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THE WISCONSIN
RCHEOLO6IST
THE BELL SITE, Wn9, AN EARLY HISTORIC FOX 1
VILLAGE, Warren L. Wittry
VERTEBRATE REMAINS FROM THE BELL SITE, gft
WINNEBAGO COUNTY, WISCONSIN, Paul W. Parmalee
PLANT MATERIALS FROM THE BELL SITE, Wn9, WIS- 7(1
CONSIN, Leonard W. Blake and Hugh C. Cutler
SKELETAL MATERIAL FROM THE BELL SITE, Wn9, 79
WISCONSIN, Charles F. Merbs
THE BOOKSHELF, Baerreis and Guest Reviewers 77
NEW MEMBERS
KANSAS CITY, 8 &<
PUBLIC LIBRAR^
JUN 1 1963
WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGICAL SOCIETY
Milwaukee, Wisconsin
Incorporated, 1906
For the purpose of advancing the study and preservation of
Wisconsin Indian Antiquities
OFFICERS
PRESIDENT
Paul Turney
VICE-PRESIDENTS
Dr. Stephan F. Borhegyi Paul Scholz Lee Parsons
Herman Zander Martin Greenwald
DIRECTORS
Dr. E. G. Bruder Phillip H Wiegand
ADVISORY COUNCIL
Dr. D. A. Baerreis William Oestreich Ernest Schug
W. H. Cornell Neil Ostberg Lincoln Smith
Carlos Cortez E. K. Petrie J. K. Whaley
William Curkeet Jr. Louis Pierron Dr. A. H. Whiteford
Edward Eichenberger Allen Prill Dr. Merrill Stockey
Dr. William Godfrey Arthur W. Quan Mrs. Phillip H. Wiegand
Dr. Robert Howard Ronald Mason Robert Hruska
Dr. Joan Freeman Dr. Chandler Rowe
TREASURER
Paul A. Koeppler, 5284 N. 83rd St., Milwaukee, Wis.
SECRETARY
Evan A. Hart, 1902 North 49th Street, Milwaukee 8, Wisconsin
EDITOR
Dr. Robert Ritzenthaler, Milwaukee Public Museum,
Milwaukee 3, Wis.
MEMBERSHIP FEES
The Wisconsin Archeologist is distributed to members
as part of their dues.
Life Members, $50.00 Endowment Members, $500.00
Sustaining Members, $5.00 Annual Members, $2.00
Institutional Members, $2.00
All communications in regard to the Wisconsin Archeological
Society and contributions to the Wisconsin Archeologist should be
addressed to Evan A. Hart, Secretary, 1902 North 49th Street, Mil-
waukee 8, Wisconsin. Entered as Second Class Matter at the Post
Office at Lake Mills, Wisconsin under the Act of August 21, 1912.
Office of Publication, 316 N. Main St., Lake Mills, Wis.
THE WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST
New Series
MILWAUKEE, WISCONSIN, MARCH, 1963
Published Quarterly by The Wisconsin Archeological Society
THE BELL SITE, Wn9, AN EARLY HISTORIC
FOX VILLAGE
Warren L, Wittry
Cranbrook Institute of Science
PART I. ARCHEOLOGY
Introduction
Those of us who were excavating at the Reigh Old Copper
cemetery during the summer of 1953 were told by local resi-
dents about the discovery, made years before, of an Indian
"chief" who had been buried astride his horse in a location
immediately to the west. Our preoccupation with salvaging
information from the Reigh site, which was being destroyed
by gravel mining operations, probably allowed us to only
nod our heads and say, "That is very interesting!"
Well, there had been such a discovery on the hill to the
west, a result of early gravel mining, but the "chief" had
been buried near the horse, not on it, and it was reported in
the Oshkosh Daily Northwestern on July 20, 1911. The find
is described in the present report under the section on burials.
This site again came to notice in 1958 when gravel mining
operations were resumed and Neil Ostberg, of Milwaukee,
began collecting activities as the stripping of the topsoil
proceeded. When, in the spring of 1959, it appeared that the
entire site would soon be destroyed, Ostberg brought the
situation to the writer's attention. Ostberg's collection from
the site was remarkable in that it contained both aboriginal
artifacts and trade materials of the early historic period. The
pottery was unlike any of the known Wisconsin types, and,
in view of the presence of trade goods, it appeared as if this
might be a village site of one of the Central Algonkian
tribes which had fled to Wisconsin from their former habitat
east of Lake Michigan during the period of the Iroquois wars.
On May 23 the site was tested with Professor Baerreis's
2 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol 44, No. 1
class in North American Archeology. The major excavation
project, June 6 through July 1 , was a joint enterprise of the
State Historical Society, the Wisconsin Archeological Sur-
vey, and the Oshkosh Public Museum, under the direction of
the writer. Assistance in the excavations came from many
sources, prime among which was the Oshkosh Public Museum
Explorer Scout Post. * Considerable aid came from Stuart
Mong and Richard Horton, then Director and Curator of Ge-
ology, respectively, of the Museum. Weekend volunteers in-
cluded Robert Salzer, Dewey Buck, Joan Freeman, and Phil
H. Wiegand. All participated without compensation and it is
largely due to their interest and cooperation that this and
the accompanying reports can be set forth. In less than a
week after our work was ended, the remaining portions of
the site were almost completely destroyed by stepped-up
quarrying operations.
I am particularly indebted to Neil Ostberg; first for his or-
iginal information on the site, and secondly for his gener-
ously loaning his entire collection from the site for study and
inclusion in this report. He also provided notes on burials
and a dwelling. Feature numbers bearing the prefix "O-"
were excavated by him. A few other specimens from this site
were loaned by Martin Greenwald, of Milwaukee, and Robert
Hruska, of the Oshkosh Public Museum.
At the time of excavations, the land was owned by Mrs.
Blanche Bell and was under lease to the Strey Construction
Company. Mr. Stuart Strey permitted the excavations and
provided for the rental of an end-loader.
We used the end-loader to strip off the soil of the plow
zone. When the trench of the palisade was discovered, we
were able to trace it for 340 feet in less than 3 hours with this
machine, a task which would have taken days with hand
tools. In addition to the palisade, the excavated features in-
cluded storage/refuse pits, postmolds, and a burial. The fill of
the features excavated was sifted with a ^-inch mesh screen.
This report has been illustrated with the assistance of
* Bud Gumz, Jerry Gumz, John Gumz, Jim Burton, Bob Dahl, Pete
Mosling, Deiter Wilkensen, Kim Horton, and Dick Horton, Jr.
Bell Site 3
Patricia Kraft, Nora Vetowich, and Joan Wittry. The man-
uscript was typed by Margaret Fletcher.
Location
The site is located on the edge of the high bank on the
south side of Big Lake Butte des Morts in Winnebago County.
About 300 yards of lower land separate the site from the
lake shore.
Our work was concentrated in the SE %, SW i/4, NW i/i,
Sec. 7, T18N, R16E. Another site area was located directly
to the west, across a small ravine, in the SW i/i, SW%, NW
% of the same section. Although this western area was
mostly destroyed prior to our work, the materials secured
from it by Ostberg are the same as those from the area to
the east. In 1959 a spring was still flowing in the ravine and
it seems likely that it was the principle source of water for
the former village surrounding it. Since this was a fortified
village, the spring probably had much to do with determining
its location. Early in the present century a small limestone
quarry was opened directly south of the excavated area.
The Palisade (Figs. 1 and 2)
Fea. 80, the palisade, was marked by a simple trench which
varied in width from 0.6 to 1.0 foot, averaging 0.775 foot.
The trench was U-shaped in cross-section and filled with
brown sand. No postmolds or artifacts were found in it. Its
depth below surface ranged with 1.2 to 2.0 feet, averaging
1.6 feet.
As shown on the map, the line stopped abruptly at the
north end where it had been cut off by previous gravel mining
activities. Near this end there was a gap of about eight feet,
with a single postmold nearby, which may have been an en-
trance. There was a more elaborate entrance at the south
end where this line ended and another line of general north-
east-southwest orientation was located. The openings in this
area were 2.4 feet and 10.0 feet. This second line was trun-
cated at its northeast end by a roadcut and at its southwest
end by gravel quarrying in 1958. According to Ostberg, this
line extended at least another 40.0 feet to the southwest.
Although storage/refuse pits were found on both sides of
the lines, the areas to the southwest (toward the spring) and
Bell Site
to the southeast of the palisade are presumed to be on the
inside. Thus, on the inside of the line oriented northwest-
southeast there was a U-shaped ditch, Fea. 75, 2.0 feet deep,
spaced a uniform distance of 4.5 feet from the palisade trench.
At its narrowest point the ditch was 2.0 feet wide. At points
along the ditch its width varied up to 4.0 feet wide. Some re-
fuse was found in the fill of the ditch.
Because of the relatively shallow depth of the palisade
trench, earth from the ditch must have been heaped up be-
:
FIG. 2. The palisade trench, Fea. 80. Big Lake Butte des Morts ap-
pears in the background. Camera orientation: northwest.
6 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 44, No .1
hind the upright logs to add support. Years of recent cultiva-
tion, however, have obliterated all surface indications of
the ditch and ridge. Nothing was found to indicate the
height of the palisade.
Storage/Refuse Pits
Cache pits were the most common of the features encoun-
tered in the excavations. They showed up clearly in the
sandy gravel under the plow zone. The outlines were round
and oval; the cross-sections, bell- and basin-shaped. A few
of the shallow pits were used as fire pits. The following tabu-
lation does not include data on at least 45 pits excavated by
Ostberg.
TABLE 1. STORAGE/REFUSE PIT DIMENSIONS
Average Average
Shape No. % Diameter Depth
Round-bell 31 40.8 2.95 feet 2.37 feet
Round-basin 25 32.9 2.72 feet 1.69 feet
Oval-bell 8 10.5 3.47* feet 2.47 feet
Oval-basin 12 15.8 4.55* feet 1.56 feet
* Mean of longest dimension.
Bear Ceremonialism
In all cases, except one, the artifacts, animal bones, and
other debris contained in the refuse pits were scattered hap-
hazardly in the fill or were found more or less in layers sug-
gesting that the pits occasionally may have been filled in
stages. Feature 28, however, contained a bear skull which
had been so placed as to indicate a special regard. The pit
was 3.5 feet in diameter and it belled out to a diameter of 4.5
feet. Its depth was 3.5 feet below surface.
The skull was on the east side of the pit, underneath the
slanting wall, and was facing toward the northeast. There
was a large perforation in the left parietal. The mandible
had been broken at the symphysis but the two halves had been
placed in their normal relationship on the floor of the pit.
The calvarium was on top of the mandible, but was inverted.
Dog Sacrifice (Fig. 3)
A shallow, round, basin-shaped pit, Fea. 33, contained the
skeletons of three dogs. The pit was 4.3 feet in diameter
and 1.3 feet in depth. As noted in Parmalee's report on the
faunal remains, evidence for the eating of dogs was fairly
Bell Site
common at this site. These dog burials, however, are ap-
parently the remains of dog sacrifice. The skeletons were
articulated and the bones of the feet were present.
Dog 1 was the first placed in the pit. Its body was on
its left side, oriented toward the west, but the head was twist-
ed around toward the east. Dog 2 was on its right side with
its head and face to the northeast. Dog 3, the last to be
placed in the pit, was on its left side with the head facing
southwest. The legs of all three dogs were partially flexed.
The positions of the heads may indicate death by strangula-
tion, or that the dogs had been hung by the neck after death.
Human Burials
Fea. 56 (Fig. 4), one of the bell-shaped cache pits, contain-
ed the skeleton of an adult female which is described in detail
FIG. 3. Fea. 33, burial of three dags. Camera orientation, south
8 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST
Vol. 44, No. 1
by Merbs elsewhere in this issue. This was the only burial
encountered by the writer but, since other burials were found
by Ostberg, it can be assumed that the use of a cache pit was
atypical. It probably represents a hasty interment or the
disposal of a person held with little regard. The pit was 4.0
feet in diameter and 3.6 feet deep. The body was placed on
its back with the legs partially flexed toward the left side.
The arms were flexed close to the body with the hands on
the shoulders. The head was on the northwestern side of the
pit facing down and toward the northeast. The body was
slightly curved to conform to the bottom of the pit. There
were no artifacts or refuse in the pit.
FIG. 4. Human burial, Fea. 56. Camera orientation: northwest.
Bell Site
In the light of Merbs' concluding paragraphs it is interest-
ing to make the following quotation from LaPotherie (Blair,
1911, 1:318): "Want rendered [the Fox Indians] so hideous
that they aroused compassion. Although their bodies were
large, they seemed deformed in shape; they had very dis-
agreeable faces, brutish voices, and evil aspects,"
Five human skeletons were included in the 1911 discovery.
One, apparently a robust male, was buried "in a sitting posi-
tion, his face toward the northwest." Directly in front of
him was a pony and nearby was a female skeleton with copper
bracelets on the arm bones. The newspaper article is vague
but hints that the two human skeletons and the horse were in
a common grave. There were three other skeletons, prob-
ably a female and two children, nearby. In the grave with
the "chief" were the following articles: "One black pipe
(broken) apparently made of some hard clay; four beaver
jaws with the long, curved teeth of the animals, some of the
teeth in good condition; a piece of iron from some old-fashion-
ed trap; one sheath knife (not made of copper but of steel);
two shorter pieces of knife blade apparently; a piece of wood
with brass tacks and leather, something which was probably
a highly ornamented chest; one badly rusted section of flint
lock gun; four large and heavy sections of clam shells, all
right sections; and one short piece of whetstone. There
were also five bracelets of copper, brass, and iron; one of
curved horn, only the core remaining, which is supposed to
have been from a young buffalo; one large piece of bone,
evidently from an animal larger than any known to have
roamed the Wisconsin country, twelve inches long and two
and one-half inches in diameter, from which pieces had been
cut; three pieces of the same kind of bone, about ten inches in
length and one inch wide by one-half inch thick, which were
probably being fashioned into some implement; and one fish
spear" (Oshkosh Daily Northwestern, July 20, 1911). A
drawing of the last named specimen was found among the
Kannenberg papers in the Oshkosh Public Museum. It is of
the type shown in Fig. 7, D, and about twice as large as that
specimen.
An adult male burial was discovered in 1962 by children
digging in a sand bank. No details on the position of the
10 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 44, No. 1
body or on the grave are available. Grave goods included
a catlinite pipe (Fig. 27, 0), a copper bracelet (Fig. 10, T),
brass finger rings, and portions of a fisher skull (Hruska, per-
sonal communication). The fragmentary fisher skull is prob-
ably remains of a medicine bag.
The following are burials excavated by Neil Ostberg. The
first four were found in the area west of the ravine.
0-406, Burial 1, was a young adult female. The skeleton
was on its back with the legs partially flexed to the right side.
The arms were flexed with the hands on the sternum. The
burial was oriented with the head to the north. The teeth
were in poor condition and there were absesses on the man-
dible. An arthritic condition is indicated by lipping of the
vertebrae. Depth 2.0 feet.
0-413 was an adult burial, disturbed by power equipment.
An antler tube was found with the bones. Depth 1 .25 feet.
0-420 was a child burial, also disturbed by power equip-
ment. A piece of trade brass was found in the grave.
0-478, an adult female, was on its back with legs partially
flexed to the right side and arms flexed with hands on the
sternum. The head was oriented to the east. On the
right clavicle there were 12 brass bangles and cordage, prob-
ably remains of garment decoration or ornamentation for a
pouch.
0-444 was a flexed adolescent female with the head at the
eastern end of the pit. Depth 3.0 feet.
Dwellings (Figs. 5 and 6)
Numerous scattered postmolds were uncovered in our
work. In a few instances a number of them were in straight
alignments suggesting house walls, but time did not permit
the uncovering of a complete rectangular structure. Here
and there were segments of wall trenches.
One circular pattern, 12.0 feet in diameter, had nine small
postmolds on its perimeter. This was undoubtedly a wig-
wam site and the finding of charred cattail matting and birch-
bark provides clues as to the nature of the walls and roof.
In the area to the south which had been dug out prior to our
work, Ostberg noted a rectangular wall trench house, 30.0 feet
long and 16.0 feet in width. The plan of it shown in Fig. 6
Bell Site
11
WIGWAM
PROBABLE HOUSE WALL
O SCATTERED POSTMOLDS
FIG. 5. Wigwam plan, miscellaneous house walls and scattered post-
molds.
FIG. 6. Rectangular wall trench house (after sketch by Ostberg).
12 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 44, No. 1
is redrawn from his sketch. The location and orientation of
this house on the map (Fig. 1) are approximate.
Bone and Antler Artifacts
Arrowshaft Wrenches (Fig. 7, A-C)
Three specimens are represented. All are rib sections of
a large mammal, probably elk. One is decorated on both sides
with an incised design of filled triangles. The holes are 1.0
cm. in diameter.
Awl (Fig. 7, L)
Only one small somewhat polished specimen was recovered.
Bowls, Turtle Shell
Seven bowls were made from carapaces of the Blanding's
turtle and four were of the painted turtle. Ten bowl frag-
ments, unidentified as to species, came from six separate fea-
tures. The bowls were well finished with all projections
ground off.
Bracelets (Fig. 8, CC, DD)
The 3 examples, though of varying widths, were similar
in having small centered holes at the ends and a groove which
runs down the middle of the 2 illustrated specimens. On the
third bracelet the groove is half way between the hole and
one edge.
Cup and Pin Game (Fig. 8, W-AA)
A total of 7 cut deer phalanges were perforated and ground
for use in the cup and pin game.
Die (Fig. 8, BB)
A bone disc with 9 small pits on one side from the game of
dice, or bowl, was found.
Drifts (Fig. 8, N-R)
Five of these short sections of antler with oval or rectangu-
loid cross-sections were found. Although these artifacts
have been referred to by other students as "counters," the
clear signs of use on the ends indicate a utilitarian function.
Fans
A pair of carpometacarpal bones with knife marks on the
Bell Site 13
proximal ends and 2 digits of the Great Horned owl came
from Fea. 65. Two carpometacarpals of the Canada goose
with knife marks at both ends came from Feas. 30 and 32.
The latter were from two individuals.
Fiber Shredders
Five beaver innominate bones bear worn surfaces at the
lower end of the obturator foramen near the pubic symphasis.
The wear penetrated through the compact bone and went as
deep as 5 mm on 1 bone. The wear produced a high polish
in the inferior ramus of the pubis at this point. The force
applied was sufficient to break 4 of the bones.
Flaking Implements (Fig. 8, A)
A total of 7 deer antler tines bearing use marks at the tips
was found.
Handles (Fig. 8, S-V)
Bone and antler handles for steel tools numbered 5. Three
were for iron awls, 1 was from a butcher knife (S), and the
tool for the handle shown in Fig. 8, U, is unknown.
Harpoons (Fig. 7, D-H)
Two complete, 3 fragmentary, and 1 unfinished specimen
(H) were recovered. These large and heavy points were
probably used for spearing fish.
Hoe (Fig. 7, N)
A dropped deer antler was made into a hoe by cutting off
the upper portion, leaving two tines. The tips bear numer-
ous scratches from use. Near the base is a small polished
concave area where a part of the hafting was located.
Hook (Fig. 7, J)
For lack of a better term the long pointed bone with an
oval cross-section is termed a hook. The head is cut to pro-
vide a hook on 2 sides of the implement. The size of these
hooks would well engage the twisted basswood twine which
was used for a variety of purposes.
Mat Needles (Fig. 7, O-R)
A total of 25 specimens made from deer ribs are represented
by complete needles or sections. Some are highly polished.
14 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 44, No. 1
The hole was located in the middle and was cut rather than
drilled. In several cases the needle broke at this point, but
was again made useful by cutting a new hole (Q, R).
Medicine Bags, Skulls From
In Parmalee's paper, skulls of the otter and fisher, cut so as
to indicate that they are remains of medicine bags, are illus-
trated. Both came from storage/refuse pits. Another fisher
skull was found with a burial.
Paint "Brush" (Fig. 7, I)
A trianguloid section of cancellous tissue, 5 mm thick,
bears traces of red pigment, indicating use as a paint "brush."
Pin (Fig. 7, M)
Only the mid-section of a polished bone pin was found.
Plaques
Two flat sections of elk antler, 4.0 x 17.0 cm, and 7.0 x 15.0
cm, came from the same refuse pit. The former is 3 mm, the
latter, 5 mm, in thickness. These are obviously unfinished
articles, the final form of which is conjectural.
Projectile Points (Fig. 8, B-M)
Antler and bone projectile points occurred in a variety of
forms. Most common (17) were conical, with or without a
short pointed barb. Nine of these were in an unfinished
state (C-E). One antler point was square in section (H).
Fig. 8, L, is a beveled bone arrowpoint and M is a point made
from a deer phalange.
Tubes, Small (Fig. 9, A-J)
These are interpreted as decorative rather than ceremonial
in function. The short sections (A-C) are probably beads.
The longer ones resemble hair pipes, but are of thin bird
bones. A total of 13 were recovered.
Tubes, Large (Fig. 9, K-O)
Seven polished sections of the humerus of the trumpeter
swan were found. Two undecorated specimens are not il-
lustrated. Designs were applied on 5 tubes with small punc-
tations or incised lines.
Bell Site
15
N. F85-IO 0. 0-441
P F28-I
FIG. 7. Bone and antler artifacts. A-C, shaft wrenches; D-H, har-
poons; I, paint brush; J, hook; K, needle; L, awl; M, pin; N,
hoe; O-R, mat needles.
16 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 44, No. 1
H. F29-4 |. F29-3 J. O-441 K. F86-7 L . O-447
Y. F56-1
DD. F68-1
FIG. 8. Bone and antler artifacts. A, antler flaking tool; B-M, pro-
jectile points; N-R, drifts; S-V, handles; W-AA cup and pin game
bones; BB, die; CC t DD, bracelets.
Bell Site
17
Brass Artifacts
Beads (Fig. 10, LM3B)
A total of 9 specimens of thin, rolled sheet brass in sizes
ranging from 3 to 8 mm in diameter and 1.2 to 5.5 cm in length
were found.
Bells (Fig. 11, C)
Three specimens were represented, all of the type shown in
the figure.
Bracelet (Fig. 10, T)
The only metal bracelet found in our work was a simple
curve of round brass wire.
A. 0-434 B F89 ~ 5 C . Greenwald Coll.
E. 0-412
r
G. 0-406 R.R5
r
I. 0-438
5
CM
K. L.
0-434 0-453
10
M. N.
0-439 0~483
D. 0-426
F Greenwald Coll.
H. F26-2
J. F85-5
0. F48-2
FIG. 9. Bone tubes.
Kettles (Fig. 12)
No kettles were fo
handmade lugs were
more thicknesses of
bowls with 2 heavy ]
K. L. M.
F27-4 F65-14 F85-14 N .
R. F47-6 S. O-429
T. OPM 5741
X. O-434
Y. O-435 Z. F11-2 AA. F18-)
I. F35-3
FIG. 10. Brass artifacts; A-M, tinklers; N-S, projectile points; T,
bracelet; U-BB, beads.
Bell Site
19
Projectile Points (Fig. 10, N-S)
Some of the larger "tinkling cones" are perforated and
are interpreted as arrowpoints with the perforation having
been used to rivet the point to the shaft. In one case, R, the
end of the wood shaft still remained in the point. Fig. 10, S,
is a flat triangular projectile point with a central perforation.
A line is engraved along one side.
Tinklers (Fig. 10, A~M)
Conical brass tinkling cones were made of rolled-up tra-
pezoidal sections of thin brass. One of them contained re-
mains of buckskin. Length ranges from 2.0 to 3.0 cm.
C. 0-453
D. F35-2 E. F55-1 F. F4-1
CM
FIG. 11. Brass artifacts. A, thimble-tinkler; B, button; C, bell;
D-K, Jesuit rings.
20 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 44, No. 1
B 0-446
o
o o
E. 0-427
CM
R 0-Sur
FIG. 12. Lugs from brass kettles.
Bell Site 21
Thimble (Fig. 11, A)
A small brass thimble had been converted to a tinkler by
perforating the top.
Miscellaneous Brass
A few short sections of brass wire and other scraps totaled
151 pieces. Most of these were pieces of kettles which had
been used up, i.e., beaten until they were so thin and brittle
they fell to pieces. Some of the flat pieces had rivet holes
and rivets near their edges indicating that they might have
been used to strengthen or repair another thin flat object.
Ceramics
Two distinctive varieties of pottery were present at the Bell
site. Type I, by far the predominant type, was represented by
a restored vessel (Fig. 13, E) and 1079 sherds. Of Type II,
there were 171 sherds. Twenty-three body sherds were shell-
tempered and smooth-surfaced. Thirty-nine sherds are un-
classified.
I am indebted to James W. Porter for his comments and
identification of tempering materials from his study of thin
sections.
TYPE I POTTERY (Figs. 13, 14, 15)
Rimsherds with punctates 70
Rimsherds without punctates 15
Incised rim- and bodysherds 180
Plain bodysherds 814
1079
PASTE: Method of Manufacture: Unknown; there are no
obvious coil fractures.
TEMPERING: Composition: Probably crushed pea gravel
and sand. Minerals present: Plagioclase feldspars (Na
end), biotite, hornblende, microcline feldspar, zircon, quartz,
and quartz showing undulatory extinction. Rocks present:
chert, quartzite (?), graphic-granite, granodiorite contain-
ing biotite with wedge-shaped sphene crystals, and one
well rounded, heavily altered, basic rock fragment (gab-
bro?).
22 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST
Vol. 44, No. 1
Size: Ranges from 0.17-1.3 mm with 80% ranging from
0.4- 1.0 mm.
Amount: Approximately 15% by volume.
Clay: There is a low proportion of silt- and sand-size grains
(the presence of sand may be due to its being added as
tempering). The clay particles are masked by carbon on
the interior side of the sherds; the exterior side reveals
crystalline clays. It does not seem likely that the firing tem-
perature exceeded 650 C.
Texture: Numerous cracks running parallel to the surfaces,
but otherwise compact.
B
W '^BHP^ E
FIG. 13. Ceramics. A, C, D, E, Type I; B, Type II.
Bell Site
23
Hardness: 2.5.
Color: Tan to brown with fire clouds. Cores and interior
surfaces sometimes reduced.
SURFACE FINISH: Invariably smoothed, but not sufficient-
ly to reflect light. There is no trace of cord-marking hav-
ing been utilized prior to the smoothing. In a few cases the
smoothing is rather carelessly done with finger marks
showing.
DECORATION: Limited to punctating and incising. The
former is characteristically applied diagonally to the lip
with a pointed instrument having a trianguloid cross-section
(Fig. 13, C). Punctations are also applied in some cases
on the interior rim; on the upper surfaces of annular ridges
molded into the body of the pot (Fig. 13, D; 15, No. 43);
or on handles (Fig. 14, No. 4). The lip, punctations usually
cause ia bulge in the rim just below the lip. The incised
decoration is narrow-line and applied to the neck and
shoulder areas in triangular areas of opposed diagonals
(Fig. 14).
interior
FIG. 14. Decorated rimsherds of Type I pottery.
24 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST
Vol. 44, No. 1
FORM: Rim: Rims are high and slightly everted. One col-
lared rim is present (Fig. 14, No. 9).
Lip: The form of the lip is usually squared with slightly
rounded edges and has a tendency to be beveled toward the
outside of the vessel. Some of the plain rimsherds have a
sharper edge on the interior side.
Body: A near spherical body shape is indicated by the one
52 >JT ^
n 111 (1 /
43 44 45
56
57 58 59 60
47
FIG. 15. Profiles of Type I rimsherds. Interior surfaces at left. (No
36 is profile of the restored vessel shown in Fig. 13, E; No. 44 is of
Fig. 13, D.)
Bell Site 25
restored vessel (Fig. 13, E) and profiles (Fig. 15). Fig. 15,
Nos. 41-45,47, show variations in vessel shape caused by
adding one or two restrictions in the neck area, or by add-
ing fillets to the neck.
Appendages: Occasionally strap handles are applied be-
low the lip in the neck area (Fig. 14, Nos. 4, 5, 9) or at-
tached to fillets (Fig. 15, Nos. 41, 42). The number of han-
dles which were applied to a vessel is unknown.
Dimensions: Vessels vary from 12.8 to 26.0 cm in rim dia-
meter, averaging 17.6 cm. The decorated vessels are some-
what smaller, averaging 14.9 cm; while the unpunctated
vessels and those with neck bulges tend to be larger. The
restored vessel has a rim diameter of 15.0 cm and a height
of 19.1 cm. For the larger vessels height is estimated as
varying up to 27.0 cm.
DISTRIBUTION: Bell site. Rimsherds of the unpunctated
variety have been found on the Arrowsmith site in central
Illinois and in the area of Saginaw Bay, Michigan.
AGE AND PROBABLE CULTURAL AFFILIATIONS: ?
to 1680-1730 A. D. Probably Fox.
TYPE II POTTERY (Figs. 13, 16)
Rimsherds 20
Bodysherds 151
nfTT
PASTE: Method of Manufacture: Unknown; there are no
obvious coil fractures.
TEMPERING: Composition: Mainly of crushed gnanodi-
orite. Minerals include feldspar (oligoclase), orthoclase,
green hornblende, biotite, anhedral quartz, shene, zircon.
One pyroxene fragment was noted.
Size: Ranges from 0.2 - 2.0 mm with 80% ranging from
0.6- 1.5 mm.
Amount: Approximately 30% by volume.
Clay: Low in silt-size range. Very few sand-size particles.
Carbon masking of clays is heavy throughout the core and
interior side, but towards the outer surface the clays are
crystalline. Firing temperature, therefore, was not likely to
have exceeded 650 C.
26 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 44, No. 1
Texture: There are numerous cracks in the paste running
parallel to the surfaces; otherwise, compact.
Hardness: 2.5.
Color: Tan to brown with fire clouds. The cores and in-
terior surfaces frequently are reduced.
SURFACE FINISH: Vessel bodies are cord-marked from
the shoulder down. The cords were of medium diameter
and fairly closely spaced on the paddle. The necks are
well smoothed. Particles of tempering material frequently
show on the surface.
DECORATION: The lips were crimped with fingers. There
is no other form of decoration.
FORM: Rim: Medium high, slightly everted (Fig. 16).
Lip: Prior to crimping, the lip was probably rounded.
Body: Globular bodies are indicated by the profiles.
Appendages: None.
Dimensions: Rim diameters range from 19.6 to 25.4 cm,
averaging 22.0 cm. Estimated vessel heights may have
ranged up to 30.0 cm.
DISTRIBUTION: At present, known only from the Bell site.
AGE AND PROBABLE CULTURAL AFFILIATION: ?
to 1680-1730. Possibly Sauk, Potawatomi, Kickapoo, or
Mascoutin (in order of likelihood presumed by writer).
Other Pottery
Twenty-three shell-tempered, smooth-surfaced sherds prob-
ably represent contact with potters of the Lake Winnebago
focus.
6 7 8 9 10 CM
FIG. 16. Profiles of Type II rimsherds. Interior surfaces at left.
Bell Site
27
Four rimsherds of the 39 unclassified potsherds are shown
in Fig. 17. A is grit-tempered and fabric-marked although the
markings are somewhat indistinct. The lip is decorated with
a series of diagonal gashes. B is shell-tempered with a
smoothed neck and cord-marked body. There is a notched
fillet near the lip. Another sherd of this type indicates that a
strap handle was once present. In the Starved Rock area this
pottery has been named LaSallc Filleted, C is grit-tempered,
cord-marked and cord decorated. D is shell-tempered and
decorated with medium-wide incising.
Chipped Stone Artifacts
Projectile Points
The predominant form of projectile point is a simple isos-
A. F77-II
B. F75-A.C.
interior
C. 0-453
CM
D. 0-497
FIG. 17. Unclassified rimsherds.
28 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST
Vol. 44, No. 1
celes triangle with straight sides and base. Most are rather
crudely flaked, suggesting a decline in this art probably due
to the availability of iron knives, muskets, brass and perhaps
iron projectile points. None of the last named were found in
the excavations.
A. B. C. D. E. F. G. H.
$-12 F47-5 F45-12 F64-8 F66-1 F3-5 F55-10 F79-1
F30-5 J. F70-1 K. F93-1 L. F85-2 M. S-14 N. F2-1 O. F30-4
P. F35-11 Q. F49-2
R. Fll-3 S. F66-2 T. F65-12
U. S-33
V. S-32
W. S-15
X. F45-10
Y. F35-10
Z. F86-16
FIG. 18. Chipped stone artifacts. A-H, "long" projectile points;
I-O, "wide" projectile points; P-W, unclassified projectile points;
X, knife; Y, scraper; Z, drill.
Bell Site
29
The total series of 35 triangular points has an average
length-width ratio of .62, but when the individual ratios are
plotted on a histogram, the distribution is distinctly bimodal
(Fig. 19). As in the case of having two distinct pottery types
at this site, it is possible that we are also dealing with two
distinct projectile point types; one which is relatively long
and one which is relatively wide. The first line in Table 2
represents the total series; the second, those points with, a
length-width ratio of less than .65; the third line, those points
with a length-width ratio of .70 or more. The table also shows
that the mean widths of long and wide points are the same,
indicating that the difference is a function of length. The co-
efficient of correlation between length and width is high
when calculated separately for the two groups.
All of the triangular points except two are of chert native
to central Wisconsin. These two and one of the unclassified
points (Fig. 18, R) are made of Hixton silicified sandstone.
Eight of the 9 unclassified projectile points are shown in
Fig. 18, P-W.
Knife
One small crude chipped implement (Fig. 18, X) is the
only aboriginal item which could have functioned as a knife.
Scraper
A notable lack in the inventory of stone artifacts is the
o in o 10
Q o. <0. <*>
'* ' i '
IO <D
5f. 10. 10. <fl
P 2
K K CO
.L i '
8 8
_ , i i
l K r-t o? a>.
FIG. 19. Histogram of length-width ratios of triangular projectile
points.
30 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST
Vol. 44, No. 1
category of scrapers. There was only one specimen in the
form of a finished scraper (Fig. 18, Y). One or two of the
small nondescript flaked implements might have been utilized
in scraping, but it is apparent that stone scrapers early dis-
appeared from use.
Drill
Again, only a single specimen was found to represent a
type of implement which is usually found in greater numbers
on prehistoric sites. The drill is shown in Fig. 18, Z.
Gunflints
Gunflints are of both native and European materials and
manufacture. The European flints are tan or honey-colored
and of the French spall variety. The Indian-made flints are
of local chert, chipped on both sides to a squared outline.
The flints are much battered, some showing use with the fire-
steel. Fig. 20, A-E, are French. Fig. 20, F-H, are of native
manufacture.
Miscellaneous Chipped Stone
Nine chipped chert implements are too crude or fragmen-
tary to permit identification or classification. A total of 288
chert flakes were recovered in the excavations. Thirteen arti-
facts or flakes were of Hixton silicified sandstone, the only
known source of which is the Silver Mound in Jackson
County, about 100 miles west of the site (Porter, 1961).
Glass Artifacts
Beads (Fig. 21)
Although we sifted all dirt through ^-inch mesh screens
and, hence would have been likely to have missed seed beads
TABLE 2. DIMENSIONS (MM) OF TRIANGULAR PROJECTILE
POINTS.
LENGTH
WIDTH
?2
si
STO,
STD.
^<
*~ <
NO.
RANGE
MEAN
DEV.
V
RANGE
MEAN
DEV
V
<*
*"-!
TOTAL SERIES
35
15-31
24.3
4.8
19.7
11-19
15.1
1.9
12.7
.62
.41
LONG POINTS
21
20-31
27.3
3.6
13.1
11-19
15.1
2.0
13.8
.55
.72
WIDE POINTS
14
15-24
19.8
2.8
14.2
12-17
15.0
1.8
11.8
.76
.92
Bell Site
31
that there were very many of them. We spotted none during
our work.
Large glass beads were fairly numerous. The most common
form is oval to round, of spun translucent glass. These beads
are often made of poor quality glass and the layers are usually
not fully fused. There were 43 beads of this type (A).
Next in number are opaque white, ovoid glass beads which
also occur, rarely, in more rounded shapes. Total number of
this class is 28 (B).
Dark blue stick beads, sometimes slightly curved, are repre-
sented by 9 specimens (C).
Two translucent amber-colored beads (D) are of the same
disc shape as the blue "man-in-the-moon" variety, but lack
designs.
Large translucent glass beads with 8 facets occur in amber
(5) (E), blue (10) (F), green (1), and white (3) colors.
Of the 11 polychrome beads, 4 are of the stick variety (})
and the remaining are ovoid. Colors are limited to white,
blue, green, and red (light and dark) (I).
There were 2 fluted translucent blue glass beads found (H).
Nine miscellaneous glass beads include ovoid and "dough-
nut" shapes in translucent blue and green glass (G).
Glass Fragments
Seven small fragments of thin glass were found. Five of
these may have come from mirrors; two are evidently from
small bottles.
A. F66-6
S-38
C. S-39
D. S-18
E. F35-8
CM
9
- S-35 G. F8-1 H. F85-4
FIG. 20. Gunflints. A-E, French; F-H, Indian.
32 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 44, No. 1
III!
iii
FIG. 21. Glass Beads.
Bell Site
33
Ground and Polished Stone Artifacts
Grinding Stones
It seems likely that these were used for the honing of iron
axes and knives. Two are of fine grained sandstone, each
having two grinding surfaces (Fig. 22, A, B); the third is of
limestone (Fig. 22, C).
Two hammerstones were found (Fig. 22, D, E).
A crudely flaked adze of diorite was found on the surface
(Fig. 22, G). Its cutting edge is small and ground on only
one side.
A fragmentary sandstone arrowshaft smoother (Fig. 22,
F) is of the Oneota type which were used in pairs.
Polished Stone
Aside from smoking pipes, described elsewhere, this cate-
gory is limited to ornaments of Minnesota catlinite. There
are 4 objects, all pendants (Fig. 23). Nine waste pieces of
catlinite were found.
E. F94-5
F. FI8-3
G. S-71
FIG. 22. Ground stone artifacts. A-C, grinding stones; D-E, ham-
merstones; F, arrowshaft abrader; G, adze.
34 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST
Vol. 44, No. 1
Iron Artifacts
Awls (Fig. 24, M-Z)
The double-tapered, double-pointed iron awls were called
"bodkins" in contemporary documents. Most are square in
section and some have a groove or notches at the midpoint.
Some were set in bone handles (Fig. 8, T) and some were
used as fish gorges. Since only 1 bone awl was found at this
site, these iron awls probably served the functions of the
Jformer as well. Maxwell and Binford (1961:88) attribute the
awls with ian offset at the midpoint to post 1 760 levels at Fort
Michilimackinac. The one from the Bell site (Fig. 24, Q)
would date from an earlier period. Three fragmentary awls
with round cross-sections may be remains of needles.
Axes (Fig. 24, A-D)
Three blade fragments and 1 complete axe head were
found. None appear to bear a touchmark, though all are
badly rusted. The blade shapes are medium wide, straight on
the outside edge, and straight or slightly concave on the inside
edge.
Firesteel (Fig. 24, G)
One fragment of a flat, oval firesteel was recovered. As
noted above, some of the gunflints show signs of use with the
firesteel.
Grenades
Three fragments of round, hollow, cast iron balls, 9.0 cm
(3 l /2 inches) in diameter and 1.0 cm thick were found in cache
-CGD
C. O-414 D. O-428
5
CM
FIG. 23. Catlinite pendants.
Bell Site 35
pits. Grenades 3.0 inches in diameter were excavated at Fort
Michilimackinac (Maxwell and Binford, 1961:99). Grenade
fragments indicating a diameter of 4% inches and % inch
thick were recovered from the site of a Natchez fort which
was attacked by the French in 1731 (Ford 1936:68).
Hoe (Fig. 24, E)
One heavy socket portion was found which, because of the
suggested narrowness of the blade and heavy construction,
may have been instead an adze.
Jew's-harp (Fig. 24, H)
One specimen 6.0 cm in length was found.
Key (Fig. 24, F)
An iron key for a chest or door lock was a surface find.
Knives (Fig. 25)
By the time this site was occupied, iron trade knives had
almost entirely replaced stone knives and scrapers. Most
common was the French clasp knive, represented by blades
with a hinge hole and flange at the butt end. The blade
shapes of these were of both the sharp-pointed sword shape
(A-E) and the hawk-billed shape (H-L).
A different variety of clasp knife had, instead of butt
flanges, a rounded extension of the butt to serve as a stop
(F, G).
Butcher knives were represented by 4 specimens (M-P)
having 2 or 3 rivet holes in the handle. A section of bone
handle for a butcher knife is shown in Fig. 8, S. Makers'
names, initials, and symbols are stamped on some knives as
indicated in the illustrations.
Musket Parts
Musket parts found in different proveniences are a stock
screw (Fig. 24, I), a perforated gun-sight (?) (Fig. 24, J), a
lock plate (Fig. 24, K), and a trigger (Fig. 24, L). According
to Harold R. Peterson (1956), the lock plate is typical of the
period 1690-1740. Remains of a complete musket were found
with a burial in 191 1.
36 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST
Vol. 44, No. 1
F. S-46 G.O-Sur
I. F 85- 18
K. 0-453
L. 0-418
* llll. I u-
<!> J 6 11 o II JZ
o: V d
_ B
1
i
10
0>
ro
tf>
K
T
1
10
0>
3
i
i
<M
u.
li.
U. i
u.
U_
en
H
3
>
^
Kir*
x
II
FIG. 24. Iron artifacts. A-D, axes; E, hoe or adze; F, key; G,
firesteel; H, Jew's-harp; I, stock screw; J, gun-sight; K, lock
plate; L, trigger; M-Z t awls.
A. S-l
H. 0-453
B. 0-423
I. 0-453
D. 0-Surface
7
E. F3-I68
R S-2
K. 0- Surface
L. 0-442
M. 0-435
6. F94-2
N. 0- Surface
P 0-482
FIG. 25. Iron knives. A-L, clasp; M-P, butcher.
38 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST
Vol. 44, No. 1
Miscellaneous Iron
In addition to the above, there were 14 scraps of iron, prob-
ably sections of knife blades, bail fragments, and wire.
Lead Artifacts
Several clinkers, galena cubes, and melted lead pieces sug-
gest that the Indians may have been making their own lead
at this early time. The object shown in Fig. 26, C, may have
been a flintcap; E, a fishing sinker.
In over 150 storage-refuse pits and other features exca-
vated at this site, only 1 lead musket ball, 1 .0 cm in diameter,
was found. This (Fig 26, D) has a number of large nicks
on its surface. That it had been shot is attested by one flat-
tened side. It is possible that lead was very precious to the
inhabitants of this site and care was taken to see that none
was lost. Unlike ceramic and stone articles, lead can be re-
formed into new objects "as good as new."
Shell Artifacts
A single fish lure (Fig. 26, A) resembles those of the Lake
\Vinnebago focus. One of the 2 shell scrapers is shown in
Fig. 26, B.
E. 0-453
F.
F85-11
FIG. 26. Lead and shell artifacts. A, shell fish effigy; B, shell scrap-
er; C, lead flintcap (?); D, musket ball; E, lead sinker (?); F,
fired clay ball.
Bell Site
39
Smoking Pipes (Fig 27)
Pipes were made of clay, stone, catlinite, and kaolin. Most
of the clay pipes of native manufacture bear a strong resem~
blance to, if not identity with, those of the Huron and Lalonde
cultures of the western Ontario peninsula and are known in
that area as the barrel pipe (Ridley, 1952). The annular in-
" 412 K. F59-I L. F45-4
M. 0-453
NL 0-438
0. 0PM 5741
R Greenwald Coll.
CM
FIG. 27. Smoking pipes. A-I, ceramic; J-L, stone; M, kaolin;
N-P, catlinite.
40 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 44, No. 1
cising, with punctates below, is especially typical, as well as
the Iroquois trumpet form. The holes in the stems were made
by modeling the clay around a thick cord of twisted vegetable
fiber which burned out during firing. The stems have a uni-
form taper toward the bit. The paste is identical to Type I
pottery but contains much less tempering material. Some of
these pipes are blackened, perhaps with grease, and polished.
The presence of this form of pipe may have resulted from
contact with the Tionontati, Huron, or Neutral groups, either
in Wisconsin or at an earlier period in the Lake Huron area.
A total of 27 pottery pipes, mostly fragmentary, were found.
Stone pipes occur in a variey of forms, mostly small, but
only 5 fragments were recovered.
Two of the catlinite pipes are of the typical calumet form.
Three fragments of a kaolin trade pipe stem were fbund in
the same feature. On 1, the letters GE are present with in-
dications that the third letter was a B, F, or H.
PART II. ETHNOHISTORY
Introduction
In the following section I shall set forth the case for Fox
tribal identification of the Bell site. Also, because it is of
interest, I shall cite some of the documents which give con-
temporary observations on some of the customs for which
there is archeological evidence at this site. Thirdly, such in-
terpretations as the data warrant will be drawn.
Due to space limitations, the whole of Fox ethnography
cannot be reviewed here. \Ve are concerned chiefly with the
period of Fox history from their earliest mention in historical
records in 1640 until 1730; especially with those records which
bear on their villages and customs. Many exploits, such as
their attack on the fort at Detroit in 1712, or their wars with
the Illinois Indians, * are not pertinent to this discussion. Gen-
eral accounts of the Fox are contained in the following:
Kellogg 1908, 1925; Blair 1911; Temple 1958; and numerous
writings by William Jones, Truman Michelson, and others.
* Except that the sherd shown in Fig. 17, D, may have come from a
pot made by an Illinois captive.
Bell Site 41
Location
The Fox Indians called themselves Mesquakie (there are
many variant spellings) which means "Red-Earth People."
They were known to the Ottawa and Chippewa at Outagami*
"Those Who Live on the Opposite Shore." Although Kellogg
(1925:87, 88) interpreted this to mean that the Fox were
living on the opposite side of Lake Michigan from the lower
Michigan peninsula, I believe that the term better fits an
earlier situation when the Fox were living on the southwest
shore of Lake Huron and the Ottawa and Chippewa were on
the north shore. The French name for this tribe was Renards,
but more frequently the term, Outagami, was used on their
maps and in their records.
A map published by Creuxius in 1660 (Karpinski No. 11)
has the Huron name for the Fox placed in the Michigan
"thumb" area. There are a number of other references to a
"homeland" for the Fox in southeastern Michigan (Wittry
1963).
The Fox tribe is first noted in history in 1640 by its Huron
name Schenchiohronon in le Jeune's list of tribes taken ". . .
from a Huron map that Father Paul Ragueneau sent me" (JR
18:231-235). Le Jeune's listing was geographically arranged
in that he grouped the northern and southern tribes, and pre-
sumably listed those of each from east to west. The very
close linguistic relationship of Fox to Sank, next Kickapoo,
and then Shawnee, would fit this sort of geographical distri-
bution.
\Vhile it is possible that the Fox were visited by Radisson
and Grosseilliers in the Green Bay area prior to 1656 (Kel-
logg 1908:144), the first recorded contact with Frenchmen
was at the Jesuit Mission of St. Esprit on the south shore of
Lake Superior in 1665. A band of about 120 Fox Indians were
visiting the mission and the Jesuit Relations states that "The
country of the Outagami lies Southward toward the Lake of
the Ilimouek (Lake Michigan)" (JR 51:43-45).
During the winter of 1665-66, the Fox formed a principal
village presumably on the Wolf River in Outagamie County.
The village was named Ouestatinong and was visited by Fr.
Allouez in 1670, who reported that it was located 25 leagues
42 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 44, No. 1
from the mouth of the Oconto River (WHC 16:67). Perrot,
however, stated that Ouestatinong was 30 leagues from the
Bay (Blair 1:314). There are a number of contemporary maps
which place an Outagami village on the upper Wolf River.
The famous map of Lake Superior made by the Jesuits about
1671 and published in 1672 (Karpinski No. 13) places it on
the east bank of the Wolf River. Marquette's map of 1673-4
(Kellogg 1907) places the village on the west bank. Maps
attributed to Jolliet and one by Randin also place the Fox
village on either the east or west side of the Wolf River.
The exact location of this early village has been in dispute,
although most students have tended to adopt the suggestion of
George R. Fox (1916:18), who selected a site near Leeman
on the Wolf River in Outagami County. Old Indian trails
went from Leeman to Green Bay and south toward Big Lake
Butte des Morts (Fox 1916:21). In 1956 I briefly tested this
site. We found postmolds in the pentagonal embankment
figured by Fox. Cache pits and garden beds observed by Fox
in 1915 were still in evidence, but the testing did not produce
any conclusive evidence that this site was, or was not, Oues-
tatinong. Projectile point types collected there by local res-
idents suggest a long span of occupation beginning in the
Archaic, while one piece of trade brass found in our testing
shows some occupation during the historic period.
Allouez and other Jesuit Fathers served the Mission of St.
Marc at Ouestatinong from 1670 until 1678. Sometime during
the period of 1678 to 1680 it is evident that the principal
village of the Fox was moved southward to a location west
of Lake Winnebago. Father Hennepin, who returned to
Quebec from his visit to the Sioux via the Wisconsin-Fox
waterway in 1680, noted that the Fox were living on the
upper Fox River (1903:307). A letter from La Salle, dated
1682 (WHC 16:106) places the village on the shore of Little
Lake Butte des Morts, a location which has been accepted by
most students as the principal Fox village from this time until
the late 1740's. Lahonton journeyed the Fox- Wisconsin route
in 1688 and reported 2 Outagami villages on the upper Fox
River (Kellogg 1908:151). It is not my purpose to argue
whether or not a Fox village was located on Little Lake Butte
des Morts. Rather, it is to selectively draw upon the histor-
Bell Site 43
ical sources for such positive evidence which indicates that
the Bell site represents a Fox occupation site of the period
1680-1730. The bone of contention might be one of deter-
mining the location of the village which was attacked by
Louvigny's army in 1716. I shall present evidence that it
was the Bell site.
Soon after the move to the new location the contemporary
maps showed locations for the Fox in the area west of Lake
Winnebago. The Fox River is first designated as such on
Hennepin's map of 1683 (Karpinski No. 18). It is worth-
while noting that it is the upper Fox which is so designated.
Franquinlin's map of 1684 (reproduced in Griffin, Map 8)
shows an Outagami village upon the exact location of the Bell
site. An earlier draft or copy of a draft of this map shows
the name Outagami south of Lake Winnebago, but the vil-
lage itself is not located (Griffin, Map 7).
Minet's map of 1685 (Griffin, Map 9) also located an Outa-
gami village on the south shore of Big Lake Butte des Morts.
The area of Lake Winnebago on Coronelli's map of 1688
(Tucker, Plates IX, X) is distorted, but it seems that the
name Outagami appears south of Big Lake Butte des Morts,
evidently referring to the dot on the north side. Coronelli's
map of 1695 (Karpinski p. 55), also distorted in this area, ap-
parently places a Fox village in the same area as the preceding.
Louvigny's map of 1697 (Tucker, Plate XIV) shows Fox
and \Vinnebago villages on the upper Fox River. It is inter-
esting that on many maps made in the early 18th century, it
is the upper Fox River that bears the name (e.g., Delisle,
1703, Karpinski No. 31; Senex, 1710; Karpinski No. 45).
In 1717 ". . . the [village of the] Sakis, [was located]
twenty leagues from the village of the Fox Indians" (MPHC
33:589),
In 1718 "The Saquis are settled on the Same river as the
Reniards, and that River leads to the portages of the ouiscon-
sin, which flows into the misissipy. . . . The Renards Are 18
Leagues from the Saquis" (WHC 16:371).
In July of 1723, 22 men, women, and children, of which 5
were Sauk and 2 were Winnebago, and the remaining were
Fox, were massacred by the fifth Chippewa raiding party to
44 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST
Vol. 44, No.
strike them that year "on the Shore of a Lake between the
village of the Renards and the post of La Baye" (WHC 16:
430). This would indicate the Fox village was on the upper
Fox river, west of Lake \Vinnebago.
In 1727 it was reported that the \Vinnebago village on
Doty Island was 14 leagues from la Bay and 8 leagues from
the Renards, indicating that the Fox village was 22 leagues
from Green Bay (WHC 17:23).
In determining the location of "the" Fox village from the
above descriptions, the distances should be calculated by
water route from the Sauk village on the east side of the Fox
river near its outlet to Green Bay, and from the \Vinnebago
ESTATINONG ?
1665
EEMAN
. TRAIL
LITTLE LAKE
BUTTE DESMORTtf /DOTY ISLAND WINNEBAGO
VILLAGE
FIG. 28. Map of Central Wisconsin.
Bell Site 45
village on Doty Island at the foot of Lake Winnebago. It is
quite evident that "the" Fox village would be on or very
near the Bell site.
Finally there is the de Lery map drawn in 1730 (reproduced
in Kellogg 1925:314) which shows 3 Fox villages including
the "grand" village on the location of the Bell site. A spot
just to the east of the grand village is designated as where
the Fox were fortified in 1723. De Lery's map shows the
Winnebago village on Doty Island and the Sauk village, but
erroneously puts the location of the French fort at la Baye
on the east side of the river instead of the west side.
A number of references and map sources have been cited
which place the Fox tribe on the upper Fox River during the
period 1680-1730. Several of the sources showed an Outa-
garni village at the precise location of the Bell site. Since
the trade materials from this site are entirely characteristic of
the period, there remains little doubt that the Bell site was a
Fox village. The presence of grenade fragments raises the
question of whether this site might be the one attacked by
Louvigny in 1716. Unfortunately, the published accounts of
this episode give no hint as to the location of the battle. Pre-
vious workers have assumed that the village was on the
southwest shore of Little Lake Butte des Morts.
In 1716 Louis de la Porte, Sieur de Louvigny, left Quebec
on March 14 with 225 Frenchmen and a number of Indian
allies. By the time this army left Michilimackinac it had
grown to over 800. Its artillery consisted of 2 small brass
cannon and a brass grenade mortar. (In 1721 Louvigny sub-
mitted his expenses for this war to the King. He charged
for 4 cannon.) Louvigny's expenses (WHC 16:400-407) are
too lengthy to reproduce here, but they are of interest be-
cause many of the trade articles listed were given to the Fox.
The list also showed 100 grenades, 150 grenade fuses, 103
1-livre lead balls, plus powder and musket balls which lasted
for 3 days and nights of bombardment before the Fox ca-
pitulated.
In his own account of the affair, Louvigny describes the
Fox fortification as being of "triple oak stakes" with a ditch
1% feet wide behind it (WHC 5:78-80). Charlevoix's report
describes it as a "sort of fort, surrounded by three ranges of
46 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 44, No. 1
oak palisades, with a good ditch in the rear" (WHC 5:81-85).
This would allow the Bell site palisade to fit the description
by assuming that our limited excavations uncovered only 1
of the 3 ranges.
So far as is known to the writer, the grenades fired by Lou-
vigny are the only ones ever shot in central Wisconsin. On
his return to Quebec, Louvigny left the mortar and cannon
at Michilimackinac. It is possible that these might have been
carried during Lignery's expedition against the Fox in 1728,
but since the Fox villages were deserted when Lignery ar-
rived there would have been no need to use artillery. If the
grenade fragments were not actually fired into the Bell site
by Louvigny in 1716, they were carried there from some
other village. I consider the latter unlikely.
De Lignery, who had served under Louvigny in 1716, led
the French forces during the "second Fox war" in 1728.
This time the army consisted of 450 Frenchmen and 750 to
1000 Indian allies. Again, there are no specific data as to
village locations in the published accounts. The reports
(WHC 5:85-95; 10:47-53; 17:28-29) describe the burning of
the deserted Winnebago village on Doty Island and the burn-
ing of 3 or 4 deserted Fox villages. It is most likely that these
are the villages shown on the de Lery map of 1 730.
In 1730 the main group of Fox, while attempting to flee to
the Iroquois, were trapped at a hastily-built fort near Arrow-
smith in central Illinois. After a siege of 23 days, hunger
forced the Fox to seek an escape, but the crying of their chil-
dren caused them to be discovered. Over 600 Fox men,
women, and children were massacred with only 50 or 60
making good their escape (WHC 5:107, 108; 17:100-102,
109-118, 129, 130).
Present day Fox Indians live on their own land in central
Iowa.
Bear Ceremonialism
Father Allouez reported in the Relation of 1676 that "these
animals were extraordinarily numerous to the west of Green
Bay and Lake Michigan" (Blair I:132n). "Among the peo-
ples of the Bay of Puans, the head of the slain bear received
Bell Site 47
the adoration of the guests occupied with eating its body"
(Blair I:129n).
Perrot reported "there are only three or four who must
without fail eat the head, blood, and haslet of the bear; and
each of the others [must eat] a slice of the fat a brasse in
length (which is distributed among them as equally as pos-
sible), if they are to expect the god of the earth to grant to
the village his favor and abundance of his blessing" (Blair
1:130-1).
Charlevoix, who visited there in 1721, later wrote that the
tribes who dwell near the Bay "have special veneration for
the Bear; as soon as they slay one of these, they make a
Feast, accompanied by very singular ceremonies. The Bear's
head, painted with all sorts of colors, is placed during the re-
past upon raised place, and there receives the homage of ;
all the Guests, who celebrate in song the praises of the An-
imal, meanwhile cutting its body into pieces and regaling , ,
themselves, thereon" (WHC 16:416-7).
Dog Sacrifice
The early accounts contain several descriptions of the
eating of dogs, mostly under ceremonial circumstances, but
also for calories. References to dog sacrifices are:
From Chequamegon Bay, Father Allouez wrote, in refer-
ence to the upper Algonkian tribes, "I have seen an Idol set
up in the middle of a Village; and to it, among other presents,
ten dogs were offered in sacrifice, in order to prevail on this
false god to send elsewhere the distemper that was depopu-
lating the Village. . . . During storms and tempests, they
sacrifice a dog, throwing it into the lake" (JR 1667, WHC
16:51).
Perrot states, "But before they undertake voyages that are
rather long they are careful to kill some dogs with their
clubs, and to hang the bodies from a tree or pole; sometimes
also they suspend thus dressed skins of elk, or moose, or deer,
which they consecrate to the sun or the lake, in order to
obtain fair weather" (Blair 1:60).
According to LaPotherie, "In case of sickness they feast on
dog's meat and sacrifice dogs by killing them with an axe,
tying them to a sapling with their noses pointed east or
t'o
a
<l> V
42
9
3^2
&
*g
^ c^
g
2'o '^^
p
CXi M ^
Cw f-i
w
CO S CO :
J5 a! 5 c w? a
CU c/) ,Q ,p^ ^3 M
i!
!
l|J|}|g!
II
1
g '5^^ g^OT3 g
8*3
a
B Sl^fi^Su
*J
.
i-Hl^^i (OSrHSOCO
i-H
o
K 35 x^
H P 52
.52
CO
1
TABLE 3.
Aboriginal
1 rectangular wall trench he
1 circular wigwam
cattail mats (charred remair
birchbark (charred remains)
1
l-a
2.2
'5 01
|P
3
f 88
3 skulls from medicine bags
7 large bone tubes
4 wing fans
dog sacrifice
bear ceremonialism
1
Gb
.9
1
^3 CO
288 chert flakes
2 hammerstones
5 antler drifts
7 antler flaking implements
ill
i-l CO CO
21 "long" projectile points
14 "wide" projectile points
9 unclassified projectile poin
19 bone and antler projectile
5 Indian-made gunflints
2 galena cubes
palisaded village
CO o
c t-J
CO
I
I
g
&
*
!
Ceremonial
pq
Stone
Processing
too
1 g 5
lil
'> ff *
O .2n .5 CO
1
Agricultural
Implements
e,
Domestic
i-l CNJ 10 CO
s
a
.9
s
CO
I
.2
s
CO
1
"
M
CO*
CM CO
I-H TF
< .H
2-OJQ.Q fi
cc eft i i co i i
"
s
4
o
l
'S
nj CO
-0
C
<y o>
II
a
Jl
11
50 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 44, No. 1
west and painted with vermillion (Blair 1:234).
On dog feasting, Perrot reports, "This feast [given by one
who dreams of a divinity] is one of dog's flesh, which [among
them] is ranked as the principal and most esteemed of all
viands; and they serve with it several meats, as the flesh of
the bear, the elk, or any other large game. If they have none
of these, they supply its place with Indian corn, which they
season with grease and then pour it out on the plate of each
guest. You will note that, in order to render this repast a
solemn one, there must be a dog, whose head is presented to
the most prominent war-chief, and the other parts are given
to the warriors" (Blair 1:53).
Acculturation
Although the artifact descriptions are presented according
to the more traditional method by categories of raw material,
the Trait List (Table 3) is organized to reveal two other
items of information. First, the list is organized according to
presumed functions of the artifacts; secondly, according to
the amount of European "influence" present in each category.
Since we are dealing almost entirely with material remains,
the European influence is represented only by the less perish-
able remains of trade goods. Maxwell and Binford reported
that a number of items for which there is documentary evi-
dence of use of Fort Michilimackinac were not represented in
the archeological record. We can reasonably assume that
such is also the case here.
When the Fox Indians were visited in their Wolf river
village by Sauk chiefs accompanied by Perrot, . Baudry, and
6 other Frenchmen in 1668, the Fox were "destitute of every-
thing. These people had only five or six [iron] hatchets,
which had no edge, and they used these by turns, for cutting
their wood; they had hardly one knife or one bodkin to a
cabin, and cut their meat with the stones which they used for
arrows, and they scaled their fish with mussel shells" (La-
Potherie in Blair 1:317, 318). The Trait List, then, is a re-
flection of how much acculturation in material culture had
taken place during the next 50 or 60 years. It can be seen
that iron axes, knives, and bodkins, which were apparently
the only trade materials present in small quantities in 1668,
Bell Site 51
almost completely replaced stone axes, knives, and scrapers
within a few years. European jewelry and ornamentation
appear to have been as popular with the Indians as generally
represented by the popularizers of history.
Contact with Other Indian Groups
Prior to the historic period the region surrounding the Bell
site was dominated by the Lake Winnebago focus, a mani-
festation which W. C. McKern (1945:172) has identified as
the prelitenate culture of the Winnebago Indians. At the time
of Nicolet's visit in 1634, the territory around the head of
Green Bay, the Fox River valley, and Lake Winnebago was
the habitat of the Winnebago. North of them were the
Menominee.
There are numerous historical records to show that when
the Fox, Sauk, Potawatomi, and other Central Algonkian In-
dians penetrated this area in the decades after Nicolet's visit,
these tribes formed mixed villages as well as settlements re-
stricted more or less to one tribe. However, even on sites of
the latter nature, one could not expect to find a "pure" tribal
artifact assemblage, since the historical records also indicate
a good deal of intermarriage, slavery, and other forms of
interaction where an exchange of both material and non-
material traits wias probable.
Since the aboriginal cultures of the Sauk, Kickapoo, Pota-
watomi, and other tribes known to have been in the area
have not yet been identified, we are limited to the Lake Win-
nebago focus in comparing the Bell site trait list. Traits
shared may be due to the recent contact between the Fox
and Winnebago or may be a result of common adaptations
and long-time communication among the several tribes of the
Upper Great Lakes area.
The following list is of those traits present at the Bell
site and in the Lake Winnebago focus. McKern's (1945:153-
7) terminology is used, but it should be pointed out that many
of the traits listed are of a generalized nature and are not
particularly significant for purposes of showing a particular
relationship between the two cultures.
Burial outside mounds
Flexed inhumation
52 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 44, No. 1
Burial singly or with infants
Placement of pots (or kettles) and implements with dead
Fish effigies of shell
Bone mat needles
Split bone perforators
Bone tubes, undecorated
Bone tubes, decorated.
Dressed antler projectile points
Dressed antler "counters"
Antler-tip implements
Antler "flaking tools"
Preponderance of bone and antler implements over
chipped stone (this may be due in part to the pres-
ence at the Bell site of trade materials which are
lacking at the sites reported by McKern)
Use of sheet copper (brass at the Bell site)
Sheet copper (brass) tubular beads
Sharpening stones
Arrow-shaft rubbers
Chipped stone triangular points
End scrapers
Shell-tempered pottery
Notched and scalloped lips (slightly variant at the Bell
site)
Pottery loop (i. e., strap) handles broad and flat in cross-
section
Pottery loop handles vertically ribbed
Decoration above shoulders of pottery vessels
Pottery patterns of punctate dots and incised lines
Decorations on pottery loop handles
Straight-lined pottery decorative techniques
Preponderance of undecorated pottery (also listed by
McKern for Lake Winnebago focus is "preponder-
ance of decorated pottery")
In addition to the above, other "Mississippian" traits pres-
ent at the Bell site are: stockade enclosure, wall trench house,
and bone harpoon points. Certain of the above traits are more
or less characteristic of the Lake Winnebaigo focus (though
they may have a wider distribution) and in the judgment of
Bell Site
53
the writer indicate contact between the Fox and Winnebago
at this site. They are:
Fish effigy of shell
Arrow-shaft smoother of the paired type
Shell-tempered pottery
Straight-lined pottery decoration motifs (especially the
triangular areas of opposed diagonals) and punctate
decoration.
It should be noted, too, that if the Miami were the posses-
sors of the Fisher culture, there would be at least one, and
probably several others of the Central Algonkian groups
which participated to varying degrees in Upper Mississippi
TABLE 4. SERIATION OF SELECTED FEATURES AND
ARTIFACTS
Type I Type I
Pottery
Pottery
Shell-
No. of
Long
Without
Incised
Type II
Wide
Tempered
Trade
Fea. No.
Points
Incising
Decoration
Pottery
Points
Pottery Articles
0-425
1
3
1
0-434
1
1
1
0-429
1
1
6
F79
1
15
2
F29
1
4
3
F47
1
4
3
O-423A
2
5
F66
1
8
54
8
F14
1
19
15
F65
1
1
6
17
F64
1
5
1
1
8
F69
1
7
1
F3
2
50
91
9
0-435
1
1
6
F86
1
28
2
2
4
F55
1
7
2
1
10
F45
2
27
1
6
F85
1
55
3
1
1
9
F30
3
43
3
1
0-446
56
2
1
4
F70
4
1
1
F2
3
1
F93
47
14
4
1
1
6
F32
1
4
1
4
F89
11
1
2
3
4
O-406-2
3
1
2
F94
9
6
1
7
F13
4
4
1
1
O-428
1
1
10
0-406-3
7
3
1
54 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 44, No. 1
cultural developments of the Upper Great Lakes area. In
view of the fact that there is a distinctive pottery type at the
bell site which is most likely Fox, the small amount of shell-
tempered pottery is taken as evidence of actual intermingling
with the \Vinnebago, though no distinctive Lake \Vinnebago
focus rimsherds were found.
Temporal Change
Twenty-four storage/refuse pits, containing "long" and
"wide" projectile points, plus 6 additional pits containing pot-
sherds other thtan Types I and II only, are listed in Table 4.
The listing was made to test the writer's suspicion that there
was a tendency for the long points to be associated with
Type I pottery, and for the wide points to be associated
with Type II pottery. Table 4 does demonstrate this to a re-
markable degree, especially when one considers the probable
manner in which the pits were filled and some mixing is to
be expected. The table has been roughly seriated, with those
pits which probably were filled relatively early during the
occupancy of the site placed near the top. Pits thought to
represent a somewhat later period of occupation are placed
near the bottom of the list. The direction of this seriation is
indicated by the fact that Fea. 69 was partly superimposed by
Fea. 70. I believe, on the basis of historical evidence, that
the early occupation represents a relatively pure Fox village
and that the long projectile point type and Type I pottery
are assignable to this tribe.
I further interpret that the presence of the wide projectile
point type and Type II pottery is due to members of some
other tribe (s) coming to live with the Fox as spouses, allies, or
slaves. The proportion of wide points to Type II pottery is
much greater than the proportion of long points to Type I
pottery. It is possible that, during the later occupation, the art
of pottery making was already suffering a marked decline
due to increased availability of brass kettles.
Table 4 also lists the associations, in the 30 selected pits, of
incised Type I pottery, shell-tempered pottery, and number
of trade articles. The fact that trade materials appear in al-
most every pit, including those pits not included in the table,
shows that this site was occupied entirely during the historic
Bell Site 55
period. The nature of the trade goods present indicates a
temporal placement in the early historic period (prior to 1760)
as defined by Quimby (1939). Elsewhere in this paper I have
presented evidence indicating that the occupancy of the Bell
site falls between 1680 and 1730. I can detect no difference in
the kind of trade materials between the pits of the early and
later occupations. I would roughly assign the early occupa-
tion as prior to 1715 and the later occupation after this. In
1716 the Fox received an unusually large amount of trade
goods, some of which appear on Louvigny's expense account
for the war against them in 1716 (WHC 17:400-407), and
some of which were brought in privately, since one of the in-
ducements for getting Frenchmen to join this army was the
opportunity for conducting private trade.
The incised decoration on Type I pottery and shell-tem-
pered pottery tends to be found in pits of late occupation.
Both of these traits are probably due to increased contact
with the \Vinnebago.
Type II pottery and the wide projectile point type also re-
sult from contact with some other tribe(s), but the identifica-
tion is not easily made. Type II pottery, except for paste
and general vessel shape, is not at all like Type I pottery,
and in all likelihood represents a product of potters with a
separate background. Since no intermediate "hybrid" vessels
of these two types were present, it would seem that their
makers had only recently come to live together.
The historical records indicate that the Fox had intercourse
with the Sauk, Kickapoo, Potawatomi, Menominee, and other
groups in \Visconsin during this period. They also had
briefer contacts through warfare or trade with the Pawnee,
Sioux, Iowa, Illinois, Iroquois, Shawnee, Chippewa, Huron,
Ottawa, and other groups. The assignment of Type II pot-
tery to a specific tribe with the present data is mostly a mat-
ter of guesswork. Of all the tribes, the Sauk and Kickapoo
were the closest to the Fox in language and presumably also
in culture. The linguistic similarities are so close that these
three tribes must have lived near each other during their prior
residency in Michigan. It is possible that the Sauk and Kick-
apoo possessed ceramics which are indistinguishable from
Type I pottery. This would eliminate my favorite candidate,
56 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 44, No. 1
the Sank, as the makers of Type II pottery. But if that were the
situation, some other Central Algonkian group not so close
to the Fox could be the author. The Potawatomi or Mascou-
ten seem the next most logical as a tentative correlation. I am
confident that additional work in the future will give Type II
pottery a more definite tribal assignment.
Summary
For the first time, the aboriginal culture of the Fox Indians
has been partially revealed. The Bell site was occupied dur-
ing the period 1680-1730, a critical time when aboriginal ma-
terial culture was utilized side-by-side with European equiva-
lents. Early during this period, however, stone axes, knives,
scrapers, drills, and bone awls were replaced by iron imple-
ments. Brass and glass were also taking their toll of native
implements and ornaments.
Historical records of bear ceremonialism, dog sacrifice, the
medicine lodge, food, housing, and other customs have been
supplemented by archeological data, or vice versa.
Investigation of the Bell site was a salvage project. The re-
sources were limited and again I wish to express my sincere
thanks to Neil Ostberg, the Scouts and staff of the Oshkosh
Public Museum, the illustrators of this report, and all others
who aided or abetted the work.
REFERENCES CITED
BLAIR, EMMA HELEN
1911 The Indian Tribes of the Upper Mississippi Valley and Re-
gion of the Great Lakes. 2 vols. Cleveland.
FORD, JAMES A.
1936 Analysis of Indian Village Site Collections from Louisiana and
Mississippi. Louisiana Department of Conservation, Anthro-
pological Study, No. 2
FOX, GEORGE R.
1916 Outagamie County Antiquities. The Wisconsin Archeologist,
Vol. 15, No. 1, pp. 1-21.
GRIFFIN, JAMES B.
1943 The Fort Ancient Aspect. University of Michigan Press.
HENNEPIN, LOUIS
1903 A New Discovery of a Vast Country in America. 2 vols. Chi-
cago.
JR Jesuit Relations (see Thwaites 1896-1901).
Bell Site 57
KARPINSKI, LOUIS C.
1931 Bibliography of the Printed Maps of Michigan 1804-1880.
Lansing.
KELLOGG, LOUISE PHELPS
1907 Marquette's Authentic Map Possibly Identified. Proceedings
of the State Historical Society of Wisconsin, 1906, pp. 183-193.
1908 The Fox Indians during the French Regime. Proceedings of
the State Historical Society of Wisconsin, 1907, pp. 142-188.
1925 The French Regime in Wisconsin and the Northwest. Mad-
ison.
MAXWELL, MOREAU S. and LEWIS H. BINFORD
1961 Excavation at Fort Michilimackinac, Mackinac City, Michi-
gan, 1959 Season. Publications of the Museum, Michigan
State University, Cultural Series, Vol. 1, No. 1.
McKERN, W. C.
1945 Preliminary Report on the Upper Mississippi Phase in Wis-
consin. Bulletin of the Public Museum of the City of Mil-
waukee, Vol. 16, No. 3.
MPHC 1904 Michigan Pioneer and Historical Collections, Vol. 33
(1903).
OSHKOSH DAILY NORTHWESTERN, July 20, 1911.
PETERSON, HAROLD L.
1956 Arms and Armour in Colonial America. Harrisburg.
PORTER, JAMES W.
1961 Hixton Silicified Sandstone: A Unique Lithic Material Used
by Prehistoric Cultures. The Wisconsin Archeologist, n. s.,
Vol. 42, No. 2, pp. 78-85.
QUIMBY, GEORGE I.
1939 European Trade Articles as Chronological Indicators for the
Archaeology of the Historic Period in Michigan. Papers of
the Michigan Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters. Vol.
24, Part IV, pp. 25-31.
RIDLEY, FRANK
1952 The Huron and Lalonde Occupations of Ontario. American
Antiquity, Vol. 17, No. 3, pp. 197-210.
TEMPLE, WAYNE C.
1958 Indian Villages of the Illinois Country: Historic Tribes. Illi-
nois State Museum, Scientific Papers, Vol. 2, Part 2.
THWAITES, REUBEN GOLD, Ed.
1896-1901 The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents: Travels and
Explorations of the Jesuit Missionaries in New France, 1610-
1791. 73 vols. Cleveland.
TUCKER, SARAH JONES
1942 Indian Villages of the Illinois Country. Part I, Atlas. Illinois
State Museum, Scientific Papers, Vol. 2, Part 1.
WHC 1855-1915 Wisconsin Historical Collections. State Historical
Society of Wisconsin. 21 vols. Madison.
WITTRY, WARREN L.
1963 A Michigan Fox Hunt. Cranbrook Institute of Science, News
Letter, Vol. 32, No. 7, pp. 74-77.
VERTEBRATE REMAINS FROM THE BELL SITE,
WINNEBAGO COUNTY, WISCONSIN
Paul W, Parmalee
Illinois State Museum, Springfield
Introduction
Recovery of a large quantity of bone refuse from the Bell
Site (Wn9) has brought to light interesting data concerning
the food economy of these people and the faunal complex of
the region. This early historic site was situated on the south
shore of Big Lake Butte des Morts (an enlargement of the
upper Fox River), five miles west of Oshkosh, Winnebago
County. It was excavated during June, 1959, by members of
the Oshkosh Public Museum Explorer Scout Post under the
direction of Dr. Warren L. Wittry, then Curator of Anthro-
pology of the State Historical Society of "Wisconsin. During
the preceding year, Mr, Neil Ostberg of Milwaukee and a
few other amateur archeologists tested the site and recovered
some artifactual material and a limited quantity of bone. A
few months before the final dig was completed in June, 1959,
Dr. Wittry and other professional and student archaeologists
excavated several test areas. Gravel mining operations in
July, 1959, destroyed most of the remaining portions of the
site.
From an archaeological standpoint the Bell Site is some-
what unique in that the inhabitants were still making and
using their own pottery, projectile points and bone tools,
while they had also accepted and were using European trade
goods. Contact with the Whites had not yet drastically
altered their mode of life; the recovered artifact assemblage
suggested a material culture that was half historical and half
aboriginal. Although possibly a mixed village, the prin-
cipal inhabitants of this site were apparently Fox as eviden-
ced by the types of trade goods recovered and by early maps
(e.g. by Franquelin in 1684; Griffin, 1943) and contemporary
accounts of the various Indian tribes in the region. Accord-
ing to Wittry (pers. comm.), two types of pottery vessels
were encountered; both were grit tempered, wide-mouthed
jars of similar shape but one had a smooth surface with im-
plement punctates on the lip of the high, slightly everted
rim. The other had a cord-marked body, smoothed neck,
Vertebrate Remains 59
with a finger-pinched lip. Projectile points were small and
triangular in shape; bone artifacts consisted of turtle cara-
pace bowls, harpoon and projectile points, antler tines and
discs, awl handles, needles, beads and tubes.
Exact dimensions of the site were no longer discernible,
but Wittry has estimated that the original village covered at
least four acres. There is evidence (long trenches) to the
effect that a stockade had been built around at least a por-
tion of the village. Judging from the number of cache pits
uncovered and the quantity of charred wild plum seeds,
squash stems and corn cobs, this semi-permanent (?) village
site appears to have been occupied primarily during the sum-
mer months. Probably a large portion of these Indians'
subsistence was derived from hunting and fishing, but the
recovery of plant remains and agricultural implements (e.g.
iron hoes), plus the abundance of cache pits probably used
originally for the storage of corn points to the importance of
crops in the livelihood of these people.
The exact period of occupancy by Fox at the Bell Site is
difficult to establish, but Wittry has estimated it to be between
1680 and 1730 with the most intensive occupation occurring
around 1716-1730. The evidence for this is based on the
type of trade goods recovered (Jesuit rings, large glass and
porcelain beads, copper kettles, iron axes and hoes, brass
projectile points, kaolin pipes) and, again, on early historic
French maps and written accounts dealing with the Indians
of the region.
Although only a small part of the original site was exca-
vated, a large quantity of bone was found in the storage-
refuse pits and midden debris. Approximately 11,200 bones
were recovered, and of this total nearly 25 percent were iden-
tifiable to the genus or species level (Table I). A minimum
of 72 vertebrate species were recorded from the Bell Site
fauna! samples. Apparently the Indians occupying this site
made little use of the fresh-water mussels; ten species were
determined from the small number (57) of valves encountered,
and shell of Lampsilis ventricosa and L, siliquoidea accounted
for 61 percent of this total
Acknowledgement: I would like to express my sincere ap-
preciation to Dr. Warren L. Wittry, Assistant Director,
60 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 44, No. 1
Cranbrook Institute of Science, Bloomfield Hills, Michigan,
for the opportunity to study the Bell Site faunal materials,
and for his generous contributions to the basic data dealing
with the cultural aspects of this site.
TABLE I
VERTEBRATES IDENTIFIED FROM THE BELL SITE,
WISCONSIN
Species Total Number of
Identified Remains
Fishes
Bass, Grapple, Sunfish group, Centrarchidae 375
Suckers and/or Buffalofish, Catostomidae 173
Bullhead, Ictalurus spp. 164
Sturgeon, Acipenser cf. fulvescens 134
Fresh-water Drum, Aplodinotus grunniens 115
Bass, Micropterus sp. 102
Bowfin, Amia calva 81
Catfish, Ictalurus sp. 74
Sucker, Catostomus sp. 52
Pike, Esox sp. 48
Gar, Lepisosteus sp. 44
White Bass, Lepibema chrysops 28
Crappie, Ppmoxis sp. 21
Northern Pike, Esox lucius 20
Walleye and/or Sauger, Stizostedion sp. 16
Redhorse, Moxostoma sp. 10
Catfish sp. 8
Flathead Catfish, Pylodictis olivaris 4
Sunfish, Lepomis sp. 2
Sunfish (Pumpkinseed?), Lepomis cf. gibbosus 1
Yellow Perch, Perca flavescens 1
Reptiles: Snakes
Rattlesnake, Crotalus cf. horridus 3
Reptiles: Turtles
Snapping Turtle, Chelydra serpentina 90
Turtle spp. 79
Painted Turtle, Chrysemys picta 25
Graptemys, Chrysemys, Emydoidea group 22
Blanding's Turtle, Emydoidea blandingi 9
Soft-shelled Turtle, Trionyx sp. 3
Map Turtle, Graptemys cf. geographica 1
Birds
Passenger Pigeon, Ectopistes migratorius 55
Duck spp. 25
Canada Goose, Branta canadensis 12
Lesser Scaup and/or Ring-necked Duck, Aythya sp. 12
Sandhill Crane, Grus canadensis 11
Trumpeter Swan, Olor buccinator 8
Small Passerines 6
Mallard and/or Black Duck, Anas sp. 5
Bald Eagle, Haliaeetus leucocephalus 5
Great Horned Owl, Bubo virginianus 5
Vertebrate Remains 61
Hawk, probably Red-tailed Hawk, Buteo jamaicensis 4
Flicker, Colaptes cf. auratus 3
Long-billed Curlew, Numenius americanus 3
Goose, Branta canadensis? 3
Swan, Olor sp. 3
Merganser, Mergus sp. 3
Whip-poor-Will, Caprimulgus vociferus 3
Woodpecker, Red-headed and/or Red-bellied? 2
Common Crow, Corvus brachyrhynchos 2
Common Raven, Corvus corax 2
Hawk, sp. 2
Grouse, sp. 2
Teal, Anas sp. 2
Redwinged Blackbird, Agelaius phoeniceus 1
probably
Long-eared or Short-eared Owl, Asio sp. 1
Redhead, Aythya americana? 1
Canvasback, Aythya valisineria? 1
Hooded Merganser, Lophodytes cucullatus 1
Sharp-tailed Grouse, Pedioecetes phasianellus 1
probably
Wood Duck, Aix sponsa 1
Snow or Blue Goose, Chen sp. 1
Grackle, Quiscalus quiscula 1
Mammals
White-tailed Deer, Odoco ileus virginianus 344
Beaver, Castor canadensis 266
Canid, probably Dog, Canis familiaris 165
(plus three additional burials)
Black Bear, Ursus americanus 72
Muskrat, Ondatra zibethica 32
Raccoon, Procyon lotor 28
Elk, Cervus canadensis 9
River Otter, Lutra canadensis 7
Gray Wolf, Canis lupus 6
Vole, Microtus sp. 5
Small Rodents 4
Woodchuck, Marmota monax 4
Red Squirrel, Tamiasciurus hudsonicus 3
Porcupine, Erethizon dorsatum 2
C9ttontail, Sylvilagus floridanus 2
Bison, Bison bison probably 2
Fisher, Martes pennanti 2
Weasel, Mustela sp. 1
Mink, Mustela vison 1
Striped Skunk, Mephitis mephitis 1
White-footed Mouse, Peromyscus sp. 1
Chipmunk, Tamias striatus 1
Accounts of Species
Fishes* Approximately 1,500 fish bones were identified to
the family, genus, and/or species level, these representing a
minimum of 17 species. In addition there were nearly 4,000
62 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 44, No. 1
unidentifiable fish bone fragments; the variety of species and
quantity of remains recovered attest to the importance and
extensive use made of this vertebrate group by these Indians.
Lake Butte des Morts and the Fox River formed an excellent
habitat for a variety of species which apparently occurred in
great abundance.
The quantity of centrarchid (bass, crappie, sunfish) re-
mains, approximately 36 percent of the total identifiable fish
bones, indicates that the river-lake waters were cold and
clear. Bones of the redhorse and white suckers also suggest
a river condition of this type, possibly with longer stretches of
sand-gravel bottom than now exists. Modern agricultural
practices along the Fox River and the building of dams have
increased the sediment content and brought about greater
level fluctuations. Those factors, combined with commercial
and sport fishing, have altered the species composition con-
siderably since the Bell Site was occupied. Numerous re-
mains of the sturgeon are indicative of an abundant former
population, but this species is now uncommon in the Fox
River. Rough fish such as gar and bowfin have increased
in numbers while the populations of several species of "game
fish" (e. g. northern pike) have decreased.
Within a given species, individuals varied considerably in
size although the majority of bones of sturgeon, suckers,
white bass and catfishes (Ictalurus and Pylodictis) were from
large fish. One of the flathead catfish weighed approxi-
mately 30 pounds and several of the channel (?) catfish
(Ictalurus) at least 8-10 pounds. As was also the case at the
Aztalan Site (Parmalee, 1960a), catfishes, bullheads and the
freshwater drum were taken in considerable numbers by
these people. Because of the variation in size of the different
species of fish, probably several methods of taking them were
employed. Recovery of two bone (or antler) harpoon
points suggest the use of fish spears; many of the small fish
were probably caught in traps or nets. Regardless of the
methods of capture, fish was one of the more important food
items used by the Bell Site inhabitants.
Reptiles* Three snake vertebre were found in one of
the many storage-refuse pits; they were from a large crotalid,
Vertebrate Remains 63
probably the timber rattlesnake. These remains are of no
archaeological significance, the snake possibly occurring in-
cidentally to human occupation of the area, but they are of
zoological interest. The presence of these vertebrae point
to the former occurrence of the timber rattlesnake in this area,
a region considerably northeast of this snake's present range
in Wisconsin.
At least five species of turtles, all aquatic, were identified
from the Bell Site faunal materials. The number of remains,
and individuals represented, was not large; however, turtles
were probably taken when encountered, the flesh being eaten
and the carapace of many smoothed and used as dishes or
bowls. Bones of the snapping turtle were the most numer-
ous, the majority having been from medium-sized to large
adults. None of these remains had been worked; thus, it ap-
pears that the snapping turtle was taken and used only for
food. Many shell fragments were too small for identifica-
tion, even to the genus level, but most were probably those
of the map, painted or Blanding's turtle.
Blanding's turtle is a semi-aquatic species with a carapace
shaped not unlike the deeply concave shell of the box turtles.
Shells of at least six individuals were recovered that had been
altered by scraping and smoothing for apparent use as a
bowl. Three carapace sections of the painted turtle had
been worked in a like manner. These turtle shell bowls are
of interest since their manufacture is characteristically a pre-
historic trait, yet they were still being used by these historic
Fox even though comparable metal trade goods (kettles,
etc.) were also being used by them.
Birds* Although the variety of bird species taken by the
occupants of the Bell Site is impressive (at least 28 species)
the number of each was small. Apparently the greatest
hunting efforts were directed at procuring fish and mammals,
and birds were utilized only to a limited extent for food and,
in some instances, for ornaments and/or ceremony (?). Al-
though waterfowl (ducks, geese, swans) remains comprised
41 percent (about 11 species) of the total number of identi-
fied bird bones, this number (76) is small considering the
site location. Lake Butte des Morts and its surrounding
64 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 44, No. 1
marsh land abounded with wild rice and other aquatic
plants, making it an ideal waterfowl habitat. It may be
surmised that these Indians were either little interested in
hunting waterfowl or, as suggested previously, this village
was occupied primarily during the summer months. Assum-
ing the latter to be correct, waterfowl in any numbers were
not available to the inhabitants, the majority of birds having
already passed through the area during spring and fall mi-
grations. Passenger pigeon remains (30 percent of the
identified bird bones) were those of adults; probably the
pigeons were taken during migration, but the small number
of individuals used are indicative of their minor role in the
diet of these Indians.
The complete lack of turkey bones from the storage-refuse
pits at the Bell Site is truly surprising. This bird was com-
mon in \Visconsin in early times and remains of it have been
recovered in sites dating from the Archaic and \Voodland
periods (Parmalee 1959 and 1960b) up to the Middle Mis-
sissippi culture (Parmalee, 1960a). The absence of turkey
might be attributed to the fact that, after the winter flocks
had scattered and broken up into nesting pairs, the few birds
in the immediate vicinity of the village did not justify the
Indian's time and effort in hunting for them.
Several birds such as the crow, raven, woodpecker, hawk,
owl and eagle may have been killed and utilized for purposes
other than food. It has been pointed out that "Probably
numerous species of birds such as hawks, owls, eagles and
cranes were taken for their plumage rather than for food"
(Parmalee, 1957). This appears to be true in several in-
stances at the Bell Site. Paired carpometacarpals and the
corresponding digit 2, phalanx 1 (bones to which the large
flight feathers are attached) of a great horned owl were
found in a storage-refuse pit. One of the carpometacarpals
bore evidence at the proximal end (groove of carpal trochlea)
of having been severed (or scraped after being cut free)
from the inner wing bones; these owl wings were probably
used as fans or some type of body adornment. Three left
carpometacarpals of the Canada goose from other pits had
also apparently been used in the same manner, the proximal
Vertebrate Remains 65
ends having been cut and scraped smooth. Cut and/or
scraped proximal ends of carpometacarpals of the bald eagle,
raven, and another great horned owl were also found at this
site.
The trumpeter swan was a common migrant along the
Mississippi River in prehistoric and early historic times, and
it occurred in limited numbers eastward as far as central
Pennsylvania. All of the few remains of O* buccinator
from the Bell Site were cut and/or worked sections of wing
bones. Two cut humeri ends were typical of the many
recovered at the Cahokia Site in Madison County, Illinois
(Parmalee, 1957) and at the historic Sauk-Fox site in Rock
Island County, Illinois (Parmalee, Unpub. MS.), these cut
ends probably having been discarded as the shaft was fur-
ther cut and fashioned into tubes and beads. Two of the
four cut and polished humeri sections of this swan had been
engraved, this type of bird bone artifact also occurring not
uncommonly at the Rock Island County site (Parmalee,
Unpub. MS.). A 3\4 inch bone tube, cut from the proximal
end of an ulna .(probably trumpeter swan), and two cut
humeri ends (possibly sandhill crane) were also recovered at
the Bell Site.
Mammals* Bones of the white-tailed deer were the most
numerous of all the identified mammal remains, comprising 36
percent of the total. The quantity of beaver remains (28
percent) attest to the importance of this animal in the diet
of these people; they may also suggest a beginning of inten-
sified fur trapping activities since contact with the \Vhite
fur traders was rather quickly bringing about a change in
the Indian's economy due (in part) to a demand for certain
fur-bearing species. Considering the quantity of meat pro-
vided by one animal, the number of bones recovered indicate
that the deer had been the basic meat staple, supplemented
largely with beaver and black bear.
Apparently little attempt had been made to utilize rabbits,
squirrels, woodchucks and other small mammals. Although
bones of the muskrat and raccoon were the most numerous
of this group, together they comprised only six percent of
the total. Judging from the paucity of remains, elk were
66 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 44, No. 1
uncommon to rare in the area. Bison, tentative identifica-
tion being made on a toe bone and proximal end section of
a humerus, were also apparently rare in the vicinity of the
Bell Site village.
If the number of bones of the three dog burials listed in
Table I were combined with those scattered remains (165)
recovered from the various pits, the total would comprise a
large percentage of the identified mammal bones. Domestic
dogs were evidently common in the village as evidenced by
three complete burials (2 adults, 1 half-grown pup), a fourth
partial (intentional?) burial, and numerous canid bones in
pits. The interment of several animals suggests the fact
that certain dogs were held in considerable esteem; none of
the bones from these burials exhibited cut marks that would
have indicated that they had been butchered. However,
several of the scattered canid remains (e.g. humeri, vertebrae,
radii, skull) bore cut marks at the ends or points of articula-
tion (zygomatic arch of the skull), thus indicating that in
some instances dogs were butchered and eaten.
Bear ceremonialism among the Indians is a well known and
documented trait (Hallo well, 1926). There was evidence
from the Bell Site to indicate that the black bear was an
important food animal and also one of special religious or
ceremonial significance to the occupants. The number of
bones recovered was only moderately large (72, representing
7% percent of the total), but the amount of edible meat from
a single bear (a minimum of six individuals represented) Is
large, and the bear, along with deer and beaver, probably
ranked as a major food animal to these people.
One of the most interesting aspects of the Bell Site faunal
materials was the use of the black bear in ceremonial activi-
ties. Two complete bear skulls were found that had been
used as part of the bear ritual, and sections and fragments
of two or three other skulls may, as evidenced by cut marks
and "breaks", have also served in a like capacity. The
skull and complete lower mandible of a large adult bear was
found in a storage-refuse pit, the mandible having first been
placed in the pit and then the skull placed on the mandible
in an inverted position. This skull and one of a young
animal from another pit had a portion of the cranium (par-
Vertebrate Remains 67
ietal-temporal) broken away (Plate I), probably for removal
of the brains.
With reference to the Fox, Potawatomi and other groups
in the Green Bay region, Pierre Gharlevoix related a note-
worthy observation of bear ceremonialism in his Journal
historique of 1744 (Thwaites, 1902). "They have especial
veneration for the Bear; as soon as they slay one of these
animals, they make a Feast, accompanied by very singular
ceremonies. The Bear's head, painted with all sorts of
colors, is placed during the repast upon a raised place and
there receives the homage of all the Guests, who celebrate
in song the praises of the Animal, meanwhile cutting its body
into pieces and regaling themselves thereon."
In addition to the worked wing bones, harpoon points and
turtle carapaces, a carved bone projectile point, a bone disc,
a carved iron awl bone handle, worked elk(?) and deer
phalanges (cup-and-pin game), bone "counters", sections of
cut antler, and antler tines and projectile points were also
found in the various pits. A foot bone (metatarsal) of a
large canid, probably a gray wolf, was found that had the
ends ground and the entire surface smoothed and polished;
the bone had apparently been handled or carried extensive-
ly, possibly as part of a medicine bag.
Of special interest was the recovery of a complete mandible
and the corresponding anterior half of an otter skull; the
condyloid process of the left mandible bore several cut marks
(made during removal from mandibular fossa) and the pos-
terior half of the skull had been cut off (across the frontal).
In another storage-refuse pit Wittry found a fisher skull that
had had the posterior occipital region cut away and the en-
tire half of the skull broken (?) off immediately behind the
zygomatic process of the frontal. Only the posterior sec-
tion (ramus, angular process) of the lower left mandible ac-
companied the skull, the body of the jaw having been cut-
broken off on an angle with the ramus. These two skulls
had been of particular significance and may have been part
of medicine bags (Plate II).
In summary, the faunal materials from the Bell Site showed
that, in addition to the limited (?) agricultural practices, a
68 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST
Vol. 44, No. 1
large percentage of the occupant's subsistence was derived
from fishing and the hunting of a few mammals, principally
deer, beaver and black bear. Birds were taken in limited
numbers and many of the species represented may have been
of greater significance for use in the manufacture of tools and
ornaments than for food. Turtles were eaten, and in sev-
eral instances the carapace was used as a bowl or dish.
Bone and/or antler were used in the manufacture of harpoon
and projectile points, tubes, beads, awls, other tools and
PLATE I
Two black bear skulls from the Bell Site, showing deliberate breaking
of the left parietal region to facilitate removal of brains. Photo
courtesy of Illinois State Museum.
Vertebrate Remains
69
utensils. The black bear was an important food animal and
the basis of ceremonial rituals. Certain dogs appeared to
have been revered while others were used for food. Mol-
lusks were of little or no value and, like many of the verte-
brate species whose remains occurred in limited numbers,
served as an occasional supplement to the basic meat diet
of deer, beaver, bear and fish.
LITERATURE CITED
GRIFFIN, JAMES B.
1943 The Fort Ancient Aspect. Univ. Mich. Press, Ann Arbor.
392 pp., 157 plates.
HALLOWELL, A. IRVING
1926 Bear Ceremonialism in the Northern Hemisphere. Amer.
Anthropolgist, Vol. 28, No. 1, pp. 1-175.
PARMALEE, PAUL W.
1957 Vertebrate Remains from the Cahokia Site, Illinois. Trans.
State Acad. Sci., Vol. 50, pp. 235-242.
1959 Animal Remains from the Raddatz Rockshelter, Sk 5, Wis-
consin. Wis. Arch., Vol. 40, No. 2, pp. 83-90.
1960a Animal Remains from the Aztalan Site, Jefferson County,
Wisconsin. Wis. Arch., Vol. 41, No. 1, pp. 1-10.
1960b Animal Remains from the Durst Rockshelter, Sauk County,
Wisconsin. Wis. Arch., Vol. 41, No. 1, pp. 11-17.
Unpub. MS. Vertebrate Remains from the Crawford Farm
Site (Ri 81), Rock Island County, Illinois.
THWAITES, REUBEN G.
1902 Editor of The French Regime in Wisconsin. Coll. State Hist.
Soc. Wis., Vol. XVI, pp. 416-417.
PLATE II
Otter (left) and fisher (right) skulls from the Bell Site: these pro-
bably served as part of medicine bags. Photo courtesy of Illinois
State Museum.
PLANT MATERIALS FROM THE BELL SITE,
Wn9, WISCONSIN
Leonard W, Blake and Hugh C Cutler
Museum of Useful Plants, Missouri Botanical Garden
Most of the plant remains from this site were preserved be-
cause they were charred or carbonized but several fragments
of a textile were saved by the preservative properties of cop-
per salts.
All three cob fragments were from eight-rowed ears. One
cob was medium-thick, the other two were small. The ears
were similar to Northern Flints grown in recent years by
Indians of central Wisconsin and surrounding states and
described and illustrated in Huron Smith's Ethnobotany of
the Meskwaki Indians (1928) and in Brown and Anderson's
The Northern Flint Corns (1947). The name Northern
Flints is ambiguous for even though the best known varieties
are flints many flour and sweet varieties, including the orig-
inal Golden Bantam belong to this race. The Indians of Wis-
consin grew white, yellow, blue, red and calico flour, flint
and sweet corn, as well as at least one kind of pop-corn. The
carbonized fragments from the Bell Site are similar to many
collections from sites in Illinois and Missouri dated from 1700
to 1830 and reported by Blake and Dean (1959).
The two squash peduncles (fruit stems) are small and pro-
bably came from varieties like Summer Crookneck, W'hite
Bush Scallop, or the small pumpkin variety called Mandan.
All of these belong to Cucurbita pepo, the only squash grown
in northern United States in prehistoric and colonial times.
Smith (1933) reported that the Potawatomi cultivated several
kinds of pumpkins and squashes and cites Captain Jonathan
Carver who had seen varieties similar to those mentioned
above.
The fibers in the textile fragment were identified as bast or
soft fibers. It is likely that they are linen because the brass or
copper wrappings of the threads are so fine that it is unlikely
they could have been fabricated by the Indians. The fibers
which tied the cattails of the mat are also bast fibers and ap-
pear to be basswood. Volney Jones has described the pre-
paration of basswood fiber (1937) and Kinietz and Jones
(1942) have described the manufacture of rush mats among
the Chippewa.
Plant Materials 71
Blake, Leonard W., and Rosalind Dean, 1959
Corn from Plum Island (11 Ls 2). Manuscript 5 pp., 3 graphs.
Brown, W. L. and Anderson, Edgar, 1947.
The Northern Flint Corns. Annals of the Missouri Botanical
Garden, Vol. 34, pp. 1-28. St. Louis, Mo.
Jones, V. H. 1937.
Notes on the preparation and the uses of basswood fiber by the
Indians of the Great Lakes Region. Pap. Mich. Acad. Sci.,
Arts, and Letters, 22 (1936): 1-14.
Kienietz, W. V. and V. H. Jones. 1942.
Notes on the manufacture of rush mats among the Chippewa.
Pap. Mich. Acad. Sci., Arts and Letters, 27 (1941): 525-537.
Smith, Huron H., 1928.
Ethnobotany of the Meskwaki Indians. Bull. Public Museum,
Milwaukee. 4 ((2): 175-326,
Smith, Huron H., 1933.
Ethnobotany of the Forest Potawatomi Indians. Bull, of the Pub-
lic Museum, Milwaukee. 7(1): 1-230.
List of Plant Materials from Bell Site, Wn9, Wisconsin
CORN, Zea Mays
F64-21 Fragment of carbonized cob, 8 rows of grains, kernel
thickness 3.4 mm., cupule width 6.4 mm.
F63-1 Fragment of carbonized cob, 8 rows of grains, kernel
thickness 3.4 mm., cupule width 11 mm.
Surface, in waste dirt of Ostberg's diggings, carbonized cob frag-
ment with 8 rows of grains, kernel thickness 3.1 mm., cupule
width 6.2 mm.
SQUASH, Cucurbita pepo
F67-1 Carbonized peduncle (fruit stem) 15 x 10 mm. in diameter
at point of attachment.
F94-1 Carbonized peduncle (fruit stem) 13.5x15 mm. in diameter
at point of attachment. Both peduncles probably from small
varieties like Summer Crookneck, White Bush Scallop, or
Mandan.
FIBERS, probably Linum
F14-1 3 small pieces of fabric, fine metal (copper or brass)
wound around warp. Weft 2 over and 2 under. Probably of
European origin.
F85-14 Fibres from inside brass bangle (tinkler) ornament, an-
imal tissues.
WILD PLUM, Primus americana
F46-2 Two charred seeds.
MATTING, Typha latifolia, or Scirpus sp. with Tilia americana
F84-1 2 pieces of carbonized matting bound with twined weft of
bast fiber which appears to be basswood inner bark.
BARK FRAGMENTS, Betula sp.
F46-1, F94-7, F64-22 Charred fragments of birchbark.
SKELETAL MATERIAL FROM THE BELL SITE,
Wn9, WISCONSIN
Charles F. Merbs
University of \Visconsin
The skeletal material recovered from the Bell site was
found to represent a single individual, a middle-aged adult
female. Several bones were damaged, but only the sternum,
right hamate, left lunate, and coccygeal vertebrae were com-
pletely lacking. The material was extremely friable and it
became necessary to harden it with alvar although the ribs
and some fragments of cancellous bone were left untreated
for possible chemical analysis. A sample of the soil in which
the skeleton was found has also been retained for possible an-
alysis.
The skeleton was ascertained to be that of a female on the
basis of wide, shallow sciatic notches, the presence of well-
defined pre-auricular sulci, the rectangular appearance of the
right pubic element (the left being damaged), and a skull
with moderately small mastoid -processes and poorly defined
areas of muscle attachment. This decision was substantiated
by the appearance of other bones in the skeleton. Appraisal
of the symphyseal face of the right pubic element, using the
component method of McKern and Stewart (1957), yielded
an age estimate of 30 4- years. This fact was also found to
fit best into Phase VII or VIII of Todd's (1920) system, cor-
responding to an age of 35-40 years. Estimates derived from
the degree of endocranial suture closure (Todd and Lyon,
1924) also indicate an age in excess of 30 years.
The skull is in generally good condition and shows only the
slightest indication of possible warping. Some destruction has
occurred to the basi-occipital, anterior intermaxillary, and
right zygomatic arch regions, however, and cracks are present
in the frontal, right zygomatic, and right maxillary bones.
All damage appears to be postmortem and due to natural
causes, and the measurements have been adjusted to take it
into consideration.
There are no indications that the skull had been artificially
deformed or that any part of the skeleton had been inten-
tionally altered. The vault shows pronounced frontal and
parietal bossing, giving it a pentagonal shape when viewed
from above. Obelionic foramina are absent and inter-sutural
Skeletal Materials 73
bones are limited to the right lambdoid (2) and masto-occipi-
tal (1) sutures. There are indications that this individual was
markedly prognathic although the maxillary region has been
badly damaged. The nasal profile is convaco-convex and the
nasal bones are fused medially along the superior two-thirds
of their length. The zygomatic bones are small and gracile,
and they are markedly inverted at their inferior margins. The
orbits are rectangular, have sharp superior margins, and are
associated with small supraorbital notches (2 per orbit) and
foramina (1 per orbit). The external auditory meatus is
oval, the tympanic plate is thin with small dehiscences present
bilaterally, and auditory exotoses are absent. Pterion is of
the "K" type, and the palate does not contain a torus.
The following cranial measurements could be obtained with
a reasonable degree of accuracy:
Glabello-occipital length 184 mm.
Maximum breadth 141
Minimum frontal breadth 93
Nasal height 42
Orbital height r. 30 1. 30
Orbital breadth r. 38 1. 38
Biorbital breadth 96
Frontal subtense 28
Auricular height 119
Estimated only to the nearest 5 mm. because of damage are
the following:
Ba'sion-bregma height 135 mm.
Bizygomatic diameter 130
Total facial height 110
Upper facial height 60
Alveolar breadth 55
Alveolar length 50
The cranial index is 76.6, placing the skull in the mesocranic
or mid-range. The nasal breadth is large in relation to the
height, giving an index of 59.5 (platyrrhine), and the orbits
are low with an index of 78.9 (chamaeconch).
The mandible is small and light in construction with a me-
dio-bilaterial chin, multiple mandibular foramina on the left
74 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 44, No. 1
side, and prominent genial tubercles. Mylo-hyoid arches and
mandibular tori are absent. The rami form an angle of 125
with the body of the mandible, and the latter is cracked (ap-
parently through natural weathering) at the position of the
left first molar. The following measurements were obtained
from the mandible:
Condylo-symphyseal length 107
Bicondylar width 121
Bigonial width 94
Minimum breadth of ramus 35
Condylar height of ramus 48
Many of the teeth had been lost prior to death, particularly
the molars and premolars, and their sockets have been re-
sorbed. The teeth that remain show considerable wear along
with caries and abcesses, and the molars have begun to mi-
grate forward. The left mandibular fossa and the left condyle
of the mandible show erosion and rarefaction, probably due
to malocclusion resulting from the extensive dental pathology.
The infracranial skeleton was recovered in relatively good
condition as damage was confined primarily to the pelvic
region. The scapulae are small, have concave vertebral bor-
ders, lack suprascapular notches and indicate weak develop-
ment of the Teres major. The right humerus is longer and
slightly more developed than the left, probably reflecting
greater usage of the right hand, and both humeri lack septal
apertures. The left radius shows a healed fracture with pos-
terior displacement of the distal fragment (Colles* fracture).
It resulted in greater than normal pressure on the distal radio-
ulnar joint and extension of these articular surfaces. Unfor-
tunately the associated lunate was not recovered, but the other
seven metacarpals appear normal. No unusual variations of
the vertebral column were noted other than the unusually
small right transverse foramina in the fifth and sixth cervical
vertebrae. This suggests that the right vertebral artery did
not pass through these foramina as it usually does. The ver-
tebral column also shows signs of osteoarthritis, particularly
on the opposing body surfaces of C-5/ and C-6/7, on most of
the apophyseal joint surfaces in the thoracic region, and on
Skeletal Materials 75
the superior and inferior margins of the lower lumbar spinous
processes. Some lipping is evident in the mid-cervical, mid-
thoracic, and upper lumbar regions. The femora are marked-
ly asymmetrical with the left having a thicker midshaft (left
robusticity index = 13.5, right = 12.2), a smaller head, and
greater development of a third trochanter. The greatest dif-
ference, however, is in the degree of torsion; that of the left
femur is approximately 10, that of the right is 45. The an-
terior talocalcaneal facets are absent from the talus and cal-
caneum of both feet. The bones of the feet also show ev-
idence of moderate to severe arthritis of the right posterior
talocalcaneal joint and the left first tarsometatarsal joint and
signs of lesser involvement at other joints.
The following infracranial measurements were obtained:
Humerus maximum length ..
r. 312
1. 302
maximum head diameter
r. 42
1. 41
minimum head diameter
r. 38
1. 38
maximum midshaft diameter
r. 21
1. 20
Radius maximum length
r. 237
1
Ulna maximum length
r. 249
1. 249
Femur maximum length
r. 425
1. 419
bicondylar length
r. 421
1. 419
maximum head diameter
r. 45
1. 43
subtrochanteric a-p diameter
r. 25
1. 25
subtrochanteric m-1 diameter
r. 34
1. 35
midshaft a-p diameter
r. 26
1. 28
midshaft m-1 diameter
r. 26
1. 29
Tibia maximum length
r. 364
1. 363
nutrient a-p diameter
r. 36
1. 34
nutrient m-1 diameter
r. 23
1. 21
Fibula maximum length
r. 348
1. 347
From these measurements the
following indices
were ob-
tained:
Platymeric
r. 73.5 1.
71.4
Pilasteric
r. 100.0 1.
96.6
Platycnemic
r. 63.9 1.
61.8
Humero-radial
r. 76.0 1.
Humero-femoral
r. 73.4 1.
71.4
Tibio-radial .
. r. 65.1 1.
76 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 44, No. 1
The stature of this individual, as estimated from the max-
imum lengths of the long bones, is approximately 164 cm., or 5
feet, 41/2 inches (Trotter and Gleser, 1958). Although the
tables used in making this estimate are based on male material,
they are considered to be reasonably accurate for females
also.
From the above information, the individual represented by
the Bell site skeleton may be reconstructed as follows. It was
a woman of moderate height and rather slight build who died
of unknown causes, during middle adulthood. She had brok-
en her left wrist, and, although the fracture had healed with-
out impairing mobility of the left hand, it left her with a
slight deformity. She appears to have preferred using her
right hand, but whether this was true before the fracture or
as a result of it is unknown. Movement of her back, jaw, and
left wrist may have caused pain due to arthritis in these re-
gions. Pain in both feet must have been more severe, and
this, along with the marked asymmetry of her femora, may
have affected her gait and caused a limp. It is evident that the
poor condition of her teeth was also a source of considerable
pain.
It would be foolish to attempt a reconstruction of an entire
isolate on the basis of a single skeleton, but taking into con-
sideration what is known about American Indians, particu-
larly those of Wisconsin, one remark would appear to be in
order. There are indications that the Bell site individual lies
outside the usual range of variation for Indian groups and that
she may have been of mixed ancestry (Indian plus White or
Negro). Although her archeological context and general ap-
pearance may be Indian, certain features such as the width
of the nasal root and aperture, the pronounced frontal boss-
ing, the prognathism, etc., indicate possible non-Indian ad-
mixture. Until more Bell site skeltons are uncovered, or until
more becomes known about the skeletal morphology of Wis-
consin Indians, it will be impossible to determine with cer-
tainty whether this skeleton represents a pure Indian of rather
extreme features, or an individual of mixed ancestry.
Bookshelf 77
BIBLIOGRAPHY
McKern, Thomas W. and T. D. Stewart
1957 Skeletal Age Changes in Young American Males. Quarter-
master Research and Development Command, Natick, Mass.
Todd, T. W.
1920 Age Changes in the Pubic Bone. I. The Male White Pubis.
Amer. Jour. Physical Anthrop., Vol. 3, pp. 285-334.
Todd, T. W. and D. W. Lyon, Jr.
1924 Endocranial Suture Closure. I. Adult Males of White Stock.
Amer. Jour. Physical Anthrop., Vol. 7, pp. 325-384.
Trotter, M. and G. C. Gleser
1958 A Re-evaluation of Estimation of Stature Based on Measure-
ments of Stature Taken During Life and of Long Bones After
Death. Amer. Jour. Physical Anthrop., N. S., Vol. 16, pp. 79-
124.
By
David A, Baerreis
and
Guest Reviewers
THE BOOKSHELF
Dr. Marshall McKusick, the editor of the Journal of the
Iowa Archeological Society who also serves as State Arche-
ologist and teaches at the State University of Iowa, has been
providing the members of the Iowa Society with what
amounts to a memoir series over the past few years. In-
dividual number of their quarterly journal have been large-
ly devoted to the publication of a series of these written for
the Master's degree at the State University at Iowa City
under the supervision of Dr. Reynold J. Ruppe. Dr. Mc-
Kusick, who succeeded Dr. Ruppe both as Editor and in the
position at Iowa City, very properly thought the materials
deserved wider circulation and use than they would receive
as unpublished theses. He has editorially commented that
it was his feeling that unless they were published, the situa-
tion would certainly lead to unnecessary and wasteful archae-
ological excavation, duplicating or overlapping earlier re-
search rather than building upon it. His energy and fore-
78 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 44, No. 1
sight in making these materials available is of very consider-
able benefit to Wisconsin archeology and the region as a
whole as well as to the specific understanding of Iowa pre-
history. Clearly, materials incorporated in recent numbers
of the Iowa journal deserve detailed consideration in this
section. For the present, however, we shall discuss in more
extended form the most recent of these longer reports and
simply list some of the other theses published for the immedi-
ate information of our readers.
The series of theses was initiated by the publication of "A
Re-Examination of Mill Creek Ceramics: The Robinson
Technique" by Richard E. Flanders (Vol. 10, No. 2, Nov.
1960, 35 pp.). The Robinson technique is a statistical pro-
cedure for obtaining a chronological ordering of sites and
was here applied to the pottery of the Mill Creek culture in
northwestern Iowa. The publication of this report was fol-
lowed by one written by Adrian D. Anderson, "The Glen-
wood Sequence: A Local Sequence for a Series of Arche-
ological Manifestations in Mills County, Iowa" (Vol. 10, No.
3, Jan. 1961, 101 pp.). Anderson's report describes in de-
tail the artifact content and archaeological features of a
series of sites belonging to the Glenwood culture of south-
western Iowa. Dale R. Henning in "Oneota Ceramics in
Iowa" (Vol. 11, No. 2, Oct. 1961, 64 pp.) presents a technical
analysis of Oneota pottery types and discussion of their
broader relationships. John Chester Ives, "Mill Creek
Pottery" (Vol. 11, No. 3, March 1962, 59 pp.) is also on
Mill Creek ceramics, the topic examined by Flanders.
\Vhile Ives' study is an earlier one, originally written in
1956, it is an essential source for the basic type descriptions
of the ceramics. Finally, Eugene Fugle in "Mill Creek
Culture and Technology" (Vol. 11, No. 4, April 1962, 126
pp.) provides us with a thorough description of the non-
ceramic remains of this same interesting cultural group.
It should be noted that the above inventory of the contents
of the Journal of the Iowa Archeological Society omits the
numbers that contain shorter articles of a more conventional
journal character. If the simple enumeration convinces you
that you are missing important archaeological information,
Bookshelf 79
as I trust it will, membership in the Iowa Society only costs
$2.00 per year and the dues should be sent to the Secretary-
Treasurer, Mrs. Phil Thornton, 326 Otsego Street, Storm
Lake, Iowa. I suspect the Iowa Society is not making a
profit on its membership dues.
*****
Indian Mounds of Northeast Iowa as Soil Genesis Benchmarks
by Roger B. Parsons. Journal of the Iowa Archeological
Society, Volume 12, No. 2, pp. 1-70. October 1962.
This number of the Iowa quarterly also deviates from con-
ventional journal format in being confined to a single, sub-
stanial report. The study was submitted as a doctoral dis-
sertation in 1960 at Iowa State University, Ames, and has a
principal objective the determination of the degree of soil
horizon development in parent soil materials of known age.
This reviewer is not technically competent to either summarize
or evaluate the study as a contribution to soil science but is
here concerned with its archaeological implications.
The soil scientist is normally handicapped in his investiga-
tions of the processes of soil formation, particularly so far as
an analysis of the rate of development is concerned, by the
difficulty of controlling the time factor. In the approach used
by Dr. Parsons, seven soil profiles derived from the excava-
tion of a series of Indian mounds located at Effigy Mounds
National Monument in northeastern Iowa as well a's control
profiles near the mounds were studied. The time of con-
struction of these mounds is reasonably known from archaeo-
logical work in this region and, indeed, there are several
radiocarbon dates from sites on the Monument itself. Thus
the mound-building activities of the prehistoric Indians pro-
vide a deposit of soil of known age in which the processes of
horizon differentiation can be studied. What is of obvious
interest to the student of prehistory is the fact that if differen-
tial degrees of soil horizon development are found in the
mounds, a mean is provided whereby the mounds can be ar-
ranged in the chronological order in which they were con-
structed. Other inferences of interest to the prehistorian
can also be drawn. The particular kind of soil horizon re-
flects, in large part, the kind of vegetation that existed while
80 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 44, No. 1
it was being formed. Thus information is provided through
soil analysis on this aspect of the environmental conditions
in which the Indians lived.
\Ve learn from the study that the soil profiles developed
are comparable to those which form under deciduous forest
vegetation. Dr. Parsons is also of the opinion that for the
horizons observed to have formed, the mounds must have
become stabilized by vegetation shortly after their construc-
tion. The Indians doubtless cleared underbrush, rather than
mature trees of the native oak-hickory forests which are fairly
open and not overly dense, in order to prepare the ground
for mound construction. He infers that under these con-
ditions, the vegetational cover of the mounds would quickly
become established and that the canopy of leaves above the
mounds would have broken the force of raindrops and limited
their power to erode the surface of the mounds through the
runoff water. Confirmation of this interpretation was gained
through studying soil profiles immediately adjacent to the
mounds. Had there been extensive surface erosion from the
tops of the mounds, he reasons that the topsoil depths in areas
adjacent to the mounds would be thicker than normal. In
actual fact, these were less than normal which is seen as being
due to the fact that the Indians scraped up topsoil in order to
construct the mounds rather than digging deeper pits in lim-
ited areas to obtain subsoil for the mound fill. \Ve learn from
this, then, that the rather low and inconspicuous mounds of
Effigy Mounds National Monument which, in the seven
mounds sampled in this survey, ranged in depth of mound
fill from 21 inches in a conical mound to 36 inches in a bear
effigy, approximate the heights of the original constructions
and are not the remnants of structures of formerly more im-
pressive dimensions. In addition to demonstrating that the
mounds were constructed by utilizing topsoil scraped from a
broad area, the study substantiates with precise techniques an
observation frequently made in relation to other mounds of
the Effigy Mound culture. That is, the topsoil had been re-
moved from a section at the base of the mound prior to mound
construction.
The soil analyses made it possible for Dr. Parsons to ar-
range the mounds investigated in chronological order, the
Bookshelf 81
grouping from earliest to youngest being: (1) bear effigy No.
73, (2) conical mounds No. 12 and No. 7, (3) linear mound
No. 14, (4) conical mound (on adjacent farm) and bear ef-
figy No. 13, (5) conical mounds No. 2 and No. 3, and (6)
bear effigy No. 81. He concluded that the age differences be-
tween any two mounds adjacent to the above grouping may
be "slight" but that "considerable" differences exist between
the soil characteristics of mound No. 81 and mound No. 73.
It is unfortunate that no independent measures of the time in-
volved in this span are available other than what is known
as to the time span of the Effigy Mound culture, both as a
check on the reliability of the seriational analysis and as a
means of using these "slight" and "considerable" differences
as an estimate of the time involved in other mound construc-
tions under similar conditions. However the indication that
such a group of mounds is constructed over a considerable
span of time is valuable information in itself.
*****
It would seem that the broader utility of this study might
have been enhanced had the project been carried out with
fuller cooperation between the soil scientist and the archae-
ologist. Excavations in the mounds were limited to trenches
three feet in width and they were focussed upon areas where
it was not likely that burials and other artifacts might be en-
countered. Thus it is stated that few artifacts were recov-
ered and features were limited to a cremation found in con-
ical mound No. 12 and a "stone crypt" in conical mound No.
2. Presumbably these features will be described in detail
elsewhere. Although the intent of conducting such limited
excavations was presumably to preserve the appearance of
the mounds since they are in a public park, the entire study
would have been strengthened by the acquisition of more
extensive cultural data that might have permitted seriation
of the mounds in cultural grounds or alternatively provided
samples for radiocarbon analysis that might well have given
a precise expression of the span of years involved in the soil
formation processes. Further, Dr. Parsons would seem to
have taken as (a point of departure in his interpretations a
position which essentially saw conical mounds as being Hope-
wellian in cultural affiliation, or representing a time of transi-
82 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 44, No. !
tion to the effigy and linear mounds of the Effigy Mound
culture. Such a position is, of course, an oversimplification
since conical mounds persist in considerable numbers even
into the historic period. This point, however, in no way ef-
fects the basic seriation of the mounds that has been accom-
plished on the basis of soil profiles in which a bear effigy is
both the oldest and the youngest in the group. It may be men-
tioned as an aid in reading the report that pages 19 and 20
have been transposed.
As was indicated above, it is to be regretted that we do not
have further information on the variation in cultural traits
within the span of mound construction at Effigy Mounds Na-
tiontal Monument or additional radiocarbon dates to establish
the actual duration. However, the mounds are still available
for further investigation and we may hope that the informa-
tion will some day be secured. But though we may as arch-
aeologists express our desire for further information of a
cultural character, the importance of Dr. Parson's study in
illustrating the contributions to be made through meticulous
soil studies should not be slighted. His conclusion that the A 1
soil horizon develops in 1 ,000 years or less is important in-
formation for the archaeologist. It is essential, for example,
that in the excavation of deep midden deposits careful in-
spection be made to see if soil horizons have developed at
various points in the midden. Such a situation, of course, sug-
gests cessation in midden accumulation and probable discon-
tinuous occupation. We are now approaching a time when
we might be able to estimate the time involved in such discon-
tinuities of occupation or perhaps in stages of mound con-
struction.
David A. Baerreis
University of Wisconsin
*****
The Navaho, revised edition, by Clyde Kluckhohn and
Dorothea Leighton. Doubleday Anchor Book, Natural
History Library No. 28, New York, 1962. $1.45.
The Navaho is one of the many publications by the late
Clyde Kluckhohn concerned with the largest Indian tribe in
the United States. One of the foremost anthropologists of his
Bookshelf 83
time, Dr. Kluckhohn's great breadth of interest and range
of contributions spanned the field. From the beginning of
his career until his death in I960, a period of more than 37
years, he maintained close contact with the Navaho Indians,
whose language he spoke fluently, and who were both his
delight and his challenge. His first book, To the Foot of the
Rainbow, an account of a pack trip through Navaho coun-
try, was published in 1927, the year before he received his
A. B. degree from the University of Wisconsin. Among his
other writings on the Navaho are Navaho Witchcraft, Chil-
dren of the People (with Dorothea Leighton), An Introduction
to Navaho Chant Practice (with Leland W^yman), etc. The
present book, The Navaho, written in collaboration with
Dorothea Leighton, a psychiatrist long acquainted with the
Navaho, is an old familiar on the bookshelves of most anthro-
pologists and an unquestionable landmark in anthropological
writings.
When it was first published in 1946, its appeal was timely.
Steady population increase, dwindling land resources, and
reluctance to abandon traditional ways had combined in
creating what Kluckhohn and Leighton considered to be
"the foremost Indian problem." In attempting to cope with
the situation, a sympathetic and prolonged government as-
sistance program had fallen disappointingly short of success.
In The Navaho, the authors sought to determine where the
program had fallen short. Their central hypothesis in the
book was that the relative ineffectiveness of the program had
resulted from a failure to understand certain cultural factors.
In developing their thesis, they presented a careful analysis
of the economic basis of the problem, as well as a comprehen-
sive description of Navaho culture, which remains today as
the best single treatment of the subject. In its sober handling
of the hard facts of life on the Navaho reservation and its
perceptive treatment of Navaho culture religion, values,
language, and so on, as a meaningful, coherent whole, it has
a remarkable unity as well as a quality that is timeless.
The new edition has been revised by Richard Kluckhohn
and Lucy Wales, and contains an introduction by Stanley
Freed. The revisions are largely concentrated in two chap-
84 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 44, No. 1
ters: Land and Livelihood and The People and the World
Around Them, In the main, the revisions consist of rephras-
ings of "dated" expressions, and substitution and/or addi-
tions of current statistics. For example, the authors were
careful to point out in the original edition that "the book was
written in the years 1942-44. Unless a specific year is men-
tioned, 'now' or 'today' refers to the 1942-1944 period." In
the revised edition, some of these words or phrases have been
changed, and some have not. In a reference to Hill, 1943 (p.
97) "recently" has been deleted, but maintained in reference
to Reichard, 1944 (p. 193) and Wyman, 1945 (p. 195). While
this particular type of inconsistency is of little consequence,
it reflects the wholly arbitrary nature of the revision. On
page 23, the current estimate of Navaho population of 90,000
has been substituted for the 55,000 estimated for the Navaho
in the mid-1 940's, but on page 167 the figure of 85,000 has
been substituted for 55,000, without qualification. In 1946,
when the Navaho population was 55,000 and 58.4% of their
income was derived from stockraising and agriculture, it was
estimated that "if even 5,500 irrigated acres could be added
to the lands now farmed, the people could produce all the un-
processed agricultural products which they now purchase."
Today, with a population of 90,000 and stockraising and ag-
riculture accounting for only 9.9% of income, the statement
is left (p. 81), while elsewhere (p. 57) it is pointed out that
in fact "many new areas are being irrigated." Here, as in
other instances, the data have been altered without corres-
ponding adjustments in conclusions. W^hile many conclusions
of the first edition may still apply to the Navaho situation
today, the temporal confusion between facts and conclusions
in the revised edition seriously undermines the validity of
the analysis of the economic basis of the problem, so clearly
presented in the original edition.
The new material which is included in the revised edition
is certainly of interest (e. g. on school enrollment, sources of
income, land claims, etc.), but in this reviewer's opinion, it
would have made more sense to have placed these new data
in a separate chapter or appendix. On the whole, however,
insofar as there has been little to no alteration in other chap-
New Members 85
ters, and some changes have been relatively skilfully intro-
duced, the revised edition of The Naviaho still has much to
offer the general reader.
H. R. Harvey
University of Wisconsin
NEW MEMBERS
Fond du Lac Public Library, 32 Sheboygan Street, Fond du
Lac, Wisconsin.
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COMMITTEES:
MEMBERSHIP COMMITTEE: J. K. Whaley, Chairman. Herman
Zander, Phillip H. Wiegand.
PUBLICITY: Dr. E. G. Bruder, Chairman. Dr. Robert Ritzenthaler
FRAUDULENT ARTIFACTS: J. K. Whaley, Chairman. Paul Scholz,
Martin Greenwald, Dr. Robert Ritzenthaler, Phillip H. Wiegand.
SURVEYING AND CODIFICATION: William M. Hurley, Chairman.
Ernest Schug, Edward Eichenberger, Lincoln Smith, Paul
Koeppler, Dr. E. G. Bruder, Dr. Stephan Borhegyi.
EDITORIAL: Dr. Robert Ritzenthaler, Chairman. Dr. D. A. Baer-
reis, Lee Parsons.
PROGRAM: Dr. Robert Ritzenthaler, Chairman. Dr. E. G. Bruder,
Herman Zander, Mrs. P. H. Wiegand.
LAPHAM RESEARCH MEDAL COMMITTEE: Dr. Robert Ritzen-
thaler, Chairman. Dr. David A. Baerreis, Dr. E. G. Bruder,
H. W. Cornell, Charles Schoewe.
The Charles E. Brown Chapter
Madison
(Meets second Tuesday, 7:45 P. M., State Historical Society,
October thru May)
President: Mr. David Mack
Secretary: Mrs. Charles Hemingway
Treasurer: Dr. Joan Freeman
HE WISCONSIN
ARCHEOLO6IST
THE HI-LO SITE, A LATE PALEO- INDIAN SITE
IN WESTERN MICHIGAN, James E. Fitting
EVIDENCE OF OLD COPPER CULTURE IN SOUTH
DAKOTA, Reprint from Museum News
AN ANALYSIS OF CREMATIONS FROM
MICHIGAN SITES, Lewis R. Binford
THE BOOKSHELF, Baerreis and Oters
,
^
/L
*
NOTES ON ONEOTA CLASSIFICATION,
Mildred Mott Wedel
DO YOU HAVE ANY "TURKEY-TAILS" OR CACHES OF
LEAF -SHAPED OR TRIANGIJLAR BLADES?
INTERESTING WISCONSIN SPECIMENS
WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGICAL SOCIETY
Milwaukee t "Wisconsin
Incorporated, 1906
For the purpose of advancing the study and preservation of
Wisconsin Indian Antiquities
OFFICERS
PRESIDENT
Paul Turney
VICE - PRESIDENTS
Dr. Stephan F. Borhegyi Paul Scholz Lee Parsons
Herman Zander Martin Greenwald
DIRECTORS
Dr. E. G. Bruder Phillip H. Wiegand
ADVISORY COUNCIL
Dr. D. A. Baerreis William Oestreich Ernest Schug
W. H. Cornell Neil Ostberg Lincoln Smith
Carlos Cortez E. K. Petrie J. K. Whaley
William Curkeet, Jr. Louis Pierron Dr. A. H. Whiteford
Edward Eichenberger Allen Prill Dr. Merrill Stockey
Dr. Waiiam Godfrey Arthur W. Quan Mrs. Phillip H. Wiegand
Dr. Robert Howard Ronald Mason Robert Hruska
Dr. Joan Freeman Dr. Chandler Rowe
TREASURER
Paul A. Koeppler, 5284 N. 83rd St., Milwaukee, Wis.
SECRETARY
Evan A. Hart, 1902 North 49th Street, Milwaukee 8, Wisconsin
EDITOR
Dr. Robert Ritzenthaler, Milwaukee Public Museum,
Milwaukee 3, Wis.
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THE WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST
New Series
MILWAUKEE, WISCONSIN, JUNE, 1963
Published Quarterly by The Wisconsin Archeological Society
THE HI-LO SITE
A LATE PALECMNDIAN SITE IN
WESTERN MICHIGAN
James E. Fitting
In a recent article, Ronald Mason has suggested that the
regional expressions of the late fluted point and early Piano
complexes be referred to as "Late" Paleo-Indian (Mason
1962: 233). This term covers artifact assemblages with over-
lapping characteristics of both fluted point and Piano tradi-
tions. Quimby, for this period, which he calls "Aqua-Piano,"
gives only four sites in the Great Lakes area. (Quimby
1960:37). The Hi-Lo Site may be placed in this period and,
although represented by only a surface collection, con-
tributes some information about the Late Paleo-Indian occu-
pation in the Michigan area.
The Hi-Lo Site was discovered by Mr. Buerl Guernsey of
Gowen, Michigan. The writer learned of his collection from
Mr. Richard Peske and Mr. Henry Weight who were making
a site survey in Montcalm and Ionia counties in the spring of
1962. In the fall of 1962, Mr. Guernsey loaned his collection
to the writer for further study. Mr. Guernsey not only al-
lowed the study of his collection from the Hi-Lo Site and
Kent Race Track, but also obtained permission for the writer
to see the Steffanson collection. Aid was also received from
Mr. George Davis of Grand Rapids, Michigan, who allowed
us to photograph and draw part of his collections from Ionia,
Kent and Muskegon Counties; Mr. Edward Gillis of Grand
Rapids who pointed out related projectile point forms in the
collection of Mrs. Orton Sies; and Mr. George Stueber of
the University of Michigan Museum of Anthropology who
did the photographic work for this paper. Without the as-
sistance of these individuals this study would have never
88 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 44, No. 2
been made. *
The Hi-Lo Site (20 IA 45) is located on the property of
the Hi-Lo Gun Club in Ionia County, in the south west
quarter of the northwest quarter of Section 19 of Keene
Township. It is on a high terrace of the Flat River on the
south side of Fallasburg Road about one mile east of Fallas-
burg. Here there is an area devoid of vegetation about 75
yards long and 50 yards wide on the top of a knoll with an
elevation of 810 feet above sea level. The surrounding area
is deciduous forest and meadow. The "blow out" area of the
site is apparently a sand mantle in an area of Lake Border
(Late Cary) Morains.
The artifacts from this site fall into two major groups. The
first of these groups is the larger and contains the late Paleo-
Indian material. Artifacts were placed in this group because
of similarities of style, material and technique of manufacture.
All concave base lanceolate projectile points and point frag-
ments were grouped together; then all scrapers and knives
of the same material and workmanship were placed in this
group. The second group is a residual category containing
all the artifacts differing from the main group and from each
other. This second group is smaller and in only two instances
do we find material or stylistic duplication.
Sixteen projectile points and bases are in the first group.
They have a number of common attributes: they are gener-
ally lanceolate in outline; they have concave bases; all ex-
hibit basal modification from thinning to fluting; and all but
one exhibit heavy lateral grinding. These attributes are all
typical of late Paleo-Indian material. It is necessary, how-
ever, to make further sub-division of this group of points and
bases into three sub-groupings. The metric data and chert
description for each of these types is given in Table I.
Type I consists of eight point bases. These are lanceolate
in form with straight to slightly convex sides and a concave
base. They all exhibit lateral grinding and are all basally
modified, some to the extent of having flakes removed along
1 I would like to thank Dr. Olaf Prufer, Dr. Arthur Jelinek and Dr.
Richard Keslin for reading and commenting on this paper. The
author assumes full responsibility for the interpretation of the data
which are presented here.
I
UJ
GO
90 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 44, No. 2
the entire length of the basal fragment (Plate 1, A-H). There
were no complete points of this class from the Hi-Lo Site;
but judging from a number of complete points with almost
identical bases from the collections of several individuals
and the University of Michigan, Museum of Anthropology,
they were probably between 4.9 cm and 7.0 cm with a clus-
tering around 6.0 cm.
Type II consists of two points (one complete) which are
triangular in outline. They both have the concave bases,
basal modification and lateral grinding of type I points but
differ from this group in their constant contraction from the
base to the tip (Plate 1, I, }).
Type III consists of six points. These are smaller than the
other points and have convex to almost pentagonal sides.
They have concave bases and are basally thinned; all but
one are laterally ground (Plate 1, K-P).
These types are, to a certain extent, arbitrary. It would be
possible to set up several other sub-categories: shallow and
deep basal concavities of type I points; or convex and penta-
gonal outlines on type III points, etc. On the other hand, there
are intergradations and type II and type III could be grouped.
Several of the type II and III points are reworked and could
be reworked type I points. This would leave us with only
one type and a reworked variant. \Vith the small size of the
present sample, these classifications should be kept free to
shift within the metric and typological range of the Hi-Lo
projectile point forms.
On the basis of similar workmanship or material or both, a
number of other artifacts from the general collection have
been assigned to this complex. Most obvious are two worked
pieces which appear to be basal corners of type I points made
of similar material to the point bases in this group. One is
.45 cm thick and the other is .65 cm thick.
There were three knife fragments exhibiting rounded tips
(Plate 1, R-T). They are of dark grey to light grey widely
banded chert, a material similar to the majority of the pro-
jectile points. They may be tips of type I projectile points
which would then be knives but there is evidence against
this which will be presented below. They vary in thickness
from .4 cm to 1.1 cm.
K
l
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92 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 44, No. 2
Two scrapers from the collections may belong to this com-
plex. One is a primary flake with a sharp retouch which may
have served as a scraper or graver. The other is a stemmed
end scraper (Plate 1, U).
The final artifact placed with this complex is a bifacially
worked ovate similar to some of the George Lake material
(Greenman, personal communication) (Plate 1, Q).
The other artifacts which have been separated from the
Hi-Lo Late Paleo-Indian complex consist of eight point frag-
ments and two scrapers which show both material and typo-
logical separation from the artifacts described below.
Two objects are made of a closely banded grey-purple
East Port chert. They are a finely serrated point tip (Plate
2 A) with a maximum thickness of .45 cm and a small bifacial-
ly worked ovate which is probably a scraper (Plate 2 B).
Three point fragments, two tips (Plate 2 C, D) and one
either side notched or expanding base form with a broken
base (Plate 2 E) are made of a greyish white chert with
orange mottling and exhibit similar workmanship.
There was one side notched end scraper of medium gray
chert and four other points and point fragments. One of
these has a concave base with the sides expanding from the
B A -:^P '^^
*m
1
PLATE 2: Artifacts from later occupations of the Hi-Lo site. See
text for explanation.
The Hi-Lo Site 93
base. The material is a very fine white chert and parallel
flaking is evident. The lateral edges are ground and on one
face a flake has been removed downward toward the base
(Plate 2F). One expanding base or "Ace of Spades" point
was in this collection (Plate 2G). The material is a grey-
purple mottled chert of medium quality. A similar form was
found in a level at the Bar Site near Nunica, Michigan, which
is stratigraphically below a Middle Woodland occupation
(Peske 1962:119 and personal communication). There was a
small stemmed projectile point of poor grey chert and cortex
which may have been reworked (Plate 2 H) and a small tri-
angular point of white chert (Plate 21). The second form
is commonly associated with Late \Voodland and Mississippi
sites.
A number of points similar to those of the Late Paleo-In-
dian component from this site are in the University of Mich-
igan, Museum of Anthropology collections and in the collec-
tions of several individuals. Some of these points are illus-
trated on Plate 3 along with the drawing of some points from
the Hi-Lo Site. One additional type was added designated
Ilia, which was similar to type III but larger. Several of the
Ilia projectile points are shown in Plate 3 (F, G).
Two things were noted in this additional material. One
was the distribution, with 30 of the 50 points of the sample
coming from Montcalm, Ionia and Kent counties. This, how-
ever, might be due to sampling error.
These additional forms also demonstrated that type I points
are points and not knives. A number of complete points with
almost identical bases to those from the Hi-Lo site were
found in other collections.
A number of similar forms are illustrated or described in
other publications. Type I forms are illustrated by Quimby
(Quimby 1960: 36) who calls them "Aqua-Piano"; Mason
(Mason 1958: Plate IVa) who calls them "fluted-like or
quasi-fluted" and they are described by Prufer and Baby
who call them "unfluted fluted" points (Prufer and Baby
n. d.; 25).
A point similar to type II is illustrated by Ritchie from the
Reagen Site in Vermont (Ritchie 1953: Figure 89:32) and
94 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOCjIST Vol. 44, No. 2
I J " K
millll[lll[lll[lll[lll[lll[ll
PLATE 3: Projectile points from the Hi-Lo site and similar forms
from other areas in Michigan. A. Type I, University of Michigan,
Museum of Anthropology, catalogue number 1301, Hillsdale County.
B. Type I, UMMA cat. no. 1244, Ionia County. C. Type II, Hi-Lo site
(same as Plate 1 J). D. Type III, Hi-Lo site (same as Plate 1 M).
E. Type III, Hi-Lo site (same as Plate 1 O). F. Type Ilia, UMMA
cat. no. 213, county unknown. G. Type Ilia, UMMA cat. no. 27736,
Washtenaw County. H. Type III, UMMA cat. no. 1244, from Ionia
County. I. Type III, Hi-Lo site (same as Plate IN). J. Type III,
UMMA cat. no. 57151, Washtenaw County. K. Type III, Hi-Lo site
(same as Plate IP). L. Type III, UMMA cat. no. 40014, Saginaw
County.
The Hi-Lo Site 95
called *an "earred triangular."
A point from the Blanchard River area is like type III
forms from the Hi-Lo Site (Johnson and Neill 1961, Figure
la). Large numbers of this type as well as type I are found in
Northwestern Ohio (Prufer: personal communication).
The scraper forms have analogies at the Reagen Site (Rit-
chie 1953: Figure 89: 39, 40, 41-43, 51-54, 61-63) and the
Brohm site (MacNeish 1952: Plate IV; 2,4). This type of
scraper is found on later sites but the material is similar to
that of the points in the Hi-Lo complex. The similarity of
the Quartzite ovate to the forms from the George Lake Site
has been noted.
All of this material has been placed between the high Lake
Algonquin level, which is now estimated at 7,500 to 8,000 B.
C. (Mason 1962:236), and 6,000 B. C.
There are also a number of sites from this same time period
which show a different type of artifact, one more finely made
and more closely related to the ribbon flaking of the Piano
tradition. The most striking of these are two sites associated
with Lake Algonquin beaches, or Falling Lake Algonquin
beaches; the Brohm Site (MacNeish 1952:36) and the Hoi-
combe Site (Roosa 1962:265, Keslin, personal communica-
tion). At the Holcombe site both basally modified, thinned to
fluted, and unmodified forms are represented.
Prufer and Baby suggest that "unfluted fluted" and Piano
forms are never found on the same sites in Ohio (Prufer and
Baby n. d.: 67-68). There seems to be a similar dichotomy
in Michigan for the Hi-Lo forms with a center of distribution
in Ionia, Kent and Montcalm counties, while the Holcombe
forms have a center of distribution in Macomb County and
there are similar forms from Tuscola, Newago and Muskegon
counties.
\Ve are either dealing with two contemporaneous tradi-
tions which are mutually exclusive or with very slight over-
lap, or must look for a further temporal arrangement within
the Late Paleo-Indian period. Such an arrangement has been
suggested for Ohio on the basis of the Hog Creek sites with
the "unfluted fluted" forms preceding the Piano forms (Pru-
fer and Baby, n. d.: 40, 68) but, at present, there is no basis
96 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 44, No. 2
for a temporal separation of the Hi~Lo, Brohm and Holcombe
forms in Michigan.
The Hi-Lo site represents a Late Paleo-Indian complex
from Western Michigan. It has similarities to a number of
other sites in the surrounding areas and is perhaps 8,000 to
10,000 years old. When comparing materials attributed to
this period from other sites in the Great Lakes area, we find
the suggestion of two districts, yet related traditions. Either
they were coeval and mutally exclusive or there is a temporal
separation. In either case much more work is needed before
this period may be fully understood.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Johnson, Frederick and 0. J. Neill
1961 "Some Ancient Sites in Greenberg and Ottawa Townships,
Putnam County, Ohio." American Antiquity, Vol. 26, No. 3,
Part 1, pp. 420-426.
MacNeish, Richard S.
1952 "A Possible Early Site in the Thunder Bay District, Ontario."
National Museum of Canada, Bulletin No. 126, pp. 23-47.
Mason, Ronald J.
1958 Late Pleistocene Geochronology and the Paleo-Indian Penetra-
tion into the Lower Michigan Peninsula. Anthropological
Paper No. 11, Museum of Anthropology, University of Mich-
igan, Ann Arbor.
1962 "The Paleo-Indian Tradition in Eastern North America."
Current Anthropology, Vol. 3, No. 3, pp. 227-278.
Peske, G. Richard
1962 "Spoonville Mounds: A Brief Report." The Coffinberry
News Bulletin, Vol. 9, No. 10, p. 119, Grand Rapids.
Prufer, Olaf H. and Raymond S. Baby
n. d. The Paleo-Indians of Ohio. In Press.
Quimby, George I.
1960 Indian Life in the Upper Great Lakes. University of Chicago
Press, Chicago.
Ritchie, William A.
1953 "A Probable Paleo-Indian Site in Vermont." American An-
tiquity, Vol. 18, No. 3, pp. 249-258.
Roosa, William B.
1962 "Comment" on "The Paleo-Indian Tradition in Eastern North
America" by R. J. Mason. Current Anthropology, Vol. 3,
pp. 263-265.
EVIDENCE OF OLD COPPER CULTURE IN
SOUTH DAKOTA
Reprinted from MUSEUM NEWS, VoL 23, Nos. 11 6 12,
Nov. & Dec., 1962, W* H. Over Museum, Vermillion, S. D.
I
Max. Length: 18 cms.
Max. Width: 2.57 cms.
Max. Thickness: .30 cms.
Possible evidence of the "Old Copper Culture" was found
recently by Mr. Louie Heidebrink of Sioux Falls, South
Dakota while digging a water main along the Big Sioux River,
Sherman Park, Sioux Falls. He states that he noticed a piece
of shiny metal embedded in the side of his excavation at a
depth of about 10-12 feet. The shiny peace of metal turned
out to be a very fine sample of crescent-shaped copper knife
of ia type commonly occurring in sites of the Old Copper Cul-
tures in the Upper Great Lakes region. Nothing else was
found with the knife to indicate the presence of an occupation
zone.
The Indians of the Old Copper Culture were the first to
use metal in the Americas. Radiocarbon dates from village
sites in upper Michigan indicate that they had lived in that
area 6000-7000 years ago. I These Indians fashioned most of
their tools and weapons of copper mined in the Lake Superior
area, and it is possible they wandered into the South Dakota
area.
Description: Thin, crescent-shaped blade with approxim-
ately % of the outer edge sharpened. Very little oxidation
has taken place and the cutting edge is still surprisingly keen.
Ripples from hammering are evident over the surface of the
specimen. (Robert Gant)
1 1960, Indian Life in the Upper Great Lakes, George Irving Quimby,
fig. 26, pp. 52-63. University of Chicago Press, Chicago 37, Illinois.
AN ANALYSIS OF CREMATIONS FROM THREE
MICHIGAN SITES '
Lewis R. Binford
University of Chicago
One characteristic feature of Late Archaic burial customs
in the Great Lakes Area was the occasional cremation of hu-
man remains for, or prior to, interment. Such practices con-
stitute an interesting feature of these socio-cultural systems
because they may vary in both structural and stylistic features
across the area at different times. Several major patterns of
variation could be isolated through the study of archaeolog-
ically recovered cremated bone: (a) cremation on individual
or collective pyres, (b) cremation of complete or dismem-
bered bodies, and (c) cremation of dry defleshed bones or
bodies in the flesh. In addition to variations of this type,
further differentiation may be exhibited in the treatment after
burning and in the nature of the final distribution and disposal
of the cremated remains. Differences may also be recogniz-
able in the age and sex, as well as the associated items dif-
ferentiating individuals afforded cremation, as opposed to
other forms of mortuary treatment.
The investigation of several Late Archaic sites by the staff
of the Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, has
resulted in the recovery of a number of cremations for com-
parative study. This report is designed to present the results
of preliminary investigations into the problem of the formal
analysis of cremated bone. In addition, it will provide a lim-
ited set of observations concerning the crematory practices of
the Late Archaic populations of Michigan represented by
eight examples from three separate sites: the Andrews site
(unreported) the Pomranky site (Binford, ND. a) and the
Hogers site (Binford, ND b).
Unfortunately, the comparisons made between these are
not all based on strictly comparable data since the investiga-
tions of crematory practices were conducted over a three year
1 I am deeply indebted to Charles Eyman of the University of Mich-
igan for aid in sorting the cremations, identification of bone el-
ements, and for sexing and aging the fragments amenable to such
analysis. Mark L. Papworth, then of the Museum of Anthropology,
was of great assistance in sorting and generally carrying out many
of the tasks necessary to the analysis.
Michigan Cremations 99
period. Cremations from each site were studied separately,
and as our knowledge increased new approaches were added.
Unfortunately, the materials analyzed earlier were not re-
evaluated using more "up-to-date" methods. Nevertheless, it
is worthwhile to make the results available to others as a basis
for further comparison and refinement of analytic techniques.
Review of the published literature concerning crematory
practices in the Eastern United States shows that Krogman
(1939), Webb and Snow (1945), and Baby (1954) have con-
ducted the major investigations. These researchers have dis-
agreed on rather basic criteria for distinguishing cremations
ol dry defleshed bone from burned bodies. For instance,
Webb and Snow report on the work of Krogman as follows:
It appears that when bones in a dry condition are
incinerated, besides being calcined, they show crack-
ing or 'checking';. . . like the patina of age on an oil
painting. However, if a body should be burned in
the flesh, besides possibly showing an incomplete in-
cineration of bone, it is often possible to see under
power magnification the remains of incompletely
consumed endosteum (Webb and Snow, 1945; 189).
Baby's later work on Hopewell cremations indicates that
Krogman's observations were not fully correct. According to
Baby:
Krogman states that 'the people of the Hopewell
culture practiced cremation mainly on defleshed and
dried bones; though not to the exclusion of fleshed
cremations'. This conclusion is based on the examin-
ation of a few completely incinerated fragments,
which 'show burning in the flesh'.
The last statement is correct, but the former is in-
correct. The characteristic features of the inciner-
ated fragments examined by Krogman are indentical
with the residue of a recent test burning of a whole
fleshed cadaver and of 'green bones' from the dis-
secting room. Burnt dry bones exhibit superficial
checking, fine longitudinal fracturing or splintering,
and no warping. None of the material examined in
this study suggested the burning of dry bones
(Baby, 1954; 5).
100 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 44, No. 2
The disagreements between Baby and Krogman can be
summed as follows: Krogman suggests that the presence of
"checking" is indicative of dry bone cremation, while incom-
pletely burned bone denotes flesh cremation. Baby challenges
the hypothesis that "checking" or calcined bone necessarily
signifies dry bone cremation.
Baby's experiments revealed that there are distinctive dif-
ferences between flesh and dry bone cremations. Deep trans-
verse splitting or "checking" is more characteristic of flesh
cremations while superficial checking, "like patina of age on
an oil painting," and deep longitudinal fractures characterize
dry bone cremations. \Varping predominates on bone which
is cremated while the flesh adheres, but is absent from those
bones burned in a dry state.
Before an analysis of the cremated material from the Mich-
igan sites could be made, it was necessary to repeat Baby's
experiments in order to confirm or refute them and to provide
controlled comparative material obtained when the crematory
techniques were known.
A burial approximately 1,500 years old, and recently mac-
erated bone obtained from the Anatomy Department, Univ-
ersity of Michigan, constituted the dry bone specimens for
experimentation. The right humerus, two left fibula, left is-
chium, left third rib, and ninth thoracic vertebra from each
source were cremated under the same condition, a very hot
charcoal fire. It was reasoned that the way in which hot bone
was cooled might affect its external appearance. Half of the
specimens were allowed to cool naturally; the other half were
doused with water and thus cooled abruptly. The effects of
cremation on the macerated and archaeological bone were the
same. The long bones exhibited superficial checking, fine lon-
gitudinal striae, deep longitudinal fracturing or splintering
with no warping. The soft spongy bone (ischium, vertebrae,
etc.) showed almost no checking, but small factures devel-
oped along the "longitudinal" axis of the bone. Water cool-
ing caused the bone to break up, splitting along the heat-pro-
duced fractures and longitudinal striae, although there was
no increase in the amount of checking. Bone which was al-
lowed to cool naturally remained largely intact. In neither
case was there any warping of the bone. The findings com-
Michigan Cremations 101
pletely support Baby's observations.
Experiments with flesh and green bone were more difficult
to duplicate. For this phase of the work we employed a par-
tially dissected green monkey cadaver, since we could not
obtain human specimens. The following anatomical parts of
the monkey were cremated as units: the head (severed from
the vertebral column at the axis), the left arm (severed from
the trunk at the shoulder), and both the right and the left
feet (severed from the legs at the ankle).
Like the dry specimens, these units were cremated in a
charcoal fire and half were abruptly cooled by dousing with
water. The skull of the monkey exhibited differential degrees
of calcining. The fronto-orbital, maxillary, and masto-parietal
regions were completely calcined. The fragile bones inside the
orbits and in the nose were calcined so completely that the
slightest pressure reduced them to small flakes and minute
fragments. The region for the attachment of the internal
pterygoid to the mandibles was incompletely calcined; part
of this charred muscle adhered to the bone. The basilar and
nuchal regions of the skull were incompletely calcined. Warp-
ing was marked in all regions, as was warping along cracks
which developed in the bone during incineration. The effect
of burning was similar on the long bones deep longitudinal
and transverse fracturing, with warping along the edges of
the fractures. Transverse fractures tended to be curved and
serrated in appearance, as opposed to the straight cracking
observed on the cremated dry bones. This was not a pres-
ence-or-absence matter, but rather one of relative frequency.
No curved cracks were observed on old dry bones, while both
angular and curved checking was present on the fresh bone.
Checking was superficial on the dry bone, but in most cases
extended completely through the green bone. Warping was
marked: in some cases the endosteum was identifiable on par-
tially calcined fresh bone fragments. Rapid cooling had the
same effect as on the dry bones breaking along the fire-
produced cracks.
It is concluded that the degree of bone calcining is a func-
tion of the length of time in the fire, the intensity of the heat,
the thickness of the protecting muscle tissue, and the position
of the bone in relation to the point of oxidation of the consum-
102 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 44, No. 2
ing flame. In both experiments the findings support Baby's
conclusions. Differences are observable between bone which
was dry when burned as opposed to flesh cremation. Dry
bone tends to show predominantly longitudinal fractures, an
absence of warping, and superficial angular cracking; cre-
mations of green bone or bone with the flesh attached show
deep transverse fractures, frequently curved, much warping,
and the occasional presence of endosteum.
These experiments provide the basic information necessary
for examining the Late Archaic cremations with regard to de-
termining whether dry defleshed bones or bodies were being
cremated.
Baby's study of Hopewell cremations provides the model
for the analysis of burned bone with an aim of determining
whether or not bodies were dismembered prior to cremation.
The analysis of anatomical parts as to their degree of burning
was the methodology employed. Baby classified the material
he examined as follows:
( 1 ) Completely incinerated* Fragments range from light
to blue-gray to buff and show deep "checking," diagonal
transverse fracturing, and warping.
(2) Incomplete incineration (smoked)* Fragments are
blackened through the incomplete combustion of organic ma-
terial present in the bone. Frequently, bits of charred perios-
eum are found adhering to the outer surface.
(3) Non-incinerated or "normal bone/' These fragments
were not affected by the heat, but show some smoking along
the edges.
Using these attributes, Baby concluded that in Hopewell
cremations bodies were dismembered before burning judging
from the differential cremation of contiguous anatomical parts.
The observed differential firing could not reasonably have
been produced had the remains been articulated. Because
Baby's study is the only one available as a guide to the analy-
sis of cremated remains (with the question of dismembering
discussed), his results will be mentioned here. Aside from the
methodological guide, Baby's study also serves as a basis for
comparison with the remains from the Michigan Sites.
Baby examined 128 Hopewell cremations. He found the
facial region, external cranial vault, mandible, atlas and axis
Michigan Cremations 103
vertebrae, ribs (rarely found), entire arm and hand, iliac
blades, distal two thirds of the femur, almost all of the tibia,
the fibula, and the feet were consistently calcined. The tem-
poral squamosa were partly burned. The spines and trans-
verse processes of the vertebrae , except the first and second
cervicals mentioned, above), the greater trochanter, and the
posterior part of the tibial promontory were smoked. The
upper sacrum, vertebral centra, pubis, ischium, acetabulum,
and proximal third of; the femur were normal. There is no
mention of the sternum, clavicle, scapula, or patella.
Baby opinioned that the variation in burning according
to the particular anatomical region was due to partial dismem-
berment of the body prior to its cremation. He suggested that
the head was severed from the neck, the legs severed at the
knees, and that possibly the arms were severed at the shoul-
ders. The small bundle which could be produced by such par-
tial disarticulation seems necessary if the body was to be
fitted into the small Hopewell crematory basins.
Eight clusters of cremated bone from three Michigan sites
constitute the sample studied. Four cremations occurred as
part of the "grave furniture" in the single excavated burial at
the Pomranky site near Midland Michigan (Binford N. D. a).
One discrete burial of cremated bone from the Andrews site
near Saginaw, Michigan (Feature No. 3), as well as two other
cremations which occurred as "burial furniture" in Feature
No. 4 and the second burial excavated by Rodger Pfeiffer,
a local amateur. The final sample was obtained from the
single excavated burial at the Rogers site near Saginaw,
Michigan (Binford N. D. b.).
Table number one presents the tabulated data for the Hope-
well cremations studied by Baby and the eight cremations
studied from the Michigan area, with regard to the degree
of burning of the anatomical parts reported by Baby. Exam-
ination of this table reveals a striking difference between the
cremations from the Michigan sites and the Hopewell sam-
pie.
The evidence pointed to by Baby as indicative of dismem-
berment prior to cremation is absent in the Michigan mater-
ial. Another important difference between the Michigan cre-
mations and the Hopewell data is the frequency with which
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Michigan Cremations 105
incomplete incineration of the elbow region occurs in the cre-
mation from the Pomranky and Andrews sites. The signif-
icance of this consistent characteristic is not readily apparent.
One would expect the elbow region to be exposed as it is
not protected by large muscles; it should, therefore, be cal-
cined. \Ve can only postlulate that as part of the preparation
of the corpse for cremation the arms were bound in such a way
that the elbow region was protected from intense burning
arms across the body, and/or thighs flexed with the elbows
between the trunk and thighs? The basal region of the skull,
which Baby found to be consistently incinerated among Hope-
well cremations, occurs incompletely incinerated with the sin-
gle exception of Pomranky cremation No. 4. This suggests
that the head was still attached to the body at the time of
the burning of the Michigan bodies. Such an inference is jus-
tified in terms of the large nuchal muscles which protect the
base of the skull. It can be concluded from this comparison
that the treatment of the body prior to cremation was strik-
ingly different among the Hopewell societies as opposed to
those represented by the Michigan cremations. The Andrews
and Pomranky site samples are virtually identical in the de-
gree to which various body regions were differentially burned.
Both of these are in rather striking contrast to the Rogers
site sample. The latter is admittedly very poorly represented,
but, nevertheless, it was subjected to much less intense heat
and shows a variant pattern of differential burning. Although
the entries in Table One do not suggest much variation in the
degree of burning intensity among the cremations from the
several sites, inspection of the remains shows such variation.
Each individual cremation has peculiarities to the degree
to which various parts are completely calcined, giving each
a slightly different color grade when viewed in mass. This
suggests individual treatment for each of the buried units of
cremated remains.
In summary, the individuals represented in Baby's sample
of Hopewell remains were treated differently at the time of
cremation from those at the Pomranky and Andrews sites.
The latter two sites differ considerably from the treatment
represented at the Hogers site. Regardless of the latter dif-
ferences the cremations from the Michigan sites represent
106 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 44, No. 2
separate crematory episodes since there is more homogeneity
within a single crematory feature in the degree of differential
incineration than there is between crematory features. This
is viewed as evidence for burning on individual or single cre-
matory pyres. The Michigan data further suggests that the
cremations do not represent the burning of multiple elements
of dismembered bodies as do the Hopewell samples; instead
they indicate the burning of complete bodies or unitary parts
thereof. Cremated individuals from the Andrews and Pom-
ranky sites may have been partially flexed at the time of in-
cineration.
As regards the question of whether bodies in the flesh or
dry bones were cremated, it can be flatly stated that in all
cases, judging from the experiments conducted by Krogman,
Baby, and those reported here, the Michigan examples repre-
sent the incineration of bodies in the flesh.
Turning now to the interesting question of treatment after
burning and the degree to which individuals were afforded
differential treatment, a comparison of the contents of the cre-
mation will be made. Table number two represents the fre-
quency lists of the various indentifiable anatomical parts
present in each feature.
Inspection of the table shows that at the Pomranky site,
with the exception of cremation number three, there is a com-
plete lack of lower limb and pelvic fragments. \Vhile the fe-
mur is represented in cremation number three there is a general
lack of lower limb bones. This sample pattern is duplicated
at the Andrews sites for cremations number four and P-2.
These observations suggest that the individuals were dismem-
bered prior to burning; the lower limbs not being burned with
the torso, or that there was selection in the removal of the
cremated bone from the crematory basin prior to deposition in
the graves. All of these features have in common their oc-
currence as associated elements within the grave of a non-
cremated individual. Unlike the latter, Andrews burial No. 3
was a discrete burial of cremated bone, and did yield frag-
ments representative of the entire skeleton. The Hogers site
feature was a cremation in situ, buried in the crematory basin,
and is also representative of the entire skeleton. On the basis
of these limited data there appears to be differential treatment
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108 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 44, No. 2
of individuals afforded discrete burial as opposed to those
whose remains were incorporated as part of the materials
buried with a non-cremated person. Inspection of the age
and sex data suggests that these differences may be associated
with age and sex distinctions ritually recognized among the
societies represented. All of the individuals who were in-
corporated and hence only partially represented were sub-
adults. Cremated adult females were afforded discrete
burial at the Andrews sites. As in the case of previous
comparisons the Hogers site differs, in this case an adolescent
was afforded discrete burial.
Of methodological interest is the observation that there is
a generalized regression of weight of cremated bone with age
of individual within the samples from the Pomranky site.
Certainly this sample is insufficient to establish a reliable
correlation. Yet the data suggest that such a correlation
may exist. If this is so, it could serve as a further aid in
aging cremated individuals given certain control on the burn-
ing procedures.
We might summarize the findings as follows:
1() Experiments confirmed the findings of Baby; crema-
tions of dry bones can be distinguished from those of green or
flesh covered bone. Dry bones exhibit superficial checking
of the surface, longitudinal splitting, and a lack of warping.
Cremated fresh bones are dinstinguishable by warping, deep
transverse fracturing frequently on curvilinear planes and
longitudinal splitting or a ragged nature. In addition, por-
tions of endosteum are occasionally observed on the surface
of cremated fresh bone.
(2) Examination of cremations from the Michigan area
revealed that they were all burnings of fresh bone and had
been incinerated on discrete as opposed to communal pyres.
(3) Comparison of the Michigan and Hopewell cremations
reveals a much different pattern of treatment of the body
prior to incineration. Hopewell practices involved the par-
tial dismemberment of the body prior to its complete crema-
tion. The Michigan samples suggest the cremation of com-
plete or partial bodies but in the latter case disarticulated
parts were not burned together. At the Andrews and Pom-
ranky sites, the bodies were probably flexed so that the elbows
Michigan Cremations 109
were protected by the muscle and tissue of the abdomen and
thighs. This does not appear to have been the practice at
the Rogers site.
(4) Comparison of the several cremations from Michigan
reveals that those occurring as inclusions with non-cremated
individuals invariably were children and young adolescents
who had been incinerated at another location. Such cre-
mations were further distinctive in that the body from the
pelvis down was not generally represented. In contrast,
the burial which occurred at the Andrews site as a discrete
interment, as well as the Hogers site burial, represented the
complete individual. Discrete burial of cremated remains
was restricted to adult women at the Andrews site. The
recognition of these distinctions suggest that the practice of
cremation was being utilized as an element of social ritual
for distinguishing between individuals occupying socially dif-
ferentiated status positions. Age and sex distinction being
most crucial for understanding the crematory practices at the
sites studied.
(5) The burial practices as elucidated through this study
reveal a number of common features in the mortuary ceremon-
ialism represented at the Pomranky and Andrews sites while
the Hogers site is singularly distinctive. These findings
suggest much closer cultural ties between the societies repre-
sented at the former sites than either have with that repre-
sented by the latter.
Admittedly these conclusions are based on a very small
sample and the pan-social relability of the age-sex distinctions
discussed in the fourth point above are made tenuous on this
account. Regardless, the results should be sufficient to
point to the necessity for formal and comparative analysis of
cremated remains as a profitable approach to the study of
differing mortuary practices and to the way various classes of
individuals were differentially treated in mortuary rites.
110 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 44, No. 2
BIBLIOGRAPHY
(1) Baby, Raymond S.
1954 ' 'Hope well Cremation Practices." Papers in Archaeology.
No. 1, The Ohio Historical Society.
(2) Binford, Lewis R.
N. D. a. "The Pomranky Site; a Late Archaic Burial Station"
Anthropological Papers, Museum of Anthropology, The Un-
iversity of Michigan, Ann Arbor.
N. D. b. "The Rogers Site: A Late Archaic Burial Station"
Anthropological Papers, Museum of Anthropology, The Un-
iversity of Michigan, Ann Arbor.
(3) Gejvall, Av N-G
1959 "Nagot om Bestamning av Branda Ben och Deras Veter-
skapliga." Fynd Goteborg, Sweden, pp. 40-47.
(4) Krogman, Wilton M.
1939 "A Guide to the Identification of Human Skeletal Material"
Federal Bureau of Investigation, The Law Enforcement
Bulletin, Vol. 8, No. 8, Washington, D. C.
(5) Webb, Wm. S. and Snow, C. E.
The Adena People. The Uni
Anthropology and Archaeology, Vol. VI. Lexington.
1945 The Adena People. The University of Kentucky reports in
"" 1.
By
David A* Baerreis
and
Guest Reviewers
THE BOOKSHELF
This issue of THE BOOKSHELF has been turned over
almost entirely to the distaff side of the anthropological pro-
fession. Our lead review by Mildred Mott \Vedel is a fine
appraisal of Robert L. Hall's Carcajou Point report. Mrs.
Wedel, the wife of the Curator of Anthropology of the U. S.
National Museum whose recent book on Plains archaeology
is a major landmark of our time, has not simply absorbed her
archaeology in osmotic fashion but is an archaelogist in her
own right. As author of one of the earliest reports on
Oneota (Iowa Journal of History and Politics, 1938) as well
as the most recent, comprehensive study of this group in Iowa
(Missouri Archaeologist, 1959), she is ideally qualified for the
task. Not content with the review, Mrs. Wedel has also
contributed a brief "Note on Oneota Classification" which
appears immediately following the review. As the note is so
intimately connected with the content of the review, this
position seems more (appropriate than separate placement in
the journal.
In a second review, Catharine McClellan gives us an ap-
praisal of Paul MacKendrick's The Greek Stones Speak*
It has been our intention, so far as the editorial policy of THE
BOOKSHELF is concerned, to restrict coverage to the arch-
aelogy and ethnology of the Great Lakes and Upper Mississ-
ippi valley primarily, this region being most relevant to the
interests of the journal. But Professor MacKendrick as a
member of the Classics Department of the University of Wis-
consin provides us with a local tie. Further, Dr. McClellan
who has been on leave this year from her post in the Depart-
ment of Anthropology of the University of Wisconsin to
spend the winter among the Indians in Canada's Yukon Ter-
ritory, her special research concern for some years, has hoped
112 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 44, No. 2
that she might revive an earlier interest in classical archae-
ology by a trip to Greece during the summer months. Al-
though she has been accompanied by her two city-bred dogs
(appropriately dressed in Indian moccasins when they brave
the rigorous winter), writing a review on a study of ancient
Greece has doubtless been a useful and therapeutic reminder
of the amenities of civilization.
*****
The Archeology of Carcajou Point: With an Interpretation
of the Development of Oneota Culture in Wisconsin by
Robert L. Hall. The University of Wisconsin Press,
Madison, 1962; 2 vols., viii -:- 200 pp., 2 appendices,
bibliography and index in Vol. I and 83 plates and 15
tables in Vol. II. $8.00.
This publication is a modified doctoral thesis which was
prepared at the University of Wisconsin. It consists of one
volume of text and a second volume of maps, clear and num-
erous illustrations, and tables. It is good to have a Wis-
consin doctoral thesis in book form that one can pull from the
shelf at will.
For the most part, this is a report upon excavations made in
1957 at Carcajou Point on Lake Koshkonong, Jefferson
County, Wisconsin. Of wider significance, however, is the
interpretative chapter in which Hall discusses interrelation-
ships between components and established foci of the Upper
and Middle Mississippi cultures in Wisconsin, Minnesota,
Iowa and Illinois, and ultimately suggests the course of cul-
tural development that terminated in the Oneota Aspect (or
'Classic Oneota'). It is, therefore, a study of interest to
anyone concerned with Oneota materials, as well as to those
whose primary interest is Wisconsin archeology. It is of
more than casual interest because Hall has ably presented his
data, has effectively supplemented his archeological facts with
historical and ethnological material, and has given the kind of
thoughtful consideration to the problems scrutinized that
makes a stimulating discussion of them possible. The im-
portance of this work for all Wisconsin archeologists jus-
tifies a somewhat detailed review.
On the basis of surface finds, before excavation, it had been
assumed that Carcajou Point materials were mostly post-
The Bookshelf 113
contact in time. However, excavation revealed only three of
79 features with historical tie-ups. These are thought to
have been related to Winnebago occupation. All the historic
Winnebago material is designated the White Crow Com-
ponent although it may not all be due to White Crow's
village at this site. The final chapter of volume 1 is devoted
to documentation of Winnebago use of the area, and Ap-
pendix A discusses the collapse of Winnebago domination in
eastern Wisconsin.
The bulk of the site report deals with the prehistoric
manifestation which was explored in two large excavation
units and two small test squares, all within 350 feet of each
other. The numbered features were mainly refuse pits, both
"basin-shaped" and "beaker-shaped", and the discussion of
them (aside from specific contents) is a good example of
Hall's method of pulling in related archeological data and
ethnographic descriptions to make a very useful synthesis of
information on a subject in this case a cultural feature that
has at times been almost completely neglected in reports from
this area. Remains of two burials, possibly three (8 indi-
viduals), were found in pits; both primary and secondary in-
terment were indicated, and grave goods were present.
Postholes occurred in abundance, but their structural pur-
pose was often difficult to postulate. In several instances,
house types such as the mat-covered wigwam and the rec-
tangular, gabled summer house of historic \Visconsin Indians
were suggested. Of great importance was the discovery
and complete excavation of one "semi-subterranean" dwell-
ing which was rectilineal with rounded corners and a corner
entrance, and which was outlined by a foot-wide trench, 18"
deep, in which posts were set at intervals of a few feet. In-
terior roof support came from a large center post and other
widely-spaced interior posts. Certain expected features
such as a prepared floor surface and fire basin were not found,
nor were wattle or daub, and interpretation of refuse pit
associations was hampered by soil disturbance due to plowing.
Evidence of a similar house was noted nearby but could not
be excavated at that time. It is certainly to be hoped that
before long a much larger area can be carefully cleared here
in order to get more data on individual houses and possibly to
114 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 44, No. 2
obtain a settlement pattern for the community information
that would be very desirable for this period and area. This
might also offer a good opportunity to study the variations in
pottery from one household to another.
Three radiocarbon dates, circa A. D. 998, 1028, and 1528,
came from the prehistoric component. This time range and
the lateness of the last date raised interpretative problems.
Their solution was complicated by the fact that although oc-
cupation through possibly centuries was indicated, there was
no sharp physical stratification nor distinct cultural shift ap-
parent. Valid interpretation necessitated a study of structural
relationships between refuse pits and between house features
and pits, correlated with statistical studies of pottery type
and style occurrences, and associations. There was also con-
sideration of artifact typology other than pottery. Negative
evidence was considered as well as presence in the thorough
and complex anaylsis. The final opinion of Hall was that the
prehistoric or Carcajou Component revealed cultural contin-
uity, with gradual culture change, from an attenuated Middle
Mississippi culture in the direction of what Hall would call
the Classic Oneota Horizon of the Oneota Aspect. A hiatus
between the Carcajou and White Crow Components exists
at the site due to absence of Classic Oneota materials. Judg-
ment was reserved on acceptance of the latest of the radiocar-
bon dates, but the two earlier ones would seem to be ac-
ceptable.
The prehistoric complex is designated the Koshkonong
Focus with the terms Early and Late applied somewhat broad-
ly in describing certain attributes and trends. It is to be noted
that this use of the term 'focus' is not strictly in accordance
with the more purely descriptive, static concept set up in the
Midwestern Classification system. It is purposely used here
to apply to a cultural continuum through time and detailed
justification for this usage is presented on the basis of the
need to adjust terminology to archeological actuality.
There is no general summary of the 'lifeway' of the people
who lived at this site but one may find some of the informa-
tion for such a reconstruction in the analysis of organic re-
fuse and the description of the artifacts from the refuse pits.
They appear to have been a semi-sedentary people dependent
The Bookshelf 115
on a mixed economy of fishing, hunting, and gardening.
During the site occupation there was a shift from greater to
less use of bison and elk and white-tailed deer always the
dominant food animal. There was also a changing pattern
in the utilization of the lake resources. The non-pottery
artifact forms are all compatible with Middle or Upper
Mississippi trait lists. They are adequately described and
are illustrated as well.
Almost 3600 Mississippi complex sherds were used for
study of the pottery; almost 300 of these were rims, and
there was one complete vessel. The sherds were ultimately
divided by Hall into over twenty descriptive 'categories', a
'category' consisting of an established or proposed pottery
type, of a rim type, or a group of handles and lugs, a group
of sherds from toy pots, or even a single unclassified decor-
ated sherd, et cetera. Six new pottery types are proposed.
Each is based on not over ten sherds from the Carcajou
Component (with a whole vessel in one case) and is sup-
plemented by a few sherds or pots from a larger number of
individual sites throughout \Visconsin. Many of the sherds
are evidently large-sized giving good rim and shoulder
sections.
It would have been helpful in understanding the signifi-
cance of these Proposed Types if there had been a discussion
of the meaning of the term 'type' as it is used in this study
and of the theoretical considerations behind the choice of the
criteria on which the types were set up. Blessed now with
hindsight, I wish I had been more explicit in this matter in my
Oneota Orr Focus report. Such statements of theory and
procedure give desirable insight into the type descriptions
and result in much more precise understanding and accurate
use of the types by others.
For instance, it would seem to me that Hall's Carcajou
and Grand River Proposed Types differ from his 'Lake
Winnegabo Trailed' and Terrot Punctate' (App. B), Hen-
ning's 'Correctionville Trailed' (1961, p. 27) and my 'Alla-
makee Trailed' (1959, pp. 91-92) just as the Lake Kosh-
konong Focus differs from the Orr Focus. They too repre-
sent a development through a long time period and reflect
much more cultural variety and change. They have as
116 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 44, No. 2
their diagnostic traits (within the limitations of Mississippi
ware) the presence or absence of decoration and placement
of it when present. There is extensive variety in vessel
form. Certain features of form show change during the
focal time period; others occur in variety but do not show a
particular developmental trend; e.g. there are high and low
rims, vertical and everted, thickened and unthickened.
Decorative motifs and techniques are more stable.
The pottery types such as Correctionville Trailed or Lake
\Vinnebago Trailed, on the other hand, show greater uniform-
ity of vessel form along with the similarity in decoration.
They are definitely set apart from Middle Mississippi by
the very nature of their attributes, and in addition are con-
sciously defined in the comparative context of all Oneota As-
pect sites. These types may reflect a more homogeneous pop-
ulation than do the Proposed Types of Hall and certainly do
represent a shorter time period. It may sometime become
possible, through other sites, to set up types for parts of this
cultural continuum represented by the Koshkonong Focus
that will be more comparable in 'kind/ to the Oneota Aspect
types. Meanwhile, these Proposed Types serve a different
but useful purpose.
Although all these Proposed Types are noted as occurring
outside the Carcajau Component, there is no attempt to show
how the occurrences strengthen the validity of the Types
beyond geographical distribution. The Proposed 'Koshkon-
ong Bold' Type is said to occur in the Oneota Orr Focus
and at Leary. The relatively few sherds and vessels indic-
ated must be those which differ in no way in form or decor-
ation from the main body of the pottery except that the trail-
ing is done with the finger and may be bold in execution.
This has been considered by others as a slight technical (or
style) variation within a 'type'. Hall's Koshkonong Bold may
well have significance of some sort but it would not seem
to have the same validity in all the occurrences he mentions.
As stated before, the section of this book which deals with
the external relations of the Koshkonong Focus is probably
the most stimulating in the volume. Here Hall explicitly states
his thesis that the Koshkonong Focus is in the line of cul-
tural development which culminated in what has been called
The Bookshelf 117
the Oneota Aspect; he compares its position with that of the
Silvernale Focus (Minnesota) and Apple River Focus (north-
west Illinois). Each of these foci represent communities with
antecedents in the Middle Mississippi settlement of the Ca-
hokiia area, communities which seem to have existed for a
number of generations. The very real difficulties of fitting
such foci into the Midwest Classification System are enum-
erated and Hall suggests a system of classifications which
would conceive of Oneota as a 'tradition'. The 'Oneota tra-
dition' could be divided into three 'horizons', with the earliest
designated Emergent Oneota, the next, Developmental One-
ota, and the final one, Classic Oneota. The last category
would correspond to part, at least, of what has heretofore
been called the 'Oneota Aspect'. The two earlier divisions
are only tentatively defined, but the Koshkonong Focus
would straddle both. Within the tradition sequence, Hall re-
cognizes more than one 'group continuity'; one that appears
along the Mississippi River and ultimately became the Orr
(and Blue Earth Foci, one that appears farther east and be-
came the Lake Winnebago and Huber Foci. Hall feels
strongly that a classification system involving the tradition-
horizon concepts would be highly useful and effective for
Mississippian components in the general upper Mississippi
River area.
Dr. Hall is to be strongly commended for bringing into
print so much data from the upper Mississippi River area not
previously assembled and integrated. Several problems in-
volved in the general Oneota culture picture are pursued
profitably: the appearance of shell-tempered pottery in other-
wise Woodland cultures, the chronological significance of
plain pottery, punctates tas a style element, et cetera. In fact,
the amount of information incorporated into this book is very
impressive. The two volumes are a solid contribution to mid-
dlewestern archeology, and are an important addition to the
slowly increasing number of publications on the Oneota cul-
ture.
Mildred Mott Wedel
Washington, D. C.
118 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 44, No. 2
NOTE ON ONEOTA CLASSIFICATION
In the preceding review of Dr. Hall's book, note is taken
of a new classification system proposed for all Oneota ma-
terials. Hall describes the system's usefulness in the Upper
Mississippi area, but, of course, Oneota materials are more
widespread. It seems apropos to point out some of the prob-
lems connected with its application to Oneota sites farther
west and to do this in a journal like The Wisconsin Arche-
ologist which undoubtedly reaches all those working with
Oneota and related sites.
The region on which Hall concentrates is that where One-
ota Aspect materials were first formally recognized and de-
fined. Later, when similar manifestations came to light from
a larger area including eastern Illinois, Missouri, Nebraska
and Kansas, they too were included in the Oneota Aspect of
the Midwestern Classification System. The basis for group-
ing them together has been trait similarity with pottery par-
ticularly important, but other traits have not been neglected.
This total culture-trait comparison has been contributed to
the circumstance that the Aspect sites seem to fall into either
the late prehistoric or historic periods, or to extend from the
former into the latter. However, temporal relationships have
not been worked out between sites and foci within the Aspect
except in the broadest of terms.
Some sites that have detailed similarities within the Aspect
range have been grouped into foci: the Lake W^nnebago, the
Orr, the Correctionville, and the Blue Earth. Some sites still
stand alone, as Leary, Ashland (component B), and Stanton
(prehistoric component) in Nebraska and Utz in Missouri.
Although the Fanning (Kansas) and Huber (Illinois) sites
have both been classified in the Oneota Aspect, each stands
somewhat separate from the rest of the unit, and the temporal
or cultural reasons for this are not fully understood. There is
no question but that developmental continuities exist within
the Aspect between foci and sites, but the sequences are not
yet clear; as one example only, the two last foci named above
and the Shrake-Gillies site (Wisconsin) are undoubtedly re-
lated genetically, but no one has yet postulated a develop-
mental sequence for them.
The Bookshelf 119
Originally McKern included the \Valker-Hooper and re-
lated sites (Grand River Focus) in the Oneota Aspect, but
as that unit grew in size by the addition of other sites, mostly
to the westward, the complexion of the Aspect changed
slightly. The feeling developed among some archeologists
that the Grand River Focus differed significantly enough from
the rest of the Aspect to justify omitting it.
The new classification system discussed in Dr. Hall's book
comprehends a much larger body of archeological material
than does the Oneota Aspect, one which has been loosely
called by the single term 'Oneota' for years by some people.
It includes not only the site or site components heretofore
classed in the Aspect, but also certain other archeological
components which seem to precede developmentally certain,
at least, of the Oneota Aspect sites. These components,
particularly in pottery traits, show strong relationship with
the Old Village and Rock River Foci of the Middle Mississ-
ippi complex.
'Oneota' takes on the concept of a 'tradition' in the new
system, a tradition that is divided through time into 'horizons'
or stages. Three horizons are suggested: Emergent Oneota,
Developmental Oneota, and Classic Oneota, the most recent.
The earliest, according to Hall, would include the early half
of the Koshkonong Focus, the Walker-Hooper site, and pos-
sibly the Minnesota Bartron site. The Classic Oneota Hori-
zon would then be a stage "corresponding largely to the One-
ota Aspect as it has been described in the past" (Hall, vol.
1, p. 106).
Hall takes a tentative step further in classification and sug-
gests that certain "group continuities" are discernible through
time (vol. 1, pp. 156-157). These divide the 'tradition' ver-
tically and cut through the 'horizons'. They correlate with
ethnic groups. He indicates two such continuities and labels
them (vol. 2, p. 121) "Winnebago" and "Chiwere Sioux".
This diagram, according to the caption, pertains to develop-
ment of Oneota culture in \Visconsin and closely neighboring
areas"; its significance for western Oneota manifestations is
not indicated.
One of the important theoretical considerations that arises
in switching from a fundamentally descriptive classification
120 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 44, No. 2
like the Midwestern System to one expressing genetic and
time relationships is whether or not the archeological situation
is well enough known to make it workable. Dr. Hall evidently
feels that in \Visconsin all Upper Mississippi complex ma-
terials are part of the 'Oneota tradition' and does not feel that
cultural connotations implicit in the tradition-horizon system
will in any way hamper correct interpretation. His reason for
proposing it, as he explains in detail, is to show temporal and
genetic relationships more effectively and thus to facilitate
meaningful classification.
On the other hand, it is questionable if the archeological
situation at the Oneota sites farther west is well enough un-
derstood to warrant placing them in a classification system
that has these definite developmental implications. At the
December, 1960, impromptu conference in Columbia, Mo.,
the general opinion of those present who were involved with
western Oneota was that theoretically the new system as
presented by Dr. Hall was useful and that in the future a
tradition-horizon scheme of this sort would probably be the
best way to organize all Oneota materials.
Our present state of knowledge, however, presents diffi-
culties. If only part of the sites now included in the Oneota
Aspect are admitted into the Classic Oneota Horizon (Mo.
Arch'l. Soc. Newsletter, no. 148, p. 5; Hall, vol. 1, p. 106)
then use of the system while it brings to berth the 'floating
foci* of eastern Oneota sets afloat western Oneota sites
that have been anchored in the Aspect.
If all the sites now in the Aspect are considered to be in
the Classic Oneota Horizon, then the developmental implica-
tions may be inaccurate. Until more information is available,
It cannot propertly be assumed that all the western Oneota
Aspect sites are directly in the developmental streams indicated
as 'group continuities' by Dr. Hall. Perhaps the remarkable
cultural homogeneity that exists in such a geographically
widespread unit as the Oneota Aspect does mean that it
represents the peregrinations of a single ethnic group; cer-
tainly there are those who have thought so. Dr. Hall, by la-
belling one group continuity "Chiwere Sioux" evidently be-
lieves that the Utz site and related materials in Missouri came
from the line of development which resulted also in the Orr
The Bookshelf 121
and Blue Earth Foci. But take for instance the Stanton site
in Nebraska. Its pottery of the prehistoric component is no
more different from the Orr Focus pottery than is the Lake
\Vinnebago, and it unquestionably belongs in the Oneota
Aspect. But if it is prehistoric Omaha (Dhegiha Sioux),
then is it meaningful or useful to place it in a Classic Oneota
Horizon where the Developmental Horizon shows only foci
that contribute to the development of Winnebago and Chi-
were Siouan tribes? Fanning is a similar problem. And nei-
ther Stanton nor Fanning would seem to be in the same line
of development with the Osage materials. Although ultim-
ately Stanton may be found to tie in with the same 'group
continuity' as the Orr Focus, it is more important that think-
ing now on these problems not be hampered by a restrictive
or possibly misleading classification system. Until the Utz
site analyses are made, and there is further investigation of
'Oneota tradition' and Oneota Aspect sites in northwestern
Missouri and in Iowa, and until some radiocarbon dates are
forthcoming for Leary, Correctionville, and other sites, I do
not think that the possibility of other 'group continuities', per-
haps along the Missouri River, should be overlooked.
Morever, as noted above, the genetic and many temporal
relationships between foci and sites in the western part of the
Oneota Aspect are not known. Thus with interpretation
hampered by lack of information, western Oneota components
could only be represented at present in the Classic Oneota
Horizon by a listing of sites and foci and with no relation-
ships indicated between them.
Therefore, while the tradition-horizon scheme is useful in
the area with which Dr. Hall has been chiefly concerned, it
seems to me that it cannot be used easily or effectively farther
west at this time. There the Oneota Aspect still has validity
and usefulness, being a grouping of similar archeological ma-
terials from a shared time horizon within which genetic re-
lationships are not yet known and for which the earlier devel-
opmental directions are not understood with certainty.
Dr. Hall says that if the Aspect terminology and concept
continue to be used instead of the tradition-horizon system
(vol. 1, pp. 106-127), then he would put the Grand River and
Koshkonong Foci in the Oneota Aspect. This is due to his
122 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 44, No. 2
thinking mainly within the context of the Wisconsin-Minne-
sota-Illinois-eastern Iowa area and not looking at the entire
Oneota picture, for such classification would nullify the sig-
nificance the Aspect has for western Oneota and certainly
compound troubles for those currently struggling with its
problems. Viewing the larger Oneota situation, an alterna-
tive but makeshift course would be to consider the Develop-
mental Oneota Horizon as an aspect. Perhaps it is better, but
undeniably messy, to use the tradition-horizon system where
it can be used satisfactorily because it is closer to cultural
reality, and to keep the Aspect grouping for the western ma-
terials that cannot yet be interpreted properly for correct
placement in the other system. It is to be hoped that before
long increased knowledge will speed up the organization of
all Oneota components into the more coherent, culturally
realistic classification system.
The word 'Oneota' itself has been a source of confusion for
many years. It has meant many things to many people, rang-
ing from the tradition concept used by Griffin and Wisconsin
and Illinois oriented archeologists to much more specific
meaning used more often by those working farther west.
From now on, it will be even more confusing, and accurate
communication will only be possible when the word 'Oneota*
is never used alone but only in an adjectival sense, as "One-
ota Aspect' or 'Oneota tradition', or with an adjectival modi-
fier, as 'Classic Oneota'. I personally would approve of the
tradition being given a different name and regret that 'Upper
Mississippi* is not available.
Mildred Mott Wedel
Washington, D. C.
The Greek Stones Speak, The Story of Archaeology in Greek
Lands by Paul MacKendrick. St. Martin's Press, New
York, 1962; pp. xviii -f 470, 180 illustrations, bibliography,
and index of proper names. $7.50.
I burned my oil lamps late while reading this book, and it
was a great pleasure. The horned owl hooting from a near-
by spruce may have been terrifying the local Indians, but
Professor MacKendrick had successfully transferred me from
The Bookshelf 123
the frozen sub-arctic to the "Lyric Age" of Greece and had
transformed the owl into the charming Athenian bird on the
cover of his book.
In The Greek Stones Speak, MacKendrick gives us a fine
companion to his earlier volume on Italian archaeology. Any-
one interested in Greek archaeology will enjoy it and learn
much from it, and anyone going to Greece should certainly
make room for it in his luggage. The book has many virtues:
the scope is exceptionally broad; the information is both
scholarly and up to date; the writing and most of the profuse
photographs and plans are excellent; and there is a useful
bibliography and index. The whole is a supremely welcome
relief from the recent spate of breathless and careless journal-
ism purporting to acquaint us with the wonders of the Greek
past.
The general plan is chronological, moving from "The Ae-
gean in Prehistory" to "The Greek \Vorld Under Roman
Sway." \Vithin this framework, MacKendrick treats a series
of representative sites from each period, and from the entire
Mediterranean world, both east and west. He describes not
only the major discoveries at each place, but also the methods
of excavation and the varied conclusions reached about their
findings. To present such a combination of data requires
great skill and a formidable background of knowledge. For
the most part, however, MacKendrick guides us unerringly
from Schliemann at Troy to Rostovtzeff at Dura-Europus.
His emphasis necessarily falls most heavily on architecture
tand the other arts, since these have long been the prime con-
cerns of Greek archaeologists.
In a book so packed with concrete information, the author
cannot spin out all the pros and cons of interpretation to
which Greek archeological finds have been subjected, yet he
manages to highlight the main controversies, both past and
current, and to show how archeology has revealed whole sec-
tions of otherwise undocumented Greek development. He
also shows how often it has illumined written history.
MacKendrick makes it clear that important questions still
remain unanswered e. g. who were the first Greek speakers
in the Mediterranean but brief summaries at the close of
each chapter offer his personal interpretation of the general
124 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 44, No. 2
course of Greek culture history. From time to time he also
expresses his ideas about the nature of Greek genius. For ex-
ample, he feels rather strongly that the Greeks honored their
motto "Nothing in Excess" rather more in the breech than
not, and that if we are to understand the flamboyance of
later Greek architecture and art we must give up the notion
that cool restraint was a central fact of Greek behavior (pp.
171, 293, 384). The truth of the matter is surely more com-
plex than MacKendrick indicates, and I am sure he would
agree that it requires analysis of all aspects of Greek culture,
but thiat is a matter for a separate essay. The Athabascans
I am currently studying also constantly repeat, "nothing too
much" and rarely live up to the ideal, but they certainly
have achieved little that resembles Greek culture.
In any case, lest I go to too great excess either in praising
the book or pursuing unnecessary by-paths, let me enter a
few mild criticisms. Since MacKendrich stresses town sites
and architecture to such an extent, I would welcome a little
more precise discussion of the relationship between the set-
tlement patterns and the ecological backgrounds. Also, a few
of the groundplans have been so reduced in size as to be of
little use to the reader. I heartily applaud the many useful
maps, but wish that in some of the double page ones crucial
place names and whole islands had not disappeared into the
binding. Finally, the scale of the objects or buildings illus-
trated is not alwiays given, although there is usually informa-
tion for the most critical pieces either in the text or in the cap-
tion (e. g. 1.18, 1.19). This neglect to provide scale found
among both Old and New World archeologists is a pet
peeve of mine. I will never forget my astonishment when af-
ter a whole year of viewing slides illustrating objects of
Classical antiquity, I was confronted with some of the actual
items. A Greek kore which had loomed monstrous on the
screen turned out to be less than half life size, and pots which
I had thought to be tiny stood waist high. It is hard for those
familiar with the real thing to remember how poorly most
photographs convey size and distance. I hope MacKendrick
and everybody else will include scales in all future archae-
ological books.
Turkey Tails 125
I hope too, of course, that MacKendrick will soon write us
another volume as thorough and useful as those he has al-
ready published. They are popular in the best sense of the
word. If those who think they are interested primarily in
American (archeology will read them they will soon see not
only what it is that all archeologists have in common, but also
where it is that emphases and methodologies may sometimes
differ.
Catherine McClellan
University of Wisconsin
DO YOU HAVE ANY "TURKEY TAILS" OR CACHES
OF LEAF-SHAPED OR TRIANGULAR BLADES?
The Laboratory of Achaeology at the University of Chi-
cago is currently investigating the distribution and density of
late Archaic-Early Woodland cultures of the Midwest region.
One of the more diagnostic artifacts that can be related over
a wide area to this general time period is the "turkey tail"
point. Another typical artifact is the triangular or leaf-shaped
cache blade. These blades are normally found in caches or
with burials, and they often number from ten to five hundred
in a single find. If you have such a cache or any "turkey
tail" points, we would like to know about it.
We need your help. We must obtain as much information
about the distribution and number of these items as possible.
Only you, our amateur colleague, can provide this much
needed data.
If you have any "turkey tail" points in your collection we
would appreciate your writing to us and including the fol-
lowing information:
1 ) Name and address.
2) The number of "turkey tails" in your collection.
3) Where they were found, even if the only information
you have is the state and county.
Because we know that there are regional variations in the
shape and size of "turkey tails," we would greatly appreci-
ate your time and cooperation in including an outline tracing
of your specimens which will provide us with much additional
information.
126 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 44, No. 2
If you have any caches of leaf-shaped or triangular blades,
we would like:
1 ) Your name and address
2) Number of blades in the cache.
3) Where the cache was found, even if the only infor-
mation you have is the state and county.
In many cases, caches have been previously "reported."
Nevertheless, we would like to know the present whereabouts
of these caches so that we could possibly arrange to come and
study the specimens. The above information, together with
anything more you might add, will be very much appreciated.
Address your letters to:
Lewis R. Binford
Asst. Prof, of Anthropology
Dept. of Anthropology
University of Chicago
Chicago 37, Illinois
GEORGE R. FOX
We note with sorrow the death of George R. Fox on June
3, 1963 in Dowagrac, Michigan at the age of 83. Mr. Fox is
a long time member of the Society and a contributor of 12
articles to the Wisconsin Archeologist as well as articles to
other journals. His long and active interest in Midwestern
archeology did much to promote interest and knowledge in
this field. He will be missed by the Society both as a friend
and creative archeologist.
New Members 127
NEW MEMBERS
Ronald Cina, R. R. No. 1, Box 56, Pewaukee, Wis.
Elmer C. Daalmann, 1305 West Madison St., Milwaukee
4, Wis.
Robert Enler, Box 121, Pine Beach, New Jersey.
David Faulds, Route No. 2, De Pere, Wis.
Richard Groh, Route No. 2, Algoma, Wisconsin
Albertus Hoogeveen, P. O. Box 683, Pomona, California
George J. Knudson, Wendellwood, Route 1, Verona, Wis.
Lakeland Union High School, Hazel B. McGinnis, Librar-
ian, Minocqua, \Vis.
Lyman Center for Archeological Research, Van Meter
State Park, Miami, Missouri.
Ohio Historical Society Library, 1813 North High Street,
Columbus 10, Ohio.
James Reed, 1336 Waugoo Ave., Oshkosh, Wis.
University of California Library, Acquisitions Dept., Riv-
erside, California.
Bruce R. Weitermann, 4549 North 38th St., Milwaukee 9,
Wis.
Roger Williams, 622 Spring St., Batavia, Illinois
Annabel Wood, 170 Noyes St., Berlin, Wis.
128 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 44, No. 2
PLAINVIEW TYPE POINT
Found on the Borck Farm along Crawfish River,
about one mile north of Hubbleton, Dodge County.
Elmer Luther collection.
COMMITTEES:
MEMBERSHIP COMMITTEE: J. K. Whaley, Chairman. Herman
Zander, Phillip H. Wiegand.
PUBLICITY: Dr. E. G. Bruder, Chairman. Dr. Robert Ritzenthaler.
FRAUDULENT ARTIFACTS: J. K. Whaley, Chairman. Paul Scholz,
Martin Greenwald, Dr. Robert Ritzenthaler, Phillip H. Wiegand.
SURVEYING AND CODIFICATION: William M. Hurley, Chairman.
Ernest Schug, Edward Eichenberger, Lincoln Smith, Paul
Koeppler, Dr. E. G. Bruder, Dr. Stephan Borhegyi.
EDITORIAL: Dr. Robert Ritzenthaler, Chairman. Dr. D. A. Baer-
reis, Lee Parsons.
PROGRAM: Dr. Robert Ritzenthaler, Chairman. Dr. E. G. Bruder,
Herman Zander, Mrs. P. H. Wiegand.
LAPHAM RESEARCH MEDAL COMMITTEE: Dr. Robert Ritzen-
thaler, Chairman. Dr. David A. Baerreis, Dr. E. G. Bruder,
H. W. Cornell, Charles Schoewe.
The Charles E. Brown Chapter
Madison
(Meets second Tuesday, 7:45 P. M., State Historical Society,
October thru May)
President: Mr. David Mack
Secretary: Mrs. Charles Hemingway
Treasurer: Dr. Joan Freeman
THE WISCONSIN
ARCHEOLOGIfT
THE DISPERSAL OF COPPER ARTIFACTS IN THE
LATE ARCHAIC PERIOD OF PREHISTORIC
NORTH AMERICA, Ira L. Fogel
ANOTHER RADIOCARBON DATE FOR AZTALAN,
Robert Ritzenthaler
MEMBERSHIP IN THE SOCIETY FOR AMERICAN
ARCHAEOLOGY
THE BOOKSHELF
KANSAS CITY, MO.
129
180
181
182
Y
WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGICAL SOCIETY
Milwaukee, Wisconsin
Incorporated, 1906
For the purpose of advancing the study and preservation of
Wisconsin Indian Antiquities
OFFICERS
PRESIDENT
Paul Turney
VICE - PRESIDENTS
Dr. Stephan F. Borhegyi Paul Scholz Lee Parsons
Herman Zander Martin Greenwald
DIRECTORS
Dr. E. G. Bruder Phillip H. Wiegand
ADVISORY COUNCIL
Dr. D. A. Baerreis William Oestreich Ernest Schug
W. H. Cornell Neil Ostberg Lincoln Smith
Carlos Cortez E. K. Petrie J. K. Whaley
William Curkeet, Jr. Louis Pierron Dr. A. H. Whiteford
Edward Eichenberger Allen Prill Dr. Merrill Stockey
Dr. William Godfrey Arthur W. Quan Mrs. Phillip H. Wiegand
Dr. Robert Howard Ronald Mason Robert Hruska
Dr. Joan Freeman Dr. Chandler Rowe
TREASURER
Paul A. Koeppler, 5284 N. 83rd St., Milwaukee, Wis.
SECRETARY
Evan A. Hart, 1902 North 49th Street, Milwaukee 8, Wisconsin
EDITOR
Dr. Robert Ritzenthaler, Milwaukee Public Museum,
Milwaukee 3, Wis.
MEMBERSHIP FEES
The Wisconsin Archeologist is distributed to members
as part of their dues.
Life Members, $50.00 Endowment Members, $500.00
Sustaining Members, $5.00 Annual Members, $2.00
Institutional Members, $2.00
All communications in regard to the Wisconsin Archeological
Society and contributions to the Wisconsin Archeologist should be
addressed to Evan A. Hart, Secretary, 1902 North 49th Street, Mil-
waukee 8, Wisconsin. Entered as Second Class Matter at the Post
Office at Lake Mills, Wisconsin under the Act of August 21, 1912.
Office of Publication, 316 N. Main St., Lake Mills, Wis.
THE WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST
New Series
MILWAUKEE, WISCONSIN -- SEPTEMBER, 1963
Published Quarterly by The Wisconsin Archeological Society
THE DISPERSAL OF COPPER ARTIFACTS IN
THE LATE ARCHAIC PERIOD OF
PREHISTORIC NORTH AMERICA
Ira L. Fogel
PREFACE
The utilization and dispersal of raw materials in prehistoric
time is a subject that invites the attention of geographers as
well as archeologists. In this study an attempt is made to
understand how copper was dispersed in eastern North Am-
erica during the Late Archaic period. Of all scarce resources,
copper holds the unique position of being the first metal used
by the very early aboriginal population of eastern North Am-
erica. The metal was valuable by virtue of ( 1 ) its occurrence
in relatively isolated places, (2) the limited loci in which it
was mined, (3) the difficulty of the mining process, (4) the
distances over which the commodity was moved from source
areas to manufacturing points and places of utilization.
The time period which appears to hold the greatest poten-
tial for new insights is the Late Archaic period. This period
was similar to the Mesolithic era in European archeology,
which is characterized by polished stone artifacts and the
domesticated dog but lacks pottery or agriculture. The pre-
dominant uses of copper during the Archaic period are be-
lieved to be significantly different from the uses of copper in
the following Woodland period and probably reflect sig-
nificant differences in social organization. Moreover, the util-
ization of copper at this primitive level of technology was a
major accomplishment, and, accordingly, has attracted the at-
tention of numerous archeologists, collectors of antiquities,
and historians of mining technology.
The specific questions raised in this paper may be stated as
follows: Since it is known that Wisconsin yields the largest
number of Archaic copper artifacts, and the numbers diminish
in other states, what relationships or differences existed in
130 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 44, No. 3
terms of time, culture groups, environmental changes, distance
from the source of raw material or center of manufacture,
major regional associations or modes of dispersal? And, does
such knowledge contribute to our understanding of trade,
adaptions to major ecosystems, and cultural diversity or de-
velopment? Perhaps this type of analysis could be used to
answer other questions involving copper as an element in
prehistoric cultures, or as a methodology for understanding
the role that exotic materials play in cultural systems.
The most difficult and frustrating part of this study was the
collection and verification of the descriptive and metrical at-
tributes, and the determination of the chronological and cul-
tural context of the specimens. No single archeological report
was satisfactory for the purposes of the study. It was neces-
sary to visit museums, correspond with many collectors, stu-
dents, and professionals, and rely on much unpublished data.
I am greatly indebted, therefore, to a great many people.
\Vithout their time and effort this undertaking would not have
been possible. Among those who provided me with specific
information or allowed me to examine material in their cus-
tody are Jim Brown of the Illinois State Museum, Joan E.
Freeman of the Museum of the State Historical Society of
Wisconsin, Emerson F. Greenman and Albert C. Spaulding
of the University of Oregon, Robert J. Hruska of the Osh-
kosh Public Museum, George I. Quimby of the Chicago Na-
tural History Museum, Robert E. Ritzenthaler of the Milwau-
kee Public Museum, David E. Taggart of the University of
Michigan, and Kirk W^haley of Milwaukee.
In addition, I wish to express grateful appreciation to Lewis
R. Binford of the Department of Anthropology and Marvin
"vV. Mikesell of the Department of Geography at the Univer-
sity of Chicago for valuable assistance and critical comments
on the original manuscript. During the writing of the M. A.
thesis in the Department of Geography at the University of
Chicago the author benefited especially from the numerous
suggestions and criticisms of Mr. Binford. Mr. Mikesell of-
fered helpful guidance during the difficult formative stages of
the study. Numerous archeologists have been kind enough
to read the original M. A. thesis and offer suggestions. Any
errors of fact or interpretation remaining are those of the
Copper Artifact Dispersal 131
author. The outline maps are used with the permission of the
Goode Base Map Series of the Department of Geography at
the University of Chicago.
Finally, I wish to acknowledge the assistance of my par-
ents. Their support during the period when I was studying
at the University of Chicago allowed me to devote my time
to this effort.
132 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 44, No. 3
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
PREFACE .__ 129
LIST OF TABLES 133
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS 134
Chapter
I. INTRODUCTION 135
The Late Archaic Time Period
Distribution of Sites
Typology of Late Archaic Copper Artifacts
II. ANALYSIS OF DISTRIBUTION 157
Regional Variations
Comparison of Samples
Dispersion
Temporal Variations
III. COPPER DISPERSAL AS EVIDENCE OF
CULTURAL CHANGE 168
Regional Differentiation
Routes of Dispersal
APPENDIX I 174
BIBLIOGRAPHY . 176
Copper Artifact Dispersal 133
LIST OF TABLES
Table Page
1. Radiocarbon Dates from Copper Archaic Sites 140
2. Copper Archaic Sites and Locations 142
3. Types of Copper Artifacts 151
4. List of Unique Specimens 152
5. Tabulation of Archaic Copper Artifacts __ 153
6. Frequencies of Artifacts and Loci in Four Regions 159
7. Frequencies of Beads and Loci in Four Regions 159
8. Frequency Distribution for Groups of Artifact
Classes within Four Regions 159
9. Chi-Square Computations for 4 x 5 Contingency Table 160
10. Frequency of Comparable Types of Copper Artifacts
from the Hamilton Collection from Sites in Wisconsin 161
11. Chi-Square Computations for 2 x 4 Contingency Table 161
12. Frequency Distribution of Copper Artifacts with
Distance from Postulated Centers 164
13. Frequency of Loci in Three Phases of the Copper
Archaic Period 166
14. Frequency of Copper Artifacts in Three Phases of the
Copper Archaic Period 166
15. Chi-Square Computations for 3 x 4 Contingency Table 167
134 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 44, No. 3
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
Figure Page
1. Chronology of Prehistoric Complexes in the Great
Lakes Region, ca. 500 A. D. to ca. 2500 B. C. 139
2. Approximate Range of Copper Archaic Complexes in
North America According to Other Authors 144
3. Index Map to Copper Archaic Sites 147
4. Types of Projectile Points 148
5. Types of Knives, Crescent Knives (Ulos), Spuds
(Socketed Adzes), and Some Ornaments 149
6. Types of Celts and Related Forms and Awls 150
7. Distribution of Projectile Points (Class 1) 154
8. Distribution of Knives (Class 2 - . ) and
Crescent Knives (Class 3 = o) _ -154
9. Distribution of Awls and Pikes (Class 4) 155
10. Distribution of Celts and Adzes (Class 6) and
Spuds (Class 7) - 155
11. Distribution of Very Small Awls -Fish Gorges
(4F, 7B = . ) and Fish Hooks (7A = o) - - 156
12. Distribution of Beads (Class 8) 156
13. Distribution of Ornaments (Class 9) 157
14. Regional Delimitation of Sites 158
15. Distance in 100-Mile Intervals from Keweenaw
Peninsula Mining Center 163
16. Distance in 100-Mile Intervals from Riverside
Cemetery at Menominee River Green Bay 163
17. Possible Transmission Routes Showing Relative
Volume of Copper Flow in the Early Phase of the
Late Archaic Period, ca. 3600 to 4100 Years Ago _ _ 171
18. Possible Transmission Routes Showing Relative
Volume of Copper Flow in the Middle Phase of the
Late Archaic Period, ca. 3150 to 3550 Years Ago _. _ 172
19. Possible Transmission Routes Showing Relative
Volume of Copper Flow in the Late Phase of the
Late Archaic Period, ca. 2800 to 3100 Years Ago 173
Copper Artifact Dispersal 135
CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION
During the first half of this century, archeologists and
amateur collectors found copper artifacts at numerous local-
ities in Wisconsin. The great antiquity of these artifacts
was demonstrated by heavy patination, occasional deep cor-
osion, and frequent lack of association with other artifacts
or human bones. Similar copper artifacts were uncovered in
Michigan, Minnesota, New York, Ontario, and elsewhere,
and the archeological literature includes numerous commen-
taries on copper trade. In 1942, W. C. McKern applied the
term "Old Copper Culture" to a complex of \Visconsin copper
artifacts. Nevertheless, until 1946 no site had been reported
that could supply more information on the tool assemblage
and livelihood of this ancient people. J
Excavations of some recently discovered sites in \Visconsin
and Michigan have added much additional information on the
Late Archaic period in the Upper Great Lakes region. The
trait complexes from these sites show striking similarities to
trait complexes of Archaic and Transitional sites in neighbor-
ing states, including some of the copper forms that are so abun-
dant on the surface of eastern Wisconsin. Since the ultimate
source of the copper material is in Upper Michigan and the
vast majority of implements are in eastern Wisconsin, 2 a dis-
tributional study of copper artifacts in general and certain
specific forms in particular, offers an excellent opportunity to
Warren L. Wittry and Robert E. Ritzenthaler, "The Old Copper
Complex: An Archaic Manifestation in Wisconsin," American
Antiquity, XXI, No. 3 (1956), p. 244.
Warren L. Wittry, "A Preliminary Study of the Old Copper Com-
plex," The Wisconsin Archeologist, n. s., XXXII, No. 1 (March,
1951), 1-18.
136 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 44, No. 3
trace the dispersal of raw material and artifacts during the
Late Archaic period.
Although copper, particularly drift copper, may have been
used during the middle portion of this period, 3 it became a
commonplace material for tools and ornaments only in the
terminal phase of the Archaic period. Unfortunately, natural
and human disturbance of the material remains of Archaic
peoples have obliterated evidence of the vast majority of
habitation and burial sites. Most of the copper artifacts in
private hands or in museums were collected as "surface
finds," particularly in the eastern portion of \Visconsin.
It is evident, therefore, that the limited information about
the distribution of copper artifacts and their cultural associa-
tions requires special methods of analysis and control in or-
der to explain differences in the occurrence and utilization of
copper material, and the revelation of differences to culture
and environment at this time horizon.
Accurate knowledge of the distribution of important cate-
gories of artifacts would seem to be essential for any analysis
of resource utilization and goods transmission during prehis-
toric times. Unfortunately, broad generalizations are often
all that have been made concerning prehistoric movements
of commodities and their role in cultural diversity and devel-
opment. In the case of copper products, no systematic attempt
has previously been made to ascertain which styles are indic-
ative of particular time or culture periods, or if differential
concentrations or relations to particular environments oc-
curred.
In order to obtain precise and controlled data for under-
standing these questions of developmental and external re-
lations, only material found in primary archeological context
were considered in this study. The available information on
chronology is summarized in this chapter with a discussion of
the artifacts and a summmary of the research. In Chapter
II attention is focused on the analyses of some observed var-
iations in copper distributions. The frequency distributions
3 Melvin L. Fowler and Howard Winters, Modoc Rock Shelter
Preliminary Report (Illinois State Museum: Report of Investiga-
tions, No. 4; Springfield: State of Illinois, 1956), p. 39.
Copper Artifact Dispersal 137
obtained are amenable to specific types of statistical anal-
yses, both associational and spatial. The associational anal-
yses attempt to show relationships of attribute classes, i. e.,
the degree of association or variation among sites, regions,
classes of artifacts, or groupings of artifacts. The spatial
analysis attempts to show relationships of dispersion, i. e., the
degree of concentration, either in relation to a focal point or
to a known or postulated area of significance. The primary
objective of these analyses is to ascertain only the most
general variations in the distribution patterns of copper in
Archaic times. The final chapter presents some broader views
of the problems of commodity dispersal and regionalization,
and some new questions and hypotheses are offered concern-
ing the probable routes of transmission and the probable role
of culture in the distribution and differential utilization of
copper.
The Late Archaic Time Period
The most interesting feature of the Late Archaic period is
the archeological evidence of rapid and dramatic changes in
the cutural content of the eastern portion of the North Amer-
ican continent. One of the distinctive developments of the
earliest manifestations of the Late Archaic era is the appear-
ance of a copper-working technology and the dispersion of
copper products over great distances. The first culture com-
plexes to include copper formed part of a widespread Lauren-
tian or Laurentian-like tradition which extended from New
York through all the states and provinces bordering the
shores of the Great Lakes. In Wisconsin and Michigan these
complexes are called "Old Copper." 4
During the closing phase of the Late Archaic period (some-
times considered part of a Transitional period) the rate of
change and development increased. 5 Two aspects of these
changes have important consequences for the dispersal of
copper. First, many new forms of copper artifacts appear.
4 James B. Griffin, "Some Prehistoric Connections between Siberia
and America," Science, CXXXI, No. 3403 (March 18, 1960), pp.
811-812.
s The terms "Archaic" and "Late Archaic" are used as customary
chronological and "culture-complex" markers and not as devel-
opmental terms.
138 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 44, No. 3
Secondly, there is an apparent beginning of more complex
patterns of social organization, particularly in the area south
of the Great Lakes. The Great Lake region subsequently as-
sumed less importance as a center of dispersal and cultural de-
velopment. It is within this Transitional period that a hiatus
in the Great Lakes excavational record offers a practical time
limit for this study, for the task of separating or distinguish-
ing a site on the basis of its orientation to a Late Archaic or
an Early Woodland cultural setting is often difficult. The
exclusion of the final phases of the Transitional period re-
duces the scope of the investigation and may increase the
likelihood of missing some significant aspect of shifts in
copper diffusion or copper dispersal still oriented toward the
Great Lakes culture complexes. This possible shortcoming
is unavoidable.
The most current estimates of the age and relationship of
selected Archaic and Woodland culture complexes are shown
in Figure 1. One concept that cannot be represented ade-
quately in this type of figure is the degree of overlap and
sharing of culture traits among the culture complexes. 6 The
progress made in relative and absolute dating of sites and
culture groups of higher and more encompassing character
since the emergence of radiocarbon dating, has led to major
revisions in the position and span of culture periods, usually
by increasing each time period. The most important or crit-
ical sites in this study, those Great Lakes sites known for
their Archaic copper artifacts, have yielded radiocarbon age
determinations covering a considerable time span. To the ex-
tent that these dates are consistent with the archeological
data, the identification of the Archaic in the Great Lakes sup-
ports the chronological position of the associated styles of
copper artifacts. The term "Copper Archaic" for this time
interval appears to be justified for the purposes of this study.
Table 1 gives the published dates that pertain to the Copper
Archaic sites. The dates in the first section range from 890
6 Ibid., p. 803. Fig. 1 follows the plan presented by Griffin in his
chronology chart. A more elaborate charge of the relative chron-
ology of eastern prehistoric culture complexes is presented in
Archeology of Eastern United States, ed. James B. Griffin (Chi-
cago: University of Chicago Press, 1952), Fig. 205.
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HO WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 44, No. 3
to 2010 B. C. By including the largest standard deviation for
the extreme ends of the period, the time span for the Copper
Archaic phase is about 1,500 years (830 to 2345 B. C.). The
second section lists dates of Middle Archaic range. The
Oconto dates are controversial and are presented here with
this qualification in mind, since no attempt is made to assess
their validity. The third section contains a date which is
wholly inconsistent with the archeological evidence.
FIG. 1
TABLE 1. Radiocarbon Dates from Copper Archaic Sites
Location Number a Age
Late Archaic Dates
Inverhuron, Ontario S-60 av. 891 - 60 B. C.
Klunk Mound No. 7, Illinois M-1160 908- 75
Oberlander No. 2, New York C-192 c av. 998 - 170
Isle Royale copper pit M-320 1045 - 170
Riverside Cemetery, Michigan M-658 1083-150
Andrews, Michigan * M-659 1211-150
Osceola, Wisconsin M-643 1942-125
Reigh, Wisconsin M-644 1702-125
Isle Royale copper pit W291 ) ' 1355 - 200
Isle Royale copper pit M371 e ) 1845-250
Feeheley, Michigan M-1139 1970-150
Frontenac Island, New York Y-459 2012- 80
Middle Archaic Dates
Modoc Rock Shelter, Illinois C-899 & C-90(K av. 3659-165
Oconto, Wisconsin <-' C-836^ 3647-600
Oconto, Wisconsin e C-837 & C-839^ av. 5557-600
Inconsistent Date
Muskalonge Lake, New York 650 - 250 A. D.
a All dates except M-1139 and M-1160 are listed in the article by
Arthur J. Jelinek, "An Index of Radiocarbon Dates Associated with
Cultural Materials," Current Anthropology, III, No. 5, December,
1962, pp. 451-77.
b All C-14 dates include one standard deviation. University of
Michigan dates are published as two standard deviations.
c The less accurate solid-carbon counting technique was used.
d Sample M-941 from this site is from a pre- copper component
(about 3341-300 B. C.).
e Recent publications and personal communications dispute the
connection between copper and the dated material.
f Same wood sample used.
Copper Artifact Dispersal 141
Distribution of Sites
Although no previous work has been designed specifically
to show dispersal of Archaic copper artifacts, several authors
have contributed to the subject. Griffin has suggested ap-
proximate limits for "Old Copper" artifacts; 7 Cunningham
has summarized the available information on Glacial Kame
sites; 8 Ritchie has summarized the results of excavations on
Brewerton and Point Peninsula I sites, 9 and Ritzenthaler and
Quimby have analyzed material from Red Ocher finds. J0
The extent of these complexes, as conceived by these authors,
is illustrated in Figure 2. ll
It appears that the dispersal of Archaic copper was organ-
ized primarily around the Great Lakes and secondarily
around the streams and lakes that drain the lands adjacent
to the Great Lakes. In Figure 3 the loci of Copper Archaic
sites are plotted, and in Table 2 the locations of these sites
are summarized.
Typology of Late Archaic Copper Artifacts
In a paper devoted largely to geographic themes, the use
of a new "typology" or classification was an essential first
step or "stage" in ordering the data. The reason is threefold:
First there is no previous copper classification based upon
artifacts found in primary archeological context, that is, in
association with artifacts which can "date" the copper items.
7 James B. Griffin, ed., Lake Superior Copper and the Indians:
Miscellaneous Studies of Great Lakes Prehistory (Museum of Anthro-
pology: Anthropological Papers, No. 17; Ann Arbor: University of
Michigan, 1961).
8 Wilbur M. Cunningham, A Study of the Glacial Kame Culture in
Michigan, Ohio, and Indiana (Museum of Anthropology: Occasional
contributions, No. 12; Ann Arbor: University of Michigan, 1948).
9 William A. Ritchie, The Pre-Iroquoian Occupations of New York
State (Museum Memoir, No. 1; Rochester: Rochester Museum of
Arts and Sciences, 1944).
10 Robert E. Ritzenthaler and George I Quimby, "The Red Ocher
Culture of the Upper Great Lakes and Adjacent Areas," Fieldiana:
Anthropology, XXXVI, No. 11 (March 27, 1962), pp. 266-271.
11 The small amount of copper found in Kentucky in an Archaic
context is not adequate for consideration and analysis in this study.
The cultural context of the copper material from Manitoba, North
Dakota, and Minnesota is not clear, but is likely to be significant
when cultural and chronological data becomes available.
16
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144 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 44, No. 3
Secondly, descriptions of copper items in some site reports
are so poor that the item in question defies identification. The
typology was partly designed to circumvent this inadequacy.
Thirdly, many types of copper implements commonly found
in other typologies, particularly some knives and projectile
points, have never been found in excavated Archaic sites.
In some classes of copper artifacts the total number of
specimens was very small while the number of distinguishable
FIG. 2 Approximate range of Copper Archaic complexes in North
America according to other authors.
f=^ Area of "Old Copper (after Griffin, ed., 1961)
Area of Glacial Kame (after Cunningham, 1948)
Area of Red Ocher (after Ritzenthaler and Quimby, 1962)
Area of Brewerton and Point Peninsula I (after Ritchie,
1944)
Copper Artifact Dispersal 145
varieties was quite large. Since the significance of each var-
iety could not be ascertained from such a small sample, the
varieties were grouped into classes which shared a number
of more general features. These groupings were given the
provisional type designations that are listed in Table 3. One
problem of special interest is the occurrence of beads, awls,
and celts through an extremely long temporal span. I2 The
important general criteria for the type-groupings within each
class are summarized below in Table 3.
Class 1 The projectile points are divided into ten types.
While most of the types are very distinct, several types
represent groupings of stylistic varieties whose true status
cannot be determined from the small sample available for this
study. An attempt was made to organize the projectile points
into as few type-groupings as possible, because analysis and
generalization are extremely difficult with a highly fragmented
typology. The projectile point types are illustrated in Figure
4. A few points and harpoons not included in the typology
are not illustrated.
Class 2 The knives are of two similar varieties found in
separate sites. Both varieties have straight top edge, blades,
and stems.
Class 3 The crescent knives are two closely related util-
itarian styles. The first type occurs at four sites and the
second occurs at only one site.
Class 4 The perforators represent a very common form
of copper implement and, as a class, yield enough metrical
data to allow a statistical analysis of this class. It was found
that the width-to-thickness ratio furnished the only distinct
form of segregation. The four clusters form the first four awl
types. A fifth type, small awls, was established on the basis
of a frequency distribution of the lengths of all specimens.
The curve was bimodal, suggesting two distinct types on the
basis of length. A normal distribution was obtained for the
specimens longer than approximately six centimeters.
Class 5 Two varieties of spuds, or socketed adzes are in-
12 John W. Bennett, "The Prehistory of the Northern Mississippi
Valley," Archeology of Eastern United States, ed. James B. Griffin
(Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1952), pp. 111-113.
i 46 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 44, No. 3
eluded. The first is relatively rare but extensive in distribu-
tion, while the second is more abundant but also more local-
ized in occurrence.
Class 6 The celts and related forms were divided on the
basis of an assumed functional relationship among shape,
size, cross section, and condition of the edges. Generally, the
dimensions of the celt forms were good indexes of type.
Class 7 The fishing implements are divided into fish-
hooks and gorges. The difference between gorges and very
small awls (Type 4F) is not clear. Some writers have la-
beled this form as a gorge and others as an awl. Small awls
or gorges are not included in the analyses in Chapter II.
Class 8 The beads are divided into the very general
categories illustrated in Figure 5. They are the most widely
distributed of all copper artifacts of the Late Archaic period.
In spite of this wide occurrence beads have seldom received
more attention than a mere acknowledgment in most site re-
ports. It is therefore very difficult to determine stylistic var-
iations in form or in the manner of stringing and they are
not incuuded in the analysis in Chapter II.
Class 9 The ornaments represent generalized groups be-
cause most specimens appear to be highly individualistic.
This applies mainly to the crescental and circular types. Or-
naments other than beads seem to have limited distributions.
Some of the copper artifacts seem to be material substitutes
for other types of materials. The most widely occurring
types of artifacts of this nature are plummets, barbed har-
poons, and convexo-rectanguloid gorgets. These items are
commonly made of stone, bone, and shell, respectively. Only
one copper plummet, one copper harpoon, two copper con-
vexo-rectanguloid gorgets have ever been found in primary
archeological contexts. '3 Unique items in the site literature
were not included in the typology. These are listed in Table
4. In only one site do copper stains on neck and skull bones
J 3 In some instances, the notes and collections of individuals and
institutions have been useful in questions of typology. I wish to thank
Lewis R. Binford, Robert J. Hruska, Dan Morse, Neil Ostberg, Al-
bert C. Spaulding, David W. Taggart, and Warren L. Wittry for per-
mission to use unpublished material.
Copper Artifact Dispersal
147
FIG. 3. Index map to Copper Archaic sites.
attest to the former presence of copper beads. In a few other
sites, the copper fragments are too meager to permit identifi-
cation of a specific artifact. Only a small percentage of the
sites have been systematically excavated, and the remainder
are usually single burial features encountered accidentally in
farming or mining operations.
Terms such as "copper artifact population," which are used
in the next chapter, refer to all types of copper artifacts ex-
cept Type 4F (small awls), Type 7B (fish gorges), and
Types 8A, B, and C (beads). In many site reports the des-
criptions are too vague to give credence to such functional
designations as "small awls" and "fish gorges." In other re-
ports the presence of small awls or fish gorges is suggested,
but no information is offered on quantity or size. Beads are
often inadequately reported or described, and it is often im-
148 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 44, No. 3
o
1 B
1 A
1 C
A
1 D
H
1 I
1 G
1 E
1 J
5 cm.
FIG. 4.~-Types of projectile points.
Copper Artifact Dispersal
149
2 A
7 A 7 B
5 cm,
9 E
2 B
O
8 A
8 B
8 C
FIG. 5. Types of knives, crescent knives (ulos), spuds (socketed
adzes), and some ornaments.
150 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 44, No. 3
6 A
6 D
6 E
5 cm.
6 P
4 A, 4 B, 40, 4 D, 4 E
6. Types of celts and related forms and awls.
TABLE 3 Types of Copper Artifacts
es
Description
Wittry Typology
Projectile Points
Blade
Stem
oss-section Length
Cross-section Length
veled long
socketed long
-J
veled long
socketed short
-J
veled short
flat long
-I
veled long
flat long
-I
iged long
socketed short
-Al & A2
Iged long
flat
I-H
>nical - pointed
circular
I-N
it long
flat short
I-K (?)
at short
rat-tailed long
I-C
it long
socketed long
Knives
'igh type
II -Al
ceola type
II -D
Crescent Knives
iigh type (Blair type I)
III -A
air type II
III -A
Perforators
uare awls
(Cross-section ratio 1.000 to 1.267)
IV-A & B
ztanguloid awls
(cross-section ratio 1.333 to 1.6666)
IV-A & B (?
:tangular awls
(cross-section 2.154 to 2.667)
IV-B
t awls
(cross-section ratio 3.333)
IV-C (?)
tes
(width greater than 1.2 cm.)
IV-E
lall awls
(any cross-section, very short lengths)
edles
IV-D
Spuds
;igh type
(wedge bit, long socket)
V-C
ceola type
(blunt bit, antler j butt socket)
V-D
Celts and Related Forms
tall celts
(non-symmetrical shape; flat bit;
VI-C
biconvex transverse cross-section)
tg celts
(symmetrical shape; expanding, convex
bit; biconvex transverse cross-section)
VI -C
dges
(contracting bit; hammered butt)
VI-G
ig axes
(non-symmetrical shape; flat bit;
long blade)
ncave axes
(symmetrical biconcave shape; slightly
expanding bit; thin cross-section)
VI -F
zes
(tends to rectangular shape; flat bit;
VI-J
concavo-convex transverse cross-section)
Fishing Implements
nhooks
VII -A
rges
VII -B
Beads
lall, fine beads (under 3 mm.
diameter)
X
sdium to large barrel-shaped
reads
X
ig, thin tubular beads (length (
>ver 3 times diameter)
X
Other Ornamental Forms
ascents
IX - (?)
igs and circular pendants
isps
ig tubes
ctangular gorgets
152 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 44, No. 3
possible to give a weighted numerical value to beads when
making frequency counts of artifacts. To include these items
in the calculations of the following chapter would distort the
conclusions considerably. Table 5 is a tabulation of the
"copper artifact sample" by site. The group of distribution
maps that follow these tables show the location of the major
classes of copper artifacts.
TABLE 4. List of unique specimens
Site
Class
Item
Reigh
9
Celt-shaped item with parallel-sided,
longitudinal cross-section (pendant?)
Reigh
9
Headband ornaments
Reigh
?
Rivet
Oconto
?
Spatula shapes
Oconto
9
Bracelet
Oconto
9
Spirally-rolled tube
Oconto
9
Pendant
Oconto
1
Projectile point with missing stem
Oconto
1
Double-pointed projectile point
Riverside
1
One-barbed socketed harpoon
Menominee
6
Chisel
Feeheley
6
Small celt with long, awl-like tang
Feeheley
6
Small, thin, rectangular celt
Andrews
1
Four-barbed harpoon
Ridgeway
9
Punctated plate
Les Galops Rapids
1
Very long beveled, socketed projectile
point
Les Galops Rapids
1
Long, ridged projectile point with
plain stem
Les Galops Rapids
1
Long, flat projectile point with plain
stem
Les Galops Rapids
1
Short, beveled projectile point with
plain point
Muskalonge Lake
-
Flaking tool (?)
Oberlander No. 1
6
Chisel fragment
Frontenac Island
?
Foliated fragment
Starved Rock
1
"Plainview" type point
Elm Point
9
Plummet
Morse
9
Bi-concave two-holed gorget
Hatten Mound
9
Foliated fragment
I
<s
X
5 1
3 :
3
154 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 44, No. 3
Fig. 7. Distribution of projectile points (Class 1).
Fig. 8. Distribution of knives (Class 2 = -) and crescent knives _.
(Class 3 = o).
Copper Artifact Dispersal
155
Fig. 9. Distribution of awls and pikes (Class 4).
Fig. 10 Distribution of celts and adzes (Class 6) and spuds (Class 5).
156 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 44, No. 3
Fig. 11. Distribution of very small awls-fish gorges (4F, 7B = .)
and fish hooks (7A = o).
Fig. 12. Distribution of beads (Class 8).
Copper Artifact Dispersal
157
CHAPTER II
ANALYSES OF DISTRIBUTION
Regional Variations
A preliminary inspection of the data given in Chapter I
suggests that it is possible to test for real variations in copper
artifact frequencies between spatial and temporal isolates.
On the basis of spatial proximity of sites, four regions have
been constructed. These regions are delimited in Figure 14
and the artifact and site frequencies for each region are listed
in Table 6. Table 7 shows copper bead frequencies. These
data suggest that regional variations are significant. They
may also verify previous publications concerned with the
very high density of Archaic copper artifacts in \Visconsin
(Region I).
Chi-square tests were made to indicate whether the ob-
served frequencies in a distribution differ significantly from
the frequencies that might be expected according to some
assumed hypothesis. The question is whether the calculated
value of chi-square is sufficiently great to refute a Null
Hypothesis that the observed discrepancy between the actual
frequency and the expected frequency could have arisen by
Fig. 13. Distribution of ornaments (Class 9).
158 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 44, No. 3
Fig. 14. Regional delimitation of sites (see Appendix I for list of
sites within each region).
chance. I4 The frequency distribution of classes of copper
artifacts for each region is shown in Table 8 and the compu-
tations for chi-square are shown in Table 9.
The calculations shown in Table 9 indicate that there is a
probability of only one in a thousand that the observed dis-
tribution could have arisen by chance (that is, less than the
0.001 level of significance), and that the differences are not
simply a function of sampling vagaries. Therefore the Null
Hypothesis is rejected. It is most likely that the same mag-
nitude of suggested difference would be obtained regardless
of the way regions were defined, since Wisconsin maintains
relative proportions of about 2:1 over the other territories
combined in all classes of copper artifacts except celts and
adzes. This suggests that functional correlation between re-
gions and classes of artifacts are controlled by cultural and
or environmental factors.
J 4M. J. Moroney, Facts from Figures (3rd ed. rev.; Baltimore:
Penquin Books, Inc., 1960), pp. 249-250.
Copper Artifact Dispersal
159
TABLE 6. --frequencies oi' artifacts and loci in four regions
Loci
Artifacts
Number
Percentage
Number
Percentage
I
II
III
IV
Total
11
7
10
9
29.73
18.92
27.03
2U.32
188
27
26
38
67.87
9.75
9.39
13.00
17.09
3.86
2.60
U.oo
37
100.00
279
100.01
7.U9
TABLE 7. Frequencies of beads and loci in four regions
Loci
Beads
Number
Percentage
Number
Percentage
I
II
III
IV
Total
8
9
8
6
25.81
29.03
25.81
19.35
695
1220
700
390
23.13
fcO.60
23.29
12.98
86.88
135.56
87.50
65.00
31
100.00
3005
100.00
96.9U
TABLE 8. Rrequency distribution for groups of artifact classes within four
regions
Regions
I
II
III
IV
Projectile points (1)
Knives and ulos (2 & 3)
Awls (U)
Spuds and celts (5 & 6)
Ornaments (9)
Total
71
20
57
15
18
2
io
11
U
5
*2
15
U
ii
15
3
82
20
80
56
25
181
27
22
33
263
Comparison of Samples
The distribution frequency of Region I can be tested for
comparability with Wittry's study of copper distribution in
Wisconsin. r s By limiting this analysis to those varieties of
*-> Warren L. Wittry, "A Preliminary Study of the Old Copper Cul-
ture" (unpublished B. A. thesis, Dept. of Anthropology, Univer-
sity of Wisconsin, 1950). This study is an analysis of the Henry
P. Hamilton collection at the State Historical Society of Wiscon-
sin Museum in Madison. This is probably the largest collection
of Archaic copper artifacts in the world.
16 See Table 3 for a list of the copper artifact types and their
equivalent in the Wittry typology.
160 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 44, No. 3
TABUS 9- Chi-square computations for U x 5 contingency table
Cell
E
E c
(Yates Cor-
rection)
- E c
(0 - E
c) 2
(o -
~
c
I
1
71
56.1*3
56.93
11*. 07
197
.96
3
.1*8
II
1
2
8.1*2
7.92
5.92
35
.05
1*
.1*3
III
1
5
6.86
7.36
2.36
5
.57
.76
IV
1
u
10.29
10.79
6.79
1*6
.10
1*
.27
I
2
&
3
20
13.76
1U.26
5.7^
39
.95
2
.80
II
2
&
3
2.05
1.55
1.55
2
.1*0
1
.55
III
2
&
3
"
1.67
1.17
1.17
1
.37
1
.17
IV
2
&
3
2.51
2.01
2.01
1*
.01*
2
.01
I
u
57
55.06
55.56
1.1*1*
2
.07
1
.1*3
II
h
10
8.21
8.71
1.29
1
.66
.19
III
k
2
6.69
6.19
U.19
17
.56
2
.81*
IV
k
11
10.01*
10.61*
0.36
.13
.01
I
5
&
6
15
38.51*
38.01*
23.01*
530
.81*
13
.95
II
5
&
6
11
5.75
6.25
1*.75
22
.56
3
.61
III
5
&
6
15
U.68
5.18
9.82
96.1*3
18
.62
IV
&
6
15
7.03
7.53
7.1*7
55
.80
7
.1*1
I
9
18
17.21
17.71
0.29
.08
.00
II
9
1*
2.57
3.07
0.93
.86
.28
III
9
2.09
1.59
1.59
2
.53
1
.59
IV
9
J
3.11*
2.61*
0.36
.13
.05
Total
263
70.1*5
Degrees of freedom - 12
P = .001 at 32.91
P<.001 level of significance
artifacts found in cultural association, it may be assumed
that the relative proportions of copper artifact types in the
two studies are the same as that obtained by the Late Archaic
population, and that no real difference should be suggested
by a chi-square test. l6 The contingency table and the com-
putations for chi-square are presented in Tables 10 and 11,
respectively.
The chi-square test indicates that there is a significant
difference between the two samples. The probability of the
observed differences between samples being simply the result
of sampling vagaries is less than the 0.001 level of signifi-
cance. This result suggests that surface-collected and site-
collected materials may not be strictly comparable for meas-
uring distribution or dispersal of copper artifacts and possible
ecological or cultural correlates. The difference, however,
may be explained as a bias on the part of the collector or the
collecting process. This hypothesis appears justified because
Copper Artifact Dispersal 161
TABLE 10. frequency of comparable types or copper artifacts from the Hamilton
Collection and from sites in Wisconsin
Types Hamilton Collection Wisconsin Sites Total
Projectile points (1)
290
6k
35U
Knives and ulos (2 & 3)
78
20
98
Avis (U)
112
58
170
Spuds and celts (5 & 6)
73
15
88
Total
553
157
710
TABIE.ll. Chi-square computations for 2 x k contingency table
Cell E -
H
- 1
6U
78.28
1U.28
203.92
2.619
V
- 1
290
275.73
lli.27
203.63
0.753
H
- 2 & 3
20
21.67
1.67
2.79
0.130
V
- 2 & 3
78
76. 3U
1.66
2.76
0.038
H
- U
58
37.59
20. Ul
1*16.57
11.102
W
- U
112
132.U1
20. la
U16.57
3.166
H
- 5 & 6
15
10.U6
U.U6
19.89
1.027
W
- 5 &6
73
68.55
U.U5
19.80
0.293
Total
710
I 2 = 19.128
Degrees of freedom - 3 P = 0.001 at 16.268
P < 0.001
the only class of copper artifacts that deviates substantially
from a 4:1 ratio between the two samples is the awl class, the
least impressive-looking of the copper artifact classes, that
is, the class having the least value or interest to a farmer or
an Indian-relic collector, : ?
Dispersion
The possibility that distance from a central region or focus
is a major factor in dispersion of copper artifacts of the Late
Archaic period, regardless of culture complex, time, or par-
ticular adaptions to environmental situations, may now be
considered. Two alternatives are possible as a center for
A chi-square test of a revised frequency distribution (100 awls
added to the Hamilton collection shows no significant difference
between site-collected and surface-collected samples.
162 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 44, No. 3
measuring distances. l8 The first is the Keweenaw Peninsula,
because this area can be assumed to be the center of mining
activity (see Figure 15). The second alternative is the area
near the junction of the Menominee River and Green Bay.
This is one center of abundant copper artifacts, at least for
a late phase of the Late Archaic, and it is located on the most
direct water route from the Keweenaw Peninsula into Wis-
consin. J 9 This area is assumed to have been an important
nucleus of manufacturing activity (see Figure 16). Table 12
shows the copper artifact frequency for each 100 miles inter-
val from the postulated centers.
The dramatic drop in frequency which occurs in the second
interval from either center is unexpected, and Wittry's study
of surface-collected artifacts of Wisconsin contradicts the
present results. Wittry's distribution shows a relatively even
coverage in Wisconsin for the first two segments (actually
about 60 per cent - 40 per cent in favor of the first 100
miles). 20 It is reasonable to assume that, until more sites
are excavated in Wisconsin, surface collections are better
indicators of dispersion.
The last three distance intervals from either center show a
markedly strong contrast to the first three distance inter-
vals. 2l The ratio of copper artifacts is exceptionally con-
stant.
'8 A preliminary calculation of the center of gravity for the non-
bead copper artifact population was made by placing a "50 x 50
mile" grid over the Great Lake area. The calculation center
of gravity was in eastern Michigan. This result suggests that a
sizeable quantity of artifacts in the east shifts the center in that
direction. However, the limited evidence (about 300 artifacts)
is not sufficient for the use of many techniques in spatial statis-
tics, such as this one, or for valid conclusions based on such
techniques.
*9 Fall River to Sturgeon River to Michigamme River -Menom-
inee River. See Wilbert B. Hinsdale, Archeological Atlas of
Michigan. (University Museums: Michigan Handbook Series,
No. 4; Ann Arbor: University of Michigan, 1931.)
* Ibid., Map 2.
21 The (K100 mile segment for the Keweenaw center is disregarded
for this comparison because of the lack of information concern-
ing Archaic occupation in Upper Michigan and the absence of
reported sites.
First 3 Intervals Last 3 Intervals
Keweenaw Peninsula center 216 51
Menominee River -Green Bay Center 214 53
Copper Artifact Dispersal
163
Fig. 15. Distance in 100-mile intervals from Keweenaw Peninsula-
mining center (see Appendix I for list of sites within each interval).
Fig. 16. Distance in 100-mile intervals from Riverside Cemetery at
Menominee River-Green Bay (see Appendix I for list of sites within
each interval).
164 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 44, No. 3
Table 12 suggests that an important breaking point occurs
somewhere between approximately 250 and 350 miles from
the Menominee River - Green Bay center or 350 and 450
miles from the Keweenaw center. This central high density
area includes the important Michigan sites and potentially
important Minnesota locations. Even Wittry's distribution
study agrees substantially with this conclusion. 2 '^
TABLE 12. Frequency distribution of copper artifacts with dis-
tance from postulated centers.
Postulated Centers of Dispersal
Distance
Interval
j Keeweenaw
Peninsula
Menominee River-Green Bay
Dis-
tance
(mi.)
No. of
Arti-
facts
No. of Fre- Dis- No. of
Sites quency tance Arti-
(mi.) facts
No. of
Sites
Fre-
quency
1
2
3
4
5
6
0-100
1-200
2-300
3-400
4-500
5-600
6-700
80
53
83
18
21
14
5
6
8
6
9
6
16.00
8.83
10.38
3.00
2.33
2.33
0-100
1-200
2-300
3-400
4-500
5-600
115
9
89
22
12
22
7
3
7
9
6
8
16.43
3.00
12.71
2.44
2.00
2.75
Total
269 40 (6.725)
Temporal Variations
269
40 (6.725)
The Late Archaic period as delimited in this paper spans
a 1500 year period when major changes in archeological con-
tent occurred. Within this broad time spectrum it is very
likely that some cultural or ecological changes may be re-
flected in the temporal and spatial distribution of copper
artifacts as well as stylistic changes in the artifacts. To
establish whether such shifts occurred, the Late Archaic was
divided into three phases, each phase characterized by at
least one well-excavated site. 23 All other sites were assigned
on the basis of cultural traits to the time phase to which they
The strongest break comes at approximately 200 miles from the
Menominee River -Green Bay center. No evidence is available
for the distance in Michigan and Minnesota where this break
would occur (map 2 in Wittry's B. A. paper).
Most of the type sites have C-14 age determinations.
Copper Artifact Dispersal 165
bore the closest cutural and or temporal resemblance. 24 Cop-
per artifacts were excluded from this evaluation except in
two or three minor instances where other cultural material
was meager.
It was assumed at first that all the Late Archaic dates were
approximately correct (see Table 1). Unfortunately, two im-
portant sites in Wisconsin have radiocarbon dates which in
my opinion, appear to disagree with the major portion of the
archeological evidence. These two sites, Osceola and Reigh,
are assigned to time phases without regard to their published
radiocarbon dates. 25 The phases are: Late (2800-3100 years
ago), middle (3150-3550 years ago), and early (3600-4100
years ago).
In Table 13 the time phases have been plotted against sites
(components) and in Table 14 against artifacts per distance-
unit and region. If there are no major errors in the assign-
ment of sites (components) or artifacts to a particular time
phase, the results are instructive. The chi-square computa-
tions of Table 15 suggest that the distribution is not a con-
sequence of sampling vagaries.
For the early phase, no site occurs in Wisconsin or Illinois,
yet Lower Michigan, Ohio, Southern Ontario, and \Vestern
New York appear to have been areas of moderate copper
artifact density. For the middle phase, Wisconsin assumes
the most prominent position, and copper is moderately dense
in Lower Michigan and Southern Ontario. For the late
phase, Wisconsin has continued to increase its use of copper,
New York has decreased its use, and Illinois has entered
prominently into copper utilization for the first time.
I wish to thank Lewis R. Binford, Department of Anthropology
at the University of Chicago for help in assigning several of the
sites to particular time phases. During the collection of informa-
tion on copper, it was impossible to take thorough notes on all
the cultural evidence of temporal position. Mr. Binford's notes
and personal acquaintance with the material were extremely
helpful in substantiating or correcting my impressions of the
archeological reports and materials.
It is an interesting conincidence that the two radiocarbon dates
which are rejected here, Osceola: M-643 and Reigh: M-644, were
run in sequence at the same laboratory. I estimate the age of
these components are about 400 years and 300 years younger
respectively.
166 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 44, No. 3
Even a brief inspection of Table 14 illustrates the dramatic
shift in artifact density and utilization. Wisconsin appears
to have had a late development in copper working, but devel-
oped a more elaborate tradition, probably related to its close-
ness to the source of raw material and the interchange of
ideas with groups in other areas who valued the metal. Pos-
sibly, a more efficient adaption to environment permitted in-
creased population densities and utilization of copper. The
presence of other exotic materials also suggests this type of
change. Peoples in Michigan, Indiana, and Ohio appear to
have particpated from the earliest phase and only in the
late phase to have reduced their use of the metal. Ontario and
New York appear to have had a similar fate. It is possible
that the appearance of a more elaborate Illinois culture as
TABLE 13. Frequency of loci in three phases of the Copper
Archaic period.
Loci a
Time
Phase
Region
Distance from Keweenaw Peninsula
2. to to coco ^"^ clncn Q>OS <l^3 2-
1 II
111 IV g^ g^ g^ g^ g v
- o
: EL
Late
Middle
Early
Unassigned
Total
4
9 6
4
~13 10 ___
5
3
9
10
~2
12
19
18
13
2
52
2
2
" 4
1
6
7
2
7
1
1
11
6
1
2
9 *;
6
7
13
2
2
3
1
8
19
18
13
2
52
1 Loci include sites with beads and small awls as well as sites with
other copper artifacts. Table computed from Appendix I.
TABLE 14. Frequency of copper artifacts in three phases of the
Copper Archaic period.
Artifacts a
Distance from Keweenaw
Peninsula
Time
Phase
Region
~
g
g
- -a
I
II
III
IV
<M ^
CO f^
CO
in
Late _
112
13
14
3
9
14
36
151
98
28
55
25
2
51
56
14
12
26
1
10
11
2 151
8 98
4 28
Middle __
Early .
__ 76
Total - 188 27 26 36 277 80 53 82 27 21 14 277
Artifacts exclude beads, small awls, and fish gorges.
Copper Artifact Dispersal
167
TABLE 15. Chi-square computations for 3 * U contingency table
Cell
Total
E c
(Yates Cor-
V rection)
- Eg (0 - E c )'
Late
I
112
102. Ii8
102.98
9.02
81.36
0.790
Late
II
Hi. 72
1U.22
1U.22
202.21
Hi. 220
Late
III
3
1U.17
13.67
10,67
113.85
8.382
Late
IV
36
19.62
20.12
15.88
252.17
12.533
Kiddle
I
76
66.51
67.01
8.99
80.82
1.206
Middle
II
13
9.55
10.05
2.95
8.70
0.865
Diddle
III
9
9.20
9.00
0.00
0.00
0.000
Middle
IV
12. 7U
12. 2U
12. 21
1U9.82
12.2140
Early
I
19.00
18.50
18.50
3142.25
18.500
Early
II
11*
2.73
3.23
10.77
115.99
39.911
Early
III
1U
2.63
3.13
10.87
118.16
37.7U9
Early
IV
3.6U
3.1U
3.1U
9.86
3.1UO
277
X 2 = 135. 6UO
Degrees of freedom - 6
F= .001 at 22.h57
P < .001 level of significance
an important user of copper at the same time that some sites
in \Visconsin 26 also show more complex traits reflects some
of the cultural changes that are later recognized as Early
Woodland (900 B. C. - 300 B. C.). 27 Influences from the area
south of the Great Lakes started a shift in copper distribution
and utilization which coincides with a decline of the Great
Lakes area as the center of important cultural develop-
ments. 28
The Riverside Cemetery site on the Menominee River is the best
example.
In fact, these very late, Late Archaic sites are often called
"Early Woodland without pottery."
James B. Griffin, "Post-Glacial Ecology and Culture Changes in
the Great Lakes Area of North America," Great Lakes Research
Division, Publication No. 7, (Institute of Science and Technology;
Ann Arbor: University of Michigan, 1961).
CHAPTER III
COPPER DISPERSAL AS EVIDENCE OF
CULTURAL CHANGE
Regional Differentiation
The primary approach to this study involved compiling the
attributes of copper artifacts found in an Archaic archeolog-
ical context. Popham and Emerson state that
The importance of artifacts from primary archeological
association lies chiefly in the fact that it enables a num-
ber of different types of artifacts to be classed together
in space and time. In other words, it provides direct ev-
idence of a cultural cohesion which would necessarily re-
main presumptive if only collections of isolated artifacts
were available. 2 ?
Beyond this procedure it was impossible to determine in ad-
vance which associated data were directly relevant to an
analysis of copper dispersal without a previous distribution
study to serve as a model.
Had an attempt been made to control or utilize other in-
formation, it is possible that a more reliable estimate of copper
dispersal could have been obtained. One type of information
which would add further control to the study is now ap-
parent. Since almost all the copper was recovered from burial
features, a ratio of the number of copper artifacts to the
number of burial features from each site would measure the
relative prevalence of copper within local communities. Such
ratios could be compared and analyzed on local, regional,
or temporal bases. Provided that enough sites were large
excavation units, some measure of expectation for the small,
partially worked sites could then be derived. Although the
utility of such a device remains to be demonstrated, without
it the most detailed measure of prevalency expectation is at
a subregional or regional level. It may be of some use to
consider several implications for further research based on
observations and impressions that cannot be substantiated at
this time.
The distribution of projectile points coincides closely with
the overall distribution of Archaic copper with the exception
^ Robert E. Popham and J. N. Emerson, "Manifestations of the
Old Copper Industry in Ontario," Pennsylvania Archaeologist,
XXIV, No. 1 (May, 1954), p. 5.
Copper Artifact Dispersal 169
of celt and adze forms. Projectile points appear to be highly
concentrated in \Visconsin with secondary concentrations
in Minnesota, Upper Michigan, and Ontario whereas celts
and adzes appear to be used during the earlier phases of the
Late Archaic in eastern Lower Michigan, eastern Ontario,
and western New York; and in the later phases in western
New York, Wisconsin, and Illinois. The tendency for celts
and adzes to occur in the more distant reaches of copper dis-
tribution is striking.
An explanation for the late spatial shift of celts to the
south, the long period of celt and adze utilization in the east,
and the retention of projectile point dominance by \Visconsin
must be sought. Since large projectile points occurred through-
out the northern area, it seems likely that big-game hunting,
that is, the exploitation of a forest fauna, is a better explan-
ation for projectile point dominance in the north than the
occurrence of a particular culture complex. Their use as
hunting tools might also account for the absence of several
varieties of projectile points in Archaic context. One par-
ticular variety of common occurrence (Wittry's type IB) is
suggested as an Early \Voodland style functioning in the
same utilitarian manner.
The celt and adze forms that occur in Michigan, eastern
Ontario, and western New York share many attributes. This
similarity is further evidence of strong cultural ties and the
similar development of Laurentian and Point Peninsula foci
in the eastern range of the Great Lakes.
The late, but dramatic, development of copper utilization,
particularly celt and adze forms, in the Illinois area suggests
a new cultural influence on the older, established network of
copper dispersal. The earliest hint of this occurred when the
first, so-called "Old Copper Culture" site was discovered
near Osceola, Wisconsin, at the junction of the Grant and
Mississippi Rivers. The number of copper and stone tools
which this site shares with southern Illinois sites of the Late
Archaic phase is unquestionable evidence of a major shift
of influence at the close of the Late Archaic period. The
rapid development of pre-Black Sands - Early Woodland in
the lower Illinois area and possibly the Early W'oodland -
Early Adena in the Indiana-Ohio area exercised increasing
170 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 44, No. 3
pressures for the diversion of copper in their direction.
Routes of Dispersal
It is apparent that the abundance of copper in the Lake
Superior area was a necessary condition for its exploitation
by Late Archaic peoples. The dispersal of copper was similar
to that of many other restricted resources in that the center
or centers of production and utilization occur at some dis-
tance from the source of the raw material. In fact, such long-
distance movements of raw materials, and finished artifacts
were so common in Late Archaic, Early \Voodland, and
Middle Woodland times that cultural change and develop-
ment may have been a partial consequence of inter-regional
communication and trade. The pattern of copper dispersal
is significantly different from that of most restricted resources
by virtue of its early use and the evidence of movement of
both raw material and finished products. Further, the dif-
ference in regional utilization during 'the three postulated
phases of the Late Archaic suggests that the original devel-
opment of the copper industry may have occurred some dis-
tance east of the later and better-known Wisconsin centers.
This communication was doubtless facilitated by the network
of lakes and streams.
If the shortest and most likely routes between the sources
of raw copper and the final places of utilization are plotted
on a map, they coincide with manay of the routes recorded
by the earliest white explorers. Obviously, these routes have
great antiquity and deserve consideration as avenues of
communication and diffusion as well as "trade" routes in
Late Archaic times. It follows that the Indians of four thou-
sand years ago possessed the means to transport, canoes, to
make long journeys. In the last section of Chapter II, it was
shown that copper was utilized in different regions in vary-
ing degrees during the three postulated phases of the Late
Archaic period. Figures 17, 18, and 19 illustrate the variation
in quantity and direction of copper movement during this
period.
Little evidence is available to suggest the nature of the
Early Woodland pressure on copper dispersal whether
trade, social exchange, conquest, direct mining expeditions,
or a combination of these. The occurrence of some types of
Copper Artifact Dispersal
171
celts in the more distant eastern and southern part of the area
strongly suggests the movement of raw material. The handful
of specifically "Wisconsin" style artifacts appearing in Illi-
nois and Ontario can be attributed as easily to social or non-
commercial exchange, such as "gifts between equals," bride-
exchange, etc. There is much room for conjecture on the
economic and social nature of the exchange mechanisms. The
appearance of marine shell from the Gulf of Mexico and white
flint from Southern Illinois in Wisconsin sites gives us ad-
ditional evidence of long-distance exchange. The external
relationships of the Wisconsin peoples who used great quan-
tities of copper during the Transitional Period, when copper
was also appearing in large quantities in Illinois, can only be
conjectured. The area in the north was by no means stag-
nating at this time or in Early and Middle Woodland times.
Such prolific sites as Killarney Bay 1 and the McCollum
Cache show continued and more elaborate development of
copper work. This area was under strong Early Woodland
influence (Point Peninsula II) -from the east,, but even more
Fig. 17. Possible transmission routes showing relative volume of
copper flow in the early phase of the Late Archaic period, CA. 3600
to 4100 years ago (volume: - - - - small, medium, _ _ large).
172 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 44, No. 3
pervasive Middle Woodland (Hopewellian) influence from
the south probably the outstanding period of exotic and
long-distance trade in North America.
The analysis of the data largely confirms the theories and
interpretations that have already been developed by arche-
ologists to explain the cultural affiliations of the Archaic
Copper complexes. Two important exceptions to the inter-
pretations of other authors on the origins and developments
of the Archaic copper industry have been suggested in this
paper. The first is the possibility that Laurentian groups of
the eastern Great Lakes were the most important users of
copper in the early Late Archaic (2000 B. C.) and influenced
Fig. 18. Possible transmission routes showing relative volume of
copper flow in the middle phase of the Late Archaic period, CA. 3150
to 3550 years ago (volume: small, medium, large).
Copper Artifact Dispersal
173
the later development of the copper industry in \Visconsin.
The second is the possibility that Late Archaic cultural in-
fluences in the area to the south of the Great Lakes affected
the dispersal of copper as well as the styles of artifacts by
the late Late Archaic (1200 B. C.) in the Great Lakes area.
More detailed and comprehensive distributional studies of
several exotic materials and products will be required before
the relative importance of internal and external influence on
cultural change can be demonstrated. In more general terms
this study suggests that the distribution of copper in the Late
Archaic period reflects an extremely complex pattern of cul-
tural inter - relationships and environmental influences
amongst and upon the culture groups living in the Great
Lakes region.
Fig. 19. Possible transmission routes showing relative volume of
copper flow in the late phase of the Late Archaic period, CA. 2800
to 3100 years ago (volume: small, medium, _ _ large).
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176 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 44, No. 3
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ANOTHER RADIOCARBON DATE FOR AZTALAN
Robert Ritzenthaler
A bottle-shaped refuse pit in the northeastern corner of the
village site of Aztalan excavated in 1960 by members of the
Milwaukee Public Museum consisting of Stephan F. Borheg-
yi, Director, Lee Parsons, Associate Curator of Anthropology,
and William Hurley, student assistant, under the field di-
rectorship of Dr. Chandler Rowe, Lawrence College, yielded
a restorable Middle Mississippi pottery vessel and charcoal.
The charcoal sample M-1214 run by the University of Mich-
igan Memorial-Phoenix Project under the direction of H. R.
Crane resulted in the date of 580 plus or minus 100 years ago.
Taking into consideration the possible error of 100 years this
gives us a spread of 1283 A. D. to 1483 A. D.
To my mind this is the most "agreeable" date thus far ob-
tained for Aztalan. The two other dates for Aztalan are 760
A. D. and 1640 A. D. (Wisconsin Archeologist Vol 42 No
3, p. 139).
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THE BOOKSHELF
Although a recent issue of THE BOOKSHELF was large-
ly devoted to current studies on Iowa archaeology, this num-
ber will also turn to a report on that state. While the publica-
tion is a recent one, the work is not new since it consists of
the report of Ellison Orr on his archaeological excavations
and surveys primarily conducted between 1934 and 1939 un-
der the supervision of Dr. Charles R. Keyes. This was doubt-
less the period of most intensive archaeological work con-
ducted in Iowa and although more systematic investigations
have been carried on since then, an understanding of the
early work is essential for any scholar particularly since many
of these sites can no longer be restudied. Mr. Orr's reports
have been available in manuscript form and many recent re-
ports have drawn from them but they now can be consulted
without making a costly trip to Iowa through the use of the
Microcard edition. ARCHIVES OF ARCHAEOLOGY No.
20, published jointly by the Society for American Archaeol-
ogy and the University of Wisconsin Press. Since our read-
ers may not be familiar with Microcards, or indeed with this
publication series, a brief description of the process is given.
So far as the specific publication by Ellison Orr is concerned,
attention is here primarily focussed upon the contents of par-
ticular relevance to Wisconsin archaeology. The precise
title of the publication in question is: Ellison Orr, Iowa
Archaeological Reports 1934-1939, With an Evaluation and
Index by Marshall McKusick. Ten Volumes. ARCHIVES
OF ARCHAEOLOGY, No. 20, 1963. The reports consist of
1702 pages of text, maps and illustrations, and the entire pub-
lication may be ordered for $17.50 from The University of
Wisconsin Press, 430 Sterling Court, Madison 6, Wisconsin,
or individual volumes for $2.00 each or the Introduction and
Evaluation for $1.00.
Bookshelf 183
In 1960 the Society for American Archaeology entered into
a co-operative agreement with the University of \Visconsin
Press to publish a series of reports under the name AR-
CHIVES OF ARCHAEOLOGY, the twenty-second number
of the series being now in press. An important consideration
that served at a rationale for the establishment of the new
series was the feeling that much primary excavation and des-
criptive information pertaining to particular sites that was
needed by at least a small number of scholars was not being
published because of the expense involved. A case in point,
of course, is the results of the work of Ellison Orr which has
rested in manuscript form for some twenty-four years since,
its completion. Microcard publication is ideally designed for
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does mean that a person desiring to make use of the Micro-
card publications must have available a reader that will again
enlarge the page size to its original or a convenient size. Such
Microcard readers, similar in conception to the more familiar
microfilm readers though with a different optical system, pro-
ject the image on a ground glass screen. Microcards can be
read with a powerful hand lens or with a microscope but such
devices are not suited for extensive reading. Small, inexpen-
sive pocket-size readers have been produced but these too are
184 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 44, No. 3
not satisfactory for continuous close reading. Thus the pres-
ent use of Microcards is largely limited to consultation in li-
braries or at institutions that can afford a good reader sell-
ing for around $300, an investment that not many individual
scholars will make unless more publications he needs are
available in this format than he will presently find in most
fields. For convenience in locating and filing cards, each
card bears the author, title and card number in a heading
legible to the naked eye at the top. Saving in space is also
a feature that must be mentioned in connection with a dis-
cussion of Microcards. In ARCHIVES OF ARCHAEOL-
OGY where a total of 90 pages is printed on the front and
back of a card, 6,000 pages of print can be filed in one inch
of space in a three by five filing drawer. Readers interested
in further details on the nature of the series will find a dis-
cussion in American Antiquity, Volume 25, No. 4, pages 623
through 625 (April, 1960) and all recent numbers of this
journal contain a listing of titles available and their cost. In
a recent survey made of the use of Microcards, one member
of the Society of American Archaeology expressed his op-
position to the series because he could not read the publica-
tions in bed, a situation where he caught up on most of his
peripheral reading. It is true this is a limitation, but if we
are to be guided solely by such a criterion we would have to
eliminate many publications including our unabridged diction-
aries. Extended reviews of Microcard publications serve to
inform us whether consultation of the publication is necessary.
Ideal summaries of the work should be written for publica-
tion in conventional journal media by the author, but this
could not be done so far as the present publication is con-
cerned.
So much for background; let us now turn to the reports of
Ellison Orr. The Orr reports as published on Microcard con-
tain one addition not found in the manuscript volumes, the
Evaluation and Index prepared by Dr. Marshall McKusick of
the State University of Iowa. To place the materials in
proper perspective, Dr. McKusick has given us a brief ac-
count of the work of both Ellison Orr and Dr. Charles R.
Keyes who, in addition to his other scholarly interests, was
for many years Director of the Iowa Archaeological Survey
Bookshelf 185
for the Iowa State Historical Society* McKusick has also
prepared a resume of recent archaeological work based on the
Orr excavations and indicated where the original reports are
still of primary value. Although Mr. Orr had prepared an
individual index for each bound volume, Dr. McKusick has
gone far beyond this and prepared a comprehensive index for
the entire publication. He has, in addition, added to the des-
criptive names of the sites the trinominal state-county-site
designation currently in use in Iowa archaeological investiga-
tions. This introductory section not only facilitates the use
of the Microcard publication; it also enables us to place the
material in proper scientific perspective. \Ve are, of course,
basically indebted to Dr. McKusick for making the publica-
tion available on Microcard since it was through his initiative
that the issuance was arranged.
A few words should be drawn from Dr. McKusick's sketch
of Ellison Orr so that we might better appreciate his work. He
was born in a log cabin at McGregor, Iowa, in the year 1857
and spent much of his early life farming and teaching school
in Allamakee County. Orr moved to Waukon, Iowa, in 1904
and managed the local telephone company until his retire--
ment in 1930. Although he had been interested in local an-
tiquities through these many years he then, when he was 73
years of age, decided to devote his full attention to archaeo-
logical investigations. Through his friendship with Dr. Char-
les R. Keyes this became an even more active interest for
from 1934 to 1939 he acted as field supervisor on excavations
and surveys in various parts of Iowa financed by the \VPA.
Though 77 to 82 years of age during this period, he vigor-
ously pursued the field work and during the winter months
wrote the bulk of the reports that are included in the publica-
tion. During the last year of his life, at the age of 93, Orr
was instrumental in forming the Iowa Archaeological Society.
He was also a key figure in the establishment of the Effigy
Mounds National Monument and had deposited his own
copies of his manuscript reports in the Library of the Mon-
ument. It was from this set, through the cooperation of the
Superintendent of the Monument, that the Microcard publi-
cation was copied.
Orr's manuscripts were bound in twelve volumes. Volume
186 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 44, No. 3
seven, an autobiography, is not included in the Microcard
publication and Volume nine, comprising various historical
papers, is also excluded from the series. However, the or-
iginal numbering and pagination of the volumes is retained
so that the omission of these two volumes should be noted
by the users of the publication. Although the copying of the
text was largely done from the original manuscript, an oc-
casional page thought to be unreadable on Microcard was re-
typed. The manuscript also included several large charts
whose format is such that they could be used only with great
difficulty on Microcard. These tables were reorganized and
typed and the additional pages that resulted from this num-
bered 50A, SOB, 50C, etc., so as to not disturb the original
pagination of the volume. The manuscript volumes contain
numerous photographic illustrations of varying quality and
scientific value. Although it was realized that many of these
would not produce satisfactorily on Microcard, all pages
were nevertheless copied. It was felt that the reproduction
of the entire series would indicate to the scholar, particularly
through the captions on the photographs, what was available
in the bound volumes at McGregor where they could be
consulted if it was felt that they might clarify an obscure
point in the text.
Perhaps the most substantial work described in the publi-
cation is the excavation of sites of the Mill Creek and Glen-
wood cultures of western Iowa. Since the connections of
these manifestations with Wisconsin prehistory are but in-
direct, we are more concerned here with reviewing the in-
vestigations in sites of more easterly location even though
the quantity of materials recovered are not as impressive as
the other work cited.
The High Bank Site, Crawford County, Wisconsin
Volume 6, pp. 1-16, of the Orr publication contains a des-
cription of a Wisconsin site, a Woodland campsite in Craw-
ford County. Since the report itself is brief and of direct
interest to Wisconsin readers, the text is given below. It
does serve to illustrate the character of Orr's descriptive
work and his concern with the interpretation of features that
might aid in the understanding of a particular site. The title
of his short article, which he states is a copy of one deposited
Bookshelf 187
in the Iowa State Historical Society, is "An Apparently Very
Old Prehistoric Camp Site."
"In the summer of 1924 the writer found along the Wis-
consin shore of the Mississippi River, during a period of
very low water, at a place about two miles south-east of
W^aukon Junction, Iowa, many small fragments of prehis-
toric Indian pottery, flint chips and a couple of arrow-heads.
"These had been washed by current and wave action out
of the matrix in which they had been imbedded. Only a few
pieces were found apparently in situ in the clay. The cur-
rent was of just the right strength to carry away the clay
and fine sand leaving behind the slightly heavier material -
the relics.
"This locality, a strip of shore about four hundred feet
long and six or eight wide, was carefully gone over in 1925
and 1926, resulting in the finding of considerable additional
pottery sherds, a quart or more of the chips and flakes, nine
additional arrow-heads, parts of what appear to be three
small chipped flint celts, a well polished greenstone celt three
inches long and one and one-half inches wide at the- bitt,
and a slightly oval hammer stone of pinkish quartzite.
"The latter had an average diameter of four and one-half
inches and was one and three-eights inches thick, with cen-
tral pits on each side three-eights inches deep. The perimeter
showed marks of hammering and had four sizeable pieces
broken out, apparently from use in striking hard blows.
"All the material so found, so far as can be determined,
came from a stratum of blue, slightly sandy, alluvial clay in
which were many ancient crawfish holes, the sides of which
were some hardened by iron oxide, and which were entirely
filled with clay of a lighter shade of blue.
"Immediately over this relic bearing stratum lies seven feet
of blue-black, slightly sandy clay, gradually changing to a
granular, lighter, black alluvial soil in which no relics have
been found. Over this lies an ash-colored soil, eighteen in-
ches in thickness, the "made land" of the farmers, deposited
by floods since the settlement of the country adjacent to the
river by white men around seventy-five years ago. This
would be at the rate of about one foot in fifty years.
188 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 44, No. 3
"If the entire thickness of soil over the relic-bearing stra-
tum was deposited at the same rate, then four hundred and
fifty years have passed since the material found was lost or
left there.
"However it is believed that the sediment laid down before
the white man came was deposited very much slower. This
belief has been reached by a long and careful study of the
alluvial deposits laid down in the lateral valleys of the tribu-
taries in the Mississippi in the driftless area.
"In many of these valleys and for long distances, flood
waters have cut ditches down through the alluvial soil and
loess to the gravel bars and bed rock, exposing a great num-
ber of sections for study In many places there is less than
ten feet of alluvial soil between the recent "made land" and
the loess below.
"It is the possibility of a very considerable age for these
relics that has prompted the writing of this paper.
"Wherever the main channel of the Mississippi makes one
of its numerous 'crossings' of the wide flood plain, over two
miles wide at Waukon Junction, the course is always in a
curve diagonally down stream, the current impinging strong-
ly on the down-stream bank and undercutting and washing
it away.
"This results in mostly vertical banks on that side known
to rivermen as 'high banks'.
"This relic bearing stratum which we have described lies
at the foot of a 'High Bank' near the center of the flood plain,
on the 'crossing' from Charme, Wisconsin, to the forgotten
steamboat landing of Johnsonport, just below Waukon Junc-
tion on the Iowa side, and three-fourths of a mile above the
mouth of Harper's Channel.
"It is quite likely an old camp site. A diligent search along
the shore up and down the river for a half mile each way
resulted in neither chips, flakes, pottery, arrow-heads or any
other material being found.
"The arrow-heads show only a very ordinary workman-
ship as can be seen by an inspection of the photographs, and
among the flakes are many with a cutting edge on which
secondary chipping has been done.
Bookshelf 189
"The pottery sherds are tempered with crushed rotten
granite and the pieces so far found show at least ten different
patterns of decoration. On account of the smallness of the
pieces the shape of the vessels can not even be conjectured,
with one exception which is a piece of a straight vertical
neck three inches high.
"Future opportunities to collect will undoubtedly yield
more material the study of which may enable some definite
conclusion to be reached as to culture and age.
"This is likely to be a long drawn out matter as during
some summers not a single opportunity to collect may be af-
forded on account of too high water.
"Waukon, Iowa, Mar. 26th, 1927
"Very much to our regret we must write 'Finis' to our ac-
count of finds at the' 'High Bank'., What we have written is
probably the complete history of this old camping place of
the Indian so far as it will ever be revealed to the student
of this or any other age.
"This for the reason that during the winter of 1926-27, and
the early summer of 1927, the Government, in order to pro-
tect the down - stream high bank of the Charme - Johnson-
port crossing, first, with a powerful steam shovel cut this
bank to a uniform slope of about forty-five degrees, then
covered it from below low water mark to the top, and for
the entire distance from light No. 766 to the bend below
Harper's Channel, with eighteen inches or more of rock rip-
rap, thus effectually burying this very interesting hunting
ground out of sight for all time.
"And now when the great dams across the Mississippi,
built to create a nine foot navigable channel, are completed,
as they will be in a couple of years hence, and the water im-
ponded above them, the dam at Guttenberg will raise the
water at \Vaukon Junction, so we are informed, to a perman-
ent level of five feet above the present low water mark, which
would, even if the rip-rap were not there, cover the relic bear-
ing stratum at the 'High Bank'.
"Waukon, Iowa, Dec. 8th, 1936."
The paper quoted above is accompanied by a map show-
ing the location of the site, a profile drawing of the bank
from which the artifacts were being eroded, three photo-
190 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 44, No. 3
graphs of the bank, one of Government Light No. 766 and
one of a white elm tree, seventy-five years of age growing on
the flood plain in back of the High Bank site to show how
small an amount of sedimentation had taken place during
the life of the tree. Seven photographs are devoted to arti-
facts rim and body sherds, six large projectile points and
three scrapers, a small greenstone celt of petaloid shape and
the pitted hammerstone. The ceramics do exhibit a variety
of decorative techniques including coarse dentate stamping
on a rim with embossed nodes, wide-spaced finger nail punc-
tate impressions and a fine brushed or dragged-comb decor-
ation which in one instance accompanies a spurred line
formed by individual semicircular punctate impressions (fin-
gernail?). We need further research of our Woodland com-
plexes to identify this assemblage, but Orr has preserved for
us a record of a Wisconsin site we can no longer study in
the field.
One suggestion regarding the use of the Microcards might
be made at this point. The Microcard Reader available in the
Department of Anthropology of the University of Wisconsin
which this reviewer has been using is not a recent model
and does not give as clear an image as might be desired for
the study of such aspects as ceramic decoration. He has found
it useful to examine the illustrations of specimens with a
binocular microscope which obviously eliminates loss of de-
tail produced by the ground glass screen of the reader.
Effigy Mound Culture
Of particular importance to the Wisconsin archaeologist
is the new information provided on the Effigy Mound cul-
ture. Our earlier studies of this culture have given scant at-
tention to remains beyond the state limits. Dr. Charles R.
Keyes in reporting on the Iowa Archeological Survey in the
Wisconsin Archeologist many years ago (1929, Vol. 8, No.
4) had indicated the substantial number of mounds in Iowa
in making a rough estimate of the number of known mounds
as about 8,000 (ibid, p. 139), with about 2,0.00 of these being
in the northeastern corner of Iowa which he defined as the
effigy-mound area (ibid, p. 140). While mounds in effigy
form occur only in the three northeastern counties of Iowa
adjacent to the Mississippi River (Allamakee, Clayton and
Bookshelf 191
Dubuque), mounds of linear form have a much wider distri-
bution in the state and conical mounds, as might be an-
ticipated, the widest distribution of all. Without excavation
data it would be risky to hazard a guess as to the cultural
identification of the conical mounds and some have been
demonstrated to be of Hopewell affiliation, but the linear
mounds strongly suggest identification with the Effigy Mound
culture. Their broader distribution in Iowa may well sup-
port a suggestion made by Dr. Chandler W. Rowe in his
study of the Effigy Mound culture (Milwaukee Public Mu-
seum Publications in Anthropology No. 3, 1956, p. 84) that
conical and linear mounds represent the earliest manifesta-
tions of the Effigy Mound culture. Since Ellison Orr reports
on the excavation of a large number of these mounds, a com-
parative analysis of some of the internal features should also
be rewarding. We may anticipate that some of this material
will be included in a doctoral dissertation written by Wilfred
Logan and submitted to the University of Michigan in 1958
which is scheduled for publication by the National Park Ser-
vice. However, since this latter study concentrates upon
northeastern Iowa, more data on other mound excavations
remain to be gleaned from the Orr study.
Petroglyphs
The Wisconsin archaeologist may also make useful com-
parisons with the substantial number of petrogyphs reported
and illustrated in various numbers of the Microcard publica-
tion. Some of these have also been illustrated recently by
Dr. Marshall McKusick in an article which appeared in The
lowan (Vol. 11, No. 4, pp. 40-55 (July 1963). One startling
interpretation in the McKusick article is that three of the
petroglyphs may represent the prehistoric mammoth (ibid,
p. 42). Two of the petroglyphs in qestion are from the Paint
Rock site in Allamakee county and while these specific figures
are not commented upon by Ellison Orr, it is of some interest
to note that he adduced evidence to suggest that the picto-
graphs at this site were not of great antiquity. He indicates
that in 1937 after a lapse of 32 years when he had first copied
some of the figures, they were noticeably dimmer and thought
it doubtful that any sign of them will be left in another hun-
dred years. McKusick has called attention to two figures at
192 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 44, No. 3
this site that are pecked in the rock, rather than the painted
forms upon which Orr commented, but since the soft sand-
stone does erode at a measurable rate it is to be questioned
whether petroglyphs of considerable antiquity are to be an-
ticipated in this region.
We have sampled only briefly some of the wealth of ma-
terial in this recent number of the Microcard series. Infor-
mation on the Oneota culture, Hopewell mounds and the
characteristics and distribution of many artifact types all
will be found of great utility. The publication deserves care-
ful attention by the serious student and indicates the very
great contribution made by an important pioneer figure in
local archaeological studies.
David A. Baerreis,
University of Wisconsin
NEW MEMBERS
F. Michael Colacuori, 837 College St., Beloit, Wisconsin
Frederick C. Hervey, Rt. 3 (Quinney Road), Chilton, Wis.
Phillip H. Jaquith, 2501 N. 45th St., Milwaukee, Wisconsin
Library, Wis. State College and Inst. of Technology,
Platteville, Wisconsin.
Mrs. Barbara Perrin, 111% Commercial St., Neenah, W r is.
R. M. Richardson, 6161/2 South Farwell, Eau Claire, Wis.
Marilyn Ritchie, 57 St. Ives Cres., Toronto 12, Ontario,
Canada.
Dennis Sitter, 40 W. 12th Ave., Oshkosh, Wisconsin
Anthony Wise, Hayward, Wisconsin.
STATEMENT OF OWNERSHIP, Management and Circulation.
Date of filing: Oct. 15, 1963.
Title of Publication: Wisconsin Archeologist.
Frequency of issue: Quarterly.
Location of known office of publication: 316 N. Main St.. Lake
Mills, Wis.
Location of Headquarters: 800 W. Wells St., Milwaukee 3, Wis.
Publisher: Wisconsin Archeological Society.
Editor: Dr. Robert E. Ritzenthaler, 800 W. Wells St., Milwaukee 3,
Wis.
Owner: Wisconsin Archeological Society, 800 W. Wells St. Milwau-
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complete.
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COMMITTEES:
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PUBLICITY: Dr. E. G. Bruder, Chairman. Dr. Robert Ritzenthaler.
FRAUDULENT ARTIFACTS: J. K. Whaley, Chairman. Paul Scholz,
Martin Greenwald, Dr. Robert Ritzenthaler, Phillip H. Wiegand.
SURVEYING AND CODIFICATION: William M. Hurley, Chairman.
Ernest Schug, Edward Eichenberger, Lincoln Smith, Paul
Koeppler, Dr. E. G. Bruder, Dr. Stephan Borhegyi.
EDITORIAL: Dr. Robert Ritzenthaler, Chairman. Dr. D. A. Baer-
reis, Lee Parsons.
PROGRAM: Dr. Robert Ritzenthaler, Chairman. Dr. E. G. Bruder,
Herman Zander, Mrs. P. H. Wiegand.
LAPHAM RESEARCH MEDAL COMMITTEE: Dr. Robert Ritzen-
thaler, Chairman. Dr. David A. Baerreis, Dr. E. G. Bruder,
H. W. Cornell, Charles Schoewe.
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Madison
(Meets second Tuesday, 7:45 P. M., State Historical Society,
October thru May)
President: Mr. David Mack
Secretary: Mrs. Charles Hemingway
Treasurer: Dr. Joan Freeman
THE WISCONSIN
ARCHEOLO6IST
LATE PERIOD COPPER ARTIFACTS IN THE UPPER
GREAT LAKES REGION, George I. Quimby
TWO LATE PALEO-INDIAN COMPLEXES IN
WISCONSIN, Ronald J. Mason
A PANTHER MOUND AT QUINNEY, CALUMET
COUNTY, Paul A. Turney
A COPPER INGOT? Robert Ritzenthaler
THE BOOKSHELF, David A. Baerreis and others
INTERESTING
WISCONSIN S
KANSAS
PU
SPECIMENS
CITY, Ma
193
199
212
215
217
223
I A Al *v
WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGICAL SOCIETY
Milwaukee, Wisconsin
Incorporated, 1906
For the purpose of advancing the study and preservation of
Wisconsin Indian Antiquities
OFFICERS
PRESIDENT
Paul Turney
VICE-PRESIDENTS
Dr. Stephan F. Borhegyi Paul Scholz Lee Parsons
Herman Zander Martin Greenwald
DIRECTORS
Dr. E. G. Bruder Phillip H. Wiegand
ADVISORY COUNCIL
Dr. D. A. Baerreis William Oestreich Ernest Schug
W. H. Cornell Neil Ostberg Lincoln Smith
Carlos Cortez E. K. Petrie J. K. Whaley
William Curkeet, Jr. Louis Pierron Dr. A. H. Whiteford
Edward Eichenberger Allen Prill Dr. Merrill Stockey
Dr. William Godfrey Arthur W. Quan Mrs. Phillip H. Wiegand
Dr. Robert Howard Ronald Mason Robert Hruska
Dr. Joan Freeman Dr. Chandler Rowe
TREASURER
Paul A. Koeppler, 5284 N. 83rd St., Milwaukee, Wis.
SECRETARY
Evan A. Hart, 1902 North 49th Street, Milwaukee 8, Wisconsin
EDITOR
Dr. Robert Ritzenthaler, Milwaukee Public Museum,
Milwaukee 3, Wis.
MEMBERSHIP FEES
The Wisconsin Archeologist is distributed to members
as part of their does.
Life Members, $50.00 Endowment Members, $500.00
Sustaining Members, $5.00 Annual Members, $2.00
Institutional Members, $2.00
All communications in regard to the Wisconsin Archeological
Society and contributions to the Wisconsin Archeologist should be
addressed to Evan A. Hart, Secretary, 1902 North 49th Street, Mil-
waukee 8, Wisconsin. Entered as Second Class Matter at the Post
Office at Lake Mills, Wisconsin under the Act of August 21, 1912.
Office of Publication, 316 N. Main St., Lake Mills, Wis.
THE WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST
New Series
MILWAUKEE, WISCONSIN -- DECEMBER, 1963
Published Quarterly by The Wisconsin Archeological Society
LATE PERIOD COPPER ARTIFACTS IN THE
UPPER GREAT LAKES REGION
George L Quimby
Chicago Natural History Museum
For some five thousand years or more the Indians of the
Upper Great Lakes region used copper for the manufacture
of certain tools, weapons, and ornaments. In this brief paper
I shall ignore the copper artifacts of the Old Copper and other
Archaic Indians as well as those of Early Woodland and
Hopewell peoples, because it is here my intent to call atten-
tion to some tools and ornaments made by Indians of the
Late Woodland and Historic periods.
As noted previously by James B. Griffin (1961, p. 32),
recent "archaeological records indicate that during the per-
iod from A. D. 1000 to A. D. 1700, a moderate amount of cop-
per was shaped into small knives, awls, and beads in the
upper Great Lakes area." Here I shall concentrate on the
latter half of this period - say A. D. 1300 to A. D. 1700.
A number of copper ornaments have been found with bur-
ials at the Dumaw Creek site in Oceana County, Michigan
(Quimby, n. d.). One of these burials has a radiocarbon date
of A. D. 1680 + - 150 (See Crane and Griffin 1961, p. 110,
M-1070). The calendrical date is probably closer to A. D.
1600 because there are no European trade goods at the Dumaw
Creek site, and European items should have been reaching
the site by about 1625 or so. On the other hand, the Dumaw
Creek burials must manifest a relatively recent period because
of the remarkable preservation of human skin and hair, veg-
etal seeds, textiles, and animal furs and skins.
Copper ornaments at the Dumaw Creek site include about
48 hair pipes, about 44 beads, and an ornamental plaque com-
posed of tubular beads. The hair pipes are tubes of thin
copper ranging in length from about 3.5 to 7.5 cm. and in di-
ameter from .6 to .8 cm (fig. 1). Hair pipes were ornaments
194 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 44, No. 4
worn on the head (see Quimby I960, figs. 47 and 48), each
held in place by a bundle of hair that had been pulled through
the tube or pipe and knotted.
The beads were small tubes made of thin sheet copper about
three fourths of a millimeter thick. Small rectanguloid sheets
of copper were shaped into tubes probably by pounding them
over a round stick of suitable diameter until the wall of the
bead at any given point was composed of at least two layers
of continuous sheet. The copper beads thus made had walls
about one- and one-half millimeters thick, ranged in length
from 2.3 to 4 cm., and ranged in diameter from .3 cm. to
.7 cm.
The ornamental plaque from the Dumaw Creek site is
composed of 26 large tubular beads paired in 13 conjoined
rows that make a solidly beaded plat of rectangular outline.
The individual beads are held in position by twisting strings
of sinew or possibly leather. These copper beads range in
length from 4.3 cm. to 4.7 cm. and range in diameter from
.7 cm. to .8 cm. This particular oranament was in direct as-
sociation with the skin, fur, hair, etc., upon which the pre-
viously noted radiocarbon measurement, was made.
Copper artifact analysis with the X-ray spectrometer (Ol-
sen 1962, table 1 and p. 237) was made of one hair pipe, one
bead, and one piece of copper from the rectangular plaque.
The results indicated that the artifacts were made of copper,
probably from Michigan deposits. They most definitely were
not made of the European metals found in trade kettles of
the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries.
The Dumaw Creek site did not produce any awls and
knives of copper, but some years ago two small knives of a
style now known to be representative of very latest Wood-
land period were found at the Johnson site on Isle Royale,
Michigan (See Quimby 1939, p. 220). One of these knives
(fig. 2 a) was shaped somewhat like a butter knife. It was 6.3
cm. long with a narrow tang about 2 cm. long. The maxi-
mum width of the blade was 1.4 cm. This knife was in a
shallow pit in association with sherds of Iroquoian style. The
other knife (fig. 2 b) had a similarly rounded point, but the
blade and back were slightly curved. It was 9.5 cm. long
with a narrow tang about 2.5 cm. long, and the maximum
Copper Artifacts
195
width of the blade was 2 cm. This knife was in a stratum
five to ten inches thick that contained sherds of Iroquoian
style and of Late Woodland types apparently without strati-
fication. Although some of the Woodland sherds had lip
treatments that should relate them, temporally at least, to
Dumaw Creek pottery types the primary clue to the typo-
logical dating of the Johnson site and its two copper knives
lies in the Iroquoian pottery.
The Iroquoian pottery includes sherds of Huron incised,
Warminster Incised, and others that should be indicative of
Huron or proto-Huron. It is possible that this pottery was
not actually made and/or used by Huron Indians but was in-
stead made by Huron influenced proto-Chippewa such as the
Nipissing of Missisauga or some similar group. It is also
FIGURE 1. Copper hair pipes from the Dumaw Creek site.
196 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 44, No. 4
possible that the pottery reached Isle Royale from Huron or
proto-Huron sources through channels of trade. \Vhatever
the case, the important point to be made here is that the Iro-
quoian pottery is indicative of a very late period around A.
D. 1300 to 1650, and the copper knives associated with this
pottery are of the same period.
Similar copper knives as well as copper awls and tubular
beads were recently excavated by the Museum of Anthropol-
ogy of the University of Michigan from the Juntunen site
on Bois Blanc Island, Michigan in northern Lake Huron near
the straits of Mackinac (personal communication from Alan
L. McPherron). This stratified Late Woodland site has
radiocarbon dates indicative of a time span from before A.
D. 1000 to after A. D. 1300. Mr. McPherron is preparing a
detailed report on the Juntunen site.
A copper knife, similar in form to the smaller of the two
knives from Isle Royale, was excavated from the upper levels
of a stratified Late Woodland site at the mouth of the Pic
River on the northeast coast of Lake Superior. This site, dis-
covered by Griffin and Quimby in the summer of 1957 was
subsequently excavated by the University of Toronto and
the National Museum of Canada. By the kindness of James
V. Wright, I was permitted to study the Pic River site
(DdIN-2) collections housed in the National Museum of
Canada at Ottawa. The copper knife is about 9 cm. long,
has a straight back, and a narrow tang about 4 cm. in length
(fig. 2 c). The Pic River site encompasses an interval from
Late Woodland to Early Historic times and the copper knife
belongs somewhere in this temporal span, presumably in the
latter half.
A fragmentary copper artifact (fig. 2 d) that appears to
be the outer one third of a blade of the tanged "butter knife"
class was found with Late Woodland pottery on the freshly
eroded surface of the Seul Choix site in Schoolcraft County,
Michigan. Since only Late Woodland styles of sherds have
been found at this site (Quimby field notes) it is assumed
that the knife fragment is also Late Woodland. The portion
of the blade recovered is 4.5 cm. long and has a maximum
width of 1.8 cm.
Copper awls were not found at Seul Choix. They were
CD
I
i
198 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 44, No. 4
present at Juntunen and Pic River, although I have not at-
tempted to describe them here. However, two small copper
awls were found by me in the upper levels of the Summer
Island site in Delta County, Michigan. Both specimens are
rectangular in section and slightly curved. One is 3.5 cm.
long, the other is 4 cm. long. They were found in association
with Late Woodland pottery and Upper Mississippi shell
tempered pottery fragments, thus they seem to manifest a late
period of copper manufacture in the northern Lake Michigan
basin.
This brief study of late period copper artifacts is not a
true survey and it is far from exhaustive. It does, however,
record some specific types and proveniences in late contexts.
The one radiocarbon dated site suggests that ornaments of
native copper were being made as late as A. D. 1600 or even
later. In the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries
the working of native copper seems to have been supplanted
by the use of European copper or brass cut from kettles and
pots. Arrowheads, tubular beads and perhaps hair pipes, and
tinkling cones were made of this European metal which had
the advantage of already being in sheet form.
REFERENCES CITED
Crane, H. R. and Griffin, James B.
1961 University of Michigan Radiocarbon Dates VI. In Radio-
carbon, Vol. 3, pp. 105-125. Published by The American
Journal of Science. New Haven, Connecticut.
Griffin, James B. (editor)
1961 Lake Superior Copper and the Indians: Miscellaneous Studies
of Great Lakes Prehistory. Museum of Anthropology, Un-
iverstiy of Michigan, Anthropological Papers No. 17. Ann
Arbor, Michigan.
Olsen, Edward J.
1962 Copper Artifact Analysis with the X-Ray Spectrometer. Am-
erican Antiquity, Vol. 28, No. 2, pp. 234-238. Salt Lake City,
Utah.
Quimby, George I.
1939 Aboriginal Camp Sites on Isle Roy ale, Michigan. American
Antiquity, Vol. 4, No. 3, pp. 215-223. Menasha, Wisconsin.
1960 Indian Life in the Upper Great Lakes 11,000 B. C. to A. D.
1800. Chicago, lUinois.
N. D. The Archaeology of Two Late Woodland Period Sites in
Oceana County, Michigan.
TWO LATE PALEOINDIAN COMPLEXES
IN WISCONSIN
Ronald J. Mason
Lawrence College
In just the last few years distributional studies of typolog-
ically early forms of lanceolate projectile points (Quimby
1959, 1960) and the discovery and excavation of a cremation
burial site containing certain similar materials on an early
post-glacial fossil beach (Mason and Irwin 1960) have es-
tablished the presence in Wisconsin and the Upper Great
Lakes of a distinctive archaeological complex which hereto-
fore had been considered confined to the Great Plains des-
pite widely, if thinly, scattered evidence to the contrary.
This hunting complex, with the finely made Eden and Scotts-
bluff projectile points as its index fossils, is but one of a grow-
ing number of typologically (hence, culturally) cohesive iso-
lates now subsumed in the Plains under the term Piano and, in
the Upper Great Lakes, Aqua-Piano (Quimby 1960:34-42).
Various sub-divisions, usually based on projectile point typ-
ology in the West, and given such names as Eden, Scotts-
bluff, Plainview, Angostura, etc., have been placed together
with certain eastern assemblages on technological, stylistic,
and subsistence criteria in a proposed Late Paleo-Indian cul-
tural stage with sometimes demonstrated, sometimes assump-
tive, statements of general contemporaneity (Mason 1962).
It is my purpose in this paper to place on record some more
examples of two major groups of Late Paleo-Indian projectile
points found in Wisconsin which clearly relate to materials
presently best known from the Great Plains of the United
States and southern Canada. Having seen and handled good
samples of the western material I do not hesitate to extend
certain specific type names to the Wisconsin area where I
can discern no typological reasons for not doing so. For a long
time I have been hard put to justify the marked hesitancy of
many of my colleagues in attacking the terminological cur-
tain which has been stretched the length of the Mississippi
Valley and which allows as proper the employment of such
highly specific type designations as Eden and Plainview from
the Canadian prairie provinces in the north to Texas in the
south, yet falters at the lesser distances eastward despite the
absence of any known natural or cultural (of the aborigines,
200 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 44, No. 4
that is) barrier. As long as rigorous control is maintained
over the typological perimeters which define a type I see
nothing but obscurantism in arbitrarily restricting a useful
terminology to the region of initial formulation. I would coun-
ter the possible objection that such names as Eden and Scotts-
bluff should be restricted in the applications to Plains repre-
sentatives of a certain formal class because they are more
than formal types but reflect or have as their cultural matrix
a plains oriented or plains adapted life-way by suggesting
that this conception is perhaps a function of historical accident
as to where the initial finds were made. It is certainly not a
product of any kind of distributional analysis. Additionally,
of course, the application of typological nomenclature should
be guided by typological criteria. Possible correlations with
culture type, ecological orientation, etc. are separate prob-
lems to be solved by the manipulation of all available data.
To this end projectile points or any other artifact types with
known associations and chronology in one region may, in-
deed frequently are, used to tentatively fill in correlative gaps
in another region until independent information is forthcom-
ing. But this can only be done when typology is not con-
fused with something else.
By Late Paleo-Indian I refer to the cultural stage and
stone technology generally following the use of fluted points
and generally preceding the emergence of Archaic cultures
with their distinctly different chipped stone industries, ground
and polished stone tools, employment of copper, and evidence
of the development of regional traditions in part consequent
to the "settling in" and subsistence utilization of varying ec-
ological situations. This stage and period they are not the
same thing though they have frequently been confused have
been called Late Paleo-Indian or Early Archaic depending on
the not always explicit frame of reference, and Quimby has
characterized them as dominated by the "Aqua-Piano" tra-
dition (1960: 34-42). For reasons propounded elsewhere I
use the term Late Paleo-Indian to refer to the general cultural
stage (and also the period it occupied) manifested, in the Up-
per Great Lakes, by a variety of lanceolate points and asso-
ciated chipped stone tools made by apparently highly no-
madic hunters and sometimes found in primary association
Paleo-Indian Complexes 201
with fossil beaches formed during the early post-glacial per-
iod (Mason and Irwin 1960:55; Mason 1962: 233). My use
of this term is essentially congruous with Quimby's use of
Aqua-Piano but has the slight terminological advantage, I
think, of laying proper stress on the demonstrable continuities
with Paleo-Indian as characterized by several varieties of
fluted points by subsuming both, where they clearly belong,
in the same broad cultural stage. Other terms might better be
reserved for temporal, geographic, technological, or what
have you, divisions encompassed by the broader rubric.
Recent investigations, some of which summarize earlier
finds pointing in the same direction, have convincingly dem-
onstrated that Late Paleo-Indian assemblages are very wide
spread in the Upper Great Lakes (Fitting 1963a, 1963b; Ma-
son 1962; Quimby 1959, 1960). They are by no means con-
fined to this region, of course, but have close relatives west-
ward to the Rocky Mountains and eastward at least to the
Appalachians. In Ohio, Prufer has documented materials
some of which are strikingly similar to the Wisconsin and
western complexes (Prufer 1960a: 8-10, 1960b: 12, 1961:9).
Other comparable finds have been briefly reviewed for other
sections of eastern North America in conjunction with a sur-
vey of fluted point distributions (Mason 1962).
There are several different projectile point styles classifi-
able as Late Paleo-Indian in the Upper Great Lakes. Some
of these appear to have dissimilar geographic distributions
and may additionally record temporal divisions within the
Late Paleo-Indian Period. One cohesive variety of Late
Paleo-Indian artifacts with a wide Upper Great Lakes dis-
tribution is represented by the Hi-Lo component recently de-
fined in the lower peninsula of Michigan (Fitting 1963a,
1963b). The present report deals briefly with two other di-
visions of Late Paleo-Indian projectile points notable for their
sometimes startling resemblance to certain types of Early
Man points initially defined in the Plains where they have
been dated by a variety of physical means and have been
associated with the remains of fossil bison.
On the accompanying plates are twelve Wisconsin pro-
jectile points. The first eight of these undoubtedly belong
together as representative of a distinctive cultural tradition
202 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 44, No. 4
within the Late Paleo-Indian stage whose closest affinities
are with the Eden-Scottsbluff (Cody) complex until recently
thought to be confined to the western plains of the United
States and Canada. Three of the Wisconsin specimens are
Scottsbluff Type I points (nos. 1, 3, and 4), two are presently
best classifiable as Scottsbluff-related (nos. 2 and 6), two are
Eden points (nos. 5 and 8), and one is probably a related
type of the classic Eden point (no. 7). The specimens identi-
fied as Scottsbluff and Eden are identical, usually but for
petrology, with their better known western counterparts. This
is likewise true of the artifacts from the Renier site in Brown
County the only known Eden-Scottsbluff site in the state
(Mason and Irwin 1960). The assertion of typological iden-
FIG. 1. (1) Scottsbluff Type I. (2) Scottsbluff-related. (3) Scotts-
bluff Type I.
Paleolndian Complexes
203
tity rests not alone on overall shape, of course, but also on
proportions of stem to blade length and breadth, edge finish-
ing, and in all details of the highly sophisticated flaking tech-
niques for which Eden, Scottsbluff, and other Piano points
are noted in type descriptions. Somewhat cruder examples
of these types exist in the \Vest as well as in \Visconsin al-
though these are rarely figured in the literature. The pres-
ence of both Eden and Scottsbluff points in different parts of
the state, coupled with those excavated at the Renier site,
adds another distinctive culture to the expanding picture of
early \Visconsin prehistory. That some perhaps "local"
modifications developed on this assemblage is suggested by
the variant forms with laterally expanded basal ears, an at-
tribute seemingly unknown on the plains.
FIG. 2. (4) Scottsbluff Type I. (5) Eden Type. (6) Scottsbluff-
related.
204 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 44, No. 4
At the present time Eden and Scottsbluff points are not
known from across the lake in Michigan, although some re-
semblances may be noted in certain argillite points from that
area. It is notable that the Eden-Scottsbluff complex in Wis-
consin, as well as the other Late Paleo-Indian assemblages,
though to a lesser degree, exhibit a marked emphasis on the
use of fine grained quartzites as raw material in the fabrica-
tion of projectile points and tools. In large areas of the state
otherwise dominated by chert using cultures, this sign of cul-
tural selection harks back to the period of fluted points. It
is one of the tasks of present research to trace the source of
this raw material.
The sample illustrated in the plates is, with one exception,
selected from the collections of the Neville Public Museum in
Green Bay and the Oshkosh Public Museum. I I have also
seen similar artifacts in the Public Museum of Manitowoc,
the Milwaukee Public Museum, the Museum of the State His-
torical Society in Madison, and in a few private collections.
I hope collectors in the state will examine their collections for
additional examples.
The remaining projectile points illustrated in the plate
(nos. 9-12) are Plainview and Plainview-like points which,
like the Eden and Scottsbluff specimens, relate to an early
post-fluted point horizon currently best sampled in the west-
ern Plains states. These four artifacts, only a repesentative
sample of a much larger collection, probably belong to a
division of the Late Paleo-Indian stage to be distinguished
from both that recorded by the Eden and ScottsblufF and re-
lated stemmed forms and that represented by the Hi-Lo
Complex. These three divisions, and probably some others
as yet unrecognized, indicate that the Late Paleo-Indian stage
in the Upper Great Lakes is not a simple or homogeneous
transitional one intervening between fluted points and the
Archaic. The different constellations of morphological attri-
butes and their differential distributions both east and west
1 I want to thank James L. Quinn, director of the Neville Public
Museum, and Robert Hruska of the Oshkosh Public Museum for
access to the collections of their respective institutions. I am also
indebted to Harris Palmer, Wisconsin State College and Institute
of Technology, Platteville, for the loan of point number 6.
Paleo-Indian Complexes
205
suggest that a complicated story remains to be unearthed.
Late Paleo-Indian assemblages overlap in time with the end
of the Early Paleo-Indian (fluted point) stage in parts of this
region and with the earlier manifestations of the Archaic
stage. It is at these shadowy boundaries that some of the
most exciting research beckons.
Description of the Sample
The following individual descriptions and remarks are
FIG. 3. (7) Eden Type. (8) Eden Type.
206 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 44, No. 4
keyed into the numbered specimens in the plates. For sim-
plicity, all pertinent metrical data have been abstracted and
placed in tabular form (Table 1).
No. 1. Oshkosh Public Museum, catalogue number 144/
L268. From Butte des Morts (probably from section 24 of
\Vinneconne township), \Vinnebago County. Collected by
C. J. Koehn. Material: quartzite. This is a classic example
of a Scottsbluff Type I point incorporating some fine hori-
zontal transverse flaking. There are distinct but not em-
phatic median ridges on both faces. Pronounced grinding has
dulled the lateral and basal edges of the only slightly in-
stepped stem. Also in the Oshkosh Public Museum (cat. no.
135/L268) is a fine Clovis fluted point collected from the
same area and made of the same material.
No. 2. Neville Public Museum, Green Bay, catalogue num-
ber 796/212. From the northeast quarter of section 29, town-
ship of Pierce, Kewaunee County. Apparently collected by
F. Rothe and subsequently incorporated in the J. P. Schu-
macher collection presented to the museum. Material: quart-
zite. This is a Scottsbluff or related point with flat, tending
to transverse, flaking. The laterally flaring basal "ears" seen
on this and some other similar Wisconsin points may have
chronological as well as geographic significance (Mason
1962:239). The lateral and basal stem edges have been
ground smooth. The splendid quartzite ScottsblufF point illus-
trated by Quimby (1960:35, fig. 13), and labeled an Aqua-
Piano point, is from the same section of Kewaunee County
as this specimen.
No. 3. Neville Public Museum, 3569/455. Probably from
Brown or a nearby county. Collected by J. P. Schumacher.
Material: quartzite. An excellent example of a Scottsbluff
Type I projectile point with the gentle expanding stem and
the careful flat collateral to transverse flaking typical of the
Scottsbluff points excavated at the Renier site in Brown
County (Mason and Irwin 1960). A small section of the
distal end is missing and there is a broad impact scar eman-
ating from the break. All stem edges have been reduced by
grinding.
No. 4. Neville Public Museum, 3923. Provenience uncer-
tain but probably from eastern Wisconsin. Collected by A.
208 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 44, No. 4
G. Holmes and subsequently incorporated in the Frank }. B.
Duchateau collection presented to the museum. Material:
quartzite. An excellent, if somewhat more boldly flaked than
usual, Scottsbluff Type I point. There is some breakage and
flake-back at the tip from impact damage; this has been min-
imally retouched by pressure flaking from alternate faces.
The flaking tends to be collateral but does not meet across
the blade. Stem edge grinding is light except just beneath
the shoulders.
No. 5. Oshkosh Public Museum, 925. From Green Lake
County. Material: patinated dark honey colored chalcedony.
The specimen is a classic Eden point with deep and even
collateral flaking and median ridges on both faces which give
the point a diamond shaped cross section. The stem (it is
barely one) is only very faintly instepped and is smoothed,
not by grinding, but by minute painstaking pressure flaking.
The straight basal edge is slightly beveled by steep pressure
flaking from one face. While both faces of the artifact are
well streaked and mottled with creamy to bluish patina, one
is particularly so altered. What is of unusual interest is the
distinctive material of which the artifact is made. This al-
most certainly non-Wisconsin material (an opinion shared
by Drs. William F. Read and Leonard W. Weis of the ge-
ology department at Lawrence College) is very reminiscent
of some of the chalcedonies I have seen in collections of
Early Man points from Wyoming and adjacent regions. An-
other example of the same material is represented by a small
and somewhat irregularly flaked Agate Basin type point in
the Neville Public Museum (cat. no. 1026/222). Collected
by J. P. Schumacher near Big Suamico in Brown County, this
specimen also shares with the Eden point the same kind of
patina, though it is much less extensively developed. The
petrology strongly suggests western origin and subsequent
eastward movement such as some archaeologists have fre-
quently invoked but not yet demonstrated on this time level.
Other Wisconsin Eden points are usually made of non-exotic
quartzites.
No. 6. Collection of Harris Palmer, Wisconsin State Col-
lege and Institute of Technology, Platteville. Found near
Millston, Jackson County. Material: fossiliferous creamy
Paleo-Indiian Complexes 209
white chert or flint. A Scottsbluff or Scottsbluff -related point
with bifacial median ridges and a flattened diamond shaped
cross section. Blade flaking is fine and tends to be obliquely
transverse on one face, collateral on the other. The moder-
ately instepped stem meets the blade at a sharp shoulder and
is provided with laterally flaring basal ears of the type men-
tioned before. The base is concave. This latter feature, while
not usual, is nevertheless found on some otherwise typical
Scottsbluff points from the northern plains states where it is
sometimes even associated with pronounced fluting of the
stem. Only the ears at the juncture of basal and lateral stem
edges, then, qualitatively distinquish this specimen from the
Scottsbluff Type I point. All stems are ground.
No. 7. Neville Public Museum, 3577. Provenience un-
known, but certainly \Visconsin. Collected by either a Mr.
Heckert or C. D. Brower and acquired by Frank J. B. Ducha-
teau and presented to the museum. Material: quartzite. An
Eden or Eden-related projectile point made of the same quart-
zite as point no. 2 from Kewaunee County. The unusually at-
tenuated blade is provided with a pronounced median ridge
on both faces accentuated by deep and regular collateral flak-
ing. The cross section is diamond shaped. The lateral projec-
tions or basal "ears" are shared with points 2 and 5 and are
attributes not reported for western Eden points. They are
likewise not found at the Renier site. All stems are well
ground.
No. 8. Oshkosh Public Museum, 16/800. From Marq^ette
County. Collected by Arthur Kannenburg. Material: quart-
zite. An Eden point without an instepped stem. The "stem"
area, however, is heavily ground except on the basal edge.
The flaking pattern is not as even as in the case of the other
Eden and Eden-like points but there is some tendency to the
collateral style. The tip is missing and the table of metrical
attributes records the estimated original length.
No. 9. Oshkosh Public Museum, 241/1. Provenience un-
certain but believed to be from \Visconsin. Collected by J.
G. Pickett. Material: mottled gray chert. A Plain view type
projectile point with a thin cross section, well defined concave
base, and basal thinning. The flaking is flat and irregular below
the midpoint, tending to be parallel tranverse above. Edge
210 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 44, No. 4
grinding is extensive.
No. 10. Neville Public Museum, 1021/222. From the
town of DePere, Brown County. Collected by J. P. Schu-
macher. Material: creamy tan chert. A broad bladed Plain-
view or Plainview-like point with flat irregular flaking and
lacking edge grinding.
No. 11. Neville Public Museum, 1010/222. From the
Huemfner Farm, town of Preble, Brown County. Collected
by J. P. Schumacher. Material: patinated mottled tan chert.
This is a fine example of a Plainview point. Blade flaking is
broad, regular, and parallel transverse, and one face exhibits
basel thinning. Lower lateral edges have been trimmed by
fine pressure retouch rather than ground.
No. 12. Neville Public Museum, 787/212. From Big Sua-
mico, Brown County. Collected by J. P. Schumacher. Ma-
terial: quartzite. A Plainview point. This specimen has a
very shallow concave base. The flaking is broad and irreg-
ular on one face, tending to oblique transverse on the other.
Extensive grinding is evidenced on the lower lateral edges
and on the basal edge except in the center. There is moderate
basal thinning.
REFERENCES CITED
Fitting, James E.
1963a An Early Post Fluted Point Tradition in Michigan: A Dis-
tributional Analysis. Michigan Archaeologist, Vol. 9, No. 2,
pp. 21-24.
1963b The Hi-Lo Site, a Late Paleo-Indian Site in Western Mich-
igan. The Wisconsin Archeologist, Vol. 44, No. 2, pp. 87-96.
Mason, Ronald J.
1962 The Paleo-Indian Tradition in Eastern North America. Cur-
rent Anthropology, Vol. 3, No. 3, pp. 227-278.
Mason, Ronald J., and Carol Irwin
1960 An Eden-Scottsbluff Burial in Northeastern Wisconsin. Am-
erican Antiquity, Vol. 26, No. 1, pp. 43-57.
Prufer, Olaf H.
1960a Survey of Ohio Fluted Points, No. 2. Published by the Cleve-
land Museum of Natural History.
1960b Survey of Ohio Fluted Points, No. 3. Published by the Cleve-
land Museum of Natural History.
1961 Survey of Ohio Fluted Points, No. 6. Published by the Cleve-
land Museum of Natural History.
Quimby, George I.
1959 Lanceolate Points and Fossil Beaches in the Upper Great
Lakes Region. American Antiquity, Vol. 24, No. 4, pp. 424-426.
1960 Indian Life in the Upper Great Lakes. The University of
Chicago Press.
Paleo-Indian Complexes 211
Total Blade Maximum Stem Stem Basal Weight
No. Length Breadth Thickness Length Breadth Breadth Grams
1.
70.0
28.5
9.0
21.0
26.0
25.0
17
2.
120.0
40.0
10.0
20.0
25.0
26.5
55
3.
107.0*
31.5
9.5
19.0
21.0
24.0
32*
4.
74.0
27.0
10.0
22.5
22.5
22.0
20*
5.
114.0
19.0
7.5
18.0
18.0
18.0
16
6.
95.0
28.0
9.0
20.0
21.0
25.0
23
7.
147.0
28.0
12.0
25.0
20.5
22.0
46
8.
140.0*
26.0
9.0
__ _
23.0
?
9.
74.0
24.0
5.0
20.0
12
10.
69.0
27.0
6.5
21.0
14
11.
79.0
26.5
6.5
21.0
12
12.
73.0
25.5
7.5
__ _
21.0
14
Table 1. Measurements of the Late Paleo-Indian projectile points
described in the text. Measurements are in millimeters and an aster-
isk (*) indicates an estimation of the original dimension.
A PANTHER MOUND AT QUINNEY,
CALUMET COUNTY
Paul A. Turney
This mound was located in the late fall of 1962 by four
members of the Wisconsin Archeological Society: Tom
Jackland, Paul Koeppler, Neil Ostberg and the author. The
members were surface hunting for relics along the east shore
of Lake Winnebago when the mound was discovered beside
the road. The owner of the land became very interested
when told it was an Indian mound. The records of the Mil-
waukee Public Museum were checked and it was found that
the mound had never been recorded. This meant that it
would have to be measured and located accurately. In the
spring of this year, May 25, 1963, the mound was measured
and excavated.
It is not easy to locate this mound with map co-ordinates,
as it was located in the old Stockbridge Reservation which
was not laid out in sections when the land was surveyed.
It is located on lot 57 Stockbridge Township, Calumet Coun-
ty. It is .2 of a mile east of highway 55 on Quinney Road,
on the property of Mr. Fred Hervey. It was constructed on
the side of the hill that slopes Southwest toward Lake Win-
nebago and was oriented Northwest-Southwest, with the
head to the Southwest. The mound is a panther mound and
is 121' 3" long; the tail measures 80', the front leg, measured
from the back of the effigy, is 30', that being the widest part
of the mound. At the highest part of the mound the measure-
ment is 2' 9" from ground level. All of these measurements
were made from a line running north south off of the north-
west corner stake of Mr. Hervy's lot line. The tail inter-
sects the drainage ditch along Quinney road and may have
been longer as the road builders could have destroyed part
of it
For the excavation, by the aforementioned members, a 5'
wide trench was laid out starting in the head and shoulder
area of the mound and measured in 5' sections toward the tail.
Each section was taken down in six inch levels until the or-
iginal ground level was reached. The original ground was
excavated to a depth of 6 inches and was composed of a
reddish clay mixed with gravel. The mound itself was com-
posed of a clay loam dark brown in color and rather tightly
o
or
ID
o
214 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 44, No. 4
packed. Intermixed throughout were intrusions of the sub-
soil. These showed up as pockets in the mound fill that ap-
peared to be basket loads but they were too indistinct to
measure or photograph. The first two squares yielded no
article of Indian manufacture. There was charcoal inter-
mixed with the fill and an occasional stone that showed no
evidence of use. The third square yielded two small sections
of human long bone, possibly a leg bone. One was 2 1 /" in
length, the other was 3" in length. These fragments of bone
were in an area very badly disturbed by an animal burrow,
possibly a woodchuck by the size of the den. The bone frag-
ments lay just at the edge of the burrow and about a foot
apart; they were 20" below the mound surface. Further ex-
cavation failed to yield any further evidence of a burial. The
bone was in a very poor state of preservation and could
hardly be extracted from the surrounding soil.
The information gathered from the excavation showed
that a burial had been present but had been disturbed and
destroyed by some animal. There was no sod line under the
mound so it must have been removed before the mound was
constructed. There was one odd feature present. About 1'
6" below the mound surface was a thin humus line that fol-
lowed the present contour of the effigy. It looked as if the
mound was constructed and a while later enlarged; this was
the opinion of all Archeological Society members present.
We would like to thank Mr. Fred Hervey for allowing us
to dig on his property and also for his very able assistance in
surveying the mound. Mrs. Hervey deserves our thanks for
two tasty meals and the hospitality of her home. Thanks to
Dr. Robert Ritzenthaler for making the arrangements for
the dig.
A COPPER INGOT?
Robert Ritzenthaler
A rather interesting piece of copper was found by Robert
Lorenz of Milwaukee at the south end of Elmwood Island
in Fox Lake, Dodge County. It is 2^/2 inches wide, 1 V4 inches
high, and % of an inch at its greatest thickness. It was about
- feet below the surface and associated with a human bone
fragment and a Woodland point.
The unusual aspect of the piece is that all three edges of
its roughly triangular shape show evidence of hammering,
and one surface has a folded layer. It is certainly not an
artifact in its present form, and does not even suggest an
incipient or unfinished artifact. Mr. Lorenz's suggestion that
it might be an ingot is well taken. An ingot is defined in
Webster as a "mass of metal cast into some convenient shape
for transportation or storage." This piece was not cast, but
the possibility of its having been beaten into a more compact
shape and eliminating any sharp edges for convenient trans-
portation seems worthy of consideration. The paucity of
worked implements near the great quarries such as Isle
Royale suggests that the Indians mined the native copper
and took it to their respective villages to work it.
A weakness of the ingot theory is that if this were a con-
216 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 44, No. 4
sistent practice, one would expect to find more examples
of it. This is the only example that the writer has encoun -
tered. Obviously most of them would end up as artifacts and
thus disappear from the record, but even so it would be sus-
pected that other examples would have been forthcoming by
now as having been lost in transit or in a workman's stock-
pile, if this theory is to be given credence.
These pieces should not be confused with float copper
which occasionally shows evidence of battering, but we would
be interested in hearing from any collector who might have
a specimen similar to this which could lend further support
to the ingot theory.
NEW MEMBERS
Dan Christensen, 718 Ohio Street, Racine, Wisconsin.
John Garekis, 2034 North 49th Street, Milwaukee 8, Wis.
Bob Thielen, Rt. 2, Box 201, Union Grove, Wisconsin.
R. H. Lorenz, 4811 N. Cumberland, Milwaukee, Wis. 53217
Steve Sunn, 2503 W. Garvey, Apt. 38, Alhambra, California
Bruce Swander, 2302 E. Milwaukee St., Janesville, Wis. 53545
Patricia Albers, 1815 N. 47th St., Milwaukee 8, Wisconsin
George E. Fay, Ravenswood Apt., 644 Otter St., Oshkosh,
Wisconsin.
James P. Gallagher, 2425 Main St., La Crosse, Wisconsin.
Wayne C. Raethke, Pepin, Wisconsin
James Spetta, Rt. 2, Box 151, New Holstein, Wisconsin
Mrs. Ida M. Yaggie, 1215 Beech Tree St., Grand Haven,
Michigan.
By
David A, Baerreis
and
Guest Reviewers
THE BOOKSHELF
This issue turns to ethnology, long an area of concern to
The Wisconsin Archeological Society which has recognized
that the study of Indians of the present day and the historic
period forms a natural continuum with prehistory. Our guest
reviewer, Dr. Bernard }. James, has recently shifted from the
University of Chicago to his present position in the Depart-
ment of Anthropology of the University of Wisconsin - Mil-
waukee and the Extension Division of the University. He
too has conducted extensive studies among the Chippewa In-
dians of Wisconsin.
The Southwestern Chippewa: An Ethnohistorical Study by
Harold Hickerson. American Anthropoligical Associa-
tion, Memoir 92, 1962. vi + 110 pp., 3 maps.
Hickerson's monograph comes at a most propitious moment
in the growing body of literature concerning Chippewa cul-
ture and personality change. As a refinement of historical
and ecological problems, it also has significant implications
for acculturation theory emerging from Chippewa studies.
There are several reasons for the increasing attention paid
the Chippewa. For one thing, we have sufficient historical
data to study the culture in depth, and this history provides
virtual "laboratory" conditions for study of acculturation
phenomena. Also, Hallowell's investigations of pyschological
patterns in collective Saulteaux behavior have continued to
stir interest in personality traits of the entire Chippewa popu-
lation. As a consequence of these developments, we now have
a sizeable professional literature in Chippewa studies, includ-
ing multiple recent papers from each of the researchers active
in the area, including Barnouw, Boggs, Dunning, Friedl,
Hallowell, Hickerson, James, and Kerckhoff. Hickerson's
monograph is a welcome addition to his growing list of Chip-
pewa papers.
218 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 44, No. 4
A salient argument of the Hickerson study, one which is
certain to generate active debate, is the assertion that "there
can be no portrait of the historical Chippewa as a single peo-
ple." (p. 88) This would seem, at first glance, to be a rather
extreme claim. Evidence now in hand, however, would ap-
pear to support such a view. The "Chippewa culture" (parts
of which may be designated Ojibwa or Sauleaux) has cer-
tainly been a complex, often obscure, association of peoples,
and although they have common basic traits, member groups
have been exposed to different historical and cultural forces.
The southern peoples, those occupying the region below the
Rainy River and Lake Superior, were subject to much more
intensive conflict with hostile tribes, as well as to much more
intense contact with whites, than were people to the north.
Hickerson is, therefore, undoubtedly correct in stressing the
pluralistic nature of the Chippewa "nation."
The monograph distinguishes seven Chippewa culture ~
change eras; spanning the period from about 1640 to the
present day. They are delineated as follows: the precontact
period during which small, autonomous, patrilineal totemic
groups moved about north and east of Lake Erie; the early
contact period during which some of these groups affiliated
at the fisheries of Sault St. Marie (from about 1640 to 1680);
the period of peaceful establishment of relatively large settle-
ments at Chequamegon and Kewenaw, with trade and hunt-
ing alliance with the Dakota (from 1680 to 1736); the years
during which the Dakota alliance broke down and Chippewa
groups moved inland in the face of Dakota resistance (from
1736 to about 1780); an era of continued movement by the
Chippewa into regions of the Red River and the Minnesota
River, until about 1850; the period of the decline of the fur-
trade and session of large tracts of land to the United States;
and the final era from mid-nineteenth century to the present,
during which the reservations were established and most re-
maining native cultural forms disintegrated.
The second, third, fourth and fifth eras receive the lion's
share of Hickerson's attention. Close study is given in par-
ticular to the diaspora-like movement from Chequamegon and
Kewemaw. The crucial area involved is a crescent-shaped
zone running from Chippewa Falls, Wisconsin to the Pern-
The Bookshelf 219
bina region on the Red River. This zone is a fascinating ar-
ena of acculturation forces, and one of the significant contri-
butions of the monograph, in my view, is the author's demon-
stration of the close relationship between ecological and cul-
tural factors in the area. Conflict between the Chippewa and
Dakota was particularly intense in a belt of deciduous forest
and parkland paralleling the Minnesota River. A heavily
gamed region, it appears to have been a no-man's land be-
tween the river tribes. It is significant that the line of the
Prairie du Chien Treaty of 1825, a treaty by which each tribe
occupied part of the prized area, coincide with this forest-
prairie zone a striking evidence of the close relationship
between natural, economic, political and social factors.
Although Hickerson does not go into the east-west cultural
distinction as deeply as he might have, one can identify a
synchronic dimension of change that was evidently related
to his seven-era historical span. It appears that" vanguard
groups moving southwesterly in the teeth of fierce Dakota
forces underwent more rapid internal social change than did
peoples located in more peaceful rear areas. One has the im-
pression that structural change in Chippewa institutions was
most dramatic on the periphery of the southwest area, the
troubled regions of Minnesota and Wisconsin. One can dis-
cern, then, two axes of cultural change, one along the histor-
ical time dimension for each area, the other by geographic
areas with differential rates of social - structural adaption.
With the Hickerson study in hand, generalizations concern-
ing the dynamics of Chippewa structural change in front, as
contrasted with rear, contact zones could now be profitably
explored.
The monograph rests essentially upon a theory of economic
determinism. It contrasts, for this reason in particular, with
the ethno-psychological emphasis of Barnouw's 1950 mono-
graph. It undertakes, for example, to demonstrate that
changes in land tenure were related to tribal conflict over fur
and hunting grounds. In the southwest, this involved a shift
from hunting territories held by small, widely dispersed fam-
ily groups, toward patterns in which hunting territories were
determined by the collective needs of villages. It also sug-
gests that the dissolution of cross-cousin marriage in the
220 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 44, No. 4
south was a structural consequence of the growth of village
solidarity. In Hickerson's words,
In the southwest, the advance to the game grounds was
a community affair, and the size of the hunting band was
determined by the number of men who could bear arms
and remain in ready communication. The band in the
southwestern hunting areas was on broad ground the
economic equivalent of the northern coresidential unit;
however, its organization was not based upon the co~
residence of agnates, but rather on the mutual interest
and solidarity of related and unrelated village mates,
(p. 45)
These are the essential reasons why Hickerson takes issue
with "atomistic" interpretations of southwestern Chippewa
behavior.
I personally find the economic emphasis in Hickersori's
conceptual framework congenial. It seems to me that ques-
tions of how people keep body and soul together are priority
concerns regardless of whether one examines culture at its
economic foundations or at the more complex and subtle
psychological level of analysis. It is possible, of course, to
argue from a strictly functional point of view that selection
of variables is a matter of choice and convenience, that all
behavioral phenomena, whether economic of psychological,
are equally "real" and casually significant. From a configura-
tional standpoint, for example, one can maintain, and with
good reason, that it 4s useless to try to understand a phen-
omenon such as the potlatch merely as an economic form;
its sociial-psychological characteristics are clearly very potent.
Nonetheless, it may be argued, as Hendrickson might, that
one can minimize errors in theory building by an approach
which generalizes from "simple" phenomena at the visceral
level, say economic subsistence needs, to complex phenomena
concerning ethos and collective psychological disposition,
rather than the other way around.
One of the arguments advanced by Hickerson which will
undoubtedly stir a good deal of debate for some time to come
is that warrior societies had begun to merge among the
Minnesota and Wisconsin Objibwa during the 19th century.
The evidence which he cites is not entirely convincing, though
it is intriguing. The Gigidag class, for which Hickerson finds
The Bookshelf 221
some evidence at Leech Lake, Lac du Flambeau and Lac
Vieux Desert, was probably an emergent social form that
was not clearly understood even by participants in it. From
a logical point of view, the conditions which Hickerson says
marked the period (about 1830) when the societies began to
develop, could be expected to precipitate such new social
forms. These conditions include, for example,
. . . incessant territorial warfare involving large village
populations; the organization of hunters into bands al-
ways available to defend their hunting groups . . . ; the
existence of hereditary and other chiefs ... (59)
By the very nature of the case, however, emergent forms
such as these societies may have been, would be indistinct
during their early years of development. Evidence for them
is bound to be illusive. In the case of the Chippewa warrior
class, the question of their existence as a significant social
structure may be inherently insoluable.
The Hickerson study does not examine in any detail the
period of land cession and reservation establishment running
from about 1840 to the present. However, the author does
summarize his views concerning these latter developments
by observing:
The virtual collapse of the fur trade as a profitable en-
terprise, in combination with a generally diminishing
game supply, were crucial in preparing the way for ac-
ceptance by the Chippewa of the cession and reservation
eras. (p. 89)
Most scholars working in this area would probably agree.
What is needed now, however, are studies of the sixty-year
period from about 1870 to 1930, during which the fur-trade
and hunting-gathering economy was replaced by the pauper-
dependent economies of the reservations. This period is par-
ticularly significant because it was during these years that
the Indian "problem" assumed its present dimensions and
contemporary personality characteristics began to emerge.
As far as research is concerned, it is, unfortunately, a missing
link in Chippewa culture-history. With the exception of a
few papers, such as Gilfillan's report on conditions in Minne-
sota in 1901, we have very limited information on life during
the early reservation era. We need now to connect the dra-
222 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 44, No. 4
matic years which Hickerson has analyzed with contempor-
ary events such as Boggs, Kerckhoff and I have examined.
It would be most fortunate if Hickerson were to turn his
skills as an historian to a study of the years between 1880
and 1930.
Bernard J. James,
University of Wisconsin Milwaukee
FLUTED POINT
Of Chert. Length
1%". Fluted on
both sides. Found
b y Paul Koep-
pler in Mud
Lake area. Sec-
tion 23, Portland
Tnshp. Dodge
County.
FLUTED POINT
Clovis type with flutes on both
sides. Found by Robert Cou-
villion in northeast part of
Peshtigo, Marinette County.
A FLUTED POINT FROM
JUNEAU COUNTY
This specimen is noteworthy for
the fine long diagonal flaking
especially on one side. There
are short flutes on both sides.
Length is 2% inches, width at
base is 1 inch. Surface find in
S. W. *4 of N. W. M of Section
12, Town of Orange, Range 2
E., Juneau County, Wisconsin.
Harry Mortensen collection,
New Lisbon.
COMMITTEES:
MEMBERSHIP COMMITTEE: J. K. Whaley, Chairman. Herman
Zander, Phillip H. Wiegand.
PUBLICITY: Dr. E. G. Binder, Chairman. Dr. Robert Ritzenthaler.
FRAUDULENT ARTIFACTS: J. K. Whaley, Chairman. Paul Scholz,
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SURVEYING AND CODIFICATION: William M. Hurley, Chairman.
Ernest Schug, Edward Eichenberger, Lincoln Smith, Paul
Koeppler, Dr. E. G. Bruder, Dr. Stephan Borhegyi.
EDITORIAL: Dr. Robert Ritzenthaler, Chairman. Dr. D. A. Bar-
rels, Lee Parsons.
PROGRAM: Dr. Robert Ritzenthaler, Chairman. Dr. E. G. Bruder,
Herman Zander, Mrs. P. H. Wiegand.
LAPHAM RESEARCH MEDAL COMMITTEE: Dr. Robert Ritzeu-
thaler, Chairman. Dr. David A. Baerreis, Dr. E. G. Bruder,
H. W. Cornell, Charles Schoewe.
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Madison
(Meets second Tuesday, 7:45 P. M., State Historical Society,
October thru May)
President: Mr. David Mack
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Treasurer: Dr. Joan Freeman
THE OKLAHOMA KICKAPOO: AN ETHNOGRAPHIC
RECONSTRUCTION, Ben J. Wallace
1
THE BOOKSHELF, David A. Baerreis
INTERESTING WISCONSIN SPECIMENS
70
77
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WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGICAL SOCIETY
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Incorporated, 1906
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ADVISORY COUNCIL
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TREASURER
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EDITOR
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THE WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST
New Series
MILWAUKEE, WISCONSIN - MARCH, 1964
Published Quarterly by The Wisconsin Archeological Society
THE OKLAHOMA KICKAPOO:
AN ETHNOGRAPHIC RECONSTRUCTION
Ben J. Wallace
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
The author would like to acknowledge Professor Norman
A. Chance for initially suggesting field work with the Okla-
homa Kickapoo and for encouragement during the early
phases of the field work. Professors Robert E. Bell, William
E. Bittle, and Aram A. Yengoyan deserve special acknowl-
egement for their guidance during the preparation of an
earlier report on the Kickapoo from which this paper is ab-
stracted.
The author is especially indebted to Professor A. M. Gib-
son for making available a manuscript on the history of the
Kickapoo and the notes used in preparation of the manu-
script. Without his assistance, the author would have had
great difficulty presenting adequate historical data on the
Kickapoo.
For financial assistance, the author would like to express
his appreciation to the Lew Wentz Foundation, University
of Oklahoma, and to the Southwest Center for the Study of
Human Relations, University of Oklahoma.
Finally, special acknowledgement should be given to the
Kickapoo men and women whom the author grew to know
personally, and to the Oklahoma Kickapoo tribe as a whole,
for without their approval and assistance this report could
have never been written.
WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST
Vol. 45, No. 1
Vowels:
i feet
e bet
a father
u sue
o rope
^ such
a whispered a
PHONETIC KEY
Consonants:
thus
s ship
z garage
c church
Other
consonants
as in
English
Signs:
stop
accent
a j diphong tie
&J diphong hay
* The phonetic transcriptions in this report are impressionistic and
are not to be considered absolute renditions of Algonquian as
spoken by the Kickapoo..
INTRODUCTION
Historical Perspective
The documented history ' of the Kickapoo begins during
the early part of the seventeenth century when the French
started their western movement from Montreal and Quebec.
Moving west and south from their St. Lawrence settlements,
they established military posts, commercial trading posts, and
Jesuit missions in a land that had up until this time been un-
der the control of the Algonquian tribes. During this period
of exploration, soldiers, traders and priests made periodic re-
ports to their superiors. In one such report in 1634, the Kick-
apoo and their confederates, the Mascoutin and Fox, are
mentioned for the first time (Gibson MS).
Following contact with the French and after becoming
"intrigued by the knives, hatchets, and guns; the blankets,
fabrics, and baubles; and armed by Onontios milk (the fiery
brandy, dispensed by the French in council in little cups), the
Algonkian brotherhood for the most part succumbed docilely
to the seductive design of the French" (Gibson MS). The
Kickapoo and their allies, however, "become outlaws in the
western French Empire, a rugged banditti folk who plundered
French supply trains, shot down messengers and isolated
coureurs de bois, massacred Indians friendly to the French.
During the French and Indian War the British incited the
Chicksaw to make war on the Kickapoo and in retaliation
Oklahoma Kickapoo
the Kickapoo started a reign of terror against the British,
"englishmen were slain and scalped, their women and children
carried away into captivity, and their slaves mutilated" (Gib-
son MS). Kickapoo resistance to the British continued
throughout the American War of Independence although
their part in this war was very small and at the close of the
war and as the American settler began moving west, "Kicka-
poo policy toward the 'Long Knives' changed at a rhythm as
steady as the advance of settlement" (Gibson MS/. In hopes
of turning back the settlers, the Kickapoo began sending
delegates to Detroit seeking British council, while at the same
time, they were visiting the Spanish at St. Louis. It has been
noted that "the Kickapoo became reliable and trusted de-
fenders of British interest, less for the sake of the British per
se, but more so because the objective of both the British and
the Kickapoo . . . was the same namely, stemming the
tide of American settlement" (Gibson MS).
Numerous unsuccessful attempts were made by the United
States government to negotiate treaties of peace with the
Algonquian tribes prior to 1790 and because of this lack of
success, a series of expeditions against this confederacy was
initiated by order of the Secretary of War. In late 1790, an
undefeated Kickapoo village on the Wabash was burned. In
the early summer of 1791, the Kickapoo village of Kathtip-
pecanoe was attacked and every lodge was burned. Later
this same year, General James Wilkerson led an attack
against a third Kickapoo village. He reported as follows: " I
have burned a respectable Kickapoo village and cut down at
least 430 acres of corn* " Craig 1893:348). It was not, how-
ever, until after General Anthony W'ayne's victory over the
northwestern tribes in 1794 that Kickapoo raiding activities
against the settlers were curtailed. The following year they
were persuaded to join the Indian Congress at Greenville
and agreed to accept a $500 annuity (Gibson MS). In
August, 1795, the Kickapoo and representatives of the "Wy~
andots, Delawares, Shawanoes, Ottawas, Chipewas, Putawa-
times, Miamis, Eel-river, Weea's Piankashaws ,'and Kaskas-
kias" met again at Greenville, Ohio, and agreed to sign a
land cession treaty with the United States (Kapper 1904 b:
39). At this time, the Kickapoo consented to relinquish lands
WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 45, No. 1
claimed by them in Ohio in return for land in Illinois and a
$500 annuity (Kapper 1904b:39).
By 1808, the destroyed Kickapoo village at Kathtippecanoe
(later known as Prophetstown), located about ten miles
above the present city of Lafayette, Indiana, had been rebuilt
by the Shawnee Prophet, Tenshawatawa, and his brother
Tecumseh, and their followers. About half of the Kickapoo
claimed alliance with the prophet who was preaching that
"power was given to him by the Great Spirit to cure all dis-
ease, to confound his enemies, and to stay the arm of death,
in sickness or on the battlefield" (Brice 1868:170) while the
other half of the tribe supported William Henry Harrison,
new governor of Indiana Territory. After defeat at the Bat-
tle of Tippecanoe and with the start of the War of 1812, the
Kickapoo dispersed into small bands, some moving south and
west, some going to Canada with Tecumseh and the Prophet,
while others remained in the area to harrass settlements in
Illinois Territory. Throughout the War, the Kickapoo resist-
ed the movements of the U. S. Military but by its close many
Kickapoo villages in Illinois and Indiana were abandoned and
most of the tribe migrated west of the Mississippi. It has
been said of the Kickapoo that "they disliked the United
States so much that when they left Illinois, they would not
reside within the limits of our government, but would settle
in Texas" (Beckwith 1884:136).
After signing treaties with the United States in 1815, 1816,
and 1819 (Kapper 190b: 1 16, 131, 184), the Kickapoo were
given land in Missouri. Once established in Missouri, in an
attempt to combat territorial encroachment by white settlers,
small bands of Kickapoo began ranging to the south. Some
settled in Indian Territory, some in Texas, and some in north
ern Mexico. It has been noted (Wilson 1953:196) that some-
time prior to 1820, a band of about 600 Kickapoo moved south
and settled in Texas near Nacogdoches. In 1832, the Kicka-
poo relinquished 2,048,000 acres of Missouri land (ARCIA-
1836:424) and agreed to settle on a reservation near Fort
Leavenworth, Kansas.
By April, 1833, two bands of Kickapoo had arrived in Kan-
sas Chief Kisko's Missouri Kickapoo numbered about 400
and the Prophet Kennekuk's Illinois Kickapoo numbered
Oklahoma Kickapoo
about 350 (Gibson MS). The Prophet and his followers ac-
cepted the reservation and quickly took the "road of the white
man." The Kickapoo living in Kansas today are primarily
the descendants of this band. 2 Kisko and his followers re-
sisted the ways of the white man and insisted that the Kansas
land was not as good as the Missouri land (Wilson 1953:95).
Kansas for this band was simply a temporary place of resi-
dence before continuing west, for in 1837, a large part of
Kisko's band left Kansas for the Red River on a hunting ex-
pedition and did not return (ARCIA 1839:501).
With the start of the Texas Revolution in 1835, many of
the Indian tribes in Texas remained loyal to Texas and Sam
Houston. A few of the tribes, however, allied with Mexico
and took their orders from Cordova's negotiators. "One of
the principal tribes to cooperate with Mexican agents was the
Kickapoo" (DeShields 1912:270). Recurring depredations
against the white settlers in Texas by the Kickapoo and other
tribes led the Texas government to charge these tribes with
actively conspiring with Mexicans envoys. One Kickapoo
band was issued guns, ammunition, clothing, and rations by
Mexican emissaries and were induced to join the Mexican
army to serve against the Republic of Texas. \Vhile the
Mexican Kickapoo band was striking the settlements of west
Texas from the base in Morelos, another band, located in In-
dian Territory, was making raids into north Texas. The latter
band joined the Seminole leader Wildcat (Coacoochee), mak-
ing a total of 250 warriors, and migrated into northern
Mexico in 1850 and were followed by 500 more Kickapoo
later the same year (McReynolds 1957:263).
Late in 1862, about 600 Kickapoo residing in southern
Kansas, in an attempt to avoid involvement in the American
Civil War, left for Texas (Senate Document 1908c:1886).
While camped along the Little Concho River, however, the
band was attacked by a Texas Confederate patrol and "the
Kickapoo started for Mexico, thinking that Texas had de-
clared war upon them" (Senate Document 1908c:1886). In
Mexico they were made welcome by Mexican officials, grant-
ed lands and in return were to render "the Mexican army
valuable service in exterminating the Lipans and in subduing
WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 45, No. 1
and driving the Comanches beyond the borders of Mexico"
(Senate Document 1908c:1886).
Two years later a different group of Kickapoo were to
suffer from another unprovoked attack. In the fall of 1864,
Chiefs Nokowhat, Papaquah, and Pecan, and some 700 fol-
lowers protesting the Kickapoo Allotment Treaty (Kapper
1904a:637-641 ) had left Fort Leavenworth, joined forces in
southern Kansas, and started to Mexico (Root 1932:155).
According to one of the chiefs, " 'we traveled slowly along
. . . hunting buffalo on the plains'" (Root 1932:155). By
January 1, 1865, a camp site was established along Dove
Creek, a tributary of the Concho River. On the morning of
January 8th, the Kickapoo were attacked by Conferedate
troops and the Texas State Militia (Pool 1950:367). The
battle lasted throughout the day, the Texans retreated during
the evening, and the Kickapoo broke camp and fled to Mex-
ico sometime that night. The following morning, in over a
foot of snow, the remains of the Kickapoo camp could be
seen.
They left more than $5000 worth of property in their
camp, to wit: about 1,000 buffalo hides; 250 ovens and
skillets; about 200 saddles, and other things too numerous
to enumerate. Frying pans, tin cups and pans, axes, and
coffee and mills, by the wagon loads. \Ve found large
numbers of their dead concealed in the surrounding
thickets unburied. (Pool 1950:385)
Because of the unwarranted attacks on them in 1862 and
in 1865, the Mexican Kickapoo, convinced that Texas had
declared war on them, launched a new and vicious attack
on Texas. It has been noted that "before the Kickapoo ven-
geance drive was finally sated, marauding bands raiding
from their sanctuary in Coahuila across the International
Boundary had spoliated millions of dollars worth of property,
massacred hundreds of Texas citizens, carried into captivity
countless children, desolated several tiers of counties on the
Texas side along the Rio Grande, implicated the United
States in a dispute with Mexico which saw the invasion of
Mexican soil countless times by United States armed forces in
hot pursuit of Kickapoo marauders, and provoked a high level
diplomatic tiff which involved an embarrassed United States
Congress, Secretary of State, and the President" (Gibson MS).
Oklahoma Kickapoo
The situation became so bad that in 1870, Congress appropri-
ated $25,000 to be used in collecting the Mexican Kickapoo
and located them in Indian Territory (Foreman 1946:210).
The Kickapoo could not be persuaded to go to Indian Ter-
ritory so in 1871, General Phil Sheridan, Commander of the
Army of the West, told Colonel Randle MacKenzie to stop
the Kickapoo war on Texas and he is reported to have ex-
pressed his feelings as follows: " 'let it be a campaign of
annihilation, obliteration and complete destruction' " (Carter
1935:422).
On May 17, 1873, after ordering his men to "grind their
sabers to razor-like edges" (Haley 1952:209), MacKenzie
and four hundred men crossed the border into Mexico. Dis-
regarding international law, they traveled 150 miles into the
interior of Mexico and on the morning of May 18th, attacked
the Kickapoo village (Foreman 1946:211 ). Since a large num-
ber of warriors had left the day before on a hunting expedi-
tion, the villagers were virtually at the mercy of MacKenzie's
troops. After killing nineteen Kickapoo men, capturing forty
women and children, destroying the village, and driving the
defenders into the hills, MacKenzie marched his troops and
the captives (two and three on a horse) for four days and
nights without sleep before they crossed the Rio Grande
(Haley 1952:210). He took his captives directly to San An-
tonio where they were later taken to Fort Gibson, Indian
Territory. Because of a desire to reunite with their relatives
held captive at Fort Gibson and a lack of supplies and food,
about three hundred Kickapoo agreed to migrate from Mex-
ico to Indian Territory (Haley 1952:210). On August 28,
1873, 317 Kickapoo left Mexico for a new home in Indian
Territory leaving about 280 of their tribesmen in Coahuila
(Foreman 1946:211).
The Problem
The arrival of the Mexican Kickapoo in Indian Territory
marks the creation of the Oklahoma Kickapoo Indians as a
definable unit for historical analysis. Although not estab-
lished on a reservation (Figure 1) until 1883 (Kapper 1904a:
844), for purposes herein, those Kickapoo Indians residing
in Indian Territory (the Oklahoma Kickapoo) from 1874, are
to be distinguished from the Kickapoo Indians residing in
8 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST
Vol. 45, No. 1
Mexico (the Mexican Kickapoo) at the same time. This
dichotomy is not simply a matter of convenience. Since the
Oklahoma Kickapoo were responsible to an Indian agent
and were constantly pressured by missionaries and other non-
Indian agencies to "take the road of the whiteman" while the
Mexican Kickapoo were not, the author, by limiting the prob-
lem of the Oklahoma Kickapoo, is afforded greater control of
the cultural - historical data on which the report is based.
Furthermore, in 1894 the Cherokee Commission 3 (ARCIA
1891:364, 1892:78) persuaded the Kickapoo to accept allot-
ments of land on an individual basis (ARCIA 1894:255).
This move by the government served to divide the Okla-
home Kickapoo into two primary sociopolitical groups, the
"Kickers" and the "Progressives" (ARCIA 1894:257,1898:
251); the "Kickers" combined their lands and established a
new village and the "Progressives" quietly accepted allot-
ments. Since it was many years before these two groups were
united, and then not under a traditional village type of or-
ganization, the village period of the Oklahoma Kickapoo may
be confined to the years between 1874 and 1894, the period
Fig. 1. Kickapoo Reservation in Oklahoma Territory.
Oklahoma Kickapoo
with which this report is concerned. There are, of course,
several inherant theoretical and methodological problems evi-
dent in limiting a study to a particular time period. But, in
light of the historical circumstances surrounding the arrival
and establishment of the Oklahoma Kickapoo in Indian Ter-
ritory, coupled with a need for maximum control of the direct
and indirect evidence on which any study of this type is
based, the approach followed herein seems the most feasible
for this report.
Historical material pertaining to the Oklahoma Kickapoo
is available (e. g., Gibson 1963, Seniate Documents 1908a,
1908b, 1908c, ARCIA 1838-1898) and is of particular use in
illustrating Kickapoo-White relations. For example, it is
easily demonstrable, from historical documents, that a very
inharmonious relationship existed between the Kickapoo and
the Whites between about 1874 and 1894. The following
from different Indian agents will serve to illustrate.
I visited them the next day after their arrival, to talk
with them, ascertain something of their condition, and
provide for their needs. When I arrived at their camp I
found them holding a religious feast, which was to con-
tinue from sunrise until sunset, for the purpose, as their
chief said, of "thanking their God that they had got
through alive."
(ARCIA 1875:284)
They are blanket Indians, and have heretofore been
recognized as a restless wild tribe, the only tribe of this
agency 4 to which rations are issued.
(ARCIA 1880:91)
The Kickapoo are the only Indians that absolutely re-
fuse to send their children to school. Efforts have been
made by my predecessor, religious societies, and myself
without any perceivable success. They have adopted the
white-man's way as to work, but imagine, should they
send their children to school, that the Great Spirit would
abandon them, and then the world would come to end.
(ARCIA 1886:144)
This is the wildest, and most uncivilized tribe under
this agency, being entirely controlled by a non-progres-
sive element. They are suspicious and stubborn beyond
reason. They refuse to treat with the Cherokee Com-
mission, and have always positively refused to be en-
10 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 45, No. 1
umerated under the census laws.
ARCIA 1890:200)
There is, however, little information, from any period in
Kickapoo history, devoted primarily to Kickapoo culture. Ex-
cept for a monograph on the Mexican Kickapoo (Ritzen-
thaler and Peterson 1956), sources of this type are either very
limited in the extent of information presented (e. g., Jones
1913, 1915, Pope 1958-59, Goodman 1960) or unpublished
(e. g., Foreman 1937, 1938, Marriott 1937, Wilson 1953,
Wallace 1963). Therefore, the purpose of this report is to
present an ethnographic reconstruction of the Oklahoma
Kickapoo Indians as a means of filling a void in the general
body of anthropological literature and thereby making avail-
able cultural information on a small group of American In-
dians that has to this date been greatly overlooked by anthro-
pology.
THE OKLAHOMA KICKAPOO: 1874-1894
LANGUAGE
Linguistic Affiliations
Upon their arrival in Indian Territory from Mexico in
1874, the Kickapoo spoke a dialect of the Algonquian lan-
guage stock. Algonquian, consisting of thirteen related lan-
guages, may be divided into the following linguistic groups:
Central Algonquian, Eastern Algonquian, Blackfoot, Chey-
enne, and Arapaho (Michelson 1912:229). The Kickapoo
were most closely allied linguistically with the Central Algon-
quian speakers, i. e., "the Algonquian tribes that live or have
lived about the Great Lakes, particularly in the adjoining
regions west and south, and now embraced by the territory
of the states of Michigan, Wisconsin, Illinois, Indiana, and
Ohio" (Jones 1911:740). The following six languages are
usually considered Central Algonquian: (1) Cree-Montag-
nais-Naskapi, (2) Menomini, (3) Fox-Sauk-Kickapoo, (4)
Shawnee, (5) Potawatomi, and (6) Ojibwa-Ottawa-Algon-
quian-Saltueaux (Voegelin 1941:18). The Kickapoo's oldest
linquistic affiliates were, therefore, the Sauk and the Fox
(Jones 1911:740).
Oklahoma Kickapoo 1 1
THE VILLAGE
The Village Setting
The daily activities of the Kickapoo were carried out in and
around their village. Each year, in the same location, both a
summer village and a winter village were constructed. Dur-
ing the early fall, the summer houses were dismantled and
replaced by winter houses. In March, the winter houses were
taken down and replaced by summer houses. Around both
the summer and winter house, there was a semi-circular yard
area which was kept clear of sticks, stones, and grass. The
houses were arranged in straight rows and the doors of the
structures were always facing east. Within the confine of
each yard, a small cook hut was generally constructed to the
northeast of the house door during the summer months.
To the west of the village, small menstruation and birth
huts were constructed. To the southeast of the village, in
time of communicable disease, an isolation hut for the sick
was constructed. When constructed, sweat huts were gen-
erally placed in this same area.
In the center of the village, in a house not unlike the other
houses in the village, lived the hereditary chief and his wife
or wives. Immediately south of the chief lived his first as-
sistant and immediately to the northwest, lived his second
assistant. A member of the Tree Clan s lived in the house
immediately west of the chief and a member of the Eagle
Clan lived in the first house to the east. The remainder of the
tribal members lived wherever they chose in the village.
Although the male shaman was not socially required to live
in a certain area within the village, as a general rule he lived
near or at the southeast corner of the village. From this
position, he could easily attend the people living in the iso-
lation hut and the people to whom he prescribed sweat baths.
There is no evidence to suggest that a female shaman lived
in any particular area of the village.
Summer house* Following the Spring Feasts held in late
February or early March, the Kickapoo began dismantling
their winter houses and started construction of their summer
houses.
The poles constituting the frame of the summer house were
12 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 45, No. 1
selected for their straightness and their length. These poles
were acquired by cutting down young trees, removing their
branches, and stripping the bark. The poles that served as
the framework for the walls of the house, when placed in the
ground, extended upward about ten feet. Besides these gen-
eral wall support poles, two poles about thirteen feet long
having a fork at one end were selected and used as major
roof supports.
After the frame support poles had been selected and pre-
pared for use, about eight or nine of them were placed in the
ground forming a rectangular area measuring about twenty
feet by fifteen feet. One of the long forked poles was placed
in the ground, in the center of what would be later the west
wall of the house, with the fork extending upward. The other
forked pole was then placed in the ground approximately
fifteen feet east of the first forked pole. This pole was about
five feet inside the east wall of the house. After placing a
long pole in the fork of the two forked poles, constituting the
central roof beam, the frame of the house was completed by
securing poles horizontally to the upward end of the major
wall support poles and by extending some from the central
roof beam to the top of the walls. Inside the house frame,
about eight feet above the ground, a pole extending between
the two forked poles was tightly secured. This beam served
as a rack from which kettles and pots were hung for purposes
of ceremonial cooking. Strips of bark were used to tie the
frame poles together.
\Vith the completion of the frame of the summer house,
young American elm trees were cut down and split length-
wise. These split elms, bark to the outside, were placed up-
right, between the wall frame posts on all four sides of the
house and served as the walls. A three foot wide space was
left in the east wall of the house which functioned as an en-
trance to the house.
The roof of the summer house was made from the bark of
the American elm tree. During the spring a single cut was
made around elms measuring from one to two feet in diameter
at the bottom of the trees and just below its lowest branches.
A single vertical incision was then made between the two
previous incisions; thereby, allowing the bark to be peeled
Oklahoma Kickapoo 13
off the tree in one piece. The bark was kept wet and pliable
so that it was a relatively easy matter to place it on top of
the house and shape it to fit the frame. A small opening was
left near the center of the house which served as a smoke
hole.
In the interior of the house, scaffolds measuring about three
feet high and three feet wide were constructed against the
north, west, and south walls. Straw, followed by reed mats
was then placed on top of the scaffolds. These scaffolds con-
stituted the setting and sleeping area for the individuals liv-
ing in the house.
Connected to the east wall of the house was a shed or
porch approximately the same width as the house and about
fifteen feet long. This connecting shed or porch had a dome-
shaped bark roof as did the house but it was not enclosed.
Scaffolds, the same size and height as the ones inside the
house were constructed just under the shed on the north and
the south.
When the house was completed, it had \a dome-shaped roof,
straight walls, and including the attached shed, was approx-
imately thirty-five feet long, fifteen feet wide, and twelve
feet high in the center.
Winter house* By mid-October, the Kickapoo had com-
pleted construction of their winter houses and were prepared
for the cold months to follow.
The frame of the winter house was made either from small
persimmon or willow tree saplings. Once these small trees were
cut, brought to the village and stripped of their bark, they
were placed in the ground in a semi-circular fashion. This
semi-circular area would encompass approximately twenty
feet by fifteen feet. The poles on the north were bent toward
the south and the poles on the south were bent toward the
north. W^here the poles met, they were tied together with the
bark previously stripped from the saplings. The poles on
the west and the east were then bent toward the center of the
house and they were also tied with bark. A number of sap-
lings were then woven between the primary frame poles.
The end product of the bending and tying of these poles
near the center of the house and the working of saplings be-
tween these poles was a dome shaped frame
14 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 45, No. 1
The frame was then covered with mats made from the
stems of the cattail. Traditionally, these mats were made by
placing the cattail stems in a row and sewing them together
with strips of bark, but by the time the Kickapoo arrived in
Oklahoma fiber cord was available and this was substituted
for the bark strips. These mats, ranging in size from four to
six feet wide and from five to eight feet long were soaked in
water and shaped over the frame of the house. An opening
was left in the east wall serving as the entrance. A small
opening would be left in the center of the roof of the house
so that smoke would have an outlet. Occasionally, two op-
enings would be left in the roof if the family felt it would be
necessary to have two fires in the house.
Inside the house, about six feet apart, two poles were placed
upright in the ground. A horizontal beam was then placed
across the top of these poles. As in the summer house, this
cross-bar served as a support from which to hang kettles
and pots.
Scaffolds were not built inside the winter houses. Instead,
grass or straw was placed around the floor near the walls
and then covered with reed mats. These mats functioned as
a place to sit and sleep.
Cook house, As a general rule, just to the northeast of
the summer house, within the yard area, a small cook house
approximately eight feet square was made like the shed con-
nected to the summer house, i. e., it was not enclosed and it
had ta dome-shaped roof. Inside the cook house, two large
poles with a forked end were placed about six feet apart
east-west. A beam was then placed between these two forks
allowing a support from which to hang the cooking pots and
kettles. During the summer, everyday meals were cooked in
the cook house and ceremonial meals were cooked inside
the summer house.
Unless the family was extremely large, no cook house was
constructed during the winter. All cooking, everyday and
ceremonial, was done inside the house. If the family was so
large that it was impractical and inconvenient to cook in the
house, a small cookhouse would be constructed following
the same pattern as the winter house, i. e., it had a cattail
covering.
Oklahoma Kickapoo 15
Menstruation and Birth hut* The menstruation and birth
huts were always located west of the village and the same
huts were used during both the winter and the summer.
These huts were patterned after the winter houses except
that the floor plan was round instead of oval and they were
much smaller. Each house was approximately six feet in dia-
meter and eight feet high. Generally they were covered with
cattail stems but, occasionally, bark would be used. The
door opened to the east.
Isolation house for the sick* During times of spreading
communicable disease 6 , an isolation house was constructed
southeast of the village. According to informants, since the
shaman lived in the southeast corner of the village, the isola-
tion sick house was placed in an area that would be easily ac-
cessible to him. During the winter, the isolation house was a
winter house and during the summer, it was a summer house.
Sweat hut, Sweat: huts could be constructed at any place
on the periphery of the village, but, generally, they were lo-
cated to the southeast of the village. These huts were made
by constructing a dome-shaped frame of saplings and then
covering it with skins or canvas. They had a semi-circular
floorplan, were dome-shaped, and were about five feet long,
four feet wide, and four feet high.
Material Culture
By the time the Kickaipoo finally settled in Oklahoma, they
had been in contact with Europeans for over two hundred
years. Because of this, the manufacture of many traditional
material goods had practically disappeared. Besides the liv-
ing structures already described, the Kickapoo also made
their own clothing, bows and arrows, baskets, mats, ladles
aind bowls, and jewelry. As a general rule, however, they
utilized the supplies issued to them by the U. S. government.
Late in 1874, the Oklahoma Kickapoo were issued such items
as thimbles, ear bobs, buttons, coffee mills, handled hoes, steel
traps, pans, blankets, twine, calico, saws, shovels, nails,
snaps, and a few wagons (OHS 1874). They were also
issued some horses and mules (OHS 1874).
For everyday purposes, Kickapoo men wore leggings, moc-
casins, and a breechcloth made from buckskin along with a
shirt made either from buckskin or dry goods obtained from
16 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 45, No. 1
trading or from the U. S. Government. The leggings were
made by cutting two pieces of buckskin into the shape of the
legs of a pair of trousers and then stitching them together
with sinew or thread. Except for a buckskin fringe on the
leggings, there was no decoration on the leggings or the
breechcloth. The shirts, extending a few inches below the
waist, had long sleeves and a v-shaped neck. Both the buck-
skin -and the broadcloth shirts were made by simply sewing
two pieces of cloth or buckskin of the same size and shape
together. Shirts for everyday use were seldom decorated,
although a woven sash of a non-functional nature was worn
around the waist. The moccasins were soft-sole and made
from a single piece of buckskin. They were shaped to fit
the foot and stitched with sinew only on the face and down
the heel. During the winter, leaves were placed in the moc-
casins to help keep the feet warm. Many of the men wore
ear-rings and bracelets made from German silver.
For ceremonial purposes, the leggings and moccasins worn
by men were usually lightly decorated with beads. The
breechcloth was made from black felt and decorated with rib-
bon applique. The shirts were the same style as the every-
day shirts but were usually made from a brightly colored
(single color) piece of broad cloth and had different colored
ribbons attached on the front and on the sleeves. The men
also wore brightly colored silk neckerchiefs with a German
silver slide.
A two piece dress made from broad cloth and buckskin
moccasins constituted the everyday wearing apparel of Kick-
apoo females. The two piece dress consisted of a skirt and
a jacket or blouse. The skirt extended from the waist almost
to the ground and was made either from one or two pieces of
material. The jacket had three-quarter length sleeves, a
rounded neck, extended a few inches below the waist, and
was made by sewing two pieces of cloth cut in a like pattern
together. The moccasins worn by the women were basically
just like those worn by the men. \Vomen also wore ear-rings
and bracelets made from German silver.
For festive occasions, the women dressed just as they did
under normal circumstances except that their dresses were
brightly colored and were embroidered and appliqued. Moc-
Oklahoma Kickapoo 17
aasins were beaded and appliqued. Their finest German sil-
ver jewelry, consisting of ear rings, bracelets with shell sets,
pendants, and pins were also worn at this time. The women
frequently wore long ribbons, attached with a comb to the
back of their head, that extended almost to the ground. These
long ribbons were in turn decorated with beads and smaller
ribbons.
Kickapoo children dressed like their parents except during
the summer when they would often go without clothing. After
a child reached adolescence, however, he or she was expected
to begin dressing in accordance with their sex. Ceremonial
clothing was generally not acquired until after puberty.
As was noted earlier, the primary crafts produced by the
Kickapoo after they settled in Oklahoma were baskets, mats,
wooden bowls and ladles, and bows and arrows. The baskets
and mats were made from bulrush by a twilling technique
and were colored by dyes produced from different containers
used for storage and carrying purposes. The mats were about
seven feet long, three and a half feet wide, brightly colored,
and were used inside the summer and winter houses as a
comfort on which to set and sleep. Bowls and ladles were
made from ash wood and were used for eating and drinking.
The Kickapoo made a "simple" bow having a bowstring made
from buckskin. The arrows had metal points and fletching
depended upon the use of the arrow.
Economic Organization
All economic activities were based on age and sex. All
individuals, both male and female, passed through the age
grades of infancy, childhood, adolescence, adulthood, and
old iage. No work was expected of infants or children but
when they reached adolescence they assumed the role of
their given sex by contributing their energy to the economic
output of the household.
The primary economic responsibility of the male head of
the household was the securing of wild game. Deer, rabbit,
raccoon, squirrel, quail, duck, turkey, and buffalo and beiar
when available, constituted the basic meat diet of the Kicka-
poo. Skunk, fox, and beaver were also killed but only for
their fur as the pelts of these animals were traded for food,
clothing, and in some cases, for money. Bows and arrows
18 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 45, No. 1
and steel traps were the primary implements used in killing
these animals. Deer and bear were occasionally captured in
ia pit covered with branches. Rifles were used for hunting
when available.
Hunting activities were carried on through all seasons of
the year and done either individually, in twos or threes, in
small parties, or in large parties. Each year, prior to the
arrival of the Kickapoo in Oklahoma and possibly after their
arrival, there was one annual hunting expedition in which
most of the adult males in the village participated. This was
an annual deer hunt that took place during the early fall and
lasted about a month. According to informants, prior to the
placement of the Kickapoo in Oklahoma, women and chil-
dren accompanied the men on this trip and it sometimes lasted
up to three months. By the late 1870's, however, women and
children generally remained in the village and the menial
chores, such as cooking and keeping the living area clean,
became the responsibility of young boys who were on their
first or second hunting expedition.
Before the men left on their annual deer hunt, a hunt leader
was selected on the basis of his proven ability in warfare
and hunting. This man had complete authority during the
time of the hunt and it was he who guided the party and
selected the hunting areas. Before the party left the village,
prayers were offered to certain deities to insure a successful
hunt and scouts were sent out ahead of the main party to
locate the deer. Once a large number of deer were spotted,
the scouts would notify the main party and wait for their
arrival. The hunters would position themselves downwind
and wait for a smaller group of hunters to go upwind and
frighten the deer toward them. The deer would then be slain.
An attempt was made during this hunt to kill enough deer
so as to have ample food and material for clothing for the
coming winter. 7
After the deer were killed, they were skinned, quarter
sectioned, and hung up to dry. Before the women stopped
going on the deer hunt, the meat was immediately cut into
strips and dried, always leaving the ribs intact to be used
later for ceremonial purposes. \Vithout the women to aid
them, the men preserved the meat as best they could until
Oklahoma Kickapoo 19
they returned to the village at which time it was turned over
to the women. Following the arrival of the hunters back in
the village, a prayer was said in which the activities of the
hunting party were recounted.
Except for the one large hunting trip in the fall, most of
the hunting activities of the Kickapoo were done individually
or in small parties usually consisting of a number of related
men culturally defined tas "brother". Although the party was
not formally organized as was the annual deer hunting party,
a prayer was always offered before and following the hunt.
The hunting trips generally lasted from a day to a week and
the animals were either skinned and butchered on the spot
or brought back to the village intact. All fishing was done on
an individual basis.
Besides their hunting activities, the men also assisted the
women with the heavy work airound the village, made bows
and arrows, wooden bowls and ladles, did silver work, and
took care of the maintenance of their tools and weapons.
Kickapoo women did most of the work in and around the
village. Their primary economic responsibility was the plant-
ing, cultivating, and harvesting of corn, pumpkin, and beans.
Although the men assisted the women in clearing an area that
was to be used for farming of trees, stumps, rocks, and in
breaking the soil, it was the duty of the women to see that
crops were planted, cultivated, and harvested.
After the crops were harvested by the women in the late
summer and early fall, the yield was dried and some of it
was stored for the coming winter. Corn was always har-
vested in the late afternoon. The ears were brought to a
central area in the village, shucked and boiled. The following
morning, the kernels were cut from the ear and they were
placed on a skin or canvas to dry for two or three days. It
was then placed in skin bags and stored. Pumpkins were cut
into strips two or three inches wide, hung up to dry, and
then stored. Beans were simply taken from the shell, dried,
and stored.
Another major economic, as well as religious, responsibility
of Kickapoo women was constructing the summer and winter
houses and keeping the house and yard area clear of all
debris. The women also butchered the animals, cooked the
20 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 45, No. 1
food (except during certain ceremonies), collected wild ber-
ries and roots, collected and cut fire wood, carried water,
tanned skins, and made clothing, baskets, and mats.
By the time Kickapoo children passed into adolescence,
they began assuming the roles of their respective sex. Young
girls assisted their mother and older sisters in their daily
duties, i. e., cleaning, cooking, gathering berries, etc. Young
boys were not expected to be of much assistance beyond
doing menial chores such as helping in getting wood, water,
and helping gather cattail for the houses and rush for baskets
and mats.
Property
The Kickapoo conceived of two kinds of property: ( 1 )
communal property, and (2) personal property. Communal
property consisted of the reservation, i. e., the land, flora and
fauna. Personal property was based on a division of sex.
The personal property of women consisted of the houses,
household implements, and personal items such as clothing
and jewelry. The personal property of men consisted of
horses, tools, weapons, apparatus for hunting, fishing, trap-
ping, and personal items such as clothing and jewelry. The
ownership of agricultural implements was ill defined. Ap-
parently they belonged to individuals or families, but were
frequently passed from individual to individual because lend-
ing and borrowing of such items was common. Religious
paraphernalia such as "sacred bundles" did not belong to
individuals. They were placed in the possession of the tribe
by supernatural powers for safe keeping and were considered
tribal property.
The land, although considered communal, was allotted to
individuals and farmed on an individual family or joint family
basis. Farming on a joint family basis resulted in equal shar-
ing of the work and equal sharing of the produce.
When hunting was done on a communal basis, the person
who first shot the animal received first choice of meat and
the rest was divided among the men who helped kill the
animal.
Although the Kickapoo had a defined concept of personal
property, it was not uncommon for both males and females
to share the fruits of their labor along with personal items
Oklahoma Kickapoo 21
such as tools with certain consanguine and affinal relatives.
Daily Life
The average day of a Kickapoo woman began imjmediately
after sunrise when she 'arose, prior to her husband and chil-
dren, and began to prepare the morning meal. This meal,
prepared in brass kettles the day before, consisted of a meat,
corn, and pumpkin soup, baked bread, and coffee. During
the winter, the meals were eaten inside the house and in the
summer, under the shed attached to the summer house. Ac-
cording to Elizabeth Text, Kickapoo Field Matron in 1892,
"several will sit ... around a wooden bowl and eat their
soup in their respective turns from one wooden ladle" (AR-
CIA 1892:407).
Following the morning meal, the respective ages and sexes
in the village would go about their daily activities. The
women would wash clothes in the creek, clean the house, sew,
pick berries, tan skins, cook \a noon meal which was the same
as the morning meal, and tend to the other economic respon-
sibilities previously described. Men would go about their
business of visiting, hunting, and fishing. Children were left
alone to do as they pleased except when asked to help with
the work load.
The Kickapoo evening meal was the basic meal of the day.
Although it consisted of the same foods prepared in soup
form, as the other meals, a larger quantity of food was gen-
erally consumed. Some form of home-made bread always
accompanied this meal (left over bread was used the follow-
ing morning). Having access to flour ,e. g., 4,000 Ibs. issued
to the Kickapoo in 1874), bread was baked in iron ovens
placed over open fires. Often, the dough would be mixed with
crushed wild grapes, persimmons, or other berries. This
dough was made into patties and was immediately baked or
stored for future use.
Matters of personal hygiene were taken care of following
the evening meal. Since the evening was considered a time of
relaxation, both males and females bathed at this time, combed
their hair, and changed their clothes. Both Kickapoo men
and women wore their hair in a single braid at the back. A
woman's braid usually extended a few inches below the
shoulders and a man's braid extended to the shoulders.
22 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 45, No. 1
During the evening while the adults gossiped and visited
and the young men courted the young women, the children
and adolescents gathered around the old men in the village
and listened to stories and received advice on how to live
a good life.
A few hours after dark, the villagers would settle down and
prepare for the night. When the families retired, the male
head of the household slept near the west wall (an honored
position in the house) and the women and children slept
where they could find a place.
SOCIAL ORGANIZATION
The Dual Division
All of the Kickapoo were divided into two major groups;
the oskas and the kiskoa. The oskas painted their faces with
charcoal for religous purposes and associated themselves
with the hue black and the direction south. The kiskoa cov-
ered their faces with white clay for religious events and as-
sociated themselves with the hue white and the direction
north.
There is no evidence to suggest that these two groups were
exogamous or regulated marriage in any manner. One in-
formant explained the oskas and the kiskoa as follows:
That's just like the Democrats and the Republicans.
I'm oskas, I just like a Republican, and she's a kiskoa,
she's just like a Democrat. When they have a ball game
(La Cross) the kiskoa and the oskas play against each
other.
Apparently, this dual division of the tribe functioned only
as a means of dividing individuals into two groups for the
purpose of competing in secular and religious games. For ex-
ample, during a boy's adoption ceremony a bow and arrow
contest was held. In this game, boys that were members of
the oskas competed against boys that were members of the
kiskoa. One informant suggested that "the oskas would live
on one side of the village and the kiskoa would live on the
other," but other informants did not verify this belief.
Membership in either group was determined by the manner
of an individual. "Which ever side you happen to be on
when you got your name in the naming ceremony, that's what
you are the rest of your life." In other words, if the namer
Oklahoma Kickapoo 23
was a kiskoa, the namee would be a kiskoa. Ritzenthaler and
Peterson state for the Mexican Kickapoo that "if the namer
is Black, the first-born will be a Black. If the wife is a White,
she can give her moiety to the second-born. If, however, she
is a Black, the second-born is also Black" (1956:45). There
was a similar pattern found among the Fox, i. e., "the regular
way is to put the first-born in one class and the second-born
in the other" (Jones 1939:81). Although informants did not
definitely verify such a pattern for the Oklahoma Kickapoo,
it was probably the case when they permanently settled in
Oklahoma.
Bundle Societies and Clans
The Kickapoo had four sacred bundle societies and a num-
ber of clans 8 . Presently, neither the bundle societies nor the
clans are exogamous. There is, of course, the possibility that
either one or the other of these groups were once part of a
gens system that regulated marriage. No informant, however,
recollects this ever being the case. One of the oldest Kicka-
poo couples (early eighties) are members of the same clan
but of a different bundle society.
Although the bundle societies are well known to many of
the Kickapoo today, all informants agreed that the names of
these societies could not be translated into English. The
terms applied by the Kickapoo to these societies are as fol-
lows:
nitoskwa pacakwia
ne0o0a nezakwa
Informants listed the following clans: 9
Blackberry Eagle
Buffalo I0 Bear
Wild Turkey Thunder
Mankind Raccoon
Wolf peakemo (?)
Tree \Vater
One informant explained the bundle societies as follows:
In the beginning, there were four religious groups.
These was created as a result of those that wanted to
gain knowledge; these that fasted. The purpose of those
religions was to create a better life here on earth for the
ekimetf*.
-o
<] /icmftscha
-<]
-<3
O nokomsJ?5c
n?mcoha.
Q n
neSi0eh.
Q ne ki ha
O
- O neKib
nfkeVha
- <] no0
Q nekiha
no0
- O oetek wi 0a
<] netaKwa
n<?0i me ha
r^l n<?nii
I
i- o ne !|
mh
-o
ne0im?h*
rO "
Q neKiho.
O "
o
O n
nneKv\/aha
Q nesemiha
<] nenekwaho.
O netan0a
<^1 nii0*ma
(~) ne4 i 0e ma.
o^.
Jp-
o
o
< M
,,e*
o
-
P'ntj
o ^
o
nei0<?m.
<3
Tieb.0<?roi
O
o
o
- <1 nenkwatlA
Oklahoma Kickapoo 25
people. Each of these four religious groups was given a
religious bundle. Each group was given a bundle. They
ga\e them some herbs and different medicines to put in
these bags to relieve the suffering. They also gave them
two gourds and some religious tobacco to put in the bags.
Another informant said that the difference between the
bundle societies was like the difference between "a Baptist,
Methodist, Presbyterian, or Catholic."
Those clans were explained by an informant as follows:
Those clans is due to the origination by the Creator.
He wanted each one who belongs to that clan that their
name comes from of the thing that the clan is named af-
ter. If you are a member of the Blackberry Clan, you
name should come from the Blackberry. It could be the
berry itself or anything that pertains to it.
A third informant had the following to say in regard to
the clans:
You become a member of one of these clans when you
are named. Sometimes the father will name the first
child but it don't really make any difference. When
you're named, you become a member of the clan of the
person who names you. A lot of the time the uncle will
name the baby and he will be more or less a godfather
to the child. I belong to the Eagle Clan. This is the only
child I have and I was going to name him but my father
[Blackberry Clan] wanted to name him so we talked to
my wife about it and my father named him.
There is no evidence suggesting that anything said re-
garding the bundle societies and clans by the three informants
is incorrect for other individuals and genealogies support
their comments.
In summary, the Kickapoo made a distinction between their
bundle societies and their clans. The bundle societies, cross-
ing clans, were conceptualized as formal religious sects, each
having a different leader. The clans were also formally
organized but the only relationship between the individuals
and their clan was that their names were all derived from a
common source, e. g., all members of the Water Clan would
derive their names from some aspect of water ". There is no
evidence to suggest that food taboos were associated with
clan animals.
O nekiho.
O naeVha
Q n
ne 0e$e ha
ce 0: me 11 a
rO
neimena
r^
ne ( ime ba
Q nek, ha
O ne\ane(^a
-ii(//<?m
r~
L
O
^ nekw>0a
'" nctaneCta
Q n c s e m i h a
<1 nenekwaha
Q n<?tane(3a
, Q ne t>e mi ha
L- <[] nenekwaha
ncbi(/)ema
Q nesemiha
^J neneVwaha - no^0ema
i ^. nc J Si0c?rr)a
nesiuicma
"" nes i(em a
Oklahoma Kickapoo 27
The Kinship System
The Kickapoo had an Omaha type (Eggan 1955:4) kin-
ship system (Figures 2, 3, 4). It was similar to the kinship
system of the Fox (Tax 1955:243-258) in terminology and
behavioral patterns. Kickapoo terms of reference were as
follows:
nemesoha grandfather
nokome0a grandmother
no0a father
neke'aha mother
nekwi0a son
netane0a '. daughter
netekwi0a .father's sister
no0a father's brother
nesi0eha mother's brother
nekiha mother's sister
nesi0ema grandchild
netotema sibling
ne0e0eha older brother
nemi0eha older sister
ne0imeha younger sibling
nenekwaha son of sibling of opposite sex
nesemiha daughter of sibling of opposite sex
newa wife
nenapema husband
nitakwa sibling-in-law of same sex
ninemwa sibling-in-law of opposite sex
nemesoma ...father-in-law
nekoma mother-in-law
nenekwana son-in-law
ne0emha daughter-in-law
Siblings, Siblings could refer to one another as notote-
ma I2 but, generally, an age distinction was made. Both a
male Ego and a female Ego called younger siblings ne0imeha.
\Vhen referring to older siblings, a sex distinction was made.
Older male siblings were ne0e0eha and older female siblings
were nemi0eha. These terms were also applied to the chil-
dren of anyone Ego called no0a ("father") or ("mother").
Parents-children, The term neke'aha ("mother") was re-
stricted to Ego's own mother. The term no0a ("father"),
however, was applied to his or her father and anyone his or
her no0a called "brother". Ego's mother's sister and anyone
, O O A
-O
_ ~\
1 1 1
A=0 A=0 A=0
_,
- 00
=> ~5
+
3
*
3 < &
3 ^
O
P
l
. , 1 r
o
1 1
O /
A A
O
A
O A = O
-^ i
3 f
O A O
= Female
Fig. 4 Kinship System: Affinal
Oklahoma Kickapoo 29
she called "sister" was referred to as nekiha ("mother's sis-
ter"). This term was also applied to the daughter of anyone
Ego called nesi0eha ("mother's brother").
Uncle, aunt-nephew, niece, The term netekwi0a ("fa-
ther's sister") was applied to Ego's father's sister as well as
to anyone no0a ("father") called "sister". A male Ego called
"father's sister's children" nenekwaha ("cross-nephew") and
nesemiha ("cross-niece"). A female Ego called "father's
sister's children" nekwi0a ("son") and netane0a
("daughter"). Ego's mother's brother was called nesi0eha
("mother's brother") and this term was applied to his son,
and his son, etc. The terms nenekwaha ("cross-nephew")
and nesemiha ("cross-niece") were also applied to the chil-
dren of siblings of the opposite sex.
Grandparent-grandchildren. The terms nemesoha ("grand-
father") and nokome0a ("grandmother") were applied by
Ego to both his maternal and paternal grandparents. The re-
ciprocal of both terms was nesi0emia ("grandchild"). The
grandparent terms were also applied to the siblings of neme-
soha ("grandfather") and nokome0a ("grandmother"). The
reciprocal ramained consistent.
System of affinity. A male Ego called his spouse newa
("wife") and she called him nenapema ("husband"). This is
the only case in which these two terms were used. It was
also possible for a male Ego to call his wife wicayaka
("spouse") and she would apply the same term to him. The
terms nemesoma ("father-in-law") and nokoma ("mother-in-
law") were applied by Ego to his or her spouses's father and
mother as well as to their siblings. The reciprocal terms of
mother-in-law and father-in-law were nenekwana ("son-in-
law") and ne0emha ("daughter-in-law").
A male Ego and a female Ego applied sibling-in-law terms
to siblings acquired by marriage and to the husband of netek-
wi0a ("father's sister"). A sibling-in-law of the opposite sex
was called nimemwa ("brother's wife or sister's husband")
and a sibling-in-law of the same sex was called nitakwa
("brother's wife or sister's husband"). The reciprocals were
the same.
Kinship Behavioral Patterns
As in all societies, the Kickapoo had a number of familial
30 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 45, No. 1
obligations with regard to each individual's relationship with
other individuals. In general, among the Kickapoo, there was
a feeling that all individuals should be "good to" and "res-
pect" all of their consanguine and affinal relatives. This
encompassed practically everyone in the tribe. These gen-
eralized relationships, of course, were further subdivided into
personal relationships.
Brothers* Although brothers as young boys played to-
gether and came under the same supervisional forces, as they
grew older there developed between them a certain degree
of social distance. The relationship can best be described
as mutual respect for one another. Although they might
identify with one another, they were socially remote from
one another, i. e., a feeling of friendship existed between
them but it was not not carried to the point of joking freely
or discussing matters of sex with one another. A boy was
expected to look to his older brother for guidance and obey
him to some extent. For the respect paid him, the older
brother was expected to look after his younger brother and
help teach him the things he would be expected to know when
he became an adult. As the brothers became older and the
younger brother became an adult and married, this relation-
ship became stabilized and mutual respect existed.
Sisters, The relationship between sisters was very much
like that between brothers except it was less formalized. Sis-
ters were more apt to joke with one another than did brothers.
The older girls in the household were expected to help in-
struct their younger sisters in matters pertaining to daily
living. The relationship between sisters changed little after
marriage.
Brother - sister, The most formalized sibling relation-
ship was between brother and sister. Although there was no
avoidance of one another, joking, discussing sexual matters,
and interacting on what might be considered a friendship
basis was prohibited. This formal relationship was some-
what relaxed between brothers and sisters of a markedly
different age for there was more overt affection shown one
another. Since girls assisted their mothers in economic and
household duties, they were expected to sew and cook for
their brothers. Among adult siblings of opposite sex, as was
Oklahoma Kickapoo 31
the case in the brother-brother relationship, a mutual respect
attitude developed.
Father - son. The father-son relationship was very much
like the relationship between older brother and younger
brother. The father would instruct his son in the duties and
skills necessary to become an adult. It was a relationship
that demanded respect from the son and guidance and advice
from the father. If the son misbehaved, the father acted as
disciplinarian. Punishment usually consisted of the father
making the child fast for one or two meals.
Father - daughter This was a very formalized relation-
ship. Although the father gave advice to his daughter, it
was channeled via his wife to the daughter. If the daughter
w.a<s imprudent, the father would not punish her directly but
would tell the girl's mother to act accordingly. The mother
would generally blacken the girl's face and make her fast
(Michelson 1923:282).
Mother - son. The mother - son relationship was much
like the relationship between a boy and his older sister. Al-
though somewhat formal, it was much less so than the rela-
tionship between father and son. If a boy was being punished
by his father, his mother could interfere if she felt that the
punishment was too severe.
Mother - daughter. This relationship was semi-formal but
less so than the father-son relationship. Since a mother and
her daughter were thrown together throughout most of the
day in economic pursuits, the formal aspect of this relation-
ship was somewhat relaxed. It was the responsibility of a
mother to prepare her daughter for adulthood and the daugh-
ter would reciprocate by showing respect to her mother.
Grandparent - grandchild. This was one of the "warm-
est" relationships to be found among the Kickapoo. Old age
was looked upon as a reward for living the "good life" and
people who reached old age were highly respected by all
members of the society. Grandchildren were valued and
often cared for by their grandparents. A display of affection
was the rule in the grandparent-grandchild relationship. An
individual looked to his grandparents for advice and coun-
cil when troubled about such matters as "love", sex, and
other personal problems. Individuals would always see that
32 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 45, No. 1
their grandparents were cared for and would help them
carry water, chop wood, build houses, and etc. Although
this was a very warm relationship, the old people were given
their "due respect" and obscene joking was prohibited.
Father's sister, mother's brother - nephew, niece. The
relationship between Ego and his or her mother's brother
and father's sister may be considered a "mild" joking rela-
tionship. This relationship, of course, did not exist between
Ego and his father's brother or mother's sister because the
Kickapoo kinship system classified Ego as the son of father's
sister and mother's sister. The relationship between Ego and
his father's sister and mother's brother was a "mild" rela-
tionship as compared to a "true" joking relationship because
obscenity and bodily contact was prohibited. There was
general harrassment, joking, and trickery between Ego and
his or her father's sister and mother's brother. This was es-
pecially the case when large numbers of individuals gathered
together in the same place. One male informant in discussing
his relationship with his father's sisters said, "They single
me out and pick on me. Sometimes I would call her a witch
and she would just laugh."
Siblings *in -law. There was a pronounced joking rela-
tionship between siblings-in-law. Siblings-in-law of the same
sex would joke with one another, play tricks on one another,
and were allowed to be as obscene as they wished. The
following from one informant clearly illustrates the joking
relationship between siblings-in-law of opposite sex.
A man can tell his sister-in-law, "I don't like you;
I don't like to be around you," and she can't get mad.
She just laugh. He could grab her by the hair and say,
"I sure am glad to see you. Honey maybe you want
to sleep with me tonight?" She could say that was alright
but it don't mean nothing. She just laugh.
Parents-in-law children-in^law. This was a formalized
relationship of mutual respect. Although there were no strict
avoidance rules, joking was not allowed. The restraints be-
tween parents-in-law and children-in-law of opposite sex
were somewhat more pronounced than when they were of
the same sex. Even though there were no strict avoidance
rules, verbal and physical interaction between parents-in-law
and children-in-law was kept at a minimum.
Oklahoma Kickapoo 33
POLITICAL ORGANIZATION
Chieftainship
Chieftainship among the Kickapoo was hereditary through
the male line I3 . The position was inherited by the oldest son
of the chief upon his death. If, however, the eldest son was
still a child at the time of his father's death, a council of elders
would appoint someone to replace the chief until such time as
the chief's son became eligible for the position. Three in-
formants said that the chief and his eldest son were always
members of the \Vater Clan.
The chief had a number of male assistants who functioned
as an advisory council. One man on this council, a member
of the Turkey Clan, was considered the chief's first assistant.
The chief's second assistant, if he had one, and the remaining
members of the council could belong to any clan *4. In theory,
the chief had complete authority over his subjects, but, in
practice, he was simply a leader or an administrator. All
major decisions affecting the tribe were subject to public ap-
proval and ratification by his council.
Warrior Society
The Kickapoo had a warrior society composed of a num-
ber of men who had an outstanding record for bravery in
war. The wetaoelk, "warriors who fought with honor," were
generally middle-aged or older T s. Since active warfare was
no longer possible after the Kickapoo permanently settled in
Oklahoma, the primary function of this society was to punish
habitual criminals, e. g., men who committed crimes against
the tribe such as murder, persistent thievery, or persistent
adultery. Disciplinary action of this society was a rarity,
however, for it generally meant death. As a rule, social
deviants were kept in line by public opinion, familial advice,
and public whippings. If, however, an idividual continued
his criminal acts against the tribe after he had been encour-
aged to stop many times, the warrior society was asked to
take charge of the situation. An informant explained this as
follows:
They [the warriors] will be told to deal with this man.
Both sides of the family especially his family will give
34 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOG1ST Vol. 45, No. 1
them consent to put him to death. They might kill him
with a bow and arrow. I heard of one warrior that
would beat them to death with a dub. That was very
rare because once they were turned over to these war-
riors, there was no reprieve. For that reason, it was very
rare that anybody wouldn't listen to reason.
Village Crier
An elderly man was appointed by the chief to act as village
crier. During the evening the crier would walk through the
village and give a public verbal report of the happenings of
the day and make announcements regarding forthcoming
tribal activities.
Religion
Ritzenthaler and Peterson in discussing their work with
the Mexican Kickapoo state that an informant "held out his
hand and said that each aspect of Kickapoo life was like the
fingers which are connected to the hand, implying that Kick-
apoo culture is so integrated and so concerned with the re-
ligious theme that it is impossible to separate facets of culture
into strictly unrelated categories" (1956:46). This statement
about the Mexican Kickapoo of today is applicable to the
Oklahoma Kickapoo of the late 1800's. Religion was the prin-
cipal force integrating all Kickapoo individuals. Kickapoo
religion extended from the simple duties of a woman keeping
her house and yard clean (every house was considered
"holy") to highly structured ceremonies.
Supernaturals
The Kickapoo conceived of three types of supernatural
forms: (1) deities, (2) spirits, and (3) witches. Through
these supernaturals the Kickapoo could explain the relation-
ship of individuals to the universe and account for and ra-
tionalize human experience.
Deities
The Kickapoo credited kizihiat, a supreme being that
dwelled in the sky, with the creation of the universe. Kizi-
hiat was not all powerful, however, for there were a number
of lesser deities or "helpers" assisting him. According to an
informant:
The Creator is the main god. His name is kizihat. That's
the Creator and he's the one main god of all. He has
Oklahoma Kickapoo 35
assistants though. There were several gods that the
Creator appointed to do different things.
The Kickapoo applied the term manito a to any given deity
and the term manitoaki to deities as a group. Kecimanito" 1 ,
"Big God", was a synonym for kizihiat. One informant
stated:
He's kecimanito the one that's most powerful. He's the
head you know. Kecimanito 3 had a lot of helpers. Man-
itoaki means more than one that's kecim'anito a [ f s]
helpers. If you get sick you would ask the helper that
controls sickness to help you. He would ask his father
to help you.
Through these lesser deities, residing in the earth, the sky,
trees, rocks, and other forms in the universe, kizihiat took a
personal interest in all Kickapoo individuals. An informant
explained this as follows:
Those gods watched your conduct and reported to the
creator. They always close to you; just like across to
you. They are right here with you. They watch your
conduct. Whether its the East God or the South God,
they are watching you all of the time. The Daylight
God controls the white of the eye and the dark part of
the eye is controlled by the Night God. The thing of
that is that they can watch your conduct both night and
day.
Some of the more important lesser deities of the Kickapoo
were as follows:
God of Fire (oskutenaeti). The primary function of this
deity was to act as an intermediary between kizihiat and the
leaders of the bundle societies. During certain ceremonies,
prayers were offered to oskutenaeti and he in turn would de-
liver them to kizihiat.
God of Thunder (panimatapeta). The God of Thunder
controlled bad weather. In time of expected storms a prayer
and some sacred tobacco were offered to panimatapeta in
hopes that he would cause the storm to subside.
God of War (meneoenoi). Mene0enoi, a culture hero,
was killed by his brother because he was in line for the posi-
tion of chief. After his death, he was made a deity by kizihiat
and was given control of all war. Furthermore, he was
36 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 45, No. 1
placed in charge of the spirits of all dead warriors.
God of Water (nipinenya). This deity had the respon-
sibility of maintaining life on earth. Prayers of thanks were
offered nepinenya during certain ceremonies.
God of Death (pepateha). Following the death of an
individual, his spirit would leave the body and come under
the supervision of this deity.
Other deities* Besides the deities already mentioned, in-
formants agreed that there was a God of Darkness, a God of
Light, a God of Wood, a God of Trees, a God of Disease, a
God of North, a God of South, a God of East, and a God
of West. Informants also agreed that there was a God of
Evil (mAcemanito). This deity was responsible for all of
the evil in the world I7 . A major semi-deity was the God of
Earth (oskiki0emake0ek, "earth area"). Although not ac-
tually considered a deity, she (only female deity) was credit-
ed with having the power to produce life and was conse-
quently offered a prayer of thanks during certain ceremonies.
Spirits
The Kickapoo term for both shadow and soul was nokena.
With the death of an individual this shadow-soul left the
body. According to 'an informant, "When you living you see
your shadow you see yourself. W^hen you gone, you loose
your shadow." Informants were not clear as to where this
shadow-soul went after death.
The Kickapoo term for ghost or spirit was cipaya. Fol-
lowing death, the ghost-spirit left the body and walked the
earth and was often in the presence of relatives. During the
winter the ghost-spirit slept, but during the late spring, sum-
mer, and early fall it was in need of nourishment so the Kick-
apoo held Ghost Feasts (cipakowepi) to appease the appetite
of this supernatural. At this time the ghost-spirit would join
his or her relatives and eat with them.
Since the Kickapoo applied the term nokena to both shadow
and soul 'and the term cipaya to ghost or spirit, is is probable
that they believed in soul-dualism l8 , i. e., there was a shadow-
soul and a ghost-spirit.
Following death the ghost-spirit of an individual would
leave the body and was destined to walk about until such
time as the earth was destroyed by fire. At this time the
Oklahoma Kickapoo 37
ghost-spirit of those individuals who had not led the "good
life'' would be destroyed along with the earth. The spirits
of those individuals who acted in accordance with social
norms and had fulfilled the duties expected of them were
spared. Following the destruction of the earth by fire, the
"hereafter" land (located someplace in the sky of the west)
would descend and take the place of the earth in the universe.
Here, in a land of plenty, the "good" spirits would live
through eternity. If while on earth, the individuals had not
lived a "good" life but on the other hand, had not lived a
"bad" life, his ghost-spirit might then be reincarnated into
an animal form. An informant explained the acceptance or
rejection of a spirit into the "hereafter land" as follows:
They say that after this world burns; well that good
land will come down here. The good land will come
down here and they will put the good people here. If you
only done half good things, then you be maybe some kind
of bug or grasshopper. Maybe you be something. If you
are clear of everything and done right all of the time,
then you are accepted as people. When the world come
down, there will be more sickness and you will live for-
ever. If you were good and right then you will be ac-
cepted. If you were only half good then you might be a
bug or a grasshopper or a bird or maybe an animal. If
you were real bad and didn't do things right, then you
would not be accepted you just burn up.
There is no evidence to suggest that spirits could harm
mortal beings or that the Kickapoo were extremely frightened
of them. The Kickapoo did, however, respect spirits and,
except during Ghost Feasts, preferred not to be bothered
with them.
\Vhen an individual died weeds were burned around the
deceased's house for four nights. This served to ceremonially
cleanse the house 'and prevent the spirit from returning to its
home. The personal belongings of the deceased were given
away. It should be noted, however, that the burning of
weeds and the giving away of personal property served only
as a "cleaning away of death" and did not constitute an ab-
normal fear of spirits. The Kickapoo did not see spirits nor
did they consider them anthropomorphic. They did, how-
ever, "feel" their presence.
38 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 45, No. 1
Witches
The malevolent supernaturals among the Kickapoo were
witches. All of the Kickapoo were terrified of witches and
witchcraft served as a major means of social control. In gen-
eral, middle aged to old people were suspected of being wit-
ches and to displease a person over forty was simply inviting
trouble because no one knew when they were in the presence
of a witch. Witches, both male and female, banded together
and formed a secret society. Members of this group, the
man<a0Awa j ti, had the power to transform themselves into
animal forms or a ball of blue fire. The witches, in animal
form, would walk about the village during the night and tend
to their job of witching people. They had the power to kill
or make an individual sick. To touch a witch meant certain
death. The most common practice of a witch was to go into
an individual's house during the night as a dog, bear, coyote,
or owl and place some "bad medicine" in his food. When the
individual ate this food he would either die or become very
ill. His only chance for survival was to seek the aid and
advice of a shaman. If the shaman was able to cure the
witched person, he could then seek revenge for the pain he
had suffered. If he chose revenge, he would ask the shaman
to tell him who was responsible for his illness. Through fast-
ing the shaman could determine who had witched the indiv-
idual and inform him where the witch would be on a specific
night 'and in what form he would be appearing. For example,
the shaman might tell his patient that the witch would be on a
certain path in three nights in the form of a bear. The man
could then meet the witch (the bear) and hit it with a clod
of dirt. W'ithin four days the witch would die.
Religious Practitioners
It has already been noted that the Kickapoo had four
bundle societies or "religions." Each of the societies was
headed by an accepted leader who generally had an assistant.
Although these leaders were attributed with having more
than a normal amount of supernatural power, in general, they
did not function as medical practitioners. Their primary
function was directing religious ceremonies. For this reason,
they were believed to be sacerdotal and should not be con-
fused with Kickapoo shamans who, though they had super-
Oklahoma Kickapoo 39
natural powers, were medical practitioners rather than re-
ligious practitioners.
The four priestly leaders were always old men and suc-
cession to the position, although not strictly hereditary, often
took this form. To become a. bundle society leader required
many years of apprenticeship for it necessitated the learning
of numerous prayers, songs, and ritualistic procedures. To
gain the "wisdom" required to function in this position, a
neophyte had to frequently fast and take ceremonial baths.
To maintain this "wisdom" also required fasting and cerem-
onial bathing. No ceremony accompanied the acquisition
of the position of bundle society leader for as a leader grew
old, a neophyte would assume his responsibilities and the old
man would act as advisor.
These leaders, although endowed with supernatural pow-
ers, lived a normal Kickapoo life, i. e., they married and had
children. They were, of course, highly respected by all mem-
bers of the tribe. There is no evidence suggesting that they
were witches, homosexuals, or transvestites.
Sacred Bundles
Each of the four bundle societies had a sacred bundle. It
was the responsibility of each bundle society leader to care
for and keep the bundle of his society. It was believed by
the Kickapoo that these bundles were given to them by
supernatural powers and that it was the responsibility of the
bundle society leaders and the tribe to pass the bundles,
along with the four "religions' to each descending generation.
Each bundle was made of a rectangular piece of buckskin
that was rolled into the shape of a cylinder. \Vhen in cylinder
form, the bundles were about two and one-half feet long and
about one foot in diameter. Strands of buckskin were tied
around both ends and in the middle of these cylinders to
keep their contents intact I9 . Although information as to the
contents of these bags was difficult to obtain, informants
stated that each bag contained a stone pipe, two or four
gourd rattles, a bone or hollow reed flute and a small bag of
"sacred tobacco". With each bundle, there were some drum
sticks and a small brass kettle which when covered with
buckskin and partially filled with water served as a drum.
Each bundle society leader kept the bundle in his care
40 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 45, No. 1
hanging inside his house about eight feet high on the west
wall. This wall was always reinforced to protect the bundle
from the weather. \Vhen the bundle society leader was to
officiate at a particular ceremony, he would take the bag
from the wall and strap it across his back with some strands
of buckskin. \Vomen, during periods of menstruation were
never allowed near the bundle.
Although all of the items in the bundle were considered
sacred, the small pouch of tobacco was believed to be the most
holy. This tobacco was considered to be supernaturally en-
dowed and was used as an offering to deities. The tobacco
was grown by the bundle society leaders and following har-
vesting a small portion of the tobacco was distributed to each
Kickapoo household. Once the tobacco was distributed, it
was hung inside the house on the west wall. \Vomen were
never allowed to go near the fields where the tobacco was
being grown.
Ceremonial Foods
During Kickapoo ceremonies, practically all food available
to them was eaten. Any kind of food eaten during a cere-
mony, whether is was turkey, rabbit, duck, corn, squash, or
pumpkin, was considered holy. The two foods held in high-
est veneration, however, were the deer and the young dog.
The most prized wild animal utilized by the Kickapoo was
the deer and, under normal circumstances, all edible parts
of the animal were consumed. During certain ceremonies,
however, only the ribs of the deer were eaten. The ribs
were cooked in a kettle that hung from a chain inside the
house since the Kickapoo believed the ribs to be a preferred
food of spirits and deities.
The use of a puppy in a Kickapoo ceremony followed a
set procedure. About three months before the ceremony
was to be held, a first-born puppy was selected and given
special attention. It was considered sacred, kept in the house,
and fed only what the people themselves ate. It was never
fed scraps. The following statement of one informant ex-
plains why the Kickapoo considered the puppy holy.
They eat small puppies in these ceremonies. That's in
one of those prophecies. Who ever instructed them on
this religious ceremony said that they would sooner or
Oklahoma Kickapoo
later loose all wild game. They told them that there
would be a day when all wild game would be gone. They
told them that they should use a small dog a puppy.
Use a puppy instead of a bear or a deer. The dog and
the puppy will be with them until the end of time. It will
be with them until the end of the world.
Just before the ceremony, the puppy was taken away from
the village and killed by breaking its neck with a pole. The
hair was then singed off the animal and it was cleaned and
dressed. It was then cooked in a kettle.
Ceremonies
The integration of Kickapoo culture was dependant upon
a number of highly structured religious ceremonies. Due to a
lapse of memory on the part of informants and the passage
of time since the Kickapoo first arrived in Oklahoma, it is
impossible to reconstruct all Kickapoo ceremonies. The fol-
lowing ceremonies, however, will serve to illustrate their
scope and nature.
Spring Feasts
Following the second thunder of each year (sometime dur-
ing March), the Kickapoo held their Spring Feasts (apake-
nikcVk). A single individual, represting a clan, would
supply the food (with help from relatives) for a Spring Feast.
The leader of the bundle society to which this individual be-
longed would be requested to officiate at the feast. The cook-
ing, preparing, and serving of the food would be done by
members of a clan other than that of the sponsor. To illustrate
if the sponsor of the feast was a member of the Eagle Clan
and a member of the pacakwia bundle society, the leader of
the pacakwia society would officiate at the feast and men
from the Tree Clan would prepare and serve the food. All
member of the tribe were allowed to attend the feast. During
the feast, the leader of the pacakwia society would open the
pacakwia bundle. The other bundle society leaders did not
bring their bundles, although they did function during the
ceremony as song leaders. Each bundle society had songs
that could be sung only by its members. These feasts were
held at four day intervals and required enough time for all
of the clans to officially participate in a feast and for the
four bundles to be opened.
42 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 45, No. 1
These feasts marked the beginning of a new year; cattail
houses were dismantled and bark houses were constructed;
a new sacred fire was kindled (a sacred fire was kept burn-
ing through the year); and the sacred bundles were refur-
bished. The feasts also marked the beginning of a new cer-
emonial season, and following the feasts, people in mourning
could remarry.
Prior to the Spring Feasts, deer ribs would be stored and
small puppies would be fattened; old agricultural and hunt-
ing implements would be repaired and new ones would be
made; and the finest of clothing would be prepared for the
coming season. The feasts were accompanied by religious
dances, games, prayers, and sermons. All activities connected
with the Spring Feasts were held to insure a bountiful forth-
coming new year.
Adoption
Kickapoo adoption ceremonies were held during the sum-
mer months following the Spring Feasts. The term "adop-
tion" is actually incorrect for the ceremony constituted cer-
emonial replacement, since following the death of an indi-
vidual another member of the tribe ceremonially replaced the
deceased. Until this adoption ceremony took place, the spirit
of the dead person would remain close to its relatives, which
was considered undesirable by the Kickapoo. Following
adoption, the spirit would travel to the west and return
only for the Ghost Feasts. The relatives of the deceased
individual had up to four years to fulfill their obligation in
regard to this replacement. If they did not do so within this
period of time, ill luck would befall the family. All Kickapoo
who had received a name and then died were ceremonially
replaced.
Adult male* If a man died, sometime during the following
summer one of his immediate consanguine relatives would
assemble the family for the purpose of planning an adoption.
At this time, a date was set for the ceremony and, as a general
rule, it was decided that a moccasion game would be played
at the ceremony 20 .
During the early morning hours of the day of the cere-
mony, the man selected to replace the deceased individual
would be notified of the ceremony. The adoptee was always
Oklahoma Kickapoo 43
a member of the same clan, bundle society, and moiety of the
deceased. At the same time that the adoptee was notified of
the ceremony, he was also given eight or ten undecorated
sticks about six inches long and was told that the moccasin
game was to be played and that he was expected to be
leader of one team of moccasin game players. At this same
hour in the morning, the leader of the bundle society to which
the deceased belonged was asked to officiate at the ceremony
and act as referee for the moccasin game. Members of a
clan other than that of the deceased man would be asked to
prepare and serve the food at the ceremony. A man of a
different clan, bundle society, and moiety than that of the
deceased man would be informed that he was to be the leader
of another group of moccasin game players. This second
moccasin game team leader would also be given the same
number of sticks that were given to the adoptee.
Once the adoptee and the leader of the other team of game
players were notified, it was their responsibility to select the
members of their respective teams. The members of each
team would belong to the same moiety as did the leader. Each
team player was given a stick by his team leader and it
served as his invitation to attend the ceremony.
About four o'clock in the afternoon, the male members
of the clan asked to do the cooking would gather at the house
of the sponsor of the ceremony and begin to prepare the
food. Inside the house, a fire was started with a flint and
the men would begin cooking the food in pots and kettles
that hung from a beam. The food prepared consisted of what-
ever the deceased person, while a mortal, liked. The meal
generally included meat, corn, and pumpkin. If, however,
the deceased like watermelon and coffee, they would also be
served.
Following the arrival of the clan that was responsible for
the cooking, the relatives 21 of the deceased, the players of
the moccasin game, and the bundle society leader would ar-
rive at the house. These individuals would assemble outside
the house and enter it in single file, turning left and walking
along the south wall until all those invited to the ceremony
had entered. The bundle society leader would sit near the
center of the west wall scaffold. The relatives of the deceased
44 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 45, No. 1
would also sit on the west wall scaffold. The moccasin
players sat on the south and north wall scaffolds according
to their moiety, i. e., kisoa to the north and oskas to the south.
Prior to the serving of the food, the man officiating at the
ceremony would offer a prayer in explanation of why the
ceremony was being held. He would inform the spirit of the
deceased that his relatives and friends had gathered to eat
with him and that the following morning he would be sent to
the west. At this time, food was placed on the fire as an
offering to the spirit. Following this feeding, the individuals
invited to the adoption would be served. After the people
had eaten, there was a moment of silence and food was again
offered to the spirit. A prayer of explanation and thanks
was offered and the people would leave the house. By this
time, other members of the tribe had arrived and they were
invited inside the house to partake of what food was left.
By dark, the men to participate in the moccasin game were
seated on benches (kiskoa to the north and oskas to the south)
located to the east of the house. Beyond the players to the
east was a rack (like a rug frame) covered with blankets,
shirts, moccasins, dry goods, belts, and other material goods.
These goods were placed on the rack by the relatives of the
deceased and constituted prizes for the players in the moc-
casin game.
The moccasin game was played with four moccasins and a
small bell. The adoptee would start the game by hiding the
bell in one of the moccasins. This was done behind a large
piece of buckskin held by the man sitting next to him, so that
the opposite team could not see in which moccasin the bell
was hidden. The adoptee would then place the four moc-
casins in a row on the ground and the leader of the other
team would then flip over the moccasin in which he thought
the bell was hidden. If the bell was found in the first try,
his side would win four points; if he did not find it, his side
would lose four points. If he did not locate the bell on the
second try, he would lose another four points and this pro-
cedure continued until the bell was found. The moccasins
and the bell were turned over to the other team and the same
procedure was followed. Each man on each team took his
turn at hiding and finding the bell. The game was accom-
Oklahoma Kickapoo 45
panied by singing and drumming and continued until day-
break. Theoretically, either team could win the game. In-
formants, however, suggested that the adoptee's team always
won.
When the game was called to a halt, the bundle society
leader would return to the house and pray. He would take
some of the sacred tobacco, place in in the fire, and inform
the God of Fire that it was time for the spirit to leave his
relatives. He would then return outside and give a public
prayer. According to an informant, he would say, "Now we
are sending you the spirit of this dead man. He has lived
here with us and now we are instructing him to leave us
and asking you to accept him."
Following the closing prayer, the adoptee would go to the
rack of clothing and select the best item or items for himself.
He would then distribute the remaining items among all
players in the moccassin game. \Vith the close of the cer-
emony, the adoptee, although he did not change his residence,
assumed the familial obligations of the man replaced.
Male youth* If a boy between the age of naming (about
three months) and the age of puberty (about fourteen years)
died or was killed, he was also ceremonially replaced. A
bow and arrow contest was generally held at this adoption
ceremony.
During the day of the ceremony, the same procedure was
followed as was the custom in an adult male adoption, i. e.,
an individual from each moiety was selected to head the game
team; members of a different clan from that of the boy were
asked to do the cooking; and the bundle society leader of the
deceased was asked to officiate. In the case of the bow and
arrow contest, there were four boys on each side, all of whom
were about the same age as the deceased. At the male youth
ceremony, the feast marked the end of the ceremony until the
following morning when the eight boys returned to have the
bow and arrow contest.
When the boys arrived the following morning, they would
have with them bows and arrows that were especially made
the previous day for this contest. The oskas boy's arrows
would have black stripes painted on them and the Kiskoa
boy's arrows would have white stripes painted on them. Two
46 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 45, No. 1
stakes were driven in the ground about fifty feet apart which
extended upward about four or five inches. The eight boys,
four on each team, would take turns shooting at the stakes.
The team with the most points won the contest. Presents
were given the boys that participated in the contest and the
leader of the team that won was considered the adoptee 22 .
At this time, he would assume his new obligations and the
game was over.
Adult female. The adoption ceremony for an adult fe-
male was generally accompanied by a dance that lasted for a
full night. As was the case with other adoption ceremonies,
the arrangements for the feast and the adoption were handled
by the relatives of the deceased and those people expected
to participate in the ceremony were notified in the morning
on the day of the adoption. The adoptee (a female) was the
first to be notified. She was given ten or twelve sticks and
requested to choose the women she wanted to assist her in
the dance. The adoptee was considered the head dancer and
those women to whom she gave sticks were considered her
"court". As in the other adoption ceremonies, the leader of
the bundle society to which the deceased belonged was asked
to officiate at the ceremony and men from a clan other than
the one of the deceased were asked to prepare the food.
The feast that took place in the evening before the dance
was exactly like the one held in connection with an adult
male adoption, i. e., the relatives of the deceased sat on the
west scaffold, the dancers (all women) sat on the north and
south scaffolds, food was placed in the fire for the spirit, and
prayers were offered to deities. After those people who were
invited to the ceremony had eaten, they went outside and the
other members of the tribe would eat.
By dark, the people who were to participate in the dance
had taken their places outside the house (Figure 5). Just
inside the porch or shed section of the house, facing east sat
the bundle society leader officiating at the ceremony. To his
right there were two honored singers and to his left there
were two honored singers. These four singers represented
different clans and were selected to lead the singing because
of their knowledge of the songs of their particular clan.
About twenty-five feet east of the house was a frame-like
Oklahoma Kickapoo 47
rug rack with kettles hanging from it where food was being
cooked. About twenty-five feet beyoimd the cooking rack
there was another frame-like rug rack with blankets, dresses,
belts, and other material goods draped over it. The dancers
were sitting on benches north of the cooking rack.
Following a prayer by the bundle society leader, three men
would join the honored singers sitting farthest to the south.
The four men, all members of the same clan would have a
silent prayer. They would then rise and two of the men
would face north and two of the men would face south. One
of the men facing south would place a kettle drum against
his stomach and with straps extending around his neck, se-
cure it to his body. This man was known as the drum car-
rier. Next to this man, also facing south, stood a singer.
Opposite the man who carried the drum, facing north, stood
the honored singer. It was his job to beat the drum and act
as head singer. To the head singer's left, facing north, stood
a man with a black gourd rattle. He was known as the gourd
shaker.
As the drumming and singing started, the adoptee would
leave her seat and begin dancing clockwise around the two
racks that had been constructed. After she had completed
one circle, her court would begin to file in behind her. At
o o o o H
S,.|.
r
Fig. 5 Adult Female Adoption Ceremony.
48 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 45, No. 1
this same time, the four singers would begin to move slowly
in a clockwise manner with two of the men walking back-
wards. "The dance pattern was simple. Beginning at the
west, directly in front of the arbour, the singers encircled
the entire cleared space, pausing at each of the cardinal di-
rections to sing. The dancers formed a line inside the circuit
made by the singers, circling closely about the fire [and the
rack containing material goods] . The step never varied;
the knees were bent, and a short hopping step forward taken,
the body swinging from side to side. The arms swung loose-
ly from the shoulders, but they and the entire body were con-
stantly in motion" (Marriott, 1937). This continued until each
song had been sung four times and the singers had made
four circuits around the dancers. At this time, the dancing
and singing stopped and there was about a thirty minute
intermission.
Following the break, the same procedure was repeated
with a new set of singers from another clan. The dancing
and singing continued until daybreak with each honored
singer taking his turn at leading the singing. At daybreak,
as in the adult male adoption ceremony, the spirit was ad-
vised to travel to the west and the ceremony came to a close.
The head dancer, the adoptee, selected from the rack of ma-
terial goods what she wanted; the remaining items were dis-
tributed to the other dancers.
Female youth. The adoption of a female youth took place
during the early morning hours as did the adoption of a
male youth only instead of having a bow and arrow contest,
a dice game was held. The preliminaries to the game were
much like those to a boy's bow and arrow contest, i. e., two
teams of players were notified, a bundle society leader was
asked to officiate at the ceremony, members of a clan unlike
that of the deceased prepared the food, and there was a feast
in the evening. As was the case with the bow and arrow
contest and the moccasin game, participants in the dice game
were divided by moiety. Following the evening feast, every-
one went home and returned the following morning for the
dice game.
The game was played with nine bone dice and a wooden
Howl. Each dice was an elliptical disk. On one side of two
Oklahoma Kickapoo 49
of the dice, the image of a turtle was carved. One side of
each die was colored either black or blue and the other side
was left plain. The disks with the carved turtle images had
the reverse side colored black or blue. The teams took turns
flipping the dice in the bowl and the score depended upon
combinations of colored, plain, and turtle dice, e. g., the
highest score possible was attained when all the die were
a similar color and the two turtles were upright. The adoptee's
team won the game and all of the players were rewarded
with gifts. As in all adoptions, the adoptee assumed the
familial obligations of the deceased but did not change her
residence.
Ghost Feasts
It has already been noted that the ghost-spirits of the Kick-
apoo slept during the winter but because of a need for
nourishment, returned to the village during the summer. To
appease the appetite of these spirits, Ghost Feasts were held.
These feasts were family affairs and, in general, a large num-
ber of individuals did not attend a single feast. It was the
responsibility of each family to hold enough Ghosts Feasts
to appease all of its deceased relatives. Consequently, each
family held several of these feasts during the Spring, Sum-
mer, and Fall. The maximum number of spirits that could be
honored at a single feast was two. These feasts followed the
same procedure as did other Kickapoo feasts, i. e., a single
individual sponsored a feast, a clan other than that of the
deceased prepared the food, a bundle society leader officiated,
prayers were offered to different deities, and food was placed
in the fire for the spirit. The feasts for honored warriors
were held in the early afternoon and feasts for "normal"
individuals were held in the late afternoon. There were no
dances or games held in conjunction with Ghosts Feasts.
Dances
Two of the more important dances held by the Kickapoo
were the Rain Dance and the Green Corn Dance 23 . The
Rain Dance was held during the Spring Feasts and lasted
one or two days and nights. Both men and women partici-
pated in the dance although the cooking for the feast held in
connection with it was done by men. The purpose of the
50 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 45, No. 1
dance was to produce rain and, thus, afford an abundant
crop of corn.
The Green Corn Dance was held during late July or early
August when the corn ripened. A feast accompanied this
dance and it lasted for one day and one night. Both men and
women participated in the dance although the cooking was
done by the women. The dance was held by the Kickapoo
to show their appreciation for the corn and, until the dance
was held, new corn was not eaten.
Wapanowa
Among the Kickapoo, certain individuals were endowed
with more than a normal amount of supernatural power. An
individual of this type, during certain ceremonies, was known
as wapanowa. Only men of certain clans (informants did
not know which groups) had the power to become a wapa-
nowa. Although informants could not translate the term into
English, it propably meant "scorcerer or wizard" for this
was the case with the Cree, Ojibwa and Menomini 24 . In-
formants did not know whether these men also functioned
as bundle society leaders or medicine men.
According to two informants, a wapanowa would assemble
a number of individuals (one woman and six men) during
a time of sickness or witchcraft for the purpose of holding
a feast and a dance. Only the wapanowa and his assistants
(wapanowaki) participated in the feast and the dance al-
though all members of the tribe could attend. The dance
took place during the day and was followed in the evening
by the feast. Toward the end of the day, a large kettle was
placed over a fire and the head of a deer (including antlers)
was placed in it to boil. After the deer head had been al-
lowed to boil for some time, the wapanowa, followed by the
woman and his six male helpers, would face east and stand
in front of the kettle. The wapanowa would then place his
hands in the boiling water, take the deer head out, take a
bite of it, hold it in the air to the east, and say a prayer.
This was done four times, for the head was extended toward
all four of the cardinal directions. After the wapanowa had
finished, the head of the deer would then be passed to the
woman behind him. She would take a bite of the head and
then pass it to the man behind her who would follow the
Oklahoma Kickapoo 51
same procedure. This continued until all of the wapanowaki
had partaken of the deer. Following the eating the the deer,
there was a feast and the ceremony ended.
Shamanism
The Kickapoo concept of sickness hinged upon the idea
that poor health (other than old age) was caused by a foreign
object entering the body, e. g., a spider bite (poison), an
arrow, or "bad medicine," generally from witches. Broken
limbs were generally considered the result of an accident and
no supernatural meaning was attributed to them. Because
of this concept, it was the duty of medical practitioners (sha-
mans) to relieve the effect by removing the cause. Even
though the Sac and Fox agency physician made 103 calls
on the Kickapoo during 1874 and 1875 to attend to such ail-
ments as sore eyes, bad coughs, diarrhea, and chills (OHS
1875), they primarily utilized the services of their own
shamans.
Among the Kickapoo there were both male and female
shamans and, for the most part, women used the services of
the female shamans and men used the services of the male
shamans. The exception to this rule was in the case of
witchcraft. Only male shamans were vested with enough
supernatural power to combat such an evil force 2S . A young
man or woman could become a shaman only after he or she
had served a long apprenticeship. Prior to the apprenticeship,
a young man or woman had to convince a practicing shaman
of their sex that they were suited for the job and were
ready to accept the responsibility that accompanied it. If
they were accepted as novices, they would spend years learn-
ing how to prepare different medicines from herbs and how
to administer them. They were also instructed in the super-
natural aspects of their shamanistic duties which for the men
included fasting and ceremonial bathing. The novice assumed
the job of shaman when the old practitioner retired.
Kickapoo medical practitioners lived "normal" lives, i. e.,
they could marry, were not homosexuals, and functioned
normally in the society. The leading male shaman of the
society generally lived at the southeast corner of the village.
In time of an epidemic an isolation house was constructed
southeast of his house. Here, the shaman could care for his
52 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 45, No. 1
patients without endangering the other members of the
tribe 26 . Each time the shaman visited a patient in the isola-
tion house and returned to the village, he would change his
clothes and take a bath. Female shamans lived in no desig-
nated area within the village.
Everyday illnesses such as minor stomach aches, head
aches, etc. were generally not considered serious enough to
be treated by a shaman. If, however, the illness persisted,
a shaman would be consulted and he or she would generally
prescribe an herb medicant to be applied or taken orally.
If the patient did not recover in due time, a sweat bath might
be prescribed. If this did not cure the illness, there would be
no doubt in the minds of the Kickapoo that the person had
been bewitched.
"Sucking," accompanied by supernatural intervention was
the most common medicant used for curing a person who
had been bewitched. Through fasting the shaman would
receive a vision explaining how and when his patient had
been bewitched and what procedure should be followed to re-
lieve his suffering. Although "sucking" could be done on
patients that were not bewitched, it was frequently done on
those who were. One informant commented on this medical
procedure as follows:
Sometimes they cut them to get things out. I still
got a little horn the one that the old people gave me.
Sometimes there is witchcraft and they put something in
you. This woman over there came to me cause someone
put something in her head. I tied her hair up and I
sucked it out for her. I cut her. It's hard to believe that
I fixed her but I put a little medicine in my mouth and I
put it on her head where she was sick. I put this little
horn where I cut her and got it out.
If the shaman was able to cure the bewitched person, he
would inform his patient of the procedure he should follow
if he wanted to seek revenge for his sufferings.
Shamans were always paid for their services, the amount
depending upon the seriousness of the illness. If a man was
cured of witchcraft, he would gladly present the shaman with
two or three horses. If the patient died, the relatives of the
deceased had no recourse, for this was an element of nature
that could not be controlled by a mortal.
Oklahoma Kickapoo 53
THE LIFE CYCLE
Birth
At the onset of labor a woman would retire to one of the
menstrual huts located to the west of the village and prepare
to have her baby. Inside the hut there was a small fire to
keep her warm and a pole for her to hold if the pain became
too severe. Just before the baby emerged, the woman would
kneel, spread her legs apart, and one or two mid-wives would
apply pressure to the abdomen of the mother-to-be in an at-
tempt to insure a quick delivery. The child was caught on a
clean piece of cloth. The umbilical cord was cut a finger's
length from the child and then tied with sinew. The child
would then be bathed in water containing special herbs. The
after-birth was tied in grass and placed in a tree to rot. The
mother was cleansed, bound around the abdomen with a soft
deer skin, and given a herb tea to drink. If the child was a
boy, the mother stayed in the menstrual hut for forty days
and nights; if a girl, for thirty days and nights. The mother
kept count of the days by notching a stick. While the woman
remained in the hut she was not allowed to eat salt, drink
cold water, or go near the village. During this time the
child could be taken from the hut to the village for its father
and relatives to see, but it would always be returned for
nursing except when a wet nurse w-as needed. If a wet
nurse was required, she was a relative of the mother. A
mother usually nursed her child about nine or ten months.
After the mother had remained in seclusion for the correct
number of days, she would go to the river or creek early in
the morning and bath and change her clothes. She then re-
turned to the village and assumed her responsibilities as a
wife and mother.
Following birth, the child was wrapped in cloth and placed
on a cradle board. This board was about two feet long, eight
to ten inches wide, and had a hoop at the top to protect the
infant's head. There was no foot rest for the infant. The
only thing that kept the child from slipping from the cradle
board was a thong of bucksin tied around the cradle. It was
believed that unless the child was placed on this cradle-
board, its head would be pointed in the back rather than flat
which was considered more desirable.
54 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 45, No. 1
The cradle board was made by a near relative of the child
(usually father or uncle) and the wood from which it was
made was always taken from the east side of a cottonwood
tree. While making the cradle the carpenter would say a
prayer to the God of Wood and the God of Disease request-
ing that the child be protected from illness and allowed to
live a long life. The prayer always commenced with some
of the sacred tobacco being offered to the deities.
Sometime between birth and two months the new-born
child was made its first pair of moccasins. Each moccasin
had a small hole in each sole. These holes were placed in
the moccasins so that the child could refuse to accompany a
spirit on a long journey. If the child did go with the spirit, it
would surely die. As one informant put it, "If he has holes
in his shoes, he can't travel."
A new-born child was kept in the cradle board for about
six months or until which it learned to crawl. Prior to this
time, however, it was frequently taken from the cradle and
tied in a hammock. This hammock was made from a blanket
or buckskin and tied inside the house or between two trees
outside the house.
Naming
A child could be given a name anytime during its first
three months, although, as a rule, it did not receive its name
until the three month period had elapsed. At this time, the
parents of the child would decide who would give it a name.
Generally, the father named the first-born, the mother the
second-born and all succeeding children were named by rel-
atives. This procedure, however, was not mandatory and
any member of the tribe could theoretically name a child,
whether first-born of fifth-born. If a person other than one
of the parents named the child, a close relationship developed
between the two individuals and presents were often ex-
changed throughout life.
As previously noted, names were always derived from
the clan plant or animal of the namer's clan. For example, if
the namer was a member of the Eagle Clan, he might name
the namee, oni0ea, "to fly." Furthermore, the name selected
to be given to a child had previously been the name of an-
other individual. To illustrate, informant J. G.'s name was
Oklahoma Kickapoo 55
papezekita, "getting ready to bloom" (Blackberry Clan),
This name, papezekita, belonged to another individual that
had died prior to the naming of J. G. Following the death of
the previous papezekita and prior to the naming of J. G.,
speaking this name was taboo for all Kickapoo. Name ta-
boos were in effect only when the name was not in use as a
personal name.
Kickapoo naming ceremonies were well organized and
all people invited were expected to participate.
If the sponsor (namer) of the ceremony was a member of
the Water Clan, he would ask his bundle society leader to
officiate at the ceremony and member of the Eagle Clan to
prepare the food. He would also ask the immediate consan-
guine relatives of the child and the accepted leaders of the
Blackberry, Bear, Wolf, Turkey, and Water Clans to be
present. After everyone had arrived at the home of the spon-
sor and the feast had been prepared, they would all go inside
the house. Members of the Water Clan, immediate consan-
guine relatives of the child, and the bundle society leader
would be seated on the west scaffold. Members of the Bear
and Wolf Clans sat on the north scaffold and member of the
Blackberry and Turkey Clans sat on the south scaffold. The
members of the Eagle Clan did not participate in the cer-
emony other than in preparing and serving the food. The
bundle society leader would place his bundle on the west
scaffold (near the center), open it, and ask the namer to
come forward with the child. He would then ask the namer
what name ~ 7 he had chosen for the child. The namer might
tell him bikioanokwa, "muddy water." The bundle society
leader would then announce the name to all present. Accord-
ing to an informant, he would then take four pinches of the
sacred tobacco, place it in the fire, and pray as follows to
the God of Fire.
Since you are a subordinate of the Creator of all
things, we ask you to inform the Creator that he has
seen fit to create a new life into his w^orld. \Ve have
come to a point that we must pick a name for him and
adopt him into a particular clan.
This prayer would then be followed by a prayer to the
God of Disease requesting that the child remain healthy
56 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 45, No. 1
throughout a very long and happy life. The man officiating
would then take the child in his arms and announce that it
was named. Following this, each individual in the house
held the child and gave it advice. It was believed that the
child would understand what was being said and abide by
the advice received throughout its life. The ceremony ended
with a -feast.
Puberty
Prior to puberty, adolescent boys were schooled by their
fathers, uncles, and older brothers in the art of hunting, mak-
ing provisions for a family, and fulfilling their social obliga-
tions. Adolescent girls were instructed by their female rel-
atives on how to keep a "good home" and fulfill their social
obligations. Although the Kickapoo did not have a formal
puberty ceremony for males and females, a ceremony (much
like the naming ceremony) could be held in connection with
this event if the parents desired. Frequently males went
through a ceremony of this nature. Following puberty, both
Kickapoo males and females were ready to assume the cul-
tural status of adult.
A girl completed puberty after she had passed her first
menstrual period. At this time, a new menstrual hut would
be constructed for her to the west of the village. She would
retire to the hut and spend ten days. During her stay in the
hut, she was considered taboo to all male members of the
tribe. She cooked her own food, ate out of her own bowl, and
never went near the village. At this time she was frequently
visited by her mother and aunts and told the "facts of life."
After she had stayed in the hut the prescribed length of time,
she ceremonially cleansed herself by going to the creek dur-
ing the early morning of the eleventh day for a bath and a
change of clothes. After she returned to the village, she was
considered an adult and could be married, although this gen-
erally did not occur until she had reached the age of fourteen
or fifteen.
Throughout a female's life, during a period of menstrua-
tion, she would observe the same procedure as she did during
her first menstrual period only she made use of the same
menstruation hut repeatedly and her period of seclusion only
lasted five days. She was always considered taboo during
Oklahoma Kickapoo 57
menstruation and she always bathed during the early morning
following the period.
A male adolescent was not considered an adult until he
had been on several hunts and was well versed in religious
knowledge. A boy was generally fourteen or fifteen years
old before he passed puberty. Learning to hunt took place
over long periods of time. Acquiring religious knowledge,
although he had learned a great deal from the stories of the
old people, came about through formal religious instruction
and fasting. When a boy and his family felt that he had
the necessary skills to function as an adult, the boy would
be placed in the custody of a member of the tribe who would
act as the boy's religious instructor. This man was generally
a bundle society leader. The boy would fast for four days
and night and take a bath early every morning. Following
the fourth day, a feast would be given in honor of the new
adult. Although he was theoretically considered an adult and
could take a wife after the feast, several years generally
elapsed before he married.
Courtship and Marriage
Courting among the Kickapoo was accomplished with the
use of a courtship flute (a hollow reed with finger holes).
Most of the young men in the village had their own courtship
flute, each with a distinctive sound. All of the females in
the village eligible for marriage knew the sounds of these
flutes and to whom the flutes belonged. During the late
evening, a young man would go to the periphery of the vil-
lage and play for a female acquaintance to come and join
him. According to one informant:
That was love music to them. The boys would go away
from the village to play them. The women, especially
the single women, all knew who owned these things.
They could tell who was playing this flute by the way
that it sounded.
As courtship between two individuals became more ser-
ious and marriage was imminent, the young man would in-
form his girl that he would like to come to her father's lodge
some night and formally court her. If she agreed, he would
slip into her house about midnight, spend the night with her
and leave just about daybreak. This continued for several
58 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 45, No. 1
nights and, theoretically, the young woman was to remain
chaste, for premarital sexual intercourse was not socially
sanctioned.
If the couple found that they were compatible, their res-
pective parents would be informed that they were to become
man and wife. The young man would continue going to her
lodge at night, thus marking the beginning of their marriage.
According to Jones (1913:232-233),
The next stage in the ceremony is a visit to the bride by
a woman who stands in relation to the husband as a sis-
ter's daughter. She might be called his niece in English;
she certainly would be if she was the daughter of a sister.
She takes to the bride a horse and all kinds of presents.
The horse can be given to an older or to a younger bro-
ther, and the presents must go to relatives who are to her
as mother's brothers and sister's sons. The bride then
gives presents to the woman who has brought presents
from the husband.
For a short while, following the marriage, the couple could
reside either with the husband's or the wife's parents. In
general, however, the wife would immediately go about
constructing a house for herself and her husband.
Polygyny was sanctioned but was not generally the rule,
for only a man of wealth could afford to have more than one
wife. Informants agreed that the last Kickapoo plural mar-
riage ended with the death of a man who had four wives
sometime about the start of the twentieth century.
Marriage between parents and children, siblings, and cross
and parallel cousins was prohibited among the Kickapoo.
Even the oldest of informants could not recall moiety, bundle
society, or clan ever regulating marriage, i. e., a man could
marry a woman from his same clan, bundle society, and
moiety.
The Kickapoo practiced both the levirate and sororate.
Divorce
The principal causes for divorce among the Kickapoo
were adultery, negligence, and incompatibility. Divorce was
easily obtainable and required only the husband leaving the
house. The children generally remained with their mother.
If a person was suspected of adultery, the relatives of the
two principal people involved would attempt to sever the
Oklahoma Kickapoo 59
adulterous relationship. If the relationship persisted, divorce
was the consequence. In general, both males and females
were given several chances by society to remain faithful to
their respective spouses.
Negligence on the part of either the husband or the wife,
i. e., the husband failing to supply his family with adequate
food or the wife failing to fulfill her domestic duties, was
also ample grounds for divorce.
The third primary cause of divorce, incompatability, was
explained by an informant as follows:
If a married woman and man don't get along, usually
both sides of the family told them if they had separated
and can't get along, you should break peacefully. You
are not to get violent with her and you are not to do no
bodily harm to her. You will not find any woman that
will be different from her. The man is told that if he can
find a more helpful mate that will help him and his folks,
then he should go ahead and court her. The woman is
told the same thing. They just peacefully quit living to-
gether.
Death
With the death of an individual, the immediate consan-
guine relatives of the deceased would dispatch a ceremonial
runner (member of the deceased's clan) to notify the tribe
that a funeral was to take place. If the individual died during
the late night or the morning, he would be buried the same
day. If, however, death occurred after the noon hour, the
burial would take place the following day. For illustrative
purposes, let it be assumed that death occurred sometime in
the afternoon. The deceased, a man, would be placed inside
his house near the south wall, and his wife would retire to
the home of a sibling, cousin, or sibling-in-law of the same
sex. The bundle society leader of the deceased would be
asked to officiate at the burial ceremony and male members
of a clan other than that of the deceased (considered "work-
ing" clan) would be asked to do all of the physical work con-
nected with the ceremony, e. g., prepare food, make a coffin,
dig the grave, and prepare the body for burial. It was the
responsibility of the deceased's clan to see that all duties
connected with the funeral 28 were completed.
Following dark, the bundle society leader, the relatives of
60 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 45, No. 1
the deceased (except spouse), and representatives of all the
clans would assemble in the home where the body lay in
state and hold an all night wake. Throughout the night songs
were sung, prayers said, and the bundle society leader would
recount the honored deeds of the deceased. During the night,
different members of the tribe visited the body and paid
their last respects.
During the afternoon preceding the wake, members of the
working clan would make a coffin 29 . A dead tree was cut
down, split lengthwise down the middle, and hollowed out.
The results of this work was a two piece cylinder. A hole
was always left in the coffin allowing the spirit of the de-
ceased to leave the body. The coffin was then taken to the
burial grounds, located west of the village, where it would
remain, without the body, until the following morning. Just
prior to and during the wake, the "workers" would wash the
body, dress it in its finest clothing, and mark its face with
black or red pigment. Some of the sacred tobacco was placed
in the left hand of the deceased, the body was wrapped in a
blanket, and then tied horizontally between two poles. These
poles, extending along the sides of the body, were used as a
means of carrying the body to the cemetery.
The following morning about daybreak, some of the
"workers" would prepare food that was to be placed in the
grave with the body while others would dig a grave about
four feet deep, west of the village. Once the grave was com-
pleted, a messenger was sent back to the village to inform
all those concerned that they were ready for the body.
A portion of the west wall of the house would be torn
down and the body would then be removed through this
opening. Four or six pall bearers (different clans) would
carry the body. The procession to the burial area would be
led by the bundle society leader, followed by other male
members of the tribe. Members of the clan of- the deceased
and women did not accompany the body to the cemetery.
After all had arrived at the grave site, the body was placed
in the coffin. The bundle society leader would take a ladle
full of food and place it on top of the body. He would then
offer some of the sacred tobacco to different deities, pray,
and recount the deeds of the deceased. With this, the body
Oklahoma Kickapoo 61
was lowered into the ground, and all except the "workers,"
whose responsibility it was to cover the grave, left the area.
Except for the relatives of the deceased, members of the clan
to which the deceased had belonged, and onlookers, all those
who had participated in the ceremony were then rewarded
for their services with presents which consisted of all of the
clothing and personal belongings of the deceased.
All Kickapoo were given a formal burial with two excep-
tions; unnamed infants and people who had committed sui-
cide. Infants who had not received a name had no spirit and
were simply placed in a hollow tree or stump. People who
had committed suicide did not deserve a funeral and were
quickly placed in a shallow grave.
Mourning
As soon as an individual learned that his (or her) spouse
had died, he would immediately seek refuge in the home of
a sibling, cousin, or sibling-in~law of the same sex. A man
or woman would take no part in his or her spouse's funeral.
Four days after the burial, the mourner would go to a creek,
take a bath, change clothes, and then return to his home. By
this time, the house had been repaired and ceremonially
cleansed. A person would remain in mourning until a feast
was held in his honor. During this period of mourning, gen-
erally a year to a year and a half, the bereaved would wear
old clothes and, in general, remain in seclusion. Following
the feast, held in connection with the Spring Feasts, the per-
son would put on his finest clothing, consider a remarriage,
and prepare for a new life.
POSTSCRIPT 30
As noted earlier, with the dissolvement of the Kickapoo
reservation in 1894, the Kickapoo tribe split into two major
political factions, the "Progressives" and the "Kickers" (AR-
CIA 1898:251). The acceptance of the allotment of lands
by the "Progressives" marked the first major success for the
U. S. in their attempt to break up the Kickapoo village "way
of life." The "Kickers" believed that the Great Spirit would
be displeased if they consented to allow the land to be
divided and, according to Elizabeth Test, Kickapoo Field
Matron, rather than allow this to happen, they chose to "suf-
62 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 45, No. 1
fer a great deal" (ARCIA 1894:257). In the words of Martin
Bentley, Special Indian Agent for the "Kickers," while testi-
fying before a subcommittee on Indian Affairs, "they kicked
at everything that meant civilization" (Senate Document
1908b:19). Before all of the "Kickers" had time to adjust to
the idea of accepting their allotments, much of the land had
been lost in the land swindles of the early 1900's (see Senate
Documents 1908a, 1908b, 1908c). During these difficult
early years of the twentieth century, following a movement
of Kickapoo to the old village in Coahuila, the establishment
of a village in Sonora, and the return of these individuals
to the allotments that had survived the land swindles, the
Oklahoma Kickapoo settled down to lead a life of quietness
and seclusion. Here they live today, unnoticed by the rest of
the community.
Most of the Oklahoma Kickapoo presently make their
home in an area approximately thirty-five miles long and
three miles wide, located between the small rural towns of
Shawnee and Jones, Oklahoma. This land constitutes the re-
mains of their original allotments, some 8,000 acres of an
original 22,000 acres, under government trusteeship. Most
Kickapoo homes are located along in wooded areas some
distance from highways, section line roads, and even sub-
section line roads. Of the approximately 325 Kickapoo in-
dividuals or conjugal and/or extended families in the area,
about twenty-four annually construct either a bark house, a
cattail house, i. e. an "Indian home," or both. As a rule,
when a family constructs a bark and/or cattail house, a
wooden frame house is generally constructed nearby. When
the "Indian homes" are constructed adjacent to houses valued
at more than $1,000.00 (and there are very few of these),
they are used only for ceremonial purposes. If the house is
valued at less than about $1,000.00, the family will live at
least part of the year inside their "Indian home." These "In-
dian homes" are still considered "holy" by most Kickapoo.
For a male adult Kickapoo, supporting his family is pri-
marily accomplished by maintaining a permanent job or by
doing seasonal farm labor. A small number of men work
at skilled and semi-skilled jobs at Tinker Air Force Base
located in Oklahoma City or in small factories and businesses
Oklahoma Kickapoo 63
located in Shawnee. Most of the male members of the tribe,
however, do odd jobs, mainly farm labor, many working their
own land that they have leased, and receive a small hourly
wage depending upon the season of the year. Since the
Kickapoo reside in a rural, semi-depressed economic area,
they, along with other Indians suffer the brunt of this de-
pression. Although the Indians of this area are not necessar-
ily considered third class citizens by the local whites, they are
nonetheless considered a "poor risk" and are given the lowest
paying jobs. The Kickapoo are particularly viewed in this
manner because of their cultural conservativeness and ten-
dency to isolate themselves from other members of the com-
munity. As one school superintendent put it, "these people,
the Kickapoo, are fifty years behind their time." This man
reflects the attitude of many of the white people in the area.
Besides the absence of traditional economic pursuits,
crafts, and general material culture (excepting the "Indian
home"), there are significant socio-political differences be-
tween the Kickapoo of the late 1800's and the Kickapoo of
today. Most noticeable, there has been a great reduction in
the number of individuals who are fluent in kinshop termin-
ology and there have been several changes in kinship be-
havioral patterns. The traditional rites of passage are no
longer practiced. Political organization is no longer focused
around chieftainship, the warrior society, and the village
crier. In 1938, the adult members of the tribe voted to or-
ganize as "The Kickapoo Tribe of Oklahoma" under pro-
visions of the Oklahoma Indian Welfare Act of 1936 (see
Wright 1956:168). It is this form of tribal government, con-
sisting of the tribe as tribal council and five elected officers,
that exists today.
Although many significant changes have occurred
within Kickapoo culture during the past eighty years,
for the most part, the Kickapoo tribe of Oklahoma is
self-oriented. This is most apparent when the per cent of
individuals who participate in traditional ceremonies are com-
pared with the per cent of Christians. Approximately fifty
per cent of the tribe actively participate in traditional re-
ligious ceremonies and maintain belief in the "Kickapoo re-
ligion." Only about fifteen percent of the Kickapoo are
64 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 45, No. 1
Christians and many of these are certainly marginal Chris-
tians. Besides the two polar religious groups, roughly four
percent (overlapping with the Traditionalists) are partici-
pants in Peyote ceremonies. There is, of course, also a small
group of people who seem to be transitional between these
various groups. Of the traditional ceremonies, Spring Feasts,
Adoptions, Ghost Feasts, and the Green Corn Dance are
held with regularity by the Kickapoo. Another feature sug-
gesting this tribe self-orientation is the extent to which many
of the Kickapoo want to be buried in the traditional manner,
and reject the idea of having a Christian burial. As one old
man said, "I want to be buried the Indian way."
In conclusion, the Kickapoo Tribe of Oklahoma is present-
ly in a state of transition they are attempting to raise their
standard of living while, at the same time, they are struggling
to maintain their cultural and tribal autonomy. Only time
will illuminate the outcome of this struggle. The attitude
held by many of the Kickapoo over the fate of their tribe was
adequately expressed by an elderly Kickapoo man when he
said in broken English:
Everything in those days was pure. Pure air, you
know. Everything was good, but nowadays, everything
got disease germs flying around all over the country.
We used to drink this water out here in the river. It was
clear in the old days. There wasn't no white people
around then. We had lots of room.
NOTES
1. For the most part, the early historical material herein is ab-
abstracted from an unpublished manuscript by A. M. Gibson. Since
completion of this report, however, Gibson's manuscript has been
published (see Gibson 1963).
2. Throughout the remainder of this report, the author is only
concerned with the Oklahoma Kickapoo and those people believed
to be the immediate ancestors of the Oklahoma Kickapoo. This
would, for the most part, exclude the Kansas Kickapoo.
3. The Cherokee Commission was "provided for by section 14 of
the act of March 2, 1899 (25 Stat. ; 1005), so that it might enter into
negotiations with such tribes in Oklahoma and the Indian Territory
as have not yet concluded agreements for cessions of land" (ARCIA
1892:78).
4. The Indian tribes under the jurisdiction of the Sac and Fox
Agency, Indian Territory, at this date was as follows: Sac and Fox,
Absentee Shawnee, Mexican Kickapoo, Citizen Pottawotomie, and
Iowa.
Oklahoma Kickapoo 65
5. A discussion of whether the Kickapoo had clans will be pre-
sented later.
Kickapoo concept of disease will be discussed later.
7. Ritzenthaler and Peterson in their discussion of the Mexican
Kickapoo state that in former days, "on such a hunt 1400 deer were
killed" (1956:38).
8. According to Murdock, "for a group to constitute a genuine
clan it must conform to three major specifications:. If any one of
the three is lacking, the group is not a clan, however greatly it may
resemble one in composition and external appearance. In the first
place, it must be based explicitly on a unilinear rule of descent which
unites its central core of members. In the second place, to con-
stitute a clan a group must have residential unity. In the third
place, the group must exhibit actual social integration" (1949:68).
Even though Kickapoo groups fail to meet the first two of these
specifications, the term "clan" is used throughout this report. The
author sees no need to introduce a new term for the purpose of dis-
cussing Kickapoo "clans".
9. Besides the clans listed herein, Jones (1913:335) also lists an
Elk and a Fox clan.
10. Ritzenthaler and Peterson (1956:43) list "Buffalo" as a bundle
society for the Mexican Kickapoo.
11. Naming will be discussed in more detail in a section to follow.
12. It should be noted that although Jones (1913:335) lists nototema
as "my brother, my sister" and Ritzenthaler and Peterson (1956:44)
lists nototema as "brother, sister", this author lists nototema as
"sibling". If the term is checked in Morgan (1871:293-382), Nototema
is restricted to "brother". In theory, Oklahoma informants agree
that nototema can be applied either to "brother" or "sister" but in
practice, it is generally restricted for use by a male when referring
to his brother. The use of younger and older sibling terms is more
common with females.
13. The last Kickapoo chief by right of inheritance was a woman
named Wahopohokowah (Wright 1951:168).
14. According to one informant, a member of the Eagle clan lived
to the east of the Chief, a member of the Blackberry clan lived to
the north of the chief, and a member of the Tree can lived to the
west of the chief. The people living in these houses assisted the chief
in the capacity of servant, e. g., they helped keep the chief's house
and yard clean. The author does not know whether to interpret this
as meaning that these clans were servants and, consequently, low
status or whether they were servants and, consequently, high status.
Among the Fox, members of the Wolf gens were considered low
status people and "the chief gentes or royal gentes called them their
waiters" (Jones 1939:74). The author was simply unable to deter-
mine whether the Blackberry, Eagle, and Tree clans were of high
or low status. There is no evidence to suggest that clans function as
a status determinant today.
15. Informants did not know whether these warriors were allowed
special liberties such as was the case among some of the Plains
Indians.
16. Although the Kickapoo had an Algonquian concept of manitou,
it took the form of animism rather than a power concept such as
mana. Jones in "The Algonkin Manitou" states that the Sauk, Fox,
and Kickapoo have "an systematic belief in a cosmic, mysterious
66 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 45, No. 1
property which is believed to be existing everywhere in nature"
(1905:190). Although the work herein is a reconstruction, informants
brought forth no information suggesting this "mysterious property".
All data collected by this author suggests that the Kickapoo had an
indefinite number of defined super naturals.
17. The author was unable to determine when and how this prob-
able Christian concept of an Evil God was adopted by the Kickapoo.
18. According to Hultkrantz (1953:73-83), a number of Central Al-
gonquian tribes believed in soul-dualism. Although informants them-
selves did not make note of this concept, the application of the term
"nokena" to both the shadow and the soul and the application of
the term "cipaya" to ghost and spirit suggest that it was present.
This soul-dualism concept is in accord with the Menomini, Sauk, and
Fox believe that there was a life-soul, (in the case of the Kickapoo,
cipaya or ghost-spirit), and a complementary shadow-soul, (in the
case of the Kickapoo, nokena or shadow-soul).
19. The author did not see any of the bundles. A description of
the bundles given by informants indicate that they probably looked
much like the bundles pictured in Skinner (1925: plate 11).
20. Generally speaking, the moccasin game was played in con-
nection with an adult male adoption; a bow and arrow contest was
held at a male youth adoption, and a dice game was played at a fe-
male youth adoption. A woman's dance was always held in con-
nection with an adult female adoption. These games and the dance,
however, could be held at other times.
22. It has already been pointed out that in the moccasin game,
the moiety of the deceased man always won the game. In the case
of the bow and arrow contest, informants stated that either team
could win and the leader of the winning team was adopted. Either
the author improperly questioned informants about this matter or
the informants misunderstood the question, for if this was the case,
it was an exception to the normal pattern of adopting. In all other
adoption ceremonies the adoptee was selected prior to the ceremony
and the adoptee's moiety always won any game that was played.
This was also the case among the Fox, i. e., "if the deceased was
a Tokan, then the Kickos could not win and vice versa" (Jones
1939:66).
23. The Kickapoo held other dances but the author failed to collect
data regarding same.
24. "It should be pointed out that the phonetic equivalents of ...
wapanowa (plural waponowaki) in Cree, Ojibwa, Algonkin, and ap-
parently Menomini, mean 'sorcerer, wizard' whereas the Fox word
designates a mythical bird (and in the plural, mythical birds" (Mich-
elson 1932:12). For a detailed discussion of the Algonquian wapan-
owa, see Michelson (1932), especially pages 1-18.
25. There is the possibility that there may have been some con-
nection between a wapanowa and a shaman who cured witchcraft.
If this was the case, however, the author was unable to detect it.
26. This does not seem to be in accordance with the "foreign ob-
ject" concept of illness.
27. Ritzenthaler and Peterson point out that for the Mexican
Kickapoo, a child was given a "life name" to be used during its
life and a "death name" to be used only after death (1956:57). An
attempt was made to verify this with Oklahoma informants without
success.
Oklahoma Kickapoo 67
28. For a detailed description of a burial ceremony that took
place in 1937 see Foreman (1938:238-248).
29. Traditionally, the Kickapoo may have practiced tree burials,
scaffold burials, and extended and sitting earth burials for this was
the case with their closest linguistic and cultural neighbors, the Sauk
and Fox. See Skinner (1923:37). An Oklahoma pioneer reported that
the Kickapoo practiced tree burial (Foreman 1937:27).
30. For a more detailed discussion of Kickapoo culture that is
applicable to the present see Saeger (1957) and Wallace (1963).
REFERENCES CITED
ARCIA
1836- Annual Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 1836,
1898 1839, 1854, 1875, 1876, 1878, 1880, 1882, 1883, 1884, 1885, 1886,
1888, 1890, 1891, 1892, 1894, 1898. Washington: Government
Printing Office.
Beckwith, Hiram W.
1884 The Illinois and Indiana Indians, Fergus Historical Series,
No. 27. Chicago: Fergus Printing Co. Notes abstracted from
this series pertaining to the Kickapoo located in University
of Oklahoma Archives, Kickapoo File, University of Okla-
homa, Norman, Oklahoma.
Brice, WaUace A.
1868 History of Fort Wayne. Fort Wayne: D. W. Jones and Son.
Carter, R. G.
1935 On the Border with MacKenzie. San Angelo: San Angelo
Standard-Times.
Craig, Oscar J.
1893 "Ouiatanon a Study in Indiana History," Indiana Historical
Society Publication, Vol. 2, No. 8. Indianapolis: Brown -
Merrill Co.
DeShields, James T.
1912 Border Wars of Texas. Tioga: The Herald Co.
Eggan, Fred (ed.)
1955 Social Anthropology of North American Tribes (enlarged edi-
tion). Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
Foreman, Grant (ed.)
1937 "An Interview With Mrs. A. Avery, October, 1937," Indian-
Pioneer History, Vol. 13, pp. 25-27. Foreman Collection, Ok-
lahoma Historical Society, Oklahoma City, Oklahoma.
1938 "An Interview With Mrs. J. H. Lewis, February, 1938,"
Indian-Pioneer History, Vol. 61, pp. 233-254. Foreman Collec-
tion, Oklahoma Historical Society, Oklahoma City, Oklahoma.
Foreman, Grant
1946 The Last Trek of the Indians. Chicago: University of Chi-
cago Press.
Gibson, A. M.
n. d. "The Kickapoo Indians." Unpublished manuscript in the
possession of A. M. Gibson, Head, University of Oklahoma
Archives, Norman, Oklahoma.
1963 The Kickapoos: Lords of the Middle Border. Norman: Uni-
versity of Oklahoma Press.
Goodman, Sula Saltsman
1960 "Visit with the Kickapoo of Oklahoma," Talking Leaves,
Vol. 5, Nos. 4 & 5, pp. 2 - 6. U. S. Department of Health, Ed-
ucation, and Welfare, Public Health Service, Division of In-
68 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 45, No. 1
dian Health, News from Oklahoma City area, Oklahoma City,
Oklahoma.
Haley, J. Evetts
1952 Fort Concho and the Texas Frontier. San Angelo: San Angelo
Standard-Times.
Hultkrantz, Ake
1953 Conceptions of the Soul Among North American Indians.
Stockholm: The Ethnographic Museum of Sweden, Mono-
graph Series, Publication No. 1.
Jones, William
1905 "The Algonkin Manitou," The Journal of American Folk-
Lore, Vol. 18, pp. 183-190.
1911 "Algonquian," Handbook of American Indian Languages
(edited by Franz Boas), Bureau of American Ethnology, Bul-
letin 40, Pt. 1, pp. 737-873.
1913 "Kickapoo Ethnological Notes," American Anthropologist,
Vol. 15, No. 2, pp. 332-335.
1915 Kickapoo Tales. Publication of the American Ethnological
Society, Vol. 9.
1939 Ethnography of the Fox Indians. Bureau of American Eth-
nology, Bulletin 125.
Kappler, Charles J. (ed.)
1904a Indian Affairs: Laws and Treaties, Vol. 1, Senate Document
319. Washington: Government Printing Office.
1940b Indian Affairs: Laws and Treaties, Vol. 2, Senate Document
319. Washington: Government Printing Office.
Marriott, Alice
1937 "Field Notes Collected during 1937." Marriott Collection,
University of Oklahoma Archives, Kickapoo File, Box 8,
Norman, Oklahoma.
McReynolds, Edwin C.
1957 The Seminoles. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press.
Michelson, Truman
1912 "Preliminary Report on the Linguistic Classifications of Al-
gonquian Tribes," Twenty-Eighth Annual Report of the Bu-
reau of American Ethnology, pp. 221-290.
1923 "The Punishment of Imprudent Children Among the Kicka-
poo," American Anthropologist, Vol. 25, No. 2, pp. 281-283.
1932 Notes on the Fox Wapanowiweni. Bureau of American Eth-
nology, Bulletin 105.
Morgan, Lewis Henry
1871 Systems of Consanguinity and Affinity of the Human Family.
Smithsonian Contributions to Knowledge, Vol. 27.
Murdock, George Peter
1949 Social Structure. New York: The MacMillan Co.
OHS
1874 "Annual Statistical Report on the Kickapoo Indians, Sac and
Fox Indian Agency," Oklahoma Historical Society, Kickapoo
File, 1866-1881, Oklahoma City, Oklahoma.
1875 "Statistical Report of Medical Services Rendered the Mex-
ican Kickapoo, 10/74 to 4/75," Oklahoma Historical Society,
Kickapoo File, 1866-1881, Oklahoma City, Oklahoma.
Pike, James
1932 Scout and Ranger. Princeton: Princeton University Press.
Pool, William C.
Oklahoma Kickapoo 69
1950 "The Battle of Dove Creek," The Southeastern Historical
Quarterly, Vol. 53, No. 4, pp. 367-385.
Pope, Richard K.
1958-59 "The Withdrawal of the Kickapoo," The American Indian,
Winter, Vol. 8, pp. 17-27.
Ritzenthaler, Robert E. and Peterson, Frederick A.
1956 The Mexican Kickapoo Indians. Milwaukee Public Museum
Publication in Anthropology, No. 2.
Root, George A. (ed.)
1932 "No-ko-aht's Talk: A Kickapoo Chief's Account of a Tribal
Journey from Kansas to Mexico and Return in the Sixties,"
Kansas Historical Quarterly, Val. 1, No. 2, pp. 153-159.
Saeger, Armin L.
1957 "Extent of Participation of the Kickapoo Indians in Okla-
homa in Community Activities" (unpublished Master of So-
cial Work Thesis), University of Oklahoma, Norman, Okla-
homa.
Senate Document
1908a Affairs of the Mexican Kickapoo Indians. Senate Document
215, Pt. 1, Vol. 1. Washington: Government Printing Office.
1908b Affairs of the Mexican Kickapoo Indians. Senate Document.
215, Pt. 2, Vol. 2. Washington: Government Printing Office.
1908c Affairs of the Mexican Kickapoo Indians. Senate Document
215, Pt. 3, Vol. 3. Washington: Government Printing Office.
Skinner, Alanson
1923 Observations of the Ethnology of the Sauk Indians. Bulletin
of the Public Museum of the City of Milwaukee, Vol. 5, No. 1.
1925 Observations of the Ethnology of the Sauk Indians. Bulletin
of the Public Museum of the City of Milwaukee, Vol. 5, No. 2.
S wanton, John R.
1952 The Indian Tribes of North America. Bureau of American
Ethnology Bulletin 145.
Tax, Sol
1955 "The Social Organization of the Fox Indians," in Social An-
thropology of North American Tribes (enlarged edition, ed-
ited by Fred Eggan), pp. 243-282. Chicago: University of
Chicago Press.
Thwaites, Reuben G. (ed.)
1902 Collection of the State Historical Society of Wisconsin, Vol.
16.
Voegelin, C. F.
1941 "North American Indian Languages Still Spoken and Their
Genetic Relationships," in Language, Culture, and Person-
ality (edited by Leslie Spier, A. Irving Hallowell, and Stan-
S. Newman), pp. 15-40. Menasha: Sapir Memorial Publica-
tion Fund.
Wallace, Benny J.
1963 "Oklahoma Kickapoo Culture Change," (unpublished M. A.
Thesis), University of Oklahoma, Norman, Oklahoma.
Wilson, Clyde
1953 "The Kickapoo Indians: an Ethnohistory," (unpublished M.
A. Thesis), University of Texas, Austin, Texas.
Wright, Muriel H.
1951 A Guide to the Indian Tribes of Oklahoma. Norman: Univer-
sity of Oklahoma Press.
By
David A* Baerreis
and
Guest Reviewers
THE BOOKSHELF
In terms of general editorial policy, it has been our aim to
stress regional publications pertaining to \Visconsin and the
adjoining states. These, it has been thought, are of primary
interest to the readers of this journal and further, they repre-
sent publications frequently given only cursory attention in
national journals. It has been appropriate, therefore, to review
such materials critically and in sufficient detail to provide a
service to local readers that is not duplicated in other journals.
Occasionally, however, publications of such importance ap-
pear that even if they are not directly concerned with the local
scene, they deserve to be brought to the attention of our local
group. That is clearly the case in regard to the publication
considered in this issue.
*****
The Experimental Earthwork on Overton Down, Wiltshire,
I960, P. A. Jewell, Editor. Published by The British As-
sociation for the Advancement of Science, 3 Sanctuary
Buildings, 20 Great Smith Street, London, S. W. 1. 1963.
100 pages; numerous plates, figures and tables. $4.50.
P. A. Jewell, a zoologist, served as editor for this report by
the Research Committee on Archaeological Field Experiments
of the British Association for the Advancement of Science,
a committee which also included a plant ecologist, soil scien-
tist, geographer, geomorphologist and several archaeologists.
The report is an account of the construction of an earth-
work designed to investigate by experiment the way in which
archaeological structures are denuded and buried and specifi-
cally to provide precise information on the nature and speed
of silting and soil movement. In conjunction with its con-
struction, records were kept to allow more precise estimates
of the time involved in the construction of such an earth-
Bookshelf 71
work as well as to evaluate the efficiency of primitive tools
known to have been available to the prehistoric inhabitants
of the region. Various materials were incorporated within
the earthwork so that the state of their preservation and pos-
sible movement within the structure can be determined
through periodic excavation to be carried out at 2, 4, 8, 16,
32 and 100 years after construction. It can be seen that not
only is archaeology a science concerned with long periods
of time, but archaeological experiments require somewhat
more time than conventional laboratory experimentation.
The project grew out of the Darwin Centenary meeting ar-
ranged by Section H (Anthropology) of the British Associa-
tion in 1958. Among the many aspects of Charles Darwin's
work that were discussed at this time was his contribution
to field archaeology by experiments on the way in which
earthworms bury all manner of objects. Since one of the
major strengths of British and continental archaeology is
what is called "environmental archaeology" which includes a
careful consideration of all of the natural forces operating on
a site and its contents and the use of the tools and concepts
of many disciplines as an aid in archaeological interpretation,
the suggestion to build an earthwork where various conditions
could be controlled might well be expected to fall on receptive
ears. British archaeology does have considerable history of
experimental procedures to aid in archaeological interpreta-
tion and a valuable section of the present report is a brief
history of such earlier archaeological experiments.
Barrows, as the British designate mounds, are a common
feature on the English landscape. Originally it was contem-
plated that a round barrow might be constructed but finally
it was decided to build one in a linear form, adjacent to an
excavated ditch. The linear form clearly presented advan-
tages in permitting convenient excavation at succeeding in-
tervals through a section of the mound that could be uniform-
ly constructed. The adjacent ditch provided an opportunity
to investigate the manner in which this structure might gradu-
ally fill with debris. The report contains a meticulous descrip-
tion of the manner of construction of the successive layers in
the earthwork, obviously an essential record if changes in
these layers over times are to be studied. In a concluding
72 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 45, No. 1
section various theories of weathering and slope erosion are
summarized, giving an indication of some of the technical
facets it is hoped will be resolved by the periodic excavations
in the earthwork and ditch.
A variety of materials were buried in the earthwork, the
samples being divided so that they were placed in two con-
trasting environments (on the modern turf surface beneath
the earthwork and higher in the deposit on a chalk layer) and
at regular intervals in the mound so that similar samples will
be recovered in the planned exploration of the mound at per-
iodic intervals. The materials buried were selected to be
similar to those likely to have been buried in prehistoric times.
They included: billets of oak and hazel, both charred and un-
charred; cooked and uncooked sheep bones; cremated hu-
man bone; human bone of known blood-group; samples of
wool, cotton, and linen; leather tanned in five different ways;
fresh fractured flint to study the development of patina; and,
pieces of pottery made from a known clay-type and fired at
a fixed temperature. One additional experiment involved the
sprinkling of Lycopodium pollen, previously determined to be
absent in the local soil, on the surface beneath the mound so
that its movement could be traced as the structure aged.
In the construction of the earthwork, the entire operation
was carried out by hand since it was felt that this would
provide a more uniform construction. \Vhat was involved
was essentially building a linear mound roughly 100 feet in
length, 23 feet wide and with the sides sloping at about a 20
degree angle to the center line, the maximum height being
slightly over 6 feet. Firmly planted metal posts provide datum
points to measure subsequent mound settling. The fill for the
mound was derived from a rectangular pit excavated adjacent
to it. This pit was slightly longer than the mound, roughly 10
feet in width and excavated to a depth of nearly 6 feet. Like
the work of their prehistoric counterparts, this involved our
British colleagues in excavating a borrow pit in an area
where the turf and subsoil were only a few inches in thick-
ness while the remainder of the excavation was made first
in partially decomposed chalk and finally in unweathered
chalk. Securing the mound fill thus was essentially a quarry-
ing operation rather than one of carrying loads of loose s'and
Bookshelf 73
or earth as we would expect in an American Indian mound
context. Figures of construction time are consequently in no
way comparable to ia New World situation. The bright,
white linear mound and clean white pit that now stands out
on the landscape on Decoy Heath, near Wareham in Dorset,
would perhaps not fit our conception of the appearance of a
mound but does serve to indicate how different in appearance
aboriginal constructions may have been when they were first
completed as compared to their later weathered appearance.
Although the entire construction was carried out with hand
tools, a small portion of the pit was excavated with modern
counterparts of prehistoric tools. These included the use of
a deer-antler pick and a wooden maul by which the point of
the brow-tine could be hammered into the chalk as a wedge
to detach lumps. The picks were found to be efficient and
remarkably resistant to breakage. Since the primitive coun-
terpart of the modern shovel was considered to have been
the scapula of some large animal, such specimens being not
uncommon archaeological finds, several were used in the ex-
cavation. Workers preferred the scapula of a horse to that
of an ox while the scapula of a smiall Indian elephant "was
not much favoured." In contrast to the effectiveness of the
picks, the workers found the scapula to be a very inefficient
tool because the lifting-capacity of the blade was so slight.
The reaction of the workers was that surely the prehistoric
earth-movers must have hit upon some more satisfactory
wooden equivalent of a modern shovel and perhaps these
have simply not been preserved in archaeological contexts.
The report contains several babies showing the relative num-
ber of buckets carried for the mound fill when the primitive
tools were used as compared with modern tools. As might be
expected, the modern tools were more efficient but actually
little can be determined with any precision from the compar-
ison since the size and composition of the teams performing
the operations as well as the time intervals involved are
markedly different. Still the differences are not large since
the over-all rate for work with primitive tools was 3.0 cu. ft.
per man-hour as compared with 3.58 cu. feet per man-hour
with modern tools. It required a total of 1,155 man-hours
using both primitive and modern tools to excavate and pile
74 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 45, No. 1
4,018 cubic feet of material to form the earthwork. The
authors of the report are commendably cautious about using
these figures to estimate the man-hours required to construct
other earthworks since the depth of the pits excavated, the
character of the deposit and the time that would be spent in
carrying fill are all varying factors in other situations. \Ve
can agree, however, with their conclusion that one is left
with a profound respect for the scale and effort and organ-
ization that such constructions reflect.
This experiment was conceived of as one of a series,
others to be constructed in areas of different types of soil
and clim/ate. As yet one can not evaluate the results of the
experiment. The first cut in the finished mound was made in
September 1962 but it has been decided to combine the re-
sults of this investigation with an account of the findings
that emerge from a section to be cut in 1964. We shall have
to watch the pages of the Proceedings of the Prehistoric
Society to learn of these preliminary results but in the mean-
time it would be well to consider if this experimental approach
should perhaps be imitated in a local context.
David A. Baerreis,
University of Wisconsin
BOOKS RECEIVED
Wilcomb E. Washburn (Ed.), THE INDIAN AND THE
WHITE MAN. Documents in American Civilization Series.
Anchor Books, Doubleday & Co., N. Y., 1964. 480 pp., 32
plates. $1.95.
Whiteford, Andrew, TWO CITIES OF LATIN AMER-
ICA. A Comparative Description of Social Classes. Anchor
Books, Doubleday 6 Co., N. Y., 1964. 266 pp., 32 plates.
$1.45.
Caster, Theodor H., THE DEAD SEA SCRIPTURES.
English Translation. Anchor Books, Doubleday 6 Co., 1964.
420 pp. $1.45.
Cordan, Wolfgang, SECRET OF THE FOREST. On
the track of Maya Temples. Doubleday 6 Co., N. Y., 1964.
225 pp., 54 plates. $4.95.
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Paul Turney Collection, Milwaukee.
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1962 EXCAVATIONS AT THE MORSE SITE: A RED
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Paul Turney, 2243 S. Woodward, Milwaukee 1, Wisconsin
EDITOR
Dr. Robert Ritzenthaler, Milwaukee Public Museum,
Milwaukee 3, Wisconsin
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THE WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST
New Series
MILWAUKEE, WISCONSIN -- JUNE, 1964
Published Quarterly by The Wisconsin Archeological Society
1962 EXCAVATIONS AT THE MORSE SITE:
A RED OCHER CEMETERY IN THE
ILLINOIS VALLEY
Dan and Phyllis Morse
University of Tennessee, Knoxville
As part of a joint National Science Foundation - Indiana
University summer program to acquaint high school biology
and social science teachers with recent advances in physical
anthrolopogy, two weeks of field excavations were conducted
at the Morse Site. Participants included Dr. Georg K. Neu-
mann (Director), Department of Anthropology, and Dr. John
P. Lunstrum, Department of Education, Indiana University;
Dr. Joan F. DePena, Department of Anthropology, St, Louis
University; Dr. Holm W. Neumann, Mr. King Hunter, and
Miss Louise Robbins, Department of Anthropology, Indiana
University; and 38 Institute members. Mr. Dan Morse acted
as archaeologist for the two weeks of excavation. The pur-
poses of the excavation were to provide the Institute partici-
pants with the opportunity to recover archaeological and skel-
etal data, and to help fill in gaps in knowledge of both the
Red Ocher culture and physical population.
Part I: Archaeological Data
Dan and Phyllis Morse
The Red Ocher Culture got its name because of the char-
acteristic presence of powdered hematite on top of skeletons
(Cole and Deuel, 1937:62-63). We have been asked many
times where the red ocher found at the Morse Site could have
been obtained. A possible answer was supplied by the late
Mr. Merrill Emmons who owned a large farm immediately
to the south of the Morse Site. On his farm is an outcropping
of hematite (specific location is SW Quarter of SW Quarter
of Section 30, Kerton Township, T3N, R3E, Fulton County,
80 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 45, No. 2
Illinois). About two-thirds of the distance down a bluff
slope to the second creek bottomlands is a deposit of lime-
stone in which there are pockets of hematite. The hematite
occurs as flat oval pebbles, bright yellow to dark red in color,
and range from the size of pea gravel up to about three by
one and a half inches in dimension. This is the only concen-
trated deposit of soft hematite we are aware of in the area
although it does occur occasionally as rocks in local gravel
deposits.
Red Ocher "Mounds" and "Bundle Burials"
In an earlier published preliminary report (Morse, 1959),
it was stated that the Red Ocher burials had been made be-
neath mounds. These mounds have turned out to be essen-
tially Mississippi and Woodland constructions and apparent-
ly were completely unrelated to the Archaic burials. Red
Ocher skeletons were buried in circular to oval pits at depths
varying from 2-6 feet below the original ground surface of
natural loess knolls. The knolls appear to have been slightly
raised in absolute height only because of excess soil from
grave pits being distributed on or around the filled-in pits.
There is no evidence of soil having been brought to the burial
site to construct an artificial mound. Therefore reports of
Red Ocher "mounds" should be closely checked for evidence
of multi-componentcy. It would be more than possible to
expect other mound constructors to choose the identical burial
sites utilized by Red Ocher people. A statement doubting
field evidence of bundle burials in Red Ocher made in the
earlier report is reiterated here. Not a single in situ bundle
burial that could definitely be attributed to Red Ocher has
been found at the Morse Site. Furthermore, all cremations
or partially burned burials at the Morse Site are apparently
Late Woodland; in fact, several were found directly over
Red Ocher burials and in Late Woodland mounds.
Red Ocher Artifact Association and Settlement Pattern
The main difficulty in attempting meaningful interpretations
of Red Ocher is the apparent lack of village or camp sites.
This lack is apparent because, while Late Archaic artifacts,
presumably including Red Ocher types, are seemingly scat-
tered almost everywhere, there is no real concentration at
any one spot. Added to this is the observation that artifact
Morse Site 81
types found associated with Red Ocher skeletons do not seem
to be duplicated in habitation sites. One obvious inference
is that special artifacts were made for burial and by and large
were not mingled with utilitarian tools. There also is the fact
that cache flints and a copper celt were assocated with chil-
dren and a boatstone (atlatl weight?) was found with a fe-
male at the Morse Site. In addition, many of these artifacts
appear to be trade items from the north and east. Can we
then assume that lineage-owned goods obtained in a sort of
"artifact ring" plus examples of local specialties being traded
away are being indiscriminately buried with the dead no
matter what their age or sex? By the adverb "indiscrimin-
ately", we refer to the type of artifact chosen for inclusion in
a particular burial; although undoubtedly this choice did not
seem as indiscriminate to the Red Ocher culture bearers as it
does to the archaeologist. An example of a contrasting situ-
ation was found at the nearby Emmons Site where an Old
Village-like Middle Mississippi component appeared to con-
istently associate certain sorts of artifacts with males and
others with females (Morse, Morse and Emmons, 1961:132).
Some excavated village or camp sites would help immensely
in interpreting Red Ocher culture as a whole. On the same
bluff as the first cemetery excavated (F 772) are cultivated
fields (not owned by Dr. Morse) from which the owner has
allegedly collected grooved axes among other artifacts. Un-
fortunately, these have been given away and it is not even
definitely known if they were picked up in one general area
or as alleged, "all over." This is another example of the too
common hearsay class of evidence.
Thus we have a situation whereby there is a large number
of burials in a concentrated area but little concentration of
camp debris. We feel that the Shell Mound Archaic complex
in the Southeast is instructive here. In such cases in the
Southeast, there appears to be seasonal occupation whereby
villages break up into small units to hunt away from the large
rivers and then again congregate in the villages to fish. Large
shell heaps are built up by continuous seasonal occupation
probably because the best fishing sites are relatively limited.
Other individuals and small children might even have been
left behind in the villages during the hunting season. In con-
82 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 45, No. 2
trast, in the Red Ocher area, particular habitation sites do
not seem to have been reoccupied. The only indication of
seasonal permanency are the cemeteries. At, and near the
Morse Site are a number of springs and spring-fed creeks so
water presumably was no problem. We suggest that seasonal
camps or villages could be placed almost anywhere within
the area with no loss in effective exploitation of the environ-
ment. Hence, the probability of successive occupation of an
identical site would be low. In addition, the collection of fire-
wood with relatively inefficient cutting tools might tend to
cause a spacial dispersal of seasonal camps in their economic
area through time. Another factor might be the intensity of
raiding and hence a possible tendency for secretiveness and
mobility. The concentration of burials in cemeteries plus one
instance of actual intrusion of one grave into another indicate
that at least the immediate area was occupied either season-
ally or at times no greater than the memories of individuals
participating in a minimal culture (band). Should we expect
a similar settlement pattern in the rest of the minimal culture
area or would we find evidence of scattered family units?
This is a valid problem to be checked before the data is lost.
Instructive here would be a study to see if the expected re-
sources were abundant, variable, scarce, and/or regularly dis-
tributed at about the same place at the same season. Then
we could make some educated guesses about residence rules,
territoriality, size of effective units, etc. With an idea as to
possible settlement patterns, sites could be identified and an
artifact inventory built up.
Red Ocher Artifacts
The tentative trait list given in this paper will be elaborated
upon in a later report. Examples of most of the artifact classes
have been illustrated in earlier publications (Morse, 1958,
1959). Three cemeteries are represented, each on one of
three contiguous ridge points, and here for convenience are
called Sites 1, 2, and 3. Site 3 unfortunately did not have a
later mound constructed on top of it and was accidentally
discovered by a bulldozer during a fence-building operation.
Parts of the burials were still in situ to a certain extent and
though no artifacts were associated, the burial practices ap-
pear very similar to those found in Site 1 ; in fact, the lack of
Morse Site 83
artifacts emphasizes the possible close relationship. One of
the very few incidences of finding a Marion Thick sherd in
a Red Ocher cemetery occurred at Site 3. The sherd was in
the humus layer to one side of the burial locations. There is
no evidence whatsoever that the sherd was associated with
the burials. This is an important point because there has not
yet been an incidence of definite association of Marion Thick
with Red Ocher. Pottery has been found in two other similar
Illinois Valley situations. The three sherds from F 1 1 were
called "questionable" (Cole and Deuel, 1937:15) and were
not even included in the site's trait list (ibid:65-69). The
specific provenience of the rim sherd from a second site was
not published (Wray, 1937). Our earlier statements con-
cerning pottery in Red Ocher apparently still stand (Morse,
1959:206). The argument of whether pottery was a typical
or even rare trait of Red Ocher is not helped by the rarity
of Marion Thick.
It is at once apparent from a comparison of the traits for
Sites 1 and 2 that there are a number of differences between
the two cemeteries. An adequate interpretation depends upon
what an observant ethnographer can tell us. Are these two
different cultures or merely lineage differences? If the differ-
ence is cultural (and not sub-cultural) which would seem to
be the case, is it an incidence of temporal difference and/or
an example of shifting culture areas? For the present, we
would argue for a temporal difference because even if there
is a shift of cultural areas for two contemporary bands, the
bands presumably would be contiguous and hence culturally
similar. It is best, unless shown examples to the contrary and
reasons for same, to assume a band on a high hunting-gather-
ing-fishing level of cultural development operating within a
defined culture area or territory, sometimes as a band and
other times as smaller family units depending upon how ef-
fectively the environment may be exploited at certain seasons
of the year. It should not be assumed that this culture was
significantly unique in the history (and prehistory) of World
Culture on a similar level.
Other Components at the Morse Site
Although our primary concern at the Morse Site was the
securing of a greater assemblage of Red Ocher materials, the
84 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 45, No. 2
discovery of other components was also of interest. Perhaps
the most intriguing discovery was an Old Village (Emmons
focus) house foundation superimposed upon a Late \Vood-
land burial mound which was in turn constructed over a Red
Ocher cemtery at Site 1. The house was rectangular, measur-
ing about 15-17' x 13-15', and was associated with a group of
four burials in one grave (see Morse, 1959), and two refuse
pits. The Middle Missisippi Emmons Site (Morse, Morse,
and Emmons, 1962) can be seen from this vantage point. The
house was oriented approximately with the river with an
apparent narrow doorway opposite from the river in the
northern end of the western side. An excavation of varying
depth had been made to level the floor since the house had
been placed on the point of the ridge. A shallow baked clay
circular hearth was centrally situated near the northern end.
Other house features were disturbed badly by erosion, roots,
and rodents. Off the river side of the house were two Mis-
sissippi pits. One is described in Morse (1959). The second
pit contained a cache of three miniature pottery bowls, one
of which was unfired.
A number of Late Woodland (Weaver sub-aspect) flexed
and burned burials were found; in fact, all the mounds on the
part of the site owned by Dr. Morse may be Late Woodland.
Artifacts found consisted of flint projectile points, a mussel
shell fish lure (?), a Weaver Cordmarked vessel, a mussel
shell pendant, a turtle shell rattle, mussel shell spoons (in-
cluding one 71/2" long which probably was used as a vessel).
and an antler projectile point. One extended burial was in a
subfloor rectangular pit with no associated artifacts. At least
two different Late Woodland components seem to be repre-
sented.
Below the point where Site 1 is situated, the ridge slopes
downward and levels off as an eroded clay narrow ridge, and
filially slopes down to the creek bottoms to the south. The
level area south of Site 1 was examined for the remains of a
Red Ocher campsite. Instead, an apparent Maples Mills
camp was found. A few Canton sherds, flint chips, projectile
points, shallow pits and rock hearth areas were discovered.
In addition, a fragment of what may have been a variety
of Dalton-Meserve projectile point was discovered on the
Morse Site 85
surface near the \Voodland camp.
Some Comments on Special and Temporal Relationships
of Red Ocher
Recently, some attempts have been made to correlate some
of the sites which appear to be Red Ocher. (Faulkner, 1960;
Morse, 1959; Ritzenthaler and Quimby, 1962). The lack of
well documented sites is very apparent in these surveys. Trait
lists are too vague and general to allow meaningful archaeo-
logical, much less anthropological, generalizations. This is
particularly causing difficulties in comparisons to Glacial
Kame and Old Copper, to which Red Ocher is culturally sim-
ilar and apparently with which Red Ocher is engaging in a
considerable amount of trade. The Titterington "focus" (pro-
bably at least a subaspect) is also closely related culturally
although there are a number of similarities to the Shell Mound
Archaic area. Also, it would seem, the Red Paint and other
Late Archaic cultures in the northeast may belong to the
same aspect. Hence, we go farther than Ritzenthaler and
Quimby and propose that these cultures are the same culture
if defined on an aspect or phase level. But we do not go so
far as to state that Red Ocher (whether a focus or subaspect)
belongs in both the Archaic and \Voodland Patterns (Ritz-
enthaler and Quimby, 1962:257). Typologically, this is like
saying a bat is both a mammal and a bird.
Just as birds are not defined on the basis of presence of
wings, Red Ocher or Glacial Kame cannot be defined on the
basis of a few traits such as Turkey Tail points or Sandal-
Sole Gorgets. Both of these traits (including cache flints and
daggers) are widely distributed in the Eastern United States.
If these cultures are normal, there should be several hundred
traits for each and their clustering in time and space should
provide significant and meaningful divisions. When emphasis
is placed on one artifact type being mutually exclusive to the
extent that others have a seemingly random distribution, then
it is time to review our basis of classification because we are
merely plotting the special distribution of one artifact, not a
culture.
All that we will say about temporal relationships is that it
is apparently still felt in some quarters that Old Copper is
older than anything else. It may be, but we need some evi-
86 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 45, No. 2
dence that it is. (Cf Mason and Mason, 1961, and Binford,
1962). Investigators of Red Ocher are going to be more and
more dependent upon the Old Copper sequence to check de-
RED OCHER CEMETERIES
General:
TRAIT Site 1 Site 2 Site 3
Number of skeletons 22+ 10 3
Use of Red Ocher XXX
Individual graves the rule XXX
Burial in oval pits in cemetery XXX
Flexed Burials (dependent on pit size) X X X
Gorget shape: Rectangular with concave
sides and convex ends XXX
Copper X O
Galena 0X0
UsuaUy only a handful of Red Ocher 0X0
Usually up to a gallon of Red Ocher X X
Almost every skeleton association
with artifacts 0X0
1/16 or less associated with artifacts X X
Specific:
Turkey Tail 010
Flint Daggers 020
Triangular to oval cache flints 75
Stemmed Projectile Points 510
Flint fragments (some utilized) 600
Boat stone 010
Stone Gorget 010
Barrel-shaped Calcite Beads 6 1 1
Galena "Cube" 010
Galena Bead 020
Unfinished large Galena Bead (?) 010
Heavy copper celt, rectangular
in cross-section 100
Heavy copper gorget 100
Heavy rolled copper tubular beads 400
Small heavy rolled copper beads 10-12
Heavy copper awl, square in cross-section. _ 100
Classic-shaped 2-hole Sandal Sole Gorget __ 1
Large Conch Shell pendant (Drum Effigy?) 010
Mussel shell spoon 110
Conch Shell vessel 100
Barrel-shaped conch shell beads of
varying sizes 8 11
Small disc-shaped conch shell bead 1
Disc-shaped mussel shell bead 1
Pearl and pearl slug beads 21
Cut and incised bird bone tube 100
Deer Metacarpal awl 100
Shaved bone, antler, or ivory object 010
Morse Site 87
velopmental changes to the south. Few still feel that Red
Ocher is actually Black Sand and we may safely assume it is
earlier. It is really beginning to appear that today's Red
Ocher problems should not be solved within the next decade,
a prediction which was not very probable only five years ago.
REFERENCES CITED
Binford, Lewis R.
1962 "Radiometric Analysis of Bone Material from the Oconto
Site," The Wisconsin Archeologist, NS, Vol. 43 (2): 31-41.
Cole, Fay-Cooper and Thome Deuel
1937 Rediscovering Illinois: archaeological explorations in and
around Fulton County. Chicago, University of Chicago Press.
Faulkner, Charles H.
1960 "The Red Ocher Culture: An Early Burial Complex in Nor-
thern Indiana," The Wisconsin Archeologist, NS, Vol. 41 (2):
35-49.
Mason, Carol Irwin, and Ronald J. Mason
1961 "The Age of the Old Copper Culture," The Wisconsin Arche-
ologist, NS ; Vol. 42(4): 143-155.
Morse, Dan F.
1958 "Some Preliminary Notes on a Red Ocher Mound at the
Morse Site," Central State Archaeological Journal (CSAJ),
NS, Vol. 5(1): 14-17.
1959 "Preliminary Report on a Red Ocher Mound at the Morse
Site, Fulton County, Illinois," Papers of the Michigan Acad-
emy of Science, Arts, and Letters," Vol. 44:193-207.
1960 "Preliminary Report on a Red Ocher Mound at the Morse
Site, Fulton County, Illinois." Contact, (Illinois Tuberculosis
Association, Springfield, IU.) Vol. 25, No. 10, p. 39; Vol. 25,
No. 11, p. 43.
Morse, Dan F., Phyllis A. Morse, and Merrill Emmons
1961 "The Southern Cult: The Emmons Site, Fulton County, Illin-
ois." CSAP, NS, Vol. 8, No. 4, pp. 124-140.
Ritzenthaler, Robert E., and George I. Quimby
1962 "The Red Ocher Culture of the Upper Great Lakes and Ad-
jacent Areas," Chicago Natural History Museum, Fieldiana:
Anthropology, Vol. 36(11): 243-275.
Wray, Donald E.
1937 "A Red Ochre Mound in Fulton County." Transactions of the
Illinois Academy of Science, Vol. 30, No. 2, p. 82.
PHOTO NO. 1
Burial Numbers 18 and 19, Morse Site 2. Grave associations consisted
of a granite boatstone, a calcite bead, and an unfinished galena bead
(?). View is toward the East.
PHOTO NO. 2
Burial Number 21, Morse Site 2. Grave associations consisted of a
2-holed sandal sole gorget and a graduated "string" of 11 conch shell
and two galena beads. View is toward the North.
Morse Site
89
PHOTO NO. 3
Burial Number 22, Morse Site 2. Grave associations consisted of two
projectile points, one of which is vaguely similar in shape and
chipping pattern to the TURKEY TAIL category. View is toward
the West.
90 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 45, No. 2
PHOTO NO. 4
Two "Flint Daggers" from Morse Site 2. The larger specimen meas-
ures 14" long and is broken. One fragment was associated with
Burials Number 5 and 6 with an antler (?) object and a galena chunk
while the other fragment was discovered in a nearby wood chuck
disturbance. The smaller specimen measures SVz" long and was
associated with "Burial 10" in a large woodchuck disturbance along
with a conch shell pendant, a stone gorget, and a large mussel shell
disc bead.
Morse Site
91
PHOTO NO. 5
Two-holed granite gorget found associated with
Site 2. Length is approximately 4*4".
'Burial 10," Morse
PHOTO NO. 6
Conch shell pendant found associated with "Burial 10," Morse Site
2. It may be in the effigy of a drumfish. Length is approximately 7".
92 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 45, No. 2
PHOTO NO 7 a, b
Two views of the boatstone associated with Burial Number 18, Morse
Site 2. (See Photo No. 1) Length is approximately 5M".
Morse Site
93
o
a
e
PHOTO NO. 8
Sandal sole gorget and beads found associated with Burial Number
21, Morse Site 2. (See Photo No. 2) Length of gorget is approximately
94 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 45, No. 2
PHOTO NO 9
Projectile points found associated with Burial Number 22, Morse Site
No. 2. (See Photo No. 3) Length of Turkey Tail (?) is approxim-
ately 5 3 4".
Morse Site
95
PHOTO NO. 10 67 of 68
Projectile points and "cache flints" found associated with Burial
Number 2, Morse Site 1. Also associated were a conch shell vessel,
fragments of a mussel shell spoon, a small shell disc bead and a
badly corroded "string" of copper beads. With the exception of the
copper beads found at the neck, the artifacts were scattered as if
they had been within a wrapping which probably originally covered
the skeleton. Specimens pictured range around 3-5" in length.
96 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 45, No. 2
PHOTO NO. 11
Restored shell vessel found associated
Site 1. Length is approximately 6*4".
with burial Number 2, Morse
Morse Site
97
PHOTO NO. 12-A
Burial No. 20, Morse Site 1. View is toward the East. The skelton
has been partially disturbed by woodchuck activity.
PHOTO NO. 12-B
The copper gorget was found in situ at the neck and in addition ex-
hibits part of a cord impression on one surface. Length of gorget is
approximately 5".
98 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 45, No. 2
I
PHOTO NO. 13
Copper celt and four conch shell beads found associated with burial
Number 36, Morse Site 1. Length of celt is approximately GM".
ANOTHER TOGGLE HEAD HARPOON FROM
DOOR COUNTY
Mrs. Edward Wells
In the early spring of 1962, son John and I shouldered our
packsacks and headed for a hike along the picturesque shores
of Lake Michigan. We had selected as our objective the area
in the township of Baileys Harbor. As we walked the shore-
line, familiar dunes and land marks began to appear. It was
apparent the usual cultural detritus of prehistoric man (such
as wind blown fragments of bone, pottery and percussion
100 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 45, No. 2
flakes) had been exposed by the melting snow and spring
rains.
A few steps farther, I discovered a portion of charred
antler tip, which upon examination, appeared to have been
worked. I had read of Dr. Mason's discovery of toggle
head harpoons at the Mero site at a point further north.
I became enthused and toyed with the hope that I had
found one of the same. Inasmuch as the charred fragment
was in wind blown sand at the base of a dune, I took a chance
that it had been washed out and rolled to the lower level
this spring.
From this position, I spent two hours with a trowel, peeling
away the sand in paper thin layers. Finally a few percussion
flakes, charred bone fragments, and more fragments of antler
appeared. The deposit was thin about 6" at its deepest
penetration and 23" below the wind blown surface sand.
It was apparently the remains of a small fire pit. The paucity
of affiliated cultural objects leaves a great deal to the imag-
ination, but enough of the antler fragments could be restored
on the spot to indicate I had found a toggle head.
An inventory of associated objects are the following: a few
hearth stones, charred and uncharred animal and turtle bones,
charred antler (both worked and unmodified), percussion
flakes, four small scales of copper, and four small poorly
represented potsherds. The pottery fragments were seeming-
ly body sherds of light, brick-red color, smooth surface, coarse
texture with coarse granitic tempering.
Above this deposit was a small portion of another strata
at the point of being blown and scattered. An undisturbed
portion concealed a few flakes and one biface, ovate trian-
guloid point similar to late peninsular woodland type.
Upon arriving home, I assembled my finds and found the
antler fragments restored, formed most of a toggle head with
only a small portion of the base socket missing. The length is
60 mm. and the greatest diameter 14 mm.
Another group of charred fragments restored proved to be
an antler prong unmodified.
To refer back to the locale of my finds, other portions of this
blow have exposed numerous potsherds of woodland pattern,
such as Madison plain, Madison cord impressed. Some of
Mesh Spreader 101
the potsherds had a variety of rim and neck decorations such
as vertical, diagonal and horizontal cord impressions; also
rouletting and various forms of indenting. Mississippi ware
is lacking from this site in my collections.
I am not attempting in this article to establish the cultural
or temporal position of the objects. My intentions are only
to give the information association with what I considered
an interesting find.
MESH SPREADER WITH UPPER MISSISSIPPI
CULTURAL AFFILIATIONS
Mrs* Edward Wells
In April of 1953, the family and I were out for a spring
outing along Lake Michigan. These trips always incline
toward archeological endeavors whenever possible. Inas-
much as the lake had previously been riding at a high water
level, water and wind erosion exposed many interesting fea-
tures.
Following the shoreline, I noticed a few shell tempered
pottery fragments lying in the sand. A glance up the bank
showed the distinct contour of a refuse pit, five feet wide,
penetrating 20" down to a previous dune level. Apparently
much of it had been washed away by wave action during
the high water period. From this position we spent a great
deal of time with trowel, knife and brush and explored the
contents of the pit. It at first seemed to contain the usual
run of cultural detritus dumped from the village, such as fish
and animal bones, hearth stones, blocks of flint and a few
pot-sherds.
As we penetrated deeper, the concentration of potsherds
began to increase. I then found an animal tooth perforated
for suspension. Nearby I found a small thin piece on which
the corner was rounded off. Careful brushwork exposed three
more fragments. These four pieces assembled to form a mesh
spreader of turtle plastron with a length of 66 mm and a width
of 55 mm. Seemingly it is very similar to the one found at
the Raisbeck Mound Group, Dr. Chandler Rowe.
Associated with the spreader was the remains of a smooth
102 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 45, No. 2
surface, shell tempered vessel with pie crimping decoration
on the lip. The remainder of the vessel was plain. I also
found two triangular uniface projectile points 200 mm in
length, 50 smooth surface, buff-colored sherds and 16 wood-
land pattern sherds.
As I neared the end and base of the pit, I struck the rim
of a pottery vessel. Cleaning away the sand, it was soon
apparent that it was mostly in fragments but a great deal of
it was present (140 fragments in all). I cross lined the re-
mains with various colors of chalk to help simplify restoration.
As the photograph shows, it was delaminated, warped and
rather shop worn.
This vessel proved to be a most interesting project in itself.
W^ith the aid of my father-in-law, we restored it to its
present condition, and it is a specimen that I prize very
highly.
The color is buff red, merging into sooty black blotches.
The paste is flaky and the tempering seems to be a fine sand.
On one side of the neck, two holes had been drilled to patch
v
Mesh Spreader
103
a crack. The body circumference is 43" with a height of 11".
A brief summary of other potsherds from the pit show the
following characteristics: (1) 250 sherds with a smooth sur-
face, flaky paste, tendency to delaminate, sand tempered, buff
color, hardness of 2.5 Mohs scale; (2) 100 sherds with smooth
surface, flaky paste, buff color shell tempered, hardness
2.5; (3) 16 sherds of woodland pattern, functional corded
surface, grit tempered, color brown, hardness 2.5. Of the 16
sherds, 10 show a roulette and indented design at the rim
and neck.
A small blow out on top of the bank yielded a few surface
finds such as potsherds of both shell and coarse grit tempered
ware, one end scraper and a few scales of copper.
I was with hope of finding arrow shaft smoothers along
with other Upper Mississippi determinents, but if they are to
be found, they are no doubt beneath a road that passes over
the site. Although complete satisfaction" comes only when a
site has been exhausted of finds, the specimens found this
day added unexpected delight to our trip.
The following issues of THE
OGIST are out of print:
Volume 2, No. 3
Volume 3, Nos. 1, 2, 3
Volume 4 Nos. 3, 4
Volume 5, Nos. 2, 3, 4
Volume 6, No. 1, 3
Volume 7, No. 2
Volume 9, No. 4
Volume 10, No. 3
Volume 12, No. 2
New Series
Volume 1, Nos. 1, 2, 4
Volume 2, Nos. 1, 2, 4
Volume 3, all
Volume 4, Nos. 1, 3, 4
Volume 7, all
Volume 8, all
Volume 9, all
Volume 10, Nos. 2, 3, 4
Volume 11, all
Valume 12, all
Volume 13, all
Volume 14, No. 1
WISCONSIN ARCHEOL-
Volume 13, Nos. 1, 3, 4
Volume 14, all
Volume 15, No. 2
Volume 16, No. 3
Volume 17, Nos. 1, 3
Volume 18, No. 4
Volume 19, Nos. 1, 2, 4
Volume 20, No. 2
Volume 15,
Volume 16,
Volume 17,
Volume 18,
Volume 19,
Volume 20,
Volume 21,
Volume 22,
Volume 23,
Volume 24,
Volume 25,
Volume 26,
Nos. 1, 2, 4
Nos. 2, 3
Nos. 1, 2, 4
all
all
all
Nos. 1, 3, 4
Nos. 2, 3, 4
Nos. 2, 3
Nos. 1, 2, 3
Nos. 1, 2
Nos. 1, 2
By
David A* Baerreis
and
Guest Reviewers
THE BOOKSHELF
The Clam River Focus by W. C. McKern. Milwaukee
Public Museum Publication in Anthropology, Number 9,
1963. x./74pp., 57 figures. $3.00.
The report on the excavations by McKern of the Clam
Lake and Spencer Lake mounds in northwest Wisconsin has
been long awaited. It presents the data on the cultural com-
plex identified by him as the Clam River Focus. The 1935
and 1936 excavations were supported by the Milwaukee Pub-
lic Museum, and by the University of Wisconsin under the
stimulus of Ralph Linton. Of the 21 students who worked
with McKern during the two seasons, ten have continued in
anthropology and are now responsible leaders of contempor-
ary work. For a variety of reasons publication of McKern's
interpretation of the excavations was postponed. The field
program of 1935 and 1936 included, in addition to the exca-
vation of the two large mounds which are the subject of this
report, surface surveys and some excavation of habitation,
sites and smaller mounds. At a later time it is planned to
present the results from the smaller mounds and other survey
data. The two large mounds excavated "identified a mani-
festation not previously reported for Wisconsin and support
a conclusion that Indians built burial mounds in the early
historic or protohistoric period in northwestern Wisconsin."
The report itself begins with a section entitled "Ecology"
which emphasizes that much of Burnett County is in the pine
barrens of northwestern Wisconsin but that its southern bor-
der has a conifer-hardwood to southern hardwood forest type.
Many of the varieties of trees and plants are listed as well as
the considerable variety of fauna in the area available for ex-
ploitation by the Indians. Perhaps in a later report an at-
Bookshelf 105
tempt will be made to indicate the different types of adapta-
tions to the environment by the several prehistoric or early
protohistoric cultures.
In his survey of the historical background and in the chap-
ter on ethnic identification, the occupation of northwestern
Wisconsin by Dakota Sioux groups is emphasized. The cul-
tural practices and materials obtained from the two mounds
are compared with those of the historic Algonkians and
Dakota Sioux and with the late prehistoric material from
central and northern Minnesota presumably ancestral to var-
ious bands of the Dakota. The author's closing sentences
of the report give his interpretation of the identification of
the builders of the mounds. "The burial practices and arti-
facts characteristic of the Clam River Focus closely resemble
the similar culture-indicative evidence from numerous sites in
northeastern Minnesota thought to represent the prehistoric
and protohistoric cultures of the Dakota Sioux known to have
resided in that era. Thus it is submitted that the authors of
the Clam River tumuli in all probability were some division
of Santee Sioux."
The main body of the report is on the excavations, the
materials recovered and a cultural classification based on the
trait complex of the Clam River Focus derived from the inter-
pretation of the evidence. The Clam Lake Mound contained
51 separate secondary interments, with a minimum number
of 115 individuals represented. This H foot high structure
with a width of 90 feet was the accumulation of four mounds
separated by three strata. A four foot high mound, 34 feet
in diameter, covered a deposit, primarily pure red ochre, of
more than 200 cubic yards which had been placed at a slight
elevation over a stone fireplace. If the fireplace had been in
an Effigy Mound it would definitely have been called an
altar. After the lapse of some amount of time, the second
mound accumulation was begun by spreading a yellow sand
layer over much of the first mound surface and then placing
six separate burial bundles on the prepared floor. These
were then covered by a 3 foot layer of earth to form the
second mound. Its surface supported vegetation for an un-
known length of time, then was cleared, and a layer of beach
106 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 45, No. 2
sand spread over it. Then a second burial ceremony deposited
fifteen groups of human skeletal material and this was capped
by a three to four foot layer of earth. On the basis of the
evidence of the roots of at least fourteen trees McKern sug-
gests that the surface of the third mound construction was
open to vegetation growth for at least twenty years. The
same procedure was followed for the fourth mound construc-
tion which included some twenty-seven deposits of bone
placed on a beach sand layer and capped with earth.
Each of the six burials in the Mound 2 construction was
contained in, or associated with birchbark. There were bits
of beaver skin, checker weave textile fragments, two pottery
elbow pipes, a small pottery vessel, a projectile point and a
large Clam River rimsherd which are not illustrated in the
report The twelve female (?) crania of Burial 40 had crushed
occiputs, perhaps from a club. What a story could be built
from that! McKern, fortunately, did not. Of fifteen burials
in Mound 3, only five had associated birchbark. Few observ-
able grave goods were associated with these burials. Perhaps
the most important were three unnotched end-scrapers. Two
broken pottery vessels were in Mound 3, and associated with
the pottery were two fire stones and two quartz scrapers.
The two vessels are identified as "Clam River, Wrapped-
Stamp, Globoid" type on p. 31 and 56-57. The birchbark
containers were "bowl" shaped and apparently used to carry
the skeletal remains to the mound.
The mound surface of No. 3 was available for vegetation
growth, with good-sized trees, at least two of them being
pines, occupying the surface before clearing and the deposi-
tion of the beach sand. Mound 4 begins with beach sand and
the deposition of 27 interments, not one of which had birch-
bark with it. One pottery vessel called "Burnett stamped
conoidal" and identified as "foreign in character to Clam
River ware" was in the fill of Mound 4 but was not associated
with burials. There were sherds in the fill of this mound
layer of Clam River type but they are not illustrated. Other
cultural material include short sticks of wood, reeds, twigs,
logs and sticks. A second vessel in the last mound construc-
tion, this one a Clam River type, was within one and a half
Bookshelf 107
feet of Burial 1 .
The Spencer Lake Mound was constructed in the same
manner as Clam Lake. Fifty-eight separate secondary burials
were recovered and included remains of at least 182 indiv-
iduals. One noteworthy difference is that two burials of this
site were made in pits below the mound floor. This mound
contained a pottery elbow pipe, triangular arrow points, a
rather crude arrow shaft polisher, bark with some of the
earlier burials, red ochre with a minor proportion of inter-
ments, a fireplace on the floor of Mound 1, and a few sherds
of Clam River pottery in the mound fill. One burial was the
remains of a cremation carried from the spot of incineration.
One small pottery vessel was with Burial 34 made beneath
the mound floor. The other sub-mound burial No. 56, had a
number of wooden poles associated with it and was inter-
preted as a structurally covered grave. A number of "boards"
were found on the flood of Mound 1. These were 9.9 feet by
1.4 feet; 5 feet by 1.1 to .9 foot wide and .1 to .2 thick," with
the long-cutting stroke of a steel (boldface mine) axe marked
the broader end." Another board which extended under sub-
floor Burial 34 was 8 feet long and 1 foot wide at the other
end.
No reference is made in this report to an earlier report of
an unusual find in the Spencer Lake excavation. This is es-
sential to an understanding of this report and the interpreta-
tion of the cultural and chronological position of the builders
of the mound by McKern. In American Antiquity, Vol. 2,
pp. 147-148, 1936 there appeared the following statement.
"The most important discovery in this mound was the com-
plete skull of a horse found associated with one of the burials.
This was clearly an inclusive feature, and dictates a proto-
historic or early historic date for the erection of the tumulus.
However, the absence of any trade objects of European pro-
venience, or any other indication of contact with white
traders, renders it difficult to ascribe to the mound an age
under two hundred years. It is highly improbable that the
horse could have been introduced into Wisconsin from the
northern Plains earlier than two hundred fifty years ago.
The time limitations so defined point definitely to the Dakota
108 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 45, No. 2
Sioux as the author of these relatively large northwestern
Wisconsin mounds." There is an acknowledgement to Dr.
Stirton who reported on the Equus caballus specimen, and a
bibliographic reference to J. C. Ewer's 1955 publication on.
the horse in Blackfoot culture. Much of the argument and
interpretation of the Clam River Focus as to time and ethnic
identification is based on the burial with the associated horse's
skull. But the horse skull is not described as being with the
burial nor is there a reference to it in this published account.
In the Wisconsin Magazine of History, Vol. 26, p. 156-7,
McKern published in 1942 the following statement: "This
variety of Woodland culture has been termed the Clam River
Focus. The mounds which have been excavated have pro-
duced convincing evidence of a rather recent origin. Basket-
like containers of birchbark found with burials were in a
sufficiently good state of presevation to permit removal. The
claws and all the fur of a beaver skin were encountered in
another grave. But of greater significance were a piece of
charred wood, found centrally on a mound floor, which ex-
hibited the long chopping stroke of a steel axe, and the entire
skull of a western type of mustang pony found with a burial.
These evidences of European influence definitely place the
time when these mounds were built as subsequent to the in-
troduction of the white man's materials."
So what happened to the horse's skull which is so per-
tinent to the full page illustration on p. 68 of this report
showing a Siouan platform burial with horses skulls on two
supports of the platform, and horse's tails on the poles on
the other end of the platform? The skull was found in the
Spencer Lake Mound which also had the boards (my term)
one of which had been worked with a "steel axe" (McKern's
term ) .
Now, this reviewer will engage in what is sometimes called
"hearsay evidence." About five years ago an individual or
individuals claimed that the horse skull was put into the
Spencer Lake Mound a few years before the 1936 excavation,
which would have meant a fairly good sized excavation pit
to put the skull in the lower part of the mound. No such pit
is shown or mentioned in the description of the mound ex-
Bookshelf 109
cavation. George I. Quimby tells me that the claim of the
intrusion of the horse skull was made at a meeting in Beloit
which he and A. C. Spaulding attended and that both of
them strenuously denied that it could have happened, because
there were no signs of intrusion in the earth above the skull.
Futhermore the skull was in tightly packed earth identical to
that of the surrounding area of the mound and that the skull
was filled with the same type of earth. It is their contention
that the skull was inclusive. In addition David Stout and
Joffre Coe also participated in the excavation. I had a close
association with all four immediately after their summer field
work. If anything had been wrong with the in situ interpre-
tation of this skull some one on the dig would have noticed
it, I have never known a group of students to let their super-
iors "get away" with an erroneous interpretation. The re-
cent pit in the Clam Lake Mound was noted and described.
It is difficult to believe that Spencer Lake was "salted." The
Rice Lake Mound recently described by Leland Cooper was
built during the early historic period and has material similar
to that found in the Clam River Focus.
This review has noted above the nature of the three wood
specimens I have referred to as "boards/' one of which is
said to have the marks of a metal axe. Were these also put
in the mound by the horse planters or did the Indians build
the mound over a barn? I have never heard of such speci-
mens in an Indian mound but am willing to regard them at
the moment as "native" and perhaps the remains of a travois
pulled by the faithful horse. (I know the travois had poles
and not planks.)
I don't think the evidence for the first appearance of the
horse in the Minnesota-western Wisconsin area is soundly
established. If the Oto had a horse in 1680 near Peoria, a
horse could also have been along the Upper Mississippi by
that time. The absence of specific European materials in the
mound would probably indicate a time near 170Q for Spencer
Lake. ^
McKern's archaeological comparisons are based on three Te-
ports by Wilford and these are the only archaeological cita-
tions in the bibliography. The Clam River Focus pottery is
110 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 45, No. 2
stated to be almost identical to the Headwaters Lakes As-
pect of \Vilford, or to put it another way to Blackduck pot-
tery. McKern notes the similarities of the Clam River Focus
to the Mille Lacs, Headwaters Lakes and Rainy River com-
plexes of Wilford and notes that there is a similarity to all
three and not to any single one of Wilford's groups.
The illustrated ceramic material from the Clam Lake
Mound belongs somewhere in the Blackduck ceramic group.
This now seems to have a range in time from A. D. 700 to
about the historic period on the basis of radiocarbon dates
and associations with historic material. According to }. V.
Wright, Blackduck is found as far east as the mouth of the
Pic River on the east side of Lake Superior by A. D. 1000
and continues there to the historic period. There is now un-
derway in Minnesota a number of analyses of Blackduck
which will eventually isolate distinctive types. I will guess
that the Clam Lake pottery dates around A. D. 1200. The
single vessel called by McKern "Burnett Stamped Conoidal"
has a similar surface treatment to sherds from Mille Lacs, to
the grooved paddle treatment on some Grand River pottery
and to the misnamed "simple stamped" pottery of the Plains.
The shift in emphasis toward secondary burials, secondary
compound and secondary group burials begins toward the
end of Middle Woodland. The ossuary burials of some of the
Iroquoian groups is, I think, only a special late elaboration
of this practice and cannot be the direct source for a general
practice spread over a wide area. The practice of skeletal
mutilation is also one with a long history in the Great Lakes
area.
I suspect that the Clam Lake Mound is earlier than Spencer
Lake as did McKern. It may well be Dakota Sioux but
whether it is Santee or not is less certain. I suspect Spencer
Lake is around A. D. 1700, if the horse and the "boards" are
definitive of European contact, somewhat earlier if both prove
to have been wrongly interpreted. In any event, an attempt
should be made to obtain radio-carbon dates for materials
from both mounds. This report has emphasized the available
cultural data for two Wisconsin mounds. May we hope for
additional reports of some of the other Woodland groups in
Bookshelf 1 1 1
Wisconsin that will serve to present the distinctive character-
istics that caused McKern to group them into classificatory
units?
James B. Griffin
University of Michigan
Indians of the Woodlands from Prehistoric Times to 1725*
By George E. Hyde. The Civilization of the American
Indians Series, No. 64. University of Oklahoma Press:
Norman, 1962. $5.00.
The scope of this book is meant to be broad, encompassing
the story of the American Indian from Archaic times onward,
utilizing information from archeology, ethnology, history, and
tradition. Language groups provide the continuity for the
drama with the Siouan and Iroquoian stocks as chief actors.
For sections dealing with prehistory the author depends to a
great extent upon general reviews of the literature such as
Indians Before Columbus by Martin, Quimby, and Collier
(Chicago, 1947), H. C. Shetrone's The Mound Builders
(New York, 1930), and Archeology of Eastern United States,
edited by James B. Griffin (Chicago, 1952). Chronologies
suggested by archeologists are dismissed as "conjectural," an
interesting exception being dates based upon tree ring studies
at the Kincaid site in southern Illinois. Radiocarbon dating is
mentioned only on page 224, where the results mentioned are
termed "incredible," even "shocking."
The time scale actually used is one substantially more com-
pressed than that in works of the pre-radiocarbon era. Speak-
ing of ttie 'Ohio Valley, the author explains (p. 204) that
while ". . . archeologists have found village ruins, mounds,
a'nd burials . . . they have given most of these remains an
impossible dating at times as far back as the year 1300
which simply will not fit in with the traditional and historical
evidence." He goes on to comment, "It is not reasonable to
assume that only ancient Indiaii remains are here and that
all indications -of the Iiidiaiis of the period 1650-1700 have
vanished."' -A similar thought is 'expressed on page 255: "One
would suppose that iliodefn archaeology should be a great
aid in clearing up obscure points concerning these Indians in
112 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 45, No. 2
South Dakota between 1680 and 1750 . . . [The] archaeo-
logical reports add many important facts to our previous
knowledge, and then make it impossible for us to use these
facts by insisting that all the village ruins and other Indian
remains are of a time prior to 1600 and that most of them
date before 1500." Archeologists do not, of course, insist that
all Indian remains in South Dakota are of a time prior to
1600, and it is certainly a gross understatement to say that
archeologists date Indian remains in the Ohio Valley as far
back as 1300* Hyde's readers are given no idea of the actual
antiquity of man in the Woodlands; the accepted time depth
of the Archaic Period is not even mentioned to be refuted.
The book suffers from the author's unfamiliarity with the
handling of archeological data. There is, for instance, no rea-
son to assume that an Indian group common in an area of
historic times must also be represented among the archeo-
logical cultures which happen to be known to science. An ex-
ample from Wisconsin illustrates this well. The Fox were a
tribe prominent in Wisconsin history for over a century, yet
when the first documented Fox village was excavated (Wis.
Arch. 44 (1): 1-57, 1963), the specific archeological culture
of the Fox was found to be unique for Wisconsin. Indians of
the Woodlands will do little to dispel the popular notion that
all Indian artifacts in a given locality originated with the
one or few Indian groups whose presence in that area is
known from historic records. When information to the con-
trary is lacking it seems logical to many that a small scatter-
ing of arrowheads in the Rock River Valley must be evidence
of a skirmish in the Black Hawk War or, if in the Minnesota
Valley, relics of the Sioux Uprising of 1862.
The stream of events in the book is dominated by sweep-
ing migrations and cataclysmic confrontations of Indian na-
tions. This illusion is created in several ways: (a) compres-
sion of the time scale, which accelerates all action in the
manner of a silent film projected at the speed of modern
"talkies;" (b) treating archeological cultures too often as
though they existed only in the locations at which the Uni-
versity of Chicago and other institutions happened to con-
duct well reported excavations; (c) regarding type-sites as
Bookshelf 113
centers of distribution and diffusion; (d) relying on outmoded
theories of mass migrations to account for cultural similarities,
differences, and changes; (e) using the unique tribal dislo-
cations of the late 17th century as a model for much of the
action in the book; and (f) paying scant attention to material
culture and then often only in connection with a conjectured
group relationship (e. g., "The Omaha Indians had in their
tribal sacred bundles an ancient bear canine tooth and a large
clam or mussel shell, which fact, taken with the tribal tradi-
tion of former residence in the Ohio Valley, suggests that
the Omahas were of the old Indian Knoll shell-heap groups."
-p. 8).
The author's use of archeological, historical, and ethno-
graphic data is highly personalized, but the readers are given
few clues that this is the case. For reasons of his own Hyde
applies the term "Effigy Mound culture" to archeological
complexes from Manitoba to the Ohio River (pp. 39, 41, 74 ~
75), arguing that the Effigy Mound builders created only
circular mounds after leaving the Wisconsin area (p. 74).
\Vithout crediting Radin for the original idea or indicating
that it has not been seriously considered for over 30 years,
Hyde indicates that the Winnebago were responsible for
Effigy Mound culture (p. 75). Moreover, he uses "Winne-
bago" in a startling way, for we are cautioned (p. 103) to
"keep in mind that the old Winnebago group not only in-
cluded the lowas and Otoes, but the Missouri tribe and prob-
ably also the Mandans, Hidatsas, and Crows" (emphasis
added). The Mandan and Hidatsa are assigned a former
homeland in west-central Wisconsin on a map (p. 9) which
also places the Ponca and Osage originally near Indianapolis,
Indiana, and the Biloxi in eastern Kentucky. Hyde speaks
with apparent authority on Wisconsin prehistory, yet he in-
cludes in his bibliography only one \Visconsin publication on
Wisconsin archaeology other than Increase A. Lapham's 1855
Antiquities of \Visconsin and Lapham's monograph is erron-
eously listed as an 1865 imprint. For information on Aztalan
he refers readers not to Barrett's comprehensive Ancient Az-
talan or even Lapham's classic early account but to brief sum-
maries in three secondary sources (p. 82).
114 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 45, No. 2
Hyde's uncritical or selective use of sources is shown by
his extending the occupation of Aztalan into the mid-1 7th
century on the basis of the much criticized Kincaid site tree
ring dates, and by his suggestion that it was here that the
Winnebago fled for refuge from warring Algonkian tribes
shortly after Jean Nicolet's visit to Wisconsin (pp. 101, 103).
Archeologists are not in unanimous agreement on the time
that Aztalan was occupied, but Hyde stands alone in believ-
ing it was occupied during or even close to the period of
French contact. The author also states (p. 99) that ". . . the
Winnebagoes, lowas, and Otoes had an ancient song, which
the Iowa missionary stated was in the old \Vinnebago dia-
lect, which recounted how the three tribes had lived together
in a great fort of earth and timber on Rock River where
the earth-and-timber fortress of Aztalan was located," citing
Schoolcraft (Indian Tribes, III: 267, IV: 231) as his source.
On consulting the source cited it is readily seen that the
Indians did not indicate that the fort was on Rock River or
any other precise location; there was no indication that the
song, a song of the loways, was in an "old Winnebago" dia-
lect; there was no indication that the several mentioned tribes
had ever lived together in a fort or that the forts referred to
by the Winnebago and Iowa were the same one; and there is
no mention of the Oto in Schoolcraft in connection with the
song or the fort.
Next to the Iroquois, no group is deprecated more in this
book than recent generations of archeologists. One common
fault seems to be an alleged failure to sufficiently recognize
the role of Siouan peoples in the prehistory of the Ohio and
Upper Mississippi valleys. I find this to be a curious indict-
ment since the author has not presented or at least has not
been aware of current hypotheses which involve Siouans
prominently. He could have cited a current line of thought
which regards Aztalan as an intrusion of Siouans bringing
an advanced form of Mississippian culture into Wisconsin
from the greater St. Louis area. He also could have indicated
the accepted probability that Siouans contributed importantly
to the Mississippian climax culture which developed at the
Cahokia mound center, which was in its day the largest In-
Horse Skull 115
dian ceremonial center in the United States. Instead he
muses, "It seems incredible, but neither history, Indian tra-
dition, nor archaeology gives us any information about the
identity of these Mississippian tribes in the north" (p. 89).
In the words of its author, "The book as it stands is an
experiment, and how much use it may be remains to be seen."
Robert L. Hall,
Illinois State Museum
Archaeology Made Simple by Rhoda A. Hendricks. Dou-
bleday 6 Company, 1964. xi/180 pages. $1.45.
The title of this large, paperback book might entice the
purchaser seeking a simplified introduction to the field.
While it may be helpful so far as classical archaeology is
concerned, that of the New World is compressed to a single
chapter of eleven pages. The area north of Mexico is covered
in two pages, these being devoted to the Southwest. Here
we learn that traces of early habitations can be dated as early
as the first millenium A. D.! The author has also written
Latin made simple* Ne sutor supra crepidam,
D. A. B.
THE RIDDLE OF THE SPENCER LAKE
HORSE SKULL
Robert Ritzenthaler
In the light of Dr. James Griffin's review of McKern's
CLAM RIVER FOCUS monograph in this issue of the
Archeologist, which raises the question as to what happened
to the horse skull recovered from the Spencer Lake Mound,
it seems appropriate to present at least some of the case his-
tory involved.
In 1962, as the monograph was being prepared for pub-
lication, into the Museum came Mr. P., a middle aged college
teacher (on another matter). He happened to mention that
he and a friend had "planted" the horse skull in the Spencer
Lake mound as kids back in about 1928. He was quite con-
trite -about it and agreed to prepare a statement of the facts
as best he remembered them, after some 34 years. A copy of
116 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 45, No. 2
this was sent to McKern with the question raised as to
whether this information would affect his time interpretation,
which was based partially on the factor of the skull being
part of the Indian burial, and, as the appearance of the horse
in Wisconsin was not recorded until the 1770's, it was an-
other bit of evidence for a rather late dating of the culture.
McKern responded with a statement (Appendix A) to the
effect that he was convinced that the skull he excavated was
not the planted one, but inasmuch as there was a reasonable
doubt (and that the horse skull was not crucial to his argu-
ment anyhow), he would make minor revisions and suggested
that his statement be published in the monograph. Mr. P.,
however, requested that neither his or McKern's statements
be published, a request that was honored, until the Griffin
review (see The Bookshelf) again raised the question at
which time Mr. P. prepared a final statement (Appendix B),
this time for publication. This writer is relieved to be some-
what extricated from a difficult situation and to see placed
on record some of the information that has been hearsay in
Wisconsin archeology for the last several decades.
So what is the answer to the riddle? On the one hand there
is the statement of McKern, a highly competent, professional
archeologist that the skull was removed from a non-intrusive
pit. Furthermore, this is backed up by at least several of the
crew members, then college students, now placed as profes-
sional archeologists in various parts of the country. Such
testimony cannot be lightly dismissed. If the horse skull was
a plant, it would almost have to have been the result of hor-
izontal burrowing from the bottom of the vertical pit by the
planters, and then, barely large enough to hold the skull,
a somewhat unlikely set of circumstances. Furthermore the
side-intrusion would have shown up, although it might be
more easily missed than a vertical one. Some horizontal bur-
rowing was admitted by the planters, but the precise circum-
stances could not be recalled.
On the other hand, there are the admissions of two non-
archaeologists, 'albeit respectable citizens, that the horse skull
was planted by them in the Spencer Lake mound as a child-
hood prank, and their only interest in the matter is to at-
Horse Skull 117
tempt to set the record straight. { They have gone to some
trouble and expense to do so, and their efforts should not go
unappreciated.
The identification of the horse as a western mustang would
seem to add weight to the non-plant case. However, Mr.
\Valter -Rglz.gr,. mammologist at the Milwaukee Public Mu-
seum, tellg me fehat western mustangs r ,were ; imported for use
on Wisconsin farms in .considerable number during the early
part of the twentieth century. In examining the skull he noted
rodent marks on the cranium and mandible of a size which
"could have been made only by mice," and made the obser-
vation that "this skull must .have laid : above ground for
awhile." Mice have been known to use the burrows of other
rodents, for a few feet below the surface, but the appearance
of the teeth marks on various surfaces of both the cranium
and mandible would require a maze of tunnels ... a highly
unlikely circumstance. This is fairly strong evidence for the
plant explanation, for Mr. P. and friend state they picked up
the skull which was laying in a nearby field. The strongest
point in favor of the plant case in my way of thinking is in
terms of probability. It does seem incredulous to this writer
that in the only mound in Wisconsin where a horse skull
occurred, one skull went in, one came out, but that they
should be different skulls. The conclusion I have reached is
that the excavated skull was the plant.
The final proof will arrive in the form of radio-carbon dates
now being run at the University of Michigan. We should
have them in time for publication in the next issue which we
await with bated breath.
For obvious reasons we could not publish all the corres-
pondence in the case. Enough has been said, however, to
indicate the confusion and problems caused by a plant. We
hope the lesson is apparent to all.
118 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 45, No. 2
APPENDIX A
The Spencer Lake Horse Skull, Response to Mr, P/s
Letter of June 28, 1962
By W. C McKern
In regard to the presence of the horse skull in the mound,
Mr. P. has informed me, in a letter addressed to Robert E.
Ritzenthaler (1962), that in 1928 he and a friend, M. C. V.,
dug a centrally placed pit in ". . . the longest * mound in
a group located on low land on the shore of Spencer Lake."
Their excavation was about four by five feet in cross dim-
ensions and penetrated to a depth of six or seven feet "...
straight down in the center." They found "... absolutely
nothing." Before filling the excavation they placed a horse
skull, that was found nearby, in the bottom of the hole. He
believes that he oriented the skull either north-south or east-
west, ". . . minus the lower mandible."
Mr. P. is to be commended for bringing this information to
our attention. However, if Mr. P.'s facts are accurately
stated in his letter, and I have no reason to believe that they
are not (in fact they deserve no consideration unless they
are), the skull that he and his friend buried can not possibly
be the skull that we found. In fact, there is considerable
doubt that his mound is the one that we excavated. He des-
cribes it as the longest * mound in a group of mounds located
on low land near the lake shore. The mound that we exca-
vated was a high, laterially round, hempispherical tumulus
that no one would ever describe as "long," standing alone,
unassociated with any other mounds as far as the eye could
see, on relatively high ground a considerable distance from
the lake shore. There are no other mounds within the reason-
ably near vicinity. We were told by interested citizens of the
locality that there was a group of mounds, smaller in size
and including some short linear shapes, elsewhere on the
lake shore, but we had a full season's work before us and did
not so much as visit the site. Elsewhere in the general region,
* (Editor's note: In the copy sent to McKern the term largest was
erroneously typed longest.)
Horse Skull 119
however, I have seen a number of groups of relatively low
mounds, including both round and long shapes.
But assuming that Mr. P. has entirely forgotten the shape,
location, and physical associations of his mound, which hard-
ly seems reasonable, the following conflicting facts must be
given critical consideration. His excavation was in the cen-
ter of the mound and limited in size to approximately four by
five feet. An earlier, centrally placed excavation of about this
size, although several feet deeper than the six or seven feet
of Mr. P.'s estimate, was detected in the Spencer Lake
Mound (p. 39). It is doubtful if there is a prominent mound
in the entire county that does not bear evidence of similar
unrecorded pit excavations. Evidence of a similar pit was
found in the Clam Lake Mound (p. 12). P. and his associate
found "absolutely nothing" as a result of their digging. In
that case someone else must have re-excavated their pit at a
later date, as the fragmentary bones of disturbed burials
were found by our workers scattered through the loose fill
of this pit. Mr. P. states that they placed the horse cranium,
minus the lower mandible, at the bottom of their pit. We
were able to trace the walls of the loosely filled pit from top
to bottom without difficulty. The contrast between the un-
packed filler and the relatively compact remainder of the
mound was clearly discernible even to one with no previous
archaeological experience. We found no horse bones at the
bottom or elsewhere in the fill of the pit. The horse skull
that we found was in undisturbed soil, associated with an un-
disturbed burial, located approximately fifteen feet from the
nearest wall of the pit excavation. The lower mandible was
present tightly articulated with the cranium. The soil about
the specimen, unlike the loosely packed material of the pit
filler, was so compact that cleaning tools were required to
remove it from the surfaces and depressions of the bones.
From a comparison of these conflicting data we can only
conclude that we have under consideration two entirely dif-
ferent horse skulls, one of which may actually have been
buried in some other mound. If it really was placed in the
earlier pit excavation of the Spencer Lake Mound, some later
pit digger, previous to our arrival on the scene, must have
120 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 45, No. 2
removed it. It certainly was not in the filler of the central
pit at the time of our investigation. In consideration of Mr.
P.'s statement that they found absolutely nothing to reward
their digging, whereas there were broken skeletal parts scat-
tered through the filler of the pit in the Spencer Lake Mound,
it seems highly probable that we are concerned here with
two different mounds.
In any case, there remains no reasonable question as to the
legitimacy of the horse skull that we found as a burial as-
sociation placed in the mound by its builders.
July 12, 1962
APPENDIX B
A Burnett County Hoax
Mr. R
In the summer of 1928, two high school boys, both of whom
were Indian relic collectors, partially excavated a large con-
ical mound located on the west shore of Spencer Lake in Bur-
nett County, Wisconsin.
The boys dug a sizeable hole, consuming the better part
of a hot afternoon, without encountering any kind of a re-
cognizable feature. They were about to backfill the opening
when one of them suggested that they bury a horse's skull
that lay along the edge of a nearby field a short distance
-away. This seemed like a brilliant suggestion to the undis-
ciplined minds of the boys, so the skull was retrieved and
carefully laid in an oriented position at the bottom of the ex-
cavation before backfilling commenced* Anticipation of the
probable results of this piece of mischief somehow eased the
monotony of the backfilling, and the miscreants mutually
agreed that in about two hundred years some archeologist
would dig up the skull and conclude that he had found some-
thing really worthwhile.
The incident was forgotten until the year 1935 (1936?),
when one of the boys, who was attending the University of
Wisconsin, enrolled in a beginning anthropology course.
Conversation with classmates soon revealed that several of
them had been employed as field assistants on an archeolog-
Horse Skull 121
ical project just prior to commencing the school term. It was
learned that the summer project was under the joint super-
vision of Drs. Ralph Linton and W. C. McKern. Further-
more, they had investigated the Spencer Lake Mound, and a
horses's skull had been recovered.
Prompted by rumors that Dr. Linton, head of the Anthro-
pology Department, was preparing a paper on the horse skull,
to be presented at an impending meeting of a professional
society, and realizing that the world was rapidly closing in
upon him, since the projected two-hundred years had sudden-
ly kaleidoscoped into eleven, the student panicked and de-
cided that honesty was the best policy in this particular in-
stance. This was an easier decision to make than to imple-
ment, he found, especially after viewing Dr. Linton's red
hair and imposing stature from a respectful distance. Finally,
after about a week's postponement the student worked up
sufficient courage to confront Dr. Linton with a full confes-
sion of having perpetrated a hoax. Much to his surprise he
was received most kindly, and he can still remember the pro-
fessor's parting remark, "Well, son, don't take it too hard.
That's how I got my start, digging Indian mounds." It is
quite doubtful whether the paper describing the horse's skull
was ever finished. At least it has never appeared in print.
As I pen these lines in a reflective mood many years later,
I cannot help but smile inwardly at the manner in which for-
tune turned the tables in this practical joke, and I must admit
that it is one of my favorite stories. However, as a profes-
sional person with a deep and abiding interest in archeology,
I am painfully aware that there is another facet to this in-
cident that cannot be viewed so lightly. I am- alluding here
to the several references in the literature which mention
finding a horse's skull in the Spencer Lake -mound, and also
to certain significant deductions related to the find. These
occur in articles written by W. C. McKern in 1939 : and
1942, 2 and in several abstracts written by others since. 3
It appears from these publications that if Dr. McKern were
ever notified of my confession he took little stock in it, or he
may have assumed that the skull that was unearthed was not
the same as the one that was planted.
122 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 45, No. 2
Be that as it may, I had always thought, over the interven-
ing years, that these statements were the unanswered fin-
ishing touches to the story. Little did I surmise that in 1963
the horse's skull would again rise from the grave to haunt
me, and to plague Dr. McKern. Prompted by the impending
publication of McKern's new monograph on the Clam River
focus, Dr. Ritzenthaler of the Milwaukee Public Museum
contacted me in an effort to clear up some of the confusion
caused by my confession of the hoax. Thus the following is a
sequel to the original story.
My initial responses to Dr. Ritzenthaler's detailed ques-
tionnaire contained several statements that seemed to conflict
with known facts concerning the Spencer Lake Mound and
surrounding area. This seemed to confuse the issue further,
to the extent that my curiosity was aroused, and I made
three trips to Spencer Lake in an effort to reconcile my faulty
memory, which admittedly was not the best after the passing
of thirty-five years. The last trip was made in the company
of my original partner in crime, with whom I have maintained
friendship over these many years. His memory of the details
was much better than mine, as it had been fortified by sev-
eral visits to the mound since 1928.
Standing at the actual site, we agreed that we probably
dug into the mound on th^ side opposite the house, and some-
what toward the lake side of a large white pine snag that
still stands today. We agreed that the hole was a large one,
and was somewhat inclined toward the center of the excava-
tion, but compromised at a figure of about six feet. These
are the facts as best as we can remember them. Whether
they sound convincing is not for us to say. We do feel, how-
ever, that we have put Dr. McKern to a lot of trouble which
he didn't deserve, and we wish to take this opportunity to
apologize to him.
May 20, 1964
BIBLIOGRAPHY
1 McKern, W. C., 1929, Wisconsin Archeology in Light of Recent
Finds in Other Areas. The Wisconsin Archeologist, Vol. 20, No.
1, pp 1-5.
2 McKern, W. C., 1942, The First Settlers of Wisconsin. Wisconsin
Magazine of History, Vol. 26, No. 2, pp 153-169.
3 Bennett, J. W., The Prehistory of Northern Mississippi Valley in
Danish Archeologists 123
The Archeology of Eastern United States, Ed. James B. Griffin,
pp. 122. (Author's Note: Bennett seems to mistakenly confuse
the Spencer Lake mound with the Clam Lake mound.)
SOME GOOD IDEAS FROM THE DANISH
ARCHAEOLOGISTS
A Review of some of the methods used at, "The Muld-
jerg Dwelling" excavated by J. Troels-Smith, The Natl.
Museum, Denmark. (Reprinted from the Missouri Ar-
chaeological Society Newsletter, No. 176.)
Detective work at its finest would best describe the work
being done by the Danish Archaeologist. The Danes have
combined meticulous and thorough excavation procedures
along with some Sherlock Holmes type deduction which can
serve as an inspiration to anyone interested in archaeology.
A good example of Danish Archaeology is found in a con-
densed translation by the Smithsonian Institution entitled,
"The Muldjerg Dwelling Place: An Early Neolithic Archaeo-
logical Site in the Aamosen Bog, West-Zealand, Denmark"
by J. Troels-Smith.
If the excavation procedure of the reader is a little on the
rusty side and perhaps the clues are not turning up very fast,
or things are getting a little slow around the dig, a suggested
tonic for such a situation would be to glance over the above
publication. The Muldjerg report reads more like a detec-
tive mystery than a scientific report and shows what can be
done with certain evidence which in many instances would be
easily overlooked.
The Danes are experts when it comes to working with veg-
etal materials twigs, seeds and pollen. Sites such as the
Muldjerg Dwelling are located in peat bogs and offer an
abundance of well preserved material of this type.
Pollen Analysis The Scandinavians are especially famous
for their work in pollen analysis, a method well described in
the Muldjerg report. In case the reader is not familiar with
this type of work a brief explanation is as follows:
The study of pollen can tell four things: ( 1 ) Type of plants;
(2) Distribution of vegetation; (3) Relative age and (4) cli-
mate (Wormington, 1957, p. 9).
124 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 45, No. 2
As hay fever sufferers well know the air at certain times
of the year is filled with minute particles of pollen, the male
reproductory agent of plants and trees. The pollen settles
to the ground and if the conditions are right the tiny grains
are preserved (in damp bogs and certain muds). In some
cases they will be preserved for thousands of years. The
archaeologist collects earth samples from each level of the
excavation and then the samples are chemically treated. First
they are cleaned with an acid solution, then a chemical is
added to swell the grains for easier observation. A dye is
then added to facilitate counting. Pollen counting is a very
tedious job but gives an idea of the extent of vegetation
covering.
The botonist can also match the pollen grains with their
known plant species and determine the type of vegetation
which flourished during the period of occupation. When the
specie is known it is then compared to a master chart showing
the years when certain types of vegetation were predominate.
In this way an approximate time can be worked out for the
cultural objects in the same level as the pollen sample. Need-
less to say it takes a lot of patient microscope work and a
thorough knowledge of botany for this type of work. (See
pp. 586-587).
By using pollen analysis, Carbon 14 dating, (measuring iso-
tope disintegration), stratigraphy and comparison of cultural
items the Danish Archaeologist can arrive at close dates of
site occupation.
Twigs To narrow the sites position in time the Danes
can amazingly tell the exact months and seasons when the
site was occupied. This bit of wizardry is accomplished in
several ways. One method is to analyze the growth rings of
small preserved twigs (cut by the ancients) and to compare
them with similar present day cuttings. It was found that
the twigs from the Muldjerg dwelling were cut the first part
of June. (pp. 582-593).
NOTE: Archaeologist working in the Bluff-Dweller area
of the Ozarks might profit by this particular method. There
are some questions pertaining to the seasonal occupation of
the bluff shelters which might be cleared up. The dry shelters
Danish Archeologist 125
offer some good preserved vegetal remains (burned and non-
burned) which might bear some close checking.
Berry seeds and nuts The Danes also arrive at seasonal
dates by examining berry seeds and nuts. Seeds from the wild
raspberry and strawberry are found in the sites and since the
maturing season of the berries is in July the month of occupa-
tion is fixed. Nuts and nut shells (maturing in September)
were also found on the site (p. 54).
Place in time of the Muldjerg dwelling By using pollen
analysis, Carbon 14 dating, growth ring analysis and seed
analysis the Muldjerg dwelling was placed in time as follows:
Last part of the oak-forrest period, approximately 2830 B. C.
The site was occupied for a single summer from the first of
June through September- (p. 594-597).
Stratigraphy Another interesting aspect of Danish ar-
chaeology is the method utilized in outlining difficult strati-
graphy on the vertical profiles. Vertical lines are drawn at
specific intervals and a match stick is placed where the level
crosses a vertical line. In this manner the levels are not lost
and can easily be drawn in on a grid (p. 580-581).
The Danes of course are working primarily in pure peat
deposits and it would be hard to find a comparison in Amer-
ica. Just the same, however, the archaeological detective
work of the Scandinavians has to be admired and their tech-
niques are well worth studying.
Troels-Smith, J.
1957 "The Muldjerg Dwelling Place: An Early Neolithic Archaeo-
logical Site in the Aamosen Bog, West-Zealand, Denmark.
Smithsonian Report for 1959 Washington, (reprinted by
Smithsonian Institution 1960).
Wormington, H. M.
1957 "An Ancient Man in North America," The Denver Museum of
Natural History.
COMMITTEES:
MEMBERSHIP COMMITTEE: J. K. Whaley, Chairman. Herman
Zander, Phillip H. Wiegand.
PUBLICITY: Dr. E. G. Bruder.
FRAUDULENT ARTIFACTS: J. K. Whaley, Chairman. Paul Scholz,
Martin Greenwald, Dr. Robert Ritzenthaler, Phillip H. Wiegand,
Neil Ostberg, Robert Hruska.
SURVEYING AND CODIFICATION: William M. Hurley, Chairman.
Ernest Schug, Paul Koeppler, Dr. E. G. Bruder, Tom Jackland,
George Fay, Darryl B aland.
EDITORIAL: Dr. Robert Ritzenthaler, Chairman. Dr. D. A. Baer-
reis, Lee Parsons, Dr. Joan Freeman.
PROGRAM: Dr. Robert Ritzenthaler, Chairman. Dr. E. G. Bruder,
Herman Zander, Mrs. P. H. Wiegand. ,
LAPHAM RESEARCH MEDAL COMMITTEE: Dr. Robert Ritzen-
thaler, Chairman. Dr. David A. Baerreis, Dr. E. G. Bruder,
H. W. Cornell, Charles Schoewe.
The Charles . Brown Chapter
Madison
(Meets second Tuesday, 7:45 P. M., State Historical Society,
October thru May)
Mr. Donald Thompson
Secretary: Mr. Dale Henning
Treasurer: Dr. Joan Freeman
THE WISCONSIN
ARCHEOLO6IST
PIPES AND POTTERY OF THE DUBAY SITE,
Thomas S. Abler
THE RECENT AZTALAN DATE, William M. Hurley
PORTAGE MOUND GROUP, Paul Koeppler
THE BOOKSHELF
INTERESTING WISCONSIN SPECIMENS
KANSAS C1
PUBLIC *
OCD >
WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGICAL SOCIETY
Milwaukee, Wisconsin
Incorporated, 1906
For the purpose of advancing the study and preservation of
Wisconsin Indian Antiquities
Meets Third Monday of Month, 8 P. M., Milwaukee Public Museum,
September thru May.
OFFICERS
PRESIDENT
Robert Hruska
VICE - PRESIDENTS
Dr. Stephan F. Borhegyi Paul Scholz Gale Highsmith
Herman Zander Martin Greenwald
DIRECTORS
Dr. E. G. Bruder Phillip H. Wiegand
ADVISORY COUNCIL
Dr. D. A. Baerreis Joan Mueller Allen Prili
Carlos Cortez William Oestreich Dr. Chandler Rowe
Dr. Joan Freeman Neil Ostberg Ernest Schug
Dr William Godfrey Lee Parsons J. K. Whaley
Dr. Robert Howard E. K. Petrie Dr. A. H. Whiteford
Tom Jackland Louis Pierron Mrs. Phillip H. Wiegand
Ronald Mason
TREASURER
Paul A. Koeppler, 5284 N. 83rd St., Milwaukee, Wis.
SECRETARY
Paul Turney, 2243 S. Woodward, Milwaukee 1, Wisconsin
EDITOR
Dr. Robert Ritzenthaler, Milwaukee Public Museum,
Milwaukee 3, Wisconsin
MEMBERSHIP FEES
The Wisconsin Archeologist is distributed to members
as part of their dues.
Life Members, $50.00 Endowment Members, $500.00
Sustaining Members, $5.00 Annual Members, $2.00
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All communications in regard to the Wisconsin Archeological
Society and contributions to the Wisconsin Archeologist should be
addressed to Paul Turney, Secretary, 2243 S. Woodward, Milwaukee
1, Wisconsin. Entered as Second Class Matter at the Post Office at
Lake Mills, Wisconsin under the Act of August 21, 1912. Office of
Publication, 316 N. Main St., Lake Mills, Wis.
THE WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST
New Series
MILWAUKEE, WISCONSIN -- SEPTEMBER, 1964
Published Quarterly by The Wisconsin Archeological Society
PIPES AND POTTERY OF
THE DuBAY SITE
Thomas S, Abler
L Introduction
In 1942 the Wisconsin Magazine of History carried news
of an archeological site then being dug. "The former home
and fur trade post of John B. DuBay in Portage County on
the Wisconsin River, just south of the Marathon County line,
was located in November by Professor Philleo Nash of the
University of Wisconsin whose home is at Wisconsin
Rapids. A careful archeological description of this post, known
to have been opened by DuBay's father in 1 790, is being pre-
pared before the site is covered by water from the dam."
(Kellogg, 1942:375)
The material from the DuBay site was deposited at the
Milwaukee Public Museum, where it remained untouched for
some 21 years. The material in the site is extensive in quan-
tity I counted 673 very rusty nails, which I would estimate
to be less than half the number in the site, before I gave this
up as a rather useless, time consuming task. The material
ranges from stone arrow points (triangular) to metal cart-
ridges (both rim and center fire). Unfortunately, Dr. Nash's
field notes were not available to me, so it was next to impos-
sible to make sense from the jumble of material with which I
was confronted.
Because of the confused nature of the site, and the limited
time of this author, it was decided to concentrate on the pipes
and pottery in the site.
IL DuBay, the trader and the post
It is usually said that DuBay was born at Green Bay
around 1810 of mixed ancestry. His father was of French
128 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 45, No. 3
descent, born in Montreal. He claimed Chippewa or Men-
ominee blood through his mother depending on which tribe
at the time was getting a payment from the government. He
traveled widely in Michigan and Wisconsin as a trader. At
the time he set up his post on the Wisconsin River he was
an agent for the American Fur Company.
The date of the establishment of this post is obscure. Du-
Bay's father, Louis DuBay, claimed to have spent a single
season there, the winter of 1790. Frederick Jackson Turner
stated that it was established before 1835 (Turner, 1889:97),
but Krug, the biographer of DuBay, does not offer any evi-
dence to support this early date. He states that it is gen-
erally supposed to have been established at a later date.
In any case, "DuBay himself, now launching upon his con-
spicuous pioneering exploits, was too busy to attend to his
posts except in a supervisory capacity, and did not establish
family residence at DuBay Point until, it is believed, about
1846." (Krug, 1946:22-23)
The area was inhabited by what was called the Wisconsin
River Band of the Chippewa. They clustered in a village
around the trading post. On September 3, 1836 the Menom-
inee took advantage of this group and sold their land out
from under the Chippewa. Needless to say, the Chippewa
protested this unauthorized sale of their lands, and also need-
less to say, the whites paid little attention to these protests.
In the 1840's this post was looked on as an outpost of
civilization in the wilderness. Its name appears in various
forms, according to Krug. These include DuBay Point, Du-
Bay Trading Post, DuBaie, and DuBois.
Other whites settled near the post, and Krug quotes a cen-
sus of 1842 as listing 14 males and five females at the site.
Lumbering was good in the region, and the population rose
to 119 males and 37 females in 1947.
This was near the end of the fur trade period in Wisconsin,
and DuBay spent his time lumbering as well as trading. This
is how he spent the winter of 1848-1849 after acting as in-
terpreter for Col. Wm. Medill at the treaty of Lake Poygan
in October, 1848.
DuBay 's activities after this winter are hazy, but he must
DuBay Site 129
have abandoned the post within the next few years. Krug
quotes a narrative from the Stevens Point Wisconsin Pinery
of August 17, 1853. "I must not neglect to mention DuBay's,
which was formerly, and may be yet for aught I know, an
Indian trading village, but evidently fast going into decay."
(Krug, 1946:80-81)
DuBay seems to have returned to Fort Winnebago. Here,
some years later, he was defendant in a famous murder trial,
involving many figures prominent in Wisconsin legal history.
After the trial, or rather trials, the Dictionary of Wisconsin
Biography states, "DuBay retired to a trading post north of
Stevens Point, where he lived in obscurity until his death."
(1960:109) He died on January 11, 1887. The History of
Northern Wisconsin (1881:746) lists DuBay among the
"Illustrious Dead," but in the body of his biography speaks
of the DuBay trading post "where John B. still lives."
Thus this trading post seems to have had two occupations,
one in the 1840's and a second from 1857-1887.
IIL Pottery
The DuBay site is well stocked with broken pots, 'plates,
cups, saucers, jugs, etc. I counted 2,240 pieces of ceramic
material. Three of these seem to be Indian potsherds. The
rest are of white origin. I think this is to be expected due
to the late occupation of the site.
I very arbitrarily divided the potsherds into "fine" and
"rough" ware. Any piece that had a white finish I classed
as fine. Generally, the rough ware is heavier, with a coarser
finish than the fine ware. It is also usually dark in color. If
a piece seemed to be the type of ware I thought I would eat
off of, I classed it as fine. I have some reservations about
this divisions, but on the whole I think it is a valid one.
The 2,234 sherds that were left after eliminating the three
Indian sherds and three sherds that were so affected by
mineral deposits that I was unwilling to classify them are
broken down into 1,148 fine sherds and 1,086 rough ones.
Several pieces of fine ware bore trade marks of English
firms which I was able to trace. One of these is the plate
illustrated in Fig. 1. This was found in Pit 2. It bears the
letters "rnival & Son/' "obridge," and "fordshire." I am
FIG. I
FIG. 2
II /V IM >--'
FIG. 3
FIG.
FIG. M
FIG. 7
DuBay Site 131
certain that this is the product of T. Furnival & Sons. The
other two words are undoubtedly Cobridge and Stafford-
shire. Jewitt, writing in 1878, states that the firm had been in
operation for about thirty years. "This firm . . . ranks high
as manufacturers of white granite and vitrified ironstone, and
decorated toilet wares, for the United States and Canadian
markets, to which they ship large quantities of goods." (Jew-
itt, 1878:11:293)
From this same pit comes the large bowl pictured in Fig.
2. The trade mark on this piece is shown in Fig. 3. Pank-
hurst & Co. were owners of the Charles Street Works. This
Hanley works had been operating for about 100 years when
Jewitt wrote, and Pankhurst was the sixth owner of the firm.
"The goods produced by this firm are confined to white
granite for the American markets." (Jewitt, 1878:11:339)
Pit 2 yielded a number of large fragments of plates, bowls,
and cups, such as those in the first two illustrations, which
were easy to piece back together. A third piece from this site
which I have reconstructed is drawn in Fig. 4. Also from
Pit 2 is a second bowl, similar in shape to this one, but smaller.
It is about 5% inches in diameter and 3% inches high.
The cup shown in Fig. 5 was accompanied by two others.
A total of 31 pieces of broken fine ware was found in Pit 2.
All of these pieces were of good size. In addition, two large
pieces of brown rough ware were present in this pit.
The reddish brown trade mark illustrated in Fig. 6 belongs
to the Cobridge Works. These were established in 1836 as
Harding & Cockson. "In 1866 the making of china was dis-
continued and the manufacture of white granite ware, for the
American trade, substituted. The mark is the Royal Arms
and the name 'IMPERIAL IRONSTONE CHINA, COCK-
SON & CHETWYND; or 'COCKSON & SEDDON."
(Jewitt, 1878:11:296).
Another small sherd, also with reddish brown lettering,
was found in a surface dump. The lettering was "COCK."
The plate pictured in Fig. 7 was scattered in the site. The
bottom portion, stained blue, was found in square 8B. The
upper portion, which remained its original white, was found
in square 9A.
FIG. a
FIG. II
FIG. 13
FIG. 15
FIG. 9
FIG. 10
FIG. 12
FIG. II
FIG. 16
DuBay Site 133
I am certain that this piece was not produced until after
1865. The firm of Powell & Bishop did not exist before that
date. \Vhite granite ware for Americans and Canadians was
produced at Powell & Bishop's Church Works.
I am not at all certain about the trade mark shown in Fig.
8. Unlike the others, which have been painted on, this was
impressed into the pottery. It could refer to Clementson who
owned the Phoenix and Bell works. In 1878 these were
worked by "Messrs, Clemenston Brothers, who make largely
the white granite and common painted ware for America and
Canada." (Jewitt, 1878:11:332) The piece could be earlier,
as the firm soon fell to the sole ownership of Joseph Clement-
son after it was started in 1836 as Reed and Clementson. In
1865 Joseph Clementson retired, leaving the business to his
four sons.
Even more troublesome is the registry mark shown in Fig.
9. It too is impressed in the sherd, and the glaze obscures the
lettering. I can not detect any letter after the "T" in "Clem-
ent." I also could not find any "Clement" in the index of
Jewitt's book. Perhaps it is the work of J. Clementson, but I
would not feel certain about it. The lettering is further ob-
scured by cracks in the plate. It is datable, however. The
"L" at the top shows it was produced in 1856. The "A" on
the left indicates it was produced in December of that year.
One plate had the following impression:
IRONSTONE
J. WEDGEWOOD
CHINA
I did not locate any information that would date it, though.
A set of toy cups and saucers was found at the site, in very
good condition. Five saucers and three cups were found.
Two are illustrated in Fig. 10. Also found was a doll,
sketched in Fig. 11.
I suspect that much of the rough ware held "fire-water"
when it was whole. Fig. 12 illustrates the top portion of a
jug. This was found at the bottom of a storage pit. Fig. 13
is an attempt at reconstructing a pot, its shape strongly sug-
gesting a jug to hold "Kickapoo-joy-juice." There are many
FIG. 17
FIG. 18
FIG. 20
FIG. 21
FIG. 22
FIG. 23
FIG.
<>
FIG. E5
Fl C
DuBay Site 135
handles that could have come from such jugs in the rough
ware.
A ceramic bottle, sans neck, is sketched in Fig. H.
The fine ware was predominantly white, with blue being
the color used most often for decoration. Occasionally, an or-
nate piece would be found, such as a figure in a tricorne hat,
but mostly the ware seemed intended for dinner service. The
rough ware was predominantly brown and black, with a grey
or buff exterior and a dark brown interior being quite com-
mon. At times crude blue decorations were placed on the
grey surface. One form that was fairly common was made
of red clay, with an orange glazed surface. This type did not
hold up very well, and in almost all cases the orange sur-
face has flaked off.
After looking at the pottery in the DuBay site, I would
conclude that a good portion of it came from the later occu-
pation of the site. It is possible that a great deal of the ma-
terial is earlier, and simply has no trade marks by which it
could be dated, but I doubt it.
IV. Pipes
Among the materials from the DuBay site are found 49
pipe fragments. This includes 23 stem fragments and 26 bowl
fragments. All are highly fragile clay pipes, all of white clay,
and many are very interestingly decorated.
I attempted with no success to trace these pipes to specific
pipe makers. The literature on clay pipes that I was able to
find concentrated on earlier pipe makers.
The pipes arranged according to level in the sites are as
follows:
Bowls Stems Total
Surface 4 7 11
Level 1 639
Level 2 022
Cellar 2 1 3
Pit Oil
Untagged 14 9 23
Of the untagged specimens, 12 bowl fragments and two
stem fragments are tagged for a specific square in the site,
but lack any information about whether they come from level
1 or level 2.
136 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 45, No. 3
I have no idea whether level 1 or level 2 is closer to the
surface. Because of rather important points like this I doubt
if much could be done with the material at the site until the
field notes are available.
I have assumed that Dr. Nash worked on a grid system. I
have diagramed how these fragments lie in this grid, when
the square from which it came was found with the specimen.
"S" stands for a stem fragment, while "B" indicates that a
bowl fragment was found in that square. Unfortunately, I
have no idea what other features in the site this distribution
might be connected with.
The pipe specimens themselves are quite interesting. All
are white in color. Perhaps the most unusual is found in Fig.
15. This is a very finely done human face, complete with
mustache. This handsome gentleman was found in square 4K
More conventional is the specimen shown in Fig. 16. The
British origins of this pipe are readily apparent from its decor-
ation. The "spur" at the bottom marks this as a nineteenth
century pipe. This pipe comes from square 3D.
Even more plain, in fact completely lacking in decoration.
/
I
3
</
.r
c
V
8
q
(0
V
(2
n
/Y
/5 l
a
B
c
i>
t
f
G H 10
e
B
s
93
B
?s
5
%
I
8 ,
B
8
s
s
s
a
3tf
B
DuBay Site 137
is the pipe represented in Fig. 17. Because with most frag-
ments it is impossible to rule out decoration on the pipe, even
if that particular fragment is blank, it is impossible to judge
what percentage of pipes are decorated and what percentage
are not. A little better than half of the bowl fragments lack
decoration. Some bowl fragments, as in Fig. 19, lack decor-
ation on the bowl itself, but are decorated on the stem at-
tached to the bowl.
The plain pipe in Fig. 1 7 was found in level 1 at square 7E.
To me one of the most attractive pipes was a small frag-
ment, also from level 1. It was located in square 7F and is
illustrated in Fig. 18. Its decoration is unique.
I have already mentioned the pipe in Fig. 19, found in level
1, square 9C. Another unusual feature of this pipe is its lack
of a spur.
Figures 20 and 21 illustrate two specimens from the cellar
floor. The stem fragment is particularly interesting. The
name it bears, Peter Dorni, is in all likelihood its maker.
Also found in the cellar, in square 6D, was the bowl frag-
ment illustrated in Fig. 22. Its delicate leaf pattern is very
pleasing.
Two unusual pipes are found in Figures 23 and 24. The
former was found in square 4G. Its bowl is at the bottom of
the illustration, and the major part of the fragment is the
stem. A wooden or reed stem must have been inserted in
this. The pipe from Fig. 24 appears to be of the same style.
I did not run across any pipes of this type as I was looking
through the literature.
Interesting pipes from the surface are illustrated in Figures
25 and 26. *
In square 6F, level 1, the "TD" pipe illustrated in Fig. 27
was found. "TD" pipes have been found on sites dating
from 1700 to 1850, and are thought to have been manufac-
tured by several different men. One like this was found on
Mackinac Island (Petersen, 1963;6). The fragment illus-
trated in Fig. 25A matches the decoration on another "TD"
pipe found on Mackinac Island (Petersen 1963:6). Petersen
(p. 7) estimates that the Mackinac pipes come from the early
138 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 45, No. 3
nineteenth century, "possibly from the War of 1812 period."
In light of the known occupation of the DuBay site, this es-
timate is probably too early.
University of \Visconsin Milwaukee
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Dictionary of Wisconsin Biography,
1960 Madison, State Historical Society of Wisconsin.
History of Northern Wisconsin,
1881 Chicago, Western Historical Company.
Jewitt, Llewellynn,
1878 The Ceramic Art of Great Britain, New York, Scribner, Wei-
ford, and Armstrong.
Kellogg, Louise Phelps,
1942 "The State," The Wisconsin Magazine of History, vol. XXV,
p. 375, State Historical Society of Wisconsin.
Kovel, Ralph M., and Terry H.
1953 Dictionary of Marks: Pottery and Porcelain, New York,
Crown Publishers, Inc.
Krug, Merton E.,
1946 DuBay, Son-in-law of Oshkosh, Appleton, C. C. Nelson Pub-
Mshing Company.
Petersen, Eugene T.,
1963 "Clay Pipes: A Footnote to Mackinac's History," Mackinac
History: An Informal Series of Illustrated Vignettes, Leaflet
No. 1, Mackinac Island, Mackinac Island State Park Com-
mission.
Turner, Frederick Jackson,
1889 "The Character and Influence of the Fur Trade in Wiscon-
sin," Wisconsin Historical Society Proceedings,
THE RECENT AZTALAN DATE
William M. Hurley
In the September, 1963, issue of The Wisconsin Archeolo-
gist (Vol. 44, No. 3, p. 180) we are informed of another radio-
carbon date for Aztalan. The sample was of charcoal from
a refuse pit (Pit 10) that was excavated in 1959. The area
excavated was in Section IV (Barrett, 1933, plat IV), under
the field directorship of Dr. Chandler Rowe, Lawrence Col-
lege. The University of Michigan Memorial - Phoenix Pro-
ject, under the direction of H. R. Crane, reported a date of
580 + - 100 B. P. (M-1214) or 1283 A. D. to 1483 A. D.
(Ritzenthaler, 1963, p. 180).
On August 11, 1959, Dr. Stephan F. Borhegyi and the
writer were stripping off the plow zone, in Section IV, in
order to trace a prehistoric wall trench that extended to the
east in square 113-L-3. This wall trench was 15 cm. wide and
20 cm. deep. In the center of the square it cut through and
superimposed a large refuse pit (Pit 10) which yielded the
charcoal sample (M-1214). Pit 10 was cut in half by this
trench. The surface dimensions of Pit 10 were: 53 cm., east-
west, and 67 cm., north-south. After the trench was exca-
vated it was decided to arbitrarily divide the refuse pit into
Pit 10 Level Z (10 cm. to 20 cm. below plow zone.)
HO WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 45, No. 3
10 cm. levels and to separate the material according to these
levels. Ceramic materials of Middle Mississippi and Wood-
land varieties were found mixed throughout all levels and no
count was made of their number or type according to levels.
After excavation this bottle-shaped refuse pit was found to be
27 cm. deep with 7 cm. of "undisturbed" material below the
bottom of the wall trench. The lower level (level 3) was
further subdivided into three levels. Two questions concern-
ing this date should be answered. W^hat were the contents of
this refuse pit? and, How significant is this date?
The contents of Pit 10 are as follows:
1. Level 1 (0.0 to 10 cm. below plow zone)
1 Fired rock of dolomite 9 cm. wide, 12 cm. high, and 8 cm. deep.
1 Fired rock of quartzite 11 cm. wide, 4.5 cm. high, and 7 cm. deep.
1 Fired rock of gabbro 11 cm. wide, 2.5 cm. high, and 16 cm. deep.
1 Deer tarsus
1 Mammal vertebrae
1 Mammal rib
1 Mammal long bone
2 Burned bone fragments
2 Shell fragments of Elliptic dilatatus and Strophitus rugosus.
1 Worked chert fragment
2. Level 2 (10 cm. to 20 cm. below plow zone)
1 Fish vertebrae
Carbonized materials (corn kernels or beans)
Charcoal fragments
Fish scales
1 Bone bead of a fish vertebrae 8 mm. in diameter, 3 mm. high
with a perforation through the center that is 4 mm. in diameter.
3. Level 3 (20 cm. to 27 cm. below plow zone); levels a, b, and c.
Level 3a (20 cm. to 22 cm. below plow zone)
30 Assorted non-human bone fragments
Carbonized bone
1 Shell of Elliptio dilatatus
Pebbles of dolomite, chert, quartzite, sandstone, limonite,
granite, and diorite.
Level 3b (22 cm. to 24 cm. below plow zone)
2 Shells of Amblema costata
Carbonized wood
1 Fish maxillary
1 Deer rib
1 Metacarpal digit
1 Mammal rib fragment
9 Assorted non-human bone fragments
Pebbles of chert and quartz
Level 3c (24 cm. to 27 cm. below plow zone)
L Mammal vertebrae
1 Mammal mandible
5 Assorted non-human bone fragments
Shell fragments
Aztalan Date HI
Carbonized wood and corn
Siltstone stained with limonite, rhyolite, and amygdaloidal
with quartz
Charcoal (radiocarbon sample M-12144)
In December, 1959, Paul W. Parmalee of the Illinois State
Museum, identified the following shell and bone refuse re-
covered from Pit 10:
SHELL
Amblema costata, Three-ridge 2
Elliptic dilatatus, Spike 2
Strophitus rugosus, Squaw Foot 1
BONE
Whitetail Deer, Odocoileus virginiamis 4
Ring-necked Duck, Aythya collaris, and/or
Lesser Scaup, A. affinis 5
Duck, sp. 2
Bullhead, Ictalurus sp. 2
Sucker, Catostomus cf. commersonnii 2
Pike, Esox sp. 1
Sucker sp 1
Misc. unidentifiable bone fragments 22
Unidentifiable fish bone fragments 12
Unidentifiable bird bone fragments 12
Fourteen grit tempered cord roughened Woodland pottery
fragments were recovered from Pit 10. These sherds were
mixed with twenty-six tempered Middle Mississippian sherds.
Nineteen of these Mississippian sherds were used in the res-
toration of a large Ramey Incised vessel (Hurley, 1960, p.
103) that is similar to Barrett's Form 18 (Barrett, 1933, pi.
97, no. 18, p. 597). The angular shoulder of the vessel had
broad grooves in a series of concentric semicircles: closest to
Barrett's design No. 10 (Ibid, pi. 92, no. 10, p. 587). The
restored composite silhouette round bottomed Ramey Incised
vessel measured: 28.6 cm. high, 52 cm. maximum width, with
an orifice 35.2 cm. in diameter.
Thus, this radiocarbon sample (M-1214) is dating a refuse
pit that was superimposed by a wall trench. The pit contained
a variety of shell, bone, and lithic refuse that was intermixed
with Woodland and Mississippian pottery. The carbon sam-
ple (M-1214) was well below the wall trench (4 to 7 cm,
below) and therefore undisturbed.
Pit 10 was less than 75 yards south from the charcoal sam-
ple (M-1037) submitted in 1959 by Chandler Rowe. This
142 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 45, No. 3
sample yielded a date of 1200 + -- 150 B. P. or 610 A. D. to
910 A. D. (Ritzenthaler, 1961, p. 139). Charcoal from the
northwest pyramidal mound yielded a date of 320 + -- 200
B. P. (M-642) or 1440 A. D. to 1840 A. D. (Ritzenthaler,
1960, p. 68). For the Cahokia area, Fowler (1963, p. 57)
states: "Taken altogether, these radiocarbon determinations
[25 in all] suggest that the Mississippian occupation of the
American Bottoms region began about 800 A. D. . . . the
data indicate a very late Mississippian occupation of the area,
lasting into the 16th century. . . ." Charred wood from
House 2, area 15A at Cahokia, dates Ramey Incised pottery
-the same as Pit 10's-at 805 + -- 100 B. P. (M-1337) or
1055 A. D. to 1255 A. D. (Ibid., p. 53).
The upper range of the Aztalan sample M-1037, the full
range of Pit 10's sample (M-1214), and the bottom range
of Aztalan sample M-642 would be as follows: 910 A. D. -
1283 to 1483-1440 A. D. or well within the dates for the
Misisssippian occupation of the American Bottoms. There-
fore, we could accept all three of Aztalan's dates and be in
accord with Cahokia's Mississippian occupation. What is
now needed are radiocarbon samples from house structures
or the stockade line to make Aztalan's dates more significant.
University of Wisconsin
Madison, Wisconsin
BIBLIOGRAPHY
BARRETT, S. A.
1933__Ancient Aztalan. Bulletin of the Public Museum of the City
-of Milwaukee, Vol. XIII, Milwaukee.
FOWLER, MELVIN L. (ed.)
1963 First Annual Report: American Bottoms Archaeology. July
1, 1961 -June 30, 1962, The Illinois Archaeological Survey,
Urbana.
HURLEY, WILLIAM M.
1960 A Unique Find. Lore, Summer, Vol. 10, No. 3, Milwaukee,
RITZENTHALER, ROBERT E.
1960 Radiocarbon Dates for Wisconsin. The Wisconsin Archeol-
ogist, New Series. Vol. 41, No. 3.
1961 Radiocarbon Dates for Aztalan. The Wisconsin Archeologist,
New Series, Vol. 42, No. 3.
1963 Another Radiocarbon Date for Aztalan. The Wisconsin Ar-
cheologist, New Series, Vol. 44, No. 3.
Wkat lj tke Jbijjetence?
Amateur Archeologist
ARCHEOLOGIST digs to gain
)ssion of KNOWLEDGE.
; only under proper supervision and re-
'his discoveries to qualified scientists.
lects everything found on each site
en artifacts as well as whole.
AATEUR ARCHEOLOGIST keeps careful
MS of sites and catalogs all artifacts*
A Pothunter
The POTHUNTER digs to gain possession o
THINGS.
He keeps site locations a big secret and save<
only the whole arrowheads and pretty arti
facts he can show off.
The POTHUNTER keeps no records. . . .
By digging through sites without supervision .
By being secretive about site locations . . .
By keeping no records . . .
the POTHUNTER so DESTROYS the RECORE
that whole chapters in the story of archeology
are lost forever.
us add to our knowledge of human
PORTAGE MOUND GROUP
By Paul Koeppler
Two panther effigies and a single conical mound were lo-
cated and measured July 6th, 1963 by Paul Koeppler, Neil
Ostberg, and Thomas Jackland. This group of mounds is
located about 4 miles south of Portage in the eastern half of
section 28, Pacific Township, Columbia Co. They are situ-
ated on the edge of a high ridge (800 foot elevation) which
is bounded by the Duck Creek some 700 feet to the north
and by a swamp, with the Wisconsin River a distance of
about % mjle west through this swamp.
Panther mound No. 1 is 240' long but because the tail ex-
tends to the edge of the ridge, and shows signs of erosion along
this side, it is possible the tail may have been somewhat
longer. Panther No. 2 is 130* long and it situated 51' and
somewhat in line with the tail of panther No. 1. The conical
mound measures 13 x 18 and is located 3' above the back of
panther No. 2.
All three mounds have been marred by early relic hunters.
On all the high ground for a mile south and % mile east
there are numerous sand blows. In checking these blows it
was noted that every one contained small flint chips, cracked
fire rock, and a few pieces of worked native copper.
PORTAGE MOUND GROUP
iCIFIC TOWNSHIP TI2N R9E
COLUMBIA CO.
I V 8 OF NE '/ 4 OF NE '/ 4 SEC. 28
'/ 8 OF SE '/ 4 OF NE '4 SEC. 28
MOUND 2
By
David A* Baerreis
and
Guest Reviewers
THE BOOKSHELF
JENNINGS, JESSE D. AND EDWARD NORBECK,
EDITORS
1964 Prehistoric Man in the New World* Published for
William Marsh Rice University by the University
of Chicago Press, Chicago.
633 pages; price: $10.00.
Table of Contents and Contributors to this Volume:
Introduction Jennings and Norbeck
Geoanthropology Carey Croneis
Early Man in the New World Alex D. Krieger
The Arctic and Subarctic Henry B. Collins
The Western Coast of North America Robert F. Heizer
The Desert West Jesse D. Jennings
The Greater Southwest - Erik K. Reed
The Great Plains -Waldo R. Wedel
The Northeast Woodlands Area - James B. Griffin
The Southeastern United States William H. Sears
Northern Mesoamerica Pedro Armillas
Southern Mesoamerica Robert Wauchope
The Caribbean Area Irving Rouse
Lowland South America Clifford Evans
South American High Cultures Alfred Kidder II
Transpacific Contacts Gordon F. Ekholm
Northern and South American Cultural
Connections and Convergences Betty J. Meggers
Linguistic Overview Morris Swadesh
Concluding Remarks Ignacio Bernal
Index
This is a most impressive book, which summarizes current
professional knowledge of the archaeology of North, Central
Bookshelf 147
and South America. It resulted from a symposium in 1962 at
Rice University in observation of the fiftieth year of that in-
stitution. A distinguished roster of scholars was assembled
for this occasion and each paper was an original contribution
by a foremost authority for the various regions or subjects
selected. These authors were asked to write a general paper
covering both factual and theoretical aspects of their assigned
topics, expressed in non-technical language. This project was
to be directed toward an "educated lay audience."
In this day of increased specialization and rapid accumula-
tion of knowledge it is difficult even for the professional
archaeologist to keep up with progress in related areas.
Therefore, this volume will be a welcome reference work to
professionals, students, amateurs, and laymen alike. An in-
credible amount of information is included, and the non-pro-
fessional should be warned that it is not always easy reading.
It is, however, a valuable book. to possess as a handy encyclo-
pedic summation of the length, breadth, and depth of New
World archaeology. Maps, chronological charts, and line
drawings supplement the text.
A book as comprehensive as this could not have been as-
sembled as recently as ten years ago. Sufficient radiocarbon
dates are available today to permit tentative correlation of
archaeological sequences between distant regions, though it
is still difficult to correlate the regional histories of whole
continents. In the concluding papers will be found stimulat-
ing discussions of inter-continental contacts, as well as pos-
sible extra-continental diffussion of people and ideas.
Individual papers differ greatly as to the degree of detail
or the level of generalization, due to the unevenness of past
research interests. For example, the prehistory of South Am-
erica, with the exception of the Central Andes, has attracted
only a handful of investigators, so our knowledge of most of
that continent is still extremely vague.
Obviously it is too soon for the definitive summary of New
World prehistory. Though it would be desirable in a book
of this kind for each author to give equal attention to alter-
native hypotheses to explain controversial or incomplete data
and to outline the consensus of professional opinion, it is dif-
148 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 45, No. 3
ficult for the specialist to limit himself to such an editorial
plane. The non-professional reader therefore should be ad-
vised that some scholars have made synthesizing interpreta-
tions in this volume which reflect their own mature assess-
ments of their area, rather than reflecting the opinion of the
majority of workers in the area. The authors of this volume
are eminently qualified to make original syntheses, but the
general reader should know that other authorities have made,
and will continue to make, divergent interpretations of the
same data. This sort of flexibility of interpretation makes for
some of the excitement of reconstructing history. Be that as
it may, a general statement in a complex subject is always
stimulating; the professionals want to know what their col-
leagues are currently thinking, and the more general audience
wants to have a reliable source of concise information.
This review will not attempt to condense the content of
this extensive book nor comment on individual papers. Suf-
fice it to repeat that it is rare to find between two covers so
authoritative a compendium of up-to-date material on such
a diverse field as New \Vorld archaeology.
- Lee A. Parsons
BOOKS RECEIVED
Bennett, W. C. and Bird, Junius. ANDEAN CULTURE
HISTORY, American Museum Science Books, Doubleday &
Co., New York 1964. Price $1:95.
Elkin, A. P. THE AUSTRALIAN ABORIGINES, The
Natural History Library, Doubleday 6 Co., New York, 1964,
Price $1.95.
Campbell, Edward F. and Freedman, Daved Noel (Ed.)
THE BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGIST READER, 2, Anchor
Books, Doubleday & Co., Inc., New York, 1964. Price $1.95.
Vaughan, Agnes, Carr, THOSE MYSTERIOUS
RUSCANS, Doubleday & Company, New York, 1964. Price
$5.95.
Williams, Maslyn, THE STONE AGE ISLAND: New
Guinea Today, Doubleday & Co., Inc. New York, 1964.
Price $5.95.
Net weight ?, of limonite with hole and groove.
Surface find by Tom .lackland in Section 22, Port-
land Township, Dodge County. Length 3% inches.
Half of notched-ovate type of
bannerstone. Banded slate.
Length 5 inches. Sheet copper
pendant (?). Greatest width:
1-5/16 inches. Notching along
curved edge appears to be of
more recent origin.
Both specimens were found
by Neil Ostburg one mile north
of Hubbleton, Dodge County,
Wis.
COMMITTEES:
MEMBERSHIP COMMITTEE: J. K. Whaley, Chairman. Herman
Zander, Phillip H. Wiegand.
PUBLICITY: Dr. E. G. Binder.
FRAUDULENT ARTIFACTS: J. K. Whaley, Chairman. Paul Scholz,
Martin Greenwald, Dr. Robert Ritzenthaler, Phillip H. Wiegand,
Neil Ostberg, Robert Hruska.
SURVEYING AND CODIFICATION: William M. Hurley, Chairman.
Ernest Schug, Paul Koeppler, Dr. E. G. Bruder, Tom Jackland,
George Fay, Darryl Beland.
EDITORIAL: Dr. Robert Ritzenthaler, Chairman. Dr. D. A. Baer-
reis, Lee Parsons, Dr. Joan Freeman.
PROGRAM: Dr. Robert Ritzenthaler, Chairman. Dr. E. G. Bruder,
Herman Zander, Mrs. P. H. Wiegand. ,
LAPHAM RESEARCH MEDAL COMMITTEE: Dr. Robert Ritzen-
thaler, Chairman. Dr. David A. Baerreis, Dr. E. G. Bruder,
H. W. Cornell, Charles Schoewe.
The Charles E. Brown Chapter
Madison
(Meets second Tuesday, 7:45 P. M., State Historical Society,
October thru May)
Mr. Donald Thompson
Secretary: Mr. Dale Henning
Treasurer: Dr. Joan Freeman
T..........
THE WISCONSIN
ARCHEOLO6HT
THE MORROW SITE, A RED OCHER WORKSHOP
SITE IN THE KANKAKEE VALLEY, INDIANA
Charles H. Faulkner
A PERFORATED SHARK TOOTH FROM THE OGDEN
FETTIE SITE, FULTON COUNTY, ILLINOIS,
L. A. Conrad
AN EARLY WOODLAND VESSEL FROM WISCONSIN,
Carol Mason
CERAMIC RELATIONSHIPS OF FOUR LATE WOOD-
LAND SITES IN NORTHERN OHIO,
James E. Fitting
A CAMPSITE IN CEDARBURG TOWNSHIP,
OZAUKEE COUNTY, Elmer C. Daalmann
THE BOOKSHELF
INTERESTING WISCONSIN SPECIMENS
ANSAS CITY,
PUBLIC
151
156
158
160
175
179
MO
185
WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGICAL SOCIETY
Milwaukee, Wisconsin
Incorporated, 1906
For the purpose of advancing the study and preservation of
Wisconsin Indian Antiquities
Meets Third Monday of Month, 8 P. M., Milwaukee Public Museum,
September thru May.
OFFICERS
PRESIDENT
Robert Hruska
VICE-PRESIDENTS
Dr. Stephan F. Borhegyi Paul Scholz Gale Highsmith
Herman Zander Martin Greenwald
DIRECTORS
Dr. E. G. Bruder Phillip H. Wiegand
ADVISORY COUNCIL
Joan Mueller Allen Prill
William Oestreich Dr. Chandler Rowe
Neil Ostberg Ernest Schug
J. K. Whaley
Dr. A. H. Whiteford
Mrs. Phillip H. Wiegand
Dr. D. A. Baerreis
Carlos Cortez
Dr. Joan Freeman
Dr. William Godfrey Lee Parsons
Dr. Robert Howard E. K. Petrie
Tom Jackland Louis Pierron
Ronald Mason
TREASURER
Paul A. Koeppler, 5284 N. 83rd St., Milwaukee, Wis.
SECRETARY
Paul Turney, 2243 S. Woodward, Milwaukee 1, Wisconsin
EDITOR
Dr. Robert Ritzenthaler, Milwaukee Public Museum,
Milwaukee 3, Wisconsin
MEMBERSHIP FEES
The Wisconsin Archeologist is distributed to members
as part of their dues.
Life Members, $50.00
Sustaining Members, $5.00
Endowment Members, $500.00
Annual Members, $2.00
Institutional Members, $2.00
All communications in regard to the Wisconsin Archeological
Society and contributions to the Wisconsin Archeologist should be
addressed to Paul Turney, Secretary, 2243 S. Woodward, Milwaukee
1, Wisconsin. Entered as Second Class Matter at the Post Office at
Lake Mills, Wisconsin under the Act of August 21, 1912. Office of
Publication, 316 N. Main St., Lake Mills, Wis.
THE WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST
New Series
MILWAUKEE, WISCONSIN -- DECEMBER, 1964
Published Quarterly by The Wisconsin Archeological Society
THE MORROW SITE: A RED OCHER
WORKSHOP SITE IN THE
KANKAKEE VALLEY, INDIANA
Charles H, Faulkner
Since the initial identification of a Late Archaic - Early
\Voodland Red Ocher manifestation in northern Indiana
(Faulkner, 1960), several new components have been dis-
covered in this area. Like the situation in the Illinois Valley,
these components are buriails endowed with diagnostic Red
Ocher artifacts such as "turkey-itail" blades, and especially
large caches of ovate-trianguloid cache blades. Unfortun-
ately, none of these sites has received professional attention
like the Morse site in Fulton County, Illinois (Morse, 1958,
1959; Morse and Morse, 1964), and the information about
them has been compiled from artifacts recovered by accident.
Even though the Kankakee Valley manifestation has re-
mained ill-defined as compared to its Illinois Valley counter-
part, workers in both areas are beset with the same problem
when interpretations of these manifestations are attempted.
The problem is that no definite Red Ocher habitation sites
have been discovered in either area. This apparent absence
is not due to the fact that these sites do not exist, but as
Morse and Morse (1964, pp. 80-81) so ably conclude . . . .
"while Late Archaic artifacts, presumably including Red
Ocher types, are seemingly scattered almost everywhere,
there is no real concentration at any one spot. Added to this
is the observation that artifact types found associated with
Red Ocher skeletons do not seem to be duplicated in habita-
tion sites." Although it seems a certainty that the Red Ocher
people would not lose much exotic burial furniture on their
habitation sites, it seems probable that remains of the manu-
facture of non-trade items might be found on their living or
workshop sites.
152 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST
Vol. 45, No. 4
The most common artifacts found with Kankakee Valley
Red Ocher burials and in seemingly isolated caches are the
ovate-triainguloid cache blades, called Pomranky Points in
Michigan (Binford, 1963, p. 166). Besides their abundance,
the real salient feature of these blades is that they are in-
variably made from the same type of lithic material, this being
a cream-white to light grey chert which is sometimes slightly
fossiliferous. Actually, several different chert sources might
have been utilized as in Michigan where several chert types
are represented (Binford, 1963, pp. 155-57). If these blades
were manufactured locally as they were in Michigan on the
Eastport site (Binford and Papworth, 1963), there would be
FIG. 1. Cache blades in various stages of manufacture from the
Morrow workshop. Top row, cache blade blanks; middle row, rough-
ly chipped and crude blades; bottom row, finished ovate-trianguloid
cache blades.
Morrow Site 153
a good possibility that Kankakee Valley Red Ocher workshop
sites would produce flint chipping debris such as flakes, blade
rejects, and even finished blades of this distinctive chert. The
recently discovered Morrow site in Section 35, T33N, R8W,
Lake County, Indiana, seems to be a site of this kind.
The Morrow site is the highest of a series of sand knolls
protruding above the low Kankakee bottomland and lying
approximately 2,000 feet south of the high bank on the edge
of the bottomland. This site, designated La -82 in the Indiana
Historical Society survey, was brought to the attention of
the writer by several collectors who periodically visit the site.
Their surface collections contain numbers of whole and
broken cache blades, ranging from well-finished artifacts to
blade blanks and rejects. A survey of the site produced
seven unfinished or rejected blades, eight broken cache blade
bases, and three broken points. There are also cores, worked
flake blanks and rejects (see Figure 1), waste flakes, and
chert nodule fragments. More importantly, the survey re-
vealed the northeast side of the knoll is covered with flakes
and spalls of whitish-grey cache blade chert. Most of the
finished cache blades have been found in this area.
A number of projectile points have been picked up here,
but few are made from cache blade chert. The majority are
small to medium sized (3cm. -5cm.) stemmed and notched
types made from various colored chert pebbles probably
found in the glacial drift (Figure 2, A-B). Other lithic arti-
facts recovered by the survey and collectors include notched
scnapers (Fig. 2, C), notched and straight-shank drills (Fig.
2, D), small ovate knives (Fig. 2, E), miscellaneous scrapers,
hammerstones, and a grooved banded slate weight (Fig. 2,
G). A grooved hammerstone (?) and a crude plummet were
also reported found on the site.
In addition to the evidence for cache blade manufacture on
the site, two other observations are noteworthy here. Unlike
other knolls within a radius of a few miles where Middle and
Late Woodland pottery sherds are quite abundant, the Mor-
row site produces very little pottery. Besides a few tiny frag-
ments, only one identifiable sherd has been recovered, this
being a sherd of Marion Thick (Figure 2, H). This adds to
154 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST
Vol. 45, No. 4
the evidence that we are dealing with a Late Archaic or Early
Woodland site.
The other knolls in the immediate vicinity also seem early
since little pottery has been found on them acid one has pro-
duced a reworked birdstone and a grooved bannsrstone.
There have also been a number of broken gorgets collected
on these sites. An interesting topographic feature of all of
these knolls is their location in the Kankakee marshland. All
of them are between 640 and 655 feet above sea level which
means that before the swampland was drained, ccme of them
barely protruded above the water during times of inundation.
An interesting observation in this respect is that most of the
i
m
H
FIG. 2. Lithic artifacts found on the Morrow site. A-B, stemmed
and notched projectile points; C, notched scrapers; D, notched and
straight shank drills; E, ovate knives; F, chipped slate point; G,
grooved slate weight; H, Marion Thick sherd.
Morrow Site ' * 155
late prehistoric Upp^r Mississippi sites in the bottomlands are
on knolls and ridges 650 to 660 feet above sea level. This
could mean either the later peoples were utilizing different
food resources in the marsh, or had to live on higher ground
due to wetter conditions. If the latter reason is vailid, warmer
and drier periods in Late Archaic - Early Woodland and
Middle Woodland times could have made the lower knolls
more suitable for habitation at those times.
The Morrow site could hold a number of answers in the
study of the Red Ocher occupation in the Illinois and Kan-
kakee Valleys. The location of the site in the marshland
could indicate a preference due to food resources or climatic
conditions during the time of occupation. A systematic anal-
ysis of the workshop debris would reveal how the cache
blades were made in the upper Illinois Valley, and their re-
lationships to the Michigan types. Since only a portion of
the knoll seems to be a workshop, the remainder of the site
could produce features such as pits or even house patterns
if the Red Ocher people also lived on this site for any length
of time. Concerning the latter possibilities, the landowner,
Mr. Neil Morrow, reported that dark "charcoal pits" could
be seen on one side of the hill. A crop of corn prevented the
verification of these features, which illustrates the frailty of
a mere surface survey. Nevertheless, a surface survey of this
nature cam suggest the potentiality of a site, and the Morrow
site is potentially informative in the future study of the Red
Ocher Culture.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Binford, Lewis R.
1963 "The Pomranky Site. A Late Archaic Burial Station" in
Miscellaneous Studies in Typology and Classification by Anita
M. White, Lewis R. Binford, and Mark L. Papworth. Anthro-
pological Papers, Museum of Anthropology, University of
Michigan, No. 19.
Binford, Lewis R. and Mark L. Papworth
1963 "The Eastport Site, Antrim County, Michigan" in Miscel-
laneous Studies in Typology and Classification by Anta M.
M. White, Lewis R. Binford, and Mark L. Papworth. Anthro-
pological Papers, Museum of Anthropology, University of
Michigan, No. 19.
Faulkner, Charles H.
1960 "The Red Ochre Culture: An Early Burial Complex in North-
ern Indiana," The Wisconsin Archeologist, N. S., Volume 41,
No. 2, pp. 35-49.
156 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 45, No. 4
Morse, Dan F.
1958 "Some Preliminary Notes on a Red Ocher Mound at the
Morse Site," Central States Archaeological Journal, N. S.,
Volume 5, No. 1, pp. 14-17.
1959 "Preliminary Report on a Red Ocher Mound at the Morse
Site, Fulton County, Illinois," Papers of the Michigan Acad-
emy of Science, Arts, and Letters, Volume 44, pp. 193-207.
Morse, Dan F., and Phyllis A. Morse
1964 "1962 Excavations at the Morse Site: A Red Ocher Cemetery
in the Illinois Valley," The Wisconsin Archeologist, N. S.,
Volume 45, No. 2, pp. 79-98.
Ritzenthaler, Robert E. and George I. Quimby
1962 "The Red Ocher Culture of the Upper Great Lakes and Ad-
jacent Areas," Fieldiana, Vol. 36, No. 11, pp. 243-275, Chicago
Natural History Museum.
A PERFORATED SHARK TOOTH FROM THE
OGDEN-FETTIE SITE *, FULTON COUNTY, ILLINOIS
L* A* Conrad
During March of 1959, Mr. Dick Morgan found a perfor-
ated shark tooth on the plowed surface of mound F 177 on
the Ogden-Fettie type site. The tooth, which was identified
by Dr. Parmalee of the Illinois State Museum as, ". . . ap-
parently from the white shark, Carcharodon Carcharias" I ,
measured 4 cm. (1.5 inches) in length and 3.1 cm. (1.3 inches)
in width. This shark which reaches a length of forty feet
inhabits all warm oceans. The only modification of the speci-
men, an eliptical perforation, was made by two overlapping
drillings from the same side of the softer base. A few abra-
sions were also on the base.
To the author's knowledge this is the second and northern-
most case of the appearance of shark teeth in Havana sites.
The other appearance was in Mound Two of the Baehr Group
in Brown County, Illinois, excavated by Dr. John F. Snyder
in 1894. Dr. Snyder's report did not specify whether or not
these perforated teeth were fossilized and the specimens have
since been lost The only reference he makes to these teeth
is: "With these (Marginella beads) . . . (were) four small
shark's teeth, triangular with serrated edges, and also pierced
at the base to be worn as beads." 2
Though the principle occupation of the Ogden-Fettie Site
was during Middle Hopewell times, it should be noted there
was a lighter Mississippi occupation several centuries later.
Shark Tooth 157
The Mississippians used shark teeth in Illinois more frequent-
ly than the Hopewellians. These teeth are not uncommon in
the Cahokia region. Among these people shark teeth were
employed not only as ornaments but also as settings for clubs.
To the author's knowledge no shark teeth have been reported
in Mississippian sites north of the Caihokia airea.
\Vhether or not this tooth was imported and modified by
the Havana people cannot be determined with any degree
of certainty, but the evidence indicated it was. As previously
mentioned no shark teeth have been reported from Mississip-
piiain sites in the Illinois Valley, but they have been reported
in Havana sites. Secondly, Struever's work at the site which
produced 2285 sherds produced only 50 (or .0214%) Missis-
sippi sherds. 3 Finally, we have much evidence from the Og-
den-Fettie Site indicating long and dispersed supply lines.
Foreign materials from the site include obsidian, copper, ex-;
otic cherts, and marine shells.
* Cole and Deul, Rediscovering Illinois, 1937, pps. 171-181.
1 Letter from Dr. Paul W. Parmalee, Curator of Zoology at the
Illinois State Museum, dated October 31, 1962.
2 Fowler, Melvin L., ''Pioneer Illinois Archaeologist John Francis
Snyder," in John Francis Snyder: Selected Writings (Clyde C.
Walton, ed.), pps. 196-7, Illinois Historical Society, Springfield,
1962. !
a Wetterston n. d. ;
(Drawing by Brouillette)
AN EARLY WOODLAND VESSEL
FROM WISCONSIN
Carol Mason
In Wisconsin an early Woodland horizon has been often
identified by the presence of the pottery type Dane Incised*
This type is considered an areal manifestation of Black Sand
Incised, the ceramic type whose stratigraphic position under
Hopewell in Illinois places it in a pre-Middle and presumably
Eairly Woodland context. However, the occurrence of Dane
Incised sherds with unmistakably later associations indicates
that its temporal range is perhaps too great to make it a con-
sistently reliable marker for ain Early Woodland horizon else-
where in Wisconsin. For example, the occurrence of Dane
Incised sherds in the second of three sequent strata of late
Middle Woodland materials at the Mero site in Door County
(Mason n. d.) provides a relative dating inconsistent with
Eairly Woodland status there.
However, there is another ceramic candidate for Early
Woodland in Wisconsin, one whose identification is based
on relationships with the earliest Early Woodland in Illinois
and elsewhere in the Middle W'est. This pottery type. Marion
Thick (Griffin 1952: 97-98), does not occur in great quantity
FIG. 1 MARION THICK vessel from the Oshkosh Public Museum.
Woodland Vessel 159
anywhere, but its sporadic distribution within the boundaries
of the state provides a potentially useful ceramic indicator in
additional to Dane Incised* The collections of the Oshkosh
Public Museum contain a reconstructed example of a Marion
Thick vessel. This specimen (museum no. 410/1753) was
found in 1931 at the Robert Grignon Trading Post site near
Omro in Winnebago County, Wisconsin. In fragments when
recovered, it was subsequently reconstructed by personnel of
the Milwaukee Public Museum and the Oshkosh Public Mu-
seum. Given the available sherds (33), the reconstruction
seems to be a fairly accurate one with sufficient sherds sur-
viving to make the distinctive basal configuration unmistak-
able. Unfortunately, the Grignon Trading Post was a multi-
component site which had been considerably disturbed even
before the Oshkosh Public Museum excavated there in 1931,
and little information has survived ais to the original proven-
ience and associations of the vessel. The following descrip-
tion of it is offered for the purpose of making available in the
literature more data on Wisconsin examples of this early
pottery type:
method of manufacture no clear indication since no sherd
edges (other than rimsherds) were observable. Long lines
of horizontal breakage may, in fact, be coil fractures,
temper small to very large particles of crushed rock; in
places these extrude onto the surface of the vessel. ..^
color brown (gray-brown to reddish brown with most of
the exterior sherds of the latter color).
surface finish both exterior and, interior surfaces are cord-
marked. Cordmarkingf is irregular on the exterior with con-
siderable crossing over; sometimes vertical and horizontal
cordmarked lines form a series of small squares on some
exterior sherds. Interior cordmarking is more regular and
is aligned parallel to the rim; cordmarking appears smoothed
on the interior, perhaps as a result of handling during the
process of manufacture. On both interior and exterior,,
cordmarking extends from the base to the rim and in places
over the rim. The basal interior is plain, but the exterior
is cordmarked. .,--j
rim straight and flat. Cordmarking on the rim seems simply
160 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 45, No. 4
to be a continuation of body cordmarking, not a subsequent
decoration,
body general shape is an inverted truncated cone. Flat
base.
thickness at rim 9 mm.
thickness at base 16 mm.
height more than 150 mm. There are not enough articulated
sherds to be sure the reconstruction height, 170 mm., is
correct.
diameter at base 113 mm. (approximately),
decoration consists of vertical columns of fingernail puncta-
tions in groups of three columns placed irregularly around
the vessel. The orientation of these groups of columns is
sometimes to the true vertical, sometimes considerably at
an angle from it. Punctations do not reach the base but
stop at between 30 and 60 mm. above it.
St. Norbert College
West DePere, Wisconsin
References cited:
Griffin, James B.
1952 Some Early and Middle Woodland Pottery Types in Illinois.
In Hopewellian Communities in Illinois, Thorne Deuel, ed.
Scientific Papers of the Illinois State Museum Vol. V. Spring-
field, pp. 95-129.
Mason, Ronald J.
n. d. Two Stratified Sites on the Door Peninsula of Wisconsin.
CERAMIC RELATIONSHIPS OF FOUR LATE
WOODLAND SITES IN NORTHERN OHIO
James E. Fitting
University of Michigan
INTRODUCTION
In Northern Ohio, in the area around Cleveland, there is a
distinctive Late Woodland manifestation. This has been
called the "Whittlesey Focus." Greenman (1937: 350-1)
placed this focus in the Iroquois Aspect of the Upper Missis-
sippi Pattern and named it after Charles Whittlesey who had
surveyed and published on sites in Northern Ohio in the
previous century. The Whittlesey Focus was again discussed
by Morgan and Ellis who considered Fairport Harbor, Reeve,
Ceramic Relationships 161
South Park and Tuttle Hill to be the main components.
Using a statistical comparison of all traits except the cer-
amics they came to the conclusion that South Park and Tuttle
Hill were very close and could be opposed to Reeve and Fair-
port Harbor (Morgan and Ellis 1943: 50-1). Greenman had
suggested that the Erie might have inhabited the Reeve site
(1935a: 9) and Morgan and Ellis (1943: 57) also thought
that the Erie might be responsible for the Whittlesey sites.
Greenman (1939: 25-6) placed the Wolf site in South-
eastern Michigan in the Whittlesey Focus and emphasized
its similarities to "sites of the Iroquois Aspect in Northern
Ohio."
The Whittlesey Focus played an important part in Griffin's
(1964: 368) hypothesis for an in situ development of the cul-
tural type associated with Iroquoian speakers in the early his-
toric period.
Morgan (1952: 96-7) summarized the available informa-
tion on the \Vhitdesey Focus and again suggested that this
material might be Erie. He also mentioned a possible rela-
tionship to the Wolf site in Michigan. Griffin (1957:20)
stated again that the Whittlesey sites were the work of the
Erie.
The identification of the Whittlesey Focus with the Erie
has been far from universal. Greenman, in a later publication,
did not feel that the Whittlesey Focus was the work of either
Erie or Seneca, taking Parker's and Harrington's identifica-
tion of the Ripley and Silverheels sites. Lee (1958:27) also
adopted this position. He included the Parker Earthworks in
Ontario in the Whittlesey Focus. MacNeish, in his discus-
sion of Erie pottery types, did not include any of the Whittle-
sey material. Only one of his Erie types, Ripley Corded
(1952:25), was considered to be even influenced by the
Whittlesey Focus types.
In January of 1964, I examined sevenad collections from
Whittlesey sites in the Ohio State Museum and the Cleveland
Museum of Natural History, as well as private collections.
This was undertaken in connection with a study of Late
Woodliaind material from Southeastern Michigan. A brief
statement on the relationship between the Southeastern Michi-
gan Yotmge Tradition and the Whittlesey Focus in Northern
162 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 45, No. 4
Ohio has already been presented (Fitting, 1964: 313-5). The
data collected on internal ceramic relationships among these
Ohio sites was not included at that time and warrants a sep-
arate discussion.
CERAMIC RELATIONSHIPS
Since the re-examination of ceramics from the Whittlesey
sites was undertaken in a short period of time only rimsherds
were studied. The reports on these sites contain a detailed
description of paste, tempering material, hardness and other
such characteristics. Each report has established different
groupings or types which are not comparable. Therefore, a
series of descriptive types was established for the present
analysis. Many of the first set of groupings which were es-
tablished in the field were not to be mutually exclusive. After
re-evaluation and re-combination it was found, hov/ever ,that
96 percent of the ceramics from Fairport Harbor, Reeve,
Tuttle Hill and South Park could be placed in four groups or
descriptive rimsherd types.
The first of these types was Tuttle Hill Notched (Plate I,
a, b). This type included 83 percent of the rimsherds from
Tuttle Hill and 75 percent of the rimsherds from South Park.
It is characterized by a notched strip of applique on the rim
of the vessel, or more commonly, slightly below the rim.
Other forms of decoration, linear incising or punctation, may
occur in connection with the notched applique but they are
subordinant and secondary decorations. This is similar to
Morgan and Ellis's (1943: 28-33) sub-groups 3, 4 and 5. It
also incorporated all of Greenman's (1935a: 51, 56) variant
8.1.
Numerous illustrations of Tuttle Hill Notched rimsherds
have been published (Greenman 1935a: Figure 34, A, B, E,
Figure 35, A, B. C, 1935b: Figure 12, A, B, 1937: Figure 38,
Figure 42, 1939: Plate II, Figure 2, d, Morgan and Ellis 1943:
Figures 14, 15, 16). Both Morgan (1952: Figure 36, I) and
Quimby (1952: Figure 37, B) illustrated a single vessel of
Tuttle Hill Notched. Their drawings seem to be impressions
of a vessel reported by Morgan and Ellis (1943: Figure 15)
from Fairport Harbor.
The second rimsherd type is Reeve Horizontal (Plate I, c)
Ceramic Relationships
163
B
PLATE I
164 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 45, No. 4
which occurred in greatest frequency at the Reeve site (42
percent). There the plain rim of a vessel has been altered
by horizontal incising running parallel to the lip. This type
wiais not represented at Tuttle Hill or South Park but is illus-
trated in the Reeve report (Greenman 1935a: Figure 30, D,
Figure 31, A, B, D) and the Fairport Harbor report (Morgan
and Ellis 1943: Figure 14, sub-groups 1 and 2).
The third descriptive rimsherd type is Reeve Opposed
(Plate I, d). This, too, reaches its highest frequency (13 per-
cent) at the Reeve site. This type is characterized by opposed
oblique incisions on a plain rim. This type is illustrated in the
South Park report (Greenman 1937: Figure 41, J) and the
Reeve report (Greenman 1935a: Figure 33, D). This last
sherd looks disturbingly like one later illustrated by Morgan
(1952: Figure 35, V) as a Feurt Focus rimsherd.
The fourth descriptive group consists of p)ain rimsherds
with occasional lip alteration (Plate I, e). These v/ere present
on all sites but were most common at Fairport Harbor (76
percent). Most of these rimsherds were cordmarked up to
the lip. Some were smoothed or smoothed cordmarked. Lip
alterations consisted of either tool notches or thumb or finger
impressions on either the outer or both inner and outer lip
surfaces. These are illustrated from Reeve (Greenman 1935a:
Figure 39, E, Figure 34, D), South Park (Greenman 1937:
Figure 40), Tuttle Hill (Greenman 1937: Figure 34, Figure
39) and Fairport Harbor (Morgan and Ellis 1943: Figures
16 and 17).
In addition to these types, one other named type, Parker
Festooned (Lee 1958: 17-8), was included. This was done be-
cause of Lee's suggestion that the Parker Earthworks should
be included in the \Vhittlesey Focus. The percentages of
\Vhittlesey types, Parker Festooned and a group including
all other ceramics from these sites is given in Table 1. There
is less thtan one percent of Parker Festooned on all Whittle-
sey sites. This type reaches its frequency (48 percent) on the
late Younge Tradition Wolf site in Southeastern Michigan.
There is also less than one percent of \Vhittlesey types in
Young Tradition sites. This low occurrence is more readily
explained by contemparaneity of distinct ethnic groups than
by ethnic unity. As Griffin (1944:366) has pointed out, "the
Ceramic Relationships
165
TUTTLE HILL REEVE REEVE
NOTCHED HORIZONTAL OPPOSED
I I I
PLAIN
CUMULATIVE GRAPH
COMPARING CERAMICS FROM
THE WHITTLESEY SITES.
166 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 45, No, 4
diagnostic tnait of today turns out to be the link trait of to-
morrow."
There are some discrepancies between my sherd counts
and the sherd counts in the original reports. Type series from
these sites are now in institutions other than the Ohio State
Museum. There are indications that the present series is
representative of the original collection with a maximum of
five percent variation in count so the relative position of the
site would not be altered. As an example, Greenman (1935a:
23) reported 402 rimsherds from Reeve while I examined
only 317; Morgan and Ellis (1943: 26) reported 774 rimsherds
while I examined only 632 (incidently, the number of rim-
sherds in the sub-groups used by Morgan and Ellis totals
more than 900).
The percentages of the various types from the four sites
are listed in Table 2. Because of the complete absence of some
types at several of the sites it is difficult to represent their
relationship with a bar graph. The cumulative graph (Jelinek
1962) was more useful in an ordering of these sites. The re-
sults of this ordering are presented in Figure 1.
The ordering is exactly the same as that obtained by Mor-
gan and Ellis using only the non-ceramic material from these
four sites. In their ceramic analysis they grouped South Park
and Tuttle Hill (which we could also do) and opposed them
to Fairport Harbor with Reeve occupying an intermediate
position. Griffin (1944: 368) also noted a high degree of co-
hesion between Tuttle Hill and South Park and seconded
Morgan and Ellis in opposing these sites to Reeve and Fair-
port Hiaxbor.
There might be, however, some dispute as to the relative
chronological positions. Possible historic trade materials were
reported by Morgan and Ellis (1943: 41-2) from Fairport
Harbor. Griffin (1944: 368) cited Morgan and Ellis on the
subject of trade material and Quimby apparently accepted
this position (1952: 106). Morgan (1952: 97) later placed the
Fairport Harbor site late in the sequence because of the so-
called trade material.
Morgan and Ellis (1943: 42) suggested that "fragments
of chinaware and stoneware . . . are all evidently relics of
pioneer times." I examined the collections and found the fol-
Ceramic Relationships 167
lowing datable pattern on white paste earthenware: four \
sherds of Painted Blue (late 1820's, early 1830's), two sherds ;
of Blue Edge (late 1820's early 1830's), one sherd of Red <
Print (as early as 1830) and one sherd of Brown Print (prob- ;
ably 1830's). These dates are for the maximum occurrence of
these types in the Detroit area (Fitting 1964: 157-166).
Morgan and Ellis thought that the white kaolin pipes were
trade objects since they were found in all levels of the abor-
iginal occupation. The pipes from the site are not early 17th
century types. There is no resemblance to other early 17th
century pipes such ais those found in the Jamestown excava-
tions (Harrington 1952: Figure 191). They are mold made
which, apparently, was not common until the end of the 17th
century (Petersen 1963: 2). The kaolin pipes more closely re-
semble those from 19th century sites than those from 17th
century sites. Although, no maker's marks were observed,
fluted bowls were common. A similar fluted pipe bowl was
found among the early 19th century material from Mackinac
Island (Petersen 1963: 7). They were used at least as late as
the 1850's since one was found at the Riviere au Vase site
(Fitting 1964: 171). At Kipp's Post (Woolworth and Wood
1960: 273) 12 out of 23 pipe bowls were fluted, making it the
most common decorative motif. This site dates to the late
1820's so the pipes could well date to the same period as the
historic ceramics.
The other historic material was unavailable for my examin-
ation but from published descriptions it it not diagnostic of
an early occupation. Items diagnostic of such an occupation,
such as early trade beads, axes and kettle lugs, were absent.
Morgan and Ellis (1943: 58) thought that the South Park
site was earlier than Fairport Harbor but still late in the cul-
tural sequence because of the presence of an Oneota vessel
(Greenman 1937: Figure 33). Griffin (1944: 368), on the
other hand, felt that the South Park, Tuttle Hill and Taylor
sites were very early and perhaps dated to some time near
the close of the Hopewell period. He cited the use of dentate
stamping as a basis for this. My examination revealed a
single dentate stamped rimsherd from the South Park site, less
than one-fourth of one percent of the total sample, and only
six dentate stamped rimsherds, similar to those from the
168 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 45, No. 4
Taylor site, in the collection from Tuttle Hill. I wish to em-
phasize that this type of dentate stamping is similar to that
from the Late Middle Woodland Taylor site (Griffin 1944:
368) rather than later dentate forms such as Vase Dentate
(Fitting 1964: 326-8) or Sparta Dentate (MacNcish 1952:
45). These dentate stamped rimsherds make up about two
percent of the Tuttle Hill ceramics which I examined. This
site, however, contained a high proportion, 16 percent, of non-
Whittlesey types suggesting a mixed occupation.
An alternate hypothesis (Fitting 1963: 13-4) was suggested
by examining the published reports and re-affirmed by examin-
ing these collections. Fairport Harbor might be the earliest
in the sequence, Reeve intermediate a<nd South Park and Tut-
the Hill late prehistoric or early historic.
The Fairport Harbor site does not contain trade material.
On the contrary, the largest numbers of plain rimsherds and
the simplest design elements were found on this site. On an
analogy with Southeastern Michigan this would suggest an
early placement in the developmental sequence.
The Oneota vessel from South Park, given Griffin's (1937:
181) identification of Oneota, could be late prehistoric or
early historic. The weeping eye motif, a southern cult ele-
ment, was represented at Reeve (Greenman 1935a: Figure 25,
15) aind I have seen it on pipes in a private collection of
material from South Park. Olaf Prufer has shown me a metal
projectile point from South Park in the collections of the
"-Cleveland Museum of Natural History. This object, accord-
ing to Prufer, is made of European metal.
The association of aboriginal trade sherds in both Michi-
gan and Ohio also suggest a late prehistoric placement for
South Park and Tuttle Hill. Parker Festooned is found only
in the late Younge Tradition Wolf phase in Southeastern
Michigan (Fitting 1964: 301) which probably post dates A.
D. 1400. Almost all of the Parker Festooned rimsherds in the
Whittlesey collections, 14 out of 15, were from South Park
and Tuttle Hill. A single rimsherd of this type was found in
the Reeve collections and it was absent from Fairport Harbor.
The reverse situation is just as true. Tuttle Hill Notched,
which I now believe to be a late type, is found at Springwells
Ceramic Relationships 169
and Wolf Phase sites in Southeastern Michigan which are late
in the Younge Tradition (Fitting 1964: 314).
ETHNIC IDENTIFICATION
There has always been a problem in the identification of
the Whittlesey Focus Peoples. Greenman (1935a: 9) first
suggested that they might be Erie but later Greenman 1937:
351), after examining the material attributed to the Erie and
Seneca in New York, felt that ethnic identification was im-
possible. Morgan and Ellis (1943: 57), Morgan (1952: 97)
and Griffin (1957: 20) alll attributed Whittlesey material to
the Erie. Lee, while he did not think this group was historic
Erie, thought that the Whittlesey peoples might have been
ancestral to the Erie (Lee 1958 29).:
Ridley (1961: 66) weighed the evidence and decided
against the Whittlesey Focus representing the Erie. As he
pointed out, this would require re-assigning the Ripley and
28th Street sites to the Neutral. He rejected the idea that
they were Miascoutens but mentioned the Squenquironon who
appear in the Cleveland area on Swanson's 1656 map.
MacNeish (1952: 22-4) admitted the tentative nature of
his Erie sequence. He suggested a late prehistoric differentia-
tion between Neutral and Erie with a common base in the
Southwold ceramic assemblage. Ripley was his historic ex-
ample of an Erie site and Goodyear (and the 28th Street site)
occupied an intermediate position. After making a detailed
examination of the Niagara frontier sequence, Marian White
(1961: 61 ) did not make an ethnic identification for the Good-
year site. Even at Ripley the unique ceramic type was Ripley
Corded which MacNeish himself suggested was related to
Whittlesey materials. There is also the strong possibility
of more than one occupation at the Ripley site (White, per-
sonal communication).
In one of the more recent studies of the Erie, White
(1961: 40-9) demonstrated that the maps locating the Erie
to the west of Chautaqua Lake were drawn after the defeat
and destruction of the Erie. There may, however, have been
several usages of the term 'Erie*. They were a populous na-
tion with two to three thousand warriors and there are sev-
eral references to the "tribes" of the Erie. Samson's 1650
170 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 45, No.
map shows them as the only group on the entire south shore
of Lake Erie.
If we accept the early historic position of both South Park
and Ripley they may both be Erie variants. Both the Ripley
site and the late Whittlesey sites have been compared with
both Neutral and Seneca sites. The Ripley site seems to
more closely approach Neutral material while the Whittlesey
styles have strong Seneca affinities. Long Point Nocked,
Dutch Hollow Notched, Seneca Notched and Seneca Barbed
(MacNeish 1952: 41-4) all are analagous to Tuttlc Hill
Notched. McNeish even illustrates a sherd of Long Point
Horizontal with what appears to be a notched applique collar.
These notched and barbed types constitute 92 to 99 percent
of the ceramics on his five most recent Seneca sites (Mac-
Neish 1952: 40).
Parker, W'interberg, Skinner, Harrington and Griffin
(Griffin 1944: 366) have all recognized a similarity between
Seneca and Erie when opposed to the eastern Iroquois groups.
Given propinquity and a common cultural base we would ex-
pect such close similarity.
Another series of ceramic analogies is to be found in the
Fort Ancient material to the south of the Whittlesey sites.
Almost all investigators have noted these similarities. In
comparing this material Griffin (1943: 238) stated, "in each
Focus, however, there are sherds that could be lost in a col-
lection from the other Focus, even though representative se-
lections could easily be distinguished from each other.''
Griffin (1943:34-5, 1957: 22) identified the Fort Ancient ma-
terial as probably Shawnee. There is material of Fort Ancient
type at the Starved Rock site in Illinois which is early historic
(Griffin 1957: 19-20). One of the ceramic types from Starved
Rock has been named La Salle Filleted (Wittry: personal
communication). There is a sherd of LaSalle Filleted (shell
temper) illustrated in the Bell site report (Wittry 1963: 27)
which would be easily lost in a collection of Whittlesey ma-
terial.
There is another possible connection between the Bell site,
which is predominantly historic Fox, and the Whittlesey ma-
terial from Northern Ohio. There is a distinctive minor cer-
amic grouping which consists of cordmarked grit tempered
Ceramic Relationships 171
vessels with smoothed shoulders (Wittry 1963: 25-6). The
outstanding characteristic of this pottery is the fact that the
lips were crimped with fingers. At the Fairport Harbor site
76 percent of the \Vhittlesey ceramics were plain rims. Out
of this number 35 percent showed evidence of lip alteration
with the fingers or finger and thumb. In the original site re-
port this variant had been grouped with those that were
notched with a tool (45 percent of the sample of plain rim-
sherds which I examined* were of this variant, the other 20
percent was unaltered on the lip).
Wittry felt this to be a characteristic of either "Sauk, Pota-
watomi, Kickapoo or Mascoutin," in that order of likelihood.
Others have favored the Potawatomi or Mascoutens.
There is evidence that groups of Potawatomi, and this in-
cludes the Mascoutens which may have been a sub-tribe of
Potawatomi (Greenman 1961: 17), inhabited parts of South-
eastern Michigan and the area along the southwest shore of
Lake Erie. There is some geographical distortion but both
Champlain's 1632 map and Sanson's 1655 map place the Asis-
tagueron or "fire nation" in this area. Ridley (1961:60) has
identified the fire nation as the Mascoutens alone, while
Kinietz (1940: 308) believed these references were to the
entire Potawatomi group. Greenman (1961: 14) felt that this
term was a collective reference for Mascouten, Fox, Sauk,
Potawatomi and Nassouaketon (an Ottawa tribe?). This
would be more in line to references to an extremely populous
nation. In any event there are constant references to a west-
ward movement of many Algonkian speaking peoples in the
proto-historic and early historic period.
Because of the lack of good historic sources for the location
of these groups we can only make speculations. There is a
possibility that an Algonkian group, possibly ancestral to the
Potawatomi, Mascoutens or even the "Squenquioronon" (al-
though this is unlikely if the identification of Fox holds up)
inhabited the airea around Cleveland prior to the contact per-
iod. This might even have been prior to the beginning of
the Iroquois expansion.
Fairport Harbor, east of Cleveland, might represent such
a stage. The small percentage (less than 25 percent) of later
types could have been the products of captive women or
172 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 45, No. 4
trade material. The complete replacement of ceramic types
does not suggest a gradual evolutionary sequence in the
Whittlesey area. Reeve shows high percentages of types that
are rare or absent on other Whittlesey sites. The latest ma-
terial, that from South Park and Tuttle Hill, may be repre-
sentative of short Erie occupation of the area after they had
driven the "fire people" to the west and before their own des-
truction at the hands of the League. The last three sites,
Reeve, Tuttle Hill and South Park, all show evidence of con-
tact with Fort Ancient, Younge Traditions, Oneota and Iro-
quois Cultures.
CONCLUSIONS
Previous examination of Whittlesey Focus material had
failed to quantify the ceramic relationship between sites
grouped in this focus. A cumulative graph re-affirmed the se-
quence which was developed for non-ceramic traits. A re-
' examination of the material from the sites, however, suggest-
ed that Fairport Harbor was early and South Park and Tuttle
Hill were late.
An examination was made of the sources previously used in
making ethnic identifications of the bearers of the Whittlesey
culture. No positive identification was made but the Erie was
a strong contender.
It was also suggested that the Fairport Harbor site might
represent a different cultural group from that represented by
the other Whittlesey material. This conclusion, as well as the
others has been based primarily on an analysis of the ceramics
from these sites and is subject to the inherent limitations of
the type of analysis.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS: I would like to thank Raymond
Baby, Curator of Archaeology at the Ohio State Museum,
for allowing me to examine the collections at the museum
and for the hospitality shown me during my stay at Colum-
bus. Olaf H. Prufer extended the same courtesies to me
while I was in Cleveland. A number of individuals read
earlier versions of this paper and made many helpful com-
ments. I would particularly like to thank James B. Griffin,
Raymond Baby, Olaf Prufer, Marian White, Warren Wit-
Ceramic Relationships 173
try and Frank Ridley for their suggestions. The rimsherd
illustrations were drawn by Diane Foster. Parts of the re-
search in this paper were supported by a Wayne State
University Faculty Research Grant-in-Aid and by a Na-
tional Science Foundation grant to the University of Michi^
gan Museum of Anthropology.
REFERENCES
Fitting, James E.
1963 Prehistoric - Historic Continuity in Southeastern Michigan.
MS in possession of the author.
1964 Late Woodland Cultures of Southeastern Michigan. Doctoral
Dissertation, University of Michigan. University Microfilms.
Ann Arbor.
Greenman, Emerson F.
1935a Excavation of the Reeve Village Site, Lake County, Ohio.
The Ohio State Archaeological and Historical Quarterly, Vol.
44, No. 1, pp. 2-64. Columbus.
1935b Seven Prehistoric Sites in Northern Ohio. The Ohio State
Archaeological and Historical Quarterly, Vol. 44, No. 2, pp.
220-237, Columbus.
1937 Two Prehistoric Villages near Cleveland, Ohio. The Ohio
State Archaeological and Historical Quarterly, Vol. 46, No. 4,
pp. 305-366. Columbus.
1939 The Wolf and Furton Sites, Macomb County, Michigan. Oc-
casional contributions from the Museum of Anthropology of
the University of Michigan, No. 8. Ann Arbor.
1961 The Indians of Michigan. The John M. Munson Michigan His-
tory Fund Pamphlets, No. 5. Lansing.
Griffin, James B.
1937 The Archaeological Remains of the Chiwere Sioux. American
Antiquity, Vol. 2, No. 3, pp. 180-1. Menastha.
1943 The Fort Ancient Aspect. University of Michigan Press.
Ann Arbor.
1944 The Iroquois in American Prehistory. Papers of the Michigan
Acadamy of Science, Arts and Letters, Vol. 39, pp. 357-374.
Ann Arbor.
1952 Archaeology of the Eastern United States (editor). Univer-
sity of Chicago Press. Chicago.
1957 The Late Prehistoric Cultures of the Ohio Valley. In: Pre-
historic Indians of the Ohio Valley by William S. Webb, Ray-
mond S. Baby and James B. Griffin. The Ohio Historical So-
ciety. Columbus.
Harrington, Joan C.
1952 Historic Sites Archaeology in the Eastern United States. In
Archaeology of the Eastern United States edited by James B.
Griffin. University of Chicago Press. Chicago.
Jelinek, Arthur J.
1962 The Use of the Cumulative Graph in Temporal Ordering.
American Antiquity, Val. 28, No. 2, pp. 241-3. Salt Lake City.
Kinietz, W. Vernon
1940 Indians of the Western Great Lakes. Occasional Contributions
from the Museum of Anthropology of the University of Mich-
174 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 45, No. 4
igan, No. 10. Ann Arbor.
Lee, Thomas E.
1958 The Parker Earthworks, Corunna, Ontario. Pennsylvania
Archaeologist, Vol. 28, No. 1, pp. 3-30.
MacNeish, Richard S.
1952 Iroquois Pottery Types: A Technique for the Study of Iro-
quois Prehistory. National Museum of Canada, Bulletin No.
124. Ottawa.
Morgan, Richard G.
1952 Outline of Cultures of the Ohio Region. In: Archaeology of
the Eastern United States edited by James B. Griffin. Un-
iversity of Chicago Press. Chicaigo.
Morgan, Richard G. and H. Holmes Elllis
1943 The Fairport Harbor Village Site. The Ohio State Archaeo-
logical and Historical Quarterly, Vol. 52, No. 1, pp. 1-62.
Columbus.
Parker, Arthur C.
1907 Excavations in an Erie Indian Village and Burial Site at
Ripley, Chautauqua County, New York. New York State Mu-
seum Bulletin, No. 117. Albany.
Petersen, Eugene T.
1963 Clay Pipes: A Footnote to Mackinac 's History. Mackinac
History Leaflet, No. 1. Mackinac Island State Park Commis-
sion. Mackinac Island.
Quimby, George I.
1952 The Archaeology of the Upper Great Lakes. In: Archaeology
of the Eastern United States edited by James B. Griffin.
University of Chicago Press. Chicago.
Ridley, Frank
1961 Archaeology of the Neutral Indians. Etobicoke Historical So-
ciety. Islington.
White, Marian E.
1961 Iroquois Culture History in the Niagara Frontier Area of New
York State. Museum of Anthropology, University of Mich-
igan, Anthropological Paper No. 16. Ann Arbor.
Wittry, Warren L.
1963 The Bell Site, Wn9, An Early Historic Fox Village. The Wis-
consin Archeologist, Vol. 44, No. 1, pp. 1-57. Lake Mills.
Woolworth, Alan R. and W. Raymond Wood
1960 The Archaeology of a Small Trading Post (Kipp's Post, 32
MN 1) in the Garrison Reservoir, North Dakota. River Basin
Survey Paper No. 20. Bureau of American Ethnology Bulletin
No. 176, pp. 239-305. Washington.
TABLE I
DISTRIBUTION OF CERAMIC TYPES FROM FOUR
WHITTLESEY SITES
Whittiesey Parker Other Total
Types Festooned
N ' % N % N %
Tuttle Hill 204 84 21 37 15 243
South Park 429 96 12 3 51 446
Reeve 309 97 1 .3 7 2.7 317
Fairport Harbor__ 630 99.7 00 2 .3 632
Total 1,572 96 15 .9 51 3.1 1,638
Cedarburg Campsite 175 '
TABLE II
DISTRIBUTION OF WHITTLESEY TYPES FROM FOUR
WHITTLESEY SITES
Tuttie Hill Reeve Reeve Plain Total
Notched Horizontal Opposed Rimsherd
Count
Tuttie Hill 83% 0% 0% 17% 204
South Park 75% 0% 3% 22% 429
Reeve 24% 42% 13% 22% 309
Fairport Hanbor _ 14% 10% 0% 76% 630
A CAMPSITE IN CEDARBURG TOWNSHIP,
OZAUKEE COUNTY
Elmer C, Daalmann
The references to Cedarburg township in past issues of
The Wisconsin Archeologist are very limited. A group of
three conical mounds in Hilgen Spring Park at Cedarburg
has been reported in an early issue. W^hen the range of
references is extended to Ozaukee County, an interesting bit
of information states that the Chippewa village of Wahmtee~
goosh (Little Frenchman) was located at Saukville. The most
recent article, A Red Ochre Burial in Ozaukee County appears
in the June 1958 volume. If this burial is located near Thiens-
ville, it would lie ten miles southeast of the area covered by
this report. This campsite is five miles southwest of Sauk-
ville.
The Dickmann site is a plowed field, about twenty acres,
that is located on the east side of Granville Road north of
Cedar Creek in section 8, T10N, R21E. The low hills around
the edges of the field slope to a swampy central flat that drains
to the east. On the road side of this grassy flat there is a
spring that is now sluggish and stagnant. The scraper and
the arrowheads were found on the sloping hillsides surround-
ing the spring and its narrow drainage basin. These arti-
facts may represent normal loss when the spring was used as
a temporary campsite. No potsherds, mounds or rubbish
heaps were found to indicate extended occupancy. The ar-
rowheads are Woodland and are made from chert and quart-
zite that is similar to the rough drift material in the furrows.
These specimens are numbered in the photograph to indicate
the points where they were found. The scatter of these
176 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 45, No, 4
A. Sawicki
Section 7
Dickraann Site
Eaiil Brandt
Oedar Creek
Section 8
Section 17
Section 18
Y?
Granville Road
DICKMANN SITE
SECTION 8, T10N, R21E
TOWN OP CEDARBURG
OZAUKEE. COUNTY, WIS.
Cedarburg Campsite 177
'.-
points is shown on the map of the site. It would be interest-
ing to speculate on the distance that these pieces moved from
their original position during fifty years of cultivation. The
displacement by plowing must have formed a random pattern
because the items are scattered about the field. If the path
of travel was oriented, the implements would cluster about the
edges of the field. Plowing to a depth of six inches may have
buried more than the six that were found on the surface.
From this indication, a guess can be made that thirty artifacts
still lie under the soil and will be uncovered sometime in the
future.
The map could portray an intensive search of the area
rather than a campsite. From this point of view, an equal
distribution would be found on the Emil Brandt farm that is
situated between the Dickmann site and the north bank of
Cedar Creek. Arrowheads have been found on this farm by
Mr. Brandt, but these had been misplaced and could not be
compared with the items in the photograph. Heresay reports
about arrowheads having been found near a spring on the
south bank of Cedar Creek stimulated a search along this
bank. A tiny clear flowing spring was found hidden in the
tall marsh grass on the A. Saiwicki property west of Gran-
ville Road. No artifacts were found on this property. Two
arrowheads were found about a mile north of the Dickmann
site. These were on the Dickmann farm that is located on
Pleasant Valley Road one half mile east of the intersection of
County Trunk Y and Highway 143. All of the artifacts in the
photograph are available for examination at this farm.
Mr. Brandt who lives on the farm on the east side of Gran-
ville Road north of Cedar Creek has inherited a collection of
163 arrowheads in a cigar box. None of these are numbered
or cataloged, but Mr. Brandt states that they came from the
Cedar Creek area. A quick survey of this collection did not
reveal any Sandia, Folsom, Yuma or turkey tails, but there
were two truncated barb points similar to those in the photo-
graphs facing page 76 of the March 1964 issue of The Wis-
consin Archeologist from the collections of Paul Turney, Paul
Koeppler and Robert Snyder.
178 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 45, No. 4
By
David A. Baerreis
and
Guest Reviewers
THE BOOKSHELF
Lake Superior Copper and the Indians: Miscellaneous Studies
of Great Lakes Prehistory, edited by James B. Griffin. An-
thropological Papers, Museum of Anthropology, Univer-
sity of Michigan, No. 17, 1961. 189 pages, 2 figures, 5
maps, 33 plates. $2.50.
Although it has been several! years since this publication
first appeared considering the importance of the use of copper
in prehistoric Wisconsin cultures a review is sitill esse^ial.
The volume reports on a series of field investigations begin-
ning with work on Isle Royale carried out in 195^ and 1954
under the supervision of Roy W. Drier as part of the Mich-
igan College of Mining and Technology Prehistoric Copper
Mining Investigations. In the opening pages of the study,
Professor Drier reports on the field work ((pp. 1-7) while
Professor James B. Griffin of the University of Michigan
discusses the archaeological finds resulting from this work
and provides an extensive collation of material derived from
early sources pertaining to Isle Royle and the Lake Superior
copper district as a whole (pp. 7-76). As part of the general
program of work initiated by the Isle Royale explorations,
Griffin collaborated with George I. Quimby of the Chicago
Natural History Museum in two summer surveys around the
Lake Superior basin in 1956 and 1957 and then in the sum-
mer of 1959 with Mark Papworth. Several of the sites lo-
cated as well as specimens examined are considered by Griffin
or Quimby or both of these individuals. The final portion of
the volume contains a report by Roy W. Drier, "Archaeology
and Some Metallurgical Investigative Techniques (pp. 134-
147); "Metallurgical Examination of Five Copper Artifacts
from Southern Michigan" by William C. Root (pp. 148-150);
and, "Trace Element and Metallographic Studies of Prehis-
180 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 45, No. 4
toric Copper Artifacts in North America: A Review'' by Tyler
Bastian (pp. 150-175). It should be evident that the subtitle
of the volume as a whole, "Miscellaneous Studies of Great
Lakes Prehistory," is an appropriate one.
New interpretations of the prehistory of Isle Royale are
limited by the sparsity of cultural material obtained in the
excavations. In evaluating this material in conjunction with
earlier collections from the island, Griffin informs us that the
sherds recovered from several village sites are to be assigned
to western Iroquoian complexes (about A. D. 1500-1600) or
to Late Woodland complexes, most of the latter being closely
related to Blackduck which is ailso close to the historic period.
However, not all of the mining activities are attributed to this
late time horizon. Griffin presents an analysis of the arboreal
specimens from Pit 25, one of the aboriginal mining pits on
Indian Point, indicating that all of the trees are present on the
island today. Following this a series of pollen studies in nine
bogs by J. E. Potzer are skillfully related to the sequence of
lake levels. W^e are then told that the significance of this
material is that the mining activity in Pit 25 took place during
the period between the Nipissing aind Algoma stage of the
lakes, an interval dating about 2200 to 1100 B. C. and repre-
senting a cooler, moist period after the time of maximum
warmth in the western Great Lakes. \Ve are also informed
that this is the period during which the Old Copper culture
seems to have had its greatest development and that the Pit
25 mining operations, with reasonable certainty, produced
copper which was made into implements of the Old Copper
culture. One must return to the introductory section describ-
ing the excavation of Pit 25 to appreciate that two radiocar-
bon dates from Pit 25 are the meains by which the chronolog-
ical association between the pit and the lake stage was made.
Despite the looseness in style and organization, the account
of Isle Royale provides fascinating information for the visitor
to this National Park as well as for the archaeologist. The
excellent map of the island will be particularly helpful to
the island visitor.
The papers which follow are important in increasing our
knowledge of the Indian occupation of the Lake Superior
basin. The Pic River site, south of Heron Bay, Ontario,
Bookshelf 181
yielded small quantities of cultural materials including grit-
tempered, cord-wrapped peddle impressed pottery in associ-
ation with trade goods suggesting a date of about 1700 A. D.
Quimby feels the tribe represented is Chippewa. The Mc-
Collum site on a bay of southeastern Lake Nipegon, Ontario,
was investigated because a series of finds attributed to the
Old Copper culture was made there. Analysis of the speci-
mens indicated that they have a late time placement within
the time span of Old Copper. A further series of short papers
describe various copper-related finds and related these to the
lake and vegetational sequence. Interpretation, as in the case
of the Isle Royale material, is limited by the small sample size
of collections dealt with in all instances.
A brief section entitled "Interpretation of Technology and
Cultural Level from the Copper Pits and Included Materials"
(pp. 127-129) is as close as we come to a summary of the
work on cultural materials in the volume. We learn that cop-
per mining was apparently carried on from about 3000 B. C.
to close to the historic period roughly 4500 years, Perishable
materials found in water-logged pits indicates the Indians had
some skill in woodworking. Griffin points out that such wood-
working tools as grooved, axes, adzes, and gouges are a part
of the Late Archaic cultural complex of about 3000 to 1000
B. C. and suggests that the Old Copper complex is a regional
representative of this Late Archaic period.
The final portion of this volume deals with metallurgical
approaches to the analysis of archaeological problems. The
principal impression that one gains of the metallurgical ana-
lytical work which has been reported on Old Copper artifacts
is one of confusion. The work has been piecemeal, isolated
and too frequently metallurgically unsophisticated. Some of
the reported work has been weird indeed (see citation to Wil-
son and Sayre, 1935, p. 109) while some has been merely
trivial.
Many of the conclusions have been entirely unjustified or
the original papers incorrectly quoted. For example in the
study by William C. Root (presumably organized by the
editor of the volume), on pages 148 and 149 we find a quota-
tion from the work of W. F. Flanagan on Axe 27651. "The
very large twinned crystals, or grains, indicate that the final
182 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 45, No. 4
treatment has been a high (temperature?) anneal after pre-
vious mechanical working." Or, later, quoting from the work
on Axe 52238 "The treatment has been similar to that of the
other axehead except that its final grain size is much smaller
indicating a lower temperature or shorter time of final anneal
or a different purity." The obvious answer to the different
grain size of the two axes is that the pieces of copper from
which the axes were fabricated were much different to begin
with. One of the outstanding characteristics of the structure
of Great Lakes native copper is the large difference in grain
size between different pieces.
In attempting to evaluate the general status of metallo-
graphic studies of prehistoric copper artificts, there is so much
misinformation, doubtful information and perhaps quotes out
of context that one is puzzled where to begin. Much of the
difficulty arises from lack of acquaintance with Michigan
copper, its structure, chemical analysis and the current
theories of its geologic origin. One simple illustration will
suffice. These copper deposits are believed to be 500-600
million years old and are of hydrothermal origin. We know
that copper deposited hydrothermally is always twinned as a
result of growth accidents. Hence it is not necessary to
assume the copper has been mechanically worked and recrys-
tallized to account for the twins. Undoubtedly, the grain size
of the copper could increase over geologic time, the driving
force for grain growth arising from tectonic processes.
It is apparent that there has been frequent argument over
the presence of the black oxide, Cu 2 O being taken as evidence
that the copper was at some time melted in contact with air.
This is eminently reasonable. The reviewer does not believe
any Cu 2 O or CuO (of the Cu 2 O-Cu eutectic which is what is
usually in question) has ever been positively identified in na-
tive copper from the upper peninsula. Although the nature
of the hydrothermal solution which deposited the copper is
unknown, thermodynamic calculations make the presence of
Cu 2 O in the copper very unlikely. So, if Cu 2 O is positively
identified, the copper has been molten in contact with air,
since Pleistocene times as pointed out by Thompson (1958,
p. 1) and Voce (1961, p. 70) quoted on page 173 of the
volume under review. On the very next page is a quote from
Bookshelf 183
McLeod (1945, p. 183) which shows an unacquaintance with
modern commercial coppers. While it is true that there are
several grades of commerial deoxidized copper on the market
today which do not show Cu 2 O, they are the product of quite
sophisticated metallurgical control that no primitive people
could reasonably be expected to practice. Hence, it is not an
oversimplification to state that the metallurgist can always
differentiate between copper which has been melted by a
primitive people and unmelted native copper.
Another source of confusion is terminology, particularly
involving such terms as "tempering" and "pure." In this day
of highly specialized terminology, it is insufficient and even
dangerous to accept Webster's definitions of technical terms.
The only acceptable source of definitnons relating to metallur-
gical phenomena is the American Society for Metals hand-
book. Thus, the word temper, while sometimes used today
to designate mechanical properties of nonferrous metals (viz.
spring-temper brass) should now be restricted in use to the
process of reheating hardened steel or cast iron for the pur-
pose of relieving hardening stresses.
The most misused term is "pure." The question may well be
asked, how pure is pure? The term pops up whenever chem-
ical analysis of a copper artifact is reported. The term is
largely relative, but should be defined either in relation to
spectroscopic standards, percent, parts per million or unde-
tected. This error of insufficient definition occurs throughout
most of the analytical references quoted. Even two eminent
metallurgists (Newton and \Vilson 1942, p. 4, quoted on p.
761) are guilty of sloppy usage. The reviewer (Mack) has
in his file some detailed spectographic analyses of copper
from the Calumet and Hecla Copper Company in the Upper
Peninsula. The analysis was made by the Geochemistry and
Petrology branch of the Geologic Survey of the Department
of the Interior. Impurity contents to the fourth decimal place
are given for 28 elements, while 32 others were "looked for
but not found." A detailed analysis such as this indicates that
most reported spectrochemical analyses of copper artifacts
are probably worthless. Thus, Tables 12-16 have no value,
nor does much of Root's work contribute anything of value,
184 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 45, No. 4
it being too incomplete. Trace element analyses such as
shown in these Tables is hopeless.
The survey of the metallurgical and analytical sudies of
"Lake Superior Copper and the Indians" has performed a
valuable service. By collecting this published information, to-
gether with a discussion of the papers, Bastian has shown
the confused state of such analyticail endeavors which might
not be apparent from a single paper. The reading of his paper
has shown better than anything else, the urgent need for the
establishment in the United States of such an organization
as the Research Laboratory for Archeology at Oxford or the
Documentation Center at the Technische Hochschule in Vi-
enna.
David J. Mack (Professor, Metallurgical Engr.)
Darvid A. Baerreis (Professor, Anthropology)
University of Wisconsin
. BOOKS RECEIVED
Allegro, John Marco - THE TREASURE OF THE COP-
PER SCROLL. Anchor Books, Doubleday & Co., Inc., New
York, 1964. Price $1.25.
Butcher, Benjamin T. MY FRIENDS THE NEW GUIN-
EA HEADHUNTERS. Doubleday 6 Co., New York, 1964.
Price $4.95.
Old Copper Spearpoint. Found
by Stanley Skirowski two feet
below surface in cave, Adams
Township, Adams County,
Unfinished Banner Stone.
Fou^d by Dennis Stanek at a
depth of three feet, Milwaukee
Cou^y. Note partially drilled
hole.
186 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 45, No. 4
ANNOUNCEMENT
We announce the republication of Volume 38, No. 4 of
The Wisconsin Archeologist, THE OLD COPPER CUL-
TURE OF WISCONSIN. This volume consists of six im-
portant articles on the Old Copper Culture and is a "must"
for the library of anyone interested in Wisconsin archeology.
Send your request with check for $1.50 to:
Dr. Robert Ritzenthaler
Public Museum
Milwaukee 3, Wis.
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AND CIRCULATION
(Act of October 23, 1962; Section 4369, Title 39, United States Code)
Date of Filing: Nov. 9, 1964.
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Frequency of Issue: Quarterly.
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Location of the headquarters or general business offices of the
publishers: Milwaukee Public Museum, Milwaukee 3, Wis.
Publisher: Wisconsin Archeological Society, 800 W. Wells St., Mil-
waukee, Wis.
Editor: Dr. Robert Ritzenthaler, Milwaukee Public Museum, Mil-
waukee 3, Wis.
Owner: Wisconsin Archeological Society, 800 W. Wells St., Milwau-
kee, Wis.
Robert Ritzenthaler, Editor
COMMITTEES:
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Zander, Phillip H. Wiegand.
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FRAUDULENT ARTIFACTS: J. K. Whaley, Chairman. Paul Scholz,
Martin Green wald, Dr. Robert Ritzenthaler, Phillip H. Wiegand,
Neil Ostberg, Robert Hruska.
SURVEYING AND CODIFICATION: William M. Hurley, Chairman.
Ernest Schug, Paul Koeppler, Dr. E. G. Bruder, Tom Jacfcland,
George Fay, Darryl Beland.
EDITORIAL: Dr. Robert Ritzenthaler, Chairman. Dr. D. A. Baer-
reis, Lee Parsons, Dr. Joan Freeman.
PROGRAM: Dr. Robert Ritzenthaler, Chairman. Dr. E. G. Bruder,
Herman Zander, Mrs. P. H. Wiegand. ,
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thaler, Chairman. Dr. David A. Baerreis, Dr. E. G. Bruder,
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The Charles E. Brown Chapter
Madison
(Meets second Tuesday, 7:45 P. M., State Historical Society,
October thru May)
Mr. Donald Thompson
Secretary: Mr. Dale Henning
Treasurer: Dr. Joan Freeman
THE WISCONSIN
ARCHEOLO6IST
ARCHEOLOGICAL RESEARCH IN THE PROJECTED
KICKAPOO RESERVOIR, VERNON COUNTY,
WISCONSIN
William M. Hurley
THE BOOKSHELF 114
INTERESTING WISCONSIN SPECIMENS 123
KANSAS C!TY, Ma
PUBLIC LIBRARY
MAY 1 9 J965
WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGICAL SOCIETY
Milwaukee, Wisconsin
Incorporated, 1906
For the purpose of advancing the study and preservation of
Wisconsin Indian Antiquities
Meets Third Monday of Month, 8 P. M., Milwaukee Public Museum,
September thru May.
OFFICERS
PRESIDENT
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VICE-PRESIDENTS
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DIRECTORS
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ADVISORY COUNCIL
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Dr. Joan Freeman Neil Ostberg Ernest Schug
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Dr. Robert Howard E. K. Petrie Dr. A. H. Whiteford
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Dr. Ronald Mason
TREASURER
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EDITOR
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Milwaukee 3, Wisconsin
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1, Wisconsin. Entered as Second Class Matter at the Post Office at
Lake Mills, Wisconsin under the Act of August 21, 1912. Office of
Publication, 316 N. Main St., Lake Mills, Wis.
THE WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST
New Series
MILWAUKEE, WISCONSIN -- MARCH.1965
Published Quarterly by The Wisconsin Archeological Society
ARCHAEOLOGICAL RESEARCH IN THE
PROJECTED KICKAPOO RESERVOIR
VERNON COUNTY, WISCONSIN
By
William M Hurley
State Historical Society
of Wisconsin
1964
PREFACE
The Kickapoo Reservoir is part of the River Basin Survey's
program of survey and salvage of archaeological remains from
areas threatened with destruction from water impounded by
dams built by the Corps of Engineers, Department of the
Army, and the Bureau of Reclamation, Department of the In-
terior. The Kickapoo Reservoir will provide flood control
in the Middle and Lower Kickapoo River Basin and will
create a permanent recreation and conservation pool.
On March 2, 1963, the Department of the Interior, National
Park Service, contracted with the State Historical Society of
Wisconsin in order that the necessary archaeological survey
and salvage within the Kickapoo Reservoir area might be
initiated. This was done in accordance with PL-152, Federal
Property and Administrative Service Act of 1949, Sect. 302
(c) (5), contract No. 14-10-0529-2732. All work was accom-
plished by students paid from the funds appropriated under
the Interior Department Appropriation Act of 1962. Equip-
ment for this work was supplied by the State Historical So-
ciety of Wisconsin. This report is submitted in partial ful-
fillment of the contract cited above.
I wish to acknowledge the help and encouragement of Dr.
Joan E. Freeman, Anthropology Section, Museum Division,
State Historical Society of Wisconsin, under whose direction
this work was accomplished. Encouragement and assistance
2 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 46, No. 1
in archaeological problems were offered by Dr. David A.
Baerreis, Department of Anthropology of the University of
Wisconsin.
I am indebted to the following crew members who accom-
plished the survey and testing with a high degree of com-
petence and sincere interest: James Ellsworth, Stanley Haw-
kinson, Patrick Munson, Thomas Myers, William Wilson,
Ann Wood, and Masakazu Yoshizaki.
I wish to acknowledge the aid and constructive suggestions
of Mr. Donald L. Brockington, Department of Anthropology
and Sociology of San Diego State College, who freely gave
of his time and advice prior to this season' work. Mr. Brock-
ington's previous experience in the Kickapoo Reservoir af-
forded valuable insights into the prehistory of the area.
Dr. Masakazu Yoshizaki, a visiting scholar from Japan,
who is the Director of the Department of Archaeology of the
Hakodate City Museum, Hokkaido, Japan, most graciously
gave advice a;nd technical aid in the field and the laboratory.
The drawings he provided, figures 13, 14, 15, and 16, and the
information offered on the burins, are valuable contributions
to this report. Additional critical advice concerning the burins
was offered by William Irving, Department of Anthropology,
University of Wisconsin.
The citizens of La Farge and the Kickapoo Reservoir area,
offered the members of this crew immeasurable aid and hos-
pitality. Our work was accomplished during the height of the
farming season, and we wish to thank the landowners who
allowed us to survey and test in their fields. Private artifact
collections were loaned to the State Historical Society by Mr.
Henry Trappe, Mr. Dareld Hanson, Mr. Ray Frye, and Mr.
Art Gillen. These collections have broadened our view of the
space and time involved in the prehistory of the Upper Kicka^
poo Reservoir area.
I must acknowledge my special gratitude to my wife, Mary
Hurley, who was an able assistant in the field. She, too,
assisted in the preparation of this report by providing the
burin drawings, figures 18 and 19.
Kickapoo Research
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
PREFACE 1
LIST OF TABLES '_ 4
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS 4
INTRODUCTION 5
RESERVOIR LOCATION AND CHARACTER 8
Geomorphology 8
Geology 9
Topography 10
Drainage 10
SoUs 10
ETHNOHISTORY AND HISTORY 11
SURVEY AND TESTING 13
SITE DESCRIPTIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS 16
Stark Township (T13N, R2W) 17
Whitestown Township (T14N, R2W) 41
ARCHAEOLOGICAL CHRONOLOGY OF THE
UPPER KICKAPOO VALLEY 67
Early Paleo-Indian 68
Clovis Projectile points 70
Midland Projectile points 75
Late Paleo-Indian 76
Plainview Projectile points 76
Agate Basin Projectile points _,. 78
Lanceolate Projectile points 80
Concave-base Projectile points 82
Archaic 86
Early Woodland 93
Middle Woodland 95
Late Woodland and Mississippian 96
BURINS OF THE UPPER KICKAPOO VALLEY 97
SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS 107
BIBLIOGRAPHY _ 109
4 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 46, No. 1
LIST OF TABLES
Table Page
1. Number of Sites Located, Tested, and to be Excavated ________ 67
2. Measurements of Fluted Points ________________________________ 75
3. Measurements of Late Paleo-Indian Points ___________________ 81
4. Measurements of Late Paleo-Indian Points ___________________ 86
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
Figure Page
1. Map 1 location of the Kickapoo reservoir __________________ 7
2. Map 2 Kickapoo reservoir area, showing site locations ____ 18
3. Lithic artifacts from the Trappe collection (Ve-62-0) _______ 21
4. Lithic and copper artifacts from the Vitcenda collection
(Ve-169-0) ________________________________________________ 27
5. Map 3 Kickapoo reservoir area, showing site locations ____ 35
6. Lithic artifacts from Ve-32, 34, 45, 59, 63, 158, adn 165 ______ 39
7. Lithic and ceramic artifacts from Ve-41, 72, 94, 100, 140 and 177 49
8. Lithic artifacts from the Frye collection (Ve-41-0) __________ 51
9. Map 4 Kickapoo reservoir area, showing site locations ____ 53
10. Lithic artifacts from the Gillen collection (Ve-51-0) __________ 59
11. Lithic artifacts from the Gillen collection (Ve-51-0) __________ 61
12. Distribution map of Paleo-Indian points reported for Wisconsin 69
13. Lithic artifacts from the Kickapoo reservoir ________________ 73
14. Drawings of lithic artifacts in figure 13 ______________________ 74
15. Drawings of lithic artifacts in figure 13 ____________________ 79
16. Drawings of lithic artifacts in figure 13 _____________________ 84
17. Drawings of lithic artifacts in figure 13 _____________________ 89
18. Burins from the Kickapoo reservoir area __________________ 101
19. Burins from the Kickapoo reservoir area ____________________ 103
20. Distribution map of Burins found in Wisconsin _ _ 106
Kickapoo Research
INTRODUCTION
The projected Kickapoo Reservoir will be located on the
west fork of the Upper Kickapoo River in Stark and Whites-
town Townships, Vernon County, Wisconsin. Vernon Coun-
ty is in the Western Upland region of the Driftless Area.
The Western Upland region contains thoroughly dissected
flat-topped divides with narrow steep-sided river valleys in-
cised 300 to 400 feet below the general upland level. The
upland, in the reservoir area, is capped by Ordovician Prairie
du Chien dolomite which overlies the Upper Cambrian sand-
stone and siltstone formations. During the Pleistocene, the
Kickapoo River established a dendritic pattern and en-
trenched itself into the sandstone formations. Later aggrada-
tion resulted in 50 to 125 feet of alluvial deposition above the
Upper Cambrian bedrock. Soils adjacent to the alluvium
are grey-brown podsolics and humid prairie loams.
The earliest cultural manifestations to appear in this ice
free area are projectile points representative of the Early
Paleo-Indian Period of circa 11,000 B. P. to 7,000 B. P. These
points aire of the Clovis variety, which are fluted by the re-
moval of large longitudinal flakes from the face of the blade.
Fluting is absent in the Midland and Plainview points which
also occur during the Early Paleo-Indian Period. The Late
Pa-leo-Indian Period, of circa 7,000 B. P. to 5,000 B. P., is
best represented in the Upper Kickapoo Valley by Agate
Basin, lanceolate, and concave base projectile point varieties.
These unfluted, lanceolate projectile points evidence superb
workmanship in their fine flaking. Other lithic material re-
covered in the reservoir area representing the Paleo-Indian
assemblages include: snubnosed end scrapers, single and mul-
tiple spurred scrapers, -and flake artificts. The lanceolate,
basally ground, concave base projectile points of the Late
Paleo-Indian Period overlap with side notched projectile
points that are considered the hallmark of the Archaic Period
(circa 5,000 B. P. to 3,000 B. P.). The Archaic Period is
represented in the reservoir area by a regional fluorescence
and continuum starting with the Oconto, Raddatz, Madison,
and Osceola side notched projectile points. The Durst
Stemmed projectile point (circa 3,500 B. P.) marks the end
of the Archaic (Wittry, 1959a, p. 61) and continues into the
6 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 46, No. 1
Early Woodland Period of circa 4,500 B. P. to 2,500 B. P.
Diagnostic pottery for this period has not yet been found in
the reservoir area, but grit tempered cord roughened ceramics
belonging to the Early V/oodland Period, Middle Woodland
Period (circa 2,500 B. P. to 1,500 B. P.) or Late Woodland
Period (circa 1,500 B. P. to 300 B. P.) have been recovered
from twelve sites. The samples were encountered in the
upper levels of the tested sites and are very limited in number.
Survey and subsurface testing, therefore, indicates that pre-
historic utilization in the reservoir area was either predom-
inantly preceramic or non-ceramic. The reservoir area ap-
pears to become increasingly marginal to the rest of the state
from the late Archaic to Historic times. Early missionaries
and traders have left rich accounts of the areas peripheral
to the Kickapoo Reservoir but no ethnohistoric data appear to
exist for the reservoir area itself. Eighteen forty-four marks
the first historic utilization and settlement of the valley.
During the 1963 field season, archaeological research in the
(projected) Kickapoo Reservoir area was primarily concerned
with the site reconnaissance and subsurface testing. A pre-
liminary survey in 1960 resulted in the location of 25 archaeo-
logical sites. During 1961, four of these sites were tested and
one additional site was located. An additional 132 archaeo-
logical sites were located during the ten week field season of
1963. This field season consisted of two segments: (1) four
weeks of survey and limited testing, and (2) six weeks of
site testing with limited survey. Of a total of 1 58 archaeo-
logical sites located, 121 are within an area that will be af-
fected by dam construction. Forty-five of these sites have
been tested; seventy-six sites remain to be tested.
Terms of the 1963 contract required the testing of previous-
ly located sites. Additional survey and limited testing was
conducted as extensively as the funds permitted. The scope
and extent of survey and testing were by necessity adjusted
to the farming cycle in the Upper Kickapoo valley. Freshly
planted crop land enabled the surveyors to locate 75 sites in
the first ten days of the 1963 survey. As the surface became
more overgrown, the results per day were not as rewarding.
Since dam construction for the Kickapoo Reservoir awaits
further Congressional action, it will be possible to continue
Kickapoo Research
survey operations and to test extensively before site innun-
elation. Forty-five sites have been tested. They were tested
only to an extent that permitted proper evaluation of their
nature and archaeological value. In many cases this testing
consisted of excavating one to four five-foot squares until
sterile levels were reached. Certain features were left unex-
cavated and they await full scale site excavation. Thus, arti-
factual analysis is limited to surface collections and to arti-
facts recovered from subsurface testing. The analysis was
augmented by four private collections on temporary loan to
FIG. 1: MAP 1. Location of the Kickapoo reservoir.
the State Historical Society of Wisconsin. Lack of excava-
tion necessarily limits speculations and conclusions. The as-
semblages discussed in this report are, therefore, limited in
8 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 46, No. 1
scope and tentative in nature. The problems and suggestions
presented here will, hopefully, be sufficient to indicate direc-
tion for future work in the reservoir area.
RESERVOIR LOCATION AND CHARACTER
The proposed damsite will be located about 71.5 river-miles
above the mouth of the Kickapoo River, approximately 2
river-miles upstream from the town of La Farge which is in
Vernon County. The county lies in the southwestern portion
of Wisconsin. (Fig. 1)
The dam will occupy a narrow portion of the Kickapoo
River Valley where the closure will be made between the
valley walls by construction of an earthen dam approximately
1,000 feet long. At the damsite the river flows in its channel
at an elevation of approximately 800 feet above mean sea
level. The dam will have a maximum height of 58 feet and
will impound a pool with a maximum depth of 58 feet.
Therefore, the maximum pool elevation will be 858 feet above
mean sea level, while the proposed conservation pool eleva-
tion will be 822 feet above mean sea level. The maximum
water level will extend upstream along the east fork of the
Kickapoo, a distance of 18,5 river-miles, to the town of On-
tario, Wisconsin. Extensions of one to two and one-half
miles will extend up the tributary valleys containing Weister,
Jug, Warner, and Billings Creeks. The proposed conserva-
tion reservoir will store approximately 800 acre-feet of water.
The mean annual rainfall for the Kickapoo River Basin
above the damsite is within the range of 35 to 45 inches.
The average snow depth is 42.4 inches.
GEOMORPHOLOGY
The Kickapoo Reservoir is located in the southwestern
portion of Wisconsin. This region is within the Western
Upland which is bounded by the gorge of the Mississippi
River to the west; St. Croix County to the north; the Wiscon-
sin-Illinois state line to the south; and the edge of the Drift-
less area to the east. The portion of the \Vestern Upland ex-
tending from the La Crosse River to the Wisconsin River,
which contains the reservoir area, is characterized by flat-
topped divides that have been thoroughly dissected. The nar-
row and steep-sided river valley are incised 300 to 400 feet
Kickapoo Research
below the general upland level which ranges between 900
and 1300 feet above sea level. The "Western Upland repre-
sents the major portion of the Driftless Area; am area appar-
ently never buried by glacial ice. The glacial advance of
the Wisconsin in late Pleistocene times appears to have
passed the Driftless Area by on one side or the other be-
cause of the broad high ground constituting the Western
Upland (Finch, et aL, 1957 ( p. 257).
The Kickapoo Reservoir, in the eastern portion of Vernon
County (Fig. 1 ) , is characterized by hills with an average
elevation of 1280 feet above sea level. The Kickapoo Valley,
from LaFarge to Ontario, has strongly developed "... rock
terraces which form the floor of the outer valley 400 feet
deep and [up to] a mile in width, and below which the stream
is incised 100 to 150 feet in large well developed meanders
. . ." (Bates, 1939, p. 868). The valley floor is underlaid
by alluvium ranging from 50 to 125 feet above bedrock as a
result of river aggradation (Ibid., p. 841). The reservoir area,
apparently, did not serve as a drainage basin for the advanc-
ing glaciers or for the Glacial Lake Wisconsin. Alluvial ag-
gradation in the reservoir during glacial times probably was
the result of increased precipitation caused by the proximity
of the glaciers, and valley erosion. (Martin, 1916, pp. 121-
122).
GEOLOGY
The bedrock formations of the Western LIpland and Drift-
less Aea are made up of nearly horizontal sedimentary rocks.
These sedimentary rocks dip slightly to the southwest; away
from the northern Precambrian formations. The widespread
sedimentary formations are Upper Cambrian and Ordovician
in age. The later Ordovician formation, in the reservoir area,
comprises resistant layers of Prairie du Chien dolomite that
cap the bluffs of the valleys. This dolomite is very cherty
and contains several layers of sandstone. Beneath this Ordo-
vician formation, lies a series of Upper Cambrian siltstone
and sandstone. The first is Jordan-Trempealeau dolomitic
siltstone and sandstone that varies in thickness from 50 to
100 feet. The sandstone may form slight benches on the hill-
sides. Under the Jordan-Thempealeau formations lies the dolo-
10 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 46, No. 1
mitic Franconia sandstone that averages about 100 feet in
thickness. The Franconia sandstone also forms benches that
may be slightly terraced. The Kickapoo River is entrenched
in the lowest of the Upper Cambrian sandstone formations,
i. e., the Dresbach, which is up to 2000 feet in thickness
(Thwaites, 1960, pp. 20-21). Weathering, erosion, and
downcutting by the Kickapoo have exposed these formations
as bluffs, terraces, fliffs, and benches.
TOPOGRAPHY
The upland surface adjacent to the Upper Kickapoo Valley
ranges from gently rolling to rolling with ridges. The ridges
vary in width from one-third to one mile. The ailluvum in
the steep-walled narrow valleys can be up to one-half mile
wide, while in the narrower tributary valleys the alluvium is
narrow and in strips. The differential resistance to erosion
of the Ordovician and Upper Cambrian formations have re-
sulted in the formation of benches and rock terraces within
the river valleys. Aggradation of the present river channels,
coupled with aeolian silt and sand deposition, tends to reduce
the outlines of these terraces, which results in some difficulty
in determining relationships of the various terraces to one
another.
DRAINAGE
The Kickapoo River is the largest and simplest stream in
the Driftless Area (Martin, 1916, p. 182). The river rises
in Monroe County, near Summit and Walton, where it is 992
feet above sea level. The river flows southwesterly in a dend-
ritic pattern and degrades at an approximate rate of five feet
per land mile. At its mouth, the Wisconsin River, the river is
644 feet above sea level. One and one-half miles above Reads-
town the river separates into an east and west fork. The east
fork serves to receive Morris, Billings, \Varner, Jug, \Veister,
and Bear Creeks. Heavy rainfall or sudden melting snow
will cause these creeks to overflow their banks, resulting in
minor to severe flood damage along the Kickapoo River basin.
SOILS
The main soils found in the proposed reservoir area are
grey-brown podsilics and humid prairie soils of variable
Kickapoo Research 1 1
thickness. Along the streams and drainage ways are found
first-bottom soils that are poor to well-drained.
Feyehe, Boone, Hixton, Gale, and Bertrand soils represent
the grey-brown podsolic group. The distinguishing features
of this group are ". . . (1) deciduous hardwood vegetation;
(2) relatively low content of organic matter in the surface
soil; (3) an acid reaction and marked absence of the soluble
salts throughout the main layers of the solum; and (4) an
accumulation of iron and aluminum oxides at a depth of about
20 inches" (Edwards and Anderson, 1928, pp. 34-35). These
light-colored silt-loams are productive soils but production is
limited by their low organic content.
Hersh silt-loam is the humid prairie soil found in the reser-
voir area. This soil has a ". . . (1) grass or prairie vegeta-
tion; (2) high content of organic matter to a depth of 12 or
14 inches; and (3) an acid reaction and marked absence of the
soluble salts throughout the main layers of the solum" (Ibid.,
p. 35). Hersh silt-loam has a high organic content and is,
therefore, the most fertile soil in the valley.
Genesee, Arenzville, and Huntsville constitute the first or
overflow bottom soils. These recently deposited alluviail soils
are derived from the sandstone, limestone, and loess in the
drainage basins of the local streams. These soils are well
adapted to utilization for grazing and, well drained, provide
good agricultural yields. (Ibid*, pp. 41-42).
ETHNOHISTORY
In order to understand the ethnohistoric background of
eastern Vernon County we must consider the immediately
adjacent areas which have a rich history of Indian movement
along the main waterways of the Fox - Wisconsin - Missis-
sippi rivers. To the west of the reservoir area, after 1642,
historical accounts show that the Mdewakonton Sioux reg-
ularly left their main village at Mille Lacs, Minnesota to hunt
and trap deer, beaver, and buffalo, along the main rivers flow-
ing into the Mississippi from the mouth of the St. Croix to the
mouth of the Wisconsin. The Mdewakanton gathered wild
rice and hunted fifteen to twenty miles eastward from the
Mississippi on the numerous prairies that parallel the river
(Shea, 1853, pp. 131, 133-138).
12 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 46, No. 1
The Sioux established campsites and villages on both sides
of the Mississippi and they traded large quantities of furs at a
post at Trempealeau, "Wisconsin. During this time no refer-
ence is made of their trapping southeast from the post into
Vernon County. After 1783, the Sioux traded their furs and
hides with the merchants at Prairie du Chien and continued
their hunting on both sides of the Mississippi, until the close
of the English sovereignity (circa 1816) in the Upper Missis-
sippi region, when the Sioux became less dependent upon the
scarce Wisconsin game as their main source of food. The
Mdewakanton occupancy of Wisconsin officially came to a
close with the signing of the Treaty of September 29, 1837,
at Prairie du Chien.
The Wisconsin River flows into the Mississippi south of
the city of Prairie du Chien. This city was an important cen-
ter both for the Sioux and the Indian tribes of interior Wis-
consin. The Wisconsin River is connected to the Fox River
via a three mile portage. The Fox in turn serves as a con-
nection with Lake Michigan at Green Bay. The area north
of the Wisconsin and southwest of the Fox (Royce Area 245),
". . . was unoccupied at the time of first White contact . . .*'
(Jones, J., n. d., p. 8). According to Jones (p. 8), "The
Fox Indians controlled traffic on the Wisconsin to some ex-
tent through occupancy of the area around the Fox-Wiscon-
sin portage. . . . During the 1730's, after trouble with the
French, the Fox and their ally the Sac, moved ... to the
lower Wisconsin River." They controlled this region until
the 1780's, ". . . when fear of the Chippewa on the upper
Wisconsin caused the Sac and Fox to abandon their villages
and move permanently to the Mississippi region" (Ibid., p. 8).
The Menomini and the Chippewa competed with the Sioux
for control in northern Wisconsin throughout the 17th and
18th centuries amd became successful in driving the Sioux out
of the northern area in the early 19th century. The Kickapoo
and Mascouten tribes inhabited southeastern Wisconsin from
the Fox to the Rock Rivers, the latter at one time being named
the 'Kickapouz' River. The most accurate reference to the
actual Kickapoo River was made by Daniel Coxe who des-
cribed a "... 'River of the Kikapouz' sixty miles up the Wis-
Kickapoo Research 13
consin river from the Mississippi and mentions the 'Kikapouz'
[tribe] ... as west of Lake Michigan" (Silverberg, 1957,
p. 88). They ranged ". . . westward along the Mississippi
River in an area from central \Visconsin to Central Illinois to
combat various Siouan tribes" (Ibid., p. 95).
The use and occupancy of the area north of the Wisconsin
River and southwest of the Fox River, appears to have been
restricted to extensive use of the waterways with limited use
of the area for hunting and as a refuge in time of war. Jones,
in his anthropological report on the Indian occupancy of this
area (Royce Area 245), concludes his study with the state-
ment '.*. . . there is no evidence to show that any groups,
\Vinnebago, Chippewa, Sac, Fox, or Sioux, ever exploited
the resources of the interior of Area 245 [within which the
reservoir area is included], and no land use claims could be
maintained by any tribe for that territory" (p. 179).
HISTORY
The territory nov/ included within the limits of Vernon
County was originally a part of Crawford County. In 1852,
the Wisconsin State Legislature approved the formation of
the new county and designated that its name be Bad Ax. Bad
Ax refers to the pricipal river which rises within the county
limits and which was the scene of the final battle of the Black
Hawk W^ar in 1832. The name Bad Ax proved to be un-
popular and in 1862 the county name was officially changed
to Vernon.
Actual settlement of Vernon County began in 1844, two
hundred years after initial European penetration of the state.
In 1844, John McCullough took up residence near the town
of Liberty Pole. By 1847, the population of the county had
increased to 223. The townships of Stark (T13N, R2W T )
and Whitestown (T14N, R2W), where the reservoir will
be located, were settled in 1853. Settlement of the county
was rapid, and by 1855 the population of the county was
about 4800.
SURVEY AND TESTING
Survey and testing of archaeological sites within the reser-
voir area was conducted by employees of the State Historical
Society of Wisconsin. Landowners and townspeople were
14 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 46, No. 1
interviewed to ascertain if they or others had found artifacts
on their land or if they had knowledge of prehistoric or his-
toric Indian sites within the reservoir area. Actual survey was
accomplished with the aid of plat books, topographic maps,
prepared field maps, and United States A. S. C. air photo-
graphs. Permission was granted to walk over all fields under
cultivation. Pastures, swamps, and mixed timber areas were
surveyed for indications of surface refuse, earthworks, rock-
shelters, or caves. Fields that were harvested or recultivated
were checked for further evidence of prehistoric occupation.
During site testing operations, adjacent areas were resurveyed
and suspected site locations, i. e. pastures, underwent subsur-
face testing. All sites in and immediately adjacent to the
reservoir were mapped on individual site sheets, master sur-
vey sheets, topographic maps, and on air photographs.
Wherever possible, sites were places within the confines of
100 square yards of a quarter quarter-section. Surface col-
lections were washed, marked, catalogued, and evaluated for
their archaeological value.
During the last week of July and the first week of August,
1960, A. Dewey Buck, Jr. and William H. Wilson undertook
a preliminary archaeological survey of the Kickapoo Reser-
voir area. A total of twenty five archaeological sites were
located during this survey. Of these, 20 are completely or
partially within the maximum pool of the reservoir.
Between July 11 and 22, 1961, Donald L. Brockington di-
rected testing operations at four of the sites found during the
1960 survey. Three of the sites were recommended for exca-
vation .as well as an additional site, a conical mound, that
was located during the course of the 1961 season.
A total of 132 sites were located and recorded during the
survey undertaken by the author for the State Historical So-
ciety of Wisconsin from June 17 to August 30. 1963. Of these
132 sites, 32 are outside the reservoir area. The major river
valley and tributary valleys were fully surveyed. Although a
large number of sites have been recorded within the reser-
voir area, it is important to point out that additional sites
were located during all phases of our work and that many
^reas of suspected sites still await survey and subsurface
Kickapoo Research 15
testing. Four-fifths of the projected Kickapoo Reservoir and
immediately adjacent areas have been surveyed. This survey
included the reservoir area, projected conservation recreation
areas, and areas that will be directly affected by state and
county highway relocation.
Prior to the survey of 1960, Vernon County and the Upper
Kickapoo Valley were virtually unknown archaeologically.
Twenty-five sites had been recorded and briefly described for
Vernon County. One report of archaelogical excavation in
western Vernon County has been published (McKern, 1931),
and substantial archaeological work has been done on areas
peripheral to Vernon County and the Kickapoo River Valley,
i.e, McKern, 1931, 1945; Wittry, 1959a, 1959b; Freeman, Mss
in preparation; Brandon, Mss in preparation; and Hurley, Mss
in preparation. Site reports on the 158 additional sites found
so far, will be a valuable contribution to Wisconsin archae-
ology.
The four archaeological sites tested in 1961 were open sites.
During the 1963 field season, forty archaeological sites were
tested. Sixteen were rockshelters and twenty-four were open
sites. Permission was granted in every case to test these sites.
In many instances the sites were planted in alfalfa or oats, and
the landowners were most generous in allowing testing which
often proved to be extensive. After permission was secured,
the sites were laid out in a grid system that seemed most ap-
propriate for each. Site plan maps were then made, showing
the location of a permanent bench marker, grid squares ex-
cavated, topography, and additional information that was
particular to the site. Soil profiles were made and soil samples
were collected. AH sites were tested by digging five-foot
square in levels of .5 feet or according to natural stratigraphic
levels. All levels and features were excavated by troweling
or the fill was screened through quarter inch mesh. At field
headquarters in La Farge, Wisconsin, the material was
washed and catalogued.
There are now (January, 1964) 121 archaeological sites
within the maximum pool of the reservoir, projected conser-
vation recreation areas, and areas that will be directly af-
fected by state and county highway relocation. Subsurface
16 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 46, No. 1
testing is the only method of gaining an idea of the depth,
extent, and the nature of these sites. Some sites that had ex-
tensive refuse on the surface were discovered to be only as
deep as the plow zone, while other sites proved to have great-
er depth of undisturbed deposit.
Testing does not imply site excavation. In many instances
one to three five-foot squares are sufficient to evaluate proper-
ly a "good" site. It is the illusive or "poor'' site that requires
numerous squares. Probing, with a steel rod, in rockshelters
is not a sufficient indicator of soil depth. Ceilings and walls
fall at certain intervals and the probe may hit these or other
rocks. In one case, after probing, we believed a shelter to be
less than two feet in depth but with testing it was disclosed
that soil depth exceeded four feet. Of a total of 121 known
archaeological sites within the reservoir, 45 have been tested.
There remain 76 sites to be tested and evaluated.
On the basis of surface collections, sites were recommended
for testing. On the basis of testing, sites are recommended
for excavation.
Site designations used here are binominal, consisting of
symbols for county and site. County is designated by a two-
letter abbreviation; for example, Ve refers to Vernon County.
The number refers to a specific site within the indicated
county; thus Ve-1 indicates the first site recorded for Vernon
County. (Codification cards are prepared for each site and
are placed within the reference files of the Museum of the
State Historical Society of Wisconsin and the Anthropology
Department of the Milwaukee Public Museum). Sites are re-
corded here, for reasons of clarity, in the following manner:
Trappe Site I, Ve-26. Trappe indicates the landowner's
name. The succeeding number (I) indicates one of several
sites on Mr. Trappe's property.
In the following pages all sites will be listed according
to landowner and number. Sites will be treated in order pro-
ceeding from damsite and continuing northward. In order
that further continuity and interrelationships among sites may
be maintained, the reports submitted to the National Park
Service after the field seasons of 1960 and 1961 will be in-
Kickapoo Research 17
corporated into the body of this report. Sites located during
those seasons were tested in 1963.
Archaeological sites in the Kickapoo Reservoir are further
designated in the following manner: campsites, worksites,
villages, rockshelters, caves, mounds, and petroglyphs. The
distinction between campsite, worksite, and village, of course,
can only be ascertained after testing. We have followed the
method urged by Howard D. Winters (1963, p. 4)
"W'ith respect to site recording, we urge the location
and description of all areas which show signs of pre-
historic activity. In terms of the solution of archaeolog
ical problems, a simple gathering camp, with its numerous
manos, metates, and little else, is quite as important as a
large village with its often thin and mixed cultural de-
posits left by thousands of years of occupation.
\Ve also urge the division of seeming continuous occu-
pation areas into small units on the basis of natural fea-
tures such as knolls or simple arbitrary units. Such divi-
sions of the site often reveal areas assignable to quite dif-
ferent cultural manifestations or activities."
STARK TOWNSHIP (T. 13 N., R. 2 W.) (Fig. 2, Map 2)
Reiikins Site I (Ve-72) is located in the SE-SW-SE-NW-
NE 14 of Section 20, Tl, 3N, R2W on a high terrace above
the Kickapoo River in a garden immediately NW of the
Renkin house. Material is confined to an area 50* by 50*.
The site appears to be a campsite. The site is within the pro-
jected conservation recreation area. One Snyders projectile
point (Fig. 7, No. 8), two bone fragments, and six chert frag-
ments were recovered from the surface.
Trappe Site I (Ve-26) is located in the SW % of Section
16, Tl 3N, R2W on the south bank of a small tributary of
the Kickapoo River. One projectile point and blade fragment
were found in a small eroded area next to a hay field. The
site is probably located in this field but this could not be de-
termined during the survey (Buck and Wilson, 1960).
Trappe Site II (Ve-61) is located in the SW-SE-SW-SW-
SW % of Section 16, Tl 3N, R2W, 1000' south of Trappe
Site I (Ve-26) on top of a ridge. Material is confined to an
area approximately 150* by 50* and is apparently a field.
Seven chert flakes were found in this area.
18 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST
Vol. 46, No. 1
Trappc Site III (Ve~62) is located in the SE-NW-SW-SW
% of Section 16, Tl 3N, R2W, on a slightly sloping ridge
northeast and above the Trappe house. The site is on the
KEY TO FIG. 2, MAP 2; Kickapoo Reservoir area, showing locations.
The proposed damsite will be located in the S Vz of the NW }4
of Section 21, Stark Township (T. 13 N., R. 2 W.). Squares indicate
township sections. Heavy black lines indicate the Kickapoo River
and its tributary creeks. Roads are indicated by solid or broken
double lines. Lighter black lines parallel to the river, creeks, and
valleys represent the 858 foot contour interval which marks the limit
of the maximum pool. The larger numbers are section numbers
while smaller numbers designate site locations.
Kickapoo Research 19
southern edge of a field. Three five foot test squares were
excavated to a depth of .7' (plow zone) and an apparent
sterile red clay was encountered. The following objects were
recovered from this campsite:
Prehistoric objects:
1 Corner-notched projectile point
1 Corner-notched projectile point base
1 Implement fragment
21 Chert flakes
70 Chert fragments
In view of the fact that the above material was recovered
from the plow zone, it is recommended that Trappe Site III
undergo no further testing or excavating.
Trappe Site IV (Ve-63) is located in the NE-SW-NE-
NW-NE i/4 of Section 20, Tl 3N, R2W, on a low sandy
terrace 100 yards north of the Kickapoo River. Material
is confined to an area approximately 200' by 50' along the
top of the terrace. The site appears to be a campsite. The
following material was recovered from the surface:
Prehistoric objects:
1 Burin (Fig. 6, No. 31 and Fig. 19, No. 1)
45 Chert flakes
15 Chert fragments
Historic objects:
4 fragments
Trappe Site V (Ve-64) is located in the NE-SW-NE-NW-
NE!/4 of Section 20, T13N, R2W, on a low sandy terrace
100 yards north of the Kickapoo River and 100 yards east
of Trappe Site IV (Ve-63). Material is confined to an area
approximately 100' by 50' on the top of the terrace. The site
appears to be a small campsite. Six chert flakes and five chert
fragments were recovered from the surface.
Trappe Site VI (Ve-65) is located in the SW-SE~SW~
NE^NW^NE % of Section 20, Tl 3N, R2W, fifty yards
north of the Kickapoo River and 50 yards S-SW of VE-64.
The site is confined to a low sandy ridge 100' by 50'. One
20 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 46, No. 1
implement fragment, one worked flake, and twenty chert
flakes were recovered from the surface. This site appears
to be a small campsite.
Trappe Site VII (VE-66) is located in the center of the
NW-NE-NE 14 of Section 20, Tl 3N, R2W, on a series of
low parallel ridges 50 to 150 yards north of the Kickapoo
River. The site is 500' by 200'. The following material was
recovered from the surface of this campsite:
Prehistoric objects:
1 Durst Stemmed Projectile point
1 Side scraper
1 End scraper
1 Worked flake
20 Chert flakes
7 Chert fragments
Historic objects:
2 Fragments
Trappe Site VIII (Ve~182) is located in the NE-NE-NW-
NWi/i of Section 21, T13N, R2W, 100 yards east if Ve-
61 in. a field on the first rise on top of the first terrace of the
Kickapoo River. This campsite is 100' by 75' and ten chert
flakes were recovered from the surface.
Trappe Site IX (Ve-183) is located in the NE~NE~NE~
NWV J: of Section 21, T13N, R2W, on top of the second
terrace of the Kickapoo River Valley and approximately 300
yards east of Ve-182 near the tree line. This campsite is
approximately 75 yards square and Mr. Trappe has reported
finding numerous projectile points on the surface.
The lithic artifacts in Figure 3, Fig. 13 No. 8, and Fig. H
No. 8 were loaned by Mr. Trappe to the State Historical So-
ciety of Wisconsin and will be commented upon in the section
dealing with the archaeological chronology of the Upper
Kickapoo Valley. This material is designated VE-62-0; the
O sanding for owner, in order that loaned collections might
be catalogued and be returned to their proper owner.
Kickapoo Research
21
KEY TO FIG. 3. Lithic artifacts from the Trappe collection (Ve-62-
0); (Scale is 5 cm.; artifacts approx. two-thirds naoirai size).
1. Lanceolate projectile point, collaterally flaked, uartzite,
Ve-62-O-S-52.
2. Distal fragment of Plain view projectile point, grey chert,
_|Ve-62-O-S-lll.
3. Expanding stem projectile point, chert, Ve-62-O-S-16.
4. Side-notched projectile point, chert, VeV-62-O-S-70.
5. Oconto side-notched projectile point, Ve-62-O-S-60.
6. Primary burin, distal implement fragment, chert, (See Fig.
19). Ve-62-O-S-172.
7. Oconto projectile point fragment, chert, Ve-62-O-S-42.
8. Raddatz side-notched projectile point, chert, Ve-62-O-S-69.
9. Carner-notched projectile point, chert, Ve-62-O-S-84,
22 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 46, No. 1
10. Corner-notched projectile point, chert, Ve-62-O-S-89.
11. Oconto projectile point, chert, Ve-62-0-S-58.
12. Corner-notched projectile point, chert, Ve-62-0-S-40.
13. Corner-notched projectile point, chert, Ve-62-O-S-54.
14. Side-notched projectile point, chert, Ve-62-O-S-74.
15. Stemmed projectile point, chert, Ve-62-O-S-20.
16. Durst Stemmed projectile point, chert, Ve-62-O-S-15.
17. Snyders projectile point fragment, chert, Ve-62-0-S-42.
18. Corner-notched projectile point, chert, Ve-62-O-S-38.
19. Contracting stem projectile point, chert, chert, Ve-62-O-S-37.
20. Contracting stem projectile point, chert, Ve-62-O-S-36.
21. Contracting stem projectile point, chert, Ve-62-O-S-30.
22. Contracting stem projectile point, quartzite, Ve-62-O-S-29.
Ja Daul Site I (Vc-70) is located in Section 20, Tl 3N,
R2\V. This village site is outside the reservoir area.
Ja Daul Site II (Ve-71) is located in the NE-NE-SW-SE-
SW Vi of Section 17, Tl 3N, R2W, at the head of a large
gully 350 yards north of the house occupied by the tenant,
James DeWitte. This rockshelter faces the northeast but is
protected in front by a small hill. The rockshelter is 60' long,
5' to 10' high, 30' of overhang, and up to 4' of soil deposit.
No artifacts were recovered from the surface.
Brown Site I (Vc-27) is located in the SW % of the SE %
of Section 17, T13N, R2W, on a sandy ridge on the first
terrace of the Kickapoo River. Material is confined to an
area approximately 300' by 75 along the top of the ridge.
The site appears to be a village site. The following material
was recovered from the surface of this site:
Prehistoric objects:
2 Projectile points
2 Projectile point fragments
4 Blade fragments
3 Implement fragments
1 Grit tempered cord marked body sherd
69 Chert flakes (Buck and Wilson, 1960).
Hagen Site I (Ve-28) is located in the SW V^ of the NE
14 of Section 17, T13N, R2W, on the edge of the first ter-
race of the Kickapoo River. Only one implement fragment
and 19 chert flakes were recoverd from an area approximate-
ly 100' by 50', indicating that the site may be a small camp-
site (Buck and Wilson, 1960).
Hagen Site II (Ve-67) is located in the NE-NE-SW-NW-
SE % of Section 17, T13N, R2W, on a sandy terrace 150
yards S-SW of the Hagen barn and 150 yards west of STH
Kickapoo Research 23
131. The site is confined to an area approximately 110' by
50' along the top of the terrace. The site appears to be a
campsite. Three chert fragments and fourteen chert flakes
were recovered from the surface.
Hagen Site III (Ve-68) is located in the NE-NW-SW-
NW-SE 14 of Section 17, T13N, R2W, on a sandy terrace
200 yards west of STH 131. The site is confined to an area
100' by 50' along the top of the terrace. This campsite yield-
ed nine chert flakes and two large chert fragments from the
surface.
Hagen Site IV (Ve-69) is located in the NW-SE-NW-
NW-SE % of Section 17, T13N, R2W, on a sandy terrace
on the southern edge of an artificial farm pond. Material is
confined to an area 250' by 75' along the terrace. The fol-
lowing material was recovered from the surface:
Prehistoric objects:
1 Corner-notched projectile point
5 Knife fragments
2 Worked flakes
48 Chert flakes
Historic objects:
2 Fragments
Hill-Davidson Site 1 (Ve-138) is located in the SE-NE-
SE-NW 14 of Section 17, T13N, R2W, on the west side of
the Kickapoo River at the base of the bluff i/2 mile south of
town road. This site is a rockshelter 300' long, 7' high,
with a 2' overhang, and over 4' of soil deposit. No artifacts
were recovered from the surface.
Hanson Site I (VE-48) is located in the SW 1 ^ of the SW
] /4 of Section 8, T13N. R2\V. This group of four bird petro-
glyphs is located on a sandstone bluff near the top of a large
ridge overlooking the Kickapoo River Valley. The four bird
figures were reported in The Wisconsin Archeologist, Vol. 41,
No. 4, December, 1960, pp. 98-101 by A. Dewey Buck, Jr.
and William H. Wilson.
Hanson Site II (Ve-167) is located in the NE-SE-NE-
NW-NW % of Section 17, T13N, R2W, in Spring Valley.
The site is at the end of the farm lane. Six five-foot test
squares were excavated on a north-south line. The site is on
the flood plain of a small creek that flows eastward to the
24 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 46, No. 1
Kickapoo River. The soils are a brown sand plow zone, 1.0*
in depth; mottled brown sand, .5' in depth; mottled yellow-
brown sand, .5' in depth; and mottled yellow sand, .7' in
depth. Below at a mean depth of 2.7' the yellow sand is ap-
parently sterile. Surface collections yielded the following
material: 1 Clovis projectile point (Fig. 13, No. 1 and Fig.
14, No. 1), one thumbnail scraper, one knife, one knife frag-
ment, and 25 chert flakes. The following objects were re-
covered from the testing operations:
Prehistoric objects:
1 Projectile point fragment
2 Chert cores
1 Scraper
1 Worked flake
50 Chert flakes
50 Chert fragments
15 Animal bone fragments
Historic objects:
6 Porcelain fragments
3 Glass fragments
2 Nails
The two feet of deposit at this probable Paleo-Indian camp-
site seems to warrant the recommendation that this site under-
go extensive excavation.
Hanson Site III (Ve-137) is located in the SE-SW-SE-
NE-NW 14 of Section 17, T13N, R2W, at the head of the
first small hollow south of the lane to Hanson's house on the
west side of the Kickapoo River. This rockshelter is 100' long,
5' to 7' high, with 15' of overhang, and 2' of soil deposit. One
five-foot test square was placed in the center of this rock-
shelter and excavated to a depth of 2'. The rockshelter was
found to be sterile and is not recommended for excavation.
Schroeder Site I (Ve-29) is located in the SW V A of the
SW % of Section 9, T13N, R2W, on the first terrace of the
Kickapoo River approximately 200' north of the river. The
site is confined to a long sandy ridge 100' by 50' in the north-
west corner of a field. Four five-foot test squares were ex-
cavated on an east-west line. A fire pit was located at a depth
of 1.2 feet below the ground surface, below the plow zone
which was .6' deep, and below a striated level, .6 feet deep,
which contained bits of charcoal. This striated level immedi-
Kickapoo Research 25
ately below the plow zone contained most of the few mater-
ials found at the site. The following objects were recovered
from the testing operations:
Prehistoric objects:
25 Chert flakes
1 Piece of yellow ochre
Bone fragments
Charcoal fragments
Is is recommended that excavations be undertaken at this
site. The fireplace and indications of occupation suggest
that Schroeder Site I is worthy of future work.
Schroeder Site II (Ve-30) is located in a small field in the
SE i/4 of the SE 14 of Section 8, T13N, R2W. A possible
burial mound measuring fourteen by seven feet and one and
one-half feet high was located in the center of the field.
Schroeder Site II is recommended for excavation (Brocking-
ton, 1961).
M. Hopkins Site I (Ve-126) is located in the NE-SW-SE-
NW-SW *4 of Section 9, T13N, R2W. It is north of the
Kickapoo River and NW of STH 131. The site is a rock-
shelter 100' long, 8' to 15' high, with a 6' overhang, and 1' to
3' of soil deposit. No artifacts were recovered from the sur-
face.
M. Hopkins Site II (Ve-127) is located in the NE-NE-SE-
NW-SW % of Section 9, T13N, R2W, on the north side of
the Kickapoo River and NW of STH 131. This site is a rock-
shelter 25' long, 10' high, with a 6' overhang, and 1' of soil
deposit. One five-foot square was excavated to a depth of 1'
and found to be sterile. This rockshelter is not recommended
for excavation.
M. Hopkins Site III (Ve-128) is located in the NE-NE-
SW-NE-SW % of Section 9, T13N, R2W. It is northwest
of the Kickapoo River and STH 131. The site is a rockshelter
100' long, 25' high, with a 2' overhang, and 1' to 4' of soil
deposit. No artifacts were recovered from the surface.
M. Hopkins Site IV (Ve-129) is located in the NE-NW-
NE-NW-SE Vi of Section 9, T13N, R2W, and is east of the
Kickapoo River and STH 131. The site is a rockshelter 15*
long, 6' high, with a 4' overhang, and T of soil deposit. One
five-foot square was excavated to a depth of 1' and was ster-
26 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 46, No. 1
ile. This rockshelter is not recommended for excavation.
M. Hopkins Site V (Ve-169) is located in the S V 2 -NE-
NE-SW 1/4 of Section 9, T13N, R2W, on the first terrace
of the Kickapoo River, y mile west of STH 131 and 100'
south of the farm road. This village site is 500' by 500' and
the last tenant, Mr. Carl Vitcenda of Ontario, has loaned his
surface collection (Fig. 4; Fig. 13, No. 3; and Fig. 14, No.
3) to the State Historical Society. This collection will be com-
mented upon in the section dealing with the archaeological
chronology of the Upper Kickapoo Valley.
M. Hopkins Site VI (Ve-175) is located in Section 9,
T13N, R2\V. This rockshelter is outside the reservoir area.
Barclay Site I (Ve-73) is located in the NW-SE-SW-SW-
NE 1/4 of Section 9, T13N, R2W, on a low sandy terrace 25
yards NW of the Kickapoo River, immediately west of STH
131 bridge. The site is confined to an area approximately
100' by 50', and appears to be a small campsite. Ten chert
flakes and two quartzite flakes were recovered from the sur-
face.
Barclay Site II (Ve-74) is located in the SW-SW-NW-
SW-NE 14 of Section 9, T13N, R2W, on the east side of
STH 131, and 25 yards north of the farm barn. The site is
confined to an area approximately 100' by 75'. This camp-
site yielded one knife fragment, one worked flake, and four
chert flakes from the surface.
Kaukl Site I (Ve-31 ) is located in the SE V 4 of the NW 14
of Section 9, T13N, R2W. Preliminary surveys suggested
that the site extended on an unplanted terrace towards the
nearby Kickapoo River. On this unplanted terrace three test
squares were excavated. In addition, two areas measuring
20' by 30' and 15' by 10' were cleared of topsoil to ascertain
the extent of structures mentioned below. Materials and ob-
jects recovered include the following:
Prehistoric objects:
65 Chert and quartzite flakes
1 Chert implement fragment
1 Red ochre fragment
1 Grit tempered cord marked body sherd
Bone fragments
Charcoal fragments
Kickapoo Research
27
KEY TO FIG. 4. Lithic and copper artifacts from the Vitcenda col-
lection (Ve-169-O); (Scale is 5 cm.; artifacts approx. two- thirds
natural size).
1. Distal fragment of Plainview projectile point, grey chert, Ve-
169-O-S-13.
2. Lanceolate projectile point, pink chert, Ve-169-O-S-8.
3. Concave base projectile point, pink chert, Ve-169-O-S-3.
4. Socketed copper projectile point, type I-A1 V Ve-169-O-S-96.
5. Osceola projectile point, chert, Ve-169-O-S-122.
6. Stemmed projectile point, chert, Ve-169-O-S-30.
7. Stemmed projectile point, grey chert, Ve-169-O-S-37.
8. Durst Stemmed projectile point, chert, Ve-169-O-S-23.
28 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 46, No. 1
9. Durst Stemmed projectile point, chert, Ve-169-O-S-21.
10. Durst Stemmed projectile point, chert, Ve-169-O-S-20.
11. Stemmed projectile point, chert, Ve-169-O-S-29.
12. Side-notched projectile point, chert, Ve-169-O-S-112.
13. Expanding stem projectile point, chert, Ve-169-O-S-52.
14. Side-notched projectile point, quartzite, Ve-169-O-S-129.
15. Oconto projectile point, chert, Ve-169-O-S-128.
16. Oconto projectile point, chert, Ve-169-O-S-107.
17. Expanding stem projectile point, chert, Ve-169-O-S-47.
18. Corner-notched projectile point, chert, Ve-169-O-S-51.
19. Stemmed projectile point, chert, Ve-169-O-S-15.
20. Drill, chert, Ve-169-O-S-87.
21. Contracting stem projectile point, chert, Ve-169-O-S-32.
22. Side-notched projectile point, quartzite, Ve-169-O-S-109.
23. Bifacial knife, chert, Ve-169-O-S-84.
Historic objects:
1 Iron bolt
Two sets of wall trenches and post holes were encountered.
Their presence indicated that two prehistoric structures ex-
isted at Kaukl I. The wall trenches and post holes were ex-
cavated.
The Kaukl Site I soil occurs in three distinct levels. The
humus layer is dark sandy clay about .8 feet in depth. Below
this is a light brown sandy clay that differes sharply in color
from the humus and therefore permits one to easily distinguish
the dark marks left by posts and wall trenches. At a mean
depth of 1.5 feet is found a reddish clay soil which is appar-
ently sterile. The definition of post holes is made difficult
by the fact that a lug wheeled tractor was used on the farm
in the past. The lug marks resemble post molds and give the
superficial appearance of a great multiplicity of post holes.
The paucity of artifacts does not permit any confident cul-
tural placement of Kaukl Site I, except for the single sherd
which would be \Voodland.
The area where the site is found between the Kickapoo
River and the corn field is about 450' long and 75' wide.
In view of the presence of the structural remains and the
rarity of such remains in \Visconsin, it is recommended that
extensive excavation be undertaken at Kaukl Site I. It is
further recommended that earth moving equipment be used
to remove the topsoil and locate possible structures and refuse
pits (Brockington, 1961).
Kaukl Site II (Ve-32) is located in the NW-SE-SW-NE-
Kickapoo Research 29
NW J /4 of Section 9, T13, R2W, on the first terrace north of
the Kickapoo River and next to CTH "P." Eight five foot
test squares were excavated along the southern and western
edges of the terrace. Almost all artifacts were recovered
within the first foot of soil. The soil consists of a plow zone
.7 feet deep, an occupation zone .5 feet deep, and at a mean
depth of 1 .2 feet is found a reddish clay soil that is apparently
sterile. One feature wais excavated and it contained fire-
cracked rocks and flakes. The following objects were re-
covered during the testing operations:
Prehistoric objects:
1 Raddatz Side-notched projectile point (Fig. 6,
No. 9)
1 Expanding stem projectile point (Fig. 6, No. 7)
3 Knives
4 Worked flakes
1 Implement fragment
26 Quartzite flakes
198 Chert flakes
55 Chert fragments
The area where this campsite is found is approximately 100
feet square. It is suggested that further excavations be un-
dertaken with earth moving equipment to remove the plow
zone and locate possible refuse pits.
Kaukl Site III (Ve-33) is located in the SE % of the SW
14 of Section 4, T13N, R2W, on the lower slope of a ridge
approximately 1000 feet east of the Kickapoo River. Three
five-foot test squares were dug in an area to the west and
south of the ridge. In all the following objects were recovered:
Historic objects:
1 Clay pipe
43 Metal fragments
2 Shell fragments
3 Bone fragments
Kaukl Site III is adjacent to the farm lane and approximate-
ly 400 feet north of the farm buildings. This area is subject
to severe deposition and has been used as a modern midden
area. The test squares were dug to a depth of three feet and
the profiles indicated sheet deposition. In view of the fact
that no prehistoric artifacts were recovered, it is recommend-
ed that there should be no further work at Kaukl III.
30 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 46, No. 1
Kaukl Site IV (Ve-34) is located in the SE-NE-NW-SE-
SW % of Section 4, T13N, R2W, on a long sand ridge on the
edge of the first terrace south of the Kickapoo River. Nine
five foot test squares were dug from the center of the ridge
along a north-south line, and along an east-west line. The
soil consists of: .8' plow zone, .5' yellow sandy clay, and at a
mean depth of 1 .3' is found a reddish clay soil apparently
sterile. The .5' yellow sandy clay zone appears to be the oc-
cupation zone. The following objects were recovered:
Prehistoric objects:
1 Side-notched projectile point (Fig. 6, No. 10)
1 Burin (Fig. 6, No. 11 and Fig. 18, No. 2)
2 Projectile points
3 Knives
6 Implement fragments
1 Worked flake
I Core
214 Chert flakes
22 Chert fragments
10 Granitic fragments
It is recommended that excavation be undertaken at Kaukl
Site IV. The test squares indicate a thin occupation zone that
appears to extend along the northern portion of the ridge. A
checker-board of five-foot squares along this ridge should
yield the important information concerning the occupation of
this campsite.
Kaukl Site V (Ve-35) is located in the NE-NE-NE-SE-
SW % of Section 4, T13N, R2W, on the first terrace south
of the Kickapoo River and approximately 300 yards east
of Kaukl Site IV (Ve-34). The site is on a rise 200 feet
square. Five five-foot test squares were dug along a north-
south line on the crest of the rise. The soil consists of a plow
zone .7' deep, an occupation zone of .5' and at a mean depth
of 1.2* is found a reddish clay that is sterile. The following
objects were recovered from the site:
Prehistoric objects:
1 Scraper
2 Implement fragments
137 Chert flakes
5 Chert fragments
The area of concentration appears to be a 75* square area
along the southern portion of the ridge. A checker-board of
Kickapoo Research 31
five-foot squares in this area should yield the necessary in-
formation concerning this campsite. It is recommended that
further excavations at Kaukl Site V be undertaken.
Kaukl Site VI (Ve-47) is located in Section 4, T13N,
R2W. This conical mound is outside the reservoir area.
Kaukl Site VII (Ve-134) is located in the NW-SW-SW-
NE-SW % of Section 4, T13N, R2W, at the base of the
bluff on the north side of the Kickapoo River. This site is a
rockshelter 100' long, 15' to 18' high, with a 10' overhang,
and over 4' of soil deposit. This rockshelter faces south. No
artifacts were recovered from the surface.
Kaukl Site VIII (Ve-165) is located in the NE-SE-SW-
NE-NW 14 of Section 9, T13N, R2W, on the first terrace
adjacent to and south of CTH "P" and STH 131. This
campsite is 150' by 80'. Five five-foot test squares were dug
along an east-west line on top and center of this
rise. The soil consists of a plow zone .8' deep, an occupation
zone .5' deep, and at a mean depth of 1.3' is found a reddish
clay soil that is sterile. The following objects were recovered
from the site:
Prehistoric objects:
2 Durst Stemmed projectile points (Fiq. 6.
No.'s 566)
1 Burin (Fig. 6, No. 8, and Fig. 19, No. 2)
1 Knife
2 Implements
81 Chert flakes
10 Granitic fragments
One fire pit was located and excavated and fifteen flakes
were recovered. In view of the presence of features at this
site, it is recommended that extensive excavations be under-
taken at Kaukl Site VIII. It is further recommended that earth
moving equipment be used to remove the plow zone.
Kaukl Site IX (Ve-166) is located in the NW-SE-NE-SE-
NW % of Section 9, T13N, R2W, directly west of STH
131 and 500 yards south of Ve-165. This campsite extends
along a bench south to the river terrace. The site is approx-
imately 200 ? by 75'. A Mr. Hagen of Indian Creek reported
finding numerous projectile points in this site area. The site
was in clover at the time of survey.
Kaukl Site X (Ve-135) is located in the SE-NE-SW-SW-
32 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 46, No. 1
1/4 of Section 4, T13N, R2W, at the base of the bluff and im-
mediately west of the Kickapoo River. The site lies along a
rock face that is 500' long, 10' high, with an overhang of 2'
to 5' that continues along the rock face. The average soil
deposit is 1 ' to 2' deep. No artifacts were recovered from the
surface.
Rose Site I (Ve-44) is located in the NW % of the NW%
of Section 9, T13N, R2W, on the north bank of Weister
Creek just above its junction with the Kickapoo River. Ma-
terial was scattered over an area 100' by 100'. The follow-
ing material was recovered from the surface:
Prehistoric objects:
1 Projectile point
1 Projectile point fragment
3 Scrapers
1 Blade fragment
35 Chert flakes (Buck and Wilson, 1960)
Rose Site II (Ve-146) is located in the SW-NE-NE-NE %
of Section 8, T13N, R2W, on the north side of the mouth of
a hollow SW of the Rose home at the base of the bluff. This
rockshelter is 100' long, 10' to 15' high, with a 10' overhang,
and over 4' of soil deposit. One five-foot test square was
placed in the center of the rockshelter and excavated to a
depth of 4'. The rockshelter proved to be sterile and is not
recommended for excavation.
Dorchied Site I (Ve-45) is located in the SE i/i, SE %,
Section 5, T13N, R2W. The field and ridge where the site
was initially located is planted in oats and grasses and is cur-
rently part of the Feed Grain Program. Before the owner
would permit excavation, it was necessary to get permission
from the county office of the United States Department of
Agriculture. Such permission was granted under the condition
that the pits be refilled and topsoil replaced. Mr. Dorchied
requested that the excavated areas be replanted. Since seed
of the correct varieties were not available, excavations were
confined to the borders of the field and outside it. Survey
results as well as local informants emphasized the point that
we were probably digging outside the main area of the site
since most chips, flakes, and implements were found on a
slight rise near the middle of the field which measures 200 by
Kickapoo Research 33
100 feet. Four test squares yielded the following:
Prehistoric objects:
73 Chert and quartzite flakes
2 End scrapers (Fig. 6, No.'s 27, 28)
Charcoal fragments
It is recommended that excavation be undertaken at Dor-
chied Site I. The test squares outside the main part of the site,
indicate a fairly widespread occurrence of materials. Work
near the central area should produce important information
concerning the occupation of this site. However, if more pro-
ductive sites are dug, this site may well be abandoned. Be-
fore land purchase, the Dorchied site could only be dug in late
fall after crop harvest (Brockington, 1961). (See Fig. 6, No.'s
12*28 for artifacts from the site.)
Steinmetz Site I (Ve-46) is located in the SE % of the
SW % of Section 5, T13N, R2W, on a low sand ridge on
the north bank of Weister Creek. Material was widely scat-
tered over an area 150' by 50'. The following material was re-
covered from the site:
Prehistoric objects:
1 Scraper fragment
3 Implement fragments
21 Chert flakes (Buck and Wilson, 1960)
V. Daines Site I (Ve-80) is located in Section 5, T13N,
R2W. This village site is outside the reservoir area.
J. Daines Site I (Ve-81) is located in the SW-NE-NW-
NE a /4 of Section 6, T13N, R2W. The site encompasses an
area 300 by 100 yards. This campsite yielded one side scrap-
er, two choppers, one core, eight chert flakes, and one animal
bone fragment.
J. Wolfe Site I (Ve-78) is located in the W %~SE~SW-
SE-NE 1/4 of Section 6, T13N, R2W, on a sandy rise north
of CTH "P" and south of Weister Creek. The site is con-
fined to an area approximately 100 by 50 yards. The follow-
ing material was recovered from the surface of this campsite:
Prehistoric objects:
2 End scrapers
2 Side scrapers
1 Implement fragment
4 Worked flakes
50 Chert flakes
5 Chert fragments
34 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 46, No. 1
J. Wolfe Site II (Ve-79) is located in the E i/ 2 of SE-SW-
SEINE i/i of Section 6, T13...., R2W, on a sandy rise 50
yards east of VE-78 and north of CTH "P." The site is
confined to an area approximately 50 yards square and yield-
ed the following material from the surface: one knife, one im-
plement fragment, one worked flake, eight chert flakes, and
sixteen chert fragments.
(X Wolfe Site I (Ve-76) is located in the SW-NE-NW-
NE-NE % of Section 6, T13N, R2W, east of Weister Creek
and west of the town road on a rise that is 75 yards SW of
outbuildings. The site is confined to an area approximately
25 yards square. One quartzite drill reworked from an ex-
panding stem projectile point, two worked flakes, one quart-
zite flake, and twenty-eight chert flakes were recovered from
the surface of this campsite.
CX Wolfe Site II (VE-77) is located in the SE-NW-NW-
NE-NE V 4 of Section 6, T13N, R2W, and is 100 yards east
of Ve-76. This site is confined to an area 10 yards square.
This campsite yielded one chopper and four chert flakes from
the surface.
Silbaugh Site I (Ve-132) is located in Section 4, T13N,
R2W\ This campsite is outside the reservoir area.
Silbaugh Site II (Ve-133) is located in the SW-SW-NW-
SW i/i of Section 4, T13N, R2W, on the flood plain 100
yards east of the bridge on the south side of the Kickapoo
River. This site lies along a rock face 200' long, 6' to 15' high,
with an overhang of 2' to 5' that continues along the rock
face. This rockshelter faces north and has over 4' of soil de-
posit. No artifacts were recovered from the surface.
Munson Site I (Ve-75) is located in the NW-SW-NW-
SE % of Section 4, T13N, R2W, 75 yards north of the Kick-
apoo River and west of STH 131. Material is confined to an
area 100 yards square. The site appears to be a large camp-
site. The following material was recovered from the surface
of the site:
Prehistoric objects:
1 Knife fragment
1 Chert hammerstone
2 Core knives
1 Implement fragment
3 Worked flakes
Kickapoo Research
35
KEY TO FIG. 5, MAP 3; Kickapoo reservoir area, showing site lo-
cations.
Stark (T. 13 N., R. 2 W.) and Whitestown (T. 14 N., R. 2 W.) town-
ships are separated by a single, dark, broken line below the town
of Rockton (SW V of Section 34). Squares indicate township sections.
Heavy black lines indicate the Kickapoo River and its tributary
creeks. Roads are indicated by solid or broken double lines. Lighter
black lines parallel to the river, creeks, and valleys represent the
858 foot contour interval which marks the limit of the maximum pool.
The larger numbers are section numbers while smaller numbers
designate site locations.
36 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 46, No. 1
1 Quartzite flake
1 Chalcedony flake
78 Chert flakes
5 Chert fragments
2 Shell fragments
Munson Site II (Ve-82) is located in the NW-SE-SE-
SW-NE 1/4 of Section 4, T13N, R2W, on the west side of
Indian Creek and the county road. The site is confined to the
northern edge of a field and is 50 yards by 25 yards. The
following material was recovered from the surface of this
campsite:
Phehistoric objects:
1 Raddatz Side-notched projectile point
1 Knife
1 Quartzite flake
38 Chert flakes
5 Chert fragments
Munson Site III (Ve-83) is located in the NE-SW-SW-
NE 1/4 of Section 4, T13N, R2W, on the third terrace above
and west of Ve-82. The site is confined to an area approx-
imately 300' by 100'. This campsite is out of the maximum
pool area but a projected county road will pass directly
through the site. One implement fragment, one worked flake,
one burned animal bone fragment, and fifty-eight chert flakes
were recovered from the surface of the site.
A* and E* Anderson Site I (Ve-84) is located in the SW-
NW^SE-SE-NE % of Section 4, T13N, R2W, and is east of
Indian Creek and the county road. This campsite is confined
to an area 50 by 100 yards and yielded seven chert flakes
and one chert fragment from the surface.
N* Nottlestad Site I (Ve-36) is locater in the NE 1/4 of the
SW 1/4 of Section 4, T13N, R2W, on a sandy ridge on the
first terrace of the Kickapoo River. A total of 14 chert flakes
were found in an area 50' by 25' indicating that this is a small
campsite (Buck and Wilson, 1960).
N. Nottlestad Site II (Ve-37) is located in the NE% of
the SW % of Section 3, T13N, R2W, on a sandy ridge on
the first terrace of the Kickapoo River about 800' north of the
river. The site is probably a sizeable campsite, material being
found in an area 100* by 500' along the top of the ridge. The
following material w;ais recovered from the surface of the site:
three implement fragments and fifty chert flakes (Buck and
Kickapoo Research 37
Wilson, 1960).
N. Nottlestad Site III (Vc-38) is located in the NW Vi of
the SW 14 of Section 3, TON, R2W, on a low sand ridge
about 300' north of the Kickapoo River and about 500' south-
east of Ve-37. This campsite covers an area of 300' square
and the following material was recovered from the surface:
Prehistoric objects:
3 Projectile point fragments
1 Implement
1 Implement fragment
59 Chert flakes (Buck and Wilson, 1960)
N. Nottlestad Site IV (Ve-86) is located in the NW-NW-
SE-NW V 4 of Section 3, T13N, R2W. This site, located at
a large rock outcrop immediately west of STH 131, is a rock-
shelter 20' long, 15' high, with a 20' overhang, and over 4' of
soil deposit. No artifacts were recovered from the surface:
N. Nottlestad Site V (Ve-85) is located in the SE-SW-
SW-SW-NE Vi of Section 3, TON, R2W, west of Indian
Creek and south of the county road. The site is approximately
150' square. The following material was recovered from the
surface of this campsite:
Prehistoric objects:
1 Projectile point base
1 Projectile point fragment
1 Core knife
1 Worked flake
3 Chert flakes
3 Animal bone fragments
N. Nottlestad Site VI (Ve-174) is located in the NE-SW-
NW-NE-SE y of Section 4, TON, R2W, on the second
terrace of the Kickapoo River. This village site is north of
STH 131 and 100 yards north of the tobacco barn. Numerous
projectile points have been found here by local collectors.
The site is extended over an area 100 yards square.
Risen Site I (Ve-39) is located in the NE % of the SW %
of Section 3, TON, R2W. To the west the land slopes down
to the Kickapoo River while to the south and southwest is
a level area being used as pasture. East of the site are farm
buildings and to the north are found rock outcrops and very
shallow rocky soil. Nine five-foot test squares were dug in
the areas west and south of the tobacco patch. In all the fol-
lowing objects were recovered:
38 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 46, No. 1
Prehistoric objects:
1300 Chert and qua-rtzite flakes
9 Projectile point fragments
1 Small triangular projectile point
3 End scrapers
1 Knife fragment
3 Chipped stone implement fragments
2 Grit tempered, cord marked body sherds
1 Hammerstone
Bone fragments
Charcoal fragments
Historic objects:
20 Metail fragments (Bolts, nails, staples, tin cans)
35 Glass and porcelain fragments
The area that yielded most of the finds was on a slight
ridge to the southwest of the tobacco patch directly overlook-
ing the Kickapoo River. The area is being used as a pasture
and probably could be excavated with the permission of the
owner or upon payment of a small crop damage fee. The
ridge is about 25' wide and 90' feet long. Except for the
ridge, the areas outside the tobacco patch have shallow soil
and are extremely rocky.
Almost all artifacts were recovered from the first foot of
soil. Eighteen flakes, a hammerstone, and charcoal fragments
were found below the first foot. However, modern materials
were also found throughout the first foot of soil. The presence
of these modern materials indicates considerable soil distur-
bance which lessens the possible archaeological value of the
site. In view of the low yield in undisturbed soil and the re-
stricted area of yield, further excavations at Risen Site I are
not recommended (Brockington, 1961).
Risen Site II (Vc-40) is located in the NE y 4 of the SW %
of Section 3, T13N, R2W, at the lower end of a gently slop-
ing hill on the north bank of Jug Creek just above its junction
with the Kickapoo River. The size of the site, 300' by 100',
and the amount of material indicate this is probably a small
village. The following material was recovered from the sur-
face of the site:
Prehistoric objects:
1 Projectile point
3 Implement fragments
1 Grit tempered, cord marked body sherd
86 Chert flakes (Buck and Wilson, I960)
Kickapoo Research
39
KEY TO FIG. 6; Lithic artifacts from Ve-32, 34, 45, 59, 63, 158, and
165.
1. Durst Stemmed projectile point, chert, Ve-158, S-l
2. Side-scraper, chert, Ve-158, S-2
3. Durst Stemmed projectile point, chert, Ve-158, S-3
4. Contracting stem projectile point, chert, Ve-158, S-4
5. Durst Stemmed projectile point, chert, Ve-165, L70-1-1
6. Durst Stemmed projectile point, chert, Ve-165, L20-1-1
7. Expanding stemmed projectile point, chert, Ve-32, +25R5-1-1
8. Primary burin, chert, Ve-165, S-l
9. Reworked Raddatz Side-notched projectile point, chert, Ve-32,
L20+ 5-2-1
10. Raddatz Side-notched projectile point, chert, Ve-34, S-l
11. Secondary burin, chert, Ve-34, S-2
40 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 46, No. 1
12. Raddatz Side-notched projectile point, chert, Ve-45, S-l
13. Raddatz Side-notched projectile point, chert, Ve-45, S-2
14. Straight-stemmed projectile point, Ve-45, S-3
15. Side-notched projectile point, chert, Ve-45, S-4
16. Raddatz Side-notched projectile point fragment, chert, Ve-45,
S-5
17. Osceola projectile point, chert, Ve-45, S-6
18. Side-notched projectile point, chert, Ve-45, S-7
19. Side-notched projectile point, chert, Ve-45, S-8
20. Side-notched projectile point fragment, chert, Ve-45, S-9
21. Osceola projectile point fragment, chert, Ve-45, S-10
22. Side-notched projectile point, chert, Ve-45, S-ll
23. Side-notched projectile point, chert, Ve-45, S-12
24. Expanding stem projectile point, chert, Ve-45, S-13
25. Side scraper, chert, Ve-45, S-14
26. Knife, chert, Ve-45, S-15
27. End scraper, chert, Ve-45. S48-1-1
28. End scraper, chert, Ve-45, O+ 45-1-1
29. End scraper, chert, Ve-59, O+ 30-1-1
30. End scraper, chert, Ve-59, O+ 70-1-2
31. Primary burin, chert, Ve-63, S-l
Nofsinger Site I (Ve-88) is located in the NE-SE-NE-SE-
SE % of Section 3, T13N. R2W, on a terrace south of Jug
Creek and west of the county road. The site is approximately
100 yards square and will be affected by the projected reloca-
tion of the state highway. The following material was re-
covered from the surface of this campsite:
Prehistoric objects:
1 Projectile point fragment
1 Implement fragment
2 Worked flakes
2 Deer teeth
U Chert flakes
Dempsey Site I (Ve-89) is located in the SW-NW-NW-
NW % of Section 11, T13N, R2W, west of South Jug Creek
and east of the county road. This campsite is confined to an
area approximately 100 by 25 yards. The site will be affected
by the projected relocation of the state highway. One core
knife, one end scraper, one implement fragment, one worked
flake, and nine chert flakes were recovered from the surface
of this site.
T. Nottlestad Site I (Ve-91) is located in the NW-SW-
SW-NW-NE % of Section 3, T13N, R2W, on the third ter-
race in the Kickapoo River Valley. The site is within the
projected conservation recreation area. The site was in oats
at the time of survey but the landowner reported finding
Kickapoo Research 41
numerous artifacts in this area.
Lisney Site I (Ve-49) is located in the NE % of the NW
% of Section 3, T13N, R2W, in a field behind the Lisney
house. Material is confined to an area approximately 150*
by 75'. The site appears to be a campsite. One side-notched
projectile point and twenty chert flakes were recovered from
the surface.
Lisney Site II (Ve-90) is located in the SW-NE-NE-NW
% of Section 3, T13N, R2W. This site extends along a large
outcrop immediately on the west side of STH 131 and on the
north side of the first hollow, south of Rockton. This rock-
shelter is 100' long, 12' to 15' high, with a 3' overhang, and
11/2 to 4' to soil deposit. No artifacts were recovered from
the surface.
McVey Site I (Ve-136) is located in the NE-NE-NE-
NW-NE 14 of Section 3, T13N, R2W, along the south side
of a small creek that is east of the Kickapoo River and south
of a curve in the gravel road. This site is a rockshelter 60'
long, 6' high, with a 4' overhang, and over 4* of soil deposit.
The rockshelter has not been tested.
WHITESTOWN TOWNSHIP (T. 14 N., R. 2 W.)
(Fig. 5. Map 3)
Earll Site I (Ve-42) is located in the E i/ 2 -SW-NE-NW-
SW % of Section 26, T14N, R2W, on a low sandy ridge
on the first terrace of the Kickapoo River. The site is approx-
imately 200' north of the river and 50* north of the farm barn.
Five five-foot squares were excavated on an east-west line.
Two features were located and excavated. The soil consists
of a plow zone, .9' in depth; a motded yellow clay, .5 in
depth. At a mean depth of 1.4', a reddish clay soil is encoun-
tered that is apparently sterile. Testing operations enabled
us to delimit the confines of the siite to an area 100' square.
The following objects were recovered from the site:
Prehistoric objects:
1 Implement fragment
3 Quartzite flakes
478 Chert flakes
1 Chert fragment
Historic objects:
1 Nail
1 Glass fragment
42 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 46, No. 1
In view of the presence of features and an occupation zone
that contains prehistoric artifacts, it is recommended that the
plow zone be removed by earth moving equipment and the
features and occupation zone be excavated. The site is on
land now a part of an estate.
Earll Site II (ve-50) is in Section 35, THN, R2W. The
site is a mound group and is outside the reservoir area.
Earll Site III (Ve-87) is located in the NW-SE-SE-NE-
SE % of Section 34, THN, R2W, and extends along a large
rock outcrop, east of the gravel road that is east of Rockton
and lies at the same level as the road. This rockshelter is 30'
long, 5' to 10' high, with a 12' overhang. One five-foot square
was excavated to a dept of 4'. The second level (0.5' to 1.0'
below surface) appears to be the occupation zone. At this
level two features that could be "swirl holes" were exc'avated.
The following objects were recovered:
Pr eh i store objects:
12 Chert flakes
1 Quartzite flake
79 Chert fragments
Historic objects:
4 Glass fragments
In view of the yield from this rockshelter, from one test
square, it is recommended that it be excavated. Previous to
the work in the Kickapoo River valley, only seven rockshel-
ters in the State of Wisconsin had been excavated. Rockshel-
ters should offer an excellent cross-check, for comparative
purposs, against the open sites and they may fill in chrono-
logical gaps that have not been closed by data gained at
open sites.
Earll Site IV (Ve-102) is located in the NE-SW-SW-
SE % of Section 34, THN, R2W, east of Rockton on the
west side of the Kickapoo River, on the north side of the
bridge. This site is a rockshelter 20' long, 8' high, with an
overhang of 3', and over 4' of soil deposit. One five-foot
square was excavated to a depth of 4' and found to be sterile.
The rockshelter is not recommended for excavation.
Earll Site V (Ve-103) is located in the SE-NW-SW-SE
1/4 of Section 34, THN, R2W, 100 yards north of Ve-102.
This site is a rockshelter 40* long, 10' high, with an overhang
Kickapoo Research 43
of 4', and over 4' of soil deposit. One five-foot test square
was excavated to a depth of 4* and the rockshelter was found
to be sterile. This rockshelter is not recommended for ex-
cavation.
Earll Site VI (Ve-116) is located in the SE-SW-SW-
NW-NW 14 of Section 35, T14N, R2W, on the west side
of the Kickapoo River and CTH "P", one hundred yards
southeast of Frye Site V (Ve-106). This site is a rockshelter
60' long, 4' high, with a 3' overhang, and over 3' of soil de-
posit. One five-foot test square was placed in the center of
the rockshelter and excavated to a depth of 3'. The rock-
shelter was found to be sterile and is not recommended for
excavation.
Byers Site I (Ve-113) is located in the SE-NW-SW-NE-
NE 14 of Section 34, T14N, R2W, on the west side of STH
131 and southwest of the Kickapoo River. This site is a> rock-
shelter 30' long, 4' high, with a 4' overhang, and over 3' of
deposit. The site was not tested.
Byers Site II (Ve-114) is located in Section 34, T14N,
R2W. This campsite is outside the reservoir area.
Byers Site III (Ve-115) is located in the SW-SE-SW-NE-
NE of Section 34, T14N, R2W, on the west side of the
Kickapoo River and east of STH 131. The site is a rock-
shelter 15' long, 8 f high, with a 5' overhang, and over 2' of
deposit. No attempt was made to test the site.
Byers Site IV (Ve-147) is located in Section 34, T14N,
R2W. This rockshelter is outside the reservoir area.
HL Hopkins Site I (Ve-99) is located in the SE-SW-SW-
NW-NE } /4 of Section 35, north of Warner Creek in a corn
field surrounding the barn. This site is confined to an area
approximately 100 yards square. This campsite yielded one
side scraper, two end scrapers, two implement fragments,
eighteen chert flakes, land four chert fragments.
H. Hopkins Site II (Ve-100) is located in the NW-SE-
SW-NW-NE % of Section 35, T14N, R2W, 10 yards north-
west of the outbuildings and north of road. This rockshelter
faces east and is 40' long, 15' high, with a 4' overhang, and
4' to 5' of deposit. One five foot square was placed in the
center of the rockshelter. This test squiaire was excavated in
44 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 46, No. 1
natural stratigraphic levels to a depth of 5'. Flakes and arti-
facts were found in all levels. In all the following objects
were recovered:
Prehistoric objects: (Fig. 7. No.'s 12-15, and 19)
1 Corner-notched projectile point base
1 Cord roughened body sherd
1 Chopper
5 Implement fragments
83 Chert flakes
24 Chert fragments
36 Preserved wood fragments
3 Animal bone fragments
Historic objects:
1 Glass fragment
In addition, a trial sample of soil was submitted for pollen
analysis to ascertain the presence or absence of pollen and
the degree of abundance in the reservoir area. The following
analysis was done by Peter Storck, Department of Anthropol-
ogy, University of Wisconsin:
Soil sample 1: 2:0' below surface.
Slide numbers 11463DPS and 11463CPS
1 Chenopodiaceae (Goosefoot Family)- chiefly
herbs; four grains
2 Hydrocharitacoae (Frog's-Bit Family): aquatic
herbs; one grain
3 - Pinaceae (Pine Family): trees and shrubs; one
grain
4 Tiliaceae (Linden Family); trees (rarely herbs):
one grain
5 Fern spores are frequent but have not been iden-
tified
6 A total of six pollen types could not be identified*
Soil sample 2; 2.65' below surface.
Slide numbers 11 463 APS and 11463BPS
1 Abies (Fir): nineteen grains tentatively identified
2 Alnus (Alder): one grain
3 Ambrosia (Ragweed): one grain
4 Cannabinaceae (Hemp Family): herbs; one
grain
5 Caprifoliaceae (Honeysuckle Family): shrubs or
rarely herbs; one grain
6 Chenopodiaceae (Goosefoot Family): chiefly
herbs; one grain
7 Cupressaceae (Juniperus): three grains
8 Compositae (Composite Family): one grain
Kickapoo Research 45
9 - Hydrocharitaceae (Frog's-Bit Family): acquatic
herbs; one grain
10 Picea (Spruce Family): four grains tentatively
identified
11 Pinaccae (Pine Family): one grain of white pine
was tentatively identified
12 Potamogetoneae (Potamogeton) : pondweed; one
grain
13 Salicaceae (\Villow Family): one grain
14 Selaginellaceae (Spikemoss Family): tentative
identification: one grain
15 Spergularia (Sand-Spurrey) : one grain
16 Fern spores abundant
1 7 A total of three pollen types could not be iden-
tified.
Summary: These identifications are to be considered tenta-
tive. Pollen is not extremely abundant in the slides which
were studied. For statistical purposes a pollen count of from
100 to 200 grains/slide is desirable.
In view of the yield from one five-foot test square, it is
recommended that this rockshelter be fully excavated. The
land in front of the rockshelter should be tested to ascertain
if the rockshelter was only used in inclement weather or
served as a more permanent shelter.
H. Hopkins Site III (Vc-101) is located in the SE-NW-
SW-NW-NE V 4 of Section 35, THN, R2W, above Ve-100.
This site is on a low bluff overlooking CTH "P" and Warner
Creek. This campsite is in a small field used as a pasture
area. Four five foot test squares were excavated. The soil
consists of a humus zone .4' in depth, a mottled yellow clay
.7' in depth, and at a mean depth of 1.2* a reddish clay is en-
countered that is apparently sterile. The following material
was recovered from this site:
Prehistoric objects:
1 End scraper
1 Worked flake
254 Chert flakes
13 Chert fragments
The material that was recovered from this site can be di-
rectly associated with the rockshelter, Hopkins Site II Ve-
100, that is directly beneath this site. It is recommended that
this site be fully excavated.
46 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 46, No. i
Allikas Site I (Ve-98) is located in the NE-SW-NE-NE-
SE 14 of Section 35, T14N, R2W, in a small garden behind
an abandoned house. Six five-foot squares were excavated
in a north-south, east-west grid. One feature and three post
molds were excavated. The soil consists of a plow zone 1.5*
in depth, a brown, mottled clay occupation zone .4' in depth,
and at a mean depth of 1.9' f a yellow, sandy clay is encoun-
tered that is sterile. The following material was recovered
from this campsite:
Prehistoric objects:
1 Durst Stemmed projectile point base
1 Pottery pipe fragment
1 End scflaper
1 Side scraper
2 Cores
1 Knife fragment
2 Implement fragments
4 Worked flakes
232 Chert flakes
5 Quartzite flakes
8 Chert fragments
2 Charred animal bone fragments
26 Animal bone fragments
In view of the presence of features, post molds, and an oc-
cupation zone that contains prehistoric artifacts, it is recom-
mended that the plow zone be removed by earth moving
equipment and the features and occupation zone be excav-
ated. This garden contains numerous historic artifacts in the
plow zone.
Campbell Site I (Ve-95) is located in the NE-NW-SW-
SW-NW V4 of Section 36, T14N, R2W, on the south side
of Warner Creek, 25 yards east of a farm lane. This rock-
shelter is 30' long, 6' to 12 high, with an 8' overhang, and 4*
of soil deposit. One five-foot test square was excavated to a
depth of 4' and the rockshelter was found to be sterile. This
rockshelter is not recommended for excavation.
Campbell Site II (Ve-96) is located in the SW-NW-SE-
SW-NW y 4 of Section 36, T14N, R2W, on a small, sandy
ridge on the flood plain of \Varner Creek, 150 yards south of
CTH "P" and 150 yards east of a farm lane. This site is in a
small pasture adjacent to a corn field. Three five-foot test
squares were excavated. The soil consists of a humus zone
Kickapoo Research 47
.3' in depth, a dark brown, mottled, sandy clay .5' in depth,
a blla'ck, sandy clay (an old humus zone) A' in depth, mottled
clay .2' in depth, and at a mean depth of 1.4' a yellow sand
is encountered that is sterile. The following material was re-
covered from this campsite: Two worked flakes and fifty-
three chert fllalkes. The small campsite is confined to an area
25' square and in view of the possibility of there being na-
tural stratigraphy, it is recommended for limited excavation.
C. and R, Erwin Site I (Ve-97) is located in Section 36,
T14N, R2W. This site is a cave and outside the reservoir
area.
C and R, Erwin Site II (Ve-94) is located in the SW-NE-
NW-SW 14 of Section 36, T14N, R2W, on a talus slope
and the first terrace of Warner Creek. This site is immedi-
ately southwest of the bridge and north of the creek. Eight
five-foot test squares were excavated. The soil consists of a
plow zone .8' in depth that is a brown, siaondy clay, and a
mottled, yellow clay .5' in depth. Below this yellow clay the
soil appears to be sterile. The following material was re-
covered from this site:
Prehistoric objects:
I Projectile point fragment
1 Expanding stem projectile point base
1 Core knife
1 End scraper
1 Perforator fragment
5 "Worked chert flakes
2 Worked chalcedony flakes
1 Cord roughened rim sherd with exterior node
(Fig. 7, No. 18)
1 Cord roughened rim sherd (Fig 7, No. 17)
1 Plain rim sherd
2 Fingernail impressed body sherds
1 Grit tempered body sherd
4 Plain body sherds
4 Sherds no surface
231 Chert flakes
7 Quartzite flakes
1 Chalcedony flake
2 Charcoal fragments
1 Animal bone fragment
\9 Chert fragments
48 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 46, No. 1
Historic objects:
3 Metal fragments
6 Ceramic fragments
2 Glass fragments
6 Nails
It is recommended that extensive excavation be undertaken
at Erwin Site II. The testing operations were on the edge of
a rise that is probably the source of the material that is scat-
tered in the plow zone and occupation zone. The number
of artifacts recovered indicates that there are features at
this village site. Earth moving equipment could be used to
remove the plow zone, but the recoverable material that is
found there must be saved to give this multi-component site
proper depth and scope.
Frye Site I (Ve-41) is located in the SW-NW-NE-NE-
NE i/i of Section 34, T14N, R2W, on a low bluff about
lOOjO feet north of the Kickapoo River. Five five-foot test
squares were dug along a north-south line, and an east-west
line. The soil consists of a plow zone 1.0' deep, and occupa-
tion zones that extend to a depth of 4.0', and vary in color
from ;a brown sand to a yellow sand. The site was once oc-
cupied by the former Frye house and the land was cleared by
burning the trees. There is, therefore, slight disturbance that
makes it difficult to define refuse and fire pits. One fire pit
and one refuse pit were excavated. The southern one-half
of the site was found to be shallow due to bedrock a few
inches below land that is now used as pasture. The following
objects were recovered from the site:
Prehistoric objects: (Fig. 8, No.'s 1-25)
2 Expanding stem projectile points
(Fig. 7, No.'s 1 and 6)
1 Corner-notched projectile point (Fig. 7, No. 5)
1 Unifacial projectile point (Fig. 7, No. 4)
2 Durst Stemmed projectile points
(Fig. 7, No.'s 3 and 7)
1 Oconto Side-notched projectile point
(Fig. 7, No. 2)
6 Knives
1 Scraper
2 Drills
12 Worked flakes
15 Implement fragments
1 Cord roughened body sherd
Kickapoo Research
49
KEY TO FIG. 7; Lithic and ceramic artifacts from Ve-41, 72, 94,
100, 140, and 177; (Scale is 5 cm.; artifacts approx. two-thirds
natural s.ze).
1. Expanding stem projectile point fragment, quartziie, Ve-43,
R25 + 0-2-1
2. Oconto Side notched projectile point, chert, Ve-41, L5+ 20-5-1
3. Durst Stemmed projectile point, chert, Ve-41, L5 +45-2-1
4. L nil aria I projectile point, chert, Ve-41, L5+ 20-3-1
5. Corner-notched projectile point, chert, Ve-41, F3-1
6. Expanding stem projectile point, chert, Ve-41, L5 +20-1-1
50 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 46, No. 1
7. Durst Stemmed projectile point, chert, Ve-41, L5+ 45-4-1
8. Snyders projectile point, chert, Ve-72, S-l
9. Raddatz Side-notched projectile point base, chert, Ve-177, L5
+ 145-1-1
10. Durst Stemmed projectile point base, quartzite, Ve-177, L5
+ 145-1-2
11. Corner-notched projectile point fragment, chert, Ve-177, L5
+ 145-1-3
12. Corner-notched projectile point fragment, chert, Ve-100, TSI-
2-1
13. Side scraper, chert. Ve-100, TS1-2-1
14. Side scraper, chert, Ve-100, TSI-5-1
15. End scraper, chert, Ve-100, TSI-5-3
16. Knife, quartzite, Ve-140, TSI-2-1
17. Cord roughened rim sherd, Ve-94, 50L5-1-1
18. Cord roughened rim sherd with exterior note, Ve-94, 50L5-1-2
19. Cord roughened body sherd, Ve-100, TSI-4-1
20. Grit tempered body sherd, Ve-140, TSI-3-1
21. Chopper, chert, Ve-140, TSI-F1-1
2 Plain body sherds
1,378 Chert flakes
53 QuaTtzite flakes
6 Granitic fragments
Historic objects:
18 Metal and glass fragments
In view of the yield from this site during the testing oper-
ations, and of the possible stratigraphy ranging from archaic
to Woodland, it is strongly recommended that extensive
excavation be undertaken at Frye Site I.
Fryc Site II (Ve-57) is located in Section 27, TM, R2W.
This former mound group is outside the reservoir area.
Frye Site III (Ve-104) is located in the NW-NW-NE-
NE-NE 14 of Section 34, THN, R2W, on the north side
of the Kickapoo River and 50 yards east of STH 131. The
site is a rockshelter 30' long, 7' high, with a 5' overhang,
and over 3' of soil deposit. One five-foot test square was
excavated in the center of the rockshelter to a depth of 3'.
This rockshelter was found to be sterile and is not recom-
mended for excavation.
Frye Site IV (Ye- 105) is located in the NW-NE-NE-NE-
NE % of Section 34, T14N, R2W, and is 50 yards east of
Ve-104. This site is a rockshelter 60' long, 6' high, with a
3' overhang, and over 3' of soil deposit. One five-foot test
square was placed in the center of the rockshelter and exca-
Kickapoo Research
51
KEY TO FIG. 8. Lithic artifacts from the Frye collection (Ve-41-0);
(Scale is 5 cm.; artifacts approx. two-thirds natural size).
1. Distal fragment of lanceolate projectile point, obliquely flaked,
chert, Ve-41-0-S-106.
2. Secondary burin, expanding stem projectile point, chert, Ve-
41-0-S-94.
3. Durst Stemmed projectile point, chert, Ve-41-0-S-131.
4. Drill, chert, Ve-41-0-S-21.
5. Side-notched projectile point, chert, Ve-41-0-S-201.
6. Stemmed projectile point, chert, Ve-41-0-S-39.
7. Side-notched projectile point, chert, Ve-41-0-S-183.
8. Stemmed projectile point, chert, Ve-41-0-S-140
9. Corner-notched projectile point, chert, Ve-41-0-S-33.
10. Oconto projectile point, chert, Ve-41-0-S-174.
52 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 46, No. !
11. Corner-notched projectile point, chert, Ve-41-0-S-153.
12. Corner-notched projectile point, chert, Ve-41-0-S-41.
13. Corner-notched projectile point, chert, Ve-41-0-S-30.
14. Cornerrotched projectile point, chert,Ve-41-0-S-4G.
15. Triangular knife, quartzite, Ve-41-0-S-18.
16. Durst Stemmed projectile point, chert, Ve-4l-0-S-133.
17. Durst Stemmed projectile point, chert, Ve-41-0-S-150.
18. Durst Stemmed projectile point, chert, Ve-41-0-S-136.
19. Durst Stemmed proj^ctfe point, chert, Ve-41-0-S-128.
20. Expanding stem projectile point, chert, Ve-41-0-S-95.
21. Contracting stem projectile point, chert, Ve-41-0-S-26.
22. Contracting stem projectile point, chert, Ve-41-0-S-27.
23. Expanding stem projectile point, chert, Ve-41-0-S-88.
24. Expanding stem projectile point, chert, Ve-41-0-S-124.
25. Corner-notched projectile point, chert, Ve-41-0-S-47.
vated to a depth of 3'. The rockshelter was found to be sterile
and is not recommended for excavation.
Frye Site V (Vc-106) is located in the NW-SE-NE-NE-
NE Vi of Section 35, THN, R2W, and is on the west side
of the junction of the hollow, east of Ve-105, and on the
west end of the marsh. This site is a rockshelter 60' long, 5'
to 10' high, with an overhang of 4' to 6', and over 3' of soil
deposit. One five-foot test square was placed in the center
of the rockshelter and excavated to a depth of 3'. The rock-
shelter was found to be sterile and is not recommended for
excavation.
Frye Site. VI (Ve-172) is located in the SW-SW-SW-
NE-SE V 4 of Section 27, T14N, R2W, on the first terrace
of the Kickapoo River in a field west of STH 131 and di-
rectly south of the farm road. This site appears to be a vil-
lage 300' square. Numerous artifacts have been recovered
from this site by Mr. Frye (Fig.'s 8, 13, 14, 15, 16, and 17).
Frye Site VII (Ve-173) is located in the SW-SW-SE-NE-
SE 1/4 of Section 27, THN, R2W, on the first terrace of the
Kickapoo River. This site is east of STH 131, south of the
farm road, and 300' north of Ve-41. This campsite is 75
yards square. Numerous artifacts have been recovered from
this site by Mr. Frye (Fig.'s 8, 13. 14, 15, 16, and 17).
Haugh Site I (Ve-151) is located in the SW-NW-NE-
SE 1/4 of Section 27, THN, R2W, on the north side of the
Kickapoo River, y 4 mile west of STH 131. This rockshelter
is 40' long, 3' to 7' high, with a 7' overhang, and over 3' of
deposit. It faces north and has not been tested.
Kickapoo Research
53
T-14N.
KEY TO FIG. 9, MAP 4; Kickapoo reservoir area, showing site lo-
cations.
Whitestown Township (T. 14 N., R. 2 W.). The Bench Mark and
light lines in Section 3 mark the location of the town of Ontario. The
squares indicate township sections. Heavy black lines indicate the
Kickapoo River and its tributary creeks. Roads are indicated by
54 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 46, No. 1
solid or double broken lines. Light or black lines parallel to the
river, creeks, and valleys represent the 858 foot contour interval
which is the limit of the maximum pool. The larger numbers are
section numbers while the smaller numbers designate site locations.
Haugh Site II (Ve-152) is located in Section 27, T14,
R2W. This campsite is outside the reservoir area.
Seaman Site I (Vc-117) is located in the NE-SW-NE-
NW y 4 of Section 26, T14N, R2W, on the west side of the
Kickapoo River and north of the county road. This rockshel-
ter is 200' long, 7' high, with a 10' overhang, and over 2' of
soil deposit. No attempt was made to test the site.
Clark Site I (Vc-92) is located in Section 26, T14N, R2W.
This campsite is outside the reservoir area.
Clark Site II (Ve-93) is located in Section 26, T14N, R2W.
This campsite is outside the reservoir area.
Anderson Site I (Ve-43) is located in the NW-NW-NW-
SE-SW !4 of Section 23, T14N, R2W, on the low bluff ov-
erlooking the junction of Billings Creek and the Kickapoo
River. Nine five-foot test squares were excavated on a north-
south, east-west grid on the top of this bluff. These squares
were dug in cultivated areas and a pasture. The soil in the
cultivated area consisted of a plow zone .8' in depth, and a
reddish clay soil, apparently sterile, lies immediately below
the plow zone. In the pasture area the turf was removed and
the sub-soil is only .7' in depth. The following objects were
recovered from the site:
Prehistoric objects:
1 Side-notched projectile point
3 Knife fragments
1 Quartzite end and side scraper
3 End scrapers
4 Worked flakes
I Utilized flake
1 Abrading stone
11 Quartzite flakes
106 Chert flakes
1 Chert fragment
1 Animal bone fragment
Anderson Site I conforms to a pattern encountered in the
Kickapoo Reservoir area. That is, excellent artifactual ma-
terial that is located directly below the surface and that ex-
Kickapoo Research 55
tends only as deep as the plow zone. Soil erosion and one
hundred years of intensive cultivation have removed the
possibility of stratigraphy. These sites, therefore, have a
value that is difficult to judge. Artifacts from the plow zone
may have some scientific value in seriation studies. The pos-
sibility that features may be encountered must ad so be taken
into consideration. Recommendations, for or against excava-
must be held in abeyance until all the open sites have been
tested; then these sites may be viewed in proper perspective.
Anderson Site II (Ve-107) is located in the NW-SE-SE-
NW-SW 1/1 of Section 23, THN, R2W, on a rise on the
first terrace of the Kickapoo River. This site is 100 yards
west of Anderson Site I (Ve-43). This site is confined to an
area approximately 25 yards square. Three five-foot test
squares were excavated on an east-west line. The soil con-
sists of a plow zone of dark gray clay mixed with loam, .6'
in depth, and at a* mean depth of .6' red clay is encountered
that is apparently sterile. One side-notched projectile point,
two implement fragments, twenty-three chert flakes, three
quartzite flakes, and two animal bone fragments were re-
covered from the site. Due to the fact that these artifacts
were recovered from the plow zone, it is recommended that
there be no further testing or excavation at Anderson Site II.
Anderson Site III (Ve-108) is located in the NE-SW-SE-
NW-SW 3,4 of Section 23, THN, R2W, on a sandy rise 50
yards west of Ve-107. The site is confined to an area approx-
imately 25 yards square and extends into a pasture area to
the south. One knife, one worked flake, and six chert flakes
were recovered from the surface of this campsite.
Anderson Site IV (Ve-109) is located in Section 23, THN,
R2\V. This campsite is outside the reservoir area.
Anderson Site V (Ve-110) is located in the SW-NE-SW-
NW-SW % of Section 23, THN, R2W, on the first terrace
of the Kickapoo River. This site is 150 yards west of Ander-
son Site III (Ve-108). The site is confined to an area 25
yards square. Three five-foot test squares were excavated.
The soil of this area consists of a humus zone .2' -in depth, a
brown clay occupation zone .6' in depth, and at a mean depth
56 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 46, No. 1
of .8* a mottled orange clay is encountered that is sterile. The
following artifacts were recovered from this campsite:
Prehistoric objects:
1 Knife fragment
1 Worked flake
1 Shell fragment
36 Chert flakes
1 Quartzite flake
Anderson Site V indicates that artifactual material that is
directly below the surface can be excavated in .3' levels if
the site has not been plowed. Stratigraphy would probably
not be encountered but if Anderson Site V is a single com-
ponent site, as many in the reservoir are, then its archaeolog-
ical value cannot be underrated. Therefore, it is recom-
mended that Anderson Site V be fully excavated.
Anderson Site VI (Ve-111) is located in the NW-SE-
NW-NW-SW 14 of Section 23, T14N, R2W, in a corn
field 25 yards above Ve-107 and Ve-110. The site is scat-
tered over 300 by 500 yards and is within the projected re-
location of the state highway. This campsite yielded one
end scraper, seventeen chert flakes, one quartz flake, and
five chert fragments from the surface.
Anderson Site VII (Ve-112) is located in the NW-SE-
NE-SW % of Section 23, THN, R2W, on the east side of
Billings Creek. This site is a rockshelter 100' long, 5' to 7'
high, with a 15' overhang, and over 2' of soil deposit. No
attempt was made to test the site.
Anderson Site VIII (Ve-118) is located in the NW-NE-
SE-SW 14 of Section 23, THN, R2W, on the south side of
the hollow and the creek, and the east side of the Kickapoo
River. This site is a rockshelter 20' long, 6' high, with a 5'
overhang, and over 2' of soil deposit. No attempt was made
to test the site.
Anderson Site IX (Ve-119) is located in the NW-NE-SE-
Sw 1/4 of Section 23. THN, R2W, 50 yards north of Ve-118
and south of the creek. This site is a rockshelter 20' long,
10' high, with a 6* overhang, and over 2' of soil deposit. No
attempt was made to test the site.
Anderson Site X (Ve-139) is located in the SW-NW-NW-
SW-SW % of Section 23, THN, R2W, on the south side
Kickapoo Research 57
of the Kickapoo River at the base of a bluff 150 yards east
of STH 131. This rockshelter is 100' long, 3' to 10' high,
with a 10' overhang, and 2' of soil deposit. This rockshelter
faces north and has not been tested.
Cass Site I (Ve-123) is located in the SW-SW-SE-NE-
NE 14 of Section 23, THN, R2W, east of Billings Creek and
100 yards south of the farm buildings. This site is approxi-
mately 50 yards square and on a sandy rise. The campsite
yielded one implement fragment, one worked flake, one
quartzite flake, and 27 chert flakes from the surface.
Cass Site II (Ve-124) is located in Section 23, THN,
R2W. This campsite is outside the reservoir area.
Cass Site III (Ve-125) is located in the SW-SW-NE-SE-
NE 1/4 of Section 23, THN, R2W, southeast of Billings
Creek and 300 yards southwest of Ve-123. The site is a
rockshelter 100' long, 20' high, with a 10' overhang, and
over 3' of soil deposit. No attempt was made to test this
rockshelter.
Ice Cave (Ve-122) is owned by the state of Wisconsin and
is in Wildcat State Park in Section 13, THN, R2W. This
rockshelter is outside the reservoir area.
Lawrence Site I (Ve-153) is located in Section 22, THN,
R2W. This campsite is outside the reservoir area.
Lawrence Site II (Ve-163) is located in the SW-SW-NE-
SE 14 of Section 22, THN, R2W, on the south side of the
Kickapoo River 200' down river from the motorcycle bridge.
This site is a rockshelter 25' long, 6' to 10' high, with a 12'
overhang, and over 4' of soil deposit. This rockshelter faces
west and has not been tested.
Roberts Site I (Ve-120) is located in Section 22, THN,
R2W. This rockshelter is outside the reservoir area.
Robert Site II (Ve-143) is located in the SW-SE-SE-SW
% of Section 15, THN, R2W, on the north side of the junc-
tion of White Hollow and the Kickapoo River. This rock-
shelter is at the base of the bluff and is 100' long, 8' high,
with a 6' overhang, and over 4' of soil deposit. It faces east
and has not been tested.
Roberts Site III (Ve-144) is located in the NW-NE-NE-
NE 14 of Section 22, THN, R2W, on the south side of the
junction of White Hollow and the Kickapoo River. This rock-
shelter is at the base of a bluff and is 30' long, 15' high, with
58 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 46, No. 1
a :/ cvcrhr.:::,, and over _' of :cil deposit. It faces east and has
not been tested.
Roberts Site !V (Ve-145) is located in the SW-SE-NE-
NE 14 cf Section 22, THN. R2W, 150 yards north of the
bridge to Hay Valley on the west side of the Kickapoo River.
This rockshelter is at the base of a bluff and is 100' long, 1'
high, with a 5' overhang, and 2' of soil deposit. This rock-
shelter faces east and has not been tested.
Roberts S'te V (Ve-180) is located in the NW-SE-SE-SE-
SW Vi of Section 15, THN, R2W, on the north side of the
Kickapoo River, 100 yards southwest of Ve-121. This site is
a rockshelter 75' long, 15* high, with a 12' overhang, and 2'
cf soil deposit. One five-foot test square was excavated to a
depth of 2' and was found to be sterile. This rockshelter is
not recommended for excavation.
Gillcn Site I (Ve-59) is located in the NW-SW-SE-NW-
NE 1/4 of Section 22, THN, R2W, on the first terrace on the
east side of the Kickapoo River and 1 00 yards north cf Gille .1
Site II (Ve-51). Five five-foot test squares were excavated
on an east-west line. One feature was located and excavated.
The soil consists of a plow zone .6' in depth, a compact, yel-
low sand occupation zone .4' in depth. At a mean depth of
1 .0' a red clay is encountered that is apparently sterile. This
campsite is confined to an area 150' by 75'. One implement
fragment, two worked flakes, two end scrapers (Fig. 6, No's.
29 and 30), and one hundred and twenty-two chert flakes
were recovered in view of the presence of features and an
occupation zone that contains prehistoric artifacts, it is recom-
mended that the plow zone be removed by earth moving
equipment and the features and the occupation zone exca-
vated.
Gillen Site II (Ve-51) is located in the SE-NW-NE-SW-
NE 1/4 of Section 22, THN, R2W, on a flat bench above and
east of the Kickapoo River. Five five-foot squares were exca-
vated on an east-west line, and one feature was located and
excaivated. The soil consists of a plow zone .6' in depth, a
compact yellow-tan sand .4' in depth, and at a mean depth
of 1.0* a hard-packed reddish-tan sand is encountered that is
sterile. This campsite is confined to an area approximately
Kickapoo Research
59
KEY TO FIG. 10. Lithic artifacts from the Gillen collection (Ve-51-
0); (Scale is 5 cm.; artifacts approx. two-thirds natural size).
1. Distal fragment of Plainview projectile point, grey chert, S-18.
2. Side-notched projectile point, chert, S-69.
3. Secondary burin, side-notched projectile point, chert, S-95.
4. Concave base projectile point, chert, S-15.
5. Corner-notched projectile point, chert, S-27.
. Raddatz Side-notched projectile point, chert, S-91.
60 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 46, No. 1
7. Side-notched projectile point, chert, S-52.
8. Corner-notched projectile point, chert, S-10.
9. Corner-notched projectile point, chert, S-89.
10. End scraper, chert, S-129.
11. Oconto projectile point, chert, S-112.
12. Oconto projectile point, chert, S-103.
13. Oconto projectile point, chert, S-84.
14. Oconto projectile point, chert, S-101.
15. Corner-notched projectile point, quartsite, S-4.
16. Straight stemmed projectile point, chert, S-22.
17. Expanding stem projectile point, chert, S-32.
18. Straight stemmed projectile point, chert, S-25.
19. Contracting stem projectile point, quartzite, S-50.
100' by 150'. The following objects were recovered from the
site:
Prehistoric objects:
3 End scrapers
2 Snub nosed end scrapers
1 Expanding stem projectile point base
1 Knife fragment
1 Shell fragment
261 Chert flakes
6 Quartzite flakes
1 Chert fragment
This yield, from this testing operation and from the sur-
face collections made by Mr. Art Gillen (Fig. 10, 11, 13, No.
9, and Fig. 1 5, No. 1 ) , warrants a recommendation that Gillen
Site II undergo extensive excavation. Earth moving equip-
ment could be used to remove the plow zone but the recov-
erable material that is found there, must be saved to give this
site, apparently a single component, proper depth and scope.
Gillen Site III (Ve-121) is located in the NW-SW-SW-
SW-SE y 4 of Section 15, THN, R2W, on the west side of
the Kickapoo River. The site is a rockshelter 40' long, 5'
high, with an 8* overhang, and 3' of soil deposit. One five-
foot test square was excavated to a depth of 3' and the rock-
shelter was found to be sterile. This rockshelter is not re-
commended for excavation.
Gillen Site IV (Ve-140) is located in the SE-NE-SW-
SE 1/4 of Section 15, THN, R2W, on the north side of the
junction of the first hollow south of STH 131 bridge. This
rockshelter is on the west side of the Kickapoo River at the
base of a bluff. The rockshelter is 30' long, 3'-6' high, with a
6' overhang, and over 4' of soil deposit. It faces west. One
Kickapoo Research
61
KEY TO FIG 11: Lithic artifacts from the Gillen collection (Ve-
51-0); (Scale is 5 cm.; artifacts are two-thirds natural siz3).
1. Knife, chert, Ve-51-0, S-133
2. Knife, chert, Ve-51-0, S-131
3. Knife, quartzite, Ve-51-0, S-132
4. Celt, ground stone, Ve-51-0, S-122
5. Full-groved axe, Prairie du Chien dolomite, Ve-51-0, S-121
6. S:stc pipe fragment, Ve-51-0, S-123
62 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 46, No. 1
five-foot test square was placed at the front of the rockshel-
ter. This square was excavated to a depth of 2.2' and three
features were uncovered in the 1.0' to 2.0' levels and ex-
cavated. Each level was dug in A' levels since no natural
stratigraphy was apparent at this site. Flakes and artifacts
were found in all eight levels which descended to bedrock.
One body sherd was found at the .8' to 1.2' level. In all, the
following objects were recovered:
Prehistoric objects:
1 Grit tempered body sherd (Fig. 7, No. 20)
1 Quartzite chopper (Fig. 7, No. 21)
1 Quartzite knife (Fig. 7, No. 16)
11 Quartzite flakes
318 Chert flakes
In view of the three features and the yield from one five-
foot test square, it is recommended that this rockshelter be
fully excavated. The land in front of the rockshelter should
be tested to ascertain if the rockshelter was only used in
inclement weather or served as a more permanent shelter.
Gillen Site V (Ve-Hl) is located in the SW-NE-SW-SE
% of Section 15, T14N, R2W, at the first hollow south of
the bridge at STH 131, on the east side of the Kickapoo
River. This site is a rockshelter 100' long, 3' to 10' high, with
a 10' overhang, and over 2' of soil deposit. This rockshelter
faces east and has not been tested.
Gillen Site VI (Ve-142) is located in the SW-NE-SW-
SE % of Section 15, T14N, R2W, 150 yards SW of Ve-141
at the base of the bluff. This rockshelter is 25' long, 4' to 10*
high, with a 10' overhang, and 2' of soil deposit. It faces
south and has not been tested.
Gillen Site VII (Ve-164) is located in the SW-NW-SE-
SW-SE 14 of Section 15, T14N, R2W, on the north-north-
west side of the farm pond on a high sandy ridge south of and
adjacent to the Kickapoo River. Six five-foot squares were
excavated in an east-west line. Testing operations indicated
that this site is confined to an area approximately 75' square.
Five of the test squares proved to be sterile of prehistoric
material. The following objects were recovered from this
campsite:
Prehistoric objects:
49 Grit tempered body sherds
Kickapoo Research 63
1 Implement fragment
2 Worked flakes
1 Cut animal bone fragment
7 Animal bone fragments
19 Chert flakes
Historic objects:
52 Ceramic fragments
6 Square nails
1 .22 calibre shell
This 75' square area is recommended for full excavation to
a depth of 3.0 feet, which is the depth of the zone of occupa-
tion. The site appears to be a single component, Woodland
site and is, therefore, most important to understanding the
cultural sequences of sites in the reservoir area.
Gillen Site VIII (Ve-176) is located in the SE-SE-SW-
SW-NE i/4 of Section 22, THN, R2W, on the second rise
south of Ve-51, and north of and adjacent to the county
road. This campsite is confined to an area 75' by 50'. Two
five-foot squares were excavated on an east-west line. The
soil consists of a plow zone .6' in depth, below which is a
sterile, hard-packed, red clay. The site yielded only sixteen
chert flakes, which were recovered from the plow zone. In
view of the absence of artifacts and the lack of depth, it is
recommended thait there should be no further testing or ex-
cavation at Gillen Site VIII.
Gillen Site IX (Ve-177) is located in the NW-SE-SW-
SW-NW % of Section 22, THN, R2W, on the first terrace
of the Kickapoo River. This site is on a linear, sandy rise 200'
by 50', and lies parallel to the river. Four five-foot test
squares were excavated on a north-south line. Six features
were found and two were excavated. The soil consists of a
plow zone .7' in depth, a tan mottled sand A' in depth, and a
yellow sand .9' in depth. At a mean depth of 2.0' the yellow
sand apparently becomes sterile. The site yielded the follow-
ing material:
Prehistoric objects:
1 Raddatz Side-notched projectile point base
(Fig. 7, No. 9)
2 Durst Stemmed projectile point bases (Fiq. 7
No. 10)
1 Corner-notched projectile point fragment (Fig.
7, No. 11)
64 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 46, No. i
1 Fingernail impressed body sherd
3 Grit tempered body sherds
12 Implement fragments
5 Worked flakes
1 Shell fragment
2 Quartzite flakes
1,147 Chert flakes
It is recommended that extensive excavation be undertaken
at Gillen Site IX. The testing operation indicates numerous
features and a deep deposit.
Gillen Site X (Ve-178) is located in the SW-SW-NE-
NW-NE 14 of Section 22, T14N, R2W, on the first terrace
of the Kickapoo River and 200 yards south of Ve-51. Two
five-foot squares were excavated on an east-west line. One
feature was located and excavated. The soil consists of a
brown, sandy clay-loam plow zone .6' in depth, and a yellow,
rocky clay beneath it, .4' in depth. The soil below this .4'
yellow clay is apparently sterile. The site is confined to an
area 100' square. This site yielded the following material:
Prehistoric objects:
1 Piano projectile point (Fig.'s 13, No. 16. and 15,
No. 4).
1 Micro core
1 Worked flake
28 Chert flakes
In view of the possible late Paleo-Indian projectile point
associated, in a feature, with a micro core and flakes, it is
strongly recommended that this site undergo extensive exca-
vation. It is believed that Gillen Site Ve-51, Ve-59, Ve-177,
and Ve-178 will offer a possible sequence from Paleo-Indian
to Woodland. The archaeological value of this complex of
sites is of such a magnitude to make these five sites the most
important ones found in the reservoir thus far.
Gillen Site XI (Ve-179) is located in the NE-NW-SW-
SW-SW 1/4 of Section 15, T14N, R2W. on the flood terrace
of the Kickapoo River. This site is 300 yards west of Gillen
site VII (Ve-164) and east of the Kickapoo River in a pasture
area. The site is on a rise 200' by 75' extending in an east
to west direction. Four five-foot squares were excavated.
The soil consisted of an old plow zone .6' in depth, a mottled
brown and tan sand .6' in depth, and a loose tan sand .5' in
depth. Below the surface at a mean depth of 1.7 the soil ap-
Kickapoo Research 65
pears to be sterile. The following objects were recovered
from the site:
Prehistoric objects:
2 Plain body sherds
1 Worked flake end scraper
9 Charred animal bone fragments
18 Animal bone fragments
57 Chert flakes
The yield from this testing operation warrants a recommen-
dation that Gil'len Site XI undergo extensive excavation.
Budde Site I (Ve-56) is located in Section 23, THN, R2W,
This village is outside the reservoir area.
Saunders Site I (Ve-58) is located in Section 14, THN,
R2W. This village site appears to be outside the reservoir
area.
State of Wisconsin Site I (Vc-130) is located in the NE-
SE-NE-SW % of Section 14, T14N, R2W, on the east side
of the Kickapoo River. The site is a rockshelter 20* long, 2'
to 6' high, with a 5' overhang, and over 2' of soil deposit.
This shelter was not tested.
State of Wisconsin Site II (Vc-131) is located in the SE-
NE-NE-SW % of Section 14, THN, R2W, on the east side
of the Kickapoo River and 200 yards north of VE-130. This
site is a rockshelter 30* long, '5 high, with a 7' overhang, and
over 2' of soil deposit. This rockshelter was not tested.
Woods Site I (Ve-54) is located in Section 10, THN,
R2W. This campsite is outside the reservoir area.
Woodard Site I (Vc-148) is located in Section 10, THN,
R2W. This rockshelter is outside the reservoir area.
Woodard Site II (Ve-149) is located in Section 10, THN,
R2W. This rockshelter is outside the reservoir area.
Woodard Site III (Ve-150) is located in Section 10, THN,
R2W. This campsite is located outside the reservoir area.
Woodard Site IV (Ve~162) is located in the NE-NW-
NW-SE-NE % of Section 10, THN, R2W, immediately
west of the hollow that begins northwest of the Woodard
home and south of the Kickapoo River. This site is a rock-
shelter 50' long, 5* to 8' high, with a 10' overhang, with its
floor at flood-plain level. This rockshelter faces north and
has not been tested.
% WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 46, No. 1
Collins Site I (Ve-161) is located in the NW-SE-NE-
SW-NE % of Section 10, THN, R2W, at the base of the
bluff on the south side of the Kickapoo River. This site is
300 yards east of STH 131 bridge. The site is a fissure cave
that is 4' wide, 8' high, and 8' deep. This cave faces north
and has not been tested.
Baltz Site I (Ve-155) is located in Section 2, THN, R2W.
This campsite is outside the reservoir area.
Baltz Site II (Ve-156) is located in Section 11, THN,
R2W. This campsite is located outside the reservoir area.
Baltz Site III (Ve-157) is located in Section 11, THN,
R2\V. This campsite is located outside the reservoir area.
Baltz Site IV (Ve-158) is located in the SE-NW-NW-
NW and the SW-NE-NW-NW % of Section 11, THN,
R2W, on a sandy ridge southwest of an old barn immedi-
ately north of and parallel to the Kickapoo River. This vil-
lage site is 500' east to west and 100' north to south. This vil-
lage site yielded the following material from the surface:
Prehistoric objects:
1 Piano projectile point with concave base (Fig. 13,
No. 18, and Fig. 16, No. 6)
1 Contracting stem projectile point (Fig. 6. No. 4)
2 Durst Stemmed projectile points (Fig. 6, No.'s 1
and 3)
1 Expanding stem projectile point
1 Side scraper (Fig. 6, No. 2)
4 Knives
3 Implement fragments
8 Worked flakes
2 Animal bone fragments
12 Quartzite flakes
342 Chert flakes
Historic objects:
1 Glass fragment
Gibson Site I (Ve-159) is located in the NE-NW-NW-
NE-NW 14 of Section 11, THN, R2W, on a sandy terrace
immediately SE of the corner of a lane to an old abandoned
house. This site was in corn during survey and only two im-
plement fragments and 22 chert flakes were found.
Baldwin Site I (Ve-53) is located in Section 2, THN,
R2W. This mound group is located outside the reservoir
area.
Kickapoo Research 67
Pittsin Site I (Vc-55) is located in. Section 3, T14N. R2W.
This village site is located outside the reservoir area.
Chandler Site I (Ve~52) is located in Section 3, T14N,
R2\V. This mound group is located outside the reservoir
area.
In addition to sites discussed in this report, six sites lie
outside the reservoir area, more than a mile from the edge of
the maximum pool.
The following table should aid in, the understanding of
the number and nature of the sites that have been located
since 1960:
TABLE 1
NUMBER OF SITES LOCATED, TESTED,
AND TO BE EXCAVATED
Sites
Campsites
Worksites
In Pool
Tested
To Be Excavated
Out of
Pool
56
6
23
17
17
Villages
Rockshelters
13
44
5
16
5
3
5
8
Caves
Mounds
1
1
1
1
1
1
Petrogylphs
Totals
1
121
45
26
37
ARCHAEOLOGICAL CHRONOLOGY OF THE
UPPER KICKAPOO VALLEY
Survey and testing operations have given us a small amount
of information concerning the cultural complexes that make
up the prehistory of the Upper Kickapoo Valley. While sam-
ples are limited, and distributions spotty, it is believed that
a presentation of the available data will block out the chron-
ology and cultural traditions of the prehistoric Indians who
utilized and occupied the valley. This study, and future
studies, will serve to contribute towards the understanding
of separate regional traditions and their interaction with a
number of distinct cultural complexes which can be traced to
areas outside the Upper Kickapoo Vailley. Evidence of the
retention of techniques and styles considered diagnostic of
these traditions and their degree of differential expression,
will be considered, for each chronological period recognized
68 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 46, No. 1
in the valley. Ecological adaption (Caldwell, 1958) will be
commented upon, but the full manifestation of this adaption
must await the results of full scale excavation. Extensive ex-
cavation, therefore, of the recommended sites, will hopefully
establish a basis from which significant studies can and
should emerge.
While a definitive study of the following periods must be
held in abeyance, it is believed that the available data will
indicate more than a presence or absence of specific archae-
ological complexes. Rather, it is believed, that data will be
of a nature to direct possible future work while serving to in-
dicate some of the problems that have arisen as a direct re-
sult of field and laboratory observations.
EARLY PALEO-INDIAN
In the last thirty years forms of early projectile points
points have been reported as occurring in Wisconsin (Kuhm,
1934; Byers, 1942; Jones, 1948; Ritzenthaler and Scholz, 1951;
Baerreis, 1953; Sugden, 1954; Nero, 1955; Dietz, 1956;
Steinbring and Farvour, 1957; Mason and Irwin, 1960; Sal-
zer and Stock, 1961; Ritzenthaler, 1962c, 1963a, 1963b; and
Mason, 1963). These reports have been recently augmented
by finds in Rock County (Richardson Site), Buffalo County
(Broomer Site II), Monroe County (Silver Creek I), and by
the numerous early materials in the Wisconsin museums.
Figure 12 is a distribution map of Paleo-Indian projectile
points. It is included here to give the reader an idea of the
known distribution of early points reported for Wisconsin.
The map indicates the area of apparent maximum concentra-
tion. Some gaps are unexplainable, i.e., Sauk and Columbia
counties are adjacent to the counties of maximum finds and
yet extensive surveys for the last thirty years have failed to
turn up points that could be associated with Paleo-Indian.
The solid line indicates the northern extension of these points.
The present distribution may be influenced by the extent of
archaeological work that has been conducted and by agricul-
tural utilization. The area of greatest concentration is one
in which extensive archaeological work has been conducted
and in which agricultural settlement is the heaviest. These
factors do not characterize the northern area.
Kickapoo Research
69
FIG. 12 Distribution map of Paleo-Indian points reported for Wisconsin
The HO known Paleo-Indian projectile points make us in-
creasingly aware of an early regional expression of Paleo-
Indian occupation of the state that postdates the Gary sub-
stage of the Late Wisconsin Glacial stage of circa 14,000 B.
P., andp redates the Valders substage of circa 11,000 B.P.
(Haugh, 1958, Table 22, and p. 121). This regional occu-
pancy apparently continued through the late Paleo-Indian
period which lasted until circa 6,000 B. P. This continuum
is represented by numerous surface finds in Wisconsin, and
is amply manifested in the Upper Kickapoo Valley. Projec-
tile points of this approximate period have been recovered
from the surface of archaeological sites within the reservoir
70 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 46, No. 1
area. It is believed, therefore, that this regional expression
is probably within the temporal limits of 11,000 B. P. to 6,000
B. P.
CLOVIS PROJECTILE POINTS
Clovis projectile points are considered a hallmark of the
Paleo-Indian period and were first found in the southwestern
United States associated with butchered mammoth remains
(Mason, 1962, p. 230). Geologic and radiocarbon dates place
these remains and their associated points between 13,500 B.
P. and 8,500 B. P. (Ibid, p. 230). Clovis points found in the
Eastern United States have not been dated within the initial
segment of this range but their widespread distribution in-
dicates considerable time depth. Their presence in Wisconsin
has long been noted (p. 92) and their occurrence in the ice
free, Driftless Area is estimated to be between circa 1 1 ,000
and 6,000 B. P. Quimby (1960, pp. 30-32) believes early
man entered the Upper Great Lakes area along with the
browsing mastodons, giant beaver, deer, elk, and caribou.
\Vitlh open prairies and extensive woodlands, these early
hunters could dispatch these animals with impunity. The
main implement used for hunting was the fluted Clovis point,
described by H. M. Wormington (1957, p. 263) as:
"Fluted lanceolate points with parellel or slightly con-
vex sides and concave bases. They range in length from
one and a half to five inches, but are usually some three
inches or more in length and fairly heavy. The flutes
sometimes extend almost the full length of the point
but usually they extend no more than half way from the
base to the tip. Normally, one face will have a longer
by the removal of multiple flakes. In most instances the
edges of the basal portion show evidence of smoothing
by grinding ..."
Clovis projectile points exhibit fluting techniques of two
varieties. The first has been described by Witthoft (1952, pp.
482-483) as triple-channel or Enterline:
"When a thick-based blank has been roughed out and
the preliminary shaping completed, basal thinning was
started. In most cases, this began with the removal of
two smaller channel flakes from one face of the blank,
by blows midway between the center of the blank base
and the basal corners. In some cases . . these flakes
Kickapoo Research 71
were small, but on other examples they are quite large.
The removal of these flakes served to isolate the central
part of the base as the striking platform for the removal
of the central channel flake. In many cases the removal
of this central flake obliterated all traces of the smaller
flutes, but very often conspicuous remnants o.f one or
both were left on the finished point."
Fluting from a straight or sligfhtly convex base has been
described by Mason (1958, p. 12) as the:
". . . preparation of the fluting striking platform by
means of beveling the base. It appears that the original
basal edge of the prefluted projectile point was straight,
or even sometimes slightly convex. This edge was bev-
eled over the plane of one of the faces (probably by
light percussion blows), and a striking platform was thus
established. At this point, a carefully directed blow de-
tached the fluting spall from the face. Since this blow
scattered parts of the edge, and the channel flake thus
removed carried away with it the striking platform, the
basal edge assumed a rough but definitely concave form.
In order to flute the opposite face, the basal edge had to
be reworked and beveled accordingly and a new striking
platform prepared. In some instances the initial fluting
so deepened the base or left such a deep negative bulb
that fluting the opposite face was not feasible. . . . If the
original fluting had not so negated the feasibility of bi-
facial fluting, a flute was then produced on the opposite
face, further shattering and deepening the basal concav-
ity. . . . After completion . . . the basal edge was trimmed
by fine pressure-retouch. This was usually followed by
pronounced grinding, not only at the base but also on the
tang edges and laterally up the blade."
Morphological and technological similarities between Clo-
vis points and the points recovered from two archaeological
sites within the reservoir (Frye Site I, Ve-41, and Hanson
Site II, Ve-167) suggest that these points be placed within
the Clovis group (See Mason, 1963, pp. 199-200). The fol-
lowing four projectile points are designated as Clovis points
and their descriptions are as follows:
1) Ve-167-O-S-l (Fig. 13, No. 1, and Fig. 14, No. 1).
Recovered from the surface of Hanson Site II (Fig. 2, Map
2). The material is mottled pink and white chert. The upper
one-half of the point is lenticular in cross section and the
lower is biconcave. The specimen is parallel-sided with the
72 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 46, No. 1
greatest width near the middle of the blade. The blade edges
constrict gradually to the tip and basal tangs. Blade edges
are alternately beveled. Both faces have been fluted accord-
ing to the Enterline technique. Basal thinning and grinding
is evident. Horizontal, parallel flaking is poorly controlled
on this specimen (see Table II for pertinent metrical data).
2) Ve-41-O-S-12 (Fig. 13, No. 2, and Fig. 14, No. 2).
This specimen was recovered from the surface of Frye Site I
(Fig. 5, Map 3). The material is fine chert. The specimen
is plano-convex in cross section and pentagonal in outline
with the greatest width at the shoulders. On the obverse
(face pictured to the right, Fig. 14, No. 2), Enterline fluting
terminates in a hinge fracture as do all flutes on the four
specimens, while on the reverse, plane face flaking is not as
well executed and the flute is closer to the right edge. The
base has been thinned and ground, and the tip shows impact
damage. Horizontal, parallel flaking is better controlled than
on specimen No. 1 (See Table II).
3) Ve-41-O-S-6 (Fig. 13, No. 4. and Fig. 14, No. 4). Re-
covered from the surface of Frye Site (Fig. 5, Map 3). The
material is mottled grey-black chert. This parallel-sided point
is biconcave in cross section in the lower one-half and lenti-
cular in the upper one-half. The greatest width is close to
the middle of the blade and the blade edges converge abruptly
towards the tip. Both faces have been fluted by the Enter-
line technique. The base and lateral blade edges are ground
and the base has been thinned. The tip shows impact dam-
age. Horizontal, parallel flaking is average (see Table II).
4) Ve-41-O-S-4 (Fig. 13, No. 5, and Fig. 14, No. 5). Re-
covered from the surface of Frye Site I (Fig. 5, Map 3). The
material is tan quartzite. The distal fragment appears to have
been parallel-sided with some transverse flaking in evidence.
This specimen is biconcave in cross section and has lateral
blade-grinding extending to a point ait which the blade edges
converge toward the tip. Fluting technique in this ca'se is
unknown (See Table II).
Kickapoo Research
73
KEY TO FIG. 13. Lithic artifacts from the Kickapoo reservoir area:
(Scale is 5 cm.; artifacts approx. two-thirds natural size).
1. Clovis projectile point, chert, Ve-167-O-E-l.
2. Clovis projectile point, chert, Ve-41-0-S-12.
3. Plainview projectile point, chert, Ve-169-O-S-l.
4. Clovis projectile point, chert, Ve-41-0-S-6.
5. Distal fragment of Clovis projectile point, quartzite, Ve-41-0-
S-4.
6. Midland projectile point, chert, Ve-41-0-S-9.
7. Plainview projectile point, chert, Ve-41-0-S-7.
8. Lanceolate projectile point, chert, Ve-62-0-S-5.
9. Agate Basin projectile point, chert, Ve-51-0-S-13.
10. Agate Basin projectile point, chert, Ve-41-0-S-3.
11. Agate Basin projectile point, chert, Ve-41-0-S-2.
12. Agate Basin projectile point, quartzite, Ve-41-O-S-l.
74 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST
Vol. 46, No. 1
13. Stemmed projectile point, chert, Ve-41-0-S-6.
14. Stemmed projectile point, chert, Ve-41-0-S-9.
15. Stemmed projectile point, chert, Ve-41-0-S-15.
16. Concave based projectile point, chert, Ve-178 PI (-25R150M.
17. Concave based projectile point, chert, Ve-41-0-S-13.
18. Concave based projectile point, chert, Ve-158-S-l.
19. Side-notched projectile point, chert, Ve-41-0-S-19.
20. Expanding stem projectile point, chert, Ve-41-0-S-14.
21. Oconto projectile point, chert, Ve-41-0-S-145.
22. Oconto projectile point, chert, Ve-41-0-S-138.
23. Oconto projectile point, chert, Ve-41-0-S-151.
KEY TO FIG. 14. Drawings of lithic artifacts in Figure 13; (Arti-
facts approx. two-thirds natural size).
Kickapoo Research 75
1. Clovis projectile point, chert.
2. Clovis projectile point, chert.
3. Plainview projectile point, chert.
4. Clovis projectile point, chert.
5. Distal fragment of Clovis projectile point, quartzite.
6. Midland projectile point, chert.
7. Plainview projectile point, chert.
8. Lanceolate projectile point, chert.
MIDLAND PROJECTILE POINTS
Midland projectile points are described by \Vormington
as:
"Points which were originally called 'Unfluted Folsoms'
because they closely resemble Folsoms as regards shape,
size, and general method of flaking, but are very thin and
unfluted. Some resemblances to Plainview are also ap-
parent, but, in general, these specimens are smaller, thin-
ner, flatter, and narrower" (1957, p. 263).
These points have been found in association with a human
calvarium, 7 Folsom points, a Milnesand point, and a Meserve
point. Associated faunal remains are: extinct horse, extinct
antelope, and extinct bison. The point was named after the
type site at Midland, Texas, The Midland point is generally
conceded to be pre-8,000 B. P. and may be contemporaneous
with Plainview points of 9,500 to 6,000 B. P. (Ibid., pp. 244-
246), One Midland point was recovered from Frye Site I
(Ve-41).
5) Ve-41-O-S-9 (Fig. 13, No. 6, and Fig. 14, No. 6). Re-
covered from the surface of Ve-41 (Fig. 5, Map 3). The
specimen is made from mottled white chert. It is lanceolate
in outline and lenticular in cross section. Excellent trans-
TABLE II
MEASUREMENTS (IN MILLIMETERS) OF KICKAPOO FLUTED POINTS
Max. Extent Fluting Scar Multiple
Fig. 13 Blade Max. Thick- Lateral Basal Basal Length Channel
"Q. No. Material Length Width ness ^ Grinding Width Depth Obverse Reverse Scars
1. 1 Cnert 73.5 28.5 8.5 25.0 25.0 2.0 25.5 13.5 X
2. 2 Chert 61.0 28.5 8.0 23.0 22.5 2.5 23.0 .17.0 X
3. 4 Chert "*0.0 22.5 7.0 19.0 19.5 2.0 15.0 17.0 X
. 5 Quartzite (33.5) 23.0 7.0 (1U.O) (lt.0) (6.0) ....
( ) = Actual dimensions of broken specimen
76 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 46, No. 1
verse flak : nq and fine basal retouching have thinned this
specimen to 5.5 mm. Basal and lateral edges are not heavily
ground and the greatest width is close to the middle of the
blade (See Table III).
Wormington (1957, p. 263) and Mason (1962, p. 231)
have suggested that Midland points were possibly too thin
for detachment of the channel flakes. This specimen is thick
enough for fluting but an intrusive chert band near the base
would have caused the specimen to break were fluting at-
tempted.
LATE PALEO-INDIAN
The Late Paleo-Indian period of circa 8,000 to 6,000 B. P.
is characterized by the appearance of well-made, lanceolate
projectile points. These points have been found on the Plains
associated with extinct and modern bison. Lanceolate points
are unfluted and are stratigraphically above the Clovis and
Folsom points. In the Plains, this tradition is subsumed un-
der the name Piano, but Quimby in 1960 (pp. 34-42) sug-
gested the term Aqua-Piano for those specimens found in the
Upper Great Lakes region. Numerous point types are in-
cluded under the Late Paleo-Indian heading and two of these
point types, and varieties thereof, have been recovered from
the Upper Kickapoo Valley. They are: Plainview, Agate
Basin, Lanceolate, and concave-based points. These four
varieties are ordered according to their apparent chronolog-
ical position, but, they may have been contemporaneous with
one another and survived into the Archaic period (Davis,
1962, pp. 91-96).
PLAINVIEW PROJECTILE POINTS
The Plainview projectile points are described by Davis as:
". . . thin lanceolate points averaging 60 to 70 mm. in
length. The base is straight to concave, the sides are
roughly straight and parallel, and the tip is short and
rounded or long and tapering. The flaking is well execut-
ed and parellel or irregular. Parallel flaking on these
points may be collateral, transverse, or oblique, but at no
one site have good examples of all three of these tech-
niques occurred. The proportion of breadth to length
is about 1.3, and of thickness to breadth about 1:4"
(Ibid, p. 84).
Kickapoo Research 77
Five Plainview points have been recovered from the sur-
face or archaeological sites within the reservoir. Projectile
points 6, 7, and 8, are distal fragments that exhibit character-
istics of Plainview projectile points (Mason, personal com-
munication). Projectile points 9 and 10 are provisionally
placed within the Plainview category. These points are thick
in cross section and are probably regional variants of the
classic Plainview type. These two points are similar to the
Plainview specimens recovered by E. Mott Davis from the
Lime Creek Site, Nebraska (1962, p. 59, a; p. 71; and p. 72,
Fig. 30).
6) Ve-51-O-S-18 (Fig. 10, No. 1). Distal end recovered
from the surface of Gillen Site II (Fig. 9, May 4). This
specimen is made from fine grey chert. It is lanceolate in out-
line and lenticular in cross section. Fine transverse flaking
and edge retouching is found on both sides. Both lateral
edges are ground and the greatest blade width is close to
the tip. Blade edges converge towards the base (See Table
III).
7) Ve-62-O-S-lll (Fig. 3, No. 2). Distal end fragment
recovered from the surface of Trappe Site III (Fig. 2, Map
2). The material is fine grey chert. It is lanceolate in outline
and lenticular in cross section. Both faces exhibit fine, trans-
verse flaking. Lateral edges are ground and the maximum
blade width is close to the middle of the blade. The blade
edges converge towards the base (See Table III).
8) Ve-169-O-S-13 (Fig. 4, No. 1). Distal fragment recov-
ered from M. Hopkins Site V (Fig. 2, Map 2). The specimen
is made from fine grey chert. It is lanceolate in outline and
lenticular in cross section. The obverse face has fine, flat,
slightly oblique flaking and the reverse face has flat trans-
verse flaking. Both lateral edges are ground and the maxi-
mum blade width appears to lie near to the top (See Table
III).
9) Ve-169-O-S-l (Fig. 13, No. 3, and Fig. 14, No. 3).
This point was recovered from the surface of M. Hopkins
Site V (Fig. 2, Map 2). The point is made from mottled
grey chert and is thick in cross section. Transverse flaking
is of fair quality and well defined on the obverse face. There
is a well defined, concave base of 2.5 mm., which has been
78 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 46, No. 1
thinned. Basal and lateral edge grinding is extensive. The
greatest width is close to the middle of the blade (See Tabl
III).
10) Ve-41-O-S-7 (Fig. 13, No. 7, and Fig. 14, No. 7).
Recovered from the surface of Frye Site I (Fig. 5, Map 3).
The material is mottled grey chert. This lanceolate point is
thick in cross section and the blade edges converge slightly
towards the base. The specimen has flat, irregular flaking;
a well defined concave base of 3.0; and slight basal thinning.
Basal and lateral edge grinding is minimal and the greatest
width is close to the middle of the blade (See Table III).
AGATE BASIN PROJECTILE POINTS
Agate Basin points were defined by Frank H. Roberts in
1943. These points are similar, technologically and tempor-
ally, to the lanceolate, Angostura type, but Agate Basin points
appear to be much larger. The Agate Basin point is charac-
terized by: bases that are straight to convex; transverse flak-
ing; fine, marginal retouch; grinding of the lateral edges; and
slight basal grinding and retouch. In Wyoming they have
been found associated with modern and/or extinct bison at a
bison-kill site. Two sites in the Upper Kickapoo Valley have
yielded Agate Basin points from the surface.
11) Ve-51-O-S-13 (Fig. 13, No. 9, and Fig. 15, No. 1).
Recovered from the surface of Gillen Site II (Fig. 9, Map 4).
The point is lanceolate in outline and lenticular in cross sec-
tion. Both faces exhibit fine, transverse flaking. Distal and
basal ends have been fractured. The blade edges are heavily
ground. The material is fine white chert. The greatest width
is close to the middle of the blade (See Table III).
12) Ve-41-O-S-3 (Fig. 13, No. 10, and Fig. 15, No. 2).
Recovered from the surface of Frye Site I (Fig. 5, Map 3).
This mid-section exhibits fine, transverse flaking on both
faces. The material used is mottled, cream chert. Blade
edges are heavily ground. The point is lanceolate in outline
and lenticular in cross section. Greatest width is close to the
middle of the blade (See Table III).
13) Ve-41-O-S-2 (Fig. 13) No. 11, and Fig. 15, No. 3).
Recovered from the surface of Frye Site I (Fig. 5, Map 3).
The material used is fine white chert. This specimen is lance-
Kickapoo Research
79
10
KEY TO FIG. 15. Drawing of lithic artifacts in Figure 13; (Arti-
facts approx. two-thirds natural size).
9. Agate Basin projectile point, chert.
10. Agate Basin projectile point, chert.
11. Agate Basin projectile point, chert.
12. Agate Basin projectile point, quartzite.
80 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 46, No. 1
olate in outline and plano-convex in cross section. The ob-
verse face has fine transverse flaking, the reverse face has
flat irregular transverse flaking and four facets have been
twisted off the left blade edge. Blade edges are ground and
the maximum width is close to the middle of the blade (See
Table III).
14) Ve-41-O-S-l (Fig. 13, No. 12, and Fig. 15, No. 4).
Recovered from the surface of Frye Site 1 (Fig. 5, Map 3).
Material is a dark, tan quartzite. Flaking on both faces is
transverse, tending to oblique. The specimen is lanceolate
in outline and lenticular in cross section. Lateral and basal
grinding is minimal. The maximum width is close to the
middle of the blade (See Table III).
LANCEOLATE PROJECTILE POINTS
Five lanceolate projectile points have been recovered from
the surface of archeological sites within the reservoir area.
These speciments exhibit characteristics that are representa-
tive of Late Pa'leo-Indian projectile points, i. e., collateral
flaking, fine oblique and transverse flaking, basal and lateral
edge grinding, fine basal thinning, etc., but they are morpho-
logically difficult to place within the known Late Paleo-In-
dian categories. Therefore, they will be described and refer-
ence will be made to possible relationships to known types.
It is believed that these points are regional variants of Late
Paleo-Indian point types.
15) Ve-62-O-S-52 (Fig. 3, No. 1). Recovered from the
surface of Trappe Site III (Fig. 2, Map 2). This specimen is
made from light tan quartzite. Deep, collateral flaking, on
both faces, has caused the blade edges to exhibit pronounced
sinuousness. The flaking technique is similar to the tech-
niques used on Eden projectile points. Impact fracture has
removed the tip. This specimen! has a straight stem, and
the stem and laterial blade edges have been heavily ground.
The blade is lanceolate in outline and lenticular in cross sec-
tion. Greatest blade width is close to the middle of the blade
(See Table IV).
Kickapoo Research
81
TABLE III
MEASUREMENTS (IM MILLU'KTERS) OF LATKPALEO- INDIAN POINTS
Ho.
Fir.
No.
Blade
Length
Maximum
Width
Kaximun
Thickness
Extent
Lateral Stem
Grinding Length
Stem Base
Width Width Type
5.
13
: C
tl.
23.
o.S
22
.0
17.5 Midland
6.
10
: 1
(55.
0)
22.
7.
3
(57.
0)
?a.
s
3.5'
(23
.0)
8.
if
: 1
(to.
5)
19.
(20
.0)
.... .... Plainview
9.
13
t 3
58.
20.
7.5
27
.5
22.0 Plain
view
10.
13
r 7
59.
24.
7.5
15
.0
20.0 Plnin
view
JLl.
13
15
: 9
1
(119.
0)
29.
5
8.5
(58
.5)
(19.0) Apate
Basin
12.
13
15
10
2
(80.
5)
26.
5
e.o
(MO
.0)
Basin
13.
13
15
11
2
186.
5)
20.
5
5.5
(20
.0)
Easin
11.
13
15
: 12
: U
(73.
5)
23.
5
7.5
11
.0 ...
Basin
<J * Xctual dimensions of broken specimens
16) Ve-62-O-S-5 (Fig. 13, No. 8, and Fig. 14, No. 8). This
specimen is similar to the Scottsbluff Type I variety but it
does not have the fine workmanship of these points. This spe-
cimen was recovered from the surface of Trappe Site III (Fig.
2, Map 2), and is made from a light grey chert. Both faces
are irregularly flaked. The obverse face has basal thinning
scars extending 20.5 mm. from the base. The point is lanceo-
late in outline and lenticular in cross section. Grinding and
blade edge retouch have produced a slight stem with a straight
base. Greatest blade width is close to the middle of the blade.
(See Table IV).
17) Ve-41~O-S-106 (Fig. 8, No. 1). This distal fragment
is similar to the Plainview fragments. This specimen was re-
covered from the surface of Frye Site I (Fig. 5, Map 3). The
material is mottled grey chert. Both faces have been flaked
by careful, flat, oblique flaking techniques. Lateral edges are
ground and the greatest width is close to the middle of the
blade (See Table IV).
18) Ve-169-O-S-8 (Fig. 4, No. 2). Recovered from the
surface of M. Hopkins Site V (Fig. 2, Map 2). This speci-
men is made from mottled pink chert. It is lanceolate in out-
line and thin in cross section. The obverse face exhibits fine,
oblique flaking. Basal thinning has resulted in hinge scars
82 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 46, No. 1
13.5 mm. from the apex of the base. The reverse face has
fine, transverse flaking and basal thinning has left hinge scars
9.0 mm. from the apex of the base. Both lateral edges exhibit
fine, pressure retouch. The basal concavity is slight (1.5
mm.) and is slightly ground. Maximum blade width is close
to the base (See Table IV).
19) Ve-169-O-S-82 (not illustrated). Recovered from the
surface of M. Hopkins Site V (Fig. 2, Map 2). The specimen
is miade from mottled cream chert. Both faces have flat, obli-
que flaking but it is poorly controlled. The reverse face has
a hinge scar H.O mm. from the base that has resulted from
basal thinning. The point is lanceolate in outline and lenticu-
lar in crosss ection. Latertal blade edge grinding is minimal.
Impact fracture has removed a spall from the tip. The maxi-
mum width is close to the middle of the blade (See Table IV).
CONCAVE BASED PROJECTILE POINTS
The Paleo-Indian stage does not automatically terminate
at circa 5,000 B.P. Traits and complexes continued and this
continuum is becoming increasingly more well known (De-
Jarnette, et aL, 1962). Prufer and Baby, though, see no tran-
sition in Ohio to an Archaic tradition (1963, p. 4). But, side-
notched and other points found at Midoc Rock Shelter in Illi-
nois (Fowler, 1959a); Graham Cave in Misouri (Logan, 19-
52); and ait the Simonsen bison-kill site in Iowa (Frankforter
and Agogino, 1959), suggest an overlap of the Paleo-Indian
and Archaic stages. For Wisconsin, Nero (1955, p. 145) sug-
gests that the Havey Site "... shows resemblance to Late
Paleo-Indian and Early Archaic complexes and may well rep-
resent a transitional culture." The Havey fluted and lanceo-
late projectile points, gravers, ground-edge scrapers, etc., cer-
tainly represent a Paleo-Indian occupation. Side-notched
points, at the Havey Site, appear to represent the beginnings
of an Archaic tradition. Wittry (1959b, p. 251) suggests that
diminutive scrapers from the Durst Site may belong to a pre-
side notched point culture. Mason and Irwin (1960) have re-
covered Eden and Scottsbluff projectile points associated with
a side-notched point at the Renier Site. Baerreis (1953, pp.
161-163) has recovered lanceolate projectile points and Ma-
dison Side Notched projectile points associated with gravers
Kickapoo Research 83
from the Airport Village Site. He suggests an occupation be-
ginning circa 2,000 B.C. (4,000 B.P.).
The temporal and spatial placement of the Oconto, Rad-
datz, Madison Site Notched, and Osceola projectile points,
will be discussed in the section of this paper dealing with the
Archaic period. It is suggested that concave base, lanceolate
points (Fig. 4, No. 3; Fig. 10, No. 4; Fig. 13, No.'s 16, 17,
and 18; and Fig. 16, No/s 16, 17, and 18) also are part of
the Late Paleo-Indian tradition and continue into the Archaic.
One oblique Baked side-notched projectile point (Fig. 13, No.
19, and Fig. 16, No. 19) is also placed within this period. The
concave base, lanceolate projectile points bear a strong resem-
blance to other early points, i.e., Cumberland points (in out-
line), Wheeler points, McKean points (Bell, 1958, p. 51, and
1960, pp. 23, 81, and 94), end Nutimik concave points (Mac-
Neish, 1958, pp. 93-99).
Snub-nosed scrapers, single and multiple spurred scrapers,
worked flake tools, gravers, and possibly burins, from the Up-
per Kickapoo Valley, are included as part of the stone tool
assemblages of the Paleo-Indian, and Archaic periods. Speci-
fic temporal placement is not possible at this time, but, varie-
ties of these tools have been recovered, in the Kickapoo Val-
ley, from the surface and in excavations of archaeological
sites that belong to these periods. Further testing and full-
scale excavations will undoubtedly enable us to place these
tools within their proper assemblages.
The following six specimens are provisionally placed with-
in the Late Paleo-Indian period. These points may have last-
ed well into the Archaic period. They are described as fol-
lows:
20) Ve-178-F-l (25R150)-! (Fig. 13, No. 16, and Fig. 16,
No. 16). Recovered from a refuse pit at Gillen Site X (Fig.
9, Map 4) associated with a worked flake and a possible mic-
rocore (p. 86). The specimen is made from mottled, light grey
chert. Both faces exhibit irregular flaking. It is lanceolate in
outline and lenticular in cross section. The blade edges have
been pressure-retouched and the base is thinned. The base
and lateral blade edges have been lightly ground. The tip
shows impact damage. The greatest width is close to the mid-
dle of the blade (See Table IV).
84 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST
Vol. 46, No. 1
KEY TO FIG. 16. Drawings of lithic artifacts in Figure 13; (Arti-
facts approx. two-thirds natural size).
13. Stemmed projectile point, chert.
14. Stemmed projectile point, chert.
15. Stemmed projectile point, chert.
16. Concave based projectile point, chert.
17. Concave based projectile point, chert.
18. Concave based projectile point, chert.
19. Side notched projectile point, chert.
20. Expanded stem projectile point, chert.
21). Ve~51-O~S-15 (Fig. 10, No. 4). Recovered from the
surface of Gillen Site II (Fig. 9, Map 4). The material is mot-
Kickapoo Research 85
tied grey-cream chert. Both faces are irregularly flaked and
have pressure retouch along the edges. The specimen is lan-
ceolate in outline and thick in cross section. The base has
been thinned. No grinding is evident. The tip has impact
damage. The greatest width is close to the middle of the
blade (See Table IV).
22) Ve-169-O-S-3 (Fig. 4, No. 3). Recovered from the
surface of M. Hopkins Site V (Fig. 2, Map 2). The material
is cream chert. The specimen is lanceolate in outline and len-
ticular in cross section. Both faces have fair transverse flak-
ing. Basal and lateral edges have been ground and both have
been pressure retouched. The greatest width is close to the
middle of the blade (See Table IV).
23) Ve-41-O-S-13 (Fig. 13, No. 17, and Fig. 16, No. 17).
Recovered from the surface of Frye Site I (Fig. 5, Map 3).
The specimen is made from mottled pink and grey chert It
is concavo-convex in outline and thick in cross section. Irre-
gular flaking is poorly controlled. The base and lateral edges
have minimal grinding and the obverse base has been thinned.
The maximum width is close to the base. The tip shows im-
pact fracture (See Table IV).
24) Ve-158-S-l (Fig. 13, No. 18, and Fig. 16, No. 18). Re-
covered from the surface of Baltz Site IV (Fig. 9, Map 4).
The material is mottled pink-cream chert. It is concavo-
convex in outline with a thick, lenticular cross section. Blade
edges converge sharply towards the base. Maximum blade
width lies near the tip of the point. The tip shows impact
damage. Lateral and basal edges exhibit fine pressure re-
touch. Both faces are irregularly flaked. Basal and lateral
edge grinding is minimal (See Table IV).
25) Ve-41-O-S-19 (Fig. 13, No. 19, and Fig. 16, No. 19).
Recovered from the surface of Frye Sitie I (Fig. 5, Map 3).
This side-notched point is made from dark grey chert and
both faces exhibit fine, flat, oblique flaking. The notches are
close to the base, which is straight. Both the basal and lateral
edges have been heavily ground and have fine pressure re-
touch. The tip is missing. The base is the widest point on
the specimen. It is parallel-sided in outline and lenticular in
cros section (See Table IV).
86 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST
Vol. 46, No. 1
TABLE IV
MEAGUREfZHTS (IN MILLIMETERS) OF LATE PALEO-INDIAN POINTS
No. rip,. No. Length
Maximum
Width
Maximum
Thickness
Extent
Lateral Stem Stem Base Basal
Grinding Length Width Width Depth Type
15.
3
1
(56
.5)
19.5
7.S
(36
.5)
(8.0) 11.0
(9.0)
Lanceolate
16.
13
1M
8
8
66
.0
?8.. r >
5.5
M
.5
R. J't.5
L.11.5 21.0
20.5
Lanceolate
17. 8
1
(41
.0)
/'I '.
6.5
(16
.0)
Lanceolate
18. 1
2
U6
.0
21.5
5.5
16.0
Lanceolate
19.
(51
.5)
18.0
6.5
(13
.0)
7.0
Lanceolate
20.
13
16
16
16
(18
.5)
21.5
7.0
16
.0
16 . 5 19 . 5
21.5 U.O
Concave
Lanceolate
21.
10
n
(31
.0)
22.5
8.5
..
..
10.5 19 .'5
21.5 >.5
Concave
Lanceolate
22.
U : 3
33
.5
18.5
7.5
17
.0
8.5 17.0
18.5 3.5
Cone ve
Lane olate
23.
13 : 17
16 : 17
<27
.0)
29.0
9.0
1M
.0
19.0 23.5
21.0 2.5
one vo-
2U.
13 : 18
16 : 18
(31.0)
29.0
8.5
12
.0
22.0 19.5
19.5 U.O
onc vo-
onv x
25.
13 : 19
16 : 19
(26
.5)
?3.S
8.0
19
ide
( ) = Actual dimensions of broken specimens
ARCHAIC
The Archaic period of circa 5,000 B.P. to 3,000 B.P. is
characterized by a diversity of chipped stone forms and a
greater utilization of the environment. Adaptation to local
conditions in the Eastern United States resulted in several
regional varieties or sub-traditions of the Archaic stage. The
lanceolate and concave based projectile points appear to sur-
vive and fuse with resident Archaic complexes. The com-
plexes have ground and polished stone tools, bone tools, side*
notched and stemmed projectile points, gravers, copper arti-
facts, gorgets, pendants, and a v/ide variety of stone drills
and knives. In the Upper Mississippi Valley some of these
regional variations are quite distinct (Mayer-Oakes, 1960)
but a full manifestation of this regional Archaic is to be found
in Wisconsin (pp. 112-113). Possibly the earliest and best
known manifestation is the Old Copper Culture.
The term Old Copper and the concept of an Old Copper
Culture was first proposed by W. C. McKern in 1942. This
culture had utilitarian implements of copper which were not
related to the then known local culturlal manifestations. Mc-
Kern has hypothesized a perceramic culture (pre- Woodland)
that occupied an early time horizon. He based his formula-
tions on two factors: 1 ) the discovery of copper implements
in a pre-pottery (Laurentian) level in the Northeast United
Kickapoo Research 87
States and, 2) the occurence of over 20,000 copper implements
in the Eastern United States, the majority of them being
found in the State of Wisconsin. McKern believed that this
copper-using culture was centered in Wisconsin and that
tools and concepts of making them spread into adjacent areas.
The largest and richest sources of native copper in North
America are found on the Northwest edge of Lake Superior.
Isle Royale and the Keweenaw Peninsula are dotted with
thousands of pits marking the extensive mining ciarried on by
the prehistoric Indians in their search for copper. Glacial ac-
tion has also carried large drift copper, or float copper, from
Canada, Isle Roya'le, and the Keweenaw Peninsula into Wis-
consin. This float copper was probably the first source of
metal of the prehistoric Indians. It was readily iavailable and
easy to locate on the surface. The concept of mining came
later, and the methods employed by the prehistoric Indians
were simple, but extremely laborious. The methods of manu-
facture employed were initially cold hammering, and later
annealing. The finishing methods consisted of cutting and
trimming uneven edges with sharp implements and smoothing
surfaces by rubbing or grinding with sandstone or other
stones.
With the knowledge of the techniques used and the pri-
mary sources of native copper located, the hypothesis formu^
lated by McKern remained untested until 1945. During the
summer of 1945, the Old Copper site of Osceola was excavat-
ed (Ritzenthaler, 1946). Forty Old Copper implements and
ornaments, well-made chipped stone implements, pottery, and
a burial population estimated at about 500 individuals, were
assigned to the complex. The Osceola projectile points have
been described by Mason and Mason (1961, p. 149), as:
"... basically lanceolate in shape, parallel-sided with
comparatively broad blades. The bases tend to be squar-
ed and fairly massive v/ith the lateral edges of the tang
ears tending to be insloping toward the bases themselves;
the characteristic basal treatment is deep "u"-shaped
side-notching, in most cases at right angles to the long
axes of the points. Basal edges are slightly to markedly
concave in the larger specimens, more often straight in
the smaller ones .... In length the Osceola points range
from an estimated 210 mm. to 57 mm. with the average
88 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 46, No. 1
length of 98 mm.; they range in width from about 48 mm.
to 23 mm. with an average of 29 mm. . . . All of the Os-
ceola points examined are made of chert, ranging from
banded rose chert to solid gray and solid white. Work-
manship ranges from good to excellent with a few exam-
ples of rough flaking and careless retouch. In no case
were any of the basal or lateral edges of any of these
points ground smooth."
A radiocarbon date measured on the organic carbon of the
bone specimens submitted, yielded a date of 3450 + or - 250
B.P. (M-643). Numerous Osceola points have been recover-
ed from the surface of archaeological sites within the reser-
voir area. A few are illustrated (Fig. 3, No. 7; Fig. 4, No. 5,
and Fig. 5, No.'s 17, 18, and 21). Lewis and Lewis (1961, pp.
34-37) have excavated a projectile point type in Tennessee,
which they call Big Sandy Side Notched. They believe it is
contemporaneous with the Osceola type. W^hile it may be
morphologically similar; the dates of 6,000 to 5,000 B.P. do
not concur with the Osceola date. A possible closer relation-
ship can be drawn to the Otter Creek Points, of Vermont.
These points (Ritchie, 1961, pp. 40-41) and the Osceola
points appear to be temporally and morphologically similar.
During the summer of 1952, the Old Copper site at Oconto,
Wisconsin, was excavated (Ritzenthaler and Wittry, 1956).
Forty-five individuals were uncovered and twenty-six copper
artifacts were found associated with the burials. The stone
projectile points recovered have been described by Mason
and Mason (1961, pp. 149-150) as:
"... basically triangular in shape with some predomi-
nantly straight or slightly convex edges. In some cases,
these convex edges give the points a distinctly ovoid
shape rather than a sharply triangular one. Basal edges
'arc similarly straight to slightly convex. The points are
notched with small but well-defined side-notches that are
"u" to "v" shaped and placed just above the juncture of
the sides with the base .... In size, the points average
59 m. in length (with a range from 110 to 27 mm.). All of
them made of chert with an apparent preference for gray-
banded chert."
Charred wood and charcoal, from the Oconto site, were
submitted for radiocarbon analysis and they yielded the dates
5,600 + or - 600 B.P. (C-836) and 7,510 + or - 600 B.P.
(C-837 and C-839). Ritzenthaler (personal communication)
Kickapoo Research
39
believes the former date is probably the more accurate.
Projectile points of the Oconto type have been recovered from
the surface and from excavations in the reservoir area (Fig.
3, No.'s 5, and 11; Fig. 4, No.'s 15, and 16; Fig. 7, No. 2;
Fig. 8, No. 10; Fig. 10, No.'s 11, 12, 13 and 14; Fig. 13 No.'s
21, 22, and 23; and Fig. 17, No.'s 21, 22, and 23).
Projectile points similar to the Oconto type have been re~
covered from the Reigh Site, on the south shore of Lake Butte
de Morts (Baerreis, et. al, 1954; Ritzenthaler, 1957). The
Reigh site yielded 68 individual's, 105 copper artifacts, and
numerous stone, bone, and shell artifacts. Organic aarbon of
the bone specimens submitted, yielded a radiocarbon date of
3,6 : 00 + or - 250 B.P. (M-644). One source of copper, Isle
Royal National Park, has been visited and tested for the last
forty years. Drier (1961) has excavated copper mining pits
KEY TO FIG. 17. Drawings of lithic artifacts in Figure 13; (Arti-
facts approx. two-thirds natural size).
21. Oconto projectile point, chert.
22. Oconto projectile point, chert.
23. Oconto projecile point, chert.
90 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 46, No. 1
on the island and has been able to recover charred wood sam-
ples that have yielded the following dates: 3,000 + or - 350
B.P. (M-320) from six feet below the surface, in Pit 25; and
3,000 + or - 500 B.P. (M-371e), 3,310 + or - 200 B.P. (W-
291 ) from a charred log recovered eleven to twelve feet
below the surface. Current research at the Riverside Ceme-
tery Site in Menominee, Michigan, has uncovered lithic and
copper artifacts that would appear to mark a transition from
the Late Old Copper (circa 3,000 B.P.) to the middle of the
Red Ocher Culture of the same time period (Ritzenthaler and
Quimby, 1962). Although a large number of projectile points
of the Oconto and Osceola varieties have been found on the
surface and in subsurface testing operations in the Kickapoo
Reservoir area (pp. 118-119), only one copper artifact, a
socketed copper projectile point of \Vittry's type I-AI (1951,
pp. 7, 11, and 16) has been recovered (Fig. 4, No. 4).
Other regional manifestations of Archaic side notched pro-
jectile points are the Raddatz Side-notched and the Madison
Side-Notched varieties. Raddatz Side-Notched projectile
points have been recovered from the Raddatz (Sk-5), Durst
(Sk-2), and Gov. Dodge State Park (Ia~l) rockshelters. Rad-
datz points have been defined by Wittry as:
". . . lanceolate with a tendency for the sides to be paral-
lel, slightly convex, or slightly tapering toward the tip;
converging rather abruptly to the tip. The form was
achieved by percussion flaking with pressure flaking be-
used primarily to even the edges of the blade. The not-
ches are set close to the base, perpendicular to the long
axis and tend to be U-shaped, although a few are more
squared. They are usually as deep as they are wide . . ."
(1959a, p. 46).
Raddatz points make their appearance at circa 5,000 B.P.
and continue until circa 3,000 B.P. (Wittry, 1959a, p. 63;
1959b, pp. 251-252). Although there are some basic similar-
ities between these specimens and the Osceola points, it is be-
lieved by Mason and Mason (1961, pp. 148-155) and by the
writer, (who has examined all the specimens of both types),
that the Raddatz points are a valid type and should not be
considered varieties of Osceola points. Specimens have been
recovered from the Osceola site that are Raddaitz and Oconto
types (specifically specimens: 75, 133, 136, 177, and 182-Mil-
Kickapoo Research 91
waukee Museum collection), while Wit-try's specimen Fll-
12-1 (1959a, Fig. 3-X, p. 45, and p. 60) is an Osceola point.
As Wittry (Ibid*, p. 46) has suggested, there are several vari-
eties within the Raddatz type and it would appear that both
the Osceola and Madison Side-Notched points have been in-
cluded in his samples.
Madison Side-Notched points (Baerreis, 1963, pp. 152-154;
Nero, pp. 130-131) have the following characteristics:
"... the stem is produced by a U-shaped notch inserted
at a right angle to the long axis of the point. The notch is
placed quite close to the basal area so that the stem length
is relatively short. The body outline is convex or more
rarely near straight and the body frequently bears very
fine serrations. The stem tends to be as wide or slightly
wider than the body though in a few points there is a de-
crease in width at this point. The basal area is straight
with a slight tendency to be either concave or convex.
The points are finished by precise pressure flaking and
the materials consist primarily of a dark grey chert . . ."
(Baerreis, p. 154).
Baerreis believes that the Madison Side-Notched points an-
tedate the Osceola points and would place the Madison points
in the Early Archaic Period (IbicL t p. 163). Excavations at
OcontQ. indicate that the Oconto points are possibly earlier
than the Madison points. The latter probably range from
Middle Archaic to Late Archaic and are contemporaneous
with the Raddatz points. Numerous specimens of both vari-
eties have been recovered in the reservoir area, as well as
side-notched points that do not readily fit into known types
(See Figs. 3, 4, 6, 7, 8, and 10).
Projectile points that are part of the assemblages of the
Late Archaic and Early \Voodland stages have been recover-
ed from the reservoir atrea. These points are the stemmed var-
ieties, i.e., straight, contracting, and slightly expanding stem
points. The latter group is represented by numerous Durst
Stemmed points (Fig. 3, No. 16: Fig. 4, No.'s 8, 9, and 10;
Fig. 6, No.'s 1, 3, 5, and 6; Fig. 7, No.'s 3, 7. and 10; and Fig.
8, No.'s 3, 16, 17, 18, and 19). Durst Stemmed points are
'!. . . interpreted as marking the beginning of the Late Archaic
times . . . (Wittry, 1959a, p. 61) ... later in time than the
side notched points . . . (Wittry, 1959b, p. 252) . . . and per-
92 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 46, No. 1
haps surviving into later times in subdued importance" (Ibid.,
p. 219). Durst Stemmed points are defined by Wittry as be-
ing produced:
". . . by the removal of long shallow notches from the cor-
ners of a leaf-shaped blank. The shoulders are rounded
and generally represent a transitional zone of curvature
from the stem to the convex-sided blade. The stem ex-
pands slightly to a gently rounded or straight base, the
latter being far less frequently the case than the former"
(1959a, p. 48).
Some Durst Stemmed points bear basal grinding and the
base is a consistant 2 mm. wider than the stem. Durst Stem-
med points represent a regional variety of stemmed points
that have a slightly expanded stem. Orient Fishtail Points
(Ritchie, 1961, p. 39) are larger than the Durst Stemmed
points. Specimens similar to Orient points (Fig. 4, No.'s 6,
and 19; Fig. 8, No. 24; Fig. 13, No. 20, and Fig. 16, No. 20)
have been recovered in the reservoir area and their presence
adds credence to the belief that Durst and Orient points are
representative of the transitional period between Archaic and
Early Woodland (Boyd, 1962, pp. 473-478).
Artifacts representative of the Red Ocher Culture are ab-
sent in the reservoir area. Characteristic ground and polished
stone artifacts, of the Archaic period, are represented by only
three specimens (Fig. 11, No.'s 4, 5, and 6). The antiquity of
side notched points has been pointed out, and thus, we
are primarily dependent on the side notched and stem-
med projectile points to represent the Archaic stage in
the Upper Kickapoo Valley. Although one copper point has
been found, the lithic points of the Old Copper assemblages
are amply present in the reservoir area. The Old Copper Cul-
ture has been reshaped and slightly redefined since McKern
first proposed it in 1942. To date we have information from
four cemetery excavations and the Isle Royale mines. The
chronological placement and relationships to other cultures
remain the major problems of Old Copper. Habitation sites
may yield the answers that are needed. It is believed that the
large quantity of Old Copper Lithic points found in the reser-
voir area will give us the needed information as soon as the
sites are excavated and analyzed. The Old Copper Culture
did not suddenly arise in the year 5,000 B.P. There are ante-
Kickapoo Research 93
cedents to this culture, and they may be found in the Kickapoo
Reservoir area. The Old Copper culture remains the earliest
metal using culture in the New World (Hurley and Yoshi-
zaki, n.d.). It is the result of independent invention with little
or no evidence to support connections with early users of cop-
per in Siberia (\Vormington, 1962, p. 24). Therefore, we
must gather any and all information that will shed more light
on this culture, its lithic assemblage, and contemporaneous
traditions that possibly interacted with it.
EARLY WOODLAND
Southwestern Wisconsin is considered a marginal area for
prehistoric horticulture and agriculture (Kroeber, 1963, p.
89). Its long hard winters and short growing seasons have
been overcome with the introduction of hybrid corn and cli-
matically hardened European crops. Horticulture aided in the
transformation from an Archaic to an Early \Voodland staige.
The Early Woodland stage is considered a transitional one
in which certain new traits diffused throughout the Eastern
United States. There was a shift from collecting wild plant
and animal foods to limited horticultural practices (Jennings
and Norbeck, 1964, p. 237). Before these traits are discussed,
we must consider the meaning of Staige and Period. Through-
out this paper I have been using initial and terminal dates for
the periods presented. A period framework assumes a fairly
sound chono'logical basis. Stage is one of the steps into which
the material development of man is divided. A stage is used
as a basis for comparison and does not necessarily imply a
beginning or an end. Thus, the Archaic stage in certain areas,
cam survive while other stages develop. This can result from
cultural lag, temporal marginality, or true marginality. There-
fore, periods and stages are not unilinear developments of
well ordered progressions but, rather, multilineal develop-
ments that have a considerable degree of temporal and spatial
overlap (Mayer-Oakes, 1956, p. 580).
We have suggested a terminal date of 3,000 B.P. for Ar-
chaic but this does not mean that peoples with an Archaic
mode of life could not have survived well into \Voodland per~
iods or that incipient Woodland did not have its beginnings
in the Archaic period. The Early Woodland period probably
94 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 46, No. 1
began as early as 4,500 B.P. and terminated about 2,500 B.P.
(Fowler, 1959b, p. 17). It must also be kept in mind that the
Early Woodland stage may have lasted longer than the term-
inal date proposed for the period.
Early Woodland can be viewed as a developmental stage
of semi-sedentary groups who continued to hunt, gather, and
fish. In a cultural sense, Early Woodland is reserved for
Woodland groups that exhibit many new non-Archaic char-
acteristics. They do not appear to have an elaborate ceramic
complex, socio-religious organizations, and are not agricul-
turally dependent. Early \Voodland antedates the Middle
Woodland and/or Hopewell stage.
The characteristic traits of Early Woodland are: utiliza-
tion of pottery; stemmed and side-notched points that bear
resemblances to those found in the earlier Archaic period;
red ocher burials; polished stone artifacts such as celts; hor-
ticulture; communiail cooperation in mound building; gorgets,
continued utilization of copper; and possible house and cere-
monial structures.
We are again dependent upon the lithic remains from the
reservoir area to represent this stage of development. Three
polished stone artifacts have been recovered (Fig. 11) but
their association is not known. Diagnostic points of the Red
Ocher Culture are lacking. Burials, gorgets, copper, and
house structures are totally absent, thus far, for this period.
The small amount of pottery recovered is non-diagnostic and
lacks the incised-over-cord marking iand cord roughened in-
teriors associated with the Early Woodland period. One
mound has been located within the proposed reservoir area,
and must await excavation for its proper time placement.
Therefore, reference to the projctile points will indicate the
presence of Early Woodland peoples in the Upper Kickapoo
Valley and will serve as a guide in the future work under-
taken.
Durst Stemmed points extend into the Woodland stage
and have been found at Frye Site I, Ve-41 (Fig. 2, Map
2; Fig. 7, No.'s 3, and 7) associated, in the upper two levels^
with grit tempered pottery. At 1.0 to 2.0 below the surface
there are Durst Stemmed points stratigraphically above
Oconto Side-notched points. Both lack ceramic associations.
Kickapoo Research 95
At Kaukl Site VIII (p. 39) two Durst Stemmed points (Fig.
6, No/s 5, and 6) have been found in subsurface testing, and
they again lack ceramic associations. Thus, we have possible
Late Archaic and Early Woodland levels associated with
Durst Stemmed points.
Adena projectile points have been recovered from the sur-
face of archaeological sites in the reservoir area (Fig. 3, No/s
19 and 29; Fig. 4, No. 21: and Fig. 10, No. 18). These points
are described by Bell (1958, p. 4) as:
"... raither large in size with most examples ranging be-
tween 3 and 5 inches in length. The stem is broad, typ-
ically rounded and approximately semi-oval in outline.
The shoulders are prominent but not barbed, and the
blades form a gentle convex curve extending toward the
tip. The Adena points are usually fairly thin, in spite of
their width, and exhibit good workmanship in the chip-
ping. In some cases the rounded stem has been ground or
smoothed to dull the edges."
Adena points have an estimated age ranging from about
2,800 B.P. up to 1,200 B.P. (Ibid, p. 4; and Ritchie, 1961,
p. 12). Thicker, contracting stem points, with pointed to
slightly rounded bases, are classified as Gary points. Re-
gional varieties of this point type are known as Waubesa
Contracting Stem points (Baerreis, 1953, p. 155). Gary or
Waubesa points (Fig. 3, No.'s 21, and 22; Fig. 6, No. 4; and
Fig. 10, No. 19), described as contracting stem points in this
report, .are described by Bell (1958, p. 28) as:
". . . triangular blade with edges usually straight to con-
vex but sometimes concave or recurved. Shoulders may
be small but usually flare out widely almost at right an-
gles; barbs, if present at all, are short. Stems usually
contract strongly to pointed or somewhat rounded base
but may at times approach being parallel sided."
As Bell mentions (Ibid, p. 28), Gary points have a wide
distribution throughout the eastern United States and range
in time from perhaps 2,000 B. C. up to 1,600 A. D. Small
lanceolate points (Fig. 13 and 16, No/s 13, 14, and 15) may
also survive into Early Woodland times.
MIDDLE WOODLAND
The Middle Woodland period of Circa 2,500 to 1,500 B.
P. is distinguished by a weailth of ceremonial material, stone
96 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 46, No. 1
pipes, copper and stone celts, bone tools, burial mounds,
houses, and highly diversified ceramics. Middle "Woodland
projectile points are of the stemmed and corner notched
varieties. They average two to three inches in length. Sur-
vey and subsurface testing operations have thus far failed to
turn up diagnostic pottery of this period and we are left
wholly dependent upon projectile points as the representatives
of a Middle Woodland utilization of the Upper Kickapoo
Valley.
One diagnostic point type, Snyders, is associated with the
Hopewell Culture of the Middle Woodland period. Two
Snyders projectile points (Fig. 3, No. 11; and Fig. 7, No. 8)
have been recovered from the surface of archaeological sites
within the reservoir area. Snyders projectile points are des-
cribed by Bell (1958, p. 88, as:
"... a large sized, broad, carefully made corner-
notched dart point. In outline the Snyders point is a
broad ovate blade having broad corner notches cut in
from the corner to provide an expanding stem. The
blade is triangular with convex edges terminating in bold
barbs. The stem is relatively short and expands toward
the base which is normally convex. The notches are wide
and deeply cut, usually well rounded and carefully ex-
cuted. The point is relatively broad but thin in cross-sec-
tion, and it normally exhibits better than average work-
manship."
Other corner notched points (Fig.'s 3, 4, 6, 7, 8, and 10)
are probably associated with the Middle Woodland and the
following Late Woodland periods. The extent of Middle
Woodland utilization of the Upper Kickapoo Valley appears
to be minimal but the full extent of occupancy will not be
known until excavations have been completed.
LATE WOODLAND AND MISSISSIPPIAN
The Late Woodland period of circa 500 A. D. and the
Mississippian period of circa 900 A. D. to 16QO A. D. are
poorly represented in the reservoir area. Mounds that are
associated with the Late Woodland, Effigy Mound Culture
have not been located. Linear, conical, and oval mounds are
present but almost aill are outside the reservoir area.
One oval mound, Schroeder Site II, Ve-30, has been located
within the reservoir and awaits excavation. Possible house
Kickapoo Research 97
structures and one grit tempered body sherd have been un-
covered at Kaukl Site I, Ve-31. The following sites have all
yielded small amounts of pottery and projectile points that
may belong to the Late Woodland period: Risen Sites I and
II, Hopkins Stic II: Allikas Site I; Erwin Site II; and Gillen
Site IV, VII, and XL Unfortunately the ceramic samples are
few in number and not diagnostic enough to place them with
certainty in the Late "Woodland period.
A few small triangular and small side notched points (Fig.
4, No. 12) have been recovered, but, the associated ceramics
of the Mississippian stage are absent. Utilization and occu-
pation in the reservoir area, after circa 500 A. D., appears
to be minimal. Therefore, it is tentatively suggested that the
earlier artifactual remains represent a definite pattern of eco-
logical exploitation of an area marginal to more agricultur-
ally productive lands. This agricultural marginality is re-
flected in the lack of traits considered diagnostic of the ag-
riculturally based Late Woodland and Mississippian cul-
tures, and the later historic Indians.
BURINS IN THE UPPER KICKAPOO VALLEY
In November, 1962, during analysis of lithic material from
the Silver Creek Sites, Monroe County, Wisconsin (Hurley,
n. d. - b), it was noted that one projectile point was reworked
and evidenced two blows that were interpreted as burin-
blows. Further examination of the material resulted in the
discovery that two other projectile points had burin-blows.
The Silver Creek Sites are less than 20 miles north of the
Reservoir area (Fig. 20, No. 2). The proximity of these sites
prompted the decision to examine lithic artifacts from the
reservoir area to ascertain if any had burin-blows. During
the 1963 field season, this examination yielded 34 specimens
that will be described and discussed shortly. Before this dis-
cussion is undertaken, it is necessary to discuss what con-
. stitutes a burin and the implications that can be drawn from
them. Bandi (1963, p. 20) describes a burin as follows:
". . . the burin is (a stone implement with a chisel-shaped
cutting edge . . . which always runs in a right angle to
the plane of the implement* This cutting edge is formed
by the meeting of two rather narrow facets. At least one
of these facets must be formed by one or several 'burin-
98 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 46, No. 1
blows.' If the other facet is not made in the same way,
it may be formed by retouches, fracture or be unworked."
Giddings (1956, p. 229) describes the burin-blow as being:
". . . unlike the strike or press that dislodges a micro-
blade from its core, does not usually allow the spall to
split in a curve from the full length of the parent piece.
Instead, it causes the spall to break loose in a hinge frac-
ture while it is still straight, leaving a ragged scar at the
distal end of the burin. A burin that has several spalls
removed by burin blows displays sawlike teeth approx-
imately parallel to the last scar. . . ."
These spalls, or removed flakes, are the result of two
types of percussion. 1 ) Direct percussion; in which the ob-
ject receives the blow; 2) Indirect percussion; in which a
punch receives the blow. The direct technique normally
leaves a prominent bulb of percussion, unless the parent piece
had a thick cortex which would serve as a cushion to the
blow, while indirect percussion normally leaves a diffused
bulb. The spall removed with a burin-blow normally is ob-
long with a diffused or prominent bulb and can be the result
of both techniques (Epstein, 1963, p. 33). These burin spalls
are generally straight to slightly curved oblong flakes. The
first spall removed is generally triangular in cross section,
with succeeding spalls being normally a flat-rectangular in
cross section. Regular flaking removes flakes that are
broad and thin, whereas, burin spalls are narrow and thick.
Facets on waste flakes, worked flakes, and implements can
appear to have burin-blow characteristics. Identification of
burins is, 'therefore, made exceedingly difficult when arti-
facts exhibit fractures that look as if they received this blow.
Giddings further clarifies his description by a discussion of
the results of a burin-blow:
". . . the one feature of a burin that identifies the object
beyond doubt is, of course, the presence of a 'negative
bulb' at the point where the burin blow is delivered. This
is an essential effect of the technique and provides a
scoop-shaped cutting edge that shaves razorlike at the
bottom and edges of a groove when a burin is drawn
edge-wise toward the user" (1956. p. 229).
Epstein (1963a) has devoted considerable time to making
burins and comparing them to excavated specimens. His re-
search has resulted in additional information regarding burin
Kickapoo Research 99
identification. "\Vhen a burin spall is removed from the
parent piece, the burin spall scar, is usually quite flat, al-
though occasionally it is slightly concave. . . ." (IbicL, p.
31). A flat spall scar is not usually found on tools or on
projectile points that have been accidentally broken. Nor-
mally the break area hais a rolled or curved edge parallel with
the scar. Epstein observed, during his experimentations, that
the presence or absence of the hinge scar depended on the
intensity of the blow, i. e., a sharp hammerstone blow may
leave no hinge fracture at all. This blow may be of a force
to "flatten the whole spall facet" and obliterate the negative
bulb (Ibid,, p. 33). Therefore, the bulb remnants (the waves
or rings on the conchoidal fracture) must be ascertained on
the bulbar scar in order that blow direction may be known.
Once a burin has been manufactured; its uses contribute to
the importance of this implement. L. S. B. Leakey (1960)
states that with such a tool:
". . . wood can be cut across the grain, and that bone
and antler can also be cut. This is very important for
it was only when the burin became a common tool of the
Stone Age cultures that we find bone and antler and
even ivory being utilized on a big scale to make awls, har-
poons, arrow-points, etc. In other words, it was the in-
vention of the burin that made it possible for prehistoric
man to extend the range of materials over which he had
mastery and which he could turn into weapons" (p. 62).
The burin, therefore, is a tool to make tools. It is a chisel
and has a cutting edge, or edges, like a chisel. It was used
to slot bone and wood for handles or hafts of other tools,
and was one of the earliest tools used for engraving bone or
wood. As with any tool used to work wood or bone, it should
evidence wear, abrasion, or exhibit minute hinge fractures.
Epstein (1963a, p. 33) attempted to determine how much
wear a burin would show after ten minutes use on pine.
A groove one-half inch deep resulted in shatter flakes similar
to those found on the facet after percussion spall removal.
Little wear was demonstrable when the burin was used on
soft wood. Epstein concludes ". . . all this testifies to the
strength of the burin when used for engraving, and also ar-
gues for caution in interpreting the presence or absence of use
scars on these same tools" (Ibid,, p. 33).
100 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 46, No. 1
A great variety of burin types are recognized and des-
cribed by Old World prehistorians. Their descriptions and
typologies are based on the assemblages of the blade indus-
tries of the Upper Paleolithic. Some of the burin traits as-
sociated with these blade industries are: true prismatic blades,
polyhedral cores with faceted platforms, core tablets, and
burins that are primarily miaide on blades and flakes. A sur-
vey of the recent New World literature, i. e., Anthropolog-
ical Papers of the University of Alaska, Vol. 10, No. 2; Arc-
tic Institute of North America, Technical Paper No. 11; and
American Antiquity, 1963-64; makes us cognizant of the in-
formation concerning burins, prismatic blades, core tablets,
burin spalls, and techniques that are reminiscent of Old
W^orld blade industries. The presence of burins and the lack
of spalls, tight chronological placement, associated artifacts,
etc., necessitates that the Kickapoo Valley specimens be
placed in descriptive categories without ascribing typological
differences as proposed by Randi, Epstein, Miller, and Gid-
dings.
Sorting of the Kickapoo specimens resulted in many false
starts. It is only through the patience and constructive advice
of Miaizakazu Yoshizaki and William Irving that this outline
of burin identification is attempted. Yoshizaki has suggested
two categories for New World burins; 1 ) Primary Burins;
burins made on blades and flakes that are intended to be
used only as burins, and, therefore, technologically closest to
the Old W^orld specimens. 2) Secondary Burins; burins made
on tools whose original functions were later negated by burin
utilization. The latter specimens exhibit burin attributes at
the proximal or distal ends of complete or fragmented imple-
ments. Further classification, under these two categories, is
accomplished by considering the constituent attributes of
burins 'and the subsequent combination of these attributes.
A clustering of these attributes will indicate patterns that
are part of the technological processes in burin manufacture.
Conversely, less significant clustering will mitigate against
the artifact being ia burin. The attributes are as follows:
1. Primary burin
2. Secondary burin
3. Location of burin facet
Kickapoo Research
101
4. Number of facets
5. Facets at right angle to the main flake surface
6. Direction of fracture wave
7. Presence or .absence of negative bulb of percussion
the second burin blow usually removes the first
negative bulb
8. Number of hinge fractures
9. Abrading, wear, or use fractures.
The following descriptive categories are presented with
the intention that the category "A" specimen be utilized as
the "ideal" burin from the Kickapoo sample, and which will
serve as a model from which comparisons can be made.
1. Secondary Burins
KEY TO FIG. 18. Burins from the Kickapoo reservoir area; (Art*
are natural size).
1. Secondard burin, chert, category "A."
2. Secondary burin, Prairie du Chien Dolomite, category "B."
3. Secondary burin, category "C."
4. Secondary burin, category "D."
102 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 46, No. !
A. Number of specimens: 1 (Fig. 3, No. 6; Fig. 18, No.
1 ) . Distal end fragment of a knife or projectile
point. Material: white mottled chert. Five burin
facets located on lateral blade edges. Right obverse
edge has four burin facets with three negative bulbs
present and two hinge soars. Left reverse edge has
one burin facet, a negative bulb, and a hinge scar.
Facets are at right angles to the main flake surface.
Direction of the blow is towards the tip. Wear and
use fractures are found on the burin facets.
B. Number of specimens: 1 (Fig. 6, No. 11; Fig. 18, No.
2). Proximal fragment of bifacial implement. Ma-
terial: Prairie du Chien dolomite. Five burin facets
located on the obverse face. Two negative bulbs
<and one hinge scar are present. Direction of the
blows is towards the left observe edge. \Vear is
present at the distal end of the burin facets.
C. Number of specimens: 1 (Fig. 10, No. 3; Fig. 18,
No. 3). Side-notched projectile point. Material:
cream chert. Two burin facets located on lateral
blade edges. Right obverse facet has ia slight nega-
tive bulb and use fractures are present at the distal
end of the facet. Left obverse facet has a prominent
negative bulbar scar and has wear and use frac-
tures along the facet. Direction of the blows is to-
wards the basal end. Both hinge scars are present.
D. Number of specimens: 2 (Fig. 8, No. 2; Fig. 18, No.
4). Expanding stem projectile points. Materials
are: mottled red chert and cream chert. Two burin
facets are located on each specimen on the right ob-
verse edge. Hinge fractures are stepped and nega-
tive bulbs are present. One specimen exhibits use
fractures above the negative bulb. Facets are at
right angles to the main flake surface and the di-
rection of the blows is towards the basal end.
E. Number of specimens: 3 (Fig. 6, No. 27; and Fig.
19, No. 3). Side-notched projectile points and an
end scraper. Materials are: mottled grey to tan
chert. Specimens exhibit one to two burin-blows
Kickapoo Research
103
from the proximal end. One to two hinge scars are
present, and one specimen has a promient negative
bulb. \Vear and use fractures are not present. Fa-
cets are at right angles to the main flake surface.
F. Number of specimens: 1 (Fig. 19, No. 4).
Side-notched projectile point. Material: mottled
pin-grey chert. Direction of the blow is from the
left obverse edge and has removed the base. \Vear.
use fractures, negative bulb, and hinge scars are
absent.
KEY TO FIG. 19. Burins from the Kickapoo reservoir area; (Arti-
facts are approximately two-thirds natural size).
1. Primary burin, chert, category "J."
2. Primary burin, chert category "K."
3. Secondary burin, chert, category "E."
4. Side-notched point with a burin-like facet, chert, category "F."
104 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 46, No. 1
5. Implement fragment with a burin-like facet, chert, category
"G."
6. Side-notched point with possible burin facet, chert, category
"H."
G. Number of specimens: 3 (Fig. 19, No. 5).
Knives. Material: Pink to mottled cream chert. One
facet present on the right lateral edge. Direction of
the blow is from the distal end to the proximal end.
Hinge scars, use fractures, wear, and negative bulbs
are absent on these specimens. The facets are at
right angles to the main flake surface.
H. Number of specimens: 13 (Fig. 6, No. 23; Fig. 19,
No. 6; Fig. 7, No.'s 6, 11, and 12. Stemmed, side-
notched, and corner notched projectile points. Ma-
terial: mottled pink, grey, cream, and tan chert.
All specimens have one facet at right angles to the
main flake surface with pronounced to absent hinge
scars. Negative bulbs, use fracture, and abrasion
are absent. Direction of the blow is from the distal
to proximal end.
I. Number of specimens: 6 (Not illustrated). Distal
end fragments of knives and projectile points. Ma-
terial is mottled pink, grey, cream, and white chert.
Specimens have one to two facets on the lateral
blade edges that are at right angles to the main
flake surface. Hinge scars are pronounced to ab-
sent. Negative bulbs are diffused and there is no
evidence of use fractures, abrasion, or wear. Direc-
tion of the blow is towards the tip of the specimens.
2. Primary Burins
J. Number of specimens: 1 (Fig. 6, No. 31; Fig. 19,
No. 1). Mottled pink chert flake. Two facets on
the lateral edges of the obverse face. Right facet
has a slight hinge scar, negative bulb, and use frac-
tures at the distal end. The left facet has a more
pronounced hinge scar, negative bulb, abrasion,
and use facets. The facets are at right angles to
the main flake surface and the direction of the
blow is towards the base.
K. Number of specimens: 2) Fig. 6, No. 8; Fig. 19, No.
Kickapoo Research 105
2). Mottled cream chert flakes. One facet is ap-
parent on the right lateral edge of the obverse face.
Facets have slight to pronounced hinge scars and
the facets are at right angles to the main flake sur-
face. The direction of the blow is towards the base.
Negative bulbs are diffused and one specimen ex-
hibits use fractures at the distal end of the facet.
Presence or absence of these attributes can be used as
criteria when the nature and implications of these attributes
are considered. Thus, if burin facets are found on an imple-
ment where the broken edge was used as a platform for
spall removal towards the distal end or tip, then accidental
breakage, haft fracture, or impact fracture can be ruled out.
Conversely, one facet at the distal end of a projectile point
should be viewed with suspicion. Impact fracture or acci-
dental breakage may cause the facet and factors such as
flake-back, or impact scars, will indicate if this has occurred.
It should be kept in mind that normal breakage can occur at
right angles to the blade surface, but, the facet is usually
rolled or has a curved edge and is not normally flat. Removal
of two or more spalls with stepped hinge scars, negative
bulbs or percussion, and abrasion or minute use fractures are
considered excellent criterion for the likelihood of the sped-
man being a burin.
The above criterion rule in favor of the specimen from cat-
egory "A" being considered a burin, i. e., there are five spalls
removed from the mid-section towards the distal end of the
blade, hinge scars, negative bulbs of percussion, wear, and
use fractures. The specimen in category "B" has received
five burin-blows but they are not at right angles to the main
flake surface and, therefore, this specimen is considered a
flat burin. The two facets removed from the specimens in
categories "C" and "D," when coupled with negative bulbs,
hinge scars, use fractures, and facets at right angles to the
main flake surface, are significant enough to suggest that
these specimens are good examples of Secondary burins. Cat-
egories "E, F, G and H" are included here as illustrative of
artifacts that exhibit some of the characteristics of burins, i.
e., flat facets alt right angles to the main flake surface and
hinge scars, but, absence of most of the significant attributes
106 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST
Vol. 46, No. 1
FIG. 20. Distribution Map of Burins found in Wisconsin.
necessitates that these examples be excluded from the burin
group.
The factors that excluded the above specimens also apply
to the projectile point in category "F." Accidental breakage
or haft fracture probably removed the spall from the base, but,
it should be noted that Epstein (1963b) has projectile points
with such facets and they are considered to have the attri-
butes necessary for a burin. The six specimens in category
4 T* have facets located where they cannot be considered the
results of impact fracture, hafting, or breakage. The absence
of use fractures, abrasion, and wear are factors against their
being considered "good" burins, but upon comparison with
Kickapoo Research 107
the rest of the sample, they are provisionally placed in the
Secondary burin group. The three Primary burins, "}*' and
"K," are representative of burins that have several attributes
that weigh in their favor. Therefore, they and the speci-
mens from categories "A, B, C. and D" are considered ex-
amples of New World Primary and Secondary burins.
It is hoped that current burin publications and this report
will prompt and aid investigations in the examination of their
lithic artifacts. Further burin identification will contribute
towards our knowledge of their distribution, cultural associa-
tions, and chronological placement.
It has been suggested by Epstein (1963a and b), and Miller
(1962) that burins are part of the Paleo-Indian and Archaic
lithic assemblages. None of the Kickapoo specimens can be
placed in either of these two assemblages with any assurance.
Specimens from the Silver Creek Sites, Price Sites (Fig. 20,
No. 3), and the Jones Site (Fig. 20, No. 4) appear to belong
to the Early Woodland and Middle Woodland lithic assem-
blages.
SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS
Archaeological reconnaisance in the projected Kickapoo
Reservoir area has led to the discovery of 158 prehistoric
sites. One hundred and twenty-one are completely or par-
tially within the maximum pool of the reservoir, projected
conservation recreation areas, and areas that will be direct-
ly affected by state and county highway relocation. Approx-
imately one-third, or 45, of the sites have undergone subsur-
face testing; of which twenty-six are recommended for ex-
tensive excavation.
Survey and testing activities in the Kickapoo Reservoir area
made it possible to construct a tentative chronology concern-
ing the occupations and utilizations of a valley that was ice
free during late Pleistocene times. The chronology will un-
questionably be refined when the excavations are completed,
but, it is believed that a presentation of the available data
would typify the chronological sequences and cultural tra-
ditions, and be of a nature to positively direct future archeo-
logical work.
Evidence of early Paleo-Indian occupations within the con-
108 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 46, No. 1
fines of the reservoir basin is based upon surface finds.
Early forms of projectile points have been recovered in Wis-
consin (Fig. 12), that post-date the Gary substage of
the late Wisconsin glacial stage and predate the Valders
substage. This regional Paleo-Indian manifestation is be-
lieved to be within the temporal limits of 1 1 ,000 B. P. to
5,000 B. P. The early nomadic hunters penetrated the Drift-
less Area and adapted to an ecological zone that apparently
enabled a population density of band size to maintain itself
and continue an exploitation of the existing flora and fauna.
The fluted Clovis projectile points recovered are technolo-
gically similar to those found throughout the eastern United
States, but, they appear to fall into a metric pattern similar to
those recovered in Michigan (Mason, 1958, Table II).
Continued evidence of occupancy and utilization is indic-
ated by the recovery of Midland (Wormington, 1957), Plain-
view (Sellards, et aL, 1947; Davis, 1963), Agate Basin
(Roberts, 1943), and lanceolate projectile point varieties.
These points lend credence to the belief that the reser-
voir area witnessed the continued expansion and adap-
tion of Early Man in Wisconsin. A fluorescence in the ma-
terial culture of these hunters and gatherers is represented
by the presence of side-notched projectile point forms that
mark a greater diversity in chipped stone. This period, the
Archaic, of circa 5,QOO B.P. to 3,000 B.P. is charactrized by
early copper implements; Oconto, Raddatz, Madison, and
Osceola side notched points. The coeval stemmed points ap-
pear to begin at the terminal maxima of this period and herald
the beginnings of the Early Woodland stage.
Diagnostic pottery of the Woodland periods is lacking in
the reservoir area. Contracting stemmed points (Durst,
Adena, and Gary) are the hallmarks of the Early Woodland
period and are later replaced by expanding stemmed, corner-
notched (Snyders), and small side-notched points. An ap-
parent decline in artificial material, campsites, village sites,
and lack of mounds, reflect a void that is continued and am-
ply evidenced during during the Late prehistoric and His-
toric periods when areas more conducive to agricultural set-
tlement were preferred.
The presence of burins in the reservoir area indicates the
Kickapoo Research 109
importance and archaeological value of these sites. The nec-
essity of complete excavation cannot be underestimated. The
resultant site sample size may be limited, but, when coupled
with the yields from other excavated sites, the assemblages,
development, trends, adaption, and change of cultures of the
prehistoric Indians of Wisconsin, will be of a nature that will
be a significant contribution to the interpretation of the
archaeology of the Eastern United States.
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the Public Museum of the City of Milwaukee, Vol. 10, No. 2.
1942 The First Settlers of Wisconsin. Wisconsin Magazine of His-
tory, Vol. 26, December, pp. 153-169.
1945 Preliminary Report on the Upper Mississippi Phase in Wis-
consin. Bulletin of the Public Museum of the City of Milwau-
kee, Vol. 16, No. 2.
Miller, Carl F.
1962 Archaeology of the John H. Kerr Reservoir, Roanoke River,
Virginia-North Carolina. Smithsonian Institution, Bureau of
American Ethnology, Bulletin 182. River Basin Surveys
Paper No. 25, Washington, D. C.
Nero, Robert
1955 Surface Indications of a Possible Early Archaic Camp-Site
in Wisconsin. The Wisconsin Archeologist, Vol. 36, No. 4,
pp. 128-146.
Prufer, Olaf H.
1963a The McConneU Site. A Late Paleo-Indian Workshop in
Coshocton County, Ohio. Scientific Publications of the Cleve-
land Museum of Natural History. New Series, Vol. 2, No. 1.
Prufer, Olaf H., and Raymond S. Baby
1963 Paleo-Indians of Ohio. The Ohio Historical Society. Colum-
bus, Ohio.
Quimby, George I.
1960 Indian Life in the Upper Great Lakes. University of Chicago
Press, Chicago.
Ritchie, William A.
1957 Traces of Early Man in the Northeast. New York State Mu-
seum and Science service, Bulletin No. 358, June, Albany.
1961 A Typology and Nomenclature for New York Projectile
points. New York State Museum and Science Service, Bulle-
tin No. 384, April, Albany.
Ritzenthaler, Robert E.
1946 The Osceola Site: An "Old Copper" Site near Potosi, Wis-
consin, The Wisconsin Archeologist, Vol. 27, No. 3, pp. 53-70.
1957 The Old Copper Culture of Wisconsin, (editor), The Wisconsin
Archeologist, Vol. 38, No. 4.
1962b Interesting Wisconsin Specimens. The Wisconsin Archeol-
ogist, Vol. 43, No. 4, p. 120.
1963a Interesting Wisconsin Specimens. The Wisconsin Archeol-
ogist, Vol. 44, No. 2, p. 128.
Kickapoo Research 113
1963b Interesting Wisconsin Specimens. The Wisconsin Archeol-
ogist, Vol. 44, No. 4, p. 222.
Ritzenthaler, Robert E., and Paul Schloz
1951 Folsomoid Points in Wisconsin. The Wisconsin Archeologist,
Vol. 32, No. 2, pp. 45-48.
Ritzenthaler, Robert E., and George I. Quimby
1962a The Red Ochre Culture of the Upper Great Lakes and Ad-
jacent Areas. Chicago Natural History Museum, Vol. 36,
No. 11, March, pp. 243-275.
Roberts, Frank H. H., Jr.
1943 A New Site. Notes and News. American Antiquity, Vol. VIII,
No. 3, p. 300.
Salzer, Robert J. and Mark Stock
1961 A Fluted Point from Jefferson County. The Wisconsin Ar-
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1951 Some Central Mississippi Valley Projectile Point Types. Mu-
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Mimeograph.
Sellards, E. H., Glen L. Evans, and Grayson E. Meade
1947 Fossil Bison and Associated Artifacts from Plainview, Texas.
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1853 Discovery and Exploration of the Mississippi Valley. Red-
field, New York.
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1957 The Kickapoo Indians: First One Hundred Years of White
Contact in Wisconsin. The Wisconsin Archeologist, Vol. 38,
No. 3, pp. 61-181.
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1957 The Radke Area of the Radke-Dunham Site, Winnebago Coun-
ty. The Wisconsin Archeologist. Vol. 38, No. 1, pp. 5-29.
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1963 Upland Surface Archaeological Project: Kickapoo River Ba-
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1954 Folsomoid Points in Richland County. The Wisconsin Ar-
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1960 Evidence of Dissected Erosion Surfaces in the Driftless Area.
Transactions of the Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts,
and Letters, Vol. XLIX, pp. 17-49.
Winters, Howard D.
1963 An Archaeological Survey of the Wabash Valley in Illinois.
Illinois State Museum, Reports of Investigations 10, Spring-
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Witthoft, John
1952 A Paleo-Indian Site in Eastern Pennsylvania: An Early Hunt-
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Wittry, Warren L.
1951 A Preliminary Study of the Old Copper Complex. The Wis-
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1959a The Raddatz Rockshelter, Sk5, Wisconsin. The Wisconsin
Archeologist, Vol. 40, No. 2, pp. 33-69.
114 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST
Vol. 46, No. 1
1959b Archeological Studies of Four Wisconsin Rockshellers. The
Wisconsin Archeologist, Vol. 40, No. 4, pp. 137-267.
Wittry, Warren L., and Robert E. Ritzenihaler
1956 The Old Copper Complex: An Archaic Manifestation in Wis-
consin. American Antiquity, Vol. 21, No. 3, pp. 244-254.
Wormington, H. M.
1957 Ancient Man in North America. Denver Museum of Natural
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The Wisconsin Archeologist, Vol. 43, No. 1, pp. 20-24.
By
David A. Baerreis
and
Guest Reviewers
THE BOOKSHELF
Social Organization of the Central Algonkian Indians, hv
Charles Callender. Publications in Anthropology, Mil-
waukee Public Museum, VII, 1962. 140 pp., maps, illus-
trations, appendices, bibliography. $4.00.
The term Algonkian is both highly familiar and highly
equivocal. As a linguistic grouping, for which Callender wise-
ly prefers to reserve the spelling Algonquian, it includes so-
cieties extending from the East Coast all the way to Califor-
nia. In cultural terms, it is often applied to groups sharing
a common language stock but aboriginally, at least, restricted
to the area east of the Mississippi River and characterized
by Woodland Culture in an ethnographic sense. On oc-
casion, the cultural designation has been subdivided into
Northern, Central and Eastern types. The Eastern or coastal
type includes tribes in Virginia, North Carolina and Mary-
land who exhibited strong cultural influences from neighbor-
ing Muskhogeans in regard to elaboration of social organiza-
tion and economic complexity; while the Algonquian speakers
on the seaboard from New Jersey up through New England
whose dependence on agriculture and concomitant cultural
complexity at the time of contact related them as progressive-
ly thinned out continuations of Algonkian culture found fur-
Bookshelf 115
ther south. The Northern and Central types have been des-
ignated on the grounds of greater cultural complexity typify-
ing the latter. There is little question that such groups as the
Naskapi, Montagnais, Swampy Cree, Canadian Saulteaux
and others of the nortern forests and subarctic region had a
simple hunting and gathering economy later elaborated as a
result of contact in the fur trade. However, while many prob-
lems remain in the classification of the Algonkians, an im-
portant beginning in solving the problem of Central Algon-
kians has been made by Charles Callender.
Rather than relying on the usual designation of ai dividing
line following the spread of maize culture, Callender sees
ecological factors encouraging or hindering gardening as
contributory to distinctive types of social organization. He
reserves the term Central Algonkian for Algonquian speaking
groups who share a cluster of key components: a lineage
structured kinship system with Omaha terminology, a com-
plex system of clans regulating personal names, and a dual
division in which a society is composed of two distinct but
mutually interdependent parts for purposes of games, burials,
social control and the like. On this basis he is able to relegate
the heretofore questionable Ojibwa and Ottawa to a Northern
Algonkian classification although he sees them as transitional,
albeit more Northern than Central, and sometimes refers to
them as North-Central. Callender includes within his Cen-
tral grouping the Sauk, Fox, Kickapoo, Prairie Potawatomi,
Shawnee, Miami, Illinois, and Menomoni. He notes the pos-
sible inclusion of the Delaware but does not mention other
possible candidates such as Wea and Piankashaw presum-
ably because data are too sparse for purposes of analysis. All
but the Menomini provide special problems in his ecological
analysis because they were removed to a prairie location
prior to the time ethnographic data were collected. He notes
that the Potawatomi present particular difficulties but does
not explore them in ethnohistorical depth. Callender feels
that the Forest County Potawatomi of Wisconsin have di-
verged toward Ojibwa-Ottawa characteristics in relatively
recent times through intermarriage and residential proximity
to these Northern type neighbors. In all probability, not only
the Forest County band but other Potawatomi groups in both
116 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 46, No. 1
Upper and Lower Michigan and Canada were one tribe or-
iginally along with the Prairie Potawatomi group who re-
ceived their name when they were removed to Kansas. Their
present differences are the result of divisive treaties and re-
ligious factionalism in the nineteenth century.
However, despite Callender's reliance on almost exclusively
Prairie Potawatomi data for that tribe, the bulk of his docu-
mentation for the designation Central Algonkian is impressive
and valuable. In addition to his own field work among the
Sauk, Fox, and Prairie Potawatomi, Callender has relied on
both published and unpublished data of many other anthro-
pologists. He performs a signal service in making much here-
tofore unpublished material available to scholars.
Chapters I and II review the historical background of the
Central Algonkians in general cultural terms and discuss the
nature of Central Algonkian Social Organizations as of about
1800. The third chapter reconstructs the probable evolution
of Central Algankian social organization. Here Callender
relies heavily on linguistic reconstructions by Charles Hockett
and relates changes in terminology and structure to ecological
considerations showing development of lineage structure and
patrilineality as a response to the occurrence of larger social
enclaves able to subsist together for longer periods than is
possible for more northerly people. Chapter IV provides
details of kinship systems, clan systems and dual divisions
for modern Fox, Sauk and Prairie Potawatomi along with
whatever comparable data are available for Shawnee, Kicka-
poo and Miami. A concluding section sums up reasons for
similarities within the groups as being as much due to com-
mon responses from a common cultural base to similar eco-
logical opportunities as to diffusion of cultural traits among
the groups.
While Callender favors an evolutionary explanation of
independent invention over cultural borrowing to account for
similarities and makes a convincing case, he perforce neglects
some still unanswered questions of possible cutural diffusion
from the Southeast, particularly in the prevalence of the dual
division. Callender does note that the Siouan speaking Win-
nebaigo and the Menomini have a number of organizational
details in common which Menomini does not share with other
Bookshelf 117
Central Algonkians. He furthermore notes that despite a cer-
tain distinctiveness of the Winnebago, they along with other
Chiwere Siouans such as Iowa and Oto have traits in com-
mon with Central Algonkians which are not shared by other
Siouan groups, particularly the intensity of the joking-respect
relationship in the Omaha kinship system. Explorations of
these questions, however, are beyond the task Callender
set for himself and it is noteworthy that he mentions them
even as leads for other scholars to pursue.
In summary, this is a definitely but not discouragingly
technical book. It is a most welcome compendium of facts
on social organization as well as other aspects of culture
presented in a clear, detailed and well organized fashion.
The book also provides a number of significant analytical
conclusions as to relationships and causation between ecol-
ogy and social organization worth the reader's serious con-
sideration. In answering certain questions, the book also
helps to clarify others as a guide to further research.
Nancy Oestrich Lurie,
University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee
*****
Aboriginal Relationships between Culture and Plant Life
in the Upper Great Lakes Region, by Richard Asa Yarnell.
Anthropological Papers, Museum of Anthropology, Uni-
versity of Michigan, No. 23, 1964. 218 pages, 1 figure, 4
maps. $2.50.
Archaeologists today are no longer content with prehistoric
culture descriptions that focus exclusively upon material cul-
ture. It is recognized that an adequate understanding of life
in the past can only be gained through an appreciation of the
patterns of man's adjustment to his environment. The current
prominence of this approach in no way negates the impor-
tance of detailed ceramic or lithic analyses. Such studies are
and will remain the fundamental tools by which chronologies
are built and cultural relations established. As such, they
must precede or be carried on concurrently with ecological
investigations. However, it is in the latter approach that new
dimensions of interpretations unfold.
Richard A. Yarnell's report, essentially a synthesis of what
is known regarding plant utilization in the Upper Great Lakes
118 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 46, No. 1
region, constitutes a basic reference work for archaeological
interpretation in this area. Indeed, it is far more than a sim-
ple compilation of published sources for unpublished ethno-
botanical reports from the files of Volney H. Jones and data
on the natural distribution and habits of the plants gathered
by Edward G. Bliss incorporated in the study. In addi-
tion, Yarnell himself has identified plant remains from a sub-
stantial number of sites. He describes his report as concen-
trating upon the study of the ( 1 ) utilization of native plant
products as determined from ethnographic records and the
results of archaeological! research; (2) aboriginal agriculture
with respect to its historical aspects and the distribution of
length of frostless season; and, (3) the effects of aboriginal
activities on the natural flora and vegetation of the Upper
Great Lakes region.
Yarnell opens his account with a brief description of the
physical characteristics and vegetational cover of the area
that drains into Lakes Huron, Michigan, and Superior and a
synopsis of the recent climatic sequence and the vegetational
and cultural history. In the first major section that follows,
native food plants found at archaeological sites are discussed.
In an effort to obtain a meaningful sample, the area considered
was expanded to include Wisconsin, notheastern Illinois,
northern Indiana, Ohio, northwestern Pennsylvania, western
New York, and Ontario. It is with some surprise, and pre-
sumably a reflection on the adequacy of our local reports, we
find Yarnell stating that no sites were found in Indiana and
Wisconsin where native food plants were identified. Without
attempting to ascertain whether the sites reported for other
states are adequately reported, let us consider whether the
status of work in Wisconsin is indeed as black as it is painted.
The report by Blake and Cutler on plant materials from the
Bell site (Wn 9) does include the identification of the seeds
of wild plums (Prunus americana) (Wis* Arch*, 44:70-1,
1963). The late Professor J. C. Curtis identified for us hick-
ory nuts (Carya ovata), an acorn cast (Quercus velutina?)
and a wild plum seed (Prunus amer,) at the Dietz site (Da-
12) (Wis. Arch., 37:10, 1956). Recent excavations in the
northwest pyramidal mound at Aztalan by Chandler W.
Rowe produced hickory nuts in a string bag associated with
Bookshelf 119
a burial (Wis. Arch., 39:107, 1958). While the specific genus
and species is not given, W. C. McKern (Milw. Pub. Mus.
Bull. 16:138, 1945) reports that hickory nuts, butternuts and
hazel nuts were occasionally encountered at Oneota sites.
Barrett and Skinner in one of the storage pits at the Kakwatch
village site near Keshena, evidently associated with Late
Woodland pottery, report the presence of walnuts (Milw.
Pub. Mus. Bull. 10:454, 1932) and charred seeds which are
unfortunately not further identified. This is still not an im-
pressive list but it it not totally inadequate and a more inten-
sive search of the literature than that undertaken by this re-
viewer might turn up a sufficient number of additional iden-
tifications that could alter somewhat the general interpreta-
tions presented.
Similarly, where lists of food plants are compiled from eth-
nological sources, further search of the literature might well
prove rewarding. The Miami, for example, are listed among
the tribes for whom very little information of this type is
available. Considering the rapid decline in population this
group experienced during the historic period, one might not
be surprised at this statement. However, substantial informa-
tion is available in at least two publications of Jacob Platt
Dunn (Indiana and Indianans, Vol. I, pp. 76-80, 1919; True
Indian Stories, p. 114, 1908). Mention of the Mascoutin in
this section of Yarnell's report (p. 47) is doubtless simply a
duplication of the listing for Potawatomi due to Alanson
Skinner's unfortunate use of this name.
A notable feature of this same section on aboriginal plant
utilization is an arrangement of food plant species in order
of availability by season. Its importance, of course, lies in the
potentiality for interpretation of the season of the year in
which the site was occupied if we can assume these plant
foods were not stored for later use. Appendices also tabulate
plants as: (1) beverage and flavoring plants; (2) medicinal
beverage plants; (3) other medicinal plants; (4) charm and
ceremonial plants; (5) plants used as smoking materials; (6)
dye plants; and (7) plants used for technological purposes.
In this latter category, the addition of H. H. Smith's identific-
ation of the fabric adhering to a copper plaque found in the
Hopewell Nicholls Mound as nettle (Urtica sp.) fiber (Bull.
120 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 46, No. 1
Milw. Pub. Mus. X: 221, 1931) would have called attention
to an interesting parallel between Wisconsin and Ohio Hope-
well fabrics. This discussion of native plant utilization is fol-
lowed by an interesting chapter on aboriginal influences on
distributions, habitats, and genetic variation of plants. Wis-
consin specifically enters this discussion only in relation to
the problem of prairie formation due to firing of the forest
(pp. 96-97). However, the interesting suggestions made by
]. T. Curtis in his Vegetation of Wisconsin (pp. 462-3) which
parallels Yarnell's treatment should not be overlooked.
In the next section which deals with the aboriginal distri-
bution of cultigens, the geographic range is again greater
though no precise limits of the "Midwest" region covered are
set. Distribution maps plot the locations of corn, squash, sun-
flower, beans, gourd and tobacco. Time dimensions and var-
ieties are considered and it is concluded that gourd, squash,
sunflower and elder appear earlier than corn and beans in the
eastern United States. Corn seems to have made its appear-
ance, Yarnell states, before A. D. 100 but beans do not appear
east of the Mississippi until after A. D. 1000. He suggests
that the earliest corn is to be derived from an early south-
western Basketmaker type.
In the distribution map of corn, only three site locations in
Wisconsin are indicated. The tabulation of archaeological
remains of cultivated plants (Table XIII), however, lists five
sites from the state. The Dietz site should be identified as
Late \Voodland rather than Middle Mississippi. Given the
states included in this tabulation, the list should be amplified.
The use of as nearly a complete sample as possible would
seem to be of great importance, for how clearly the maps re"
fleet the true distribution of a cultigen at a given time period
is a very real problem. It is instructive to consider that wild
rice, a major food resource in the early historic period, has
been found archaeologically at only one possible location,
Kettle Hill Cave in Ohio (p. 65). It is true that Yarnell con-
cludes that it is possible that the prehistoric utilization of this
plant might not have been very extensive since the seeds are
not found archaeologically (p. 78), but this is a somewhat
questionable conclusion. We thus may not yet be in a pos-
ition to produce sound distribution maps until further analyt-
Bookshelf 121
ical techniques are developed. Perhaps analysis of pollen
from site occupation areas might be one approach that would
open avenues of collecting information.
The importance of sound maps is seen in YarneH's attempt
to use the distribution of agriculture to make climatic infer-
ences in Chapter VI. The area covered in this attempt lies
between central Minnesota and Montreal at the north and be-
tween the lower Missouri Valley and the Appalachian Moun-
tains toward the south. It extends from southern Kentucky
at the latitude of the confluence of the Ohio and Mississippi
Rivers to the Straits of Mackinac. It is a larage region and
Yarnell has but 110 prehistoric sites to deal with, sites that
range over a considerable period of time. These faicts are
stressed, not in criticism of his approach, but rather to stress
the need to secure or make available more information to
permit sounder inferences to be drawn. Yarnell quite cor"
rectly does what he can with available data but it is quite
possible that an equal number of sites from this same region
yielded cultigens that even now are simply resting in museum
or laboratory storage areas.
Although other climatic factors are discussed, Yarnell
makes 'his primary comparisons of cultigen-bearing sites with
the length of the period of consectuive frost-free days. None
of these sites which may represent Early Woodland agricul-
ture are within present-day zones of less than 165 frost-free
days. Hopewell sites producing remains of cultivated plants
do not fall below an average of 170 frost-free days. Until
1000 A. D., HO consecutive frostless days appears to have
been the limit but some early historic and protohistoric sites
apparently approached 120 frost-free days.
As has been stressed above, there is a need for a more
adequate sample of sites to provide the basis for sounder
inferences of this character. Other variables need to be
mapped and tested against the distribution in much the same
way that Map 4 deals with the length of the frostless season,
together with greater use of the data of historical climatology.
In commenting on the various sections of Yairnell's report,
stress was placed upon the availability of more data that
could have been used in the study. The intent was not to
denigrate the value of the study for it is impossible in a broad
122 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 46, No. 1
distributional study to cite all data. Rather, it was felt that
we have here a pioneering venture of very great importance.
To enhance its utility we need to suggest revisions, launch
new field projects to gather further data, and explore new
avenues of interpretation. A series of sucessive editions
would indeed be a valuable tool for Midwestern archaeology.
University of Wisconsin
David A. Baerreis,
BOOKS RECEIVED;
Westheim, Paul, THE ART OF ANCIENT MEXICO.
Doubleday & Co., N.Y., 1965
Anchor Books. Price $1.95
Wooley, C. Leaonard, UR OF THE CHALDEES.
W. W. Norton & Co., N.Y., 1965
Price $1.55
IN MEMORIUM
It is with deep regret that the members of the Wisconsin
Archeological Society note the death of Dr. Samuel A. Bar-
rett on March 8, 1965, at the age of 85.
Dr. Barrett, Director of the Milwaukee Public Museum for
20 years, was a long-time member of the Society. He served
as President from 1917 to 1920, and held many other offices
in the Society. In 1926 he was awarded our highest honor,,
the Lapham Research Medal for distinguished service in ar-
cheology. He wrote many articles and monographs on Wis-
consin archeology, perhaps the most famous of which was
Ancient Aztalan.
As friend and scientist he will be missed.
NOTE: Society annual dues are now $3.
123
A collection of surface finds by William Sebneller of Sparta. From
Sparia Township. It includes Woodland points, triangular Mississ-
ippi points. In the white area is a tiny Old Copper crescent (less
than 2 inches in width), an Old Copper conical point, and two small
problem aticals of soft stone showing evidence of usage, but not man-
ufacture.
:24 \VISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 46, No. 1
FLUTED POINTS
Left: Quartzite with broken tip. Length 2 inches. Found by William
Katt in Section 5, Milford tnshp., Jeft'erson Co. In the Tom Jackland
collection. Right: Chert. Length \y% inches. Found by Tom Jack-
land in same area as above.
COMMITTEES:
MEMBERSHIP COMMITTEE: J. K. Whaley, Chairman. Herman
Zander, Phillip H. Wiegand.
PUBLICITY: Dr. E. G. Bruder.
FRAUDULENT ARTIFACTS: J. K. Whaley, Chairman. Paul Scholz,
Martin Greenwald, Dr. Robert Ritzenthaler, Phillip H. Wiegand,
Neil Ostberg, Robert Hruska.
SURVEYING AND CODIFICATION: William M. Hurley, Chairman.
Ernest Schug, Paul Koeppler, Dr. E. G. Bruder, Tom Jackland,
George Fay, Darryl Beland.
EDITORIAL: Dr. Robert Ritzenthaler, Chairman. Dr. D. A. Baer-
reis, Lee Parsons, Dr. Joan Freeman.
PROGRAM: Dr. Robert Ritzenthaler, Chairman. Dr. E. G. Binder,
Herman Zander, Mrs. P. H. Wiegand. ,
LAPHAM RESEARCH MEDAL COMMITTEE: Dr. Robert Ritzen-
thaler, Chairman. Dr. David A. Baerreis, Dr. E. G. Bruder,
H. W. Cornell, Charles Schoewe.
The Charles E. Brown Chapter
Madison
(Meets second Tuesday, 7:45 P. M., State Historical Society,
October thru May)
Mr. Donald Thompson
Secretary: Mr. Dale Henning
Treasurer: Dr. Joan Freeman
THE WISCONSIN
ARCHEOLO6IST
ANALYSIS OF 19TH CENTURY WHITE KAOLIN PIPE
FRAGMENTS FROM THE MERO SITE, DOOR
COUNTY, WISCONSIN H. Geiger Omwake
EXCAVATION OF TWO BURIALS AT THE MATERIAL
SERVICE QUARRY SITE, LA SALLE COUNTY,
ILLINOIS Charles J. Bareis
A RED OCHER SITE IN FOND DU LAC COUNTY
Robert Rilzenthaler
CODIFICATION OF WISCONSIN'S ARCHAEOLOGICAL
SITES William M. Hurley
THE BOOKSHELF
INTERESTING WISCONSIN SPECIMENS
125
140
143
148
157
166
WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGICAL SOCIETY
Milwaukee, Wisconsin
Incorporated, 1906
For the purpose of advancing the study and preservation of
Wisconsin Indian Antiquities
Meets Third Monday of Month, 8 P. M., Milwaukee Public Museum,
September thru May.
OFFICERS
PRESIDENT
Robert Hruska
VICE - PRESIDENTS
Dr. Stephan F. Borhegyi Paul Scholz Gale Highsmith
Herman Zander Martin Greenwald
DIRECTORS
Dr. E. G. Bruder Phillip H. Wiegand
ADVISORY COUNCIL
Dr. D. A. Baerreis Neil Ostberg Dr. Chandler Rowe
Dr. Joan Freeman Lee Parsons Ernest Schug
Dr. Robert Howard R. W. Peterman Frank Squire
Tom Jackland E. K. Petrie J. K. Whaley
Dr. Ronald Mason Louis Pierron Dr. A. H. Whiteford
W. 0. Noble Allen Prill Mrs. Phillip H. Wiegand
William Oestreich
TREASURER
Paul A. Koeppler, 5284 N. 83rd St., Milwaukee, Wis.
SECRETARY
Paul Turney, 2243 S. Woodward, Milwaukee 7, Wisconsin
EDITOR
Dr. Robert Ritzenthaler, Milwaukee Public Museum,
Milwaukee 3, Wisconsin
MEMBERSHIP FEES
The Wisconsin Archeologist is distributed to members
as part of their dues.
Life Members, $50.00 Endowment Members, $500.00
Sustaining Members, $5.00 Annual Members, $3.00
Institutional Members, $3.00
All communications in regard to the Wisconsin Archeological
Society and contributions to the Wisconsin Archeologist should be
addressed to Paul Turney, Secretary, 2243 S. Woodward, Milwaukee
1, Wisconsin. Entered as Second Class Matter at the Post Office at
Lake Mills, Wisconsin under the Act of August 21, 1912. Office of
Publication, 316 N. Main St., Lake Mills, Wis.
THE WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST
New Series
MILWAUKEE, WISCONSIN -- JUNE, 1965
Published Quarterly by The Wisconsin Archeological Society
ANALYSIS OF 19TH CENTURY WHITE KAOLIN PIPE
FRAGMENTS FROM THE MERO SITE,
DOOR COUNTY, WISCONSIN
by H v Geiger Omwake
Delaware City, Delaware
PREFACE
by Ronald J. Mason
Lawrence University
The report which follows these introductory explanatory re-
marks is by a scholar most thoroughly qualified to render judgement
on this class of historical material. The report is based on his exami-
nation and evaluation of a collection of kaolin pipe fragments I sub-
mitted to him following the excavation of the Mero site Because I
pressed my opinion that the report is too interesting and valuable to
keep from a wider audience of potential benefactors, Mr. Omwake
graciously consented to its publication in The Wisconsin Archeoio*ist.
I have provided photographs of the specimens the author felt should
be illustrated.
The Mero site is a multi-component and stratified site on the
north shore of North Bay on the Lake Michigan side of the Door
Peninsula. Excavation was conducted by the Neville Public Museum
of Green Bay under the direction of Ronald J. and Carol I. Mason.
The three earliest components at the site are closely sequent mani-
festations of the newly defined late Middle Woodland North Bay Cul-
ture. A fourth component is Late Woodland. The last two prehistoric
components represent sequential Upper Mississippian (Oneota) oc-
cupations. Finally, the site yielded broken glass, iron implements and
nails, pieces of coal, etc. from a late nineteenth century white occu-
pation attributable to a small commercial fishing station and a farm
and homestead and affiliated store which functioned partly to provi-
sion passing sailng vessels. The first historical records indicate that
the locality was unoccupied in historic times until about 1868 (Holand
1917: 436, and local informants) although, of course, it may have seen
transient use before that date. The latest aboriginal cultural compo-
nent was clearly prehistoric, and none of the debris from the historic
period could be interpreted as pre-nineteenth century. Information
from the daughter of the "original" land owner indicates that her fa-
ther had Indians working for him at the locality sometime after 1868.
In the usually badly disturbed upper deposits of the site was
found an admixture of historic and prehistoric artifacts. These in-
cluded the stem and bowl fragments of white kaolin pipes. Because
these pipes seemingly were attributable to the specific time interval
circa 1868-1900, because they included examples of what I believed
to be the most northwesterly known occurrence of one of these pipe
types (TD pipes), because little is known about kaolin pipe types and
distribution west of the Appalachians and the eastern Great Lakes,
and because the information about the Mero site specimens might
prove of interest in Omwake's studies of such pipes, I sent the speci-
mens to that gentleman for his information and study. He responded
126 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 46, No. 2
by sending the report which is published below.
By and large, Mr. Omwake's detailed analysis of the kaolin pipe
fragments from the Mero site has provided information compatible
with the known history of white settlement in the area. While many
of the pipes clearly date from the circa 1868-1900 period as originally
expected, clues as to earlier nineteenth century occupations are es-
pecially interesting a augmentation of the sketchy historical record.
In conformity with archeological evidence, none of the pipes were of
types sufficiently early for pre-nineteenth century aboriginal use.
This report should be of interest as an example of the kinds of
information which the study of this class of historical artifact pro-
vides. Mr. Omwake, who probably knows more about the history,
technology, and diffusion of kaolin pipes than any other scholar active
in this field, is well known on the eastern seaboard where kaolin trade
pipes are frequently abundant at historic Indian and Colonial and
early Federal period sites and have been successfully used in precise
dating.
THE OMWAKE REPORT
The collection consisted of 54 bowl fragments and 104 stem
fragments of white kaolin pipes from disturbed upper deposits
of the multi-component Mero site in Door County.
Procedure
The stem fragments first were separated and then re-
grouped according to provenience within the site. Five longi-
tudinally fractured fragments and two chips of bone were set
aside. Eleven fragments were matched and glued together.
Similarly the bowl fragments were separated and regrouped.
Several pieces were matched and glued. Finally, an effort
was made to match stem and bowl fragments having separate
and different provenience numbers. As a result, six bowls
were partially reconstructed and stemsections were joined to
three of them. The bores of all stem fragments were cleaned
out and measured, including the bores of stem fragments at-
tached to bowls or portions of bowls either naturally or arti-
ficially. Finally, the bowls were compared with similar ex-
amples reported from other sites.
Plain Stems
A collection of plain, unmarked white kaolin pipestems re-
covered archeologically often presents something of an enig-
ma to an investigator. Certainly they form part of the cultural
picture of a site, but, aside from testifying to the fact that
white clay pipes were smoked after reaching the site by some
means, what else can they reveal? In an effort to derive more
than casual meaning from the innocuous little bits of white
clay pipestems, one archeologist (Harrington 1954) approach-
White Kaolin Pipe 127
ed the problem by measuring the bores of English pipe stems
recovered from contexts for which reasonably secure dating
could be determined from documentary and/or other sources.
He discovered that the bores of pipe stems recovered from
sites of more recent date were smaller than those of stems
recovered from older sites, and, using the dates available to
him, was able to show that as time went on. the size of the
bore gradually decreased. Putting it another way, he discov-
ered that as time went on, there were evident preferences for
progressively decreasing bore sizes which seemed to focalize
on one particular size during certain broad periods of years
from the early beginnings of the pipe-making industry, ca.
1600, extending to about 1800. He found also that during the
ascendency of any one bore size (after the initial start of the
industry) the next larger size decreased in popularity while
the next smaller began to increase. Those differences were
expressed as percentages in graph form.
The present examiner has found that while Harrington's
work was based on collections of English pipe stems, his per-
centage values seem to be equally valid so far as they go,
when applied to collections which almost certainly include
significant numbers of stems of Dutch or mixed European ori-
gins, and it appears probable that they would hold for col-
lections which contain stems of American origins prior to ca.
1800.
The fact that during almost any time span more than one
bore size was in use, despite the preference for some particular
size, and the fact that Harrington's time spans were of un-
equal lengths, tended to reduce the certainty of dating a site,
especially if by the most logical interpolation, close dating
were attempted.
Another archeologist (Binford 1961; see also Maxwell and
Binford 1961: 107-109) dissatisfied with answers such as
"There is a 72% chance that stems of a given bore size were
made during one period and a 14% chance that they were
made during another and a 20% chance that they were made
during a third period," devised a mathematical regression for-
mula which, when applied to a stem sample, yields a dating
answer in terms of a specific year. Binford himself found that
his formula breaks down toward the end of the 18th century
WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 46, No. 2
and yields a distressing distorted answer when applied to a
collection of 19th century stems.
Since neither the Harrington time span method nor the Bin-
ford formula can be usefully applied to collections of stems
from such sites as the Door peninsula location, the post-1800,
plain, unmarked white clay pipe stems remain just as baffling
and uncommunicative as they were before Harrington's work
was undertaken.
In the Mero site collection, after matching, and including
stems attached to bowls or partial bowls, there were 10S frag-
ments distributed among the 4/64, 5/64 and 6/64 inch bore
sizes. The analysis of which may be expressed in terms of
the numbers of each size or as percentages of the total sample,
as follows:
Size Number Percentage
4/64 14 12.93 (13)
5/64 85 78.70 (79)
6/64 9 8.33 (8)
Totals 108 99.96 (100)
These results would seem to indicate that in a post-1800
collection the tendency for bore size to become progressively
smaller does not hold. It may be that the widespread prolif-
eration of the pipe-making industry throughout the European
countries, aside from England and Holland, plus the spread of
the industry to Canada and the United States, resulted in a
breakdown of the universality of practice which lesser com-
petition among pipe-makers during the earlier years had tend-
ed to sustain.
If the percentages derived from the Mero size collection
were interpreted in terms of the Harrington time span method
the site would be said most probably to date to the 1750-1780
period. Application of the Binford formula yields a date of
1742. Very obviously neither result is a valid dating for the
white occupation of the site which is thought not to have be-
gun until the middle part of the 18th century. The plain, un-
marked white clay pipe stem fragments remain something of
an enigma. It is hoped that sufficient compilation of the meas-
urements of the bores of plain, unmarked white clay pipe
stems recovered from 19th century sites may eventually indi-
cate trends which will contribute to the solution of dating
problems.
White Kaolin Pipe 129
Nine fragments were tip ends of stems and revealed three
separate treatments. In three instances coil from which the
stems had been fashioned had been simply and cleanly cut off
at whatever length the maker had desired and had undergone
no other manipulations. In another three instances the ends
of the stems had been flattened so that, in cross section, their
general shape had become oval. The flattening process had
given two specimens an hourglass figuration which suggests
that perhaps the heel of the maker's hand had been pressed
down on the coil twice. The ends of the remaining three
stems had been compressed toward the bowl, forming a kind
of terminal collar which probably made it easier for the smo-
ker to hold the stem between his upper and lower teeth, which
seems to have been the intent. None of the three treatments
contributes to dating the stems, although the flattening and
collar ideas, both related to making use of the pipe easier,
probably represent technological advancement. Somewhat sim-
ilar collars may be seen in modern pipe stems.
Six plain, unmarked fragments had been broken at or close
to the point of jointure of stem and bowl. These are nondiag-
nostic.
It is thought that three matched, tan-colored, plain stem
fragments so clearly duplicate the short stem section which
has been matched to the tan-brown bowl ornamented with
cross-hatched ridges as to indicate the undiscovered presence
at the site of a second bowl of this type.
Ornamented and Marked Stems
One short, oval, tan-brown stem fragment carried a mold-
imparted, ridged and rouletted decoration suggestive of the
distinct ornamentation which is seen on PETER DORNI pipe
stems. Although totally unrelated inspiration for the design of
the decoration on the tan-brown stem fragment must be ad-
mitted possible, it is felt that it probably did derive from the
PETER DORNI type of decoration and therefore must be of
a date subsequent to the earliest known time at which PETER
DORNI pipes were made, i.e, ca 1850* Since it is of
tan-'brown clay, it probably represents an American effort at
imitation.
Two fragments of PETER DORNI stems were present,
one attached to a small portion of the back of its bowl, the
130 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 46, No. 2
other broken in such a way that only P is visible on one side
and NI on the other. Peter Dorni was a pipe-maker in North-
ern France ca 1850 whose pipes became so popular that they
were widely imitated by pipe-makers of Gouda, Holland, for
the export trade to the United States. Some PETER DORNI
stems also carry the words GOUDA and HOLLAND which
mark them as imitations of the original. Others on which the
lettering and decoration are crudely executed also are prob-
ably imitations. The Mero site specimens seem to fall into
this category, the letters being unclear and smudged and the
general tenor of the ornamentation being sloppy. A third
specimen on which only the initial rows of "oak leaves" may
be seen probably was a PETER DORNI pipe.
Four stem fragments of varying lengths, two attached to
small portions of their bowls, carried some part of the words
NEW YORK and CUTTY, in relief, on their opposite sides.
Known in Ireland as a "dudeen." the short-stemmed pipe,
so short indeed that the heat from the burning tobacco in the
bowl was said to warm the nose, was called a "cutty.'' Those
affectionate terms were popular at the end of the 1 7th and the
beginning of the 18th centuries. "Dudeen" seems to have dis-
appeared but "Cutty" has hung on, meaning, very simply, a
"very short-stemmed white clay pipe."
The remains of the largest of the Mero specimens suggests
that the bowl may have been quite large and ornamented with
unusually broad flutes. All of these specimens came from test
pit 39. From the same 'area were recovered three bowl frag-
ments having very broad flutes. Examination of the smallest
of the three suggests that as the flutes approached the base of
the bowl and the stem they were greatly restricted. Although
none of the bowl fragments can be matched to either of the
stem fragments to which adhere portions of their bowls, or to
each other, the resemblances are so striking as to indicate
that the three bowl fragments did, indeed, once belong to
NEW YORK ~ CUTTY stems, perhaps to the two of which
only the very small sections remain.
The indicated large size of the bowl of the NEW YORK -
CUTTY pipes suggests manufacture late in the 19th century.
Apparently some pipe manufacturer in New York City sim-
ply adopted the popular name "Cutty" in its original short-
White Kaolin Pipe 131
stemmed meaning and incorporated it on his pipe stems as a
sort of sales "come-on".
One stem fragment originally carried the words MURRAY-
GLASGOW on its opposite sides, only MUR and GOW now
remaining. Murray and Company was in business in Glas-
gow, Scotland, from 1826 until 1861-62 when the firm was
absorbed by Davidson, Thos. Jr., and Company.
Bowls description
Five small, plain bowl fragments could not be definitely as-
sociated with any of the types of bowls listed below.
At least seven types of bowls were represented in the Mero
site collection, as follows:
1. plain except for hatched lines on the mold marks.
2. plain but having a "rouletted" line around the bowl just
below the rim.
3. plain (apparently) but having "oak leaves" on either side
of the front mold mark.
4. TD bowls
(a) plain (but possibly fluted) except for letter D on the
back of the bowl.
(b) letters TD within a circle of 13 stars on the back of
the bowl with stars around the rim.
(c) cross-hatched bowl which once had a large circle on
the back containing a circle of 13 stars surrounding the
letters TD.
5. fluted bowls
(a) small bowl, set upright almost at a right angle to its
stem, having lower half fluted and upper half divided into
two horizontal bands, the lower of which contained a hori-
zontal row of vertical, raised, diamond-shaped knobs each
separated by two tiny raised dots placed one above the
other, the upper horizontal band containing a row of raised
and hollowed-out circular ovals irregularly separated by
raised, vertical, key-like figures; oak leaves along both
mold marks; tiny spur.
(b) small bowl, set at slightly obtuse angle to its stem,
having lower half decorated with wide, open flutes in the
center of each of which a series of raised dots descends
chain-like toward the base of the bowl; pronounced spur.
132 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 46, No. 2
(c) medium sized bowl having lower half fluted and upper
half plain; "oak leaves" along both mold marks.
(d) medium sized bowl having lower half fluted, the flutes
being separated by thin raised lines; mold marks hatched:
near bowl, stem has indistinct ornamentation which con-
sists mainly of two parallel raised lines which encircle it.
6. small tan-brown fragment having horizontal grooves and
raised lines which border a wide horizontal panel which
contains looped "chains" of raised dots plus several unclear
relief decorations randomly placed.
7. small fragment of black bowl which had a wide convex
collar below the rim.
Bowls discussion
Discussion of the bowls will follow the order in which the
types have been listed above.
1. The four plain bowl fragments and the single stem frag-
ment which has a small portion of the base of its bowl attach-
ed are non-diagnostic. Hatching on the mold marks is the
simplest form of ornamentation and may be a derivative of
the hatching which appeared around the rims of some of the
17th century bowls and which was itself probably a form of
"rouletting'' imposed on the bowls by a "mushroom" tool in
England and by "une petite scie" (a little saw) in Holland.
As judged by the largest of the bowl fragments, all four were
probably contemporary with the fluted bowls of Type 5.
2. This single rouletted fragment was derived from a relative-
ly large, thin, smooth-textured, well-finished plain bowl. Its
exact counterparts, with and without the Dutch "warrior*'
mark, were recovered from the foundation-cellar area of the
Seven Mile House on the old road from Albany to Schenec-
tady, New York, perhaps datable as early as 1731, in which
year a lease to the property was granted by the city of Al-
bany. A map of 1 757 shows a dwelling on the site and anoth-
er map of 1818 indicates that a tavern, or inn, had been built.
This structure was declared unfit for human occupation in
1890 and was torn down. The most probable period for the
arrival of the large quantity of white clay pipes at the site
was, of course, the tavern period from ca. 1818 to 1890,
roughly 70 years. Associated with the Seven Mile House
sample were PETER DORNI stems and many types of fluted
White Kaolin Pipe 133
bowls. Most significant, perhaps, from a dating standpoint
was a stem on whose sides was the slogan "A Public Office
Is A Public Trust/' a slogan used by Grover Cleveland dur-
ing his presidential campaigns of 1884, 1888 and 1892. Since
the place was torn down in 1890, the stem must have been
prompted by one of the earlier campaigns. The PETER
DORNI stems could hardly have reached the site before 1850
and probably are of somewhat later date. It is most likely,
then, that the large, smooth, rouletted bowl fragments should
be thought to date to the general period from ca. 1850 to ca.
1890.
This projected dating may be offset somewhat by an exact
duplicate specimen, having the Dutch "warrior" mark, which
was recovered from the foundation area of a sutler's store
within the compound of Fort Mackinac, Michigan. The store
was erected in 1800 and was torn down to make way for a
larger structure in 1850. Thus it is clear that the large,
smooth, rouletted bowls were in distribution prior to 1850. It
is not clear how early they began but this may have occurred
ca. 1825 when pipe bowls became much larger than they for-
merely had been. The "warrior" mark goes back to the middle
part of the 1 7th century in Gouda records. Certainly they are
more likely to have arrived at the Seven Mile House site dur-
ing the early years of the tavern period than during the later
years.
3. It is difficult to assign a date to the plain bowls whose only
ornamentation consists of "oak leaves" along the mold marks.
A few English examples are known from the 18th century but
this type of ornamentation, along with fluting, became com-
mon all over England in the 19th century and without doubt
was widely imitated or adopted by pipe-makers in other coun-
tries, including the United States. As judged by the spurred
fragments to which portions of the bowls adhere, these Mero
site specimens were probably contemporary with the fluted
bowls at the site.
4. (a) One gets the idea from this tiny fragment of TD bowl
that the bowl was not so big, round, and squat as the plain
pipes of the last quarter of the 19th century. It probably dates
to the third quarter of that century; the long slender D is much
like that seen on a pipe excavated at Fort Berthold II, near
134 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 46, No. 2
Bismark, North Dakota, at which the principal trading post
period ran through the 1850's and 1860's. It is not possible
to tell whether or not the bowl from which this fragment was
broken was fluted.
(b) The 13-star-encircled TD pipes seem first to have ap-
peared on American sites of the \Var of 1812 period and to
have persisted in numerous variations (additional stars around
rims and elsewhere) for a- considerable number of years. Al-
though one was recovered at Fort Berthold II which existed
from 1845 to 1893, it should be noted that none has been re-
covered from the Missouri River Valley military and trading
post sites which came into existence after 1860. They appear
datable to the general period from ca. 1812 to ca. 1850.
The interesting feature of the Mero specimen is that the
odd (13th) star is placed precisely on the mold mark. Such
an accomplishment represents a technological accomplishment
of the mold maker. In other recorded examples there are six
stars on the left of the mold mark and seven on the right. An
exception, recovered at Fort Michilimackinac (1715-1781)
has seven stars on the left and six on the right if the specimen
has been correctly represented in the drawing furnished to
this examiner. The closing date of Fort Michilimackinac hav-
ing occurred before the 13-star encircled TD's are thought to
have come on the scene, the specimen found there is believed
to be intrusive, probably lost or discarded during one of the
British-American military operations which subsequently took
place in the area.
Several varieties of 13-star encircled TD pipes were recov-
ered at Fort Mackinac (1781-1895), the successor to Fort
Michilimackinac. They were among the pipes excavated from
the foundation area of the sutler's store which existed from
1800 to 1850 and probably reached Fort Mackinac during its
occupation by American troops in the \Var of 1812.
The absence of pipes of this type from trading post and
military sites which came into existence after 1860 would
seem to establish a terminal date for their manufacture. Their
presence at American sites of the War of 1812 seems to es-
tablish their beginning date and to testify to their American
origin. In general, then, they may be dated to the period ca.
1812 to ca. 1850.
White Kaolin Pipe 135
(c) The cross-hatched tan-brown colored bowl originally
exhibited on the back a large round circle within the circum-
ference of which was a smaller circle of 13 stars which enclos-
ed the letters TD in relief. An exact counterpart was recov-
ered from the foundation area of the settler's store at Fort
Mackinac (1800-1850) and another was recovered from the
site of the John Deere Blacksmith Shop, Grand Detour, Illi-
nois (1837-1847).
5. (a) The sole recorded exact duplicate of this bowl was
recovered from the foundation area of the sutler's store (1800-
1850) at Fort Mackinac. Before 1850 the bowls of English
pipes were small, much smaller than they had previously been
and were again to become after 1850.
(b) No duplicate of this bowl has been recorded. It's
small size, however, marks it as contemporary with type 5a
above.
(c) Exact duplicates of these bowls were recovered from
the John Deere Blacksmith Shop site (1837-1847). However,
another was found beneath the porch of an old farmhouse
near Lewes, Delaware, said to have been built about 1875.
In this instance, of course, the pipe could have fallen beneath
the flooring of the porch at any subsequent date. M'any whole
and fragmentary examples have been reported as surface finds
in the middle Atlantic and north Atlantic states, and no very
great age should be accorded them. Apparently these repre-
sent a bowl type whose popularity persisted for most, if not
all, of the second half of the 19th century.
(d) These bowls are simply variations on the basic fluting
theme of the type 5c examples. Exact duplicates were present
at the John Deere Blacksmith Shop site and m'any more have
been surface found in the East. They appear to parallel type
5c in time as well as distribution.
6. No similar bowl has previously been recorded. The tan-
brown color (almost like a slip) suggests American origin
and the elaborate character of the decoration suggests a late
dating. These are, however, only "guestimates.'*
7. No similar bowl fragment of white men's manufacture has
been previously recorded. If the texture and color of this frag-
ment did not so closely resemble the texture and color of the
core of type 6 above, one might be tempted to suggest an ab-
original origin for it.
136 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 46, No. 2
Conclusions
Present in the collection from the Mero site are pipes of
Dutch (PETER DORNI, rouletted plain), Scottish (MUR-
RAY-GLASGOW), American (13-star encircled TD, san-
brown cross-hatched TD, probably the plain TD), and sev-
eral varieties of "oak leaf" and fluted bowls which may have
been of American or English origin. W^hile the "o>ak leaf"
and fluted bowls have been documented in England (Oswald
1960) and are represented in France (Duhamel du Monceau
1771 ), it is impossible to believe that they were not also made
in America, particularly during the second half of the 19th
century.
It is quite possible that many of the pipes (PETER DOR-
NI, rouletted plain, MURRAY-GLASGOW, all the TD's and
probably fluted types 5a and 5b) may have reached the Door
Peninsula site a number of years before its 1868-1900 occu-
pancy. Of these it is possible that the MURRAY-GLAS-
GOW, the rouletted plain, all of the TD's and fluted types
5a and 5b could have arrived during the second quarter of the
19th century. It is unlikely that any of them except the PE-
TER DORM'S should be associated with the 1868-1890 oc-
cupancy.
The PETER DORNI, fluted types 5c and 5d, and the
NEW YORK-CUTTY pipes seem to be those most likely
to have reached the site during its 1868-1890 occupancy, but
the PETER DORNI pipes probably should not be dated later
than ca. 1875. Fluted types 5c and 5d probably could
have arrived at any time during the 1868-1890 occupancy
and the NEW YORK-CUTTY pipes probably were the lat-
est arrivals.
The MURRAY-GLASGOW stem almost certainly pre-
dates the 1868-1890 period of occupancy because the com-
pany went out of business in 1861-62. Such a fragile article
as a white clay pipe stem is not likely to have survived the
rigors of frontier usage for five or six years. Despite the
lengthy survival qualities which white clay pipe bowls and
stems possess when protected by an archeological environ-
ment their life span in actual usage must have been very
short, especially when they were unprotected by the wooden
or metal cases in which city owners, whose lives were consid-
White Kaolin Pipe 137
ably more sophisticated than those of the frontiersmen, kept
them.
For the PETER DORNI, rouletted plain, MURRAY-GLAS-
GOW, and fluted types 5c 'and 5d a compromise dating from
ca. 1850 to ca. 1875 appears justifiable. For the TD's and
fluted types 5a and 5b such a dating would not be very real-
listic.
It would be concluded that the white man's influence pene-
trated to the Mero site somewhat prior to ca. 1850 whether
there was aboriqinal contact or not.
REFERENCES CITED
Binford, Lewis R.
1961 A New Method of Calculating Dates from Kaolin Pipe Stem
Samples. Paper presented to the Second Annual Conference
on Historic Site Archeology, Macon, Georgia, Nov. 30, 1961.
Duhamel du Monceau
1771 L'Art de Faire les Pipes a Fumer le Tabac. Extrait des Reg-
istres de 1' Academic Royale des Sciences, Pis. II, III, IV, 6
Juillet 1771. Paris.
Harrington, J. C.
1954 Dating Stem Fragments of Seventeenth and Eighteenth Cen-
tury White Clay Tobacco Pipes. Quarterly Bulletin, Archeo-
logical Society of Virginia, Vol. 9, No. 1.
Holand, Hjalmar Rued
1917 History of Door County, Wisconsin; the County Beautiful.
Chicago: S. J. Clarke Publishing Co.
Maxwell, Moreau S., and Lewis R. Binford
1961 Excavation at Fort Michilimackinac, Mackinac City, Mich-
igan: 1959 Season. Publication of the Museum, Michigan
State University, Vol. 1, No. 1.
Oswald, Adrian
1960 The Archaeology and Economic History of English White Clay
Pipes. Journal of the Archaeological Association, Third Ser-
ies, Vol. XXIII. London.
138 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 46, No. 2
FIG. 1. a) NEW YORK -CUTTY stem and bowl fragments, probably
late 1800's. b) Plain rouletted bowl, circa 1850-1890 (probably of Dutch
origin), c) 13-star encircled TD bowl with star on mold mark, circa
1812-1850. d) Plain with oak leaves, post 1850. e) Pseudo-DORNI, post
1850. f) PETER DORNI, 1850-? (probably of Dutch origin), g)
MURKAY-GLASGOW stem, circa 1826-1862 (conceivably a few years
later).
White Kaolin Pipe
139
FIG. 2. h) Fluted type 5b bowl, circa 1825-1850. i) Fluted type 5a.
circa 1825-1850. j) Fluted type 5c, circa 1850-1875. k) Cross-hatched
TD. circa 1837-1847. 1) Fluted type 5d. circa 1850-1875.
HO WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 46, No. 2
EXCAVATION OF TWO BURIALS AT THE
MATERIAL SERVICE QUARRY SITE,
LA SALLE COUNTY, ILLINOIS
Charles J Bareis
University of Illinois
On December 2, 1964 ,the author was notified by Walter
Walker of the Marblehead Lime Company that human
skeleton remains had been exposed during grading operations
in a shale quarry of Material Service I three miles east of
1 The offices of the Marblehead Lime Company and Material Ser-
. vices are located in Chicago and both are divisions of General Dy-
namics Corporation.
Ottawa, LaSalle County, Illinois. Mr. Walker indicated that
the partially destroyed area was quite likely the location of a
burial mound and that pottery and mussel shells could be ob-
served in the mound fill redeposited by heavy equipment. Sub-
sequent excavation of two burials in the graded area by the
author and James P. Anderson of the Illinois Archaeological
Survey from December 28 to 31 substantially confirmed
Walker's description. Reconnaissance further suggested that
a village is probably present on a ridge north of the mound.
The Material Service Quarry site, designated Ls-50 in the
files of the University of Illinois, is situated on bluffs approx-
imately one mile north of the Illinois River.
The eastern margin of the site, which constitutes the western
edge of the machine cut in the quarry, is constantly under
destruction. Refuse, consisting of sherds, chipped stone and
ground stone tools, chipped stone debris, animal bones, and
mussel shells, is scattered over an area of perhaps an acre in
extent west of this cut indicating the presence of a number of
activity units at the site in addition to the burial mound.
Burial 1 consisted of two individuals placed in a shallow
pit on the eastern edge and apparently near or at the base of
the partially graded mound. Individual 1 was represented by
a fully articulated, young adult female placed on the left side
in a semi-flexed position in which the right arm was folded
over the abdomen and the lower legs bent back close to the
pelvis. This individual was interred in a north to south di-
rection with the head oriented south, and a feature of the
perpendicular skeleton was the absence of the left hand.
Individual 2 was represented by only a few skull fragments
Excavation of Two Burials HI
of an infant located underneath the right side of the rib cage
of Individual 1 .
Grave goods were associated with both individuals of
Burial 1. A restorable Langford ware vessel with a mussell
shell spoon inside was placed on the feet of Individual 1 (Fig.
1 ) , and a mussell shell spoon was placed over the skull of
Individual 2. Other items, such as sherds, chipped stone de-
bris, rock fragments (not fire-cracked), a few human bones,
animal bones, mussel shells, and charcoal fragments,
scattered througout the fill of the grave.
a
FIG. 1. Grave goods associated with Burial 1, Individual 1. a,
Langford ware vessel; b, mussell shell spoon. Height of a, 11.48 cm.;
length of b, 9.46 cm. s
Burial 2 was located 9.5 feet south of Burial 1 in the mound
area and had been badly disturbed by heavy equipment. The
skeletal material consisted of a few bones of the axial and
appendicular skeletons of one individual, apparently posi-
itioned in an east to west direction, and a fragment of a pelvis
of another individual. Grave goods were not recovered with
Burial 2.
All the archaeological information salvaged from the Mater-
ial Service quarry is associated with an Upper Mississippian
component. The pottery sample consists of grit tempered
Langford ware, and most specimens including the vessel ex-
142 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 46, No. 2
hibit a smoothed over cordmarked surface. The pot, which
has a globular shape, two lip lugs, and is decorated with oval
impressions between the neck and shoulder (cf. Griffin 1943:
278, PL CXXXVIII, Fig. 6-7) and circular, stick punctates on
the lip, can be classified as an example of the Plain Surface
variety of Langford Trailed (cf. Brown, ed. 1961: 31-35;
Griffin 1948: 125, footnote 4). Moreover, there are four
decorated sherds in the ceramic collection and they are also
of this variety. Other attributes of the mortuary data which
assist in establishing the affiliation of the Upper Mississippian
component include: presence of a mound, burial in a sem ; -
flexed position, 'association of a pottery vessel with a female
burial, and placement of a mussell shell spoon inside a pot
used as a grave offering.
Although it is not possible to make a detailed comparison
with Upper Mississippian complexes in northern Illinois on the
basis of the information obtained from the quarry, it appears
quite likely that what has been excavated represents a small
segment of the mortuary unit of a component that equates
temporally and in large culturally with Period B of the Fisher
site (Griffin 1946) and with the latter portion of the Heally
component at the Zimmerman site (Brown, ed. 1961).
The work underaken at the Material Service quarry is an-
other example of salvage archaeology at an important site
that will be completely destroyed during the course of normal
commercial operations. In this case the value of the recov-
ered data has been the discovery of another locus of Lang-
ford pottery in the Illinois River Valley.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS. I would like to thank Ma-
terial Service for permission to conduct excavations and con-
tinue further investigations in their quarry east of Ottawa. I
am particularly indebted to Linus Freeman, Milton Gehle, and
Walter Walker of Material Service and the Marblehead Lime
Company for their cooperation and assistance in conjunction
with the initial excavations. James P. Anderson undertook
the black and white photography in the field and for this
report, and restored the vessel in the accompanying illustra-
tion.
Red Ocher Site
143
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Brown, James A., ed.
1961 The Zimmerman Site. Illinois State Museum, Report of In-
vestibations, No. 9.
Griffin, James B.
1943 The Fort Ancient Aspect. University of Michigan Press,
Ann Arbor.
Griffin, John W.
1946 The Upper Mississippi Occupation at the Fisher Site, Will
County, Illinois. Unpublished M. A. Thesis, University of
Chicago.
1948 Upper Mississippi at the Fisher Site. American Antiquity,
Vol. 14, No. 2, pp. 124-26.
A RED OCHER SITE IN FOND DU LAC COUNTY
Robert Ritzcnthaler
In the March 1944 issue of the Wisconsin Archeologist,
Vol. 25, No. 1, pp. 13-16, Mr. Henry Rueping described Red
Ocher burials unearthed in 1942 in the Huber gravel pit in
the northeast quarter of the southwest quarter of Section 7,
Empire Township, Fond du Lac County, \Visconsin. The
specimens recovered were well described, but no illustrations
were included. Because of the importance to the scholar of
having the illustrative material with the text it appears worth-
while to show the material and rerun the original description
by Mr. Rueping.
144 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOG1ST
Vol. 46, No. 2
Also included here <are illustrations of the two male skulls.
\Vhile calipers were not available it appears that one is meso-
cephalic, the other dolichocephalic. Both have rather high
nasal bridges and one shows convincing evidence of cradle-
boarding. All the artifacts were reported as being interred
with these two burials.
Red Ocher Site
145
The Rueping inventory read as follows:
"A widely diversified list of artifacts was recovered. Two
drills, three inches long, made of blue hornstone, have small
side lugs or prongs extending horizontally. These specimens
are nicely chipped. A third drill of inferior yellowish chert
is also three inches long, but is stemmed. Its crude chipping
was due to the nature of the material. Two copper celts or
wedges, one and one-eighth by three inches and one and one-
146 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 46, No. 2
half by three and seven-eighths inches respectively, are of a
common type. Both have curved cutting edges. Eighteen
flat copper fragments of problematic use, one-fourth to three-
eighths of an inch wide and from three-eighths to one and one-
fourth inches long, were found while sifting. These pieces,
extremely corroded, were possibly all parts of one or more
bracelets, as the longer ones are slightly curved. Ten copper
awls, squared in section and pointed at both ends, range in
length from one and one-eighth to ten and one-eighth inches.
One curious cylindrical bone bead, five-sixteenths by one
and one-fourth inches, is perforated at both ends, the holes
entered at the centers and extending at an angle of forty-five
degrees through the sides. The two points of emergence are
about ninety degrees from each other. A pronounced groove
connects these side openings, thus forming a spiral.
Two strings of copper beads were found. The longest
strand numbers two hundred ninety-one and is eighty-four
and one-fourth inches long. The individual beads range in
diameter from one-eighth to three eighths of an inch and from
one-eighth to one and three-eighths inches in length. The
short strand numbers forty-six and is fifteen and one-fourth
inches long. These beads range from five-sixteenths to seven-
sixteenths of an inch in diameter and from three-sixteenths
to five-eighths of an inch in length. The walls of these beads
are thicker than those of the longer strand. A few beads, not
included in the foregoing figures, were so completely corroded
that they crumbled when touched. It is believed that the
long strand is the greatest numerically and the longest ever
found in \Visconsin. Although the surrounding soil was sift-
ed, it is entirely probable that some beads were missed and
hauled away in the gravel subsequently removed. All the
specimens were made by the usual method of bending a flat
strip of metal around a core and overlapping the edges.
Two ceremonial knives or blades, three by twelve and three-
eighths inches, and three and three-eighths by thirteen and
one-half inches, respectively, are made of beautifully chipped
salmon-tinted chert and were, no doubt, quarried from the
same sources. They were both similar in outline to the blade
of a Roman broad sword.
Red Ocher Site 147
Two birdstones were found. One of green banded slate is
of the bar type. Both ends were broken off and indicate evi-
dence of having been slightly smoothed. Its cross-section re-
sembles a letter "D." This specimen is nine-sixteenths of an
inch wide, five-eighths of an inch wide, and three and three-
eighths inches long. It is not perforated.
The second birdstone is of so-called pop-eyed type with
disk-like appendages. It is also of green banded slate but
is lighter in color and the stripes are more pronounced than
those of the first mentioned. It is six and three-eighths inches
long and one and eleven-sixteenths inches high.
The single remaining eye is three-fourths of an inch in di-
ameter. The right one had been broken off and an unusual
attempt to attach it to the head again has been made. Sev-
eral loads of the surrounding soil and gravel were sifted but
the missing disk was not found. In the center of the fracture
a hole three-eighths of an inch in diameter on the outside had
been drilled. This hole extended downward entirely through
the head and emerged at a point just below the other eye, the
diameter at its emergence being only one-eighth of >an inch.
Apparently a hole had been drilled through the broken eye in
alignment with the one in the head, the purpose being to fit a
a wooden peg or pin to the two in an effort to bind them to-
gether. The obtuse angle of the hole made a tight secure fit
between the pin and stone impossible and it is quite likely that
the eye was lost by its original owner before interment.
Another unusual feature of this specimen is that it has no
base perforations. Ordinarily this absence would indicate
that the birdstone was unfinished, but the great amount of
work done in repairing the fracture in addition to the fact
that the ceremonial was buried with its owner all without be-
ing drilled, makes it appear certain that the omission was in-
tentional and that a different method of mounting this speci-
men was employed."
148 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 46, No. 2
CODIFICATION OF WISCONSIN'S
ARCHAEOLOGICAL SITES
William M, Hurley
CODIFY: . . . i code (body of laws) + -ify 1: to reduce to
a code (as laws) 2a: Systematize: arrange in systematic or
comprehensive order b: to make an appropriate part of a
system or classif acation : Classify.
1 Webster's Third New International Dictionary
First Edition, Unabridged. C. & G. Merriam
Co., Springfield. 1961.
INTRODUCTION
In 1942, a "Committee for Codifying Types of Archaeolo-
gicaj Sites Jn Wisconsin'' prepared a code or system of sym-
bols to be used in recording Wisconsin archaelogical sites by
location, type and number. It was believed that this codifica-
tion would, eliminate duplication of site names, supply a new
name pr uumber for any given site, encourage accurate report-
ing of site location, and finally, stimulate research (McKern,
et. al., .,1943: 10). For two decades this system was peri-
odically used to code new sites and to catalogue artifacts re-
covered from site excavations. The arrangement of archeo-
logical sites into a systematic or comprehensible order was
held in abeyance. In May, 1961, Robert Ritzenthaler re-
quested that a meeting be held at the Milwaukee Public Mu-
seum to begin this ordering. Kermit Freckmann (then Chair-
man of the "Wisconsin Archeological Society's Surveying and
Codification Committee), Robert Ritzenthaler, and the writer
prepared a codification card (Fig. 1).
Since May, 1961, over 7000 reported sites have been
checked; of these approximately 4500 have been codified.
The first stage in this work was the reorganization of the
"\Visconsin Archaeological Publication" and the "Archaeo-
logical Site" files at the Milwaukee Public Museum. These
files were compiled during the W. P. A. period of the 1930's
and the sites were arranged according to "earthworks, refuse
pits, burials, artifacts, etc." Fifteen thousand cards were
sorted before codification of sites reported prior to 1940 could
begin. Next, the seventy Charles E. Brown manuscript files
in the State Historical Society were carefully checked to fill
in any "gaps." The next sources were the State Historical So-
ciety files and all published archaeological literature dealing
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150 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 46, No. 2
with \Visconsin. Approximately 2500 vague, inaccurate, or
duplicate site reports were disregarded.
THE CODIFICATION CARD (Fig. 1)
The codification card contains appropriate sections for per-
tinent information and refers the researcher to earlier site
reports, monographs, and related archaeological sites. Type
of Site is checked by the codifier and eliminates the suggested
superscript "o" for mounds and "c" for caves (McKern, et
al.,: 12). Aztalan, thus, would be Je-1 and not Je v M. These
checked boxes can be "punched or slotted" at a later date,
in the manner of an IBM or a marginal punched card, to fa-
cilitate the removal of types of sites, i. e., mounds for distri-
butional studies. Battlefields, trails, and fishweirs would be
examples of sites to be recorded in the Other category. Code
refers to the county codp that was devised in 1942 (Ibid, : 13)
with the addition of Menominee county, Me, (Fig. 2). Num-
ber is also retained from the proposed system:
". . . these numbers would arbitrarily be assigned to sites
regardless of the time when they were first named or re-
ported; for example, a site reported by Lapham might be
given the number '70,' whereas one reported this year
might receive the number '!.' This type of non-historical
number sequence is necessary in order to permit those
authorized to assign numbers and record sites by code to
progress regularly with their work as the necessary re-
checking of site data is completed" (Ibid.: 14).
Site designations are, therefore, binominal in character; con-
sisting of a symbol for county and a number for the site. Coun-
ty is indicated by a two letter abbreviation (Fig. 2) and the
number refers to a specific site within the indicated county-
These codification cards are now on file in the anthropology
departments of the State Historical Society of Wisconsin and
the Milwaukee Public Museum. Each card is filed alpha-
betically according to county and within the county group
they are further subdivided according to political township.
The government township and range is also recorded in
the Township and Range section. Both systems were utilized
because there are examples of government townships with
more than one political township within its confines. Finally,
the card is further subdivided numerically according to section
number. Thus, if there were a site in Adams county, Adams
township, and in section one, which had been coded Ad-1, it
would be numerically the first site in Adams county and al-
Codifying Sites
151
FIG. 2
phabetically the first card filed for the state. If more than
one site occurred within the section, consecutive numbers
would be given.
There are several ways to view an archaeological site. Az~
talan was a Middle Mississippi village that had connections
with the indigenous Woodland Indians. The southeast corner
of the village has yielded material associated with a later
Woodland occupancy. The two truncated pyramidal mounds
within the stockade are associated with the Mississippian oc-
cupancy. The conical mounds, west of the stockade are as-
sociated with another Woodland culture. Therefore, each or
all of the exterior and interior mounds could be given separ-
ate numbers and the Middle Mississippi and Woodland com-
152 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 46, No. 2
portents coded separately. This site complex could conceiv-
ably be Je-1 to Je-24. Provenience and association have been
taken into consideration when codifying a site complex with
one or several numbers. A site, it was decided, will be given
one number until excavation; it is the archaeologist's decision
to separate, for example, a "village site" into distinct "camp
sites." The stockaded village site of Aztalan and the associ-
ated pyramidal mounds was, therefore, coded Je-1. The con-
ical mounds outside the stockade were given another code
number.
Name of Site (Fig. 1 ) refers to the property owner, pre-
vious owner, or a site name, such as "Lizard Mound" or
"Silver Creek" sites. Reported by refers to the reporter as
well as the date the site was reported. County is self-explan-
atory. Township and Range (Fig. 1 and 3) require the pol-
itical and governmental townships plus the government range.
Present owner should contain the name of the landowner and
the tenant, if this is the case, and/or the nfame of the adminis-
trator if the land is an estate.
Location in Section* Julian W. Low (1952: 10) defines a
section in the following manner:
"In 1785 a law was enacted for the purpose of subdivid-
ing public lands into square townships and sections, the
townships to be 6 miles square and the sections 1 mile
square. The sections . . . were to be numbered in east-
west rows, alternately west and east, starting with 1 in
the northeast corner and ending with 36 in the southeast
[Fig. 3]."
An archaeological site, therefore, occupies a specific geo-
graphical location. This location is expressed from the small-
est to the largest unit, i. e., the site Ve-167 (Fig. 1 and 3) is
in the NEi/4 of the SE% of the NE% of the NW% of the
NWy 4 of Section 17, Stark township, T. 13 N., R. 2 W. A
site location can be easily ascertained by reference to a county
plat book. Sites reported according to township, range, and
section were coded in the hopes that the 640 acres that make
up a section (Fig. 3) will be surveyed to place the site in its
Codifying Sites
153
VERNON COUNTY
STARK
T, 13 N. f
R.2 W.
SECTION 17
1
E
4O
fi^
.O
TI3N
R2W
X= NE- SE-NE-NW-NWI/4
FIG. 3
proper quarter-section. The site reported in Figures 1 and 3
locates the site within approximately one-half mile. Not all
previously reported sites were located in this fashion, but it is
suggested that all future sites be reported at least by quarter -
quarter sections (40 acres).
154 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 46, No. 2
No of
Sites
Coded
20
30
64
33
115
30
66
15
55
25
17
22
32
32
1
47
80
169
21
22
280
19
36
70
7
33
303
13
100
17
43
235
68
115
104
25
Geographical Location must be as accurate as possible.
Sites correlated with permanent topographic features, i. e.,
bluffs, terraces, river valleys and semi-permanent ones, i. e.,
bridges, roads, buildings, etc., will aid an investigator in site
location. Accurate site reporting eliminates possible duplica-
tion while calling attention to contiguous sites.
Description of Site* This section should contain the ap-
proximate confines of the archaeological site, descriptions of
artifacts found, number and location of associated mounds,
burials, and houses, if the site has been tested or excavated,
FIG. 4
No. of
Sites
County
Code
Coded
County
Code (
Adams
Ad
71
Marathon
Mr
Ashland
As
10
Marinette
Mt
Barren
Bn
105
Marquette
Mq
: Bayf ield
Ba
3
Menominee
Me
Brown
Br
107
Milwaukee
Mi
Buffalo
Bf
14
Monroe
Mo
Burnett
Bt
25
Oconto
Oc
Calumet
Ct
26
Oneida
On
Chippewa
Ch
14
Outagamie
Ou
Clark
Cl
none
Ozaukee
Oz
Columbia
Co
188
Pepin
Pe
Crawford
Cr
78
Pierce
Pi
Dane
Da
408
Polk
Pk
Dodge
Do
155
Portage
Pt
Door
Dr
79
Price
Pr
Douglas
D
31
Racine
Ra
Dunn
Dn
15
Richland
Ri
Eau Claire
EC
6
Rock
Ro
Florence
Fl
1
Rusk
Ru
Fond du Lac
Fd
88
St. Croix
Sc
Forest
Fr
2
Sauk
Sk
Grant
Gt
155
Sawyer
Sy
Green
Gr
50
Shawno
Sw
Green Lake
Gl
122
Sheboygan
Sb
Iowa
la
36
Taylor
Ta
Iron
Ir
2
Trempealeau
Tr
Jackson
Ja
23
Vernon
Ve
Jefferson
Je
242
Vilas
Vi
Juneau
Ju
103
Walworth
Wl
Kenosha
Ke
9
Washburn
Wb
Kewaunee
Kn
30
Washington
Wt
La Crosse
Lc
16
Waukesha
Wk
La Fayette
Lt
57
Waupaca
Wp
Langlade
Lg
3
Waushara
Ws
Lincoln
Li
14
Winnebago
Wn
Manitowoc
Mn
33
Wood
Wo
Codifying Sites 155
areas of artifact concentration. Additional information con-
cerning the condition of the site when surveyed or tested and,
adjacent springs, creeks, or streams, can be recorded in this
section or under the section Remarks* If any recovered pre-
historic objects readily fall into a defined prehistoric cultural
context, this stage or culture should be recorded under the
heading Culture,
Reer e nces, As the greatest percentage of reported sites
have been published in The Wisconsin Archeologist, it was
decided that a convenient guide to this journal should be pro-
vided. The space beneath this sub-heading should be utilized
for site reports that are not in The Wisconsin Archeologist,
i. e., Milwaukee Public Museum publications, and any other
accessible reference. Specific persons who can contribute to-
ward a greater understanding of the site, through surface
collecting activities, may be cited here or in the next section.
This section, Specimens From Site In Possession Of, should
include collection location, collector's address, and museum
specimens. A landowner may not always collect artifacts,
whereas previous owners, adjacent landowners, and towns-
people, may have surface collected the site. Greater insight
to the cultural content can be gained through knowledge of
these dispersed artifacts and they, therefore, are most im-
portant in site interpretations.
The final section, Remarks, can include pertinent informa-
tion concerning the landowners attitude towards survey and
excavation, nearby water sources, if the site is recommended
for excavation, and references to adjacent sites. The back of
the card was left blank for further' comments, maps and photo-
graphs.
SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS
During the past three years many suggestions were in-
corporated into the codification system. Other suggestions
would have required complete revision of the system, i. e..
that only excavated sites be codified. This modification would
have allowed for the ordering of a small percentage of sites
while approximately 95% of the known sites, such as mounds,
would have to await codification until excavation. The de-
gree of effectiveness of the Highway and Dam Salvage sur-
vey teams, of the State Historical Society would thus be
156 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 46, No. 2
severely limited. Sites whose locations were doubtful and
those which have been destroyed by urban 'and industrial ac-
tivities were suggested for elimination. The distribution of
questionable sites can be ascertained by survey. The des-
truction of known sites, i. e., the Potawatomi (Mascouten)
village of Walking-at-Noon, Nawakweshkwn, which was
located during the 1830's at the present location of the main
Milwaukee Public Library, is no less a reality and its reported
existence can contribute to our knowledge of the temporal and
spatial distribution of this tribe.
Giving a code number to a site, therefore, in no way re-
stricts archaeological activity. Rather, we can now see the
degree of prehistoric activity throughout the state. Those
counties that have only a few reported sites (Fig. 4) need to
be systematically surveyed and the sites reported.
The trinominal site numbering system, utilized by the
Smithsonian Institution in their River Basin Surveys, is re-
commended for incorporation into the codification system.
These alphabetically derived numbers (Wisconsin is number
47) are extremely useful for cataloging purposes. There are
many counties throughout the United States that have the
same two letter abbreviations.
It has been mentioned that the codification cards are on
file at the Milwaukee Public Museum and the State Historical
Society. It has been agreed that the anthropology department
of the Milwaukee Public Museum will issue all numbers
(Rowe, 1961: 137). This department will act as a "clearing
house" and will allot numbers after the site information is re-
corded on two cards. This will eliminate site duplication and
allow for the maintenance of numerical continuity.
There remain approximately 300 reported historic Indian
sites to be codified for the State of Wisconsin. These sites
will be coded separately on a card similar to the codification
card but of a different color.
Acknowledgements, This work was supported by the Wis-
consin Archeological Survey and the Charles E. Brown Mem-
orial Fund. I wish to express my gratitude to Miss Uga
Cakans and Mrs. Joan Burzlaff for assistance in the typing
of the codification cards.
Bookshelf 157
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Low, Julian W.
1952 Plane Table Mapping. Harper & Brothers, New York.
McKern, W. C., Kermit Freckman, and Erwin G. Burg
1943 ' 'Report of the Committee for Codifying Types of Archeolog-
ical Sites in Wisconsin." The Wisconsin Archeologist, Vol. 24,
No. 1, March, pp. 1(KL5.
Rowe, Chandler W.
1961 "Minutes of the Thirteenth Annual Meeting of the Wisconsin
Archeological Survey, Milwaukee, June 3, 1961." The Wis-
consin Archeologist, Vol. 42, No. 3, September, pp. 136-138.
University of \Visconsin
Madison, Wisconsin
By
David A, Baerreis
and
THE BOOKSHELF Guest Reviewers
Men of Ancient Iowa: As Revealed by Archeological Discov-
eries. By Marshall McKusick. The Iowa State University
Press, Ames, Iowa. $6.50.
This impressive volume is a summary of the Indian occu-
pations of Iowa as seen by McKusick. It is based on many
articles and collections and has benefitted from many reports
on North American Archaeology and history. The develop-
ment of Iowa archaeology has been handicapped for years
because for a long time the state program in archaeology was
under the State Historical Society which had no adequate fa-
cilities, staff, and provided no genuine interest or support.
Subsequently the State University of Iowa supported an
archaeologist who was placed in a Sociology Department and
had little financial or academic support within the University.
It is remarkable that in spite of these bitter handicaps, but
because of the dedication of many men and students a reason-
able reconsctruction of Iowa prehistory can be made.
158 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 46, No. 2
As a book producing job, this one would probably be re-
garded as "in" because a considerable amount of thought and
work has been devoted to issuing an attractive volume. There
are an unusually large number of illustrations, both drawings,
half-tones, and maps. The paper for all pages is good quality
tinted offset and seems appropriate enough for text and draw-
ings but does not, I feel, accommodate well to the half-tones.
Most of the drawings of Iowa artifacts are not adequate
enough though they do give a general idea of the form. There
is an appendix with 18 radiocarbon dates on general material
from Iowa sites. For some reason, the last 12 of these are ex-
pressed with the abbreviation "A. D." following instead of
preceding the date given for the sample. This is also true for
the text. The abbreviation "A. D." should precede the date.
The footnotes are grouped at the rear of the book on 7 pages,
there is a rather full glossary on 1 1 pages, a bibliography of
181 titles and an index of 6 pages. There are 12 tables in
which various events and cultural groups are placed in a
temporal and descriptive sequence.
This summary of Iowa archaeology was presumably writ-
ten to appeal to a wide audience and should be successful
from this point of view. The professional archaeologist, as
usual, will be less pleased for he (or she) will inevitably con-
trast the interpretations used by the author with those he
holds himself, or those of other experienced professionals in
the Upper Mississippi and Missouri Valleys. McKusick. wise-
ly emphasizes that many current viewpoints and interpretations
are subject to change and that many of those in the volumes
are decidedly temporary in character.
Chapter One is entitled "Turning Points in Iowa Archae-
ology" which briefly mentions the Paleo-Indian, Archaic,
Woodland, Mississippian, Missouri River prehistoric groups
and the Indians "Biological Failure to adjust to European Dis-
eases." Six of the seven pages or "rock drawings" are grouped
with this chapter and there is no scale or mention of their
size. In the middle of page 8, the second paragraph is unnec-
essarily long, due to a typographical error. Under the head-
ing "\Voodland Mound Builders" there is this statement, "as
far as I know, there is no evidence of corn agriculture in any
Midwestern site of Middle Woodland culture." This may
Bookshelf 159
be a matter of the definition of "Midwestern" and "Middle
Woodland." There is, however, evidence of corn agriculture
at three Hopewell sites in Ohio, perhaps one in Illinois, and
one in western Missouri. In this chapter we are introduced to
a fair number of new interpretations which are developed in
the chapters dealing in more detail with the major cultural
groups.
Chapter Two is called "Archaeological Clues Tell A
Story," and so, it might be added, do archaeologists. This
chapter discusses the varieties of sites and other indications
of prehistoric occupation and something of the way archae-
ologists interpret prehistoric material. In mentioning effigy
mounds on p. 27 there is a suggestion that boulder effigies
in western Iowa are a "substitute form" but for effigy mounds
there is no elaboration of this theme. On p. 35, it is difficult
to understand the statement, "While Woodland culture still
flourished in eastern Iowa, the Missouri River agriculturists
arrived in eastern Iowa and eventually replaced the Missouri
Fliver people in the west." For some reason, not adequately
explained in this book, the author views the "Missouri River
people," by which he means C. R. Keyes' Glenwood complex
as having "migrated from the southern plains" (p. 12) and
arriving there before there is any effective Mississippian in-
fluence in eastern Iowa.
I would question both McKusick and his source (W. G.
Haag) that the Wisconsin Ice "reached its maximum stage
40,000 years ago," when the maximum ice advance took place
during the last major push at about 20,000 years ago. I am
also doubtful that "During most of the Pleistocene, Siberia
and Alaska were connected by a very broad land mass," for
I would guess that "most of the Pleistocene" did not have
known glacial accumulations sufficient to have adequately
lowered sea level a sufficient amount and that during long
periods of the Pleistocene sea level was higher than it is now.
In the discussion of the "Fluted Point Tradition in Iowa"
on p. 43, we learn that "Gravel pits would be a reasonable
place to come across this early evidence," and this is reiter-
ated on p. 49. Gravel pits in Iowa I believe would be either
deposits laid down under or from glacial waters, or would be
deposited as reworked material by stream action. I hope
160 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 46, No. 2
Iowa archaeologists can find fluted points at other locations.
A site might even be located in Mills County where Rowe
obtained 12 examples.
Chapter Three, "Earliest Evidence of Man in Iowa*' has a
brief comment on the inscribed tablets found in eastern Iowa
around 1880, and the peculiar "elephant" effigy platform pipes.
Not only were these pipes made in Iowa in the ] 9th century
but also I would say, a substantial number of other effigy
pipes such as the frog illustrated in this book on p. 114.
"Archaic Indians Of The Prairie And Forests" is the title
of Chapter Four. This is a good resume of the relatively few
known sites in Iowa that belong in this time period. McKusick
begins the Archaic with the introduction of small side-notched
points. On pages 56-57, it is suggested that the "Logan
Creek" Nebraska term, be kept as the name for an Archaic
complex, which was originally called "Pony Creek" by its
discoverers in western Iowa. This is fair enough, but by
p. 67, Pony Creek and Logan Creek both appear.
The author's employment of "mano and metate'' for hand
stone and milling stone emphasizes again that the former terms
ought to be restricted to the grinding of maize: rather than for
a variety of uses and for a wide variety of forms. The re-
view shares McKusick's doubts about the Olin site where two
chert projectile points and a copper awl have been attributed
to a level of blue-grey chert in a sand quarry which was cov-
ered by thirty-five feet of later deposits. The artifacts came
from under water and were in a power bucket, certainly an
imprecise excavating technique.
Chapter Five is "Development of Woodland Culture" and
Chapter Six is "Woodland Burial Cults." McKusick views
the introduction of Early Woodland pottery and the concept
of burial mounds as a "cultural veneer . . . absorbed by the
local Indians . . . rather than reflecting a migration of In-
dians into this area" (eastern Iowa). This is reasonable. But
one wonders why he accepted Chard's position that Chard
had destroyed the idea of archaeologists that the burial mound
concept had an Asiatic Siberian origin. Which archaeologists
espoused the derivation of woodland mounds from Asia and
at what time period was such a belief held? Ritchie thinks
that Woodland mounds came into New York from the south
Bookshelf 161
not that Woodland mounds in the north, in general, came
from the south. That was J. A. Ford's idea for many years, -
and he was able to persuade some archaeologists for some
years.
No one knows where Early \Voodland pottery began. Me-
Kusick has it diffuse westward from New York probably be-
cause of Libby's clearly erroneous date of 2500 B. C. for a
site in New York. Ritchie almost never has any prehistoric
complex originate in New York. \Vhy should McKusick?
One of the most distinctive features of McKusick's inter-
pretation of Iowa prehistory is his differentiation between
burial behavioral patterns and the rest of the behavior of the
people as obtained by archaeologists. He is concerned lest a
specific ethnic group might have had a number of burial prac-
tices and that archaeologists would classify these practices
as "two or more foci." McKusick's solution is to divorce the
religious behavior of the Woodland peoples from their other
behavior and name eight burial "cults" - the majority of which
are "Hopewell." The "cults" are: 1. Simple Mound Burial;
2. Red Ochre Burial; 3. Stone Vault; 4. Stone Alignment;
5. Cremation; 6. Burial Pit; 7. Linear Mound; and 8. Effigy
Mound. The author admits "The concept of religious cult is
fairly inadequate because of the complexity of the finds. It
is impossible to know which characteristics should be used
to group burial practices and which are simply fortuitous."
It is possible that the Woodland people would have been
puzzled by this separation of their burial customs from their
other activities. These "cults" are religious behavior and this
spreads to societies "which were completely different in many
other ways." The author also recognizes, however, that dur-
ing the Middle Woodland "New ideas in religion, technology,
and substistence became widely available and were adopted
by one Indian group after another." The latter view would
seem to be a more acceptable one for the development and
differentiation of Middle Woodland societies. One thing
which is clear from the presentation of Middle Woodland and
"Burial Cults" is that the author has had a difficult time try-
ing to interpret this period and he joins the rest of us in this
uphappy state. His dates of 500 B. C. to A. D. 500 is too
long for Hopewell and too much for Hopewellian in Iowa.
162 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 46, No. 2
On p. 106, "The burial mounds are an expression of one
dominant religious pattern. In almost every case they repre-
sent collective burial of the various members of a local band
who died during year," but on p. 107 it is an "annual or
semiannual burial rite." The "proxy graves'' described on
p. 107 are a new trait for the Red Ocher "Burial Cult." Terms
such as "sitting burials," "sacrificial altar" and "Pyrula per-
versa" are adopted from the 1880's. They have a strange
sound now.
In the discussion of Late Woodland burial practices a dis-
tinction is made between the Linear Mound "Cult" and the
Effigy Mound "Cult." The former is a distinctive "cult"
because there are linear mounds on (not along?) the Iowa,
Cedar, Des Moines, and Big Sioux rivers, "and frequently oc-
cur in mound groups where effigies are absent. Thus it is
clear that we are dealing with a distinct religious cult."
"Very little is known about the contents and physical struc-
ture of linears. Some of the smaller ones contain only a single
burial and ceremonial stone altars indicating a limited use
for personages of prominence in the tribe presumably the
chief. The larger ones particularly chain linears, contain a
more complex stratigraphy."
The "Effigy Mound Cult" has "great mounds in the shape
of animals (which) are silent witnesses of a local, quite an-
cient religion having complex rituals." The ones in Iowa are
regarded as peripheral to the center of the "cult" in Wiscon-
sin. Students of Wisconsin archaeology will be interested to
learn that both the "Effigy Mound Cult" and the "Linear
Mound Cult" are as early as the birth of Christ in north-
eastern Iowa on the chart on p. 106, but on p. 120, "During
Middle Woodland from 500 B. C. to 500 A. D. the effigy
mound builders were flourishing and effigies were still being
built in Late Woodland times." If this is true, significant re-
visions will have to be made in the published opinions of quite
a few archaeologists. McKusick apparently relies on Parson's
estimate of the length of time needed for mound soil differen-
ces to develop in order to get a bear effigy mound back to
the birth of Christ for its construction. This is barely pos-
sible.
Bookshelf 163
In Chapter Seven, "Warriors of the Mississippi/' McKusick
seems to accept much more specific and extensive Mexican
influence in Mississippi cultures than many archaeologists
have been able to do. For example, he labels 10 vessels on p.
137 as "Middle Mississippi decorated pottery from Arkansas
shows Mexican influence." It is possible that one of these,
the stirrup neck bottle, is of Mexican derivation. Another ex-
pression of this attitude is that "Mississippian societies were
strongly motivated towards patterning their way of life after
the religion, goals, ideals and technology which had devel-
oped in the heartland of Mexico." He believes that "The
opening phase of Mississippi culture is characterized by the
building of huge temple mounds made of earth" and that
"Finally at least one religious cult the Southern Death Cult
- developed at the end of the Mississippi Period and spread
rapidly through the Mississippi River towns and even reached
beyond them into the northern plains."
The interpretation of the presence of Aztalan is, "Appar-
ently one entire community set off to conquer the northern
territories and bring civilization to the benighted savages of
Wisconsin. . . . One cannot help speculating that the pres-
ence of the heavily fortified town so far from the usual geo-
graphic territory of Middle Mississippian people represented
an unsuccessful effort to control or gain access to the rich
northern supplies of copper."
At the Kincaid site in Illinois the wattle and daub houses
were constructed because "The Mississippian people came
from \an area with a warmer climate than that of southern
Illinois and they made certain of keeping warm in the winter/'
As the result of greater efficiency in food production "The ex-
panding Middle Mississippi cultures reached St. Louis and
went up the Ohio River Valley." This may be part of the
reason McKusick does not see much influence of Middle
Mississippi in the early development of Glenwood or Mill
Creek.
The presentation in Chapter Eight of the "Oneota Con-
quest in Iowa" has some validity in viewpoint. The "Time
Table" on p. 134 has Oneota from A. D. 1100 to 1700 but on
p. 150, the table there labelled "Stratigraphic Position on On-
eota Culture in Eastern and Western Iowa" places them at
A. D. 1300 to 1680. McKusick wonders "were the Oneota
164 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 46, No. 2
preceded by another settlement of Upper Mississippian cul-
tures?" and one possibility is that "If Cambria pottery can
be discovered in Iowa it may clarify the problem of Pre-
Oneota."
Most archaeologists working with pottery types in the
eastern United States have used a proper name and a des-
criptive term to characterize a distinctive segment of a cer-
amic complex. McKusick, however, prefers to recognize the
Lane type and the Correctionville type. How he would at-
tempt to distinguish between decorative and shape changes
during the 600 (p. 134) or 380 (p. 150) years of Oneota, and
between various bands of Oneota in different areas is not
eleborated.
Chapter Nine discusses the Agricultural Communities in
\Vestern Iowa" and they are identified as the Glenwood
Culture of the Central Plains Tradition and the Mill Creek
Culture of the Middle Missouri River Tradition. The former
has a time range of A. D. 1200 to 1575 and the latter from
A. D. 1100 or 1200 to 1575 on the chart on p. 169. However,
he believes that on the basis of unpublished radiocarbon
dates of Prof. Baerreis that Mill Creek may go back to A. D.
850 and Glenwood to before A. D. 1000 as Adrian Anderson
had suggested. The view is adopted here of Nebraska
archaeologists that Glenwood is an eastern extension of the
Acksarben of the Central Plains Tradition. But it might be
suggested that "Drawkcabsaa" could be applied to this view
for some archaeologists can reasonably feel that it was an
expansion up the Missouri Valley of Mississippian agriculture
that promoted the shift from Late Woodland in the Central
Plains and western Iowa to "Nebraska" spelt backward.
It may be that some archaeologists in the Plains regard
Glenwood as the result of a Caddoan movement north from
the southern plains but the only one to express this idea in
print that I know of is McKusick on pages 195-196. The
Caddoan speaking people of the Central Plains may have
come up from the Southern Plains but it is not likely such a
move is represented by the societies during their agricultural
period.
The Mill Creek culture of northwestern Iowa is concen-
trated in the Big Sioux and Little Sioux valleys and is part of
the occupation of the Middle Missouri by agricultural people.
Bookshelf 165
They occupied this area for a long time at ieast until the de-
velopment of late Oneota pottery styles. One of the author's
contributions to the study of Mill Creek is "I have sought to
avoid the thorny problem of the taxonomic classification of
Mill Creek by terming it a culture. If pressed, I would be
inclined to designate it a focus. I think it is unnecessary to
divide Mill Creek culture into the Big Sioux Focus and the
Little Sioux Focus since I feel there are no significant differ-
ences in pottery or other artifacts." If it is really true that
there are no differences it represents a remarkable example of
cultural stability but perhaps the key word in the last quoted
sentence is the word "I". I can remember that C. R. Keyes
thought there were differences and I \vas convinced there were
both areal and temporal differences when I studied the pottery
from more than a dozen Mill Creek sites in Mt. Vernon,
Iowa in 1934 or 1935.
The last chapter deals with the contact and conflict be-
tween "European and Stone Age Cultures." It presents a
summary of the relations between Indians and European and
American peoples from the late 17th to late in the 19th cen-
tury. Even in this abbreviated form it is not a pretty pic-
ture, from the viewpoint of those "savages," that is. Mc-
Kusick has cited W. T. Hagan as establishing that "The
Sauk originally lived on the Upper Michigan Peninsula and
the Fox tribe lived by the south shore of Lake Superior." If
this is so, it has escaped Louise Phelps Kellogg, G. I. Quimby,
and Warren Wittry, among other scholars interested in
these "tribes."
This review has emphasized certain questionable interpre-
tations and concepts of the prehistory of Iowa and its neigh-
boring areas. There are others which might have been men-
tioned, such as the statement that the Ottawa spoke an Iro-
quoian language. In spite of this, the book is a contribution.
It is the first summary of this area and will serve to focus
attention on the importance of a continuing research program
on a much larger scale in the state. One can agree with Mc-
Kusick that the next interpretation of the "Men of Ancient
Iowa" will be significantly different and should be a much
larger volume.
James B. Griffin
University of Michigan
166 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 46, No. 2
BOOKS RECEIVED
Wright, G. Ernest (Ed.). THE BIBLE AND THE AN-
CIENT NEAR EAST. Anchor Books, Doubleday & Co.,
N. Y. 1965. Price $1.95.
Adams, Robert McC. LAND BEHIND BAGDAD. Uni-
versity of Chicago Press, Chicago, 111. 1965. Price $8.50.
HEAD OF BIRDSTONE
Banded slate, length 2% inches,
pop eyed type. Found in Lincoln
County during road-building oper-
ations. Donated to the Milwau-
kee Public Museum by the Wis-
consin Archeological Society.
SCOTTSBLUFF-EDEN TYPE
POINT
Quartzite, length 7*4 inches. Found
near Bloomer, Chippewa County.
The A. T. Newman Coll., Wiscon-
sin State University, Eau Claire..
COMMITTEES:
MEMBERSHIP COMMITTEE: J. K. Whaley, Chairman. Herman
Zander, Phillip H. Wiegand.
PUBLICITY: Dr. E. G. Binder.
FRAUDULENT ARTIFACTS: J. K. Whaley, Chairman. Paul Scholz,
Martin Greenwald, Dr. Robert Ritzenthaler, Phillip H. Wiegand,
Neil Ostberg, Robert Hruska.
SURVEYING AND CODIFICATION: William M. Hurley, Chairman.
Ernest Schug, Paul Koeppler, Dr. E. G. Bruder, Tom Jackland,
George Fay, Darryl Beland.
EDITORIAL: Dr. Robert Ritzenthaler, Chairman. Dr. D. A. Baer-
reis, Lee Parsons, Dr. Joan Freeman.
PROGRAM: Dr. Robert Ritzenthaler, Chairman. Dr. E. G. Binder,
Herman Zander, Mrs. P. H. Wiegand. ,
LAPHAM RESEARCH MEDAL COMMITTEE: Dr. Robert Ritzen-
thaler, Chairman. Dr. David A. Baerreis, Dr. E. G. Bruder,
H. W. Cornell, Charles Schoewe.
The Charles E. Brown Chapter
Madison
(Meets second Tuesday, 7:45 P. M., State Historical Society,
October thru May)
Mr. Donald Thompson
Secretary: Mr. Dale Henning
Treasurer: Dr. Joan Freeman
THE WISCONSIN
ARCHEOLOGIST
KANSAS CITY, MO.
PUBLIC LiL>&
NOV161965
THE ARNETT MOUND, FULTON COUNTY,
ILLINOIS, Patrick J. Mrnison
DENTAL REMEDIES OF THE WISCONSIN
INDIANS, Dr. Herbert W. Kuhm
TRAIL MARKER TREES, Dr. Robert E. Ritzenthaler
A "TRAIL MARKER TREE" AT TWIN
LAKES, Phil Sander
ADDITIONAL PETROGLYPHS AT ROCHE-A-CRI
STATE PARK, Wayne J. and Diane J. Hazlett
THE BOOKSHELF, David A. Baerreis and Others
INTERESTING WISCONSIN SPECIMENS
WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGICAL SOCIETY
Milwaukee, Wisconsin
Incorporated, 1906
For the purpose of advancing the study and preservation of
Wisconsin Indian Antiquities
Meets Third Monday of Month, 8 P. M., Milwaukee Public Museum,
September thru May.
OFFICERS
PRESIDENT
Robert Hruska
VICE-PRESIDENTS
Or. Stephan F. Borhegyi Paul Scholz Gale Highsmith
Herman Zander Martin Greenwald
DIRECTORS
Paul Turney Phillip H. Wiegand
ADVISORY COUNCIL
Dr. D. A. Baerreis Neil Ostberg Dr. Chandler Rowe
Dr. Joan Freeman Lee Parsons Ernest Schug
Dr. Robert Howard R. W. Peterman Frank Squire
Tom Jackland E. K. Petrie J. K. Whaley
Dr. Ronald Mason Louis Pierron Dr. A. H. Whiteford
W. 0. Noble Allen Prill Mrs. Phillip H. Wiegand
William Oestreich
TREASURER
Paul A. Koeppler, 5284 N. 83rd St., Milwaukee, Wis.
SECRETARY
Paul Turney, 2243 S. Woodward, Milwaukee 7, Wisconsin
EDITOR
Dr. Robert Ritzenthaler, Milwaukee Public Museum,
Milwaukee 3, Wisconsin
MEMBERSHIP FEES
The Wisconsin Archeologist is distributed to members
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Life Members, $50.00 Endowment Members, $500.00
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All communications in regard to the Wisconsin Archeological
Society and contributions to the Wisconsin Archeologist should be
addressed to Paul Turney, Secretary, 2243 S. Woodward, Milwaukee
1, Wisconsin. Entered as Second Class Matter at the Post Office at
Lake Mills, Wisconsin under the Act of August 21, 1912. Office of
Publication, 316 N. Main St., Lake Mills, Wis.
THE WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST
New Series
MILWAUKEE, WISCONSIN -- SEPTEMBER, 1965
Published Quarterly by The Wisconsin Archeological Society
THE ARNETT MOUND
FULTON COUNTY, ILLINOIS
Patrick J* Munson
The Arnett Mound (F1203, ISM), a small Late Wood-
land burial mound, is located in Fulton County, Illinois, in
the NE!/4 of Section 30, Township 4 North (Isabel), Range
3 East, on the property of the late Mr. Wilbur C. Arnett.
The mound lies near the top of the bluff about 500 feet north-
east of the bed of Otter Creek and approximately 70 feet
above the flood-plain of that stream. The valley of Otter
Creek enters the Illinois River Valley slightly over two miles
to the southeast.
Despite the fact that the assemblage recovered from the
site is quite meager it is only with slight hesitation that the
mound is assigned to the Maples Mills Focus (Cole and Deuel,
1937). The site not only contributes to our knowledge of this
poorly understood complex, but also, and perhaps more im-
portantly, it produced several traits which reinforce Bennett's
(1945) position that the Maples Mills Focus shares a rela-
tionship with the Jo Daviess Focus of northwestern Illinois
and, indirectly, with the Effigy Mound Culture of Wisconsin.
Unfortunately, as is the case with many of the mounds of
the Late Woodland foci, a survey of the surrounding area
failed to reveal the associated village site.
Description and Excavation of the Mound
In the summer of 1962 a group of Boy Scouts discovered
several skeletons protruding from a vertical bank which had
been cut by a bulldozer during limited gravel pit operations
in the area, and this information was ultimately relayed to the
Illinois State Museum. Excavations were carried out for two
weeks in July of that year.
The western side of the mound had been destroyed in the
above mentioned gravel pit operations, and the east side had
been destroyed many years before by a road-cut, leaving only
a narrow, wedge-shaped section of the mound (see Fig. 1 }
168 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 46, No. 3
L!0 L5
RIO RI5
ROAD
CUT
FIG. 1 Arnett Mound. Plan and Profile.
Arnett Mound 169
and thus making determination of the original shape and di-
mensions very difficult. However, it appears to have been an
oval mound about 60 feet long (NNE-SSW) and perhaps 25
feet wide. Fill had been added to a low sloping ridge, creating
somewhat of a terraced effect with the foot of the mound ex-
tended well down the hill from the principal portion.
Approximately 400 square feet in the southern and central
part of the mound was excavated. Because of several large
trees it was felt to be impractical to extend excavations into
the normal portion, The original surface of the ridge appears
to have been partially scraped of humus, leaving a thin level
of mixed loess and humus above the sterile yellow loess. In
the area excavated, two shallow oval burial pits, a shallow
oval pit of undetermined function, and a fairly deep refuse
pit had been excavated through this level and into the sterile
underlying loess. This surface, and the burials and pits, were
then covered to a maximum depth of 1 .5 feet with somewhat
mottled reddish loess. Some time after this a third burial pit
had been intruded through this upper surface. Since that time
a dark humus level 0.3 to 0.4 feet in thickness had formed
over the entire mound. Numerous small stones (mostly sand-
stone), several chert flakes and occasional flecks of charcoal
were found in the overlying humus. The mound fill and the
"old humus level" exclusive of the burial pits and features,
contained only three small stones, one chert flake and a small
lump of what may be red ocher.
Description of Burials
A total of three burials was discovered during excavations
All were flexed on their sides, two in shallow oval subfloor pits
and one in a shallow oval intrusive pit. Mussell shells were in
the burial in all cases. Age, sex and pathological determina-
tions were made largely by the late Dr. Don Dickson.
Burial No, 1: Female. Age 21-23.
The burial was loosely flexed with the hands at the face,
lying on its left side and oriented NNW-SSE with the head
to the NNW and facing east. The body had been placed in
an inclusive subfloor basin-shaped oval pit (3.0 by 4.0 feet)
which penetrated 0.2 feet into the sterile loess, the bottom of
the pit being 2.0 feet below the mound surface.
A single, drilled, fresh-water pearl bead was found at the
170 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST
Vol. 46, No. 3
front of the neck. An unworked valve of a mussel shell (Ac-
tinonaias ellipsif ormis ) appeared to be clasped in the left
hand, although this association may have been unintentional.
Numerous whole and fragmentary mussel shells were scat-
tered through the fill immediately adjacent to the burial.
The bones were in a very good state of preservation, but
the bulldozer had damaged the thoracic vertebrae and the
occipital portion of the skull.
Burial No. 2: Female. Adult.
The burial was tightly flexed with the hands at the face,
lying on its right side and oriented east-west with the head
to the east and facing north. The body had been interred in
an intrusive basin-shaped oval pit (2.5 by 3.6 feet) which
penetrated the mound surface to a depth of 0.9 feet, and
which was superimposed directly above the inclusive Burial
No. 3.
Several fragmentary mussel shells were in the burial pit,
and a number of small flat pieces of sandstone, 0.1 to 0.3
feet in diameter, were scattered immediately above the skel-
eton, although they did not appear to form a "cap" over the
burial.
The bones were in a very poor state of preservation (due to
Figure 2
Arnett Mound 17i
the shallow depth), and the skull was entirely missing (bur-
rowing animal?, cultural?).
Burial No, 3: Male. Age 35-45.
The burial was loosely flexed with the hands at the knees,
lying on its right side and oriented WNW-ESE with the
head to the WNW and facing south (Fig. 2). The body had
been placed in an inclusive subfloor basin-shaped oval pit
(3.1 by 4.0 feet) which penetrated 0.3 feet into the sterile
loess, the bottom of the pit being 1.7 feet below the mound
surface.
No artifacts were in intentional association, but one grit-
tempered, cord-marked sherd (discussed below) was in the
burial pit, as were very numerous whole and fragmentary
mussel shells.
The bones were in a very good state of preservation, but
the bulldozer had scraped away the skull and atlas. The verte-
brae exhibited a minor arthritic condition.
Description of Pits
Feature No, 1: This inclusive refuse pit, which was located
at the extreme southern (downhill) edge of the mound, had
been sliced vertically by the bulldozer. It was either oval or
lectangular with rounded corners, with the north-south di-
mensions being 4.5 feet. The walls were vertical, the bottom
slightly rounded, and it penetrated 1.5 feet into the sterile
loess below the mound.
The lower 0.9 feet of the pit was filled with mixed ash and
loess which contained 16 sherds (from two miniature vessels),
six chert flakes, one "Poverty Point" object, two mussel shells,
a number of animal bones (some slightly charred) and 143
carbonized hickory nut fragments. An adequate carbon sam-
ple was also obtained from this level.
In the upper portion of this ashy level, 0.4 feet above the
bottom of the pit, there was a "platform" of stones an oval
area 0.9 feet wide, 1.3 feet long and 0.3 feet in thickness con-
sisting of 31 creek pebbles (0.1 to 0.5 feet in diameter) and
three bifacially pitted mano-hammerstones in a closely com-
pacted and flat surfaced mass (Fig. 3). No evidence of firing
was apparent on these stones nor on the sides and bottom of
the pit, the ash matrix apparently having been redeposited
from an external source.
172 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 46, No. 3
The upper 0.6 feet of the pit contained no refuse and was
filled with reddish disturbed loess indistinguishable from the
mound fill which covered the pit to a depth of 1 .2 feet.
Feature No. 2: This inclusive subfloor pit was fairly centrally
located in the mound. It was basin-shaped and oval (3.0 by
3.9 feet) and penetrated 0.3 feet into the sterile loess, the
bottom being 2.1 feet below the mound surface.
The feature contained three mussell shells and one chert
flake. Except for the two mussell shells found in Feature No.
1 all other shells from the mound were found in the immedi-
ate vicinity of burials, and the fact that this feature contained
shells, plus its location, shape and dimensions, strongly sug-
gests that it was (or was intended to be) a burial pit, despite
its lack of skeletal remains. Perhaps the situation is some-
what analogous to the "empty tombs'' sometimes found in
Hopewellian mounds.
Description of Pottery
A total of 17 sherds representing three vessels was found
during excavations. None can be assigned to defined types
and will therefore be described in detail.
One body sherd was found in the burial pit of Burial No.
3. The exterior surface is cord-marked with large loosely
Figure 3
Arnett Mound 173
twisted cords, the cord-marks being rather wide-spaced (2
mm.), and the surface had been somewhat smoothed over, ap-
parently after the clay had become leathery, so that the spaces
between the cord-marks are somewhat polished. The interior
surface is poorly smoothed. The temper is small amounts of
small pieces of crushed white quartz (?), and one piece of
grog is apparent. The paste has a tendency to crumble and
flake. The color of both surface and core is dull reddish-
brown. Thickness is 8 mm. Vessel shape and dimensions are
undeterminable, but the curvature indicates a fairly large
vessel. The sherd shares certain similarities with both Weaver
Cord-marked and Canton Ware (Fowler, 1955), but can not
be crowded into either of these types. It may represent a
transition between these ypes, and/or perhaps be similar to
the "cruder", unclassified type found at the Maples Mills Fo-
cus Good Mounds (Cole and Deuel, 1937: 198), and/or those
unclassified sherds with "coarser texture" from the Maples
Focus Hagen Mounds (Baker et al, 1941: 21 ). It also shares
a very close resemblance to the unclassified vessel described
by Bennett (1945:69-70) from the Jo Davies Focus Chap-
man Mound * No. 17, which had associated Lake Michigan
Ware.
The 16 sherds from Feature No. 1 represent two miniature
vessels. Both are crudely made with unevenly thinned, lumpy
walls; have smoothed over cord-marked exterior surfaces and
poorly smoothed interior surfaces; are temperless with fairly
compact paste; and have brick-red to brown surfaces and
dark gray cores. One vessel is too fragmentary to determine
its shape, but the lip is interiorly beveled and the average wall
thickness is 8 mm. The other is conoidal in shape, has a
rounded lip and at least two (but less than four) "raised
points" on the lip, a mouth diameter of 5 mm., and an average
wall thickness of 4 mm.
Faunal Remains
Numerous mussell shells were found in association with the
burial and animal bones and mussels were found in feature
Tliis mound group was later assigned to the new Chapman Focus
(Bennett, 1952:119).
174 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 46, No. 3
No. 1. Species identified by Dr. Paul W. Parmalee, Illinois
State Museum zoologist, are:
Mussels
Amblema costata (Three-ridge) 5
Lampsilis siliquoidea (Fat Mucket) 4
Ligumia subrostrata 3
Pleurobema cordatum (Small Niggerhead) 1
Strophitus rugosus (Squaw Foot) 1
Lasmigona complanata (White Heel-splitter) 1
Lasmigona costata (Fluted Shell) 1
Actinonaias carinata (Mucket) 1
Actinonaias cf. ellipsiformis (Ellipse) 1
Numerous unidentifiable fragments
Vertebrates
White-tailed Deer (Odocoileus virginianus) 4
Common Mole (Scalopus aquaticus) 6
Unidentifiable large mammal bone fragments,
probably deer 21
The deer bones, which were from an immature individual (s),
and the mussel shells, taken in combination with the charred
hickory nut fragments found in Feature No. 1 suggest that
the pit was filled (and the mound constructed) in the late
summer or early fall.
Discussion
The placement of flexed burials in shallow subfloor pits
is a widespread and common trait in the "northern" Late
Woodland foci, being found with Weaver (Wray and Mac-
Neish, 1961), Maples Mills (Cole and Deuel, 1937), Jo Da-
viess (Bennett, 1945) and Effigy Mound (Rowe, 1956). Com-
plete or partial removal of the topsoil also shows a wide dis-
tribution.
The association of quantities of mussel shells with burials
seems to be confined to the Maples Mills Focus (Cole and
Deuel, 1937:197) and perhaps the Late Woodland manifesta-
tions near Quincy, Illinois (Reed and Johannes, 1957:37).
However, intentional placement of mussels ("caches") were
found, although not in association with burials, in the Jo Da-
viess Focus mounds (Bennett, 1945:73).
The "platform" of stones found in Feature No. 1 is some-
what of an enigma, which, except for the obviously unrelated
Arnett Mound 1 75
occurrence of similar features in association with Black Sand
burials (Cole and Delel, 1937: 139) and the two instances of
"stone cists" in Jersey Bluff mounds (Titterington, 1943:245).
has its closest parallel with the "altars" and/or "cists" often
found in Wisconsin Effigy Mounds (McKern, 1928:261-265).
The refuse pit (Feature No. 1 ) at the extreme downhill per-
iphery of the mound is also an unusual feature. The fact that
the mound fill dipped well into the pit indicates that it was
dug only shortly prior to the construction of the mound, and
the lack of village debris in the area argues against it being
other than an associated feature. A similar pit was discovered
at the downhill edge of a mound at the Berry Site, a Red
Ocher-Late \Voodland-Mississippian mound and cemetery
complex on the Illinois River bluff about ten miles to the
northeast, which contained sherds of two miniature vessels,
a rim sherd of a vessel very similar to the sherd found with
Burial No. 3, numerous animal bones and several acorn (?)
fragments (Marion Dickson, personal communication). In-
clusive subfloor refuse pits were also found at the Chapman
Mound Group (Bennett, 1945), and, to draw another par-
allel with the Effigy Mound Culture, Wittry and Bruder
(1955) found associated refuse pits directly in front of the
heads of each of the four other effigy mounds excavated at
the Kolterman Mound Group. Perhaps also analogous are
the concentrations of partly burned or "heated" animal bones
found in the Nitschke Group (McKern, 1930:456). Perhaps
the occurrence of these pits with mounds is more common
than the literature suggests, because the location of many of
those found, being just inside or slightly beyond the edge of
the mounds, would make their discovery quite unlikely by
normal excavation procedures.
The function of these pits remains obscure, but delving into
pure conjecture the assemblage suggests some kind of cer-
emonial meal, or "feast," connected with the burial of the dead.
The thoroughly smashed miniature vessels in the pits (at Ar-
nett and Berry) had been very crudely constructed and it is
possible that they had been made only to be used once and
then intentionally broken. The function of the platform of
stone in the pit (at Arnett only) is even more obscure, but it
probably was connected in some way with this ritual (assum-
176 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 46, No. 3
ing that it did exist). There is, of course the more mundane ex-
planation that the pit and its contents were the result of "polic-
ing" the area after meals by laborers constructing the mound.
This, however, fails to give any explanation for the stone
platform found in the pit.
The establishment of the precise temporal position of this
site presents somewhat of a problem. Although an adequate
carbon sample was collected it is felt that the assemblage is
too meager and too generalized to be worthy of dating at this
time. The paucity of sherds, and the uniqueness or general-
ized characteristics of those found, leaves much to be desired.
However, the sherds collected and the combination of other
traits definitely suggest a Late Woodland component, verv
probably in the poorly defined Maples Focus, and which
shares several specific similarities with the Jo Davies Focus of
northwestern Illinois and which is related, at least in some
way, to the Effigy Mound Culture.
REFERENCES CITED
Baker, Frank C., James B. Griffin, Richard G. Morgan et al
1941 * 'Contribution to the Archaeology of the Illinois River Valley,"
Transactions of the American Philosophical Society, n. s.,
V. 32, Pt. 1.
Bennett, John W.
1945 Archaeological Explorations in Jo Daviess County, Illinois,
University of Chicago Press.
1952 "The Prehistory of the Northern Mississippi Valley," in
Archeology of the Eastern United States, James B. Griffin
(ed.), pp. 108-123, University of Chicago Press.
Cole, Fay-Cooper, and Thorne Deuel
1937 Rediscovering Illinois, University of Chicago Press.
Fowler, Melvin L.
1955 "Ware Groupings and Decorations of Woodland Ceramics in
Illinois," American Antiquity, V. 20, No. 3, pp. 213-225.
McKern, W. C.
1928 "The Neale and McClaughry Mound Groups," Bulletin of the
Public Museum of the City of Milwaukee, V. 3, No. 3, pp. 213-
416.
1930 "The Kletzien and Nitschke Mound Groups," ibid, V. 3, No.
4, pp. 417-572.
Reed, James R., and B. G. Johannes
1957 "Preliminary Report of 'Quincy Mound'," Central States
Archaeological Journal, n. s., V. 4, No. 1, pp. 36-37,
Rowe, Chandler W.
1956 "The Effigy Mound Culture of Wisconsin." Milwaukee Publfc
Museum Publications in Anthropology, No. 3.
Titterington, P. F.
1943 "The Jersey County, Illinois, Bluff Focus," American An.
Dental Remedies 177
tiquity, V. 9, No. 2, pp. 240-245.
Wittry, Warren L., and Dr. E. G Bruder
1955 "Salvage Operations at the Kolterman Mound Group, Dodge
County," Wisconsin Archeologist, V. 36, No. 1, pp. 3-11.
Wray, Donald W., and Richard S. MacNeish
1961 "The Hopewellian and Weaver Occupations at the Weaver
Site, Fulton County, Illinois," Scientific Papers, V. 7, No.
2, Illinois State Museum.
DENTAL REMEDIES OF THE WISCONSIN INDIANS
Dr. Herbert W. Kuhm
While compiling a previous paper on the "Uses of Native
Herbs by the Wisconsin Indians," a natural vocational curi-
osity was aroused by occasional brief and infrequent refer-
ence to their dental remedies.
Of interest was the scope of dental therapeutics, ranging
from the simple use of tooth powder and laving lotions for
inflamed oral tissues to poultices for facial swellings and
palliatives for aching teeth.
W^ere this a professional treatise, such vague nomenclature
as "toothache" and "stomatitis" would be most inadequate
and unspecific, but in this instance one is limited perforce to
these vague designations as the sources quoted made use
solely of such non-definitive terms.
To any reader seeking greater detail as to the causes of the
dental caries and oral lesions herein discussed, we recommend
p previously published treatise, "The Dental Pathology of the
Prehistoric Indians of Wisconsin," in which the writer collab-
orated with Drs. Alton K. Fisher and George C. Adami. It is
a Milwaukee Public Museum Bulletin, Volume 19, Number 3,
June, 1931.
Teething
GOLD THREAD (Coptis trifolia)
The roots of the Gold Thread, the osauwaki nim ("yel-
low thread" or "gold thread") of the Meskwaki, yielded an
astringent mouth wash that was much used for teething in-
fants.
PANICLED DOGWOOD (Cornus paniculata)
Meskwaki name: maskwa'pimish ("red tree"); Potawatomi
names: nowea'kus and nopoakun* This was quite an impor-
178 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 46. No. 3
tant native medicine, and was often used upon children.
When teeth were aching or one had neuralgia, tea made from
panicled dogwood bark steeped in hot water was held in the
mouth to alleviate this pain. This bark tea was bitter, and
possessed astringent properties.
One of the teething customs of the Chippewa children was
that when one of the child's first, or deciduous, teeth came
out, the child was told to take the tooth in one hand and a
piece of charcoal in the other. Then he was told to throw the
tooth toward the east and the charcoal toward the west,
saying "I want a new tooth as soon as possible."
In this connection, the common name or nickname was that
by which a Chippewa was known throughout his life. It was
short and frequently contained an element of humor, as in
the instance of a child who was long in teething receiving the
nickname "Without Teeth."
Toothache
BEAR LIVER
Writing of the medicinal practices of the Winnebago, Paul
Radin speaks of huntc p'istara bear liver as being espec-
ially powerful in their estimation. It was rubbed over the
body wherever in pain, and was used in the form of poultices,
and for toothaches.
BLADDER MEDICINE
Dr. Radin's Winnebago informant told him of another
medicine used to alleviate a toothache. The Winnebago name
for it was "bladder medicine.'' It was made of the roots of a
certain weed. These roots were boiled. No further informa-
tion was obtained.
GRAY-HEADED CONEFLOWER (Lepachys pinnata)
The root of this plant, the mose'wusk of the Prairie Pota-
watomi, long was regarded as a cure for toothache.
PRICKLY ASH (Zanthoxylum americanum)
Four distinct parts of the prickly ash, the kawakomi'sh of
the Prairie Potawatomi, and the shipa'skwi of the Meskwaki,
were used for native medicine, namely, the bark of the trunk,
the root bark, the berries, and the leaves. The inner bark of
the trunk, called kawaconwana'ki, was pulverized, and the
resulting powder used for toothache.
Dental Remedies 179
SKUNK CABBAGE (Symplocarpus foetidus)
The Meskwaki of Wisconsin used the rootlets of this wild
plant, known to them as wewi'ini ("horns in the spring-
time") in treating toothaches. The fine rootlets or root
hairs were employed for their inherent active agent.
TOBACCO
The Indians of this continent believed that tobacco was a
gift of manido or manitou, Winneboujou, who was known by
several names among Algonkian tribes. It was he who gave
ihe Indians their best remedies for treating the sick. Tobacco
was regarded as a remedy for many ills and was believed to
possess supernatural power.
Roger Williams, as early as 1643, said of the Naragansett:
"They generally all take tobacco; they say they take tobacco
against the rheume. which causeth toothache, which they are
impatient of."
As to tobacco for dental purposes, the dried leaves were
used, whole or powdered, and were considered effective for
toothache. A portion of tobacco leaf was^ rplled into a small
pellet and inserted into the aching tooth. - t
WILD GERANIUM (Geranium maculatum)
The root of the wild geranium was accounted a great medi-
cine by the Meskwaki of Wisconsin. The infusion, or liquid
extract obtained by steeping or soaking the roots in water,
was used to stop teeth from aching. It was also a treatment
for neuralgia.
Poultices
ANGELICA (Angelica atropurpurea)
This herb is an ingredient in the favorite poultice of the
Menomini for facial pains and swellings. The angelica roots
are cooked and pounded into a pulp. Then some bruised leaves
of Canada wormwood (Artemesia canadensis) are pep-
pered over this pulp, With this mass and a piece of cloth, a
hot plaster is made that the Menomini claimed 'good for
any pain in the body. They also used it to reduce local
swellings.
BELL WORT (tlvularia grandiflora)
The Menomini used this herb to reduce swellings.
BLUE FLAG (Iris versicolor)
When freshly macerated, the root of this familiar herb was
180 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 46, No. 3
used by the Meskwaki as a poultice.
CANADA WORMWOOD (Artemesia canadensis)
This was a very important leaf medicine of the Menomini.
They used the bruised leaves of this herb with the cooked and
pounded roots of angelica to make a hot poultice.
GLADE MALLOW (Napea dioica)
The root fibers of glade mallow are slippery like the fibers
of slippery elm bark, and thus the Meskwaki name for it,
wesasak, means "slippery," as does its Potawatomi name,
wapukun pukoka sakuk* However the Meskwaki called the
mallow root wapaskwa. The root fibers were boiled and used
as a poultice for a swelling.
HOARY ALDER (Alnus incana)
The inner bark of this alder was used by the Menomini for
poultices to reduce swellings. To strengthen the efficacy of
the poultice the Menomini added the root bark, which was
termed watop tita'pi, meaning "sharp."
INDIAN SPIKENARD (Aalia racemosa)
The Forest Potawatomi pounded the root into a pulp to be
used as a hot poultice in inflammations.
LOUSEWORT (Pedicularis canadensis)
The early Wisconsin Indians boiled the whole plant and
made a tea to reduce internal swellings, while the roots were
made into a poultice for external swellings. The lousewort
is the makwama'wush ("bumble bee plant") of the Mesk-
waki, referring to the fact that bees frequent the plant, and the
mukwamuk and mak'wama'wush of the Prairie Potawatomi,
meaning that the bees make honey of this plant.
POISON IVY (Rhus toxicodendron)
Known to the Meskwaki as tatapa'kwi ("climbs trees")
and tatapapa'kwe ("twisting") to the Menomini, the root
of the poison ivy made a dangerous medicine, and was used
only by the most skilled medicine men. The root was pound-
ed and made into a poultice.
SKUNK CABBAGE ( Symplocarpus foetidus)
The leaf bases of skunk cabbage, the wewi'imi ("horns of
the springtime") of the Meskwaki, furnished a poultice for
the reduction of swellings.
SLIPPERY ELM (Ulmus fulva)
Both the Wisconsin Meskwaki and Prairie Potawatomi
Dental Remedies 181
used poultices of slippery elm bark on abcesses. The former
called it pukwa'nan and the latter, osasha'kup.
TAMARACK (Larix larcina)
The bark from both trunk and root of the tamarack was
used by the Menomini as a poultice while still fresh. Their
name for it was munipi'anawa ("it stands in the swamp").
VALERIAN (Valeriana edulis)
Due to its property of drawing out inflammation, this herb
was much used by the Menomini as a poultice. It was ground
to a pulp in a mortar, then applied to the swelling.
VIRGINIA ANEMONE (Anemone virginiana)
The Menomini used the root of this herb, which they called
wasai'imi'awus, to reduce swellings.
YELLOW WATER LILY (Nymphaea advena)
This plant, known to the Menomini of Wisconsin as woka'-
tamo ("having legs to stand on") was regarded by them
as belonging to the "LInderneath Spirits" and was accounted
great medicine. The large, fibrous underwater stems were
pulled and the so-called root dried and then pulverized. The
resulting powder was used for poultices to heal swellings.
Stomatitis
ALDER
Hoary Alder (Alnus incana)
Smooth Alder (Alnus rugosa)
An infusion of the leaves and bark of these alders possess
astringent properties which the Menomini held valuable in
the treatment of stomatitis (inflammation of the mouth) -
the liquid being used as a mouth wash or gargle.
GOLD THREAD (Coptis trifolia)
The roots of gold thread yield an astringent liquid which
was used as a mouth wash by the Menomini to cure oral
cankers. They called it osauwaki'nim, meaning "yellow, or
golden, thread."
SWAMP PERSICARIA (Polygonum muhlenbergii)
A tea extracted from the root of this plant was used for
treating sores in the mouth. The Meskwaki called it wapasi'-
pin kokakia'sikeki-peskipak ("grows in the water") The
Meskwaki used it for tea when it was "young or soft," as they
expressed it.
182 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 46, No. 3
TOBACCO
The Indians boiled an infusion of tobacco and chips of
swamp oak, and applied it to an abscess. The tobacco leaves
were warmed, placed on the area affected, and moistened by
the infusion from time to time.
UNIDENTIFIED REMEDY
Dr. Paul Radin's \Vinnebago informant told him of a med-
icine used by the members of his tribe as a mouth wash for
those troubled with sore mouths. No specific name nor identi-
fication was given other than that it "was made from the
roots of a plant that has many thorns and beautiful white
blossoms." The roots were scraped and the scrapings boiled
down into a thick, concentrated liquor.
VEGETAL MEDICINE
A Meskwaki formula for treating sore gums and pyorrhea
consisted of:
Peki'wuk the inner bark of Smooth Alder (Alnus rugosa)
\Venani-a root seasoner of Ginseng (Panax quinquefolium)
Anoke'ik bark of Hemlock (Tsuga canadensis)
WILD GERANIUM fGeranium maculatum)
Infusions of wild geranium roots were usedoby both Mesk-
waki and Prairie Potawatomi to cure gums and pyorrhea.
WILD PLUM (Primus americana)
The bark of the root of the wild plum pokama'ak (Mesk-
waki) or pukoma'ia (Prairie Potawatomi) is an astringent
medicine and was used by those tribes to cure cankers in the
mouth.
Tooth Powder
WHITE CLAY
White clay, the wapi'wiwin of the Meskwaki, was used in
a more palatable form, named agickopagi (sweet earth")
- as a medium for cleaning teeth. The mildly abrasive clay
was rubbed over the teeth with the forefinger.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
DENSMORE, FRANCES
1929 Chippewa Customs. Bulletin 86, Bureau of American Ethnol-
ogy, Washington, D. C.
FISHER, A. K., KUHM H. W., and AD AMI, G. C.
1931 The Dentopathology of the Prehistoric Indians of Wisconsin.
Milwaukee Public Museum Bulletin, Vol. 10, No. 3.
KUHM, H. W.
1961 Uses of Native Herbs by Wisconsin Indians. Wisconsin Arche-
Trail Marker Trees 18.3
ologist, New Series, Vol. 42, No. 3.
RADIN, PAUL
1923 The Winnebago Tribe. 37th Annual Report, Bureau of Amer-
ican Ethnology, Washington, D. C.
RITZENTHALER, DR. ROBERT E.
1953 Chippewa Preoccupation with Health. Milwaukee Public Mu-
seum Bulletin, Vol. 19, No. 4.
SMITH, HURON H.
1923 Ethnobotany of the Menomini Indians. Milwaukee Public Mu-
seum Bulletin, Vol. 4, No. 1.
1928 Ethnobotany of the Meskwaki Indians. Milwaukee Public Mu-
seum Bulletin, Vol. 4, No. 2.
WEST, GEORGE A.
1934 Tobacco, Pipes and Smoking Customs of the American In-
dians. Milwaukee Public Museum Bulletin, Vol. 17, Part 1.
TRAIL MARKER TREES
Robert E, Ritzenthaler
One method used by the Indians and our own pioneers to
mark a trail was to sharply bend a sapling or a branch paral-
lel to the direction of a destination. Two techniques were
Figure 1
used: it could either be tied down (Fig. 1), or partially
broken. If tied, or if the phloem layer was not badly damaged
by the breaking, the sapling would grow in this new position
for a while and then resume its upright growth. Thus, in
many parts of the country are to be found mature trees with
a horizontal jog to the trunk indicating such treatment which
have come to be called "Trail Marker Trees." Jansen (Na-
tural History, Vol. 45, no. 2, pp. 116-117, Feb., 1940) states,
"They are most numerous in the region about Chicago, but
may also be seen in various localities throughout the Missis-
sippi Valley, in Texas, and in the Great Smoky Mountains
and Pocono Mountains in the East. I have seen them in
Southern Illinois, Michigan, \Visconsin, Ohio, Indiana, Ken-
tucky, Tennessee, Missouri and Arkansas." Jansen pictures
184 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST
Vol. 46, No. 3
one Wisconsin example at the Wisconsin Dells near Stand
Rock.
A number of these have been reported in Wisconsin, and
it is the purpose of this article to assemble known examples,
with the hope that others will be reported to us by people
around the State. Charles E. Brown (\Visconsin Archeolo-
gist, Vol. 21, No. 3, N. S., p. 50) reports a number of such
trees on the grounds of Lawsonia on the north shore of Green
Lake, Green Lake County, and a hickory tree standing (1940)
on a Madison street corner near West Side High School, with
limbs bent in four directions, marking the intersection of two
trails. Mr. Charles P. Fox (Lore, magazine of the Milwau-
kee Public Museum, Vol. 1, No. 4, pp. 116-7) describes two
large oak trees which appear to be fine examples and are pic-
tured in Fig. 2. They occur on the north slope of Govern-
ment Hill south of Delafield in Waukesha County, and both
point in the same direction, west. The fact that they are so
close together poses the problem as to why two trail markers
were needed, and there is a discussion of this by the author
Mr. Edward McCabe of Milwaukee reported and photo-
graphed two possible trail marker trees on Green Lake, Green
Lake County. Fig. 3 is located on the southeast shore of the
lake known as Oakwood Beach. The second, Fig. 4, is on
Figure 2
Trail Marker Trees
185
the Tichara Boy Scout camp grounds (now Camp Grow) on
the southeast shore of the lake, and serves as a fence post
on the south border of the camp property. In 1964 the writer
photographed two other such trees on the Camp Grow
grounds. One is an oak along the south fence of the camp
(Fig. 5). It is an excellent example and bent to the south.
Some 100 yards to the east is another oak with a double
trunk, one erect, one bent to the south (Fig. 6).
In the following article in this issue Mr. Phil Sander des-
cribes a burr oak trail marker at Twin Lakes in Kenosha
County.
There is, of course, some question as to how many of
these deformed trees actually represent trail markers. Such
I
186 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST
Vol. 46. No. 3
injury could be produced by natural causes such as lightning,
or it could be the work of an animal. Ordinarily, however,
such accidents cause bending at the base, rather than several
feet above the base as when man deliberately bends a sapling
for trail marking purposes. Accident is also more probably
ruled out in the case of a series of trees occurring at intervals
and all pointing in the same direction. It seems safe to say
that when a tree bears a right or acute angular jog of the
trunk beginning several feet above the base it is most likely
a trail marker tree. It is impossible, however, to determine
whether it was the work of Indian or white man, unless the
tree is of sufficient age to rule out the white man.
Charles E. Brown (op. cit. p. 50) states: "\Visconsin Indians
Figure 4
Trail Marker Trees
187
also resorted to other methods of marking trails than by
bending saplings or tree limbs. The trunks of trees were gashed
or blazed. A stone or piece of wood was sometimes placed,
Figure 5
188 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST
Vol. 46, No. 3
firmly wedged, in the crotch of a tree trunk or limb. When
a trail became well worn by use there was no longer a need
for trail trees or other trail signs.
>r ,An example of trail marking by a method other than the
bent sapling technique is noted for Milwaukee. "In the city
of Milwaukee, near the intersection of West Wells and North
Thirteenth Streets, there is reported to have stood in the mid-
dle 1830's a large beech tree upon the trunk of which there
was cut an Indian figure with a bow in one hand and an
arrow in the other. The arrow pointed to the south toward
the Menominee River and the bow to the north toward the
Milwaukee River. This tree was destroyed in the improve
ment of this part of the city." (Dorothy Moulding Brown,
"Indian Tree Myths and Legends," Wisconsin Archeologist,
N. S., Vol. 19, No. 2.)
Figure 6
Twin Lakes Tree 189
Our country was once criss-crossed with Indian foot paths.
Some of these trails were used by the white man in establish-
ing his wagon roads, a few to be later transposed into super-
highways for automobiles, and some were followed by rail-
roads.
A "TRAIL MARKER TREE" AT TWIN LAKES
Phil Sander
Trail or directional trees may soon disappear from Wis-
consin's landscape. At one time these trees were quite com-
mon thruout the Midwest and those remaining are a reminder
of America's first road signs. Many trail trees have been
destroyed by fires and natural causes. This type of tree is
seldom cut by lumbermen because of deformed trunks. The
following report is to record a known "Trail Tree" discov-
ered in Kenosha county.
Indian people did a great deal of traveling traversing
the countryside from summer to winter campsites, and to
hunting and fishing grounds. They devised a system of trail
markers to assist them in arriving at their desired destination.
The most permanent markers were made from selected liv-
ing trees, always hardwoods, such as oak, hickory and elm.
A hardwood sapling would be selected along the trail, it was
then bent in the general direction of the trail. Sometimes the
tip of the sapling was buried in the ground; on other occasions
it was tied down with twisted vines. As the tree grew the tip
would die off, the trunk then assumed a bent condition us-
ually a secondary trunk formed. As the tree matured, nature
patterned a living road sign that could easily be recognized,
and last the life of the tree.
A trail tree still stands at Twin Lakes in Kenosha county
(Fig. 1). This bent marker is located in the N. E. V A of Sec-
tion 29 T. 1. N. - R. 19. E. Randall township. The tree is
near the top of a high ridge overlooking the northeast bay of
lower Twin Lakes (Lake Elizabeth).
Sighting along the bent trunk it is oriented south, and
gives the direction to the land bridge separating the two
lakes. Also this is the direction to an old village site and
cemetery on the east side of Lake Elizabeth (Wis, Archeolo-
190 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 46. No. 3
gist, Vol. 5, 1906). More closely described as S. V> of Section
28, T. 1. N.-R. 19. E. Randall township.
The main trunk of the tree, identified as a burr oak, has a
Petroglyphs 191
circumference of 88" and the secondary trunk a circumference
of 64". The tree height is judged to be approximately 50 feet.
No definite age could be determined, but by estimating from
similar trees, the specimen could be close to 300 years old. An
effort should be made to preserve this "Trail Tree" before
it is cut or otherwise destroyed.
Many people passing by this tree may have noticed the
odd shape, but were not aware of its past history. A historical
plaque placed at the tree would be of interest, so that visitors
can pause and still view the handiwork of long past.
ADDITIONAL PETROGLYPHS AT ROCHE^A-CRI
STATE PARK
Wayne J. and Diane J. Hazlett
While on an archeological tour of Adams County last June,
my family and I stopped at Roche-A-Cri State Park located
about two miles north of Friendship, Wisconsin, on Wiscon-
sin Highway 13. The rock carvings in the park have been
published in the Wisconsin Archeologist, O. S. (Vol. 18, No.
2) as the "Friendship Glyphs."
We were interested in determining Roche-A-Cri's present
condition, and we found a few remains of the original petro-
glyphs recorded in 1919; however, most of them were
destroyed. Considerable flaking of the soft sandstone was
evident, but of the many 1919 carvings, only a few pointed
arrows and some traces of the canoe-type crescents were
found.
I chalked the remaining petroglyphs so my wife, Diane,
could photograph them for our records. Our two oldest chil-
dren, Mark and Mike, meanwhile, climbed about as children
will do. Mark, the oldest, shouted for us to come and see
what the boys had found.
Up a talus slope about 75 feet from the southwest end of
the bluff in a small rock shelter (Fig. 1), measuring 5 feet 8
inches high and 3 feet 2 inches wide at the entrance, they had
discovered many prehistoric petroglyph remains, undoubtedly
known by many, but previously unreported.
The glyphs were in good condition considering their loca-
192 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST
Vol. 46, No. 3
tion in the park. Roche-A-Cri was acquired for park purposes
in 1937 by the State Highway Commission, and Roche-A-Cri
Bluff stands 300 feet above the adjacent plain overlooking
Carter Creek, which winds its way westward to the Wiscon-
sin River.
The better glyphs were located on the west wall of the
rock shelter (Fig. 2) near the entrance. They consisted of
crowfeet, arrows, lines, and some traces of unknown figures.
The largest and best preserved of this group was the crowfoot
in the upper lefthand corner. Its length was 20 inches. The
left toe was 6 inches, and the right 7 inches long. The depth
of the incising was 3/16 inches. Incised lines usually run from
1/64 to 3/16 inches deep in this group.
The second group of glyphs (Fig. 3) was located on the
east wall also near the entrance. The highest was 40 inches
Figure 1
Petroglyphs
193
above the floor and the lowest only 16 inches. They con-
sisted of the same types of glyphs as on the west wall except
for the carving in the lower righthand corner. Because of
flaking all around this glyph, I was not sure what it repre-
sented originally. All the visible lines were not chalked in so
the photo (Fig. 3) does not show this glyph well, but all are
shown in the drawing (Fig. 4). The remains of this carving
was just 4 inches long and 2y% inches high. It was incised
1/16 inch. In this second group, the incised lines usually run
from 1 /64 to Vs inches deep.
Originally I felt that this shelter must have been filled in
with drift sand in 1919 when the "Friendship Glyphs" were
first reported, which would explain their absence from texts.
After more detailed examinations of the walls in this shelter,
however, I noted these dates: 1818, 1856, 1858, 1861, 1875,
Figure 2
194 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST
Vol. 46, No. 3
1888, and 1928, when white settlers were known to have
visited this site.
Between 1818 and 1856, there is a span of 38 years, and be-
tween the two most recent dates, a span of 40 years. The
other five dates, however, are fairly close together, which
could mean this rock shelter was filled in with sand in the
early period and again 100 years later.
The prehistoric Indian carvings showed considerably more
age (patina) than the historic white man's carvings. Appar-
ently they were made at the same time as those found on the
south end of the bluff. In any case, they were very similar
Figure 3
Petroglyphs 195
except for the crescents, which were not found in the rock
shelter.
The ceiling of the shelter was stained black from smoke by
a fire built immediately in front of the entrance. Outside the
shelter, up the face of the bluff, there was considerable stain-
ing also, further evidence of this theory.
At the Gale's Bluff cave-site in LaCrosse County (Lapham,
1855) there were similar carvings, because both sites probably
were in the same cultural group (Ritzenthaler, 1950), but no
one ever classified them to my knowledge.
I have examined many artifacts from this area owned by
old residents, and I have recovered many of my own. From
these and the crowfoot, a common upper Mississippi sign, I
submit the name "Upper Mississippi" as the most likely group
to credit for these glyphs.
Figure 4
REFERENCES CITED
Cole, H. C. and Smythe, H. H.
1919 Adams County, The Wisconsin Archeologist, 0. S., vol. 18,
no. 2, pp. 70-71.
Lapham, Increase
1855 Antiquities of Wisconsin, pp. 78-79.
Ritzenthaler, Robert E.
1950 Wisconsin Petroglyps and Pictographs, The Wisconsin Arche-
ologist, N. S. vol. 31, no. 4, p. 90.
By
David A. Baerreis
and
THE BOOKSHELF Guest Reviewers
Although we have attempted to acquaint the readers of The
Bookshelf with recent publications from adjoining states that
are important in understanding Wisconsin prehistory, those
from Illinois have been somewhat neglected. One active or-
ganization in that state has been the Illinois Archaeological
Survey. Formed in 1956. their Survey has done much to
systematize and coordinate the archaeological activities of
the various institutions in the state. One objective has been to
bring together under a single recording system all of the in-
formation about site locations in Illinois. By developing
working agreements with federal and state highway depart-
ments, extensive salvage operations have been carried out
on sites being destroyed through highway construction. Per-
haps the most notable example of this work is that at the
great site of Cahokia where they have been aided by a grant
from the National Science Foundation. The Survey has
also set as one of its goals the dissemination of knowledge
concerning Illinois prehistory. To this end they have thus
far published four Bulletins, all of them attractive numbers
containing a wealth of illustrations and information.
Bulletin 1, given the title Illinois Archaeology and edited
by Elaine A. Bluhm (who is also responsible for editing the
succeeding three number) was published in 1959 and consists
of a 71 page booklet with paper covers. Following an editors
introduction, seven short sections are devoted to a sequential
description of Illinois prehistory. Howard D. Winters des-
cribes the Paleo-Indian and Archaic periods, Melvin L. Fow-
ler the Early Woodland period, John C. McGregor the Mid-
dle \Voodland period, Moreau S. Maxwell the Late W^ood-
land period, Joseph R. Caldwell the Mississippian period and
j. Joe Bauxar the Historic period. A brief description of the
The Bookshelf 197
procedures of the archaeological survey by the editor con-
cludes the volume. The chapters comprise a most useful sum-
mary of Illinois prehistory, perhaps the best source presently
available for a general overview of developments in the state.
The period concept, which some would prefer to have rather
precise time connotations, is here used rather loosely as may
be particularly seen in the designation of both Late Wood-
land and Mississippian period though these cultural devel-
opments are largely synchronous.
Bulletin 2, published in 1960, is 123 pages in length and has
the title, Indian Mounds and Villages in Illinois* Like the
succeeding Survey Bulletins, it is essentially a collection of
articles with the stress on primary reporting of site excava-
tions. Elaine A. Bluhm and \Villiam }. Beeson describe the
excavation of three Hopewell mounds at the Dickison site in
Peoria County. A series of five radiocarbon dates ranging
between 310 B. C. and A. D. 58 derived from logs covering
extended and bundle burials placed in subfloor tombs, place
the mounds early in the span of Hopewell development. A
brief report by Michael P. Hoffman on the Hiser site in
Jackson County, first investigated by A. R. Kelly in 1931,
identifies the site as Crab Orchard Focus but suggests some
Hopewell influence. The Gamble site in Lawrence County is
described by James E. Gillihan and \Villiam J. Beeson. The
most extensive remains at this village site have been identified
as having Middle and Late \Voodland cultural characteristics
for which a time range of A. D. 300 to A. D. 600 is suggested.
The utility of the material for comparative and interpretative
purposes is enhanced by identified faunal remains. Philip D.
Young's account of the Frederick site in Schuyler County
serves to identify Middle Woodland, Late Woodland and
Mississippian occupations at a site destroyed by dirt removal
operations. Seven burials of Missippian affiliation recovered
at the Irving Thompson site in Pike County are described
by Margaret L. Hoffman and this is followed by an account
of the historic Grand Kickapoo village in McLean County
by William B. Brigham to which extremely valuable editorial
notes were added by J. Joe Bauxar. The final short article
by William J. Beeson describes the salvage of a burial area
in Tazewell County disturbed by highway construction but
198 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 46, No. 3
no cultural remains were recovered.
In 1961 the third Bulletin, 187 pages in length, of the
Illinois Archaeological Survey series was published and its
title, Chicago Area Archaeology, indicates that unlike the
previous numbers attention was concentrated upon a restrict-
ed locality. The initial article by Sanford H. Gates is an
archaeological survey of the Du Page River drainage, pri-
marily in the county of the same name. It is followed by a
comparative article by Philip D. Young who assembles the
evidence for Archaic occupation in the Chicago area. An
interesting article by Jane MacRae describes excavations in
her back yard in Harrington, Illinois. 107 artifacts were
recovered, including five grooved axes and 3 celts. Mrs
MacRae, in view of the fact that few broken pieces were
found as well as only a small amount of chips and no rejects,
considers the possibility that the artifacts recovered repre-
sent a discarded collection. While the answer is a probable
one, rather than conclusively established, the paper illustrates
the complexity of the problems to be faced in interpreting pre-
historic remains. Philip D. Young, David J. Wenner, Jr. and
Elaine Bluhm report on two burial sites in Lake County, which
on the basis of the use of red ochre and associated sandal-
shaped gorgets, cylindrical sheet copper beads and crinoid
stem beads are thought to fall somewhere between 1500 and
500 B. C. A skeleton from the Doetsch site, one of the burial
areas just discussed, is described by Georg K. Neumann as
conforming to his Lenid variety, typical of the Boreal Archaic
peoples of the Great Lakes area. This is followed by a brief
survey of Old Copper artifacts from Chicago by George I.
Quimby. Several more extensive site description reports fol-
low the articles previously mentioned. One by Gloria J.
Fenner on the Bowmanville site located on a sandy ridge
adjacent to the North Branch of the Chicago River, while
based on a surface collection, is from a sector now complete-
ly absorbed by city expansion and is likely to be our only
knowledge of the prehistoric occupants of this area. Since
the pottery types range from Early Woodland through Mid-
dle Woodland to Late Woodland and Upper Mississipian,
and lithic implements also suggest Archaic occupation, long
continuity of occupation is reflected. Howard D. Wnters re-
The Bookshelf 199
ports on the excavation of eight mounds in Will county ex-
cavated by George Langford in 1929. The mounds, rich in
artifacts and some exotic traits, such as five burials with
articulated snake vertebrae across their waists (Mound 3) a
trait previously noted at Utica Mound 1 1 in Illinois where two
burials had snakes coiled around the necks, are regarded as
Hopewellian of the Havana tradition. New materials from
the Anker site, assigned to the Blue Island culture and located
on the Little Calumet River are described by Elaine A. Bluhm.
A notable feature of the work was the recovery of the re-
mains of a long oval house, 53 feet by 13 feet in dimensons.
It is suggested that the structure was dome-shaped with the
roof supported by a row of center posts. The rich material
recovered from the site shows relationships to Orr Focus
materials in Iowa and \Visconsin and is characterized by an
abundance of aboriginal trade goods particularly in marine
shell objects. At the Oak Forest site in Cook County, re-
ported by Elaine Bluhm and Gloria J. Fenner, ceramics very
similar to the Anker site were discovered, and a total of eight
oval houses ranging in length from 25 to 47 feet and distrib-
uted in a random fashion on a ridge, were located. On the
basis of a single fragmentary iron object found in a pit, the
site is assigned to the early historic period at about 1680. The
final paper in the volume by Emily J. Blasingham is concerned
with the historic tribes of the Chicago area between about
1650 and 1816.
The final Bulletin (No. 4) to be discussed was published
in 1963 and bears the title, Reports on Illinois Prehistory: L
While the Bulletin contains four articles, 105 of a total of
130 pages of text and illustrations are devoted to a study of
the Plum Island site in LaSalle County by Gloria J. Fenner.
This site, located near Starved Rock, was excavated over
thirty years ago and though frequently mentioned in reports,
has only now been thoroughly described. Although five com-
ponents are present at the site (Archaic, Early Woodland,
Middle Woodland and Upper Mississippi), the latter is
quantitatively the largest and also of greatest interest. The
Upper Mississippian unit is a part of the complex in Illinois
known as the Fisher Focus, Plum Island being most similar
to the Healy component at the Zimmerman site. Miss Fenner
200 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 46, No. 3
interprets the material as representing the occupation by the
Kaskaskia, perhaps in the sixteenth century. It is suggested
that this late occupation represents a time during which the
economy shifted and became increasingly oriented toward bi-
son hunting, ultimately culminating in the winter hunt - sum-
mer agriculture cycle found during historic times. The final
articles in the Bulletin include a discussion of Illinois pipes
by Harold P. Jensen, Jr., a study of Paleo-points from Ver-
milion County by John Henry and Al Nichols and a descrip-
tion of simple stamped pottery from the Wabash valley by
Denzil Stephens.
The Bulletins described above contain a weath of material
that not only clarifies Illinois Archaeology but is of direct
relevance to Wisconsin prehistory. Both ceramic and non-
ceramic artifacts are described in detail and provide the
basis through which linkages between the regions may be
established. A notable feature of the major site descriptions
included is the careful attention paid to the identification of
faunal remains which will aid in the reconstruction of environ-
mental conditions during the period of occupation. The Illi-
nois Archaeological Survey is to be congratulated on the ex-
cellent quality of its publication series. In giving credit,
however, it should be noted that the contributions are not
only those of staff members and students at the various in-
stitutions in the state, but also by interested amateurs. Those
interested in adding the Bulletins to their libraries will be
pleased by he reasonable prices, No. 1 - $1.00; No. 2 - $1.00;
No. 3 - $2.00; No. 4 - $2.00. They may be obtained by writ-
ing to the Illinois Archaeological Survey office, 137 Daven-
port Hall, University of Illinois, Urbana.
DAVID A. BAERREIS,
University of Wisconsin
BOOKS RECEIVED:
Deetz, James. THE DYNAMICS OF STYLISTIC CHANGE
IN ARIKARA CERAMICS. Illinois Studies in Anthro-
pology No. 4. Urbana, 1965. Price $2.50.
Martin, Lawrence. THE PHYSICAL GEOGRAPHY OF
WISCONSIN. University of Wisconsin Press, Mad-
ison, 1965. Price $7.50 cloth, $3.00 paper.
PALEO-INDIAN POINT OF THE SCOTTSBLUFF-EDEN TYPE
Quartzitc, length 4 inches. Found near Kiel, Calumet County. James
Bindrich collection.
CHERT POINT
Length 6% inches. Shows fine workmanship and secondary flaking.
Culture: unknown. Surface find by R. Zuehl in S. E. quarter of
section 24, Sullivan tnshp., Jefferson County. William Barrett col-
lection, Milwaukee.
202 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 46, No. 3
The Wisconsin Archeological Society notes with deep
regret the death of Dr. Edgar G. Bruder on July 14,
1965. Dr. Bruder was a long time member and past
president of the Society. In 1955 he was awarded our
highest honor, the Lapham Research Medal, for his
contributions in the field of Wisconsin archeology, and
particularly for his mound survey work in Dodge Coun-
ty. Dr. Bruder will be missed by his many friends within
the Society and throughout the State.
COMMITTEES:
MEMBERSHIP COMMITTEE: J. K. Whaley, Chairman. Herman
Zander, Phillip H. Wiegand.
PUBLICITY: Dr. E. G. Binder.
FRAUDULENT ARTIFACTS: J. K. Whaley, Chairman. Paul Scholz,
Martin Greenwald, Dr. Robert Ritzenthaler, Phillip H. Wiegand,
Neil Ostberg, Robert Hruska.
SURVEYING AND CODIFICATION: WiUiam M. Hurley, Chairman.
Ernest Schug, Paul Koeppler, Dr. E. G. Bruder, Tom Jackland,
George Fay, Darryl Beland.
EDITORIAL: Dr. Robert Ritzenthaler, Chairman. Dr. D. A. Baer-
reis, Lee Parsons, Dr. Joan Freeman.
PROGRAM: Dr. Robert Ritzenthaler, Chairman. Dr. E. G. Bruder,
Herman Zander, Mrs. P. H. Wiegand. ,
LAPHAM RESEARCH MEDAL COMMITTEE: Dr. Robert Ritzen-
thaler, Chairman. Dr. David A. Baerreis, Dr. E. G. Bruder,
H. W. Cornell, Charles Schoewe.
The Charles E. Brown Chapter
Madison
(Meets second Tuesday, 7:45 P. M., State Historical Society,
October thru May)
President: William Hurley
Secretary: Lois Lippold
Treasurer: Joan Freeman
THE WISCONSIN
ARCHEOLO6IST
KANSAS CIT .MO.
PUBLIC
CLIMATIC EPISODES ANDJTHE J)ATIN OF
MISSISSIPPIAN CULTURES,
Dftfil A. Baerreis and Reid A. Bryson
TWO LOWER EAU CLAIRE LAKE MOUNDS,
Mary Kathleen Overly
COPPER ARTIFACTS FROM WESTERN
ONTARIO, Wilfrid Jury
THE BOOKSHELF
WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGICAL SOCIETY
Milwaukee, \Visconsin
Incorporated, 1906
For the purpose of advancing the study and preservation of
Wisconsin Indian Antiquities
Meets Third Monday of Month, 8 P. M., Milwaukee Public Museum,
September thru May.
OFFICERS
PRESIDENT
Robert Hruska
VICE-PRESIDENTS
Dr. Stephan F. Borhegyi Paul Scholz Gale Highsmith
Herman Zander
Paul Turney
Martin Greenwald
DIRECTORS
Phillip H. Wiegand
Dr. D. A. Baerreis
Dr. Joan Freeman
Dr. Robert Howard
Tom Jackland
Dr. Ronald Mason
W. 0. Noble
William Oestreich
ADVISORY COUNCIL
Neil Ostberg
Dr. Lee Parsons
R. W. Peterman
E. K. Petrie
Louis Pierron
Allen Prill
Dr. Chandler Rowe
Ernest Schug
Frank Squire
J. K. Whaley
Dr. A. H. Whiteford
Mrs. Phillip H. Wiegand
TREASURER
Paul A. Koeppler, 5284 N. 83rd St., Milwaukee, Wis.
SECRETARY
Paul Turney, 2243 S. Woodward, Milwaukee 7, Wisconsin
EDITOR
Dr. Robert Ritzenthaler, Milwaukee Public Museum,
Milwaukee 3, Wisconsin
MEMBERSHIP FEES
The Wisconsin Archeologist is distributed to members
as part of their dues.
Life Members, $50.00 Endowment Members, $500.00
Sustaining Members, $5.00 Annual Members, $3.50
Institutional Members, $3.50
All communications in regard to the Wisconsin Archeoiogical
Society and contributions to the Wisconsin Archeologist should be
addressed to Paul Turney, Secretary, 2243 S. Woodward, Milwaukee
1, Wisconsin. Entered as Second Class Matter at the Post Office at
Lake Mills, Wisconsin under the Act of August 21, 1912. Office of
Publication, 316 N. Main St., Lake Mills, Wis.
THE WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST
New Series
MILWAUKEE, WISCONSIN - DECEMBER, 1 965
Published Quarterly by The Wisconsin Archeological Society
CLIMATIC EPISODES AND THE DATING OF THE
MISSISSIPPIAN CULTURES
David A. Baerreis and Reid A, Bryson
The purpose of this communication is twofold. First, we
wish to report on a series of new radiocarbon dates for pre-
historic sites in Wisconsin, Iowa and Missouri. Secondly, we
wish to discuss briefly the broader context and objectives of
our dating program. Although the analysis of the cultural
materials recovered in the field excavations is not yet com-
plete and the full context of the dated samples will be dis-
cussed in subsequent reports, we feel there is some merit in
prompt reporting of dates and in placing on record the in-
itial hypothesis now being tested by our current research pro-
gram. The radiocarbon dates were obtained by Dr. Margaret
Bender in the Radiocarbon Dating Laboratory of the Center
for Climatic Research at the University of Wisconsin. Fi-
nancial support was provided by the Atmospheric Sciences
Division, National Science Foundation Grant GP-444 and
Grant GS-433 from the Social Sciences Division of the same
institution.
One research area of the Center for Climatic Research at
the University of Wisconsin is the study of climatic conditions
of the past. A useful approach is through the ecological and
environmental data provided by archaeological excavations.
Not only do such investigations provide information that per-
mits added refinement and precision in the description of
past climatic periods, but in turn the application of knowledge
of past climatic periods to the archaeological sequence pro-
vides a means of establishing one of the important factors
leading to cultural change. But if we infer that cultural de-
velopments are at least in part related to climatic change, then
using the cultural evidence to deduce the timing and nature
of the climatic change can lead to circular reasoning. No
204 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 46, No. 4
-j ' . -....' T T~i
other line of evidence may be available, but if independent
data can be adduced to verify the occurrence of a climatic
change, then hypotheses of cultural-climatic relations are con-
siderably strengthened. Fortunately, in the case of the last
two millenia or so there are several independent lines of evi-
dence which give us some insight into the nature of the cli-
matic episodes which have occurred and their timing. An-
other fortunate circumstance is that while pre-contact cultural
developments in various non-contiguous parts of the New
\Vorld are generally independent of each other, climatic
changes the world over are not independent, and thus world-
wide evidence with regard to the climate may be brought to
bear on the interpretation of a fairly local cultural-environ-
mental problem.
Perhaps it would be useful at this point to digress and con-
sider one contrasting aspect of geophysical verus cultural de-
velopments in time. Climate and the circulation of the at-
mosphere are globally interrelated, and macroclimatic changes
cannot occur in only one part of the globe. Furthermore, it
appears that climatic changes do not come about by slow,
gradual change, but rather by apparently discrete "jumps"
from one circulation regime to another. Thus climatic episodes
of a particular circulation character have fairly well defined
beginnings and ends and these occur quite rapidly and nearly
simultaneously the world over. By contrast purely cultural
events, such as the adoption of a farming economy, must
spread by diffusion from centers (or regions) of innovation.
This spread, before the present era of rapid communication,
must have been relatively slow compared to the propagation
of climatic change. We might hope then to identify in ar-
chaeological materials finite ubiquitous time horizons of geo-
physical origin as well as time-transgressive horizons of cul-
tural origin. The occurrence of the geophysical (climatic)
event may accelerate or slow down the rate of cultural
change, however.
In our field investigations we have attempted to concen-
trate upon cultures whose geographic locations are near the
margins of biomes, the largest definable community of inter-
action of plant and animal species, since this location should
make them particularly sensitive to climatic fluctuations. Ob-
Mississippian Cultures 205
viously as the climate fluctuates, one would expect the eco-
tone (the zone of transition between two or more diverse
communities) to shift its location and thus be reflected in
changes in plant and animal species associated with a cultural
sequence in a given locality. Archaeological work in such
an ecotone has an added advantage because of the operation
of a mechanism designated the edge effect by the ecologist
(Odum, 1960: 278-281). An ecotonal community often con-
tains many of the plant and animal species of both of the ad-
joining community areas and hence is a region of increasing
variety and density of plant and animal life. They would
obviously be an especially favorable habitat for human oc-
cupation and one might also expect a higher population den-
sity for man and consequently a more adequate archaeological
record. With the species of two biomes already present, a
climatic shift which brings a region more completely into
the climate appropriate on one of these biomes should be
readily reflected in changing proportions of species. Further
factors leading to the selection of particular research areas
have been the existence of evidence suggesting climatic change
and the desire to test our methodology in late archaeological
cultures where extrapolations from present climatic regimes
provide a sound basis for estimating the magnitude and char-
acter of the climatic changes. '
The Mississippian cultures, particularly Middle Mississippi
and Oneota, are one major prehistoric group meeting the cri"
teria we have outlined. James B. Griffin has recently pub-
lished a series of papers concerned with the archaeological
implications of late climatic changes which deal in part with
these peoples. His thesis, as it pertains to the Mississippian
Archaeological field work directed toward problems of this char-
acter were initiated in the summer of 1963 at Mill Creek sites in
northwest Iowa located at the base of the prairie peninsula. A
report on this work is currently in preparation but some elabor-
ation on the nature of the approach may be found in a paper
discussing problems of climatic interpretation in the Southern
Plains region (Baerreis and Bryson, 1965). Field work directed
toward Mississippian problems was carried out in the summer
of 1964 under NSF Grant GS^133 with Amy E. Henning, Dale R.
Henning and G. Richard Peske in charge of different field units
operating in Iowa, Missouri and Wisconsin respectively.
206 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 46, No. 4
cultures, is briefly summarized below, the primary source being
a paper presented at a conference held at the New York
Academy of Sciences (1961). Griffin states that "beginning
a few hundred years before A. D, 1000 there developed in
the East St. Louis area an agricultural, sedentary culture type
that is a regional expression of an increasing emphasis on
agriculture known in much of the eastern area as the Mississ-
sippi culture. The Old Village complex of Mississippi culture
in the St. Louis area exerted a strong influence to the north
and northwest, up the Illinois, Mississippi, and the Missouri
valleys" (ibid, p. 710). He indicates that it is certain there
was a strong movement of people into southern and western
\Visconsin by about A. D. 700 to 800 and into eastern Minne-
sota of this predominantly agricultural people. Support for the
time of this movement is given by citing the radiocarbon date
(M-1037) of A. D. 750 + -- 150 derived from a house wall
post at Aztalan. Griffin sees the period of A. D. 700 to 1200
as one of warmer climate in the Upper Mississippi valley and
Great Lakes area which allowed the settled agricultural popu-
lations to move northward into locations near the present bor-
der of effective corn agriculture. The Oneota cultures of the
Upper Mississippi area, regarded as a descendant of the Old
Village tradition, are thought to have shifted away from a
marked dependence on agriculture to a heavier emphasis on
hunting which accompanies a marked drop in cultural level.
This period of gradual decline is seen as occurring in the A.
D. 1300 to 1650 time period which falls within the time span
of A. D. 1200 to 1700 when in the Great Lakes and northeast
it was interpreted as relatively cooler with a shorter growing
season and perhaps also somewhat moister (ibid,, 710-712).
Aztalan Dates
It is obvious in this postulated cultural sequence that the
time placement of Aztalan is of considerable importance. As
we have indicated, Griffin cites M-1037 (A. D. 750 + -- 150)
as supporting his interpretations of the time relations involved
in the development and spread of the Mississippian cultures.
However, two other radiocarbon dates obtained for this site
by the University of Michigan Laboratory are not in agree-
ment with this interpretation. The first date obtained for
Aztalan (M-642) was from charcoal at a depth of 2.3 feet
Mississippian Cultures 207
in the northwest pyramidal mound and has an age of A. D.
1630 + -200 (Crane and Griffin, 1959: 179). More recently
a date (M-1214) was obtained on charcoal from a pit in the
northeast quadrangle of the village area, the age being A. D.
1370 + -100 (Crane and Griffin, 1964:3). Robert Ritzen-
thaler has placed himself on record as regarding the earliest
(A. D. 750) and latest (A. D. 1630) dates as not being satis-
factory while the A. D. 1370 date was the most "agreeable"
1961, 1963). His preference was for A. D. 1200 as a more
logical time at which to place the occupation. William Hurley
(1964) has presented arguments for the acceptance of all
three of the Aztalan dates.
The excavations of the Wisconsin Historical Society in
the summer of 1964 under the supervision of Joan E. Freeman
and Jay Brandon provided an opportunity to obtain additional
samples for dating purposes to clarify this critical dating
problem. Four samples, all charcoal (as are all of the new
dates reported in this paper), have now been run with the
following results:
WIS-63 Feature 1 (64) A. D. 1 130 + - 80
WIS-68 Feature 17a (64) A. D. 11 00 + -80
WIS-73 Feature 49 (64) A. D 1 130 + - 80
WIS-74 Feature 42 (64) A. D. 1220 + -80
W^hile the detailed characteristics of the features and associ-
ated artifacts will be presented by the excavators in conjunc-
tion with their report on the season's work at the site, they
indicate that the associated ceramics are of the characteristic
Woodland and Mississippian types commonly found at Az-
talan.
The four new Aztalan dates from the Wisconsin laboratory
form a remarkably tight cluster and we can not doubt that
they are a true reflection of the age of occupation of this por-
tion of the site. Furthermore, they do occupy a median posi-
tion in relation to the widely ranging Michigan dates. How-
ever, establishing a rather tight range of dates for this portion
of the site does not in itself finally settle the question of the
duration of the occupation of the site and the time of its in-
itial settlement. Since these questions are directly relevant to
the broader interests we have mentioned, we shall briefly
discuss them.
208 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 46, No. 4
One factor to be considered in reference to the Aztalan
dates is that they represent samples derived from a very lim-
ited sector of the site. The locations may be most conven-
iently discussed in reference to the index map dividing the site
into sections which appears in the comprehensive report by
S. A. Barrett (1933: Map 2). The dated features excavated
by the Wisconsin Historical Society party in 1964 are all
in Unit IV with the exception of Feature 49 which is in Unit
V. Two of the earlier dates (M-1037 and M-1214) are also
in Unit IV while the late date (M-642) from the northwest
pyramidal mound is in Unit XII. It might thus be argued
that the samples are not randomly distributed over the full
extent of the site to give an adequate picture of the entire
span of occupation. While such a position has merit, the lo-
cation of the major group of samples is a strategic one. It
does represent an area of intensive occupation which can be
seen as being within nearly all of the concentric stockade
lines. If these are regarded as successive stages of growth of
occupation, Unit IV might well have been occupied when the
site was established and continued in use through the terminal
stages of occupation. But even if this is the case it does not
provide assurance that the sample of six dates is adequately
spread over the full range of occupation. The context of date
M-1214 which Hurley (1964) has described in admirable de-
tail was one in which the refuse pit was cut through by a wall
trench and hence is earlier than this structure. This would
tend to suggest, perhaps, a reasonably early time position
but the date of A. D. 1370 H 100 does not confirm a very
early position.
Can we, as Hurley (op* cit) suggests, accept all of the
dates? Hurley based his argument on the fact that the exca-
vations at Cahokia seem to reveal a long span of occupation
ranging from the ninth to the sixteenth century and that the
dates from Aztalan do not fall outside of that span. This
line of argument, however, is not acceptable. Cahokia is a
much larger population center and the material remains re-
covered in the many excavations in that region reveal a very
considerable amount of culture change that is not duplicated at
Aztalan. It would be well not to base an estimate of the dura-
Mississippian Cultures 209
tion of occupation of Aztalan on radiocarbon dates alone but
rather to consider the cultural evidence of internal change
within the village and in the material possessions of its in-
habitants. In an earlier paper (Baerreis and Freeman, 1958)
which explored one aspect of this problem by making a de-
tailed attribute analysis of the Aztalan Collared type we were
unable to find marked differences in frequency associated with
specific areas within the site that would imply culture change
over an extended time period. Since the study cited dealt with
only a small portion of the total range of material culture, it
would be well to carry out such an analysis with a wider range
of material. However at the present time it seems that the
evidence for internal change is minimal and a span of occu-
pation of nearly 900 years is not acceptable. Both the very
early date (A. D. 750) and the very late date (A. D. 1630)
lack support from the new dates. A possible range of occu-
pation from A. D.I 100 to A. D. 1300 seems reasonable on
the basis of present evidence.
Aztalan Dating and Oneota
\Vhile we may find some disagreement yet remaining about
the precise time of the initiation of the occupation at Aztalan,
it seems probable that it is substantially later than the A. D.
700 to 800 period which Griffin has indicated. Thus we may
suggest that the migration of peoples from the major popula-
tion center of Cahokia took place not near the beginning of
the occupation of that center, which Melvin L. Fowler on the
basis of a large series of new radiocarbon dates estimates only
began about A. D. 800 (Fowler, 1963:57), but rather after
some time had elapsed. A lapse of several hundred years
would, in any event, seem more reasonable since we must
allow time for sufficient population increase to have taken
place to permit the budding off of new colonies or alterna-
tively postulate some marked environmental change or cul-
tural situation that would force out the numerous occupants
of the Cahokia region. No evidence has as yet been pre-
210 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 46, No.
sented indicating a decline in population at Cahokia during
its early span of occupation so that population increases may
be the more reasonable factor producing migrations to the
northern frontier. In view of these seeming late migrations of
Middle Mississippi to the Wisconsin region, it is no longer
possible to incorporate Aztalan in any sequence of an evolu-
tion of Oneota from a Middle Mississippi ancestor. It should
be recalled that such a development was not postulated by W.
C. McKern who made the early analytic studies of this cul-
ture in the Wisconsin region. He suggested that the Oneota
peoples. were fairly recent arrivals in Wisconsin at the time
of the white man's entry (McKern, 1942: 161) and, indeed,
also suggested that the Middle Mississippi peoples may have
been even more recent arrivals than the Oneota group. This
interpretation is now being born out by radiocarbon dating
though, of course, some Oneota sites are later than Aztalan.
The recent work of Robert L. Hall at the Carcajou site on
Lake Koshkonong (Hall, 1962) has done much to clarify this
situation. Occupation of this site, perhaps intermittent in char-
acter, spans several stages in the development of the Oneota
tradition. Two of the three radiocarbon dates available for
this site (M-786 - A. D. 900 + - 250 and M-785 - A. D. 1020
-f 250) place the "Emergent Oneota horizon" as it is rep-
resented at the Carcajou Component of the Koshkonong Fo-
cus as roughly about A. D. 1000 (Hall, 1962:109). Hall
stresses that "the earliest datable Mississippi complex at Car-
cajou Point can only be called Upper Mississippi with some
recognizable Middle Mississippi traits, particularly in ceramics
and domestic architecture. Its immediate antecedent was an
already attenuated Middle Mississippi culture probably not
unlike classic Oneota cultures in its socio-economic pattern"
(ibid: 94). Thus while we may still derive Oneota from Mid-
dle Mississippi, it is evident that we must postulate an early
divergence of Oneota from a common Mississippian ancestor.
New Oneota Dates
We have briefly cited some of the evidence which indicates
that the Oneota culture can not be regarded as simply the re-
sult of the rapid spread of a culture whose inception is barely
prehistoric, but that to the contrary considerable time depth
Mississippian Cultures 211
is involved. Thus if our objective of relating the cultural
events represented by the history of this people to climatic
episodes is to be achieved, it is obvious that a substantial
series of radiocarbon dates must be obtained that will permit
the necessary precise correlations. Samples collected at sev-
eral locations are presently being run and we can now report
on the results of the first of these.
W. C. McKern (1945) described the Orr Focus in Wiscon-
sin on the basis of three components, Shrake-Gillies, Mid-
way and White II. These components are located along the
Mississippi River in Trempealeau. La Crosse and Vernon
Counties respectively. Limited excavations were conducted
at the Midway site by Guy Gibbon during the summer of
1964 and from one charcoal sample an age determination
(WIS-61) of A. D. 1420 + - 70 has been made. Such a late
time placement is to be expected. W^hile no trade goods are
reported by McKern from Orr Focus sites in Wisconsin they
do occur in related sites in Iowa and form one of the bases
for postulating that the manifestation represents the ances-
tors of the Iowa.
Further excavations in \Visconsin were also conducted by
G. Richard Peske at the Lasley's Point village site on the
eastern shore of Lake Winneconne in Winnebago County.
This site was extensively tested by A. P. Kannenberg, Curator
of Archeology at the Oskosh Public Museum and his associ-
ates, and while he presented no analysis of the remains Mc-
Kern felt there was no doubt that the complex should be as-
signed to the Lake Winnebago Focus (McKern, 1945: 126,
163). The site, however, does present some distinctive fea^
tures such as the presence of negative painted pottery (Bul-
lock, 1942a:41) which would appear to suggest Middle Mis-
sissippian contacts. One area of the site is characterized by
the presence of a series of "mounds" of which some 55 have
been listed in print (Bullock, 1942b: 35-36). Many of these
mounds are discrete refuse accumulations and the dates pres-
ently available are from three of these middens. Two dates
were obtained from Mound 2: WIS-57 - A. D. 1270 + - 80 is
from unit 1550-5090, Level 4, and WIS-47 - A. D. 1170 + -
80 is from Feature 2, located in Level 4 of the same unit.
212 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 46, No. 4
one than the radiocarbon dates indicate. While the radio-
carbon dates will eventually establish the earliest time hor-
From Mound 28a one date, WIS-50 - A. D. 990 + - 70, was
obtained from sample found in Test Pit 16, Levels 2 and 3.
The final date is from Mound E, WIS-62 - A. D. 1 170 + -
80, the sample being from Level 2 of Test Pit 15. Thus present
evidence would place this portion of the Lasley's Point oc-
cupation as about A. D 1000 to 1250 which seems to be in
agreement with the time of Middle Mississippian expansion
northward. The earlier dates for this complex as opposed
to the Midway site, would also seem to confirm Hall's inter-
pretation (1962:107) of the resemblances of some Lasley's
Point materials to his Developmental Oneota horizon.
Excavations were also conducted on Oneota sites in West-
ern Iowa and the materials are presently being analyzed by
Amy E. Henning. Three dates were obtained from the Dixon
site (13WD8), a site on the Little Sioux. River south of An-
thon. Dale R. Henning (1961: 17) describes the site as cover-
ing at least 80 acres and indicates that no trade goods indica-
tive of white contact have been found. Three of the dates
presently available are associated with a house excavated in
the 1964 season. WIS-54, from Feature 1 adjacent to the
south wall of the house, provides a date of A. D. 930 { 80.
A second date, WIS-53 from an ash lens exterior to the south
wall of the house is A. D. 1 100 + - 80. The third date. WIS-
59 is from Feature 13 a storage pit within the house, but its
age, A. D. 1600 H 80 seems late. One additional date from
the site, WIS-56, was obtained from Pit No. 3, one of a
series of storage pits now being eroded by the river and gives
an age of A. D. 1130 + - 80. Two dates are also avail-
able for one of the Correctionville sites (13WD7) which,
like other important Oneota sites of this locality, is in process
of being destroyed by gravel removal operations. Samples of
charcoal were collected from two trash pits during the sum-
mer of 1963. The sample from Trash Pit No. 1 gave a date
of A. D. 1660 +-90 (WIS-35) while that from Trash Pit
No. 3 was A. D. 1540 +-80 (WIS-71).
It is evident that a very considerable time range is involved
in dating the Mississippian cultures, in fact an even greater
Mississippian Cultures 213
izon involved, perhaps around A. D. 800, the continuity of
some Oneota sites into the historic horizon of documented
by the presence of European trade goods, carries the story
well into the eighteenth century.
Climatic Episodes
Several climatic episodes can be identified which cover the
time period being considered and which were sufficiently
different to affect the character of the biomes exploited by the
various cultures. These events can be identified from a num-
ber of lines of evidence and from many parts of the world.
It is careful sifting and winnowing of this evidence and its
interpretation in terms of climate that is the business of the
historical climatologist,, and he has a difficult job indeed for
the evidence is very diverse in its character and often equiv-
ocal in its meaning. Nevertheless, a pattern is beginning to
emerge.
Such slow-responding climatic indicators as ocean temper-
atures and glacier positions indicate that the post-glacial cli-
mate was "different" than the present in the period up to
about 500 B. C. ("milder"), generally "more severe" until
perhaps A. D. 400, "milder" again until about A. D. 1300,
then "more severe", especially in the interval from about A.
U. 1600 to the late 19th century. The "amelioration" of the
climate since that time is well-documented in instrumental re-
cords (Hubbs and Roden, 1964; Heusser, 1961; Bryson and
Julian, 1963; Mitchell, 1961; etc.). Descriptive terms in the
preceding are put in quotes because the data, per se, do not
allow one to differentiate clearly between "cold", and "cold
and wet", or "cold, wet and cloudy". The actual character
of the climatic episodes must be reconstructed from other evi-
dence, bearing in mind that when it is colder in one region
the atmospheric mechanics may require that it be warmer in
another.
Other faster-responding indicators such as pollen, tree-
rings, bog stratigraphy, and direct written references make it
possible to refine our account of the climatic episodes (Lamb,
1961; Byrson and Julian, op. tit*)- We find that there were
three intervals of somewhat differing character that made up
the "milder" period between A. D. 400 and the onset of the
214 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 46, No. 4
so-called "little ice age" of A. D. 1600-1900. The middle one
of these, from about A. D. 900 to 1250 has been called the
"little climatic optimum" because of its apparent similarity
in climatic character to the "climatic optimum" prior to 1500
B.C. (Bryson et aL, 1965). Indeed, it is quite certain that
even these episodes of several centuries duration were not en-
tirely uniform but were composed of several intervals of dif-
fering character and length right down to the day by day
weather variations. Nevertheless it appears that we can
identify certain intervals of sufficiently long duration to be
biotically and culturally significant, and sufficiently homogen-
eous to be referred to as distinct climatic episodes*
The total character of these episodes is not known, their
termini are not all precisely fixed, and their character varies
regionally. Descriptive names like "hypsithermal" or "little
ice age" have no meaning in the Amazon basin, for example.
Nor should we say "the climatic episode of the 16th through
19th centuries," for it did not correspond exactly with this
calendar interval and change brought about by new evidence
leads to confusion. It would seem wiser to assign arbitrary,
nondescriptive names to the episodes ~. Such nomenclature
has been given to the earlier portions of the post-glacial, and
we have chosen this lead in filling out the sequence which
starts with Pre-Boreal, Boreal, Atlantic, Sub-Boreal, Sub-At-
lantic. Generally speaking, the literature specifies a beginning
for the Sub-Atlantic but is indefinite about its end.
In the preceding paragraphs a "more severe" period start-
ing about 500 - 600 B. C. was cited. This may be identified
with the Sub'Atlantic. Immediately one must point out that
while "more severe" might describe this episode, it is definitely
not universally applicable. Hubbs (op. cit*) finds that coastal
waters of western Mexico and Southern California were cold-
er than at present; Woodbury (1961) suggests that Arizona
and New Mexico were warmer; Brooks (1949) summarizes
evidence that the Mediterranean area was wetter; and we find
that the initiation of upland muskeg growth in central Canada
2 There is ample precedent for the assignment of nondescriptive
names in geologic usage, e. g. Cambrian, Orodovician, Silurian,
etc.
Mississippian Cultures 215
around 430 B. C. (WIS-1) suggests that the Sub-Atlantic was
wet there (Bender, et al., 1965). It is the glacial advances
and associated eustatic Roman Emergence that justify in any
way the term "more severe" though it would appear that the
glacial advances reflect primarily greater accumulation rather
than appreciably lower temperatures. The lower coastal tem-
peratures may be explained by more intense upwelling.
Apparently the Sub-Atlantic ended about A. D. 300-400,
though the end seems less definite than the beginning. The
following episode was characterized by amelioration of the
climate in Scandia 3 . glacial retreat, the post-Roman transgres-
sions, and accelerated erosion in the Southwestern mountains.
Following the geological practice of naming a period for the
type locality for exposure of its sediments, we shall call this
climatic episode the Scandic.
Following the Scandic episode, about A. D. 800-900 there
began one of the most interesting of post-Glacial periods.
Just as the Sub-Atlantic might be called, alternately, the Grae-
co-Roman, Han, Hopewell or Dorset period, so the Neo-
Atlantic (A. D. 800-1250) might be called the Viking, West-
ern Thule, Anasazi, or Middle Mississippian. We have chosen
to call it the Neo-Atlantic because of its similarity to the
Atlantic (Lamb, 1963). Drift ice was greatly reduced in the
Arctic and the Canadian Arctic Archipelego was apparently
free of permanent sea ice. Inland Canada was warmer and the
boreal forest advanced northward into what is now tundra.
European summers were remarkably warm and dry, but the
circulation pattern of well developed subtropical anticyclones
associated with such conditions brings an influx of moist trop-
ical air into the Great Plains of North America to provide
abundant summer rain in turn supporting the extension of
corn farming by the Upper Republican people. The South-
west was warmer, glaciers disappeared from the United States
portion of the Rocky Mountains, and extensive gullying began
in the valleys of the Colorado Plateau and the Rio Grande
area, apparently in response to increased summer rainfall.
(Woodbury, op* cit; Bryson and Julian, op, tit*). During this
3 Scandia is here used to denote the far north Atlantic Greenland,
Iceland, and Scandinavia proper.
216 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 46, No. 4
time the Anasazi corn farmers, using the summer rains, ex-
panded to their maximum extent, and more Mexican faunal
elements entered the southwestern United States.
A rather sharp change in the atmospheric circulation ap-
pears to have taken place around A. D. 1250. Written records
from Europe indicate that the pattern of dry summers and mild
winters that had characterized Western Europe during the
Neo-Atlantic gave way in a few decades to a pattern of wet,
cool summers in coastal Europe and dry summers and cold
winters in eastern Europe (Lamb, 1963). This is a pattern
recognized today as "Westwetter" or predominantly zonal
flow. Farms on heavy clay soil areas of England and Den-
mark were abandoned, and ice conditions worsened in the
sub-Arctic. The closing of the waterways in the Canadian
Arctic Archipelago terminated whaling by the \Vestern Thule
people.
Zonal flow produces damp, cool summers in coastal Europe,
but has a quite different effect in interior North America. Pa-
cific air streams across the western Cordillera, descending
across the Plains. Summer rains diminish in the Southwest
and the northern Plains, while Oklahoma and Texas receive
more summer rain, and winter precipitation increases in the
Rockies and Colorado Plateau. During this interval, which
we will call the Pacific climate episode, the Upper Republican
corn farming ceased on the plains, either the people or their
culture shifting southward into Oklahoma (Baerreis and Bry-
son, 1965), and a catastrophic reduction of the area occupied
by the Anasazi occurred (Woodbury, op* cit*). The plains
economy extended eastward with an apparent expansion of
the prairie peninsula (Bryson and Baerreis, 1964), perhaps
"amputating" the northern outposts of the Middle Mississippi
peoples in \Visconsin and Minnesota.
After about A. D. 1450 the climate seems to have reverted
in part to the character of Neo-Atlantic times, but a definite
change to stronger circulation and a new climatic episode oc-
curred about A. D. 1550. Apparently the westerlies and polar
storm tracks shifted southward and intensified, carrying wet.
cloudy summers deep into Europe. This more intense circula-
tion leads to dynamic instability of the zonal flow and the
Mississippian Cultures 217
development of blocking anticyclones over western Europe in
winter. That such occurred is amply documented (Lamb, 1963;
Bryson and Julian, 1963). Dominant southeast winds in win-
ter were recorded in western Europe by Tycho Brahe, with
the associated cold weather brought from the interior. Gla-
ciers advanced in the Alps and in Iceland, and once again
were found in the U. S. Rockies as far south as New Mexico.
Severe weather should have prevailed in the Canadian Arctic,
and certainly did prevail in Iceland- It is likely that the grow-
ing season was shortened, and that the summers were cooler
in the upper Midwest.
This period, previously referred to as the Little Ice Age,
we shall call the Neo-Boreal. It ended with the recent climatic
amelioration which started about 1880. If we can assume that
the character of the Neo-Boreal was relatively uniform ex-
cept for a break in the first half of the eighteenth century (and
this appears to be the case) we can get an idea of its char-
acter from the instrumental records of the early nineteenth
century. Fort Winnebago, at Portage, Wisconsin, exper-
ienced a much higher frequency of north winds in the sum-
mers of the 1830's than at present, and a July rainfall maxi-
mum rather than the June and September peaks of the present
normal. Since the present double peak is associated with the
northward and southward passage of the polar front, the data
suggest that the front only moved as far north as central Wis-
consin in July during the Neo-Boreal. This is several hundred
miles south of the present normal July position, but is quite
consistent with Lamb's (1963:145) estimate that the main
storm track was shifted southward by 4-5 latitude during
the early 1800's and that a deep, cold trough existed near
60-70 W. longitude.
Unfortunately for the North American cultural historian,
the Neo-Boreal began just at the time of European contact,
obscuring the relative roles of cultural and climatic impacts on
the lifeways of the Indian. It is an intriguing possibility that
deteriorating climatic conditions making an agricultural econ-
omy precarious may have been more influential in producing
a shift to a fur trading economy than the magnet of European
trade goods.
218 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 46, No. 4
Final Comments
For the reasons presented earlier we have proposed a new
set of names for the late prehistoric climatic episodes and on
the basis of comparative evidence suggested some modifica-
tions in the temporal boundaries. These new boundaries ap-
pear to us to make a more coherent picture with the new radio--
carbon dates for the Mississippian cultural developments. We
anticipate that the completion of some of the studies presently
in process will further refine the picture.
Little direct evidence is available from the Wisconsin-Great
Lakes region to support the interpretation of the character
of the late climatic episodes. Griffin (1960:824) has cited
the discovery of the remains of the prairie vole (Microtus
ochrogaster) in a humus zone of a sand dune in Leelanau
County, Michigan, in the northeastern part of the Lower Pen-
insula at 45 north latitude. A radiocarbon date of the humus
zone at A. D. 1220 H 250, he suggests, implies that a suf-
ficient moderation of climate had taken place to extend its
range some 200 miles to the north for this prairie mouse is
now limited in its distribution to extreme southwestern Mich-
igan. This northward expansion is in agreement with the
northward advance of the boreal forest during the Neo-Atlan -
tic episode. It is similarly in agreement with the conclusion
reached by R. A. Yarnell in his recent survey of plant re-
mains in the Upper Great Lakes region" . .. . that the spread
of agriculture in the Upper Lakes region was near its north-
ernmost aboriginal limit by A. D. 1100 to 1200" (1964: 14).
New radiocarbon dates obtained for Minnesota archaeolog-
ical sites while not entirely consistent can be interpreted to
lend further support to the timing of the cultural sequences
our new dates indicate (Johnson, 1964).
The initial studies of James B. Griffin and his associates at
the University of Michigan have opened an important research
area in the interrelation of climatic and cultural events in the
Great Lakes area. We hope that our contributions will lead
to refinement of his suggested pattern of climatic-cultural in-
terrelation and clarify somewhat the nature of the climatic en-
vironment in Mississippian times.
Mississippian Cultures 219
REFERENCES
Baerreis, David A. and Reid A. Bryson
1965 "Historical Climatology and the Southern Plains: A Prelimin-
ary Statement," Bulletin of the Oklahoma Anthropological
Society, Vol. XIII, pp. 69-75.
Baerreis, David A. and Joan E. Freeman
1958 "Late Woodland Pottery in Wisconsin as seen from Aztalan,"
The Wisconsin Archeologist, Vol. 39, No. 1, pp. 35-61.
Barrett, S. A.
1933 Ancient Aztalan. Bulletin of the Public Museum of the City
of Milwaukee, Vol. XIII, pp. 1-602.
Bender, M. M., R. A. Bryson and D. A. Baerreis
1965 "Radiocarbon Dates from the University of W r isconsin Paleo-
climatology Research Program: I," Radiocarbon (in press).
Brooks, C. E. P.
1949 Climate Through the Ages. New York, McGraw-Hill Co.
Bryson, Reid A. and David A. Baerreds
1964 "Paleoclimatology and the Mill Creek culture of Northwest
Iowa," Paper presented at the Annual Meeting, Society for
American Archeology, Chapel Hill, N. C.
Bryson, R. A., W. N. Irving and J. A. Larsen
1965 "Radiocarbon and Soil Evidence of Former Forest in the
Southern Canadian Tundra," Science, Vol. 147, pp. 46-48.
Bryson, Reid A. and Paul R. Julian, eds.
1963 "Proceedings of the Conference on the Climate of the llth
and 16th Centuries, Aspen, Colo., June 1962," NCAR Technical
Notes 63-1.
Bullock, Harold R.
1942a "Lasley Point Mound Excavations," The Wisconsin Archeol-
ogist, Vol. 23, No. 2, pp. 37-44.
1942b "Lasley Point Mound Cruising," The Wisconsin Archeolo-
gist, Vol. 23, No. 2, pp. 32-36.
Crane, H. R. and James B. Griffin
1959 "University of Michigan Radiocarbon Dates IV," American
Journal of Science, Radiocarbon Supplement, Vol. 1, pp. 173-
198.
1962 "University of Michigan Radiocarbon Dates VII," Radiocar-
bon, Vol. 4, pp. 183-203.
1964 "University of Michigan Radiocarbon Dates IX," Radiocar-
bon, Vol. 6, pp. 1-24.
Fowler, Melvin L.
1963 "Radiocarbon Assays," First Annual Report: American Bot-
toms Archaelogy, July 1, 1961 -June 30, 1962, pp. 49-57. Ur-
bana.
Griffin, James B.
1960 "A Hypothesis for the Prehistory of the Winnebago," pp. 809-
865 in Culture in History, edited by Stanley Diamond. Colum-
bia Univ. Press, N. Y.
1961 "Some Correlations of Climatic and Cultural Change in
Eastern North American Prehistory," Annals of the New
York Academy of Sciences, Vol. 95, Art. 1, pp. 710-717.
Hall, Robert L.
1962 The Archeology of Carcajou Point: With an Interpretation of
220 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 46, No. 4
the Development of Oneota Culture in Wisconsin. Volume I.
The University of Wisconsin Press, Madison.
Henning, Dale R.
1961 "Oneota Ceramics in Iowa," Journal of the Iowa Archeolog-
ical Society, Vol. 11, No. 2, pp. 1-47.
Heusser, C. J.
1961 "Some Comparisons between Climatic Changes in North-
western America and Patagonia," Annals of the New York
Academy of Sciences, Vol. 95, Art. 1 pp. 642-657.
Hubbs, Carl L. and G. I. Roden
1964 "Oceanography and Marine Life Along the Pacific Coast of
Middle America," Handbook of Middle American Indians,
Vol. I, R. C. West, Ed., pp. 143-186.
Hurley, William M.
1964 "The Recent Aztalan Date," The Wisconsin Archeologist,
Vol. 45, No. 3, pp. 139-142.
Johnson, Elden
1964 "Twenty New Radiocarbon Dates from Minnesota Archeo-
logical Sites," Minnesota Archeologist, Vol. 26, No, 2, pp.
35-49.
Lamb, H. H.
1961 "Climatic Change Within Historical Time as Seen in Circula-
tion Maps and Diagrams," "Annals of the New York Ac-
ademy of Sciences, Vol. 95, Art. 1, pp. 642-657.
1963 "On the Nature of Certain Climatic Epochs which Differed
from the Modern (1900-39) Normal," Proceedings of the
WMO / UNESCO Rome (1961) Symposium o n Climatic
Changes (Arid Zone XX), 13: 69-75.
McKern, W. C.
1942 "The First Settlers of Wisconsin," Wisconsin Magazine of
History, Vol. 26, No. 2, pp. 153-169.
1945 Preliminary Report on the Upper Mississippi Phase in Wis-
consin. Bulletin of the Public Museum of the City of Milwau-
kee, Vol. 16, No. 2, pp. 109-285.
Mitchell, J. M.
1961 "Recent Secular Changes of Global Temperature," Annals of
the New York Academy of Sciences, Vol. 95, Art. 1, pp. 235-
250.
Odum, Eugene P.
1960 Fundamentals of Ecology. W. B. Saunders Co., Philadelphia,
2nd Edition.
Ritzenthaler, Robert
1961 "Radiocarbon Dates for Aztalan," The Wisconsin Archeolo-
gist, Vol. 43, No. 3, p. 139.
1963 "Another Radiocarbon Date for Aztalan," The Wisconsin
Archeologist, Vol. 44, No. 3, p. 180.
Woodbury, Richard B.
1961 "Climatic Changes and Prehistoric Agriculture in the South-
western United States," Annals of the New York Acadamy
of Sciences, Vol. 95, Art. 1, pp. 235-250.
Yarnell, Richard Asa
1964 Aboriginal Relationships Between Culture and Plant Life in
the Upper Great Lakes Region. Anthropological Papers, No.
23, Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan.
TWO LOWER EAU CLAIRE LAKE MOUNDS
Mary Kathleen Overly
Eleven miles east of the town of Gordon in Douglas County
of northwestern Wisconsin, there is a chain of lakes, the
Eau Claire lakes. One of the main bodies of water in the
chain is the lower Eau Claire Lake on whose shore is located
222 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 46, No. 4
what may have been originally a considerable group of
mounds. Although the group presently consists of only two
mounds, a reliable source l recalls that there were more but
that these probably were destroyed during the construction
of a large summer house at the site.
The two remaining earth works are located on the wooded
banks at an elevation of about forty feet above the lake level.
Their specific location is in the SE i/4 of the SW Vi of Sec-
tion 24, Township 44N, Range 10W (see inset map) and on
the property of Caroline Bucholdt. One mound extends slight-
ly into Section 25 in the land owned by Robert Marriner.
Immediately to the west of the mounds is an old field overj-
grown with grasses and spotted with a few small fir trees.
The patterns of color variation in the vegetation in the field
suggest that there may have been some aboriginal activity here
as well. For example, only a few feet west of Mound 1 there
are many circular areas about fifteen feet in diameter in which
the grass is of a different shade of green compared with that
elsewhere in the field- On the mounds themselves are some
fir trees ranging in size up to a foot in diameter plus some
smaller oaks and poplars.
Mound 1 is of the tapering linear type and its wide end,
measuring along the section line, is two hundred and sixty-
five feet from the shore line of the lake. Its axis is N. 45 E
and it tapers from a twenty-five foot maximum width to ten
feet. The overall length of this mound is one hundred and
ninety-four feet and six inches; at the large end it is three
feet four inches high while at the other it measures eleven and
one-half inches in height.
Mound 2 is ninety-four feet away from the north end of
Mound 1 at N 85 E. This is a short linear mound of the
same maximum width as Mound 1 : twenty-four feet. Its
length is thirty-one feet and its maximum height two feet
four inches. Its axis has the bearing of N. 60 E. Both mounds
are in a very good state of preservation; let us hope that they
The source here is Mr. Andrew Lord, a native and long-time resi-
dent of the Solon Springs - Gordon area and himself a descendant
of the original Indians of the region. It was with his invaluable
aid that I was able to locate this and other groups of mounds.
Copper Artifacts 223
do not suffer the same fate that befell the others in the group.
There are reports by residents in the area of other mound
groups in the Eau Claire Lake region: one on the west side
of Section 13 to the north of the group described here and
another at the northernmost tip of Middle Eau Claire Lake.
Undoubtedly there are still more in existence around the
lakes. If at all possible they should be located and surveyed
so that we would at least have a descriptive record of them.
Lake property in this area is in increasingly greater demand
and with the subdivision of property and the construction of
lake cottages, what mounds that remain now are sure to
be destroyed.
COPPER ARTIFACTS FROM WESTERN ONTARIO
Wilfrid Jury
In the Museum of Indian Archaeology at the University of
Western Ontario, London, there is an assemblage of native
copper tools and ornaments that have been found over the
past thirty years in the southwestern portion of the Province
of Ontario, chiefly in or near the two principal river valleys
the Thames and the Ausable which flow westward to Lake
St. Clair and Lake Huron respectively. One piece was located
near the shore of Lake Erie; another on the Grand River; and
one group to the north, on the shores of Lake Huron. Several
of the pieces were accidental finds by farmers and in most
cases a fairly adequate description of the find was obtained.
\Vorked copper is comparatively rare in the area. Speci-
mens with origin west of Lake Ontario in the Royal Ontario
Museum, Toronto, have been recorded by Popham and Em-
erson (1954, p. 16), and a few items are in the possession of
private collectors. Copper fishhooks are the exception, sev-
eral having been reported by commercial fishermen on Lake
Huron.
Copper occurs occasionally in glacial drift in the area, but
the source of the metal has been accepted to be the copper
outcrop on Isle Royale or the Keweenaw Peninsula in the
State of Michigan. A distinct grain parallels the long axis of
224 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLCGIST Vol. 46, No. 4
the artifacts and, in most of the specimens, there are specks
of silver flaking.
The copper that has been found in sand is generally faintly
stained or mottled with green; two surface finds in high clay
land are free from coloration; and the objects that were recov-
ered from gravel areas bear a rather dense green patina.
In the early seventeenth century southwestern Ontario was
occupied by the Neutral Indians, an Iroquoian people who
were preceded by people of Woodland and Archaic cultures.
Although the late W. J. W^ntemberg has reported worked
copper on and near Neutral and early Neutral sites (Wintem-
berg, 1931, pp. 10-11; 1939, p. 79), it has been my experience
to examine only one habitation site in Neutral territory that
yielded copper. This was in Lambton County about five miles
from Lake Huron on a peninsula of a former lake (now a
celery bed) whose outlet emptied into Lake Huron near the
present mouth of the Ausable River. The site was of consid-
erable age and there were only vestigial remains of carbon
and ash, flint chips, and at depths of 26 and 34 inches, a strip
of native copper and a copper nugget. In three instances cop-
per has been associated with human skeletal remains; in one
instance with stone artifacts.
On a series of sand dunes that borders the Thames River
for several miles through Lobo and Caradoc Townships,
Middlesex County, small pieces of cord-marked pottery are
picked up from time to time. It was in 1926 that I found
green-stained human bone fragments distributed over the
slope of one of these wind-eroded hills together with copper
beads, a copper disc, and a copper leaf-shaped projectile point.
Since that time, on the same sand ridge, I have found four
spheroidal beads and, on one occasion, a concentration of
seventeen tubular beads (Plate I, Nos. 2-5).
Testing in the area has brought no results. The field had
been cultivated over a period of some fifty to sixty years be-
fore wind and water erosion had denuded it of top-soil, and
the shifting sands of the previous twenty years had completely
dissipated any occupational debris or soil stain that may have
been present. Only fragmental bone remained, but sufficient
to establish that it had been a burial.
Copper Artifacts
22i>
O
ss~~F|i zi ar~Ti sir i it p
*-< ." . . - ...: MM!
PLATE I. ISOLATED FIND, BURIAL THAMES RIVER
1. Spear paint, with rat-tail tang. Angular shoulders with greatest
thickness of blade at centre, thinning to sharp edges. Smooth sur-
face, slight green mottling.
Blade, length: 5" Tang, length: 2M"
Width at base: IV*"
Thickness at centre: 3/16"
2. Projectile point, lanceolate shape with notched stem, median ridge
on both surfaces. Smooth, with faint mottling of green.
Point, length: 3" Stem, length: %"
greatest width: %" width: 7/16"
226 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 46, No. 4
3. Disc, circular, or ring, cut from extremely thin, flat sheet copper.
Edges have been ground. Smooth surfaces*
Diameter: 15/16th" Width of ring: 9/16"
4. Beads, four, of rolled copper; three are circular, one is plano-
convex. Fusion of the metal has been incomplete in the two larger
beads. Surfaces are smooth.
Circular beads, Plano-convex bead,
length: %", %", 7/16" length: 11/16"
diameter: %", 7/16", %" width: %"
5. Beads, seventeen, tubular. Considerable erosion in some instances.
Lengths: V&" to 1-9/16" Diameters: Vs" to 5/16"
In the same series of sand hills near Chatham, 50 miles west,
a burial with copper has been reported but no details are
known.
To the east, near the village of Dorchester, on a farm that
borders the south branch of the Thames, a copper projectile
point and a heavy copper celt were recovered from a sandy
knoll that from time to time yields flint arrow points and stone
tools (Plate II, Nos. 2,3).
Similar sand dunes extend along the banks of Kingman's
Creek, a tributary of the Thames River that flows from the
south to a juncture near the village of Delaware. There, an
Old Copper rat-tail tanged spear point (Plate I, No.| 1) was
picked up near Delaware, and a heavy copper celt, excellent
for barking trees, was found in a corn field near the village
of Lambeth (Plate II, No. 2). A third Old Copper find near
Dingman's Creek was a projectile point with serrated stem
(Plate II, No. 6).
Two copper objects came from high clay land to the north
of the Thames River a celt with medial V-shaped notched
poll from the banks of the Oxbow Creek, and a highly pol-
ished nugget found on the surface of a cultivated field near
Kilworth (Plate III, Nos. 3,4).
The Ausable River meanders for many miles through Lamb-
ton County, sometimes paralleling the shores of Lake Huron.
Toward its mouth at Port Franks, it flows through an area
of drift-sand hills and deep blowouts, interspersed with marshy
lowlands. Periodically it cuts new channels and causes ser-
ious floods. To divert the course of the river at flood seasons
a "cut" has been made some two miles from the lake.
Copper Artifacts
227
4
PLATE II. ISOLATED FINDS THAMES RIVER
1. Celt, or woodworking tool with slight curvature. The bit is convex
in shape. There is a tapering in width and thickness to the poll
which is battered as though used as an axe. Deep, rough graining
228 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 46, No.
extends lengthwise on all surfaces. Slight green mottling.
Length: 11%" Length of tapering
Width at Centre: W to bit: 2"
at bit: 1%" to poll: 4"
at poll: W Weight: 1 lb., 15 oz.
Depth at centre: W
2. Celt, rectangular in transverse section with expanding bit that is
convex in shape. Tapers slightly in width and depth to poll. Rough
surface with longitudinal ridges. Considerable green patination.
Length: 7" Width at center: 1"
Depth at centre: %" at bit: 1-11/16"
at poll: 3 4"
3. Spear point, side notched with expanding base. Edges bevelled on
both surfaces. Excellent workmanship, smooth surfaces. Slight
green mottling.
Blade, length: 5*4" bevelling: 3/16"
width at base: iVa" Stem, length: %"
thickness: Vs" width of base: %"
4. Awl, rectangular in section; single sharp point, oval base, sur-
faces smooth.
Length: 3%" Width at centre: 3/16" Thickness at centre: Vs"
5. Awl, square in section; single sharp point, square base with notch-
ing that indicates a binding or hafting. Smooth, green mottling.
Length: 2%" Width: 3/16"
6. Projectile point, with serrated stem. Teeth on one side are broken.
Blade has bevelling at edges on both surfaces. Surfaces are smooth
with several cuts made by a sharp instrument.
Blade, length. 2%" bevelling: V*"
width at base: iVs" Stem, length: 7/16"
The Ausable empties into Lake Huron near an outcrop of
chert at Ipperwash, where archeological investigations have
proven that an extensive flint industry was carried on by pre-
historic peoples (Jury, 1949). Near its mouth is the Burley
Site, for which a date of 2619 H 220 years was obtained
by the Institute of Nuclear Studies, Chicago, and where flint
chippings were discovered with Vinette I pottery (Jury, 1952).
About two miles beyond the Burley Site, on a shady slope
that rises above the "cut", a group of Boy Scouts recently
discovered a red ochre burial with mortuary gifts comprised
of 5 flint projectile points, 3 flint T-shape drills, a shell pen-
dant, 4 clam shells, an antler point, 3 bone darts, copper, and
41 galena cubes. The copper consisted of a small flat celt,
3 awls, and 2 tubular beads (Plate IV). A more detailed des-
cription of this find is under preparation.
In 1931 two awls with square and blunt bases were picked
up on a sandy field above the Ausable near the village of Syl-
Copper Artifacts
229
van, and reference has been made to copper related to a camp
site on the shores of a former lake in this district (Plate II,
Nos. 4,5; Plate III, Nos. 1,3).
PLATE III. THAMES RIVES AUSABLE RIVER
1. Copper strip irregularly cut, edges not ground, with numerous
marks made by a sharp instrument.
Length: 5V6" Width: %"
2. Copper nugget of irregular shape. Roughly 3" x 2 1 /*".
3. Celt, rectangular in transverse section with expanding bit ovate
in shape. There is a slight tapering and narrowing to poll. Medial
V-shape notch in poll. Fine graining extends lengthwise. Green
mottling.
230 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 46, No. 4
Length: 4-9/16" at poll: iVz"
Width at centre: Depth at centre: W
at bit: 2%" Notch: depth %", width *4"
4. Copper nugget, irregular in shape, resembling a leaf. Highly pol-
ished surfaces as though much carried.
Length: 2" Width: 1%" Thickness: >4"
Only two of the copper objects from the southernmost part
of the province were not related to the Thames or Ausable
waterways. A unique gorget with two holes was found in a
field above the shore of Lake Erie near Eagle, and a spatulate-
shape celt with grooved shank on the banks of the Grand
River near the city of Brantford (Plate V).
The third burial with copper occurred in Bruce County on
the shores of Lake Huron near Stokes Bay about 120 miles
north of the Ausable, where boys at play in a gravel pit
discovered human bones, stained green, intermixed with
three crescent-shaped copper ornaments (one with two per-
forations), a copper celt, 3 awls, an unidentifiable copper ob-
ject, and 17 thick rolled beads (Plate VI). The crescents are
very thin and could be only ornamental in use. Although only
one is perforated, a similarity in shape and size, and the fact
that the three were tightly compressed, as indicated by the
pattern of the patina, suggest that they were worn in a sim-
ilar manner, probably on the breast. No description of the
find could be obtained except that "the skeleton was in a sit-
ting position." The copper was donated to the University
Museum by a resident of the area who purchased it from the
boys.
Some 50 miles south of Stokes Bay near Lake Huron is the
Donaldson Site, reported by }. V. Wright of the National
Museum of Canada, where a few objects of native copper
were recovered, including a celt that resembles the celt from
the burial. This site, \Vright relates to the Burley Site, and to
the nearby Inverhuron Site excavated by Walter Kenyon
of the Royal Ontario Museum. He assigns them to the Sau-
geen Focus representing an early stage of the Middle Wood-
land Period. The estimated age of the Donaldson Site is 500
B. C. (Kenyon, 1959; Wright and Anderson, 1963).
In the Museum's total collection of copper objects, utilitarian
implements greatly outnumber ornamental pieces which, with
Copper Artifacts
231
rHFirHgr^
PLATE IV. PORT FRANKS RED OCHRE BURIAL
1. Beads, two, of rolled thin strips of sheet copper.
Length: %" and 5/16" Diameter: 3/16" and V*"
2. Celt, rectangular in transverse section, expanding slightly to bit
which was probably straight although considerably eroded. Rough
surfaces. Green.
Width, at centre: 1-1/16" Length: 2%"
at bit: IM" Depth at centre: %"
at poll: %"
3. Awl, deeply eroded, was probably square in section. Tapers to
one sharp point.
Length: 3-9/16" Width: 3/16"
232 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 46, No. 4
4. Awl, square, tapers more sharply to one end which may have
been hafted.
Length: 4-3/16" Width: 3/16"
5. Awl, square, tapering to one sharp point. Considerable erosion to-
ward opposite point.
Length: 5" Width: 3/16"
one exception, have been associated with burials- The gorget,
found near Lake Erie, could be included in Flaskerd's defin-
ition that: "Gorgets and pendants are usually flat and may be
irregular, square, round, rectangular or triangular in shape.
They have one or more holes or a notch on either side." (Flas-
kerd, 1940. p. 48.) The apparent notches in this gorget are
believed to be caused by imperfections in the material. A
description of a smaller, circular gorget with two perforations
is included in "Lake Superior Copper and the Indians." (Grif-
fin, Ed. 1961, p. 97.)
The disc (Plate VIII, No. 6) is more unusual. There is no
mention of discs in "The Old Copped Culture of Wisconsin,"
edited by Ritzenthaler in 1957, nor do they appear among the
traits of Adena and Hopewell in Webb and Snow. * Griffin
and Quimby describe thirteen discs from the McCollum site
in northern Ontario, none of them, however, of the "ring"
pattern of the Lobo disc. (Griffin, 1957. p. 97-8.)
Most of the utilitarian pieces appear similar to examples il-
lustrated and described in works on the Old Copper and later
cultures that include copper as a diagnostic trait. The spear
point from the Lobo burial resembles rat-tail points illustrated
by Quimby (1960, Fig. 25) and corresponds to Wittry's
Group I, C.
The three projectile points are stemmed. The two triangular
points have bevelled edges; one, a serrated stem. The leaf-
shaped point has marks of hafting on the stem. They are well-
fashioned, thin, with smooth surfaces, extremely sharp, and
are free from acid erosion. They are probably of Woodland
tradition rather than any earlier complex.
Two celts, rectangular in transverse section, with flat sur-
faces, and expanding to excurvate or ovate cutting edge celts
or axes classified as Hopewell types by Quimby (1957, Fig.
* Editor's note: Similar discs occur in Upper Mississippi sites in
Wisconsin.
Copper Artifacts
233
H:H
Sfl Ffi
I 1
m i
Imiillilttl
^ML
fi js"
PLATE V. ISOLATED FINDS
1. Gorget, flat with edges pounded and ground. Ovoid in shape with
one end rather pointed. Two circular perforations countersunk
from the same surface (shown in illustration), one slightly above
234 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 46, No. 4
and one slightly below the long axis of the object. This surface
was worn toward the body; the outer surface is considerably more
smooth and polished. Imperfections in the material cause breaks
on edges.
Length: 4-5/16" Width at centre: 1%"
Distance between perforations: 1V&" (centre to centre)
Diameter of perforations: 3/16" and Vs"
Weight: 2 oz. Vs
2. Spatulate-shape celt. Rectangular in transverse section at centre
of tool, expanding sharply to excurvate bit. Grooves on the two
broad surfaces taper to thin edge at base of tool. There is also
a slight narrowing at base. Surfaces are smooth. Considerable
green patination.
Length: 5-7/16" Depth, at centre: V 2 "
Width, at centre: 11/16" Grooves, length: 2V6"
at bit: 2V" width: Vfc"
at base: %"
36, R U). A celt of similar shape was found by "Wright on the
Donaldson Site (Wright 1963. Plate XXV). They are less
angular and more ovate at the bit than Wittry's Group VI,
C. A small adze from the red ochre burial probably had a
straight cutting edge; the original shape has been altered by
erosion, however.
The celt with medial V-shape notch resembles one found
by Ritchie at the Picton Site in Eastern Ontario. The cutting
edge, however, is more excurvate. The notch is more open
(Ritchie, 1949. Plate II).
One heavy, deeply grained celt corresponds to Wittry's
Group VI, D. A slightly curved celt, longer and narrower
than the Lambeth find, is in the Royal Ontario Museum and
was found near Fort William, north of Lake Superior. The
spatulate~shape adze is similar in outline to one of Wittry's
Group VIII, K.
The circular and rectangular awls from the Bruce burial
and the square awls from the red ochre burial are similar to
awls illustrated in the literature of the Old Copper Culture.
Two short awls, one with square base, one with blunt base,
resemble awls illustrated by Quimby (1960, Fig. 37, M, N)
as Hopewell tools, but which also occur in Old Copper.
In the absence of associated material it is impossible to iden-
tify the makers or the users of the copper. \Ve may assume
that from a very early period there was continual movement
both northward and southward along the shore of Lake Huron
and on the main waterways of the Southern Ontario penin-
Copper Artifacts 235
sula (Lee, 1959. pp. 89-90). It is apparent that a Woodland
people of relatively long time span resided in the area, who,
possibly through ancestral, probably through trade affiliations,
shared in a copper tradition with tribes to the west with
whom this was a somewhat stronger trait. The remote basis
of the tradition, as represented in this collection, may have
been the Old Copper Culture, but the impression is that later
influences were introduced from more than one, and indeed,
from widely separated centers.
Of a different history is the copper recovered in the area
that borders the southern shores of Georgian Bay. On July
8th, 1957, a rather spectacular find occurred during the exca-
vation of a prehistoric Huron site, the Forget Site, bv the
Summer School of Indian Archaeology of the Western Ontario
University. A copper cache of five socketed projectile points,
a rat-tail tanged spear point, two bifacial cutting tools, and
two awls were discovered near a line of palisade post molds
which traversed an extensive refuse dump (Plate VII, Nos.
2-11). Seventeen inches from the surface, bright green be-
gan to show through the blackened sandy soil. This being an
unusual development on a Huron dig, all other activities
ceased, and the greatest care was taken in noting the proveni-
ence of the cache and in the removal of the objects.
The refuse dump extended along a cut in the hillside caused
by a spring. It had been examined for a distance of twenty to
twenty-five feet on a thirty foot face, and since 1 957 has con-
tinued to yield prolific finds for an additional twenty feet. The
soil was blackened sand, interspersed with deposits of gray
and white ash, and carbon to a varying depth of 24 to 48
inches. In the 5-foot square where the copper appeared, were
the usual organic remains, pot sherds, pipe stems, and a gam-
ing stone, to a depth of 30 inches.
The copper lay in close proximity, blades pointing north, as
though at one time bound by a thong that had disintegrated.
There was a slight infiltration of sand between the objects.
At the same level, between the tanged knife which had fallen
to one side and the blades, was a specimen of Huron pottery.
These were undoubtedly highly prized tools, deposited at
the base of a palisade pole for safekeeping, for it is beyond
236 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 46, No. 4
PLATE VI. BRUCE COUNTY BURIAL
1. Beads, seventeen, made by rolling thin strips of copper. Generally
spheroidal in shape. Point of fusion is barely discernible in some
cases.
Lengths: %" to 5/16"
Copper Artifacts 237
2. Celt, rectangular in transverse section expanding to excurvate bit.
Rough and mottled green on one surface; opposite surface is bright
green with erosion toward poll.
Length: W Width, at centre: 1-7/16"
Depch at centre: 3/16" at bit: 1-13/16"
at poll: \W
3. Crescents, cut from very thin sheet copper. Green patination.
a. One point is broken, or cut, straight; the opposite point is diag-
onal. Edges eroded in places.
Distance between points: 7>i" Width at centre: 1-5/16"
b. Irregularly cut edges, points eroded.
Distance between points: S 1 /^" Width at centre: 1M"
c. I wo circu ar perforations have been countersunk in the approx-
imat" cent.***. Fonts are ovate in shape. The material is wavy
and there is considerable erosion toward one point.
Distance between points: 8%" Width, at centre: 1M"
at points: *4" & 5/16"
Distance between perforations: !%" (centre to centre)
Diameter of perforations: H"
4. Unidentified tool, rectangular in cross section, tapering in width
to ovate ends. Rough surfaces, with some erosion; green in color.
Length: 4-11/16" Width at centre: 7/16" Depth at centre: M"
5. Awl, circular, tapering to sharp points. Battered 1%" (or eroded),
below which it is bent slightly 1-7/8". Rough surface, green.
Length: 7" Diameter: M"
6. Awl, circular, tapering to sharp points. Rough surfaces, consider-
able patina.
Length: 5-3/16" Diameter: 3/16"
7. Awl, rectangular in section, tapering to sharp needle-like points.
One end appears to have been ha f ted but this may be the result
of erosion. Rough surfaces, green.
Length: 4-9/16" Width at centre: Vi" Thickness at centre: W
consideration that these valuable possessions would be tossed,
even by accident, into the village refuse pit.
Similar tanged spear points and a leaf-shaped socketed point
are illustrated by Quimby with tools of the Old Copper Cul-
ture (Quimby, 1960. Fig. 24,25). The Forget spear point,
however, has straight edges and a hooked tang, and the leaf-
shaped point has a closed round socket.
Four socketed points have been fashioned in the same gen-
eral pattern. They seem similar in shape to points from Man-
itoba, illustrated by Griffin (1961, Plate XXVIII). Edges are
straight, sockets are open, angular in section, and convex or
pointed at base. Two are well proportioned with pebbled sur-
faces and are light in weight. Two are heavy, with deep
ridging and considerable erosion. One weak shoulder sug-
gests knives as illustrated by Griffin (1961, Plate XXXI, 8, 9),
although this, in part, may be caused by erosion on the edges.
238 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 46, No. 4
The two bifacial cutting tools resemble flint knives but have
not been found in the literature dealing with copper artifacts.
They may be a variant of Wittry's Group I, K (Plate VII,
Nos. 8,9).
PLATE VII. FORGET SITE WYEBRIDGE
Copper Artifacts 239
1. Projectile point, socketed. Blade is flat on under surface; median
ridge on upper surface; one weak shoulder. Socket is angular,
open, with pointed base. Edges are dull and tip is blunt. This is
an extremely fine specimen of workmanship. Smooth surfaces
with longitudinal ridges on under surface.
Blade, length: 4%" opening:
width at base: 1" at base of blade: 5/16"
thickness at centre: M" at base of socket: J /4"
Socket, length: 2%" Weight: 4 oz.
width: %"
2. Spear point, rat-tail tang; median ridges, not quite centred. Par-
allel edges, very sharp, battered on either edge, iVs", commencing
%" and 1M" from base of blade. Tang has small hook at tip.
Smooth surface with faint mottling of green.
Blade, length: 5V 2 " Tang, length: 1%"
width at base: 1-1/16" width at base of blade: 5/16"
depth at centre: 3/16" Hook, depth: W
3. Projectile point, socketed. Under surface of blade is flat; upper
surface slightly convex; socket is angular and open. The base of
the socket is irregular from erosion but has probably been convex.
One weak shoulder gives the appearance of a knife. Tool is roughly
made, or, possibly incompleted or badly eroded. Deep longitudinal
ridging on surfaces.
Blade, length: 4^" Socket, length: 1%"
width at base: 1" width: 11/16"
thickness at centre: 3/16" opening: %"
4. Projectile point, socketed. Under surface of blade is flat, median
ridge on upper surface extended to base of socket. Tip is broken.
Socket is angular, open, and pointed at base. Light in weight,
pebbled surfaces. Similar in material and shape to No. 5.
Blade, length: 3M" Socket, length: 1%"
width at base: 3 4" width: 7/16" - 9/16"
opening: %"
5. Projectile point, socketed. Under surface is flat; median ridge on
upper surface. Edges of socket are eroded or broken. Base of
socket is convex. Upper surface of tool is pebbled; under surface
has deep longitudinal ridging, otherwise it is similar in shape and
material to No. 4.
Blade, length: 2%" Socket, length: 1"
width at base: 11/16" width: %"
thickness at centre: Vs"
6. Projectile point. Socket has been broken at base of blade. One
weak shoulder, possibly the result of battering or erosion. Flat
under surface, upper surface slightly convex. Deep longitudinal
ridging on both surfaces. Green.
Blade, length: 2^" thickness at centre: 3/16"
width at centre: %" Socket, width: Vz"
width at base: %"
7. Projectile point, socketed. Lanceolate in shape with round, closed
socket. Blade is flat, thinning to sharp edges. There is a longitu-
dinal break in the socket due to imperfections in the material.
Blade, length: 3" Socket, length: 1M"
greatest width: 1-3/16" diameter: 7/16"
thickness at centre: W
240 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 46, No. 4
8. Cutting tool, ellipsoidal in shape, with oval base. Flat surfaces
thinning to sharp cutting edges. There is no indication that this
tool was hafted. Deep ridges in metal and some erosion.
Length: 5*A" Thickness at centre: !/s" Width at centre: 13/16"
9. Cutting tool, ellipsoidal in shape with oval base. Flat surfaces
thinning to edges that are considerably eroded; no indication of
hafting. Deep ridges in material. Green.
Length: 3 3 4" Width at centre: 1" Thickness at centre: 3/16"
10. Awl, roughly circular, tapering to sharp ends. At one tip metal
did not fuse. Vs
Length: 5" Diameter: !4"
11. Awl, roughly circular, tapering to either end, one of which is bent
at %".
Length: 3-13/16" Diameter: 3/16"
Shortly after the cache find, a copper disc was discovered
between the inner and outer line of palisade post molds in the
north-west corner of the site. The only cord-marked pottery
found on the Forget Site was on the same level at a distance
of five feet- The disc is very thin, and perforated; and ap-
pears similar to discs found at the McCollum Site in the
Nipigon District of Ontario (Griffin, 1961. Plate XIX).
The following summer a fifth socketed blade was discov-
ered in the refuse dump, about 6 feet from the cache find, and
at a depth of 14 inches from the sod level. This is a heavy tool
(4 02. avoir.) similar in pattern to the cache knives flat
under surface, median ridge on upper surface, angular open
in workmanship and material. It suggests, in fact, a ceremonial
piece, the edges and point being quite blunt (Plate VII, No. 1 ).
\Ve continue to find copper on the Forget Site. One rolled
tubular bead, and five small pieces of irregularly cut native
copper have occurred in refuse dumps: a bead, a stemmed
arrowpoint, a conical shaped object, 10 small awls, or pins,
and small pieces of sheet copper of various shapes have been,
recovered from pits within the wall-lines of longhouses (Plate
VIII, Nos. 2-8). The fill of the pits was blackened sand inter-
mixed with midden refuse; in one case the fill was a concen-
tration of white and gray ash. One copper bead was found
in a firepit In no case was the copper loged at the edge or at
the base of a pit.
Probably the most interesting longhouse discovery was
four trianguloid strips of sheet copper in a pit that also yield-
Copper Artifacts 241
ed small potsherds, bone fragments, and two small stones. The
strips were tightly compressed. They were jaggedly cut and
could have been in preparation for the rolling of beads of
different lengths (Plate VIII, No. 1).
I
r 2
I
PLATE VIII, FORGET SITE WYEBRIDGE.
1. Copper strips, four, jagged, trianguloid in shape. Pattern of patin-
ation is the result of tight binding.
Length: 5V 8 " 4-11/16" 2-15/16" 2%"
Width: %" to 3/16" 9/16" to V" Vs" to 3/16 13/16 to VB"
2. Three strips, of irregular size and shape cut from thin sheet copper.
242 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 46, No. 4
3. Beads, two, tubular. Smaller bead is smooth and polished.
Lengths: 15/16" 7/16"
4. Ten small awls or pins.
(a) Circular, one point sharp, opposite point flattened. Rough
surface.
Length: 2-9/16" Diameter: VH"
(b) Plano-convex, lesion in under surface. One sharp point, one
blunt. Smooth polished surface.
Length: 1%" Width: y"
(c) Two, circular, straight, with one sharp point and square or
broken base. Rough surfaces.
Lengths: 1" %"" Diameters: 1/16" 1/16"
(d) One roughly circular, straight, one end blunt, one end square
or broken.
Length: 1V 8 " Diameter: W
(e) Five circular, bent, with one sharp point, and opposite end
square, blunt, or broken. One is open in centre.
Lengths: 1^" 1-1/16" %" 11/16" %"
Diameters: V" 1/16"
5. A cone-shaped object, fashioned by folding a thin strip of sheet
copper. The upper edge is bent outward, and the base of the cone
is open. A first impression is that this could have been the lining
of a pipe bowl. The open base, however, and the absence of burn-
ing makes this conjectural. Two perforations were made prior to
folding, as one of them is overlapped by the outer fold.
Depth: 13/16'' Diameter of mouth, outer edge: 15/16 inches
Diameter of base opening: 14" Diameter of perforations: V%"
6. Disc, circular, extremely thin with edges cut and ground. A single
perforation occurs Va" from edge. One face bears cuts of a sharp
instrument. Faint mottling.
Diameter: 1" Diameter of perforation: 1/16"
7. Projectile point, stemmed, extremely thin. Triangular in shape
with rabbit ears. Both surfaces are irregular from pounding. Edges
are cut and ground.
Blade, length: Ui" Stem, length: 5/16"
with at base: 15/16" 3/16"
The presence of the smaller, partially worked specimens
within the dwellings proves that the people living on the For-
get Site were not only in possession of copper, but that they
were engaged in fashioning it. \Vhat the relationship may be
between these rather slight pieces and the expertly manufac-
turd tools of ancient pattern found in the refuse dump is not
so easily resolved.
In recent excavations on Isle Royale and from a survey of
several archaeological collections from the island by the Na~
Copper Artifacts 24.3
tional Park Service and the Museum of Anthropology, at the
University of Michigan, there were found to be "some very
specific relationships to the Iroquois pottery of Southern On-
tario". 1
Decorated body sherds have been discovered on Isle Royale
that are similar to late prehistoric and historic Huron types,
although without the fully developed collars and castellations
of the later Huron pottery (Quimby, 1939. Plate II; Griffin,
1961, p. 1 1 ). A few specimens of Iroquois Linear, and Middle-
port Oblique patterns, both of which occur with some fre-
quency on the Forget Site, have been identified in the Isle
Royale Collections. T
The Huron Indians were extensive travelers and traders ad-
vancing far to the north and west to Lake Superior (Hunt,
1940. p. 55). 2 Influences of their northern Algonkian neigh-
bours are not unfrequently reflected on Huron sites. The tem-
poral origin of the Forget tools may be difficult to assess, but
it is logical to assume that they came to the Forget Site as a
result of the relationship of the inhabitants, or their ancestors,
with tribes to the northwest.
1 Correspondence with Mr. Tyler Bastian, the Museum of Anthro-
pology, the University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, Michigan, Decem-
ber 22, 1963.
2 A copper celt found some years ago in an ossuary in the town of
Midland is illustrated in the Ontario Archaeological Report, 1912,
p. 50.
244 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST
Vol. 46, No. 4
Western Ontario
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Flaskerd, George
1940 A Schedule of Classification, Comparison, and Nomenclature
for Copper Artifacts in Minnesota. The Minnesota Archeolo-
gist, Vol. VI, pp. 35-50. Minneapolis.
Griffin, J. B., Editor
1961 Lake Superior Copper and the Indians. Miscellaneous Studies
of Great Lakes Prehistory. University of Michigan, Museum
of Anthropology, Anthropological Papers, No. 17. Ann Arbor.
Copper Artifcats 245
Hunt, G. T.
1940 The Wars of the Iroquois. Madison.
Jury, Wilfrid
1949 Report on Prehistoric Flint Workshops at Port Franks, On-
tario. The University of Western Ontario, Museum Bulletin,
No. 8. London.
Jury, Wilfrid and Elsie McLeod
1952 The Burley Site. The University of Western Ontario, Museum
Bulletin, No. 9. London.
Kenyon, Walter
1957 The Inverhuron Site, Bruce County, Ontario. Royal Ontario
Museum, Art and Archaeology Division, Occasional Paper I.
Toronto.
Lee, T. E.
1959 An Archaeological Survey of South Western Ontario and Man-
itoulin Island. Pennsylvania Archaeologist, Vol. XXIX, No.
2, pp. 80-92. Milton.
Martin, P. S., Quimby, G. I., and Collier, Donald
1947 Indians before Columbus. Chicago.
McKera, W. C.
1942 First Settlers of Wisconsin. Wisconsin Magazine of History,
Vol. 25, pp. 153-69. Madison.
Ontario Provincial Museum
1896-7 Annual Archaeological Report, pp. 53-5. Toronto.
1912 Annual Archaeological Report, pp. 46-54. Toronto.
Popham, R. E. and Emerson, J. N.
1954 Manifestations of the Old Copper Industry in Ontario. Penn-
sylvania Archaeologist, Vol. 24, pp. 1-19. Milton.
Quimby, G. I.
1939 Aboriginal camp sites on Isle Royale, Michigan. American
Antiquity, vol. 4, No. 3, pp. 215-23. Menasha.
Ritchie, W. A.
1949 An Archaeological survey of the Trent Waterway in Ontario,
Canada. The New York State Archaeological Association, Re-
searches and Transactions, Vol. XII, No. I. Rochester.
1955 Recent Discoveries Suggesting an Early Woodland Burial Cult
in the North-east. New York State Museum and Science Ser-
vice, Circular 40. Albany.
Ritzenthaler, R. E.
1946 The Osceola Site an "Old Copper" site near Potosi, Wiscon-
sin. The Wisconsin Archeologist, Vol. 27, pp. 53-70. Milwaukee.
Ritzenthaler, R. E. and Wittry, W. L.
1952 The Oconto Site an old copper manifestation. The Wisconsin
Archeologist, Vol. 33, pp. 199-223. Milwaukee.
Ritzenthaler, R. E., et al.
1956 Reigh Site Report No. 3. The Wisconsin Archeologist, Vol.
37, pp. 97-129. Milwaukee.
Ritzenthaler, R. E., Editor
1957 The Old Copper Culture of Wisconsin. The Wisconsin Archeol-
ogist, Vol. 38, pp. 186-329. Milwaukee.
246 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 46, No. 4
Webb, W. S. and Snow, C. E.
1945 The Adena People. The University of Kentucky, Reports in
Anthropology and Archaeology, Vol. VI. Lexington.
Wintemberg, W. J.
1931 Distinguishing characteristics of Algonkian and Iroquoian Cul-
tures. __ational Museum of Conada, Annual Report for 1929.
Ottawa.
1939 Lawson Prehistoric Village Site, Middlesex County, Ontario.
National Museum of Canada, Bulletin No. 94. Ottawa.
Wittry, W. L. and Ritzenthaler, R. E.
1956 The Old Copper Complex: an archaic manifestation in Wis-
consin. American Antiquity, Vol. XXI, No. 3, pp. 244-54. Salt
Lake City.
Wittry, W. L.
1951 A Preliminary Study of the Old Copper Complex. The Wis-
consin Archeologist, Vol. 32, pp. 1-18. Milwaukee.
Wright, J. V. and Anderson, J. E.
1963 The Donaldson Site. National Museum of Canada, Bulletin
No. 184. Ottawa.
By
David A. Baerreis
and
THE BOOKSHELF Guest Reviewers
An Introduction to Prehistoric Archeology, by Frank Hole
and Robert F. Heizer. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Win-
ston, 1965. 316 pages, illustrations. $7.00.
Though we have indicated that the BOOKSHELF is pri-
marily concerned with presenting detailed evaluations of
studies pertaining to our region, this book is also one appro-
priate to our interests. Its title is somewhat misleading since
it deals with the methods of prehistoric archaeology rather
than with the substantive content of the field. As a general
account of how the archaeologist goes about his work in field
and laboratory and in the preparation of his reports, it is the
type of study that should be in the hands of every member
The Bookshelf 247
of the Wisconsin Archeological Society and in particular those
who are interested in participating in field work.
The book is divided into four parts, the first of which uses a
brief history of archaeology to illustrate the diversity of the
field and describes the various kinds of prehistoric sites that
may be found and indicates how they were formed. An im-
portant chapter in this section discusses the topic of context,
suggesting it is composed of three elements: space, time, and
culture. All sites have geographical context (context in space)
and the sites or the artifacts in them often can be dated (con-
text in time). For archaeology, cultural context consists of
repeated associations of artifacts in time and space and often,
using such techniques as stratigraphy, it is possible to estab-
lish that a particular assemblage of artifacts is not a mechan-
ical mixture of specimens but rather the remains left by a par-
ticular population. Hole and Heizer stress that it is the
knowledge of context which determines the extent to which
one can make interpretations about a body of specimens. Part
two of the book deals with how the facts of prehistory are ac-
quired. Chapters in this section deal with the site survey, ex-
cavation and recording, classification and description, and
technical analyses. Part three is concerned with the various
techniques of dating the events of prehistory and part four
with describing and interpreting prehistoric remains.
Considering the broad scope of the book, each of these sec-
tions is necessarily quite concise and terse. Yet for each topic
citations are given to more extended treatments so that more
than nine hundred references in the bibliography make the
book of value to the advanced student as well as to the be-
ginner. One may read the book with profit as a fascinating
introduction to archaeological methods and procedures and
the illustrative detail will be found to add considerable inter-
est to the narrative. Despite its concise and compact treat-
ment, it may be viewed as an essential reference book and
guide to archaeological literature on methodology.
One can hardly read this book without being impressed
anew with what a complex undertaking archaeological re-
search is, if it is to be conducted properly and important bits
248 WISCONSIN ARCHEOLOGIST Vol. 46, No. 4
of information essential for full interpretation are not to be
irretrievably lost. This is not to make the point that only
professional archaeologists should be engaged in archaeolog-
ical research. Obviously, sound professional training should
equip a person to do many of the operations required for
thorough archaelogical research but it can not equip even him
to do all of the essential tasks. Archaeological research to-
day requires the cooperation of specialists trained in a variety
of scientific disciplines and no single person can possibly
master all of the techniques that may be involved. Given this
situation, amateur and professional alike need to mobilize
when site excavation or site salvage is involved. In more
general discussions of aspects such context will serve to rein-
force the position argued many times in the pages of The
Wisconsin Archeologist, that clear and accurate numbering
of specimens in a collection and the maintenance of a per-
manent catalog in which the location and circumstances of a
find is recorded is of critical importance. Without such a
record a specimen is simply a curio perhaps not without
interest but certainly of limited value for archaeological re-
search. In brief, the book speaks to all of us as members of
a society dedicated to promoting archaeology and will serve
to remind us that we constantly need to learn more as to how
this should be accomplished.
BOOKS RECEIVED
MESOPOTAMIA, Jean-Claude Margueron. Archaeological
Mundi series, The ^Vorld Publishing Company, Cleve-
land and New York, 1965. Price $12.50.
PERSIA I, Jean-Louis Huot. Archaelogical Mundi series.
The World Publishing Company, Cleveland and New
York, 1965. Price $10.00.
MOST ANCIENT EGYPT, William C. Hayes. University
of Chicago Press, Chicago, Illinois, 1965. Price $5.00.
NORTH WALES, Katherine Watson, (Regional Archaeol-
ogy series), Cory, Adams & Mackay, 1965. London.
Price $3.75.
The Bookshelf 249
THE SEVERN BASIN, K. S. Painter, (Regional Archaeol-
ogy series), Cory, Adams & Mackay, 1965. London.
Price $3.75.
THEY FOUND THE BURIED CITIES, Robert Wauchope,
University of Chicago Press, 1965. Chicago. Price $7.50.
TUTANKHAMEN, Christine Desroches-Noblecourt, Dou-
bleday & Company, Inc., Garden City, New York, 1965.
Price $2.95.
YORKSHIRE, I. H. Longworth, (Regional Archaeology
series), Cory, Adams & Mackay, 1965. London. Price
$3.75.
STATEMENT OF OWNERSHIP, MANAGEMENT AND CIRCULATION
(Act of October 23, 1962; Section 4369, Title 39, United States Code)
Date of Filing: Sept. 7, 1965.
Title of Publication: Wisconsin Archeologist.
Frequency of Issue: Quarterly.
Location of known Office of Publication: Milwaukee Public Museum,
800 W. Wells St., Milwaukee, Wis.
Location of Headquarters or General Business Offices of Publish-
ers: Same.
Publisher: Leader Printing Co., Lake Mills, Wis.
Editor: Dr. Robert Ritzenthaler, Milwaukee Public Museum.
Managing Editor: Same.
Owner: The Wisconsin Archeological Society, Milwaukee Public
Museum.
Known Bondholders, Mortgagees, and other security holders own-
ing or holding 1 percent or more of total amount of Bonds, Mort-
gages or other securities: None.
Circulation: Not required for publications which do not carry ad-
vertising other than the publisher's own.
I certify that the statements made by me above are correct and
complete.
Robert Ritzentbaler, Editor.
COMMITTEES:
MEMBERSHIP COMMITTEE: J. K. Whaley, Chairman. Herman
Zander, Phillip H. Wiegand.
PUBLICITY: Dr. E. G. Bruder.
FRAUDULENT ARTIFACTS: J. K. Whaley, Chairman. Paul Scholz,
Martin Greenwald, Dr. Robert Ritzenthaler, Phillip H. Wiegand,
Neil Ostberg, Robert Hruska.
SURVEYING AND CODIFICATION: William M. Hurley, Chairman.
Ernest Schug, Paul Koeppler, Dr. E. G. Bruder, Tom Jackland,
George Fay, Darryl Beland.
EDITORIAL: Dr. Robert Ritzenthaler, Chairman. Dr. D. A. Baer-
reis, Dr. Lee Parsons, Dr. Joan Freeman.
PROGRAM: Dr. Robert Ritzenthaler, Chairman. Dr. E. G. Bruder,
Herman Zander, Mrs. P. H. Wiegand.
LAPHAM RESEARCH MEDAL COMMITTEE: Dr. Robert Ritzen-
thaler, Chairman. Dr. David A. Baerreis, Dr. E. G. Bruder,
H. W. Cornell, Charles Schoewe.
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(Meets second Tuesday, 7:45 P. M., State Historical Society,
October thru May)
President: William Hurley
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Treasurer: Joan Freeman
