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Full text of "The Wintun Hesi ceremony"



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UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PUBLICATIONS 

IN 

AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY AND ETHNOLOGY 

Vol. 14 , No. 4, pp. 437-488, plates 22-23, 3 figures in text March 11,1919 



THE WINTUN HESI CEREMONY 



BY 
S. A. BARRETT 



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UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PRESS 
BERKELEY 




ANTHROPOLOGY f 



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UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PUBLICATIONS 

IN 

AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY AND ETHNOLOGY 

Vol. 1 4, No. 4, pp. 437-488, plates 22-23, 3 figures in text March 11, 1919 



THE WINTUN HE SI CEREMONY 

BY 

S. A. BAEEETT 



CONTENTS 

PAGE 

Introduction 438 

The Hesi ceremony of 1906 - 441 

First day 441 

Poles and Moki cloak -- 441 

Setting the poles - 442 

Preparations for the first dance -- 445 

The Tuva - 446 

The Tcelitu - 447 

The first Tuya dance - 447 

The Moki dance 451 

Oration 452 

Second Tuya dance 454 

Second day 454 

Sweat dance 454 

Eeception of visitors 455 

Tuya dance 457 

Clowns - 457 

Allotment of dance house places 458 

Singing by invited individuals 458 

Visitors Tuya dance .. 460 

Feast oration 460 

Further Tuya, sweat, and Moki dances ~ 461 

Third day - - 462 

Morning dances 462 

Speeches of instruction 462 

Other morning dance 464 

Afternoon dances 464 

Orations .. 465 

Final dance 472 

Fourth day - 472 

Farewell oration ... 472 

Departure 475 

Additional speeches and songs ... 475 

The hand game 482 

C 



434002 



438 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14 

INTRODUCTION 

The Wintun Indians formerly occupied a territory lying, in the 
main, between the Sacramento river and the crest of the Coast Range 
of California. 1 While the subdivisions of the stock have not been 
exactly determined, there appear to have been three major languages, 
usually called the Northern, Central, and Southern. Within the South 
ern speech there were at least two dialects, whose distribution on the 
whole conformed to the topographical differences between the open 
Sacramento valley and the foothill and mountain region. These two 
dialectic groups may be designated as the Southeastern and South 
western Wintun. 

The culture of the Southwestern Wintun seems to be more closely 
related to that of the Porno adjacent on the west than to that of the 
Maidu, who are separated from them by their own Southeastern kins 
men. This fact appears clearly in the arts and industries. The mortu 
ary customs of both the Southwestern Wintun and Porno favored cre 
mation but omitted the celebration of a mourning anniversary. The 
Maidu buried the dead but held an annual "cry" or "burning" in 
their memory. 

On the other hand, the ceremonial system of the two southern 
Wintun divisions, while of the general type common to the Indians of 
a large part of central California, appears to have had closer relation 
to the religious organization of the Maidu than of the Porno. This is 
instanced by the Wintun and Maidu both practicing a Hesi ceremony, 
which the Porno lacked. 

Among the Southwestern Wintun of Colusa and Yolo counties, 
there still persists, or did until recently, something of the old organiza 
tion of ritual dances, namely, a regular series of ceremonies extending 
from fall to spring. Formerly, this began and closed with perform 
ances of the hesi huya about the first of October and first of May. Of 
late years, the initial hesi hiiya has been replaced by a subsidiary rite, 
the toto huya, but the spring Hesi continues to be made. 

The object of all the ceremonies, but especially of the Toto and 
the Hesi, is primarily to insure plentiful wild harvests and secondarily 
to secure the health and general prosperity of the people. The per 
formance of the Toto is believed to assure an abundance of "green 
foods," such as "Indian potatoes," by which is meant Brodicea, 
Calochortus, and other bulbs, as well as the plants whose foliage is 



Present series, vi, 284-289, maps 1 and 2, 1906. 



1919] Barrett: The Wintun Hesi Ceremony 439 

eaten. The Hesi is thought to produce "ripe foods" in plenty: grass 
seeds, manzanita berries, and especially acorns. 

At intervals during the months between these two major cere 
monies, there occur six others 2 of lesser importance, which are usually 
celebrated simply by each village, whereas for the Toto and the Hesi 
the people of neighboring villages are invited. These minor ceremonies 
are : keni, lole, sedeu or coyote, silai or grizzly bear, kuksu, and 
waisaltu. 

The ceremonies bearing these names occur in the order given and 
must be carefully distinguished from dances and dancers of the same 
names. In general, any dance may be introduced into any ceremony. 
In addition to the dances bearing the same names as the ceremonies, 
there are other dances, which do not correspond in designation to any 
ceremony. These are the waima, sill, salalii, and gllak. This makes 
about a dozen dances and eight ceremonies. The word for dance is 
tono, for ceremony huya. 3 

What dances shall be made during any one ceremony seems to be 
left largely to the volition of the participants, particularly the director, 
who appears to be usually also a shaman of some reputation. The par 
ticular dance named after a ceremony is always made some time dur 
ing the ceremony, but a selection of other dances is usually also given, 
without any set rule as to their order within the ceremony. Between 
the eight regular ceremonies, gatherings without especial religious 
significance and devoted chiefly if not wholly to pleasure, may also 
be held. In these assemblies any or all of the twelve named dances 
are made, but without association as a ceremony. Such an occasion 
is known by the same name as a single dance, tono, as opposed to the 
huya or complex of dances made with a sacred purpose. 

Of the two major ceremonies, the Toto and the Hesi, the latter is 
the more important. It lasts four days and nights, and is the one 
ceremony whose regulations all residents and visitors observe scru 
pulously. In recent years its particular form and exact date are 
determined annually by the spiritual visit of a shaman to the abode of 
the dead, ~bole wttak* where instructions are received by him from 



2 There may have been a greater number before aboriginal customs were 
disturbed. 

3 Huya means to gather or assemble. Strictly there is no Hesi dance but Tuya 
and Moki dances in the Hesi ceremony. 

* Bole is the ghost of a dead person ; saltu, a spirit. The Southwestern Win- 
tun distinguish their modern ceremonies, which contain a bole or ghost element 
(allied to the "Ghost Dance movement" prevalent about 1890 among the eastern 
Indians of the United States), from the older ceremonies which were free of such 
an element. 



440 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14 

Katit* who controls the world at large, as well as the domain of 
departed human spirits. 

The following pages describe a Hesi ceremony celebrated by the 
Wintun of the village Let, in Cortina valley, Colusa County, in the 
western foothill region of the great Sacramento valley, from May 5 
to 8, 1906 less than a month after the earthquake that preceded the 
fire which destroyed San Francisco. The earthquake was felt strongly 
in Cortina valley and was interpreted by the Indians as a sign of the 
great displeasure of Katit with the world and its people. This cere 
mony was therefore attended more widely than had been customary 
for some years, and thus afforded an excellent opportunity for observa 
tion. The author attended the ceremony to record its salient features 
for the University of California; and, in the summer of 1907, was 
enabled to obtain from the old director and shaman, Salvador, or Sasa, 
whose trance had preceded the performance, explanations of a number 
of its features, as well as phonographic records of the speeches made 
by him in its conduct and of the several songs used. 

Frank Wright, a man then of about thirty-five years, who spoke 
good English, served in this ceremony as Salvador s chief assistant, 
and on the latter s death a few years later succeeded him as principal 
director of the Hesi among the "Wintun of the region. He furnished 
the author with information during the progress of the ceremony; 
and he served as interpreter for Salvador when the phonograph records 
were secured. As many as possible of the speeches and songs were 
transcribed by the author and translated for him by Mr. Wright on 
this occasion. In 1909 Dr. A. L. Kroeber had opportunity to verify 
these transcriptions and to obtain translations of the remaining 
records. This work was done by him with Mr. Thomas Odock, a South 
eastern Wintun, who understands the Southwestern dialect of Cortina 
and is himself conversant with the Hesi through the instruction of 
Salvador. 

Since the ceremonial dance system of the Maidu Indians of Chico 
was very similar in its outlines and in many details to that of the 
Southern Wintun, and since the former has been described by Dr. 
Roland B. Dixon, 6 it is unnecessary to repeat here the features com 
mon to all the dances of the region. Such matters as the structure of 
the dance house, the use made of the center post, the performance of 
the Moki, and the like, which are practically the same for all the 
rituals of several ethnic groups, will therefore be assumed as familiar 



Katit is a species of hawk. 

The Northern Maidu, Bull. Am. Mus. Nat, Hist., xvn, 283-333, 1905. 



1919] Barrett: TJie*-Wintun Hesi Ceremony 441 

to the reader, and the account that follows is restricted to descriptions 
of the ceremony witnessed and explanations secured from the Indians. 
In short, this paper is primarily a record of information that may 
never again be obtainable. It is not an attempt to elucidate a part of 
a complex religious scheme with reference to the system as a whole. 



THE HESI CEREMONY OF 1906 

A few r days after the earthquake, Salvador suddenly went into a 
trance and on his awakening announced that he had journeyed to bole 
wilak, "ghost world," and that Katit had directed him to announce to 
his village that on a certain day, which was Saturday, May 5, all must 
assemble for the Hesi, and to invite the Indians of the adjacent parts 
of the Sacramento valley, and the Porno and Wintun of Cache creek, 
Sulphur Bank, and Upper Stony creek. 



FIRST DAY 

Friday, May 4, and the forenoon of the first day of the ceremony, 
Saturday, May 5, were spent by Salvador and one of his assistants in 
the preparation of ceremonial poles, head dresses, rattles, and the like. 
Most of these paraphernalia only needed rejuvenating, since they had 
been kept over from the ceremonies of the year before. The work on 
them was done in the dance house. 



POLES AND MOKI CLOAK 

These ceremonial objects consisted of the following pieces. There 
was a pole about 25 feet long, with a small bunch of feathers at its 
apex and near this a sort of banner of pieces of colored cloth. It was 
also wound about its entire length with cloth of different colors. This 
pole was to be erected in front of the dance house entrance and was the 
most important of the ceremonial objects. There were three smaller 
poles, also decorated with variously colored cloth, for use about the 
feasting table. Further, there were a short cloth-wound pole, and a 
cylinder of black cloth twelve or fifteen inches high and eight or ten 
inches through ; both for the roof top of the dance house. All these 
objects were called bole sak, and while prepared without any special 
ceremony, were placed in their respective positions with singing and 
ritualistic observance. 



442 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14 

The only other strictly sacred object used was the long cloak worn 
by the moki performer. In earlier times, this cloak was a net of eagle 
feathers and covered the wearer completely from head to foot, except 
that small openings were left through which he might see to make his 
way about. In the present instance the network was replaced by gunny 
sacking and the feathers by strips of cloth, so that the costume was 
but a sorry representative of the aboriginal form. 

SETTING THE POLES 

As each of the ceremonial objects was completed in the dance house, 
it was placed 011 the floor just south of the center post. They were 
then placed in position in the following manner and order : 

The large pole was first placed in position in its permanent hole in 
front of the dance house. With an ordinary digging stick, Salvador, 
who will hereafter be designated as the director, removed the cobble 
stones with which the hole had been filled to keep it from crumbling 
from year to year. He then took a six-foot cocoon rattle, called 
cokokai, and rattled four times over the hole, crying in each case a 
long drawn out "he." Toward the end of each call his voice gradually 
fell in volume. He stretched his rattle the first time toward the west, 
that is, the dance house, then to the south, then the east, and finally 
the north. 7 In each instance he stood on the opposite side of the hole 
and extended his rattle across it. Thereupon he stepped back toward 
the east, and setting the end of the rattle on the ground shook it in 
time to the tcoll muhl song, which he sang until the pole was in place. 

Tcoli Songs 

tco lule wile tco lule huyama tco lule 

stand up healthy stand up assemble stand up 

As the director began this song, his assistant commenced the cere 
mony of taking the pole from the dance house to place it in position. 
From just back of the center post of the dance house, he slowly walked 
completely around the recumbent pole and to the south of the butt 
of the pole (fig. 1, A). Here he stopped, faced west, raised his right 
hand over his head and slightly forward, and gave a long "he," 
toward the end of which he let his voice, and simultaneously his hand, 



7 West, south, east, north is the invariable ceremonial circuit of the Hesi, at 
any rate with reference to the directions faced. 

s University of California Museum of Anthropology phonograph number 
14-1505; words transcribed by A. L. Kroeber, translated by Thomas Odock. 
Said to be the composition of the singer, Salvador. Tcoli muM means l inanimate- 
object-standing-erect song," that is, pole or stump song. 



1919] 



Barrett: The Wintun Hesi Ceremony 



443 



fall very slowly, and blew two short blasts upon a double bone whistle, 
toka. He then turned completely around, made another circuit about 
the pole, and repeated the same cry, motions, and whistling at the same 
point as before, but facing in turn south, east, and north. Next, he 
circled rapidly four times round the pole, continuously blowing short 




Figure 1 

Bitualistic course of the director s assistant before removal of the long pole 
from the dance house. 




Figure 2 
Second course about the pole. 

blasts on his whistle, stopped at the foot of the pole, made a motion to 
pick it up, and turned completely around. This he also did four times 
(fig. 2). The fifth time, he actually picked the pole up, carried it out, 
circled four times about the hole prepared for it, stopped on the east, 
held the pole up toward the west, turned himself around, and repeated, 
extending the pole south, east, and northward. He now walked once 



444 



University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Etlin. [Vol. 14 



around the hole and pointed the base of the pole at it four times. The 
fifth time, he actually inserted the butt and tamped it firmly into place. 
He then joined the director, and the pair, facing the now erected pole, 
sang the following tcupa song for several minutes : 

/ Tcupa Song 

The refrain, indicated in the text by "A," is: 

tcenti weni tcenwe r tcenwe r 

down arrive down-come down-come 






wile leluro mi 

A 

mato wole na - 

A 

tcalal wole wole b 

tcalal wole na weni 

A 

wile leluro 

A 

tcalal wole wole Lami 

A 

mato wole wole Lami 

A 

wile leluro V f - 



mato wole Lami 

A 

tcalal wole Lami 

AH 



Crying "he," the pair sang a few more words of the song, and then 
called "he, he, he, he," bending themselves toward the pole four times. 

This entire act of setting the pole is said to be a notification to Katit 
and his associates among the dead that the preparations had been 
made and that the Hesi was about to be celebrated as directed. 

The director now resumed his singing in the same place, while his 
assistant entered the dance house for the rain fetish and the food 
fetish. The former was the above mentioned four-foot, wrapped pole, 
tufted with cloth and feathers; the latter, the cloth-covered cylinder. 
Feathers tied to projections at the top of this gave it somewhat the 
appearance of a high crown. The bringing out of these two objects 
was attended with much less ceremony. The assistant merely carried 



9 Eecord 14-1506, Odock-Kroeber transcription. Composed by Salvador. 

i This refrain frequently occurs three or four times over in the song where 
"A" has been written only once. Many of the other phrases are repeated. 

11 Glossary: wile, healthy; leluro, make, become; mi, you; mato, your; tcalal, 
rose, pretty, beautiful; wole, floor of dance house; weni, arrive. 



1919] Barrett: The Wintun Hesi Ceremony 445 

them on the roof of the dance house (blowing his double whistle con 
tinuously, while the director sang) , and circled sixteen times about the 
roof around a diameter of twenty or twenty-five feet, holding the 
fetishes up in the four usual directions once after each four revolutions. 
However, he extended them toward the north four times instead of 
once. He then set the stick in the roof a little northwest of the center, 
slipped the cylinder over the stick on the roof, descended, still blow 
ing his whistle, rejoined the director, and sang with him for a short 
time. 

The director now went into the dance house and set about prepar 
ing his ceremonial cloak and certain dance paraphernalia. 

Two assistants meanwhile set the three smaller poles at the ends of 
the feasting table, with the following procedure. All three poles were 
first leaned against the eastern end of the table and a sub-assistant, 
standing a short distance off, began to sing the tcupa song. He accom 
panied with a split stick instead of the cocoon rattle, but it is said that 
this substitution had no significance. The chief assistant passed contra- 
clockwise four times around the table and poles, turned completely 
round, reversed his direction, circled about four times clockwise, and 
turned again, all the time blowing rapidly upon his double whistle. 
He then took the two poles which were to be set east of the table, and 
carried them four times around in each of the same directions, waving 
them four times over the table after each set of circlings. He then 
passed four times around the holes dug for them, turned himself 
around again, motioned four times as if to set them, turned again, then 
put them in, passed four times around both, turned once more, and 
finally took a position beside the singer and accompanied him for a 
minute or two. They then both cried "yn," sang a few moments 
more, and ended with "ha, ha, ka, ha," bending toward the poles with 
each syllable. 

The pole for the western end of the table was then taken up and 
set with the same cycle of movements and songs. This placing of the 
poles ended shortly after noon of May 5. 

PEEPAEATIONS FOE THE FIEST DANCE 

About two o clock, the director went on the roof of the dance house 
and cried a prolonged and loud "he" successively in the four ritual 
directions, waiting fifteen or twenty minutes between each call. This 
crying is said to have notified Katit as well as the Indians present that 
the preparations were complete. Returned to the dance house, the 



446 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Efhn. [Vol. 14 

director continued his work on the dance regalia until about sundown, 
when he ascended again to the roof and cried as before, this time with 
even greater force. 

In the early part of the evening of May 5, the fire was lighted in 
the dance house and kept burning low. About nine o clock the people 
of the village (the visitors having not yet arrived) assembled inside, 
while four men dressed themselves for the dance just outside the rear 
or western door of the house. Three of these men wore the tuya 
costume or "big-head," as it is currently called in English, and the 
fourth the tcelitu. 

THE TUYA 

The chief feature of the tuya is a skull cap or ana* 2 of shredded 
tule (Lei) into which are stuck a large number of long, slender willow 
rods, decorated with feathers. These plumes are called tcalalj "roses," 
and the whole head-dress, saltu. 13 This is often three feet in diameter 
and half as high. The plumes mostly pointed forward, and those in 
front downward, hiding the face of the dancer. Frequently also, small 
twigs are stuck into the front of the tule cap so as to hang down 
directly in front of the face and complete its concealment. Among 
the plumes, four, called kewe, of extra length and with special feather 
ing, are forced down through the tule cap and into the wearer s head 
net or ticin, thus serving to keep the entire head-dress in place. One or 
more skewers (paka) also hold the cap to the net. From another 
skewer at the back there hang a pair of long yellowhammer quill bands 
(pit), almost reaching to the ground and floating out in the rapid 
motions of the dance. About the neck is suspended a small double 
whistle, t oka, usually made of wing bones of the chicken hawk. 

The body of the tuya dancer is bare to the waist. Formerly, only a 
clout was worn below. At present, some article of civilized clothing 
is worn about the lower part of the body, with an improvised clout, 
such as a bandana handkerchief, tied over it. From the waist to the 
knee there is a kind of skirt made of thin cloth, on which are sewed 
variously shaped bits of cloth of different colors. This is a degenerate 
substitute for the feather skirt of the old days. 

In ancient times, the exposed parts of the body were painted black 
with sika, 1 * paint of charcoal or black mud. There were no definite 

12 "Head." 

is At least so informants stated. As saltu means spirit they were evidently 
naming the head-dress as the most distinctive feature of the impersonation. 

!4 Southeastern Wintun : silca, grizzly bear ; also the name of a ceremony 
among these people. 



1919] Barrett: The Wintun Eesi Ceremony 447 

designs, whole areas such as the face or chest being colored, although 
narrow bands were sometimes drawn. This body decoration seems 
not to have had any special signification. At present very little paint 
ing is done. 

A split stick rattle, tcakatta, in each hand completes the outfit of 
the tuya dancer, except that in certain cases the wrists are bound 
together with a stout cord. Only certain individuals have their wrists 
tied. The Indian explanation of the practice is that it prevents cramps 
due to the violence of the dancing. 

In this first dance, two of the three tuya danced in their tule caps, 
the feathered rods for the head-dresses not having been completed in 
time. 

THE TCELITU 

The fourth of the company, the tcelitu, who was to start and stop 
the tuya dancers and direct their movements, wore neither the large 
head-dress nor the imitation feather skirt. He had on a down-filled 
head net (pute) and toward the back of the top of the head a tuft of 
magpie feathers (toiti) fastened with skewers. Across his forehead 
he wore a "short" yellowhammer head band (taluk) and about his 
neck a necklace (hiiti). His body was bare to the waist. In his left 
hand he carried a bow, (nun), and in his right a quiver (koltcis), con 
taining arrows (nuko). At least he carried them constructively. In 
reality, a skin folded over a stick represented the quiver full of arrows, 
and another stick the bow. 



THE FIRST TUYA DANCE 

At about ten o clock, everything being in readiness, the dancers 
blew their whistles and the director and others who were inside the 
dance house cried "he" and commenced a song, to which the dancers 
stepped in time as they circled about the point where they had dressed 
outside the dance house. This circle was about fifty feet in diameter, 
and after four revolutions, all went to the front door, where they 
rattled their split sticks loudly and finally entered. They then 
marched, without dancing, four times around the floor, going as near 
as possible to the side posts which divided the space reserved for 
dancing from that occupied by the spectators ( see fig. 3 ) . They next 
marched once around the center pole alone, after which the three tuya 
went out into the tunnel of the front door and later, upon receiving a 



448 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and EtJin. [Vol. 14 

signal from the tcelitu, danced back into the main part of the house, 
just as they would dance in during an ordinary dance, which is usually 
not preceded by the circling about the inside of the dance house. 

The music for this dance was furnished by one or more air singers, 
called koliu, provided with cocoon rattles, several burden or chorus 
singers, called tcoklwin, each provided with a split stick rattle, and one, 
or sometimes two drummers, called tlnel, who usually stamp with their 
bare feet upon the large hollowed section of a log used as a drum 
(tcobok). Sometimes the drummers use a large stick (tok), which 
they strike vertically upon the drum much as a workman uses a tamper. 
The positions about the drum of these three classes of musicians are 
shown in figure 3 ; the air singers are designated by two small triangles, 
the chorus singers by a number of small crosses, and the drummers by 
two squares upon the drum itself. The air singers carry the melody, 
accompanying it with the swishing sound of their cocoon rattles, while 
the chorus adds volume with a loud "he, he, he/ accompanied by the 
clack of the split sticks upon the palms of the left hands. 

The signal to begin is given by the tcelitu with a motion of his 
quiver. After the singing of what might be termed an introductory 
verse, he signals one of the tilya to dance. This the dancer does by 
suddenly whirling around from his position in the tunnel and moving 
very rapidly with high steps back and forth between the two side posts 
nearest the door (fig. 3, MN). He dances in a bent posture with his 
stick rattles extended before him and crossed lightly near their free 
ends. Thus, the lower half of the upper and the upper half of the 
lower rattle form the bases upon which the other halves of the rattles 
strike in their vibrations. They are shaken at frequent intervals, the 
dancer usually squatting very low as he rattles. As he reaches either 
end of his short course, he squats low and whirls suddenly about and 
dances rapidly to the opposite end. His long yellowhammer streamers 
are thus thrown out and float and flutter behind him as he moves from 
end to end. At the same time he shakes his head from side to side 
in time with the music to keep the long plumes of his head-dress 
trembling, especially when he rattles. 

The tcelitu meanwhile stands at the back of the dance house, near 
the singers, arid, when he deems it proper, gives the signal for the 
change in the dance. This he does by running up to the singers with 
his " quiver" high in the air and bringing it suddenly down with a 
loud and long "hlyo," the chorus singers bowing and shouting in 
unison with him. The air singers, however, continue their melody 
uninterruptedly, and the chorus is immediately taken up again. The 



1919] Barrett: The Wintun Hesi Ceremony 449 

tcelitu then dances, with the high rapid step already mentioned, back 
and forth directly in front of the singers space (fig. 3, XY) for a few 
minutes, after which he runs rapidly to the singers and shouts "Myo" 
one or more times, bringing his quiver down and bending his body as 
before. Most frequently he gives this signal as "hiyo, lilyo, My 6, 
hiyo," the last utterances being longest and most emphatic. Again 
the chorus singers shout in unison with him, all facing the air singers. 
The latter still continue their air and are again rejoined by the chorus 
as the tcelitu resumes his dance, which he does for some minutes over 
the same course as before. After this he moves out along the north 
side of the dance house (fig. 3, xz), beckoning with his quiver toward 
the tuya, who all this time has been dancing rapidly back and forth 
over his course between the two front side posts of the house. 




Figure 3 

I Wintun visitors from Indian creek and Little Stony creek. 
II Porno visitors from Sulphur Bank. 

III Wintun visitors from Long valley and Cache Creek. 

IV Wintun visitors from the Sacramento river region. 
V Host villagers. 

D Drummers. 
A Air singers. 

x Burden singers. 
B Fire tender. 

C Moki delivering ceremonial speeches. 

Now the tuya moves out along the north side of the dance house 
(fig. 3, MZ), until he meets the tcelitu at z nearly opposite the fire. 
Here the two turn to face the fire and dance in place for a considerable 
time, this dance consisting simply of a rapid and forceful stamping of 
first one foot and then the other, the bodies being held erect. The 
chorus increases the volume of its shouts, and the drummer beats 



450 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14 

harder. This loud music continues until suddenly the tcelitu wheels 
about and runs to the singers with the same motion and cry of hlyo 
as before, the tuya also wheeling about, running to his place between 
the two front posts, and resuming his former dance. 

From this point on the same cycle is performed, except that upon 
this occasion the director finally dances to the south side and is met 
by the tuya, the two dancing there as before on the north side. Finally 
the tcelitu again wheels suddenly, and runs to the singers with his 
usual cry of "hlyo," and calls "ha, ha, ha, ha, ha, ha," letting his 
voice fall gradually. This marks the end of this particular set of 
the dance. 

The tuya immediately resumes his stooping posture in the entrance 
tunnel, from which presently he, or one of his fellows, may be called 
forth to dance the same set over again, or from which, if the dance is 
to be ended, he may be summoned, either by the tcelitu s voice or by 
a tap on his back by the quiver, to return into the main part of the 
dance house. 

In the case of the dance ending, he backs, in his stooping posture, 
into the house until he reaches a point between the first two side posts, 
when he straightens up and walks at a medium pace to a point north 
of the center post. Here he whirls, rattling, walks to the correspond 
ing position south of the center pole, whirls and shakes his rattles 
again. Then he walks out the front door and, once outside, runs to 
the dressing place, which at night is near by, but in the day is in 
the brush far enough from the dance house to be out of sight. In pass 
ing out, he lays his rattles over his head to press down the long plumes, 
so that they may not catch on the sides of the tunnel and break off. 
In entering he also backs in, since the plumes project forward. 

Only one of the tuya dances at a time, and usually each performs 
but once in any one dance, going through the above described set or 
cycle completely. This requires from fifteen to twenty minutes. If 
there are several fuya, the second is usually called by the tcelitu im 
mediately after the first has returned to the tunnel, and so on until 
each of them has completed his set. When touched by the tcelitu s 
quiver, they leave the dance house as described above, but the song 
is kept up. 

As soon as the tuya have passed out, the chorus singers and the 
tcelitu dance out, with a short, high, sidewise step, in two lines, one 
along the north and one along the south side of the house. The step 
consists in simply lifting the feet very high and bringing them down 
with force, and in no case does such a step move a dancer more than 



1919] Barrett: Tlie Wintun Hesi Ceremony 451 

six or eight inches. Having finally reached a point opposite the fire 
and center post, the two lines, facing each other, dance in place for 
perhaps a minute or two, using the same step but without the side- 
wise progression. Suddenly, the tcelitu runs rapidly to the air singers, 
who are still singing in front of the drum, raises his quiver, and brings 
it down violently with his usual cry of "hiyo," to mark the ending. 
Throughout this dance, the air singers are accompanied only by a low 
"he, lie, he," of the dancing chorus. 

The tcelitu immediately runs back to his position in one or the 
other of the lines of dancing chorus singers and the dance continues. 
In fact, the chorus has not ceased dancing during the time he has been 
running back and forth. After another minute or two, they all start, 
at a signal from the tcelitu, to dance back sidewise toward the drum. 
When about half way, they suddenly break and run to a position in 
front of the air singers, where they all shout "hlyo," bending their 
bodies almost double. This marks the end of the dance and the music 
ceases. The tcelitu walks out leisurely. 

At frequent intervals during all this dancing, the spectators cry a 
prolonged "o!" to signify their approval of the dance. At the very 
end they all call "o!" loudly at least once, and some repeat the cry 
several times, proportionate to their satisfaction. 

One of these dances lasts usually from twenty minutes to half an 
hour or considerably more, its duration depending chiefly on the num 
ber of tuya participating. The motions are violent, and a dancer is 
usually more or less exhausted at the end of his set, and cannot con 
tinue throughout the night. At the present time, when the population 
is reduced, and dancers few, a considerable intermission between one 
dance and the next is therefore necessary. Anciently, however, several 
sets of tuya, each with its tcelitu, are said to have been available, so 
that as one set finished, another was ready to take its place. Thus the 
dance was kept up almost continuously throughout night and day, 
intermissions for feasts being ordinarily the only breaks in the con 
tinuity of the dances. The first tuya dance, on May 5, having three 
tuya and a tcelitu, lasted about an hour. 

THE MOKI DANCE 

At the conclusion of the tuya, the director put on his long cloak, 
thus becoming mokl and, as the dancers left, commenced the first of 
his ceremonial orations. He danced four times around the inside of 
the house, constantly blowing his double whistle, and finally halted 



452 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14 

near the rear of the dance house opposite the koimeru or fire tender. 
The positions of the two are shown in figure 3, c, B. Here he delivered 
a long speech in a high-keyed, squeaky voice, occasionally bowing for 
ward or to the sides or settling slightly downward under his cloak, 
these motions being for emphasis and apparently in lieu of gestures 
with the hands, which are the ordinary Wintun means of emphasizing 
speech. This oration was intended for all, but was addressed to the 
fire tender, who frequently cried "6!" in approval. On completing 
his oration, the mokl circled around the inside of the dance house once 
and finally went to a place near the drum and removed his long cloak. 

Moki, as the director is called when covered by his long cloak and 
speaking in his high voice, is the same term as is used to designate a 
class of clowns, who in certain parts of the ceremony amuse themselves 
and the spectators by mimicking dancers, singers, drummers, and 
spectators. 

The mokl, in modern times, represents a messenger from the keeper 
of the abode of the dead, delivering his messages and instructing the 
people in order that they may be provided with an abundance of food, 
the supply of which depends upon their conduct. He also addresses 
himself to the keeper of the dead and pleads, as it were, the cause of 
his people. It could not be found that he represented a mythical 
being. 

After the moki s first speech, an intermission of about an hour 
followed. The spectators engaged in conversation most of the time. 



ORATION 

Then, a number of visitors having arrived, the director rose and, 
this time without his mokl cloak, delivered another oration a speech 
of welcome. This he subsequently spoke into a phonograph, as follows : 

Tabat te wi, Speech of Welcome^ 



6 o piuru 16 boti 

Yes, yes. All stay. 


plum 
All 


piuru 
all 


bote 

stay, 


colec 
listen 


milet 
you 


lomule 

glad, 


apatcu 
my uncles, 


bum 


maiin 
chief s wives or sisters, 


bum 


sektd 
chiefs, 


ma 


ilaiinma 
my children. 


piuru 
All 


bote eu 
stay thus, 


pi bo 


tcu 

I 


eu pi 
thus, 



is Record 14-1518. Transcribed by the author and translated by Salvador 
and Frank Wright. 

is Piuru, said to be an esoteric term signifying "all," awe in ordinary speech. 



1919] 



Barrett: The Wintun Hesi Ceremony 



453 



bo 



ete 
one 

milet 
You 

nat 

me 

dihuse 
wake up, 

bote 

stay, 



tcu 

I 



eu 
thus, 

tewe 
word 



lomuro 
glad 



bo 
bum 



apatcuba 

my uncles. 



him 



ma 



tcu 

I 



dihuse 
wake up, 



tcu 

I 



O 

yes 



pitara 



bote 

stay, 



huya 
feast 



piuru 
all 

tewe 
words. 



eu 

this 



bote 

stay 



keweLa 
house-in, 

colec 

listen 



eu 

this 



tcu 

I 

pampa 
two 



eu 
thus, 

tewe 
words. 



bo 
si 



nat 
Me 



pitara 



hun 
tara 

oii 

yes 



loiba 

girls 

dihuse 
Wake up, 

pitara 



eu 
this 

waleLa 
floor-on 



bu 



piLa 
there in 



wei 

Thanks 1 



piuru 
all 



colec 

listen 



eu 
This 

bote 

stay 

manu 
my 



poi 
Who 



eleLao 
none 



eleLao 
none 



po 

who 



sektun 
chiefs, 



pomi 



let 



eleLad 
none 



maino 

chief s wives, 



piuti 
will do that 



put! 



urbe 17 
Nothing 



win 
people 



liptura 
dying, 



win 

people 



hatara 

going, 



piLa 
there 

we 

things 



euLa 
then 



pe 



upiretfi 

everybody, 



O 

yes 



pele 



north 
ina 



piutara 
thus 

bote 
remain 

lomura 19 
glad, 

main 

chief s wives 



no 
go 

tibo 
bo 



eu 

this 

ibo 



piLa 
there 

upiretfi 
everybody, 

wilak 
world 



euLa 
there 



boti 
be, 



piLa 
here 



pele 

we 



bo 

stay, 



ewiLa 
there 

nomel 18 
west 

piutara 

Thus 

pele 
we 

elecii 
nothing 



east 
tibo 



boti 
be 

piu 
thus 



upura 
(I) tell 



milet 
you 



cektu 
chiefs 



ma 



we 
things 



O 

yes 

wilak 
world 

tibo 



euLa 
there 



upiris 
everybody, 

Labe 

villages, 

euLa 

there 

won s 

south 



we 
things 

boti 
remain, 



lomura 
glad, 



milet 
you 



milet 
you, 

lomura 
glad, 

seribama 
boys 



eu 
this 

milet 
you 

milet 

you 

lomura 
glad, 



^ 17 Urle means "nothing" in the Central Wintun dialect. Southwestern 
Wintun says elec. 

is Pui be, waibe, nombe, woribe, east, north, west, south. 

glad"; oupiri boli "glad" in ceremonial speech. 



454 



University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14 



we upireti 20 5 
"thanks" tell one another, "Yes" 


upireti 
tell one another 


o upiri 
"Yes" tell one another 


sa pele 

We, 


pele ou 

we "Yes" 


piresa 

say 


uputo upura 
tell you, tell 


momupireta 21 upura cok 22 
everybody, tell 


pilit a 


hetcama pele 
how many we 


eiisai pmsa 
do that, do that, 


pele 
we 


pmsa 
do that 


piuLa pelepo 
we ourselves 


loitano eleLau 
girls themselves none 


po seri tana 
who boys dance, 


eleLau pi 
none these 


temano eleLau 
dancers themselves none 


Pi 
this 


yohos 2 3 
announcer, 


ne eleLau 
none 


pi Lupi 
this tuya 


tono 
dancers 


eleLau 2 4 
none 


piusa pele 
do that, we 


piusa 6u 
do that, yes 


sa pele 

we 


OU 


pe^ara we 
"thanks" 


upitara Lan 
call one another, "brothers, 


upitara te 
sisters" call one another, "sons" 


upitara o 
call one another, yes 


tai o 
"nephews, nieces," yes 


tai 
"nephews, nieces" 


upireti 
call one another, 


upireti 
call one another. 



SECOND TUYA DANCE 

About midnight, came another tuya with his director, and a second 
dance was held in exactly the same manner as that previously de 
scribed. This ended about half past twelve. The people remained to 
talk and amuse themselves in the dance house during the remainder 
of the night or, as they chose, went to their houses to rest before the 
ceremonies of the following day. 



SECOND DAY 

SWEAT DANCE 

A little before sunrise, several men, particularly those who had 
participated in the dances of the night before, gathered in the dance 
house for the "fire" or "sweat" dance, called t cuppa. A very hot 
fire was built and the doors and smoke hole tightly closed. The 



2 <> Upireti, upirita, and tipirita are said to be esoteric terms meaning tell one 
another, pirti signifying l each other in common speech. 

21 Momupireta is an esoteric term for tcaTcet, everybody. 

2 2 Upura is a ceremonial term, while cok or cdko has the same signification in 
common speech. 

23 The yohos is the announcer who delivers an oration from the roof of the 
dance house as visitors approach the village. 

24 I.e., the yohos is not here, nor are the tuya. 



1919] Barrett: The Wintun Hesi Ceremony 455 

dancers stripped themselves of all clothing except an improvised clout 
and danced slowly about the fire in time to the song and rattle of a 
single singer. Their motions were very slow and the feet raised but 
little off the ground. The body was swung from side to side con 
siderably, so that at each step a different part of the body was pre 
sented to the heat. The dancers also bent over the fire first forward 
and then sidewise in such manner as to expose themselves to the heat, 
while each rubbed his body rapidly. At the end of perhaps twenty 
minutes, during which the temperature had grown intense, the dancers, 
now in profuse perspiration, rushed out and plunged into the creek. 
In plate 2, figure 1, two of these dancers are shown returning after 
their plunge. 

RECEPTION OF VISITORS 

Nothing else took place until the entry of the guests. These were 
Wintun from the Sacramento river, largely or wholly from Grimes; 
from three villages along North Cache creek and Long Valley creek; 
and from three villages along Indian and Little Stony creeks to the 
north. The only people other than Wintun who came, were a few 
Porno from Sulphur Bank or East Lake, one of the arms of Clear 
Lake, who are more or less in touch with the Wintun living along 
North Cache creek. 

All the visitors had arrived the evening before and made their 
camps at short distances from the village. Those from the west and 
north camped a short distance northwest of the village, while those 
coming from the Sacramento river, camped to the east. 

About half past eight, the director went on the roof of the dance 
house and gave his long cry "he" to the four cardinal points, to call 
in the visitors. It is doubtful whether this cry could have been 
heard, but at any rate in a short time those camped to the northwest 
came in sight. Meanwhile the "captain," as he is called, that is, the 
chief of the host village, the one who exercises whatever there are of 
gubernatorial functions, joined the director on the roof of the dance 
house. He took his station just below the smoke hole and sang for a 
considerable time, accompanying with two cocoon rattles. When the 
visitors from the northwest appeared, the director gave several of 
his long-drawn cries of "he" toward them. The "captain" continued 
his song. On arriving at the outer edge of the settlement, the visitors 
halted, left their horses and traveling equipage, and advanced toward 
the dance house, the inhabitants of each visiting village forming in 



456 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14 

single file, each group led by its captain who carried a present from 
them to the people of Let, the host village. These lines coming one 
after another formed a long continuous file of people with only slight 
breaks between the successive groups. The captain of the host village 
continued to sing on top of the dance house (pi. 2, fig. 2) until the 
head of the column neared the entrance, when he descended and led 
the way, still singing, into the dance house. He led the column contra- 
clockwise around the fire and center pole, and finally took up his 
station near the drum, the visitors going directly to the particular 
portion of the spectators areas allotted them at the side of the dance 
house. As each column filed past the singing captain, its leader 
stopped and presented him with the gift brought by his people for 
those of the village giving the ceremony. These gifts the host captain 
placed near the wall behind the drum where most of the dancing 
paraphernalia were kept. The presents consisted usually of strings 
of beads, though sometimes ropes of native milkweed fiber or other 
objects were brought. 

The last of the column was a very old shaman or dance leader 
from the village of Toktl on North Cache creek. He came at some 
little distance from the rest and instead of going directly with his 
people to the side of the dance house, he moved, singing and rattling 
with cocoons, four times contra-clockwise around the inside of the 
house and then once in the same direction about the center pole alone, 
before seating himself with his companions. 

At last, all visitors being seated, the host captain brought in a 
large basket full of acorn soup, ylwit, and a large cake of black meal, 
hule, made from the seeds of one of the wild plants of the region. 
These he presented to the leader of the visitors, who saw to it that 
each one received his share. 

The host captain then rejoined the director on the roof of the dance 
house, there to await the arrival of the people from the Sacramento 
river. Presently shouting was heard from behind a hill to the south 
east, which was a signal that the visitors were on their way from that 
quarter, and also that they were dancing into the village instead of 
filing in like their predecessors. Upon hearing the shouts the director 
gave his usual long "he," and the captain began to sing again. Pre 
sently a tuya dancer, followed at a little distance by his tcelitu, came 
over the brow of the hill toward the village, followed at some distance 
by their captain and the remainder of the people walking slowly in 
single file. 



1919] Barrett: The Wintun Hesi Ceremony 457 

TUYA DANCE 

On arriving at the door, the two dancers conducted themselves as 
is customary. The tuya stopped before the door and shook his rattle 
several times. The tcelltu, however, did not immediately enter, as is 
the custom in an ordinary dance, but also waited without until the 
last of the visitors from his region had been led in and properly placed 
and provided with food by the captain of the host village. The singers 
then assembled before the drum, the tcelltu entered, and the dancing 
proceeded as on the evening before. 

CLOWNS 

With this dance was introduced a new feature. As the dance 
progressed, several men, apparently without any special dress or 
preparations, went about in the dance house speaking in a very high- 
keyed voice, similar to that of the director when he becomes moki. 
They made all manner of fun of the dancers, the singers, the drum 
mers, and any of the spectators that they might single out. These 
clowns are also called mokl. As above stated, however, it is main 
tained by the Indians that the office of these clowns is purely that of 
amusing the people. 

The antics which these clowns perform are sometimes genuinely 
ludicrous. For instance, at one time later in the day, when the captain 
of the host village was singing as he marched slowly about the inside 
of the dance house, one of the clowns stationed himself before the 
captain and marched slowly backwards in step with him, while deliver 
ing joking remarks concerning the latter s ability to sing and the 
particular song he was voicing, and in general endeavoring to give a 
comical turn to what otherwise would have been a most solemn cere 
mony. This did not seem in the least to disconcert the singer, who 
continued to sing in his gravest manner ; but his song was not received 
with the usual seriousness. 

These clowns enter into ceremonies among the Porno to the west, 
where they are called (by the Eastern Porno), katsa tala 24:a and act 
much as here described, although the Hesi ceremony is not known. 
The Maidu clown is called peheipe. 2 * 

The dance having been completed, the captain caused to be brought 
in several baskets of acorn soup and an abundance of other food, and 
all feasted in the dance house. 



24 Sergeants-at-arms, fine collectors, and clowns. Present series xn, 417-421, 
1917. 

25 E. B. Dixon, The Northern Maidu, Bull. Am. Mus. Nat. Hist., xvn, 286, 
310, 315, 318, 1905. 



458 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Etlin. [Vol. 14 

ALLOTMENT OF DANCE HOUSE PLACES 

The parts of the dance house (Lut) used for special purposes were 
in this ceremony as follows. The portion of the floor (wole) within 
the line of side posts was reserved for the dancers and singers, the 
singers occupying the space in the rear and immediately in front of 
the drum. Different dances were held in several parts of the floor as 
described previously and below. The space back of the side posts 
(dorl) was divided into five sections of varying sizes, each allotted to 
the spectators from a certain place. In figure 3 are shown these five 
divisions. 

SINGING BY INVITED INDIVIDUALS 

After the feast held in the dance house, the people gave themselves 
over to conversation and visiting for some time, while the clowns con 
tinued their business to the amusement of all. Finally the individual 
singing began, partly, at any rate, as a result of the clowns actions. 
They are privileged to levy a fine on one who does anything contrary 
to custom, and especially upon those who show displeasure at their 
ridicule or refuse to do their bidding. When, therefore, they ask some 
one to sing, he must accede or pay a fine. It is said that nearly all 
individual singing is due to the commands of the clowns. 

A singer provides himself with two short cocoon rattles which he 
uses one in each hand. They are grasped firmly between the thumb 
and first finger and are shaken by means of a movement of the wrist. 
Another movement is given them by means of the second, third and 
fourth fingers, which tap upon the handle as it projects down into 
the hand. The invited performer sings for some minutes wherever he 
happens to be sitting, then rises and walks to a position on the south 
side of the dancing area and a little back of the center pole (fig. 3, Y). 
Here he sings for some minutes, pacing back and forth in one direction 
or another over a short course. He then walks rapidly over to the 
point marked N in figure 3, where he again sings for some time ; then 
goes to M and sings for some minutes; then to X, and finally to Y 
again, singing at each of these stations as described. He then either 
goes directly to his seat, or repeats the cycle. In any case, when he 
arrives at his seat he turns completely around before sitting down, 
after which he continues singing for some minutes. 

While this is the commonest method, some singers go round and 
round the dancing area counter-clockwise, moving continually with 
a slow step and not stopping at the four points above mentioned. 



1919] Barrett: The Wintun Hesi Ceremony 459 

When a singer begins, a loud shout goes up, each person in the 
house shouting "6." When he arises, a still louder chorus of the same 
indication of approval is heard ; and at frequent intervals during the 
song similar shouts from one or more people in different parts of the 
house are audible. On taking his seat, he is greeted again, and on the 
ending of his song, he receives the loudest applause of all. 

Any one may be asked by the clowns to sing and is expected to 
respond. But in practice only men known to be proficient singers 
are called upon. Their songs are said to be private and more or less 
hereditary from father to son. It is asserted that such songs are not 
and were not formerly learned from the inhabitants of the ghost 
world or the keeper Katit, though the latter teaches other songs. The 
individual or private songs show some variety. Three examples fol 
low. The words of these were written down during the ceremony, but 
it proved impossible to obtain phonographic records. 

Individual Song 1 

holuu du hwee holulu du hwii (4 times) 

watohoona wilak mee holo wee walei heme (4 times) 

haluu du hwei haluu du heha (4 times) 
(Eepeat) 

Individual Song 2 

nam n he" hila hihye nani n he n hila hihye (4 times) 

winii hila hehye winTI hila hehye (4 times) 

wilee hila hehye wilee hila hehye (4 times) 

wai wai hila wewe wai wai hila wewe (4 times) 
(Eepeat) 

Individual Song 3 

haiie waleiho haiie waleiho (twice) 

wihwala waleiho 

haiie waleiho haiie waleih5 (twice) 

(Eepeat) 

It will be seen that these songs are simple. Some consist merely 
of a phrase or two repeated a definite number of times, usually four. 
Often this set is repeated over and over again throughout the song. 
In more elaborate songs the first set or "stanza" of a four-times re 
peated phrase is followed by another with more or less different words, 
and so through perhaps three or four stanzas, after which the whole 
group of stanzas is indefinitely reiterated, sometimes for half an hour 
or longer. It is maintained that the words have no meaning, though 
now and then a word, such as wilaU, "world," is recognizable. It is 
possible that more of these words may at one time have had meanings, 
but that, like parts of the speeches of the mokl, they are esoteric or 
archaic. In the speeches, however, only some of the terms are of this 



460 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14 

nature, and the bulk of the orations is intelligible to the "Wintun 
public. However, it is certain that in both songs and speeches some 
at least of the terms used are esoteric and have meanings definitely 
known to the initiated. 



VISITORS TUYA DANCE 

About half past eleven, two of the visitors from the Sacramento 
river, a tuya and a tcelitu, performed the second dance of the day, 
which lasted some twenty minutes. 

FEAST ORATION 

After this, the midday feast was served at the long table under the 
trees near the dance house (pi. 1, fig. 4). When the meal was ready, 
the director made a long speech of welcome exhorting the visitors to 
eat heartily and enjoy themselves. 

Ba Tcema, Food Speech 2 
o u, yes 

we reti (3), come on! 
we reti, come on! 
lo iba we reti (2), girls come on! 
se riba we reti, youths come on! 
i lain we reti, children come on! 
ba La huya lis (2), at eating assembled 
e u ba La, at this eating 
e u ba La huya lis, at this eating assembled 
e u kori La huya lis, at this pinole assembled 
e u yiwi La huya lis, at this acorn-soup assembled 
e u tipa La huya lis, at this acorn-bread assembled 
mile o upi ni, you say yes to one another 
o upini (2), say yes to one another 
pi La piu roti, will be doing that 

ta i upi reti, will (call one another) sister s child (or grandchild) 
pi ba La, at eating that 

wile ba La huya ro, at healthy eating assemble 
pi ba La huya ro e u ba La huya ro, at eating that assemble, at eating this 

assemble 

e u tca lal ba La huya ro, at this pleasant eating assemble 
e u wile ba La huya ro, at this healthy eating assemble 
pi La o u u pitaro ba ti, at that say yes to one another s eating 
o u pitaro ba ti (2), say yes to one another s eating 
we yu pini, rejoice at one another 
we a patcu u ro, rejoice: "my mother s brother" 



26 Eecord 14-1498, Odock-Kroeber transcription. Each line of the text repre 
sents a phrase or separate ejaculation. A number indicates that the phrase is 
repeated so many times. 



1919] Barrett: The Wintun Hesi Ceremony 461 

we ta tcu u ro, rejoice: "my father" 

we La ntcu u ro, rejoice: "my younger brother" 

upu taro ba ti, say thus to one another s eating 

weyu ti, rejoice 

mile t ba mahem, (at) him who causes you to eat 

milet do ihem, (at) him who gives to you 

ba do ihem, (at) him who gives food 

e kori do ihem, who gives this pinole 

e tipa do ihem, who gives this acorn-bread 

pi La lomu ti, at that be glad 

pi La lomu ti pi, at that be glad 

piu weyu ro, so rejoice 

mile t weyu ro, rejoice for you 

ta itcu ba uro, my sister s children (eat?) 

La ntcu ba uro, my younger brothers (eat?) 

pi uro ba ti (3), doing so eat 

tap mile ila in, you children 

mile lo iba, mile seri ba, you girls, you youths 

mile ila in, you children 

pi uro ba ti, so eat 

^pi uro katu les, so satisfied 

katu ro weyu les, satisfied rejoice 

katu ro weyu les, satisfied say yes 

u no te we, his word 

u no te we u no so ko, his word, his teaching 

u i mile t sokohem, he who teaches you 

pi uro ba ti (4), so eat! 

The feasting was in the following order. First were served the 
visitors who arrived earliest at the village, that is, as many as could 
be seated at the table, the remainder eating at the second table. Third 
came the visitors who had arrived later, and finally, at the fourth and 
last table, the people of the home village ate. The food was all pre 
pared by the women of the village in their houses and was brought to 
the table by three or four men. In general, this serving of food was 
under the direction of the fire tender of the dance house. 



FURTHER TUYA, SWEAT, AND MOKI DANCES 

Immediately after this meal, which ended about two o clock, a 
third tuya was held in the dance house, along the same lines as those 
previously described. Later, at half past five, a fourth dance was 
made. An evening feast with attendant speeches began at six. 

After this meal, a hot fire was again built in the dance house and 
three men, who had participated in the dancing during the day, danced 
another fire or sweat dance to the music of the two singers. Toward 
the last of their dance, the mokl danced once around the floor, then 



462 



University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Etnn. [Vol. 14 



outdoors, and several times around the high pole in front of the dance 
house, the while blowing his whistle constantly. Soon after he left 
the dance house for his dance about the pole, the three dancers ran 
out to the creek, swam for a few minutes, and returned to the house. 
About ten o clock, the first tuya dance of the night was held, being 
followed before morning by several others, all about the same as those 
described. 

THIRD DAY 

MORNING DANCES 

About five in the morning another sweat dance was held, imme 
diately after which the mokl danced, as before, slowly about the danc 
ing floor and out the front door, and then performed a ceremony about 
the high pole (see pi. 1, fig. 3). He danced about the pole several 
times in a sort of shambling trot, finally coming to a halt on its east, 
that is, on the side away from the dance house, facing this. Here he 
settled slowly down, waving his cloak with his hands, until he had come 
to a squatting position, where he remained for some seconds blowing 
his whistle. He then slowly arose with the same fluttering of his cloak, 
circled the pole, and again settled down, this time facing toward the 
south, he being on the north side of the pole. This circling and facing 
were repeated in the usual sequence, that is, east and finally north. 
He next danced over to the table, around which he danced four times 
(pi. 1, fig. 4), after which he danced about the poles at the east end 
of the table. Finally, coming to a stop to the east of the poles, and 
facing them and the table, he settled down as he had done about the 
high pole in front of the dance house. He then danced around to the 
west end of the table and once around the high pole there, stopping 
to face it from the west. Here he again settled, after which he danced 
back into the dance house, passing on the north side, or contra-clock 
wise along the dancing floor, to the drum where, as usual, he removed 
his cloak. 

About half past six, breakfast was served at the long table in the 
usual manner after another speech by the director. 

SPEECHES OF INSTRUCTION 

About half past nine, the director took up a position in front of the 
dance house and near the high pole and here delivered a long oration. 
This oration, as also those that followed during the afternoon, exhorted 
the people to live properly and in accordance with the instructions 



1919] Barrett: The Wintun Hesi Ceremony 463 

recently received by the director from Katit. These instructions were 
to recount to them the history of the world and outline the reasons 
why it was in its present condition ; and also to tell its future and the 
ultimate destiny of mankind. 

From a summary of the ideas expressed in these speeches, as ren 
dered at the time by one of the Indian auditors, it appears that the 
conceptions of the Wintun in respect to the world are as follows. 27 
The world originally had a different form, but in those days there 
were comparatively few people. Later, as its population increased, 
the earth was stretched to accommodate the people and for a time all 
things went satisfactorily. Again the population grew, the world be 
came crowded, and the earth was stretched ; thus it has up to the pre 
sent time been enlarged four times. The last time its form was mate 
rially changed and the present mountains were created. There is to be 
a fifth and final upheaval and stretching, which will bring these moun 
tains down and render the world a level plain as is the Wintun abode 
of the dead. To be sure, the Wintun population has, since the coming 
of the whites, greatly decreased, but the influx of Americans has 
greatly increased the population of the region, so that the country is 
very crowded at present, and it is expected that this final great world 
change may come at any time. When the earthquake of April 18, 1906, 
was felt, it was considered part of this final upheaval, and especially 
was the belief confirmed when the Wintun saw the effect on upper 
Cache creek, which drains Clear lake. Here a body of earth, large 
enough to block the passage of the stream, slid into the canyon, back 
ing the water up into the lake itself. After a time the pressure broke 
through the dam and carried the debris down in a great flood through 
Capay and the other valleys along the lower course of Cache creek. 
The stream lies but a few miles to the south of the Cortina valley 
village and the flood had occurred only three days before, so that 
considerable excitement was still running among the Indians at the 
time the director was preaching to them. 

Another feature which had recently inspired the Wintun of the 
region with awe was the immense mass of smoke which was visible to 
them from the San Francisco fire. Some said that at night even the 
glare of the fire could be seen. By many it was feared that this was 
the final great world fire, which, in common with the other Indians of 
this part of California, they anticipated. 



27 A short note in the Journal of American Folk-lore, xix, 324-325, 1906, gives 
the substance of the following account. 



464 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Etlw. [Vol. 14 

OTHER MORNING DANCE 

About eleven o clock, four of the Sacramento valley men danced 
again. As before stated, such dancers always put on their costumes 
out of sight of the spectators. They usually approach dancing in 
single file (see pi. 2, figs. 3 and 4). Each tuya, upon reaching the door 
squats in front of it and shakes his two split stick rattles. The tcelltu 
goes in immediately on his arrival, and when all is ready calls in the 
tuya. 

AFTERNOON DANCES 

The midday feast began a little after noon, as usual preceded by 
a speech from the director. The next dance was made by four men 
about three o clock in the afternoon. 

This being the last time that the particular dancers participating 
were to appear, a purification ceremony immediately followed the 
dance of each. 

As each dancer took up his position in the tunnel of the dance 
house after completing his set of the dance, the fire tender went to him 
and, seizing his wrists, lifted his hands and his rattles high above his 
head. He then looked the dancer carefully over from head to foot and 
finally, letting go his hands, allowed the dancer s arms and rattles to 
fall to his sides, after which the dancer replaced his rattles in their 
former crossed position. The fire tender then, commencing at the 
dancer s feet, blew several times with much force on various parts of 
the dancer s body, waving his hand upward with each blast, and end 
ing with a long blast directed so as to spread his breath over the whole 
body of the dancer. He then passed around to his back and again 
blew in the same manner. Before performing this ceremony, the fire 
tender chewed mitcil, a parasitic plant found on oaks, probably mistle 
toe as nearly as can be judged from its description. His breath being 
laden with the sweet-scented mitcil, served to expel from the dancer s 
body any spirit or evil effect of a spirit, tcoyl, which if unremoved 
would cause illness. Having blown upon a dancer in this manner, the 
fire tender stepped back to a position directly in front of the fire, that 
is, between the fire and the front door, and there raised his right hand 
high above his head and gave a long cry of "he," dropping his hand 
and lowering his voice slowly toward the last. This completed the 
purification ceremony and the dancer was at liberty to depart. 

Immediately after this dance and the purification of each of the 



1919] 



Barrett: The Wintun Hesi Ceremony 



465 



dancers, the director again delivered an oration, the latter part of 
which was cut short by the arrival of another set of dancers about four 
o clock. Their dance was the same as the preceding, and was followed 
by the same purification ceremony. After they had departed, the 
director proceeded with his oration for perhaps half an hour longer. 



ORATIONS 

Several of the formal speeches delivered by the director on this 
afternoon as well as at other times during the Hesi were subsequently 
recorded as follows : 







Bole Ho, 


"Ghost Yes" Oration** 




ho 

yes, 


ho 

yes, 


urabote 
believe 






ho 

yes, 


urabote ho 

believe, yes, 


urabote ho 
believe, yes, 


urabote 
believe 


uyorihem 
what taught 




uyorihem 
what taught 






piuLa 
here 


pele 

we 


6u 

yes 


piribum piu La pele 
tell, here we 


ou 
yes 


piribum 
tell 



wilak 


wilak Lapa 


tfewe doibum 




world 


world all-over 


speech giving 




tcama 


win mutu kabec tcama 


win 


white 


people to hear waiting, white 


people 




mutu kabec 








to hear waiting 






tdpi 


ma paLeta 


topi bole 29 ma 




all 


save 


all ghosts 




topi 


pile winibum 


topi pile winibum 




all 


they seeing, 


all they seeing 




pile! 

they 


manan pile 
just like they 


tonobum pile! 
dance, they 


manan 
just like 




pile tonobum 








they dance 






ou 


La pile 


imanatibum 6u La 


pile 


yes 


they 


will be the same, yes 


they 




imanatibum 








will be the same 







pe 



him bapa 

(they will not assist) 



oubum 



28Eecord 14-1495. 

29 So literally, but translated as "dreamer," 



doctor, " or " dance director. 



466 



University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Etlin. [Vol. 14 



pe 



pele 
we 

elel 
believe 

us 
this 

pele 

our 

piuLa 
sometimes 

piuLa 

sometimes 

yapai 
dance 

tcama 

white 



him ba 

(they will not do it) 



lie 



winihem 

seers 

nanta 

not 

pelet . 

to us, 

tan 

father, 

pele 
we 

pele 
we 

mo 



win 

people 



ou 

yes 

elel 

not 



laiukahem 

goodness 

hem 
(people) 

mmte 

believe 



harabum 

will go, 



bum 



elel 

believe 



nanta 
not 



us 
this 

pele 
our 



pelet 
to us 



uleLa 
them 

uleLa 
them 

doitlbum 
will give, 

ma 



oubum 

yes, 



tan 

father 

ka 



peibum 
(what is the matter) 

ka peibum 

(what is the mattter) 



yapai 
dance 

doitlbum 
will give 



harabum 

will go 



ou 
yes 



hem 

(people) 



mo 

laiukaru 
good 



oubum 

yes 



doitlbum 
will give 



wilak 
world 



nanteweie 
my speech, 

iis 
this 



pelet 
to us 



nanteweie 
my speech 



US 

this 



pelet 
to us 



plum 
all 



tewe 
speech 

pm 

what 



wilak 
world 



wilak 
world 



toyu 

stopped 



wilak 
world 



La 
on 



dldl 
villages 



La 



wilak 
world 



La 
on 



dldl 
villages 



La 

in 



werebem 

coming, 



tewe 
speech 



toyu 
stopped 



Lab a 

doing 



ma 



pel 

show 

ulet 

them 



bole29 

ghost 

doitlbum 30 
will give ; 

manan 

just like 

dolura 

give 



tcama 
white 



pei 
show 

yapai 
dance 

bebempu 
there 



win 

people 

manan 

just like 

mato 

your, 



ton 
dance 



P 1 

that 



pm 

what 



Laba 

doing? 



piuru 
all 



werebem 

coming 

yapai 
dance 

mato 

your, 

ma 



29 So literally, but translated as "dreamer," " doctor," or "dance director." 

30 The speaker was asking a colleague or rival, Bulkas by name, from the 
Clear Lake region, what he intended to do, whether he intended to give another 
dance as the white people do. 



1919] 



Barrett: The Wintun Hesi Ceremony 



467. 



tcanaman titcabum 
Chinaman will know, 

wilakno Luturu 

world s trouble 


tcanaman titcabum 
Chinaman will know 

werit 
coming 




pila 


titcatlbum 


tcanaman titcatlbum 


tcama 


They 


will 


know, 


Chinaman will know, 


white 




win 


Leksum 


titcatibum tcama 


win 




people 


later 


will know, white 


people 




titcatlbum 










will know 








pal 


pile 


tewe 


titca-mata doibum 


tono 


now 


we 


speech, let them know will give 


dance 




doibum 


yalumas 


paruru win win 


antara 




will give 


leave 


crowded people people 


many 




piuru 


tcu 


Lahis 






for that 


I 


look 




wilak 


tcu 


Lahis 


wilak tcu Lahis 


wilak 


world 


I 


look, 


world I look, 


world 




tcu 


Lahis 








I 


look. 






tcu 


mit 


pmLa tcu mit 


mutmaton 


I 


you 


sometimes I you 


will tell, 




comara 


mit 


heLa tfepiti olel pitc 


wilak 




let know 


you 


somewhere go out above, 


world 




henpa 


La 


olel tepiti piLa 


heLa 




find 


in 


above go, there 


somewhere 




henpa 


La 


henpa La waiyel 


henpa 




find 


in 


find in north 


find 




La 


nowina 


henpa ti piunpi 


tcu 




in 


west 


find, thus 


I 




Lahibo 


pmn 


tcu Lahie un 


piuLai 




look, 


thus 


I look, 


there 




pinai 


wilak 


botcitisi 






do this 


world 


break down 




nai 


henpa 


La 


un nai henpa 


La un 


I 


find 


in 


I find 


in 


wilak 


botclti 


world 


break down 


unica 










so said 











Free Paraphrase 

You must believe what he has taught you. Here we should be glad. Give 
this speech to all the people, to the white people also for they are awaiting it. 
Every one is to be saved. All the dreamers see that. Just like them (the 
ghosts) we dance. 



When I do this the world will end. 



468 



University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14 



Some people will not assist, some will not do as they are instructed. Though 
our father (i. e., ruler of the ghost world) told us this, we see that some people 
do not believe it. Sometimes we ask what the reason is. 

We must give a dance. We will give it for the white people also. It is for 
the betterment of the world and for the improvement of the people. 

Yes, some people do not believe my speech, but this is for us, for all the 
world and for all the villages. 

What are you going to do? Do you intend to give another dance as the 
white people do? 

The Chinese know that the world is coming to an end, and the white people 
will realize this after a while. 

Now let us speak that all may know. Let us dance. The world is crowded 
with people. That is the reason for my search. I call you all to let you know 
that I am going away in search of the future world. I do not know just where 
it is, but know I shall find it somewhere above, either in the north or in the 
west. That is the way I shall look about and, when I do, the world will come 
to an end. 

That is what I (the seer) said. 



o u 

yes 

so les 
listen 

pele t 

us 

mo mhurobe 
telling us 



Another Bole Ho Oration^ 



bo ti 

stay, 

ti ptarobe 

telling 



so les 
listen 



bo ti 

stay, 



so les 
listen 



bo ti 
stay 



ete ma 
one 



pele t 
us 



te we 
word. 



ete ma 

one 



te we 
word 



tiple 
teach 

na t 
me 



mile t 

you, 

yo rihem 

who tells 



tiple 
teach 



mile t 
you 



na t 
me 



tipi hem 
who teaches 



pi ma 
that 

pa l 

now 



mile t 

you 

pele t 
we 



mo mhule 
(I) shall tell 

pisi n 
with that 



li ptitobe 
shall die 



pi sin 
with that 

pisi n 
with that 



pale i 

we 



pele i 

we 



hara tobe 

shall go 



tepi tobe 
shall come out 



pi ubem 

thus 

piu La 
when 



eu bem 

being so 



upu 
thus 



pele 



52 Record 14-1510. A. L. Kroeber transcriber, Tom Odock translator. 



1919] 



Barrett: The Wintun Hesi Ceremony 



469 



wila k 
world 



upu 
thus 



pele 

\ve 



toiio Le 
dance 



wi lak 
world 



noitono La 
when dance 



upu 

thus 



pele 

we 



piun 

thus 



tce ltaro 

continue, 



piun 
thus 



tce ltaro 
continue 



piun 
thus 



tce ltaro 

continue, 



piun 
thus 



tce ltaro 

continue 



lipti tibom 
all will die, 



lipti tibom 
all will die 



u-ni sa 
that told, 



u -nisa 

that told 



ii a t 

me 



na t 

me 



upu -nisa 
thus told 



mo meLa 
(tell) 



na t 



upu -nisa 
thus told, 



pi La 

there 



pm msa 
thus told 



thus 



e unputa n 
jumping, 



e unputa n 

jumping: 



e unputa n 

jumping, 

tce ltaro 

contimie 



e unputa n 
jumping 



PI 

this 



pele 



pi ura 

thus 



ha wir 
quick 



peliptu nica 
die said 



pi 

that 



pi mana 
that 



tcupa ro 
(we) finished, 



pi mana 
that 



tcupa ro 

(we) finished 



e 

that 



wilak 
world 



e 

that 



wilak 

world 



e 

that 



wilak 
world 



pisi nupu 
that is what 



pele 

we 



li ptiboin 

die 



li ptibom 
die 



eun 

that 



putu rutcu 
I jumped 



tcu 

I 



nati 
me 



piLa 

there 



emus 

four times 



tcanda kumanisa 

make step told 



emus 
four times 



n a 
me 



tcandakumanisa 
make step told, 



piura 
thus 



nat 
me 



tcanda ku 
step 



u nisa 
told. 



tcanda ku 
step 



u nisa 
told 



pius 
that 

pal 



tcu 
I 



tcanda k 

step 

pi uLa 

when 



wi nisa 
saw 



pi uLa 
when 



tcu 

I 



lu mnisa 
died 



pi uLa 
when 



tcu 
I 



upuLa 
(he) said 



lu mnisa 
died 



pi uLa 
when 



piu ra 
thus 



tcibo 



piu ra 

thus 



tcibo 

was 



piu ra 
thus 



tcibo 
was 



470 



University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Etlin. [Vol. 14 



tepu nisa 
(I) came out 

wei 33 
Thanks, 



piu 
that 



winit pi ui 

get up thus 



uni sa 
told 



nat 
me 



ba kuma nisa 
made (me) count (it), 



pi ut 
that 



nai 
I 



emus nai 

four times I 



ma 



o u 

yes 



piu -nisa 
thus it was, 



nat 

me 



hetca s 

often 



wi nit 
get up 

yuku robe 
awaken 



ba kuma nisa 
made (me) count (it) 



lu mitaro 
should die 



be nisa 
told 



piu -nisa 
thus it was, 



uro 
that 

piu -nisa 
thus it was 



be nisa 
told 



A Third Bole Ho Oration^ 

o, 6! co lec bo ti 35 (3). nai nai wini 36 (2), nat yori 37 (2), pima milet 
momhule, 38 pima milet tlple, piuLa mlleupu. Wilakss wilakLa (2), oubum 4 (2). 
pila pelet laiukon 41 tiabum, 42 6 pima ten ou nisa, laiuk tepi, soro 43 laiuk mo ml, 
soro ou nisa, pm manat, ewisin mile (2), piu weresun.** ewisin mit pi umato eu 
ti hitamato 45 (2). tci tcu mara poiima mile nisa. pima nat momi sa 
tci tci 46 (2), pi ma tcu (2), pima dukamaru, 47 pima Lutumara, 47 bunica iirteu mu 
te u, mu tcu bonica pi u Lanai. pi la iuk ic. pi la iuk ic un, picin pi mile wereti. 
picen pi mile piuti piu La (3), poima mile nica. 48 ui tcitciimuru 4 ^ (2), (pi) 
pi la iuk ic fin (2), piuLa tcur Lo tumara^o bunica, tcu teuma bonica (2), pimana 
tco finica on mile (2). were ta be ic eu fniica, aihikiisai-" 11 fmica. piuLa tcfi toil 



33 An exclamation of pleasure. 

34 Phonograph record 14-1513. Numbers in parentheses in the text indicate 
the number of times that the immediately preceding phrase that is the group 
of words following the last mark of punctuation is repeated. 

ss Listen ! 

ss What I see. 

37 Teach me. 

3 I shall tell you that. 

3 World 

*o Believe. 

4 1 Good 

4 2 Call. 

43 Tell good thought. 

44 Come, arrive. 

45 "When you do this, let him ask him." 
4(5 He that told me choked. 

47 < That wrong. ; 

48 "Would not let me mark (or write)." 
All choked. 

so Bad. 

si "How is that?" 



1919] Barrett: The Wintun Hesi Ceremony 471 

mulenica 52 (2). nai nai piu, piu nai ou nica (2), piumas ur ounica. pi pi 
tewihem 53 piu matcoun laiukara bes unisa mile pi cin wereLa wetura 5 * bee unica, 
picin mile were laiukara bee piuLa bonica teu muur. piuLa piu mas ur nat win 
tara (2). el nai piura dukamara^s bo ou Latumas mi pimami poros unica pi 
piura yopnanica. 56 piuLa kaL Lamana 57 uitipi hem 58 (2), kaL Lamana 57 upur- 
benica. 

A Fourth Bole Ho Oration 

6, 6! mile pi (2), mile pi tepiboso (2), mile pi heLe bar mile be (2). wilak 
wilak Labon,6i didi 62 Labon, sun pi meli tepibo, sun pi meli werebo, sun pi mile 
henebon, piuLa mile mile, elelebosa 63 (2), mile pima mile, tepi yapai 64 win 65 
Iiimu66 L a pin (2), heLa hara 67 pe? lum tar pele bobatin termur.es tcelmuso ur 
ubasa mile, pi mile yoma 70 les mile pelelnan males topi mile henec e wilak La 
eu dihi 02 La tcun pi mile hene bo tcun pi mile tepibo youmelebe, 70 hena puina 71 
harmelebe, worna 72 harmelebe (2), tcun (ic) mele hene 73 cok (ic) (2), pi pi 
eura hene bo, eule pile ic un, eule pi pile un pabe 74 tewe 75 dura un. eule piii 
La tewe, mutfuhem 76 e e pabe tewe. nai tewe tcaihun 77 behem 7 s (2). pi eu 
henes, uru tepu maneca, tcu momun La melet eu matoun. sun laiukara tepu 
matoun (2). tcu piu boun piLa mile piu bosaun upun mile tewe bo sa elele, bo 
sa mile, pi pi tewe, hene bosa. male piuhem un 5impi 7 o (2), henebo un sunpi (2), 
werebo un sunpi, mile tepibo un, wilak wilak La bo un, didi La bo un, piu La 
mile mile upubosa male tewe. pi ma borne bosa. mile upubosa nai mutu La un. 
mile nai mutu La (2). nai sorio La tepi pabo, win lumu La harabo, hetiika 
harabo, bobo pele eii kir 81 La un, pi La mile bobo unisa, uni mile teuteubosa 75 
un, uni mile tewibosa. 75 



52 Then I said nothing, he said. 
58 Spoke. 
s* Is right. 

55 Inside me thus is bad. 

56 Took it off. 

57 Made a cracking noise. 

58 That is what he learned. 
so Record 14-1514. 

eo Emerge, leave. 
fil Everywhere. 
ea Villages. 
3 Doubt, disbelieve. 

64 Dance. 

65 People. 

66 Dead. 
07 Go. 

68 "We are all dead." 

69 Travel. 

7 f>Lost; melebe, never. 

7 1 East. 

72 South. 

73 Come. 



75 Word, speak, talk. 

7 6 Listeners, listening, hearing. 

77 Sorry. 

78 Being, who are. 

79 Here. 

80 Listen. 
si Earth. 



472 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14 

These speeches are to a certain extent traditional, but partly made 
up on the spur of the moment by the director. They are therefore 
subject to a greater or lesser variation from year to year and cannot be 
considered as strictly ritualistic and fixed in their terminology. The 
speeches here recorded must therefore be considered to evince some 
personal element, although the various orations of the successive cere 
monies are without doubt in a fair measure the same verbatim, and 
certainly contain similar substance and sentiment. While they include 
certain esoteric elements, they consist more largely of words which are 
of the common speech, so that the people are able to understand their 
general tenor. 



FINAL DANCE 

The last dance of the ceremony was made about ten o clock in the 
evening by four of the men from the host village. Toward the end of 
this dance, the mokl appeared and participated in the same manner as 
in the initial dance on the opening night. 

At the end of this dance all three of the tuya or big-head dancers 
were purified by the fire tender in the same manner as in the after 
noon. This dance and the mokl ceremony connected with it marked 
the end of the Hesi proper. 

Early in the evening a grass game, kosi, was started outside the 
dance house and this continued throughout the night, not even being 
stopped during the above mentioned final dance. 



FOURTH DAY 

At about the usual eating time on the morning of the fourth day, a 
final feast was served at the long table near the dance house, after 
which the people all assembled in the dance house, each group taking 
its particular allotted place in the space for spectators. The host 
captain again brought in baskets of acorn soup and cakes of black 
meal and all were served in the same manner as on their arrival four 
days before. 



FAREWELL ORATION 

During this feast the director delivered a farewell oration, includ 
ing a song, as follows: 



1919] Barrett: The Wintun Hesi Ceremony 473 

Bole Ho and Song 82 

hamse tcu nat ku tiyamti 83 (3). mutmatu 84 tewi (2), comatu 8 * nat iyamti, 85 
nat ku tiyamti. piuLa tea hanicai, 86 piiiLa bonica, t almu 87 pilitatara 88 
hamtara 89 bonica. pi La 6u tcu mit tiyasa 90 (2). mutmata 84 sorumata 01 nai 
pmn Lakalasok 92 (2). eu wilak Cm, eu toL, 93 piro, 94 matapan, 95 matapan, olel 9 ^ bobon, 
pantiaLa 97 bobon, ponoLta 98 ic un, ponoLta ic matapan, matapan, tcun eteta" bos 
olelbe 96 bi ponoLta bebe un wilak tcu tcu Lahiticioo Cm Lahic 1( >o tcu wilak heLa 
heiipato, 101 heLapa tcenpati, 101 eim tceltara 102 win 103 paros, 104 piura win paros, 
na nanu dihi^os nanu dihi nat. 

woaini woaini (9) 

eu wilakioe woaini (2) 
woaini woaini (2) 

eu memem 107 woaini (2) 
woaini woaini (2) 

eu toLios woaini (2) 
woaini woaini (3) 

eu buliioo woaini (2) 
woaini woaini (1) 

eu memem woaini (2) 
woaini w 7 oaini (2) 

el kapai 110 w^oaini (2) 



82 Eecords 14-1515 to 1517; numbers have the same meaning as in the two 
last speeches. 

83 < < Went I me called. 

84 Hear. 
ss Called. 
so Went. 

87 Naked. 

88 Toward the east. 

89 Toward the sitting. 

no "Was glad I called you." 

91 Listen. 

92 Play, dance. 

93 Mountain. 

94 "All." 

95 Your mother s brother (or grandfather). 

96 Above. 

97 High up. 

98 Three 

99 One. 

100 Seek. 

101 Find. 

102 Travel toward. 

103 People. 

104 Crowded. 

105 My villages, settlements. 
100 This world. 

107 These waters. 

108 These mountains, 
loo These foothills. 
no These streams. 



474 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and EtJin. [Vol. 14 

woainl woaini (1) 

ei memem woaini (2) 
woaini woaini (2) 

ei tukim woaini (2) 
woaini woaini (1) 

ei memem woaini (2) 
woaini woaini (2) 

ei kodoi 112 woaini (2) 

ei memem woaini (2) 
woaini woaini (4) 

eu pi bo tcu tens (2), muhima Le taraii* (2), eu pi bo tcu te (2), teumupiiis 
tcu eu bo eu pi bo tcu nai Lakala La, 116 e nai toL Lakala La, e nai wilak Lakala La, 
e nai tuki Lakala La, e kodoi Lakala La. 

eun pi tcu te (2). Lakala bon eun pi tcu, Lakala bon. eura polopura 117 (2), 
polopura (2), e tcolic 118 bo tcolic bo, eura pi tcu were bo. tuniis ut poltura 117 
eunisa, tun ut poltura. eurii be ut piLa piLao ut kaLaptonisa.iso piLao hataraisi 
hatara hatara hatara. mobtara 122 nat boni 12 3 tcu teu, pinisa. 124 eu pi bo tcu 
unisai 2 5 (2), nai Lakala La.ns toL pi tcu Lakala bo (2), cu mem Lakala bo, eu 
mem in pi tcu Lakala bo, unisa. 

Free Paraphrase 

My father called me and spoke to me. He called me to hear his counsel. 
I went above and found him naked and seated facing the east. He was glad 
to see me, and said: "I called you that you might hear what I have to say. 
This world and these mountains are your maternal uncles. There are three 
worlds above. There are three there, three of your uncles. There are already 
three worlds above, but I shall somewhere find a place where people may be 
sent. The world is crowded enough." 

The song follows. "My father s" speech to the dreamer then continues: 
"I do thus (i.e., sing this) when I look for another place (i.e., world). 
I never talk bad. I do this when I play, when I play on these mountains, when 
I play on this world, when I play on these trees, when I play on these rocks. 
I do this, my son. I swell up thus (illustrating) and swell and swell and swell. 
I shall show this way to you. This is the way I come. His body was wholly 
swelled. He was like that for a while there. Then he became normal in the 



111 These woods, trees. 

11 2 These rocks. 
us Son. 

114 "Song stop." 

us Not speak, say nothing. 

us Play up on, when play. 

117 Swelled. 

us Stay. 

no Body. 

120 Said, it is well. 

1 2 1 Gone. 

1 22 Good. 

123 Stay. 

1 24 Said this. 
i 2 s Said that. 



1919] Barrett: The Wintun Hesi Ceremony 475 

same place. The swelling was gone. He told me, "Remain to talk. I do 
thus," he said, "When I play on those mountains, when I play in the water, 
I play thus, he said. 

DEPARTURE 

The guests then prepared to depart, and by half past ten or eleven 
o clock, the village was left with only its usual population. The 
director and the captain, together with one or two assistants, rolled up 
and laid away the dancing paraphernalia and in general took care of 
whatever it was desired to save for a future ceremony. The village 
then resumed its usual quietude and the people recuperated from the 
long vigil of the ceremony, for during these four days and nights most 
of them had scarcely slept. 



ADDITIONAL SPEECHES AND SONGS 

The following additional speeches and songs belong in the cere 
mony but have no fixed place in it. Various other songs and speeches 
were also delivered but time did not permit their recording. 

Bole Ho Speech^ 2 

pi roboiti, remain thus 

gu tcima mile t ti ple, a little (I) you inform 

ete ma t e we pa mpama tVwe, one word, two words 

milet ti ple, inform you 

o uraboiti (2), (and ye) say yes 

pi ro wi lakupo (2), thus in the world 

mo ktaro were bem (2), make will come 

pele tuka, to us 

to pimma pele t paLe to (2), they us will drive out 

pi ura were bem, so will come 

he u wila k (2), this world 

pi ura were bem, so will come 

pi sun mile didi La didi La, here you in the settlements, in the settlements 

nanu t e we o ura mi le were (2), my words approving you come 

pi tci derobes, that was straight 

pi la iokarobes, that was good 

male ipiu, what you do 

nana t Vwe o u, my words approve 

pi uLaupu tcama win, when on those white persons 

tcama winupa (2), on white persons 

pi lei i ma natibom (2), us will resemble 

mui tibom, will sing 



126 Record 14-1509, Thomas Odock translator, A. L. Kroeber transcriber. 
The lines indicate the phrasing, which is marked by considerable pauses, which 
are rhetorical rather than grammatical. Numbers denote repetitions of phrases. 



476 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14 

mu hun tono tibom, sing will dance 

o ura o uLa pile piu tibom, approving, when approve we shall do so 

o ura were hem, approving who come 

pi uLa upu were bem, thus will come 

pi uLa wile tuka, thus they 

wile tuka we rebem, they will come 

wile i o uuLa o uuLa we rebem, they when approve, when approve, will come 

la iokato were bem (2), being good will come 

eu tcama winoi pele no t Vwe, these white people our words 

pale uli tcu do is ule tcu do is, we (only) I give, (only) I give 

ule tcu tipis, (only) I inform 

male yimanan (2), like yourselves 

eu n Laka lmato (2), thus playing (dancing) 

tcu do is pimma, I give them 

nanu t e we, my words 

na i tcayu nbobem (2), I who remain ashamed 

pi mma tcu ti pis, them I inform 

pi umato, doing thus 

to pi mma mele t paLe mato, they you (putting out?) 

to pi mma mele t ebu mato, they you (getting out?) 

sun sun tcu mele t pi us, here, here I for you do so 

sun sun te pito, here, here emerge 

mile e uLa ha rmiles, you when go (nowhere?) 

pe mi le le luna nmu eles (2), you become otherwise (at death) 

pi uLa mi le sun he nes, so when you here come 

sun mi le he nes, here you come 

sun mi le te pis, here you emerge 

sun pi he nebo wilakwila ksel, here will come from all over the world 

di disel pi sun hene bo, from the settlements here will come 

eu ke weLa, to this dance house 

eu wo leLa, to this dance floor 

sun hene bo sun pi hene bo, here will come, here will come 

urabes, so (I) say 

First Mold 
wuu u wuu u 
tate (3), father 
wile cekte i (3), healthy chief 
wiles euLa , healthy 
pima tcu euLa , that I 
pida euLa , (bring?) 
pima tcu euLa , that I 
pida t eweda euLa , that word 
wile t eweda euLa, healthy word 
(record indistinct) 
wileda (5), healthy 



127 Eecord 14-1508, Odock-Kroeber transcription. The phrases are very 
marked and accented on the last syllables. The translation of the eternal "euLa" ! 
has not been attempted. It seems to mean "at this" or "when so." This 
speech is in much more rigid ritualistic form than the last, and may be more 
representative of the pre-ghost-dance Hesi manner. It is perhaps a prayer as 
much as a speech. It is not a report of a recent vision of the "father," like 
several of the preceding. 



1919] Barrett: Tlie Wintun Eesi Ceremony 477 

Second MoM 
\virn u wuu u 
piLa tcu euLa 
naminda tcu euLa 
nan wileda euLa 
naiiu *Lupuru euLa 
pima helairu euLa (=B) 
(indistinct phrase) 
(indistinct phrase) 
pima tcu were *boti *boai 
euLa 

nanuda euLa 
nanu takada euLa 
wile takada euLa 
pima *Lupuru euLa (= A) 
pima helairu euLa (= B) 
humli takada euLa 
pida helaira euLa 
A 

sai takada euLa 
A 
B 

tekis takada euLa 
wile takada euLa 
A 
B 

nanu humtu takada euLa 
A 
B 

hima euLa 
nanu yulakda euLa 
A 
B 

nanu *Lupuru euLa 
B 

nanu Loda euLa 
A 
B 
A 

pisin *hobloro euLa 
(indistinct phrase) 
namin *Lekicda euLa 
nanu *Leida euLa 
nanu *pelel euLa 
nanu piLa euLa 
hima euLa 
wile *Lupura euLa 
pima *holumpuluru euLa 



128 Same source as the preceding, and the same remarks apply. "A" and 
B ; in the text stand respectively for ( pima Lupura euLa and pima helairu 
euLa . Helairu means to hold something in the hands and move it alternately 
to the right and left. Starred words are said to have an esoteric meaning. 



478 University of California Publications in Am,. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14 

nanu *pototoi takada euLa 

A 

B 

A 

pida euLa 

hima euLa 

pida tcu (4) 

*Lupuru tcu 

pima tcu helairu tcu 

*wesai taka tcu 

e wile taka tcu 

e LO taka tcu 

e pima *hobloro euLa (2) 

pida tcu (2) 

pida tcu wetaru (2) 

hene boti *boai 

Glossary of principal words in order of occurrence. piLa, at that, there, when; 
tcu, I; namin, mine; -da, translated "and" (sic) ; nan, nanu, my; wile, healthy; 
pima, that, they (-ma is a causative suffix of verbs and a plural of nouns de 
noting persons); were, arrive; ta~ka, crop of acorns or wild growths; humli, a 
species of oak; sai, a species of oak; tekis, a species of oak; humtu, fat, grease, 
probably referring to the oily acorn called hamsu; hima, indeed, surely; yuldk, 
acorns of Quercus wizlizeni; LO, a kind of long acorn; pisin, with that; wetaru, 
arrive with; hene, come. 



Four Speeches by the 

I 

wuu u (4) 
piLa tcu euLa (2) 
nanu tcalalLa euLa 
wile tcalalLa euLa 
pira helayuru euLa 
pima *Lupuru euLa 
pima *cekaru euLa 
piLa euLa 

(indistinct phrase) 
wile t ewe euLa 
(indistinct phrase) 
nanu t ewe tcu 
wile t ewe tcu 
tcalal t ewe tcu 
tcalal t ewe tcu 
nanu bole t ewe tcu 
piLa tcu wiaru 
*Lupuru tcu pima helairu tcu 
(indistinct phrase: piLa tcu . . . kayire tcu) 
piLa *pulaki *boti *boai 



129 Eecord 14-1494, Odock-Kroeber transcription. Spoken by Salvador in a 
high-keyed voice, w r hile walking about the dance house in his Moki cloak. 
Starred words are esoteric; the principal others will be found in the preceding 
or following glossary. 



1919] Barrett: The Wintun Hesi Ceremony 479 

II 

wuu u (2) 
wi/le sekte i (2) 
wi leda tcu 
nanu wi leda tcu 
nanu wile tcu 
wi leda tcu hela iru tcu 
lila inma wile le loru tcu 
lo ibama wile le loru tcu 
se ribama wile le loru tcu 
pida tcu nanu wi leda tcu 
tca lal wile da tcu 
bo le wile da tcu 
pi da tcu *pula ki *boti *boa i 

in 

wuu u (3) 
wile sekte i 
wi leda tcu 
nanu wile da tcu 
na nu 

wi le tca lalda 
wile *Lupi da 
wile helai da 
(indistinct phrase) 
pi ma tcu hela iru 
pima *Lu puru 
pima tcu (indistinct word) 
ila inma tcu 
lo ibama 
wile le loru 
se ribama wile le loru 
se ktubama 
pi ra tcu w r eta ru he ne *boti *boa i 

IV 

wuu u (2) 
wile sekte i (2) 
wile *be sai 

wi leda tcu na nu wi leda tcu 
bo le wi leda tcu 

pima *Lupuru tcu pima tcu hela iru tcu 
pi da wile da tcu 
pi da *pulaki *boti *boa i 



Supplementary Glossary. tcalal, pretty, literally, rose blossom, probably a 
ghost-dance word; helairu, helayuru, lielai-da, sway, swing sidewise repeatedly; 
t ewe, word, speak; ~bole, ghost, spirit of a dead person; wiaru, gather; seMei, 
selctu, chief; lilain-ma, ilain-ma, children; leloru, are made, become; loiba-ma, 
girls, maidens; seriba-ma, youths. 



480 University of California Publications in Am. Arcli. and Ethn. [Vol. 14 

Farewell Speech to Visitors* 
o u 

pi ra hene ti (4) 
pe le hene sa 
hene sa pe le hene sa 
se ktu ma tin 
ma in ma tin 
ma ino t e we 
o uura 

o uura ut piu ti 
o ura ut e ubu 
e ubu e ubu 
pi La lomu ru 
piLa we yuru 
e ura pele huya La 
e ura pele piu La 
piura pele huya sa 
u no wo leLa (2) 
u no te wekLa 
u La pele huya sa 
piLa pele huya sa 
piu La (2) 
pima lomu ru 
ewet lomu ru (2) 
weyu ti 
o Vti 
o u sapi 
pele t piu La 
tci dupasa pele t 
pi ra pele t witi lupasa 

pi ura pele u no ke weLa piu sa u no wo leLa piu sa 
pi La pele o uparo 
ut lomu ru 
ut we yuru 

weyu ru pele piu sa (2) 
eu to eu to 
eu n pele piu to 
u no wo leLa ha mtaro. 
u no ou La ha mtaro 
pi ra pele piu to 
weyu to 
oVto 

(h) eu sa pele eu sa 
(h)eu sa pe le 
(Pause) 

o u ra o u ra (2) 
o u ti 
ut o u ti 
ut weyu ti 
ewe ti sektuma 
ewe t mainma 



130 Eecord 14-1499, Odock-Kroeber transcription. 



1919] Barrett: The Wintun Hesi Ceremony 481 

o Vti 

o u ti u no t Vwe 

u no so ko 

u i mile t piu hem 

piu ra tci dupara mile t 

piu ra witi lupahem 

pi La o uti 

u no t e we 

u no t e we u no so ko 

pi ma *koto ro 

pi ra lomu ti 

lomu ti ut lomu ti 

e ura mile t huya"ma 

e ura mile t we yuma 

e ura mile t tiya sa 

o u ti u no t e we 

u no o uti 

o u ti oVti 

o ura pele were (2) 

se ktuno t e we 

ma ino t e we 

pi ma pele lomu ru 

pi ma pele we yuru 

pi ma pele piu sa 

o u sa pele o u sa 

Glossary: Endings. sa, -nisa, past; -ti, -Us, future, exhortative, imperative; 
-to, future; -ma, causative; -hem, he who; -pa, -paro, for; -bem, -tibom, future; 
-t, objective; -no, possessive; -La, on, in, at, when; -sel, from; -sin, with; -upo, 
-upu(?}, at, on (?); -tara, -taro, toward, on to. Stems. hene, come; pele, pile, 
we; main, "queen," "chief s sister," woman of princely family; ou, yes, say 
yes, approve; piu, do that; lomu, glad, rejoice; weyu, glad, rejoice; huya, gather, 
assemble; (u, he), ut, him, uno, his; wole, floor or area of dance house; teweTc, 
cleared space in front of dance house; tcidu, straight, come straight; witilu, 
run; Tcewe, dance house; ham, sit; mile, ye; solco, teach. 

Three Toto Dance Songs***- 

1. ne pe sume huya sane 

2. he hiyo yoho 
were ltina were ltina 
he hiyo yoho 

3. ho pil hopi l 
ho pil hopi l 
ne pil nepi l 
ne pil nepi l 

Nepe, nepil is the first person inclusive dual, "I and thou"; huyasane was 
translated "rocking," but huya also means to gather or assemble; wereltina 
was said to mean south. 



Eecords 14-1492, 14-1496. 



482 University of California Publications in Am. Arcli. and Ethn. [Vol. 14 

Moki s Speech of Welcome in the Toto Dance^^- 

piru boti 
piru boti piru 
laiakuru boti 
laiakuru boti laiakuru 
pima weyuru 
pima lomuru 
(h)e t ewe lomuru 
e lomuru 
e tcalal lomuru 
wile tcalal lomuru 
milet iLa 
o ura boti (2) 
o uto pele were (2) 
eura pele piuto 
o uto 
weyuto 
we tatcu uto 
we apatcu uto 
we labatcu uto 
(h) eura pele huyaLa (2) 
piLa pele lomuto 
peleno t ewe (2) 
pira weyuru 
weyusa tcu weyusa 
ten lomusa 
lomuru oparu 
lomuru weyuru 
pima o uru 
pima lomuru 

Except for laba, older brother, this speech contains no words not 
found in the preceding ones : we uto in lines 17-19 is evidently equi 
valent to we(ij)u-to. This identity of phraseological material is signi 
ficant for Wintun oratory. The speaker s freedom lies chiefly in mak 
ing a different random arrangement of the same words. That a Toto 
speech should so closely parallel the Hesi speeches, need not surprise, 
in view of the Toto being only a modern substitute for one of the two 
annual Hesi performances. 



THE HAND GAME 

The "hand" or "grass" game, 133 often played by the Wintun as 
an adjunct to the Hesi, runs as follows. 



132 Phonograph record 14-1496, Odock-Kroeber transcription. 

133 Mr. Stewart Culin mentions this Wintun game, giving its native name as 
dam, in his Games of the North American Indians, Eep. Bur. Am. Ethn., xxiv, 
283, 1907. 



1919] Barrett: The Wintun Hesi Ceremony 483 

Two pairs of cylindrical bones from two to two and a half inches 
in length and half an inch in diameter are used. One of each pair 
is wound about its middle with string or sinew in order to mark it. 
With these bones is required a considerable quantity of finely chopped 
grass or, if this is not available, straw. 

The tally of the game is kept by means of twelve sticks about eight 
or ten inches in length. These at the start are held by what may be 
called a tally keeper or overseer of the game, called koimeru. His 
name is the same as that of the fire tender of the dance house, and 
ordinarily the same individual serves both offices. His fee for this 
service is a portion, usually about ten per cent, of the stakes. 

A large mat or blanket is ordinarily spread on each side of a 
middle ground which is perhaps five to eight feet across, and on each 
of these mats two players kneel, sitting on their heels. Each is pro 
vided with a quantity of the chopped grass, and each usually has with 
him one or more charm stones which he inserts under his mat for good 
luck. The tally keeper kneels or sits at a point midway between the 
two sets of players and at a little distance back, where he can see both 
sides as the game progresses. 

He at first holds the twelve counters and the four bones with which 
the game is to be played. In case it is a game between residents on one 
side and visitors on the other, the visitors are always given the bones 
first. If it is played between two sets of visitors, or two sets of resi 
dents, priority is arranged by lot. The players of the holding side 
take each a marked and an unmarked bone and roll them between their 
palms for a minute or two, singing meanwhile their gambling song 
and usually spitting upon the bones as they roll them. They then take 
up in each hand a quantity of the chopped grass and hide each of the 
bones in a small bundle of it. The hands are now passed back of the 
body and the two bundles of grass rolled back and forth rapidly from 
one hand to another. Often the bundles are brought to the front 
again and shuffled there as rapidly as possible. The purpose is to con 
fuse the opposing side, whose object it is to guess in which hand the 
marked bone of each player remains. 

All this time the shufflers sing their individual gambling songs 
kosl mull) ; although frequently only one of a pair of players actu 
ally sings an air, the other accompanying him with a more monotonous 
burden. Some players start with an air when they first take the 
bones, but upon burying these in the rolls of grass their song is 
reduced to a sort of low chant or hum, which is kept up until the guess 



484 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14 

of the opposite side is finally made. If the guess is correct and the 
player loses, he sings again in a low voice; or in case the guess is 
incorrect and he wins, he breaks out wildly into the same air. During 
all this rolling and preparing for the guess, the body is kept swinging 
and swaying. 

These are the words of a gambling song, which calls on the stakes 
to come to the player : 

hima mi weni-hiya hima you come 

kay-uro mi weni-hiyo walking you come 

Lube mi weni-hiya net you come 134 

Finally, when the player holding the bones is fully prepared, he 
places his right hand in front of him, and his left at the small of his 
back. The guesser meanwhile, for only one person of the opposing 
side guesses at a time, has struck his chest with his left fist several 
times, and swung his right arm at full length in front of him, point 
ing his right forefinger four times at the opposing side. Finally, 
when the rollers of the bones signify their readiness for the guess by 
placing their hands in the proper position, he points or snaps his 
fingers toward them and cries out his guess. If, however, he is not 
satisfied with the rolling and unprepared to guess, he gives a different 
call and the rollers must then shuffle the bones again before he is 
obliged to guess. 

The positions may be as follows, x indicating the marked and o 
the unmarked bones. 

Right Left Right Left 

X O X O 

X O X 

O X X 

X O O X 

Another position is now and then used : both bones in one hand. 
Since only the position of the marked bone counts, this device does not 
alter the effect of the guess. 

As the guesser finally points and calls his guess, the two players 
open their hands. If he has guessed both of them correctly, the bones 
pass to his side, and one of the former shufflers now becomes the 
guesser. If he has guessed incorrectly on both bones, the tally keeper 
pays two counters to the shufflers and they retain the bones and resume 
hiding them. If the guesser is correct on only one of the bones, the 



i34Kecord 14-1500. 



1919] Barrett: The Wintun Hesi Ceremony 485 

shuffler whom he has guessed stops playing, but no counters are passed, 
since the correct guess offsets the incorrect one. The surviving shuffler 
rolls the bones again and a new guess is made on his hands. If this 
second guess is incorrect, the tally keeper pays out one counter. The 
guessing is continued for the one outstanding bone, at the cost of a 
counter for each miss, until it is found. Both players of the original 
shuffling side having now been eliminated, the bones pass to the 
guessers, and the game proceeds as before. The tally keeper pays out 
for all incorrect guesses until all twelve of his counters are gone, after 
which payment for misses is made directly by the guessers to the 
hiding side. 

The bones and counters may go back and forth from one side to 
the other for a considerable time. The game is won when one side 
possesses all twelve counters. The winners then divide the stakes, 
after the tally keeper s deduction. Anyone except the tally keeper 
may bet. A large number frequently join, each piece of property or 
coin laid down being matched by the opposing side. Custom rather 
expects any proffered bet to be met, although part is sometimes with 
drawn if the opponents have difficulty in accumulating a like stake. 

The guessing in this game is usually done by one or the other of 
the players themselves, but sometimes a side-better, reported to be 
skilful or lucky, acts as guesser. 



EXPLANATION OF PLATES 

PLATE 22 

Fig. 1. The Wintun village of Let in Cortina Valley, Colusa County, Cali 
fornia. 

Fig. 2. Director s assistant- placing the rain and food fetishes (recent 
type) of the Hesi ceremony on the roof of the dance house. 

Fig. 3. Moki performing dance about the high pole in front of the dance 
house. This pole with its banner seems to be a recent innovation under Itole 
or ghost dance influence. 

Fig. 4. Moki performing ceremonial dance about the feasting table and 
poles used in the Hesi. 



[486] 



UNIV. CALIF. PUBL. AM. ARCH. ETHN. VOL, 14 [BARRETT] PLATE 22 





Fig. 1 




K 




Fig. 3 



Fig. 4 



PLATE 23 

Fig. 1. Fire dancers returning to the dance house after the plunge in the 
creek which follows the fire or sweat dance. 

Fig. 2. Visitors from the Sacramento river region entering the dance house 
on their arrival. 

Fig. 3. Tuya ("big head") dancers approaching the dance house. 

Fig. 4. Tuya dancers, with their tcelitu, standing in front of the dance house. 



[ 488 J 



UNIV. CALIF. PUBL. AM. ARCH. ETHN. VOL. 14 [BARRETT] PLATE 23 





riff, i 





Fig. 3 



Fig. 4 



THIS BOOK IS DUE ON THE LAST DATE 
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UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LIBRARY 



UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PUBLICATIONS- (CONTINUED) 

Vol. 12. 1. Composition of California Shellmounds, by Edward Winslow Gifford. P . 

1-29. February, 1916 30 

2. California Place Names of Indian Origin, by A. L. Kroeber. Pp. 31-60. 

June, 1916 40 

3. Arapaho Dialects, by A. L. Kroeber. Pp. 71-138. June, 1916 70 

4. Miwok Moieties, by Edward Winslow Gifford. Pp. 139-194. June, 1916 55 

5. On Plotting the Inflections of the Voice, by Cornelius B. Bradley. Pp. 195- 

218, plates 1-5. October, 1916 . .25 

6. Tiibatulabal and Kawaiisu Kinship Terms, by Edward Winslow Gifford. 

Pp. 219-248. February, 1917 30 

7. Bandelier s Contribution to the Study of Ancient Mexican Social Organir - 

tion, by T. T. Waterman. Pp. 249-282. February, 1917 35 

8. Miwok Myths, by Edwarc 1 Winslow Gifford. Pp. 283-338, plate 6. M y, 

1917 55 

9. California Kinship Systems, A. L. Kroeber. Pp. 339-396. May, 1917 60 

10. Ceremonies of the Porno Indians, by S. A. Barrett. Pp. 397-441, 8 text- 

figures. July, 1917 45 

11. Porno Bear Doctors, by S. A. Barrett. Pp. 443-465, plate 7. July, 1917 25 

Index, pp. 467-473. 

Vol. 13. 1. The Position of Yana in the Hokan Stock, by E. Sapir. Pp. 1-34. July, 

1917 35 

2. The Yana Indians, by T. T. Waterman. Pp. 35-102, plates 1-20. February, 

1918 75 

3. Yahi Archery, by Saxton T. Pope. Pp. 103-152, plates 21-37. March, 1918 .75 

4. Yana Terms of Relationship, by Edward Sapir. Pp. 153-173. March, 1918 .25 

Vol.14. 1. The Language of the Salinan Indians, by J. Alden Mason. Pp. 1-154. 

January, 1918 1.75 

2. Clans and Moieties in Southern California, by Edward Winslow Gifford. 

Pp. 155-219, 1 figure in text. March, 1918 75 

3. Ethnogeography and Archaeology of the* Wiyot Territory, by Llewellyn L. 

Loud. Pp. 221-436, plates 1-21, 15 text-figures. December, 1918 2.50 

4. The Wintun Hesi Ceremony, by S. A. Barrett. Pp. 437-488, plates 22-23, 

3 figures in text. March, 1919 75 

Vol.15. 1. Ifugao Law, by R. F. Barton. Pp. 1-186, plates 1-33. February, 1919 2.00 

Volumes now completed: 

Volume 1. 1903-1904. -378 pages and 30 plates , $4.25 

Volume 2. 1904-1907. 393 pages and 21 plates 3.50 

Volume 3. 1905. The Morphology of the Hupa Language, 344 pages 3.50 

Volume 4. 1906-1907. 374 pages, with 5 tables, 10 plates, and map 3.50 

Volume 5. 1907-1910. 384 pages, with 25 plates 3.50 

Volume 6. 1908. 400 pages, with 3 maps ...." 3.50 

Volume 7. 1907-1910. 443 pages and 50 plates 3.50 

Volume 8. 1908-1910. 369 pages and 28 plates 3.50 

Volume 9. 1910-1911. 439 pages 3.50 

Volume 10. 1911-1914. 385 pages and 41 plates 3.50 

Volume 11. 1911-1916. 479 pages and 45 plates 3.50 

Volume 12. 1916-1917. 473 pages and 7 plates 5.00 

Note: The University of California Publications are offered in exchange for the publi 
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xv " publications of the University will be sent upon request. For sample copies, lists of 
publications or other information, address the MANAGER OF THE UNIVERSITY 
PRESS, BERKELEY, CALIFORNIA. II. S. A. All matter sent in exchange should be 
addressed to THE EXCHANGE DEPARTMENT, UNIVERSITY LIBRARY, BERKELEY, 
CALIFORNIA, U. S. A. 












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