluded on p. 297. While it follows the text of EsR, certain of the minor errors of that text 
have been corrected in conformity with the language of PsK. 

No. 401, fol. This transcript of the 'Saga Eiriks Rauoa' contains forty-four pages in 
cursive hand, with notes at the foot and in the margin of the text. Originally a close copy 
of AM. 557, 4to, it has been corrected in many places apparently to conform to the text of 
PsK. According to the ' Katalog ' this copy was made in the latter half of the last century. 

No. 30 Rask Coll. The text here presented under the title ' Sagann af Eireke Rauda,' 
is a rather inexact copy of EsR, written ca. 1770. This text makes Thorvald Ericsson shoot 
the Uniped, and has such minor variants from the original as 'Porvalldr var kalladr 
veidimadr,' 'samtymnis lanj>ar' in the second line of the second verse, &c. 

No. 36 Rask Coll. On p. 1 16 of this collection of sagas this copy of ' Sagann af Eyrike 
enum Rauda ' begins, and is brought to a conclusion on p. 129. It was written, as is stated 
at the end of the saga, by Olaf Sigurdsson, and by him completed in January 1810. While 
it is founded upon EsR, it is rather a paraphrase than a literal copy of that text. 

In the Royal Library, Copenhagen. 

No. 1697, 4to [Ny kgl. Saml.]. This text, which fills 115 pages, was copied [probably 
late in the last century], as is stated in the manuscript, from AM. 563 b, 4to, by J. Johnsson. 
The scribe has followed the corrected text of the manuscript from which his copy was made. 

No. 1714, 4to [Ny kgl. Saml.]. This 'Saga af Eyreke Rauda' contains eighteen pages, 
written in 1715. While it follows in the main EsR, it is not without minor changes due 
apparently to the influence of PsK. 

No. 1 1 73, fol. [Ny kgl. Saml.]. This manuscript, from the early part of the present 
century (?), contains both the Icelandic text and a Latin translation of the ' Saga af Eireke 
Rauda,' derived, as is stated, from AM. 557, 4to, compared with AM. 281 and 563, 4to, and 
Hauk's Book, together with an excerpt from AM. 770, 8vo. 

No. 616, 4to [Kail. Saml.]. The ' Saga Eireks Rauda,' which occupies the ninth place 


in this collection, fills twelve pages. It is written in a good hand of the early part of the 
last century, or the end of the seventeenth century, and follows the text of AM. 557, 4*0, 

No. 1776, 4to [Thott. Saml.]. In this bundle of sagas the text of 'Sagan af Eyreke 
Rauda ' forms a separate tractate. This is a copy of EsR made, probably, in the latter 
part of the last century, with unimportant variants of the original text as ' I'orvallpr veipimadr;' 
in Thorhall's second ditty 'knarrar skurd,' instead of 'knarrar skei3,' &c. 

• No. 984 a, fol. [Thott. Saml.]. In this collection of folios there are two texts of EsR ; 
one has the title 'Saga Eyreks Rauda,' the other 'Saga af Eyreke Rauda.' The first 
contains twenty-six pages, following closely the text of AM. 557, 4*0, except in the omission 
of the stanzas of torvald [sic] the Huntsman, and that which refers to the Uniped. The 
second text contains twenty-eight pages, and, like the first, is a close copy of the text of AM. 
557, 4to, except, in this case, in the orthography. Both transcripts appear to have been made 
in the latter half of the last century. 

In the British Museum Library. 

No. 11,123. At the end of this quarto manuscript are fifty-three pages, in running 
hand, containing ' Sagan af Eirike Rau3a.' This saga is a fairly literal transcript of the text 
of EsR. It is preceded by a woodcut of Eric the Red, being the same as that contained in 
Arngrim Jonsson's ' Gronlandia,' and is followed by a few pages of ' Annals ' and notes, 
the concluding notice bearing the title 'Af torbirni Karlsefni,' with the entry, at the end, 
written at Borgartiin, 1775, by Oddr Jonsson. 

No. 11,126. This is a folio manuscript of thirty-seven pages. On an inserted fly-leaf is 
the note ' Saga Eiriks Rauda ex membrana in Arnse Magnaei Bibliotheca in 4to, Num. 557.' 
There are a few marginal corrections of the clerical errors of AM. 557, 4to, as ' skridu ' for 
' skylldu,' ' fundu kiol ' for ' fengu skiol,' &c, and a few lacunae in the transcript where the 
scribe has not been able to read the words of the vellum. According to the Manuscript 
Catalogue, this copy was made in Copenhagen in 1768 by Odd j6nsson. Both 11,123, al *d 
11,126 are from the collection of Finn Magnusen. 

No. 4,867 [Banks Coll.]. A manuscript in folio containing many sagas, of which the 
third in the collection is ' Sagann af Eyreke Ravda,' which fills sixteen pages, and is a fairly 
accurate copy of the text of AM. 557, 4to, written, as would appear from an entry at the end 
of the saga, in 1691. 

In addition to these paper manuscripts of the text of EsR there are others in the National 
Library of Reykjavik [143, 4to, 150, 4to, and 151, 4to], and one in the Royal Library of Stock- 
holm, which I have not found it possible to examine. The text of the Stockholm manuscript, 
No. 35, fol., conforms to that of AM. 557, 4to [cf. Arwidsson, Forteckning Ofver Kongl. 
Bibliothekets i Stockholm Islandska Handskrifter, Stockholm, 1848, pp. 66-7], and it is not 
probable that the Reykjavik manuscripts offer any peculiarities differing from those exhibited 
by the paper transcripts above mentioned. 

Of the Wineland history of the Flatey Book there is in the Arna-Magnsean Collection a 


paper copy of the Saga of Olaf Tryggvason, being No. 57, fol., which contains the fcattr Eireks 
Rauda' [pp. 1064-73, new pagination 533^-38], as well as the ' Graenlendingha pattr' [pp. 
1361-94, new pagination 682-98 b\ This is a literal transcript of the narrative of the Flatey 

It seems safe to conclude that the texts of all these paper manuscripts are derived, 
directly or indirectly, from the vellum manuscripts which have been preserved, and of which 
facsimiles are here given. In the numerous transcripts of the texts of EsR and fsK there are 
no passages which indicate an origin other than the two vellum manuscripts, AM. 544 
and 557, 4to, and the numerous variants from these originals have, in all likelihood, arisen 
either through the editorial care or clerical carelessness of the scribes of these transcripts. 



Aasen, Ivar, 80. 

Acosta, Josephus, 95. 

Adalbrand, Helgi's son, [ASalbrandr Helgason], 

Adam of Bremen, 92, 93, 94, 159. 
Anmagsaliks, 178, 179. 
Ari Marsson, [Ari Marsson], ir, 12, 84, 160. 
Ari Thorgilsson, the Learned, [Ari forgilsson 

hinn fr68i], 7, 8, 9, 10, n, 12, 79, 188. 
Arnason, John, Bishop, [ J6n Arnason], 181, 189. 
Arngrim Jonsson, [Arngrfmr J6nsson], 21, 56, 

95. 96, i7°> 182, 191. 
Ami Magnusson, vide Magnusson. 
Ami Thorlacius, vide Thorlacius. 
Ami Thorlaksson, Bishop, [Ami forlaksson 

biskup f Skalholti], 20, 88. 
Amlaug of Arnlaugsfirth, [Arnlaugr], 61, 142. 
Arnold, Bishop, [Arnaldr biskup], 82. 
Arrow-Odd, [Qrvar-Oddr], 89, 90, 161. 
Asgeirr J6nsson, vide Jonsson. 
Aslak of Langadal, [Aslakr 6r Langadal], 30, 

105, "3- 
Asleik, son of Biorn Iron-side, [Asleikr Bjar- 

narson jamsf5u], 40, 115. 
Asvald, Ulfs son, [Asvaldr tJlfsson], 29, 60, 105, 

123, 140. 
Atli, UlPs son, [Atli hinn rau5i tJlfsson], 29, 105, 

Aud the Wealthy, or Wise, [Au5r hin djupauSga 

[djiipuSga] Ketilsd6ttir], 28, 29, 100, 104, 

105, 122, 123, 162, 163, 164, 165, 167. 

Avaldidida, vide Valldidida. 

Avalldamon, Avalldainna, [Avalldama, Avall- 

dania], 51, 120, 138, 177, 178. 
Avezac-Macaya, Marie Armand Pascal d', 175, 

Avilldudida, vide Valldidida. 

Bancroft, George P., 2. 

Bard Heriulfsson, [BarSr Herjulfsson],6 1,142,180. 

Bard the Snow-fell-god, [BarSr Snsefellsdss], 90, 

Beothuks, 176, 178, 179. 
Biarni, Grimolf's son, [Bjarni Grfm61fsson], 40, 

42, 44, 46, 49, 51, 52, 115, 116, 117, 120, 

121, 132, 133, 134, 135, 137, 138. 
Biarni Heriulfsson, [Bjarni Herjulfsson], 5, 55, 

56, 57, 61, 62, 63, 64, 65, 142, 143, 144, 

145, 146, 180. 
Biarnsson, John, [J6n Biamsson], 54. 
Biorn Asbrandsson, the Broadwickers'-champion, 

[Bjorn Asbrandsson Brei8vfkingakappi], 84, 

85, 86 [?], 87, 89, 167, !87, 188. 
Biorn, Aud's brother, [Bjorn Ketilsson], 28, 105, 

Biorn" Buna, the Ungartered [?], [Bjgrn Grfmsson 

buna], 28, 104, 122, 162. 
Biorn Chest-butter, [Bjgrn byr5usmjgr], 40, 115, 

Biorn, Bishop, [Bjgrn Gilsson, biskup a H61um], 

52, 78, 121, 139, 158, 167, 179, 185. 
Biorn Haldorsen, [Bjorn Halld6rsson], 161, 

c c 



Biorn Iron-side, [Bjorn jarnsfSa], 40, 115. 
Biorn of Skardsa, [Bjorn J6nsson& SkarSsa], 97, 

119, 120, 188. 
Biorn, Karlsefni's son, vide Thorbiorn, Karl- 

sefni's son. 
Biorn Marcusson, vide Marcusson. 
Biorn, Thord's son, [Bjgrn f6r6arson], 171. 
Bock, Hieronymus, 170. 
Boer, R. C, 89, 90. 
Brand of Alptafirth, [Brandr 6r AlptafirSi], 60, 

X41, cf. Thorbrand of Alptafirth. 
Brand, Bishop, the Younger, [Brandr J6nsson, 

biskup a H61um], 59, 180. 
Brand, Bishop, [Brandr Saemundsson, biskup i 

H61um], 52, 59, 78, i2i, 139, 158, 167,179, 

180, 185. 
Brenner, Oscar, n, 180. 
Bryniolf Sveinsson, [Brynj61fr Sveinsson, biskup 

f Skalholti], 9, 12, 21, 25, 54, 82. 
Bugge, Thomas, 183. 

Cabot, John, 159, 160. 
Cabot, Sebastian, 159, 160. 
Cartier, Jacques, 175, 177. 
Columbus, Cristopher, 94, 159. 
Columbus, Fernando, 159. 
Cortez, Hernando, 94. 
Ctesias, 177. 

Dalhousie, Earl of, 93. 
Danes, 13, 92, 93. 
Duelling-Hrafn, vide Hrafn, 
Dumb, King, [Dumbr konungr], 90. 

Egil Skallagrfmsson, 163. 

Egilsson, Sveinbjorn, 97, 185. 

Einar of Einarsfirth, [Einarr], 61, 142. 

Einarr Eyj61fsson, 96. 

Einar, Grundar-Ketil's son, [Einarr Grundar- 

Ketilsson], 52, 121. 
Einar Haflidason, [Einarr Hafliflason], 79, 80. 
Einar of Laugarbrekka, [Einarr Sigmundarson a 

Laugarbrekka], 30, 106, 124. 
Einar, Thorgeir's son, [Einarr fcorgeirsson], 31, 

32, 100, 106, 107, 124, 125, 167. 
Einarsson, Halfdan, 80. 

Einfcetingr, vide Uniped. 

Ellindsson, vide Erlendsson. 

English, 159, 176. 

Eric, Earl, [Eirfkr jarl Hakonarson], 56, 64, 145. 

Eric, Magnus' son, King, [Eirfkr Magnusson, 
konungr], 89. 

Eric the Red, Thorvald's son, [Eirfkr hinn rauSi 
fcorvaldsson], 4, 5, 9, 14, 15, 19, 22, 23, 25, 
26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 32, 35, 36, 37, 38, 40,41. 

42, 43, 5°. 6', 54, 56, 57, 5 8 , 59. 6o , 6l , 62 > 
64, 66, 67, 68, 69, 75, 84, 94, 97, 99, 100, 
101, 102, 103, 105, 106, 108, no, 112, 113, 
115, 116, 120, 123, 124, 126, 128, 129, 130, 

I3 2 . r 33> !34, 137, i3 8 . *4°. 141. H2, M5, 

146, 147, H8, 149. 15°. x 55, 161, 164, 165, 

166, 169, 170, 171, 172, 174, 180, 185, 189, 

190, 191, 192. 
Eric Uppsi, Bishop, [Eirfkr uppsi [upsi] biskup 

Gnupsson], 80, 81, 82, 94, 96. 
Ericsson, Leif, vide Leif. 
Ericsson, Thorstein, vide Thorstein Ericsson. 
Ericsson, Thorvald, vide Thorvald Ericsson. 
Erlend Olafsson, [Erlendr sterki (5lafsson], 19, 

52, 121. 
Erlendsson, Hauk, vide Hauk Erlendsson. 
Erlendsson, John, [J6n Ellindsson (Erlendsson)], 

8, 9, n, 12. 
Eskimo, 166, 176, 177, 178, 179. 
Europeans, 178. 
Eyiolf of Sviney, [Eyj61fr J3suson 6r Sviney], 30, 

60, 105, 106, 123, 124, 141. 
Eyiolf the Foul, [Eyjolfr saurr], 29,60, 105,123, 

Eystein the Rattler, [Eysteinn glumra fvarsson], 

28, 104, 122. 
Eyvind Easterling, [Eyvindr austmaQr], 28, 104, 

Eyxna-Thori, vide Thori. 

Finnbogi, [Finnbogi 6r AustfjgrSum], 58, 74, 75, 

76, i55, 156, X57- 

Finns, 170. 

Finsen, V., [Vilhjalmur Finsson], 181. 

Finsson, John, [J6n Finsson], 54. 

Finsson, Torfi, vide Torfi Finsson. 

Flosi, Halla's son, [Flosi Bjarnarson], 52, 121. 



Forster, Joh. Reinhold, 182. 

Frederick, Bishop, [FriSrekr biskup], 61, 142, 

Frederick the Third, King of Denmark, 54, 97. 

Freydis, Eric's daughter, [Freydfs Eirfksd6ttir], 
5, 42, 48, 49, 58, 59, 62, 74, 75, 76, 77, 116, 
119, 136, 137, 142, 143, 155, 156, 157, 158, 

Fridgerd, Kiarval's daughter, [FriSgerSr Kjarvals- 
d6ttir], 40,115. 

Fridgerd, daughter of Thori the Loiterer, [FriS- 
gerSr I>6risd6ttir hfmu], 40, 115, 171. 

Fritzner, Johan, 71, 73, 161. 

Frodi the Brave, [Fr6Si hinn frcekni], 162. 

Gaels, [Skozkr], vide Haki and Haekia. 

Gamli the Wendlander, [Gamli Vindlendingr], 

171, 172. 
Gard, [Gar5 [GarSarr] verkstj'6ri f>orsteins svarta 

f L^sufirSi], 38, 39, 113, 114, 130, 131. 
Gardie, de la, Magnus, 80. 
Gatschet, A. S., 178. 
Geelmuyden, 183, 184. 
Geirstein, [Geirsteinn], 29, 105, 123. 
Geitisson [Gellisson ?], vide Thorkel Geitisson. 
Gellir Thorkelsson, [Gellir f>orkelsson], 7. 
Gellisson, Thorkel, vide Thorkel Gellisson. 
Gellius, Aulus, 177. 
German, A, [Su8rma8r], 77, 158. 
Gest, Bard's son, [Gestr BarSarson], 91. 
Gizur Einarsson, Bishop, [Gizurr Einarsson, 

biskup 1 Skalholti], 88. 
Gizur the White, [Gizurr Teitsson hvfti], 11, 14, 

15. 26, 57- 
Gfslason, Konrad, 46, 172. 
Gjessing, Gustav Antonio, 8. 
Gottsk&lk Jonsson, [Gottskalk J6nsson], 81, 82, 

83, 88. 
Goudie, Gilbert, 162. 
Greenlanders, 54, 56, 57, 58, 59, 64, 81, 82, 

"4. I3 1 . !33> M5, l8 3- 
Grelad, Groa's daughter, [GreljzO Gr6ud6ttir], 

28, 104, 122. 
Grimhild, [Grfmhildr [cf. s. v. Sigrid, SigrfSr kona 

fcorsteins svarta], 70, 71, 151, 152. 
Grimkell, Ulf's son, [Grfmkell Cflfsson], 166. 

Groa, Thorstein the Red's daughter, [Gr6a I>or- 

steinsd6ttir rau6a], 28, 104, 122. 
Grondal, Benedikt, 80. 
Grundar-Ketil, vide Ketil. 
Gudbrandsson, Vigfus, [Vigfus GuSbrandsson], 

Gudleif Gudlaugsson, [Gu81eifr Gu31augssonJ, 

85, 86, 87, 187, 188. 
GuSmundr J6nsson, vide J6nsson. 
GuSmundr Olafsson, vide Olafsson. 
GuSmundsson, SigurSur, 186. 
Gu8mundsson, Valt^r, 99, 161, 165, 185, 186. 
Gudraud, Halfdan's son, [Gu3r03r Halfdanarson], 

28, 104, 122. 
Gudrid, the Skrelling woman, [GuSrfSr], 59, 73, 

74, i54- 
Gudrid, Thorbiorn's daughter, [Gu8ri8r fcorbjar- 
nard6ttir], 25, 26, 27, 31, 32, 34, 35, 38, 39, 

4°, 41, 49. 5 2 , 58, 59- 6 7> 7o, 71, 7 2 > 73i 
74, 77, 78, 106, 107, 109, no, 113,114. 
115, 116, 120, 121, 124, 125, 127, 128, 130, 

I3 1 . I3 3 . "33, x 39, 148. J50. r 5 r . 152, i53. 

154, 158, 167, 168, 170, 173, 185. 
Gudrun, Osvif 's daughter, [Gu8run (5svffrsd6ttir], 

Gudrun, Thorstein's daughter, [GuSriin t>or- 

steinsd6ttir], 52, 121. 
Gunnarr Keldugnupsfi'fl, 89. 
Gunnbiorn, son of Ulf the Crow, [Gunnbjgrn 

tJlfsson kraku], 30, 60, 105, 123, 141, 166. 
Gunnlad, [Gunnl08], vide Grelad. 
Gunnstein, Gunnbiorn's son, [Gunnsteinn Gunn- 

bjarnarson], 166. 
Guy, John, 176. 

Hacon the Good, King, [Hakon enn g68i A8al- 

steinsf6stri], 172. 
Hacon, Earl, [Hakon jarl enn rfki SigurSarson], 

Haconsson, John, [J6n Hakonarson], 17, 53. 
Hrekia, vide Hekia. 

Hafgrim of Hafgrimsfirth, [Hafgrlmr], 61, 142. 
HafliSi Marsson, 81. 
Haki, 43, 44, 117, 134. 
Halfdan Brana's-fosterling, [Halfdan Bronu- 

f6stri], 90. 

C C 2 



Halfdan Einarsson, vide Einarsson. 

Halfdan Whiteleg, [Halfdan hvftbeinn], 28, 104, 

Halfdan Eysteinsson, [Halfdan Eysteinsson], 90. 
Halla, Jorund's daughter, [Halla Jorundard6ttir], 

52, 121. 
Hallbera, Ingigerd's daughter, Abbess, [Hallbera 

i>orsteinsd6ttir, abbadfs f Reyninesi], 22, 23, 

52, 121. 
Halldis, Orm's wife, [Halldis kona Orms], 31, 

3 2 , 33, 34, 106, 108, 109, 124, 126, 127. 
Halldor, Gunnbiorn's son, [Halldorr Gunnbjar- 

narson], 166. 
Hallfrid, [Hallfrf3r Snorrad6ttir], 52, 58, 59, 78, 

121, i39> 158- 
Hallveig, Einar's daughter, [Hallveig Einars- 

d6ttir], 30, 106, 124. 
Hansson, Laurents, 13. 
Harold Fairhair, King, [Haraldr enn harfagri, 

konungr], 162, 163, 165. 
Harold Hardrede, King, [Haraldr SigurSarson 

har3ra3i, konungr], 92, 93, 160. 
Hauk Eflendsson, [Haukr Erlendsson], 12, 13, 

19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 25, 28, 46, 52,59,96, 

97, 99, 100, 101, 102, 103, 121, 175, 180, 

188, 189, 190. 
Hebridean, The, [SuSreyskr ma8r], author of 

the Sea-Rollers, Song, 62, 142. 
Hekia, [Haekia], 43, 44, 117, 134. 
Helgi of the Eastfirths, [Helgi 6r AustfjorSum], 

58, 74, 75, 76, 5, 156, 157. 
Helgi, Olaf's son, [Helgi Olafsson], 28, 104, 122. 
Helgi the Lean, [Helgi hinn magri Eyvindarson], 

28, 104, 122. 
Helgi Hundingsbani Sigmundarson, 176. 
Helgi Thorbrandsson, [Helgi forbrandsson], 61, 

Helgi, Thori's son, [Helgi !>6risson], 170. 
Heriulf, [Herjulfr BarSarson], 56, 61, 62, 63, 64, 

102, 142, 143, 144, 180. 
Heriulf the Settler, [Herjulfr landnamsmaSr], 61, 

142, 180. 
Heriulfsson, Biarni, vide Biarni Heriulfsson. 
Hinanda, Captain, 175. 
Hjaltalin, John A., (J6n A. Hjaltalm), 162. 
Hjalti Skeggjason, vide Skeggiason. 

Holm, Gustav, 166, 178, 179. 

H61mggngu-Hrafn, vide Hrafn, Duelling-. 

Hoyer, Henrik, 81, 82, 88. 

Hrafn of Hrafnsfirth, [Hrafn], 61, 142. 

Hrafn, Duelling-, [H61mgongu-Hrafn], 29, 60, 

105, i 2 3> Mi- 

Humboldt, Alexander von, 94, 159. 

Icelander, An, [Biarni's companion], 51, 121, 

Icelanders, 3, 19, 82, 83, 85, 91, 96, 100, 101, 

174, 176, 180. 
Icelandic Secretaries, Hauk's, 22, 100, 101. 
Illugi, [Illugi Aslaksson], 30, 105, 123. 
Indians, 95. 

Indians, North American, 176, 177, 179. 
Ingiald, Frodi's son, [Ingjaldr Fr65ason ens 

frcekna], 162. 
Ingiald, Helgi's son, King, [Ingjaldr konungr 

Helgason], 28, 104, 122. 
Ingigerd, Fru, [Fru IngigerSr rika Philippus- 

d6ttir], 23, 52, 121. 
Ingolf Arnarson, [Ing61fr Arnarson], 56, 61, 

142, 180. 
Ingolf of Holmlatr, [Ing61fr a H61mlatri], 30, 

106, 124. 

Ingolf the Strong, [Ing61fr hinn sterki], 167. 
Ingveld, Thorgeir's daughter, [Ingveldr t>or- 

geirsd6ttir], 52, 78, 121, 139, 158. 
Ingvild, Ketil's daughter, [1?ngvildr Ketilsd6ttir 

ve3rs], 162. 

Jensen, J. A. D., 167. 

John the Learned, [J6n laerSi], 21. 

J6n Biarnsson, vide Biarnsson. 

J6n Ellindsson, vide Ellindsson. 

J6n Finsson, vide Finsson. 

J6n Hdkonarson, vide Haconsson. 

J6n Olafsson, vide Olafsson. 

J6n fdrSarson, vide Thordsson. 

J6n Torfason, vide Torfason. 

J6n Vfdalin, vide Vidalin. 

Jonsson, Arngrim, vide Arngrim. 

Jonsson, Asgeir, [Asgeirr J6nsson], 13. 

J6nsson, Bjorn, vide Biorn of Skardsa. 

J6nsson, Eirikr, 186. 

J6nsson, Finnr, 79, 182. 



J6nsson, Finnur, 7, 10, 12, 16, 53, 163, 176. 

J6nsson, Gottskalk, vide Gottskalk. 

J6nsson, GuSmundr, 171. 

J6nsson, J6n, 189, 190. 

J6nsson, Oddr, 191. 

Jonsson, Olaf, The Rev., [Sfra Olafr J6nsson], 21. 

J6nsson, SigurSur, 188. 

Jonsson, Torfi, The Rev., [SfraTorfi J6nsson], 9. 

Jorund, Atli's son, [Jgrundr Atlason], 29, 60, 

105, 123, 141. 
Jorund of Keldur, [Jgrundr at Keldum], 52, 121. 
Jorunn, [J6runn Helgud6ttir], 19. 

K&lund, P. E. Kristian, 15, 104, 164, 166, 186. 

Karlsefhi, vide Thorfinn Karlsefhi. 

Ketil Flatnose, [Ketill flatnefr Bjarnarson], 28, 

104, 122, 162. 
Ketil of Ketilsfirth, [Ketill], 61, 142. 
Ketil Thistil, [Ketill bistill], 30, 106, 124. 
Ketil, Thorstein's son, Bishop, [Ketill f>orsteinsson, 

biskup a H6Ium], 8. 
Ketil, Grundar-, [Ketill {"orvaldsson], 52, 121. 
Ketil Wether, [Ketill veSr], 162. 
Keyser, Rudolf, 162, 164, 186. 
Kiartan, Thurid's son, [Kjartan a Fr65a], 86, 

187, 188. 
KiarvaL king of the Irish, [Kjarval frakonungr], 

4°, "5- 
Kleinschmidt, Samuel, 179. 
Kveldulf, [Kveldulfr], 163. 

Lachmann, Karl, 87. 

Landa-R61fr, vide Rolf. 

Langebek, Jacob, 79, 81, 82. 

Lappenberg, Johann Martin, 92. 

Las Casas, Barthelemy de, 94. 

Leif the Lucky, Eric's son, [Leifr hinn heppni 
Eirfksson], 4, 5, 12, 14, 15, 16, 25, 26, 27, 
35, 36, 37, 38, 43, 55, 56, 57, 5®, 60, 61, 
62, 64, 65, 66, 67, 68, 69, 72, 75, 77, 83, 
91, 103, no, in, 112, 113, 117, 128, 129, 

130, !33, J 34, 141, 142, 145, M6, 147, 148, 
149, 150, 153, 155, 156, 157, 160, 161, 164, 
167, 168, 169, 173, 183. 

Lindenbruch, Erpoldus, 92. 

Lyschander, Claus Christofferson, 94. 

Magnus Barefoot, King, [Magnus berfcetti, kon- 

ungr], 176. 
Magnus Law-amender, King, [Magnus Hakonar- 

son lagabcetir, konungr], 19, 20. 
Magnus I>6rhallsson, vide Thorhallsson. 
Magnusen, Finn, [Finnr Magnusson], 97, 159, 

161, 166, 170, 183, 191. 
Magnusson, Ami, [Ami Magnusson], 9, 13, 15, 

17, 20, 21, 24, 80, 81, 82, 96, 189, 190, 191. 
Malcolm, King, 160. 
Malte Brun, Victor Adolphe, 182. 
Mar of Reykholar, [Mar Atlason a Reykh61um], 1 1. 
Marcian, 92, 93. 
Marcusson, Biorn, 90. 
Maurer, Konrad, 7, 8, 10, 59, 89, 91, 160, 164, 


Michelant, H., 175. 
Micmac Indians, 176, 178. 
Mobius, Theodor, 7, 8, 10, 17, 171. 
Monocoli, Monosceli, 177. 
Miiller, Fr. von, 177. 
Muller, Peter Erasmus, 87, 161. 
Munch, Peder Andreas, 19, 20,' 23, 57, 93, 94, 
161, 162. 

Nefiolfsson, Thorarin, vide Thorarin. 

Nicolaysen, N., 164. 

Northmen, 2, 92, 93, 94, 160, 179. 

Odd of Jorvi, [Oddr a Jorva], 29, 105, 123. 

Odin, [Odinn], 172. 

Ogmund, [Qgmundr], 89, 90. 

Olaf, Gudraud's son, [Olafr Gu3r05arson], 28 

104, 122. 
Olaf the Saint, King, [Olafr helgi Haraldsson, 

konungr], 85, 173, 187. 
Olaf the White, King, [Olafr hinn hvfti Ingjalds- 

son, konungr], 28, 104, 122, 161, 162. 
Olafr J6nsson, vide Jonsson. 
Olaf Tot, [Olafr tottr], 19. 
Olaf Tryggvason, King, [Olafr Tryggvason, 

konungr], 12, 13, 14, 15, 35, 36, 43, 54, 55, 

56, 57, 5 8 , 6l , II0 > »«» II2 > "7, I28 > I2 9, 

133, !34, 142, 160, 163. 
Olafsen, Eggert, 175. 

Olafsen, Jon, [J6n Olafsson fra GrunnavfkJ, 9. 
Olafsson, Erlendr, vide Erlend Olafsson. 



Olafsson, Gudmund, [Guomundr <5lafsson], 182. 

Clsen, Bjorn Magnusson, 8. 

Orm of Arnarstapi, [Ormr & Arnarstapi], 31, 32, 

33, 106, 107, 108, 124, 125, 126. 
Qrn I>6risson viSleggs, 84. 
Ortelius, Abraham, 94, 95, 159. 
Qrvar-Oddr, vide Arrow-Odd. 
Osvald, Ulfs son, vide Asvald, Ulfs son. 

Paul, Bishop, [Pall J6nsson, biskup f Sk&lholti], 

Paulsson, Teit, vide Teit Paulsson. 
Peringskiold, Johan, 13, 182. 
Peschel, Oscar Ferdinand, 160. 
Phythian, R. L., 184, 185. 
Picquemyans, 177. 
Plinius, C, Secundus, 177. 
Powell, Frederick York, 9, 96, 171, 177, 179. 
Ptolemy, 159. 
Purchas, Samuel, 175, 176. 

Rafn, Carl Christian, 1, 3, 6, 90, 97, 98, 179, 

Rafn, Duelling-, vide Hrafn. 
Rafn the Limerick-traveller, [Rafn Hlimreksfari], 

11, 160. 
Ragnar, Shaggy-breeks, [Ragnarr lo8br6k], 40, 

Raknar, Ragnarr, Rakinn, King, 90, 91. 
Rame 1 , A., 175. 
Red-beard, The, vide Thor. 
Resen, Peder Hans, 17, 80, 82. 
Rink, H., 179. 

Rolf-Landa, [Landa-R61fr], 89, 95, 96. 
Rosenkrantz, Jens, 13. 
Rudbeck, Olof, 93. 
Runolf, father of Bishop Thorlak, [Run61fr faSir 

k>rlaks biskups], 52, 59, 78, 121, 139, 158. 

Saemund the Priest, [Saemundr enn fr6Si Sig- 

fusson, prestr i Odda], 8. 
Saxo Grammaticus, 161. 
Schoning, Gerhard, 56,183. 
Schtibeler, Frederik Christian, 174. 
Sciapodes, 177. 

Scots, [Skotar], 28, 104, 122, 174. 
Secretaries, Hauk's, 22, 100, ioi. 

Shanandithit, 178. 

Sigmund Brestisson, [Sigmundr Brestisson], 163. 

Sigmund, son of Ketil Thistil, [Sigmundr Ketils- 

son pistils], 30, 106, 124. 
Sigrid, [SigrfSr kona forsteins svarta I L^sufirfii], 

38, 39. 113. J 30» *3 X ' 
Sigurd, Thori's son, [SigurSr I>6risson], 172. 
Sigurd the Mighty, Earl, [SigurSr jarl enn rfki 

Eysteinsson], 28, 104, 122, 162. 
SigurSsson, J6n, 179. 
Sinfiotli, [Sinfjotli Sigmundarson], 176. 
Skallagrim, Kveldulf's son, [Skallagrfmr Kvel- 

dulfsson], 163. 
Skeggiason, Hialti, [Hjalti Skeggjason], 14, 15, 

26, 57- 
Skrellings, [Skraelingjar], 5, 10, 18, 47, 48, 49, 

50, 51, 68, 69, 73, 74, 118, 119, 120, 135, 

136, 137. 138, M9. 150, 153. 154. 155. 161, 
176, 177, 178, 179, 188. 

Slangerup, Slangendorpius, 13. 

Slany, Master, 176. 

Snorri, Head-Thord's son, [Snorri HofSa-for- 
fiarson], 12, 40, 72, 100, 115, 153, 171. 

Snorri Sturluson, 79, 93, 183. 

Snorri Thorbrandsson, [Snorri fcorbrandsson], 
18, 21, 22, 26, 27, 28, 30, 40, 42, 46, 47, 
48, 49, 6o[?], 104, 105, 115, 116, 117, 118, 
120, 132, 133, 135, 136, 137, 176, 189. 

Snorri Thorfinsson, [Snorri forfinsson karlsefnis], 

12, 22, 50, 52, 58, 59, 73, 77, 78, 120, 121, 

i3 8 , J39. !54, 158- 
Snorri Godi, [Snorri go8i {"orgrfmsson], 26, 84, 

86, 187, 188. 
Solinus, C. Jul., 177. 
Solvi of Solvadal, [Sglvi], 61, 142. 
Steenstrup, J. J. S., 180. 
Steenstrup, K. J. V., 166. 
Steinolf the Short, [Stein61fr enn lagi], 160. 
Steinunn, Snorri's daughter, [Steinunn Snorra- 

d6ttir], 52, 121. 
Stephanius, S. J., 92. 
Storm, Gustav, 6, 7, 13, 20, 53, 79, 80, 81, 83, 

88, 93, 94, 98, 171. 173. 176, 177. 178, 179, 
181, 182, 183, 185. 
Styr, Thorgrim's son, [Styrr forgrfmsson, Vfga- 
Styrr], 30, 60, 102, 105, 106, 123, 141. 



SuSrmaSr. vide German. 
Suhm, Peter Frederik, 182. 
Sveinsson, Bryniolf, vide Bryniolf. 
Svend Estridsson, King, 92. 
Swertlings, [Svertingar], 162. 

Taignoagny, 177. 

Tamm, Fridrik, 15. 

Teit Paulsson, [Teitr Pdlsson], 20. 

Thiodhild, [fjtfShildr], vide Thorhild, Jorund's 

Thor, the Red-beard, [!>6rr hinn rau5skeggja5i], 

• 45. "7. I 34» 135. 165, 174. 
Thorarin Nefiolfsson, [l>6rarinn Nefj61fsson], 

Thorbiorg the Ship-chested, [forbjgrg knarrar- 

bringa Gilsd6ttir], 29, 60, 105, 123, 141. 
Thorbiorg, Ari Marsson's grandmother, [J'orb- 

JQrg Hr61fsd6ttir], 160. 
Thorbiorg the Little Sibyl, [forbjorg If til volva], 

33. 34. 35. ^S. I0 9> II0 > I2( >, 127, 128, 

Thorbiorn Gleamer, [forbjgrn gl6ra], 61, 142. 
Thorbiorn of the Haukadal family, [Iwbjgrn 

hinn haukdcelski], 29, 60, 105, 123, 141. 
Thorbiorn, Karlsefni's son, [forbjorn forfinnsson 

karlsefnis], 52, 78, 121, 139, 158. 
Thorbiorn Vifilsson, [forbjom Vffilsson], 25, 

29. 3°, 3*i 3 2 . 33. 35. 37. 3 8 . 4°. 42. 5 8 . 
60, 105, 106, 107, 108, no, 113, 115, 123, 
124, 125, 126, 128, 130, 132, 141, 167, 185. 

Thorbrand of Alptafirth, [torbrandr f AlptafirSi], 

18, 26,30, 105, 123(F), 141. 
Thorbrand Snorrason, [l>orbrandr Snorrason], 

18, 48, 119, 136. 
Thord, Bishop, [f>6rSr forlaksson, biskup i 

Skdlholti], 189. 
Thord of Hofdi, [f>6r8r Bjarnarson], 40, 115, 171. 
Thord Horse-head, [{>6r8r hesthgfSi], 12, 40, 72, 

115, 132, 153. 
Thord the Yeller, [f>6r8r gellir 6lafsson], 12, 

30, 40, 60, 105, 115, 123, 141, 171. 
Thordis, Flosi's daughter, [fordfs Flosad6ttir], 

52, 121. 
Thordsson, John, [J<5n ItfrSarson], 53, 55, 102, 

Thordsson, Thorlak, vide Thorlak Thordsson. 

Thorfinn, Skull-cleaver, Earl, [forfinnr jarl hau- 
sakljiifr], 28, 104, 122. 

Thorfinn, Earl of the Orkneys, [f'orfinnr jarl f 
Orkneyjum], n, 160. 

Thorfinn Karlsefni, Thord's son, [f>orfinnr karl- 
sefni J>6r8arson], 4, 5, 12, 15, 16, 18, 21, 22, 
23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 40, 41, 42, 43, 44, 
45, 46, 47. 48, 49, 5°, 5 2 , 58, 59, 7 2 , 73, 
74, 75, 7 6 , 77, 78, 91, 96, 97, 99- IOO > I0I > 

104, 115, 116, 117, 118, 119, 120, 121, 132, 

r 33> x 34, 135, 136, 137, 138, 139, 153, '54, 

155, 157, 158, 161, 164, 167, 168, 171, 172, 

173, 174. I7 6 , l8 5, l8 8, 189. 
Thorgeir of Hitardal, [fcorgeirr 6: Hftardal], 30, 

60, 105, 123, 141. 
Thorgeir, Snorri's son, [forgeirr Snorrason], 

52, 77, 121, 139, 158. 

Thorgeir, Thord's son, [f'orgeirr f>6r8arson], 

Thorgeir of Thorgeirsfell, [forgeirr 6r forgeirs- 

felli], 31, 106, 107, 124, 125. 
Thorgeir Vifilsson, [f'orgeirr Vifilsson], 29, 30, 

105, 106, 123, 124, 167. 

Thorgerd, Heriulfs wife, [l>orger8r kona Her- 

julfs], 62, 142. 
Thorgest Steinsson, [fcorgestr enn gamli Stein- 

sson], 29, 30, 60, 105, 106, 123, 124, 141. 
Thorgesters, [fcorgestlingur], 60, 141. 
Thorgils, Leifs son, [t>orgils Leifsson], 36, ur, 

129, 169. 
Thorgils Oddason, [fcorgils Oddason], 81. 
Thorgils, Thord's son, [forgils !>6r8arson], 171. 
Thorgrima Galdrakinn, [forgrfma galdrakinn], 

Thorgunna, [forgunna], 35, 36, in, 128, 129, 

168, 169, 170. 
Thorhall, Gamli's son, [Wrhallr Gamlason], 40, 

42, 115, 116, 132, 133, 171, 172. 
Thorhall, son of Gamli the Wendlander, [i'6rhallr 

Gamlason Vindlendings], 171, 172. 
Thorhall the Huntsman, [f>6rhallr vei8ima8r], 

42, 44, 45, 46, 49. Il6 , "7> I20 > J 33, '34, 

135, x 37> *7»» I U> 19°. I 9 1 - 
Thorhallsson, Magnus, [Magnus I>6rhallsson], 

53. 55. 8o. i°3- 



Thorhild, Jorund's daughter, [f>6rhildr Jprundar- 

d6ttir], 29, 35, 37, 60, 105, ii2, 123, 129, 

130, 141, 160, 165, 170. 
Thorhild Ptarmigan, [f>6rhildr f>6r8ard6ttir rjupa], 

12, 40, 115, 171. 
Thori Easterling, (a Norseman), [f^rir austmaSr], 

58, 67, 68, 70, 148, 149, 150, 185. 
Thori of Espihol, [f>6rir d Espih61i], 52, 121. 
Thori, Eyxna-, [0xna-f>6rir], 29, 6o, 105, 123, 

Thori the Loiterer, [f>6rir hfma], 40, 115. 
Thorkatla, Hergil's daughter, [torkatla Hergils- 

d6ttir], n. 
Thorkel Geitisson, [f>orkell Geitisson], 11. 
Thorkel Gellisson, [fcorkell Gellisson], 10. 
Thorkel of Heriolfsness, [torkell i Herj61fsnesi], 

33' 34, 108. i°9. "0. 126, 127. 
Thorkelsson, Jon, [J6n f>orkelsson], 19, 20. 
f>orkelsson, J6n, 181. 
Thorlacius, Ami, 165, 166. 
Thorlak, Bishop, [fcorMkr Run61fsson, biskup i 

Skalholti], 8, 52, 58, 59, 78, 121, 139, 158, 

167, 179, 185. 
Thorlak Thordsson, [f>orl£kr f>6r8arson biskups], 


Thorleif Thorbrandsson, [fcorleifr f>orbrandsson 

kimbi], 18, 26, 27, 30, 60 [?], 105, 123 [?], 

i 4 i[?]. 
Thorodd, the husband of Thurid of Fr6da, 

[f>6roddr skattkaupandi], 84, 169, 170. 
Thorolf Kveldulfsson, [f>6r61fr Kveldulfsson], 

Thorolf Moster-beard, [f>6r61fr Mostrarskegg], 

Thorolf the Sparrow, [f>6r61fr spgrr], 167. 
Thorsen, P. G., 185. 
Thorstein Ericsson, [fwsteinn Eirfksson], 25, 

26, 27, 35, 37, 38, 39, 58, 62, 70, 71, 72, 

no, ii2, 113, 114, 115, 128, 130, 131, 142, 

150, 151. 152. 167, 168, 173, 185. 
Thorstein the Red, [f>orsteinn Olafsson rau8r], 

28, 104, 122, 162. 
Thorstein, Thori's son, [f>orsteinn f>6risson], 

Thorstein the Unjust, [f>orsteinn rangldtr Einar- 

sson], 52, 121. 

Thorstein the Swarthy, [f>orsteinn svartr i Ly"su- 

firSi], 38, 39, 70, 71, 72, 113, 114, 130, 131, 

151, 152, 153- 
Thorunn, Thorbiorn's daughter, [f>6runn f>or- 

bjarnard6ttir], 52, 78, 121, 139, 158. 
Thorunn, Karlsefni's mother, [i>6runn m68ir 

forfinns karlsefnis], 40, 52, 115, 121, 132, 

138, 139- 
Thorvald of Alptafirth (MS. f>orvallr), 123, cf. 

Thorbrand of Alptafirth. 
Thorvald Spine, [torvaldr hryggr Asleiksson], 

40, 115. 
Thorvald, Asvald's son, [f>orvaldr Asvaldsson], 

- 29, 60, 103, 105, 123, 140, 164, 165. 
Thorvald Ericsson, [f'orvaldr Eirfksson], 5, 42, 

49, 5°, 62, 68, 69, 70, 116, 120, 137, 142, 

149, i5°> I 77> l8 5, 190- 
Thorvald, Helgi's son, [fcorvaldr Helgason], 

Thorvald Kodransson, [f>orvaldr KoSransson], 

61, 142, 180. 
Thorvald Stephensson, The Rev., [Sfra forvaldr 

Stefansson], 15. 
Thorvald Crook, [f'orvaldr kr6kr f>6risson], 52, 

Thorvaldsson, Eric, vide Eric the Red. 
Thorvard, [f>orvar8r], 42, 62,76, 77, 116, [f'or- 
valdr], 133, 142, 143, 156, 157, 158. 
Thurid, [f>urfdr], vide Gudrid, Thorbiorn's 

Thurid of Fr6da, [f>uri8r Barkard6ttir], 84, 86, 

168, 169, 170, 187, 188. 
Thurid, Eyvind Easterling's daughter, [f>urf5r 

[f>6rfdr] Eyvindarddttir austmanns], 28, 104, 

Torfaeus, Thormod, [f>orm63r Torfason], 54, 

87, 97, 161, 189. 
Torfason, John, the Rev., [Sfra J6n Torfason], 

21, 54- 
Torfi Finsson, 54. 
Torfi, Si'ra, vide Jonsson. 
Tragus, vide Bock. 

Tryggvason, King Olaf, vide Olaf Tryggvason. 
Tuxen, N. E., 163. 
Tyrker the German, [Tyrker su3rma8r], 65, 66, 

67' x 4 6 , 147, J 48. 



Ulf the Crow, [Ulfr Hrei8arson kraka], 30, 60, 

105, 123, 141. 
Ulf, Eyxna-Thori's son, [tJlfr 0xna-l"6risson], 

29, 60, 105, 123, 140. 
Ulfliot, [Ulflj6tr], 160. 
Ulloa, Alfonso, 159. 

linger, Carl Richard, 7, 13, 53, 161, 172,176, 185. 
Uniped, [Einfcetingr], 28, 49, 50, 120, 137, 177, 

190, 191. 
Uplands-men, [Upplendingar], 28, 104, 122, 161. 
Uvaegi, Uvege, 51, 120, 138, 177, 178, 179. 

Vaetilldi, Vethilldi, 50, 51, 120, 138, 177, 178. 
Valgerd, Flosi's daughter, [ValgerSr Flosad6ttir], 

52, 121. 
Valldidida, 51, 120, 138, 177, 178. 
Valr f>6risson vi81eggs, 84. 
Valthiof, [Valbj6fr], 29, 105, 123, 164. 
Venetians, 160. 
Vidalin, John, Bishop, [Mag. J6n Vfdalfn], 24. 

Vfdalfn, Pall, 182, 186. 

Vifil, [Vffill], 29, 100, 105, 106, 123, 164, 167. 

Vigfusson, Gudbrand, 9, 11, 13, 14, 15, 17, 
24, 26, 27, 53, 54, 55, 80, 87, 90, 91, 96, 
160, 162, 165, 166, 169, 170, 171, 177, 179, 
180, 186, 188, 189. 

Weinhold, Karl, 186. 

Werlauff, Erich Christian, 7, 9, 161, 170. 

Wends, [Vindir], 12. 

Winsor, Justin, 2, 3, 97. 

Wolfings, [Ylfingar], 176. 

Worm, Christen, 7. 

Worm, Jens, 17, 24, 97. 

Worm, Ole, 96. 

Yngvildr, vide Ingveldr. 

Zahrtmann, Christian Christopher, 89. 
Zeni, Antonio, 95, 159. 
Zeni, Niccolo, 95, 159. 


Africa, [Affrfka], 15, 16, 93, 94, 177. 

Albania, vide White-men's-land. 

Alpta-firth, [Alptafjpror], 18, 26, 30, 40, 60, 105, 

"5. I2 3» I 3 2 > Mi, I7 1 - 
Alpta-firth in Greenland, [AlptafjgrSr f Grcen- 

landi], 61, 142. 
America, 1, 2, 3, 27, 82, 87, 94, 95, 96, 97, 98, 

159. 179. 181. 
Amarstapi, Arnastapi, 31, 32, 106, 107, 108, 

124, 125, 126, 167. 
Amlaugsfirth, [ArnlaugsfjorSr], 6i, 142. 
Atlantic, [frlandshaf], 51, 120. 

Bacchus, Isle de, 175. 

Baffin's Bay, 2. 

Bear Island, near Markland, [Bjarney hja Mark- 

landi], 43, 116, 133. 
Bear Isle, Bear Islands, [Bjarney, Bjarneyjar], 

42, n6, 133, 173, 189. 

Bergen, 13, 81. 

Biarmaland, [Bjarmaland], 17. 

Biarnarhofn, (Bjarnarhpfn), 28, 105, 122. 

Blacksark, [Blaserkr], 30, 59, 60, 106, 141, 

Beer, vide Gaulverjabcer. 
Borgarfirth, [BorgarfjorSr], 61, 86, 141, 187. 
Borgartun, 191. 
Boston, 183. 
Brattahlid, [Brattahlf8], 14, 15, 25, 26, 35, 36, 

38, 41, 42, 57, 61, 62, 64, 67, 72, no, 112, 

113, 115, 116, 128, 129, 130, 132, 133, 141, 

142, 145, 146, 148, 153, 167, 168. 
Breidabolstad, [Brei8ab61sta8r & Sk6garstrond], 

29, 105, 123, 165. 
Breidafirth, [Brei5afjor8r, BreiSifjorSr], 9, 30, 32, 

40, 54, 60, 61, 86, 106, 108, 124, 126, 141, 

164, 165, 171, 187. 
Bremen, [Brimar], 77, 92, 93, 94, 158, 161. 



Bristol, 159, 160. 
British Isles, 162, 164. 
Brokey, 29, 105, 123, 165, 166. 

Caithness, [Katanes], 28, 104, 122. 

Canada, 175, 182, 185. 

Carolina, 182. 

Christiania, [Osl6], 6, 20, 98. 

Cod, Cape, 183. 

Connecticut, 183. 

Copenhagen, 8, 13, 17, 54, 81, 92, 94, 96, 130, 

133. '63- 182, 188, 189, 190. 
Crossness, [Krossanes f Vfnlandi], 69, 150. 

Dale-country, [Dalalond i Brei8afir8i], 29, 105, 

122, 164. 
Denmark, 7, 13, 54, 97. 
Dighton, 97. 

Dfmun, 166. 

Dimun-inlet, [Dimunarvagr], 166. 

Dogurdar river, [Dpgur8ard], 29, 105, 122. 

Down-islands, [Duneyjar], 88. 

Drangar, [Drangar a Hornstrondum], 29, 60, 

105. 123, 141, 164. 
Drangar, [Drangar a Sk6garstrondum], 29, 105, 

123, 165. 

Drepstokk, [Drepstokkr], 62, 142. 

Drontheim, [h-andheimr, Throndhjem], 58, 61, 

142, 160, 173. 
Dublin, [Dyflinn], 28, 52, 85, 87, 104, 121, 122, 

161, 168, 187, 188. 
Dumb's sea, [Dumbshaf ], 90. 

Eastern-settlement, [EystribygS, Austribyg8], 60, 

141, 166, 167. 
East-firths, [AustfirSir], 40, 75, 115, 132, 155, 

Einarsfirth, [EinarsfjgrSr f Grcenlandi], 61, 142. 
Einfcetingaland, vide Uniped-land. 
England, 7, 16, 159, 176. 
Ericsey, [Eirfksey], 30, 60, 61, 106, 124, 141, 

Ericsfirth, [EirfksfjorSr], 10, 30, 36, 37, 40, 60, 

fi i. 6 7, 69, 70. 7*i 7«» 74, 7 6 > i°6, 112, 115, 

"4, 129, 130, 132, 141, 150, 151, 152, 153, 

'55, 157, 167, '73- 

Ericsholms, [Eirfksh61mar], 30, 6o[?], 106, 124, 

Erics-island, vide Ericsey. 
Ericsstadir on Eyxney, [EirfksstaSir a 0xneyju], 

29, 60, 105, 123, 141. 
Ericsstadir by Vatnshorn, [Eirfkssta8ir hja 

Vatnshorni], 29, 60, 105, 123, 141, 165. 
Ericsvag, [Eirfksvagr 1 0xney], 30,60, 105, 123, 

141, 165. 
Espih61, 52, 121. 
Estotelandia, 96. 
Europe, 16, 94, 95, 96, 159. 
Eyrar, 62, 143, [Eyrarbakki ?], 173. 
Eyrr, [mod. Eyri], 17, 26. 
Eyxney, [0xney, Yxney, Eyxney, Auxney], 29, 

60, 105, 123, 141, 165. 
Exploits, Bay of, 182. 

Faeroes, [Fsereyjar], 163. 

Farewell, Cape, 166. 

Finland, 93. 

Finmark, 170. 

Flatey, [Flatey a Brei8afir8i], 54. 

F16i, 21. 

France, 177. 

Frislanda, Frisland, 95, 159. 

Fr6da, [Fr68a], 36, 86, ill, 129, 168, 169, 170, 

187, 188. 
Fur8ustrandir, vide Wonder-strands. 

Gander Bay, 182. 

Gardar, [Gar8ar], 16, 62, 75, 82, 142, 155. 

Gaulverjabcer, 9, 21. 

Germany, [Saxland], 77, 158, 179. 

Ginnungagap, 93. 

Glaumbcer, Glaumbcejarland, 77, 158, 180. 

Godthaab, Greenland, 166, 167, 172. 

Gokstad, 163. 

Greenland, [Greenland, Grenland, Grcenaland], 

2, 4, 5, 6 > 8, 9, I0 » I2 > l 4, 15. 16, 17, 18, 25, 
26, 27, 29, 30, 32, 33, 34, 35, 36, 39,40,41, 42, 
43> 5*i 55, 56, 57, 58, 59, 6', 62, 63, 64, 66, 
67, 69, 70, 7i, 72, 74, 75, 76, 80, 81, 82, 83, 
88, 89, 91, 93, 94, 95, 96, 98, 100, 105, 106, 
108, no, in, 114, 115, 116, 124, 126, 128, 
129, 131, 132, 133, 138, 141, 142, 143, 144, 



145, 147, M8, 150, 151, 152, 153, 155, 157, 

160, 166, 167, 168, 169, 171, 172, 173, 174, 

178, 179, 180, 182, 188, 189. 
Greenland Sea, [Groenlandshaf], 51, 63, 90, 138, 

143, 180. 
Grunnavfk, 9. 
Gunnbiorns-skerries, [Gunnbjarnarsker, Gunnb- 

jarnarnessker], 30, 60, 105, 123, 141, 166. 

Hafgrimsfirth, [HafgrfmsfjorSr 1 Groenlandi], 61, 

Halogaland, [H&logaland], 58, 61, 142. 
Hamburg, 95. 

Haukadal, [Haukadalr], 29, 60, 105, 123,141,165. 
Haukadale river, [Haukadalsa], 165. 
Hebrides, [Su3reyjar], 28, 35, 36, 62, 104, in, 

122, 128, 129, 162, 168. 
Helgafell, [Helgafell i Snsefellsnes-s^slu], 26, 86,' 

Hellisvellir, 31, 106, 124, 167. 
Helluland,4, 15, 16, 17, 43, 65, 89, 90, 91, 116, 

133, 146, 188, 189. 
Heriolfsness, [Herj61fsnes], 33, 61 [?], 62 [?], 

64 [?], 108, 126, 142, 144. 
Heriulfsfirth, [Herjulfsfjgr5r], 61, 142. 
Hitardal, [Hitardalr], 30, 105, 123. 
Hofdi, [HofSi a HofSastrgnd], 40, 115, 153, 

Hofdi-strand, [HofSastrgnd], vide Hofdi. 
H61ar, 81, 179. 

Holmar, [H61mar], 60, 141, cf. Ericsholms. 
Holmlatr, [H61mlatr, H61mslatr], 30, 106, 124, 

Holstein, 17. 

Hop, 22, 47, 49, 50, 118, 120, 135, 137, 161. 
HorSadalr, 164. 

Hordadale river, [HorSadalsa], 164. 
Horn, Cape, Iceland, 173, 174. 
Hornstrandir, 29, 105, 123, 141, 164. 
Hrafnsfirth, [Hrafnsfjgr5r], 30, 60, 61, 106, 

124, 142, 167. 
Hrafnsgnipa, [Hrafnsgnfpa], 60, 141, cf. Hvarf- 

Hraunhofn, [Hraunhofn a Snsefellsnesi], 32, 84, 

85, 108, 126, 167. 
Hrutafirth, [Hrutafj6r5r], 171. 

Hdnafl6i, 171. 

Hvamm, [Hvammr f Hvammssveit], 29, 105, 

122, 164. 
Hvammsfirth, [HvammsfjorQr], 164, 165, 166, 

167, 171. 
Hvarf, Greenland, 173. 
Hvarfsgnipa, [Hvarfsgnfpa, Hvarfsgnupr, Hvarf- 

snfpa], 30, 6o[?], 106, 124, 141 [?], 167. 
Hvftramannaland, vide White-men's-land. 
Hvftserkr, vide Whitesark. 

Icefirth, [fsafjarSardjupr], 166. 

Iceland, [fsland], 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 13, 16, 17, 20, 
21, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31, 34, 36, 37, 51, 
52, 53. 54, 55, 56, 57, 5§, 60, 61, 63, 66, 71, 
72, 77, 79, 81, 82, 83, 84, 85, 86, 87, 88, 89, 
94, 95, 9 6 , 97, 98, 100, 103, 104, 105, 106, 
109, no, in, 112, 121, 122, 123, 124, 127, 
128, 129, 130, 138, 141, 147, 152, 158, 160, 
162, 163, 164, 165, 166, 167, 168, 169, 171, 

172, 173, 174, 177, 179, 180, 182, 186, 187, 

Ireland, [frland], 11, 16, 28, 37, 46, 52, 84, 85, 
87, 104, 112, 117, 121, 122, 130, 135, 162, 

173, 174, 187, 188. 

Ireland the Great, [frland it mikla], 11, 12, 51, 

84, 120, 179. 
frlandshaf, vide Atlantic. 

Jaederen, [Ja3arr], 29, 60, 105, 123, 141, 164. 
Jolduhlaup, [Jolduhlaupr], 173. 
Jorvi, [Jorvi], 29, 105, 123. 
Julianehaab, Greenland, 166, 167. 

Kakortok, 166. 

Keelness, [Kjalarnes], 43, 45, 46, 49, 68, 116, 

117, 120, 133, 135, 137, 149. 
Keldur, 52, 121. 

Ketilsfirtb, [Ketilsfjor3r f Groenlandi], 61, 142. 
Kimbafirth, [KimbafjorSr], 18. 
Knor, 188. 
Krfsuvfk, 88. 

Krossanes, vide Crossness. 
Krossholar, [Krossh61ar], 29, 105, 122, 164. 

Labrador, 174, 181. 

Langadal, [Langadalr], 30, 105, 123. 

D d 2 



Laugarbrekka, 30, 31, 106, 107, 124, 125, 167. 

Laugardal, [Laugardalr], 164. 

Lava-haven, vide Hraunhofn. 

Leifs-booths, Wineland, [LeifsbtiSir 1 Vfnlandi], 

68, 72, 75, 149, 153, 155, 181, 183. 
Leikskalar, [Leikskdlar], 29, 105, 123. 
Limerick, 11. 
Lund, 82. 
Lysu firth, [L^sufjorSr i Vestribyg8], 38, 70, 

113. 13°. I 5 , f J 73- 

Markland, 4, 6, 15, 16, 17, 43, 50, 65, 83, 93, 

116, 120, 133, 138, 146, 188. 
Maryland, 182. 

Melar, in Hrutafirth, [Melar i HriitafirSi], 171. 
Midiokul, [MiSjokulI], vide Blacksark. 
Moer, South and North, Norway, 162. 
Mceri, 173. 

Moray, [Mersevi, Mceri], 28, 104, 122. 
Moster, 165. 

New Brunswick, 178. 

Newfoundland, 88, 89, 175, 176, 178, 182, 185. 

New-land, [Nyjaland, Nyaland], 88, 89. 

Newport, R 1 , 97. 

Nidaros, [Ni5ar6s], 61, 142, 160. 

Norfimceri, vide Mcer. 

Norumbega, 95. 

Norway, [Noregi], 4, 7, 13, 20, 25, 28, 31, 35, 
36, 54. 5 6 > 58, 60, 61, 62, 71, 72, 74, 77, 95, 
97, 104, 106, no, in, 122, 124, 128, 129, 
142, 152, 153, 155, 158, 160, 161, 162, 163, 
164, 165, 168, 169, 170, 171, 173, 174, 183. 

Nova Scotia, 175, 178 

Nugsuak Cape, Greenland, 166. 

Orkneys, [Orkneyjar], n, 28, 104, 122, 162. 
Oslo, [Osl6], vide Christiania. 
0xney, vide Eyxney. 

Pennsylvania, 18 2 

Raknslodi, [Raknsl66i], 91. 

Reykholar, [Reykh61ar], 11. 

Reykholt, 183. 

Reykianess, [Reykjanes], 61, 88, 142, 173, 180. 

Reykjavik, 191. 

Reyniness in Skagafirth, [Reynines, Reynisnes, i 

Skagafir8i], 40, 52, 121, 132, 138, 179. 
Reynista8r, 179. 
Rhode Island, 183. 
Risaland, 90, 91. 
Rome, 72, 77, 152. 
Romsdal, 162. 
Ross, [Ros], 28, 104, 122. 

Saguenay, 177. 

St. Croix river, 175. 

St. Lawrence, Gulf of, 182. 

Sailing, 12. 

Sandefiord, Norway, 163. 

Saxah611, 166. 

Saxonland, [Saxland], vide Germany. 

Scandia, 95. 

Scandinavia, 55. 

Scotland, [Skotland], 16, 28, 104, 122, 174. 

Siglufirth, [SiglufjorSr f Grcenlandi], 61, 142. 

Skagafirth, [SkagafjorSr], 40, 77, 132, 158, 171, 

Skalholt, 9, 24, 25, 82, 88, 169, 179. 
Skeidsbrekkur, [Skeifisbrekkur], 29, 105, 123. 
Skraumuhlaups river, [Skraumuhlaupsa, Skrd- 

muhlaupsa], 29, 105, 122. 
Skrelling-land, [Skrelingaland], 138. 
Skuggi-firth, [Skuggifjgr8r], 89, 90. 
Snsefell, Snj6fell, 30, 60, 106, 124, 167. 
Snaefells-iokul, [Snsefellsjokull, Snjofellsjokull], 

30, 60, 106, 124, 141, 166. 
Snsefellsness, Snowfells-strand, [Snsefellsnes, 

Snj6fellsstrond], 31, 84, 106, 124, 166, 167, 

168, 173. 
Sodor, vide Hebrides. 
Solvadal, [Solvadalr], 61, 142. 
South Sea, 95. 

Stad in Grunnavik, [StaSr i Grunnavfk], 21. 
Stad in Norway, 173, 174. 
Stad in Skagafirth, [Sta8r i Skagafirfli], 52, 121, 

Stad in Sugandisfirth, [Staflr i Sdgandisfirfli], 21. 
Stavanger, Norway, 164. 
Stockholm, 81, 191. 
Stokkaness, [Stokkanes a Grcenlandi], 35, no, 




Streamfirth in Iceland, [StraumfjorSr a fslandi], 

Streamfirth in Wineland, [StraumfjgrSr, Straums- 
fjorSr], 44, 45, 49, 50, 117, 120, 134, 135, 

137. 161- 

Sudrey, [SuSrey a HvammsfirSi], 29, 105, 123, 

SuSreyjar, vide Hebrides. 
Sunnmoeri, vide Moer. 
Sutherland, [SuSrland], 28, 104, 122. 
Sviney, [Svfney], 30, 105, 123. 
Svoldr, 56. 

Taunton, Mass., 97. 
Thingeyrar, [frngeyrar], 53. 
Thistilsfirth, [KstilsljgrSr], 30, 106, 124. 
Thorgeirsfell, [f>orgeirsfell], 31, 32, 106, 107, 

124, 125, 167. 
Thorsness, [t6rsnes], 165. 
Thorsness-thing, [torsnesbing, f>6rnesbing], 30, 

60, 105, 123, 141, 165, 166. 
frandheimr, vide Drontheim. 
Thule, Thile, Tile, 92, 93, 94, 159. 
Tradir, [Traoir 1 Su3rey], 29, 105, 123. 

Uniped-land, [Einfoetingaland], 50, 120, 137, 

Upsala, 80. 

Vag, [Vagr, Vogr], 61, 142, 180. 
Valthiofsstadir, [ValbjofsstaSir], 29, 100, 105, 

Vatnahverfi, 61, 142. 

Vatnshorn, 17, 29,60, 105, 123, 141. 
Venice, 95. 

Vididalstunga, [VfSidalstunga], 53. 
Vienna, 92. 

Vifilsdal, [Vffilsdalr], 29,105, 123, 164, 167. 
Villingaholt, 8. 
Vimund, Cape, 1 70. 

Vindland, [Land of the Wends], 12, 171. 
Vfnland, [Vindland, Vinlad, Vinland, Winland], 
vide Wineland the Good. 

Western-settlement, [Vcstribyg5, VestrbygS], 30, 
38, 42, 61, 70, 106, 113, 116, 124, 130, 133, 
142, 150, 151, 166, 167, 172, 173, 174. 

Western uninhabited region, [Vcstri obygd], 60, 
106, 124, 141, 167. 

White-men's-land, [Hvftramannaland], 11, 51, 
84,87, 120, 138, 179, 189. 

Whitesark, [Hvftserkr], 30, 59, 124, 166. 

Wineland the Good, [Vfnland it g63a], 3, 4, 5, 
6, 7, 9, 10, II, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 
21, 22, 23, 25, 27, 28, 42, 45, 50, 53, 55, 56, 
57, 58, 59. 67, 68, 70, 72, 74, 75, 77, 79, 80, 
81, 82, 84, 87, 89, 92, 93, 94, 95, 96, 97, 98, 
99, 103, 116, 117, 120, 133, 135, 148, 149, 

150, 153. 155. i5 8 . l6 °, l6l > l68 , '7*1 l 1 2 > 
175, i7 6 > J 77, 181, 182, 183, 185, 189, 191. 

Wolfenbuttel, 17. 

Wonder-strands, [FurSustrandir], 43, 45, 46, 
116, 117, 133, 134, 135. 

Zur, Mare del, vide South Sea. 


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