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GIFT or
JANE K.SATHER

THE MAKERS OF CANADA

EDITED BY

DUNCAN CAMPBELL SCOTT, F.R.S.C, and
PELHAM EDGAR, Ph.D.

WOLFE AND MONTCALM

This work is limited to One Hundred and
Twenty Sets for the United Kingdom,
Signed and Numbered,

Number

THE MAKERS OF CANADA

WOLFE AND

MONTCALM

THE ABBE H. R. CASGRAIN

> ' > ' ' "

', > ■ i i > '

LONDON : T. C. k E. C. JACK

TORONTO : MORANG & CO., LIMITED
1905

0<£

CONTENTS

Page
INTRODUCTION ..... xiii

CHAPTER I

MONTCALM'S EARLY YEARS — HIS ARRIVAL AT

QUEBEC . . . . . l

CHAPTER II
PHYSIOGNOMY OF NEW FRANCE . . .15

CHAPTER III
THE CAMPAIGN OF 1756— THE TAKING OF OSWEGO 27

CHAPTER IV
CAMPAIGN OF 1757— TAKING OF WILLIAM HENRY . 37

CHAPTER V
THE CAMPAIGN OF 1758— BATTLE OF CARILLON . 53

CHAPTER VI
WOLFE ...... 65

CHAPTER VII

BATTLE OF THE PLAINS OF ABRAHAM— DEATH OF

WOLFE ..... 149

270956

CONTENTS

CHAPTER VIII Page

AFTER THE BATTLE— DEATH OF MONTCALM . 205

CHAPTER IX

THE VICTORY AT STE. FOY— SURRENDER OF CANADA

TO ENGLAND— CONCLUSION . . 241

NOTES . . . . . .275

CHRONOLOGICAL LIST OF IMPORTANT EVENTS . 281

INDEX . . . . . .287

MAP OF THE SIEGE OF QUEBEC, 1759 . Facing 149

INTRODUCTION

SINCE the manuscript of the Abbe Casgrain's
contribution to the " Makers of Canada" series
was received, several works bearing on the subject-
matter of this volume have been published1 which
throw a new light upon the campaign around which
has gathered such great debate.

Copies of documents which were either scattered
through many published works, or which were
practically hidden or inaccessible to the general
public, have lately been arranged and rendered
available for research and discussion. The interest
in this notable campaign can never cease, and it
is probable that although the general opinion may
become settled as years go by, historical students
may, for all time, continue to differ.

In justice, therefore, to the memory of the late
Abbe, who had not an opportunity of consulting
all these works before his death, it becomes our
duty to direct attention to several points at issue,
which briefly are as follows : (1) What credit does

1 Particular mention must be made of the following works : —

The Siege of Quebec and the Battle of the Plains of Abraham, by
A. G. Doughty in collaboration with G. W. Parmelee, six volumes,
Quebec, Dussault and Proulx, 1901.

The Fight for Canada, by William Wood, London, Archibald
Constable & Co., Ltd., 1904.

La Guerre de Sept Ans. Histoire Diplomatique et Militaire. Par
Richard Waddington. Tome III. Paris, Firmin-Didot et Cie, 1904.

xiii

WOLFE AND MONTCALM

Wolfe deserve for the successful operations of Sep-
tember 13th ? (2) Which official, upon the French
side, whether Montcalm, Vaudreuil or Bougainville,
must bear the onus and responsibility of defeat ?
And in this connection it is important to investi-
gate the relations which existed throughout the
siege between Montcalm and Vaudreuil, and to
attach, likewise, due importance to the statements
of those who defend Bougainville's conduct on the
day of defeat.

We are assured that the readers of this book will
find their interest in the narrative deepened by very
reason of the strength of the author's convictions,
and it is in order that these strong convictions may
not give the book an undue tincture of prejudice
that we have thought it proper to embody in the
introduction views that are not infrequently at
variance with those which the Abbe Casgrain has
so ably expressed. Disputed matters which admit
of brief reference are treated in the notes at the
end of the volume.

DID WOLFE ORIGINATE THE FINAL PLAN?

A brief survey of the facts will assist our inquiry.
Before the actual siege began, Wolfe had imagined
that he could effect a landing on the Beauport shore,
and force a crossing of the St. Charles River (pp.
77 and 96). Montcalm, however, forestalled this
movement by erecting powerful defences between
the St. Charles and the Montmorency. Consequently
xiv

INTRODUCTION

Wolfe first made his position secure in the Island of
Orleans, then established siege batteries at Pointe
Levis, and, on July 9th, with the remainder of his
forces, occupied in strength the left bank of the
Montmorency at its mouth. He has been criti-
cized for thus dividing his forces, but the disposi-
tion was a wise one, at least until it had been dis-
covered that ships could pass above the town. The
Island of Orleans was a convenient position for
a hospital and stores ; from the Levis batteries he
could perpetually harass the town ; and from his
Montmorency camp he was in a position to threaten
the enemy's left. Moreover Wolfe's avowed object
was to tempt his enemy to assume the offensive,
and in a conversation with some French prisoners
he expressed his surprise that Montcalm, in spite of
the opportunities afforded, had not attacked him.

On July 18th Wolfe reconnoitred the north shore
above Quebec, and some vessels succeeded in forcing
their way up the river in spite of the town batteries.
These movements so alarmed the French that they
anticipated an attack from above the town, and
Dumas, with five hundred Canadians, was des-
patched to L'Anse du Foulon to oppose a land-
ing there.

Wolfe had such a capacity for, keeping his own
counsel that it is impossible to determine whether
at this early date he contemplated extensive opera-
tions above the town. Suffice it to say that in spite
of various reconnaissances up the river, and in spite

WOLFE AND MONTCALM

of the further fact that a considerable portion of the
fleet succeeded in passing the town batteries with-
out serious damage, Wolfe persisted in occupying
his position at the Montmorency for a whole month
after the disastrous affair of July 31st. Must we not
infer that his reconnaissances above the town, of
July 18th and July 21st, convinced him of the
almost insuperable difficulty of effecting a landing
in force in that direction ? This is clearly borne out
by reference to Wolfe's despatch to Pitt under date
of September 2nd, in which he details the opera-
tions of his forces between June 26th and the battle
of Montmorency (July 31st). " The 18th of July two
men-of-war, two armed sloops, and two transports
with some troops on board, passed by the town with-
out any loss, and got into the upper river. This
enabled me to reconnoitre the country above, where
I found the same attention on the enemy's side, and
great difficulties on ours, arising from the nature of
the ground, and the obstacles to our communica-
tion with the fleet. But what I feared most was
that, if we should land between the town and the
river Cap Rouge, the body first landed could not
be reinforced before they were attacked by the
enemy's whole army. Notwithstanding these diffi-
culties, I thought once of attempting it at St.
Michael's, about three miles above the town ; but,
perceiving that the enemy, jealous of this design,
were preparing against it, and had actually brought
artillery and a mortar, which, being so near to
xvi

INTRODUCTION

Quebec, they could increase as they pleased, to play
upon the shipping, and as it must have been many
hours before we could attack them, even supposing
a favourable night for the boats to pass the town
unhurt, it seemed so hazardous that I thought it
best to desist."

Wolfe's defeat at Montmorency again turned his
thoughts above the town. On August 5th Murray
was placed in charge of twelve hundred men to
operate up the river, and Bougainville was detached
by Montcalm to watch his movements. Murray was
only partially successful in his expedition, and re-
turned to the main army on the twenty-fifth. On
August 20th Wolfe wrote to Monckton comment-
ing adversely upon Murray's prolonged stay above
Quebec : " Murray, by his long stay above and by
detaining all our boats, is actually master of the
operations, or rather puts an entire stop to them."
These complaints were reiterated on August 22nd,
and on the twenty-fourth he ordered rockets to be
thrown up as a signal for Murray's recall.

Due weight should be given (in dealing with the
evidence) to the letter to Admiral Saunders (see
"Siege of Quebec," vol. ii, p. 154) : "My ill state
of health," writes Wolfe, " hinders me from execut-
ing my own plan ; it is of too desperate a nature
to order others to execute. The generals seem
to think alike as to the operations. I, therefore,
join with them, and perhaps we may find some
opportunity to strike a blow." What was his own

xvii

WOLFE AND MONTCALM

desperate plan ? Probably that carried out on the
thirteenth.

We now come to Wolfe's famous letter of Aug-
ust 29th to the brigadiers (pp. 154-5). In this letter
no suggestion is made as to the possibility of an attack
above the town. Of the three alternatives suggested
all were concerned with operations in the neigh-
bourhood of Beauport and the Montmorency, and
the brigadiers, in their reply of August 30th, firmly
rejected each proposal. After stating their objections
the brigadiers continue: "We, therefore, are of
opinion that the most probable method of striking
an effectual blow is by bringing the troops to the
south shore, and directing our operations above the
town. When we have established ourselves on the
north shore, of which there is very little doubt, the
Marquis de Montcalm must fight us upon our own
terms, we are between him and his provisions, and be-
twixt him and the French army opposing General
Amherst. If he gives us battle, and we defeat him,
Quebec must be ours, and, which is more, all Canada
must submit to His Majesty's arms."

The matter now resolves itself into a mere ques-
tion of fact. Wolfe had recognized the seeming im-
practicability of a descent in force above the town.
When the brigadiers made their forceful recom-
mendation he accepted their proposal, and then vig-
orously formulated his own plans independently of
all advice. The brigadiers had in view a landing at
some spot about twelve miles above the town, and
xviii

INTRODUCTION

on September 8th expected that Pointe-aux-Trem-
bles, twenty miles above Quebec, would be selected.
Wolfe, in his reconnaissance of September 10th, de-
cided for valid reasons that the Anse du Foulon (less
than two miles from Quebec) was the only suitable
place, and with extraordinary ability he planned
every detail of the subsequent operations. Surely
there is enough glory in this to satisfy his most ex-
acting admirers !

Dr. Doughty and Major Wood accord the whole
merit of the enterprise to Wolfe and the coopera-
ting fleet which was really acting under his orders.
The Abbe' Casgrain inclines to attribute the suc-
cessful issue of the operations to sheer good luck,
abetted by the incompetency of Bougainville. Wolfe
had good luck, it is true, but the good luck which
accompanies excellent strategy. His knowledge was
complete on several points, thanks in part to the
information gleaned from deserters, and partly to
his own skilled observation. He knew that the Anse
du Foulon was guarded by an incompetent officer
with an inefficient force. He appears to have known
that the Guyenne regiment was not on the Heights
of Abraham. He knew that Bougainville, with the
flower of the French army, had been detached to
watch the movements of the fleet as far as Jacques
Cartier if necessary. And finally he knew that Mont-
calm in the Beauport camp was in hourly expecta-
tion of attack. With these trumps in his hands he
played his cards to perfection. Montcalm and the

xix

WOLFE AND MONTCALM

town were kept in constant suspense by the opera-
tions of Saunders ; and Holmes's squadron was
employed to keep Bougainville beyond striking
distance.

Dr. Doughty attaches much importance to two
letters of September 12th as establishing Wolfe's
claim to the initiative in the battle of the following
day. The first is from the three brigadiers request-
ing precise information as to the place or places they
were expected to attack on the morrow. They say :
" We must beg leave to request of you as distinct
orders as the nature of the thing will admit of,
particularly of the place or places, we are to attack.
This circumstance (perhaps very decisive) we can-
not learn from the public orders, neither may it be
in the power of the naval officer who leads the
troops to instruct us." Wolfe replies at half-past
eight on the same day from the Sutherland. There
is some asperity in the communication : " It is not
a usual thing to point out in the public orders the
direct spot of our attack, nor for any inferior officers
not charged with a particular duty to ask instruc-
tions upon that point. I had the honour to inform
you to-day that it is my duty to attack the French
army. To the best of my knowledge and abilities I
have fixed upon that spot where we can act with
the most force, and are most likely to succeed. If
I am mistaken I am sorry for it, and must be
answerable to His Majesty and the public for the
consequence."
xx

INTRODUCTION

Taking this letter into consideration with the re-
mainder of the evidence the conclusion to be drawn
is obvious — namely, that from the moment when he
selected the Foulon as the objective point of his
attack (September 10th) Wolfe organized and
executed the operations upon his own initiative
and upon his own responsibility. Before the receipt
of the letter from the brigadiers (August 30th) he
had abandoned all hope of a successful landing in
force above the town. The subsequent conduct of
the campaign is stamped with the outstanding and
singular qualities of his marvellous genius.

THE RELATIONS BETWEEN MONTCALM AND
VAUDREUIL

Granted two temperaments so opposed, a conflict
of opinion was probable ; and granted the anomalous
conditions under which Montcalm and Vaudreuil
held office, a clash of authority was inevitable.
Montcalm was impulsive and irascible, Vaudreuil
was vacillating and suspicious; Montcalm had all
the knowledge and Vaudreuil all the power. With
such discord within and a watchful enemy at her
gates, the doom of Canada was sealed. Wolfe might
have failed, but another year must have seen the
passing of France's dominion in the New World.

The author has given sufficient indication of
Montcalm's brilliant qualities, and has not con-
cealed altogether the unfavourable aspects of Vau-
dreuil's character (see pp. 28, 29, 81, 215, 227, 228).

xxi

WOLFE AND MONTCALM

But, like all French-Canadian writers, he is loyal to
the province, and seeks when possible to shield
Vaudreuil, the Canadian-born governor, behind the
alleged errors of Montcalm, the French commander.
A careful examination of the material that has come
to light within the brief interval which has elapsed
since the present book was written has convinced
the editors that it is no longer possible to defend
Vaudreuil at the expense of Montcalm and Bou-
gainville, and we are persuaded that if the Abbe
Casgrain had been spared to study the evid-
ence now available he would have been led to
modify the views of which he was so conspicuous
an advocate.

Vaudreuil in spite of his tolerance of Bigot and
his crew of bandits has never been accused of per-
sonal dishonesty. He was at the worst a meddle-
some blunderer, a Polonius redivivus thrust into a
position of authority at a crisis when his country
required all the qualities of firmness, tact, and
moderation in which he was wanting. Like all weak
men he was eager to display his strength, and it
was a jealous regard for his own reputation which
constantly led him to belittle and even to malign
Montcalm to the home authorities. Parkman,
with the incomplete evidence at his disposal had
already divined Vaudreuil's character with his
customary discernment : " He had not the force
of character which his position demanded, lacked
decision in times of crisis ; and though tenacious of
xxii

INTRODUCTION

authority was more jealous in asserting than self-
reliant in exercising it. One of his traits was a sensi-
tive egotism, which made him forward to proclaim
his own part in every success, and to throw on
others the burden of every failure."

Vaudreuil's instructions to Montcalm throughout
the campaign were so formulated as to forestall all
possibility of blame directed against himself in case
of disaster, and his reports after the event usually
implied that all the credit of victory was his.
Thus, after the capture of Oswego, to whose
fall he had at least contributed by initiating the
design, he writes in his accustomed strain : " The
measures I took assured our victory in spite of
opposition. If I had been less vigilant and firm,
Oswego would still be in the hands of the Eng-
lish." The contemptuous tone which Montcalm
habitually assumed in his references to the colonial
troops affords some palliation for Vaudreuil's ex-
cessive praise of the Canadians in which no small
measure of self-laudation was involved. Montcalm,
in detailing the events, writes on August 28th,
1756: "I have usefully employed them (the colonial
officers) and the militia of the country, not, however,
at any work exposed to the enemy's fire. It is a
troop knowing neither discipline nor subordination."

It does not require a close reading between the
lines to understand how a man of Vaudreuil's sus-
picious temper would resent Montcalm's unaffected
contempt of the Canadians, and, on the other hand,

xxiii

WOLFE AND MONTCALM

the source of Montcalm's grievance is no less appar-
ent. But Vaudreuil's weakness shows itself most
glaringly when we consider the events of the siege,
and more especially the episode of the final battle
and the subsequent evacuation.

If blame can be attached either to Montcalm or
Vaudreuil for not defending the Traverse, through
which Saunders' fleet was permitted to sail un-
opposed, it probably may be equally divided. But
it should be remembered that for many years
the French had considered the channel impass-
able for vessels of two hundred tons and over,
and to this false confidence in natural obstruc-
tions might be attributed what now seems a serious
oversight.

But it was in spite of Montcalm's vigorous pro-
test that Vaudreuil neglected to occupy the heights
of Levis, with such disastrous results to the town.
Passing now to the complicated events of the final
Battle of the Plains an unprejudiced interpretation
of the facts must compel us to attach to Vaudreuil
no small share of the responsibility for defeat. His
advocates, and these include both the Abbe* Cas-
grain and Vaudreuil himself, hold that the day was
lost owing chiefly to the precipitancy of Montcalm's
attack. To this main cause our author adds Bou-
gainville's dilatoriness, the withdrawal of the Guy-
enne regiment from the Heights of Abraham and
the worthlessness of Vergor, for whose appointment
he seems inclined to blame de Bougainville. We
xxiv

INTRODUCTION

wish to present within brief compass the important
evidence on these points.

I THE PRECIPITANCY OF MONTCALM'S ATTACK

Vaudreuil's letter to Levis in which he blames
Montcalm for the precipitancy of his attack is given
on pp. 212, 213 of the present volume, and on p.
194 the author comments upon the same matter.
His argument has much force, but it is in a measure
offset by the following facts: (1) Montcalm held a
council of war before attacking, and no officer pro-
posed deferring the attack, (p. 195) ; (2) His troops
were full of enthusiasm, and would brook no delay ;
(3) The English would utilize every moment to
strengthen their position ; (4) Montcalm was un-
aware that Wolfe had such a large force ready to
engage, and feared that each hour would add to his
numbers. We may state here that Montcalm did
not feel that he could rely upon any aid from the
direction of the Beauport camp. He had sent there
to summon the whole left wing to the front, but
Vaudreuil had countermanded his order.

ii — Bougainville's dilatoriness

It will be remembered that when Vaudreuil re-
ceived from Bernetz a confirmatory report of the
English landing he despatched Montcalm with one
hundred men to resist the attack, and sat down to
compose a letter to Bougainville, under the impres-
sion that the latter was at Cap Rouge. The truth is

XXV

WOLFE AND MONTCALM

that Bougainville, in pursuance of his instructions
always to keep above the English fleet, had followed
the ships on the night of September 12th as far as
Pointe-aux-Trembles, twenty miles above Quebec.
It was when Bougainville was returning towards
Cap Rouge at nine o'clock in the morning that he
received word from Vaudreuil's courier of the land-
ing of the British troops. The Abbe' Casgrain says
that according to Bougainville's own admission in
his letter to Bourlamaque he learned the news as
early as eight o'clock. M. Rene de Kerallain in " La
Jeunesse de Bougainville " says that in a memoir
written in the camp at Lorette on September 21st
Bougainville substitutes nine o'clock as the hour.
With this estimate Dr. Doughty and Major Wood,
with the memoir before them, concur. Bougainville
then made a forced march from Cap Rouge over
bad roads to the scene of action, seven miles dis-
tant. His advance guard reached the battle-ground
in about two hours, and Bougainville sent a detach-
ment to take the Samos battery. Here he was re-
pulsed, and after attacking Townshend's rear was
forced to retreat, though in good order, to L'An-
cienne Lorette. The main battle had long since
been decided.

Ill — THE WITHDRAWAL OF THE GUYENNE REGI-
MENT FROM THE PLAINS OF ABRAHAM

Neither Bougainville nor Montcalm, but Vau-
dreuil alone, must bear the responsibility for this
xxvi

INTRODUCTION

action. Dr. Doughty and M. Kerallain (op. cit.)
both argue successfully to establish the fact, but
Major Wood has advanced the documentary evi-
dence which we take the liberty of quoting : " The
documentary evidence proving that Montcalm was
thwarted by Vaudreuil in his attempt to protect the
Heights and Plains of Abraham by posting this
regiment there on the fifth is to be found in Mr.
Doughty 's work. But the evidence for Montcalm's
order on the twelfth (namely for the regiment to
proceed to the Foulon) is to be found in a journal
discovered in the archbishop's palace in Quebec —
and printed in the April and May numbers of the
Bulletin des Recherches Historiques, Vol. IX,
No. 5, p. 139. It is a verbatim reprint of the entry
for September 12th, 1759, in the journal of Jean
Felix Richer, cure* of Quebec : ■ Order given by M.
de Montcalm to the battalion of Guyenne to go and
camp at the Foulon, afterwards revoked by M. de
Vaudreuil, saying, we shall see about that to-
morrow.' "

IV VERGOR AT l'aNSE DU FOULON

No one disputes the worthlessness of Vergor.
His treachery even has been hinted at. The Abbe'
Casgrain implies (p. 178) that Bougainville was
partially responsible for his presence at the Foulon
as commanding officer, and takes Bougainville to
task for neglecting Vaudreuil's order to reinforce
the post by fifty of Repentigny's men. However,

xxvii

WOLFE AND MONTCALM

we are certain that Vergor was in command at the
Foulon with the full knowledge of both Vaudreuil
and Montcalm. With reference to the second point
we need only say that Vaudreuil had intended
to despatch five hundred of Repentigny's men
to the assistance of Bougainville. The latter was
to despatch fifty of these to reinforce the Foulon.
The men were not sent owing to the scarcity of
provisions.

THE EDITORS.

xxvm

JUrH&alfc

CHAPTER I

MONTCALM'S EARLY YEARS1— HIS ARRIVAL
AT QUEBEC

ON March 14th, 1756, General the Marquis
of Montcalm descended the grand staircase
of the palace at Versailles, where he had just re-
ceived his final orders from the king, Louis XV.
He was leaving for Canada, where he went to
replace the Baron de Dieskau, who had been taken
prisoner the year before at the unfortunate affair of
Lake St. Sacrament, better known as Lake George.
The prince, to whom the Marquis of Montcalm
had been recommended as one of the most brilliant
officers of his army, had raised him to the dignity
of major-general and appointed him commandant
of the troops that he was sending to carry on the
war in New France.

The general left Versailles the following day for
Brest, accompanied by his leading aide-de-camp,
M. de Bougainville, a young man then but little
known, but who was destined to make himself
famous, later on, by his travels around the world.

Montcalm was full of hope and joy when he left ;
for the king, as the finishing touch of his goodness,
had named his son, who was barely seventeen years

1 Minute details regarding the life of Montcalm may be found in
the Abbe Casgrain's Montcalm and Levis, of which a second edition
is now on sale in Quebec.

WOLFE AND MONTCALM

of age, colonel of a regiment of cavalry. The happy
father hastened to convey the good news to his
wife and his mother, informing them at the same
time that he had gone with his son to thank the
king and to present the young colonel to the mem-
bers of the royal family.

The journey through Brittany was a pleasant
one, thanks to the influence of the first fine days of
spring which had opened the buds of the trees and
clad the hillsides once more in green. At Brest
Montcalm found awaiting him all the members of
his establishment who had preceded him, and his
second aide-de-camp, M. de la Rochebeaucour "a
man of quality, a native of Poitou and a lieutenant
in Montcalm's regiment of cavalry." He was joined
shortly afterwards by his third aide-de-camp, M.
Marcel, sergeant in the regiment of Flanders, pro-
moted to the rank of an officer.

There lived at Brest at this time a man of the
highest integrity in the person of M. Hocquart.
He had held the office of intendant in Canada, and
gave a warm welcome to Montcalm and to the
superior officers who accompanied him. In the
salon of Madame Hocquart was one with whom
Montcalm formed the first link of a friendship that
was never broken. This was the Chevalier de Levis,
who had arrived at Brest the day before, and who
had been appointed second in command under Mont-
calm with the rank of brigadier. From that time
forth nobody possessed the confidence of Montcalm

MONTCALM'S ANCESTRY

to the same extent as Levis. He was his most
intimate friend, his adviser, and the custodian of
all his secrets. Montcalm's correspondence with
him, recently discovered, reveals the fact that he
recognized him as a master of military art. Though
they differed in their fortunes they were the last
defenders of a lost cause, and around them clust-
ered the closing glories of the French arms in
America.

Louis-Joseph, marquis de Montcalm, seigneur
de Saint- Veran, was born on February 29th, 1712,
at the chateau of Candiac, near Nimes. He came
of an old family originally from Rouergue. His
ancestors, for many generations, had gained lustre
upon the field of battle. The people of the country
were in the habit of saying that war was the tomb
of the Montcalms.

The marquise de Saint- V^ran, ne'e Marie-
Therese de Lauris de Castellane, mother of Louis-
Joseph, was a woman of eminent character and of
a piety more eminent still. She had converted to
Catholicism her husband, who was born of Hugue-
not parents, and she had exercised an extraordinary
influence over her son. If the principles with which
she inspired him did not preserve him from all
errors in this century of impiety and debauchery
they produced upon him an impression which was
never effaced and which governed the whole course
of his future life.

Montcalm's early childhood was spent at Roque-

WOLFE AND MONTCALM

maure with his maternal grandmother, Madame de
Vaux, who, like all grandmothers, spoilt him a little,
in consequence of which and of his delicate health,
he tells us that in 1718 he had not yet learned to
read. He was then confided to the care of M. Louis
Dumas, his uncle de la main gauche, an original
genius, who had both the good qualities and the
faults of a savant and a pedagogue. He was the in-
ventor of a new system of teaching which, it is said,
he applied for the first time to his pupil.

Louis- Joseph, in spite of frequent revolts against
the system of his harsh master made rapid progress
in the study of Latin, Greek and history, thanks to
a good memory and a bright intelligence. When
barely fourteen years of age he followed the tradi-
tions of his family and joined the army, but with-
out abandoning his course of study. His career re-
quired him to be a man of action, and he had a
special taste and aptitude for it. He was a soldier
of the old school, devoting considerable time to
study, even in camp. He wrote from the army
to his father in 1734 : — " I am learning German
. . . and I am reading more Greek, thanks to my
present solitude, than I have read for three or four
years."

Montcalm received his baptism of fire under the
walls of Kehl (1733), and did not belie the bravery
of his ancestors. The following year he took part in
the taking of Philippsbourg, where he saw the old
Marshal of Berwick, victorious like Turenne, struck
4

HOME LIFE

down like him by a bullet. The death of his father
brought the young officer back to the paternal
chateau, to dear Candiac, now his own property.

Only the half of the chateau de Candiac now re-
mains, but its stern magnitude is still imposing.
Surrounded by fruit trees it dominates the undu-
lating and solitary country that stretches away from
it to the horizon. It was there, under the sunny sky
of Provence, among the plantations of olives and of
almond trees which he cultivated, that the future
hero of Canada spent the few years of peace and
happiness that were allotted him. It was there that
he took his young wife, whose family, by a strange
coincidence, had already had relations with Canada.
Her grand uncle, the Intendant Talon, had founded
the royal administration there. Angelique-Louise
Talon du Boulay, whom Montcalm had married in
1736, had brought him some means without making
him rich. The marchioness was more the equal of
her husband by the qualities of heart than by reason
of intelligence, and she was as tender a wife as she
was a devoted mother. They had ten children, of
whom six survived ; two boys and four girls. Mont-
calm was eminently a family man, and was deeply
attached to this corner of France, where he found
all the pleasures that he loved in the companionship
of his mother, his wife, and his little children. In
fact he enjoyed the feudal existence and all its
charms. And later, when exiled from them a dis-
tance of fifteen hundred leagues, in the depths of

WOLFE AND MONTCALM

the American forests, we shall often hear him sigh-
ing, " When shall I see again the motherland ?
When, again, shall I see my dear Candiac ?"

During the long and frequent absences neces-
sitated by his military services, his mind was much
occupied with the future of his young family.
Then, in the spirit of that faith that came to him
from his mother, he asked God, — as he himself has
written, — to preserve them all and to prosper them
both in this world and in the other. " It is a good
deal," he added, " for a modest fortune, and especi-
ally with four daughters, but does God ever leave
his children in want ? "

u Aux petits des oiseaux il donne la pature,
Et sa bonte s'etend sur toute la nature."

During the war of the Austrian succession Mont-
calm had accompanied his regiment into Bohemia,
and had had his share in the sufferings of the
French army. Later, in Canada, he will recall to
his soldiers the famine that they had to endure in
that terrible campaign, and he will write to Levis :
(1757) "The times are going to be harder in some
respects than at Prague . . . Accustomed to adapt
myself to whatever happens, and having already
given proof of this at Prague, I am not worrying
now about what is going to happen."

Montcalm was colonel of the Auxerrois Regiment

of infantry during the Italian campaign \17 4*6)

where he narrowly escaped terminating his career.

Taken prisoner while bleeding upon the field of

MONTCALM PROMOTED

battle, after the defeat of the French before Plais-
ance, he wrote to his mother : "Yesterday we had
a most vexatious experience. A number of officers,
generals and colonels were killed or wounded. I am
amongst the latter with five sabre cuts. Fortunately,
none of them are dangerous, I am assured, and I
am inclined to believe it because of the strength
that I still retain, notwithstanding that I lost a
good deal of blood, having had an artery severed.
My regiment, which I had twice rallied, is anni-
hilated."

Promoted to the grade of brigadier on his return
to France, he was again severely cut up in a gorge
of the Alps, where the brother of Mardchal de Belle
Isle went madly to his death with four thousand
French soldiers. The two new wounds that Mont-
calm received in this action gained him the con-
gratulations of the king, the grade of commander,
and the command of a new regiment of cavalry, to
which his own name was given.

The peace of Aix-la-Chapelle (1748) brought
him a few years of rest, the last that he was des-
tined to pass at the chateau of Candiac. We find
him in February, 1756, reading to his mother and
to his wife the following letter which had been
addressed to him by the keeper of the seals : —
" At Versailles, January 25th, Midnight.

"Perhaps you have given up waiting, sir, for
news from me on the subject of the last conver-
sation which I had with you on the day that you

WOLFE AND MONTCALM

came to say adieu to me in Paris. I have not, how-
ever, lost sight for a single instant, since that time,
of the overture that I then made to you, and it
is with the greatest pleasure that I now tell you
of its success. The choice of the king has fallen
upon you for the command of his troops in North
America, and he will honour you on the occasion
of your departure with the rank of major-general

" D'Argenson."

The reading of this letter threw into despair the
Marchioness of Montcalm, whose timid and retiring
disposition restrained her from rising, without great
difficulty, above considerations of the family circle.
She would never be able to consent to her husband's
departure upon so distant an expedition. The
Marchioness of Saint- V^ran, on the contrary, strong
as a Roman matron, although crushed with sorrow,
advised her son to accept the post of honour and
of confidence that had been offered him by his
sovereign. The Marchioness of Montcalm never
forgave her mother-in-law for this counsel, and re-
proached her, later, with the death of her husband.

At Brest Montcalm had met in the person of the
Chevalier de Levis, a companion-in-arms who had
been with him upon more than one field of battle.
Gaston-Francois de LeVis was, like Montcalm,
originally from Languedoc. He was born on August
23rd, 1720, at the chateau of Azac, one of the oldest
houses of France. In the third crusade Philippe de
LeVis accompanied the king, Philip-Augustus, to
8

THE CHEVALIER DE LEVIS

the Holy Land. Two members of this family, Henri
de Le'vis, due de Ventadour and Francois-Christo-
phe de LeVis, due de Damville had been viceroys
of New France (1625 and 1644). From the age of
fourteen years the Chevalier de Le'vis had borne
arms, and gave evidence of the possession of talents
as solid as they were brilliant. The regiment of the
marine, of which he was a lieutenant, fought at the
affair of Clausen. Young Le'vis was brought into
prominence by a bravery and a coolness surprising
for his age, and obtained a promotion. It is said
that it was during the Bohemian campaign that
Montcalm and he met for the first time. Le'vis,
wounded in the thigh by a fragment of a shell
at the siege of Prague was probably amongst the
invalids left in that city in charge of the heroic
Chevert.

He sustained a stubborn fight on the bank of the
Mein at the head of a detachment of a hundred
men, and assisted at the battle of Dettingen (June
27th, 1743). The losses that the regiment of the
marine sustained in this battle prevented him from
continuing in the campaign, and he returned to
France. Shortly afterwards he joined the army of
Haute- Alsace, under command of the mare'chal de
Coigny. Here he distinguished himself no less than
he had done in the preceding campaigns.

In 1745 he served under the Prince of Conti,
and was at the passage of the Rhine. In the fol-
lowing year he accompanied his regiment which

WOLFE AND MONTCALM

was despatched upon Nice to defend the frontiers
of Provence. Named adjutant of the army in Italy
in 1747 he distinguished himself at the sieges of
Montalban, of Valencia, of Cazal, of Villefranche
and of the chateau of Vintimille. At the disastrous
battle of Plaisance he had a horse killed under him
and was wounded in the head by a gunshot near
Bieglis, where he had been detached to make a
reconnaissance. During this campaign the Chevalier
de LeVis elicited admiration for his presence of
mind and his rare military qualities. A brilliant
feat of arms, which was much talked of, is re-
lated of him. His cousin, the Duke of Mirepoix,
Gaston de Le'vis, commander of the regiment of
the marine, had selected him for aide-de-camp at
the attack upon Montalban. They found them-
selves without any escort at the mouth of a gorge,
in the presence of a battalion of Piedmontese. " Lay
down your arms," they cried out to the enemy,
"you are surrounded." The entire battalion was
captured.

Such were the military services which had brought
the Chevalier de Le'vis into notice, and which had
determined the Count d'Argenson to join him to
Montcalm in the command of the Canadian troops.

These two men played so great a role at this
period of our history that it is necessary, before
going further to define well their characters. Rarely
were two commanders united in such close friend-
ship and in such agreement and mutual understand-
10

CONTRASTING TEMPERAMENTS

ing of all their operations. And yet their characters
presented striking contrasts. The one was as ardent
as the other was temperate. Montcalm was a verit-
able Southerner. His temperament was as hot as
the sky of Provence; he flew into a passion at the
slightest provocation, but regained the mastery of
his feelings with equal facility. It is in these good
qualities and these defects that may be found the
explanation of the success and the reverses of the
general. The Chevalier de Levis, although born in
the South like Montcalm, had none of his impetu-
osity nor yet of his loquacity. He was calm, cool,
and of few words. Both were equally ambitious,
always dreaming of honours and of advancement in
their military career, with eyes constantly turned
towards the court of Versailles in quest of what
were then called des graces (favours). But Montcalm
easily created difficulties for himself, while Le>is
avoided them with the greatest tact, never losing
sight of the aim that he pursued. Throughout the
expedition may be detected this great motive power
of their actions. In addition, both officers and men
are animated by the same spirit. The future of the
colony that they have come to defend interests them
but little. It is a distant land, afflicted with a rigor-
ous climate, peopled with a handful of Frenchmen,
its importance but little understood ; while Voltaire,
the oracle of the century, called it "a few acres of
snow," and later on Minister Choiseul congratulated
himself upon being rid of it.

WOLFE AND MONTCALM

If it is not a foreign country for the soldiers of
France it is about to become one. They feel it and
foresee it. From now till then it is simply to them
a battlefield whence they may gather laurels or
gain high rank. It is necessary to keep this in view
while studying the last years of the French regime
in Canada. The interests of the colony will be often
in conflict with those of the army, and many errors
and faults will result therefrom.

In the roadstead of Brest a flotilla of six sails
was ready to weigh anchor to transport the expedi-
tionary corps placed under the orders of Montcalm.
This body was composed of the second battalions of
the regiments of La Sarre and of Royal-Roussillon,
the first commanded by M. de Senezergues, the
second by the Chevalier de Bernetz, and forming an
effective force of eleven hundred and eighty-nine
men. The three frigates were destined for the chiefs
of the expedition. Montcalm boarded the Licorne,
LeVis the Sauvage, and Colonel de Bourlamaque,
third in command, the Sirene. The troops had been
divided between the three vessels, the Heros, the
Illustre, and the Leopard. The crossing of the
Atlantic was accomplished without accident, in
spite of the English cruisers which infested the
route, of fogs, icebergs and storms, the last of
which continued not less than ninety hours. Mont-
calm, impatient to arrive, landed at Cap Tourmente,
May 13th, 1756, and drove the remainder of the
journey.
12

FIRST VIEW OF QUEBEC

In perceiving from the heights of Montmorency
the steep promontory of Quebec, Montcalm could
not but admire its strategic position. He examined
with the same military coup d'ceil, the vast pano-
rama that opened out before him, the lofty cliffs of
LeVis, the immense harbour, the hills of Beauport,
where he was destined, three years later, to win his
last victory. In crossing, with a light heart, the
walls of Quebec, he was far from suspecting* that
the summit of that rock was to serve him for a
tomb.

CHAPTER II

PHYSIOGNOMY OF NEW FRANCE

MONTCALM was greatly interested in his visit
to the little city of Quebec, which already
occupied so prominent a place in the history of New
France. Everything was new to him in this New
World: its society, so young as compared with
that which he had left, and nature, herself, so wild
and so grand as compared with the soft, sunny
fields, vineyards and smiling landscapes of France.
The limited area enclosed within the walls of Quebec
swarmed with soldiers, militiamen and Red Skins,
who were being hastened to the frontier to meet
the enemy. The gathering was as weird in its
costumes as in its manners. With his usual activity
the marquis had soon carefully visited both the
city and the ramparts. M. de Longueuil and the
intendant who accompanied him indicated the
principal points of interest, the chateau St. Louis,
whose stern and imposing mass of masonry domi-
nated the crest of the cape ; and at its foot the
Lower Town — the principal centre of business and
of shipping. Up from the heart of the narrow and
tortuous streets rose the steeples of the churches of
Notre Dame, of the Jesuits, of the Recollets, the
seminary, the bishop's palace, the Ursuline con-

WOLFE AND MONTCALM

vent, the ruins of the Hotel-Dieu, destroyed by
fire the previous year, and farther away, in the
valley of the St. Charles the monastery of the
General Hospital ; finally at the foot of the cliff
the intendant's palace. All indicated, at a glance,
that this was in very truth, the heart of New
France. The three palaces of the governor, the
intendant, and the bishop, were the visible ex-
pression of that triple power which radiated from
Quebec to the very extremities of this immense
continent. Within the walls alone five churches,
three monasteries, a college, and a seminary illus-
trated the important part played by Catholicism in
its progress. The colony consisted only of two long-
drawn-out parishes ranged one on either side of the
St. Lawrence. Beyond it in all directions, its mantle
of verdure covering mountains, plains and valleys,
stretched the vast, primeval forest, with its lakes,
its swamps, its numberless rivers, their cataracts
roaring night and day ; with its myriads of bab-
bling brooks beneath the overhanging foliage ; with
its bare or moss grown rocks and headlands, uplift-
ing their eternal foreheads to the winds or snows,
the sunshine or the rain, affording safe retreats for
the wild beasts of the woods and for the still wilder
native tribes.

These tribes were scattered almost everywhere.

To the east lived the Etchemins, the Abdnaquis,

the Micmacs, implacable enemies of the English ;

to the south, the five Iroquois nations, traditional

VULNERABLE POINTS

foes of the French, but at that time undecided, and
merely seeking for an occasion to range themselves
on one side or the other ; farther away were the
Chaouenons, the Miamis, the Cherokees ; and to-
wards the great West, the Pouteotamis, the Otta-
was, the Illinois, the Sakis, and a multitude of
other indigenous tribes almost all friendly to the
French. I have indicated elsewhere the reason for
this sympathy ; it suffices to recall here, in passing,
that English colonization was founded upon an alto-
gether different principle from that of the French :
egoism was its leading motive ; and this distinction
Indian sagacity had not failed to discern.

Canada presented only three vulnerable points :
the waterways of the St. Lawrence, of Lake Champ-
lain, and of the Great Lakes. The citadel of Louis-
bourg guarded the entrance to the Gulf ; Fort St.
Fredenc protected the head of Lake Champlain,
and Fort Frontenac, the outlet of the Great Lakes.
The upper country which extended backwards for
a distance then unknown, afforded a vast field for
the exploits of the coureurs de bois. There was
formed that hardy race of pioneers from among
whose ranks came the most illustrious discoverers :
the Joliets, the Nicolas Perrots, the Nicolets, the
La VeYendryes and so many others. An indomit-
able, undisciplined race, it was often cruel from
having witnessed such nameless inhumanity.

Clothed in Indian costume, accustomed to great
fatigue, knowing all the forest trails as well as the

WOLFE AND MONTCALM

Indians themselves, often allied to them by more
or less regular marriages, and possessing a great
influence among their tribes, the coureurs de bois
were of inestimable use in times of war. They
would arrive at certain periods of the year,
usually accompanied by Indians, paddling, like
them, their birchbark canoes, and singing Cana-
dian songs. These lost children of civilization had
acquired the habits of their newly-found com-
panions, becoming as proud and careless as them-
selves, their arms, hands and breasts tattooed, their
muscles dry and hard, their keen eyes lighting up
their almost copper-coloured features. They came
from the depths of the forest, where they had filled
their boats with packages of furs bought from the
Indians. Brave, often to rashness, but not under-
standing braveness as Europeans do, they fought in
the manner of savages, that is to say they practised
a guerilla warfare. To retire was not to them
a flight or a disgrace, but simply a means for
attaining a better position. Their lack of disci-
pline was a danger to regular armies, which they
exposed to confusion and a breaking of the ranks,
and thus their services were most highly esteemed
upon expeditions, of discovery and operations in-
volving stealth and surprise.

From the time that Champlain, the greatest

of French discoverers, had first penetrated into

the valley of the Great Lakes, these vast regions

had become the domain of France. She had acquired

EARLY EXPLORATIONS

a double right to them, that of first occupant, and
that of a civilizing power, which in the eyes of reason
and of right is the only positive justification for the
invasion of a barbarous country.

In 1673 Joliet and Marquette had entrusted
themselves to the unknown waters of the Missis-
sippi, and had descended their mighty flood to
Arkansas ; La Salle had discovered its mouth and
sounded its delta under a tropical sky in 1682. It
was Frenchmen who upon perceiving from the
heights of the Alleghanies the beautiful branch
of the Mississippi whose gilded waters meander
through the valley of the Ohio had exclaimed : La
Belle Riviere, which thence became its first name.
La Verendrye had been the first to gaze upon the
peaks of the Rocky Mountains. This was in 1743.
Before the explorers had drawn the maps of this
country missionaries had watered it with their blood.
In the wildest and most distant villages a little
cross might often be seen surmounting a cabin of
bark, upon whose threshold would appear the black
robe of the priest or the coarse mantle of some
monk or friar.

To the eternal honour of France we may say with
a Protestant historian : " Peaceful, benign, benefi-
cent, were the weapons of this conquest. France
aimed to subdue, not by the sword, but by the
cross ; not to overwhelm and crush the nations she
invaded, but to convert, to civilize and embrace
them among her children." And again : " The

WOLFE AND MONTCALM

French colonists acted towards the inconstant and
sanguinary race who claimed the sovereignty of this
land in a spirit of gentleness that affords a striking
contrast with the cruel rapacity of the Spaniards
and the harshness of the English. The scheme of
English colonization made no account of the Indian
tribes. In the scheme of French colonization they
were all in all." The French wrought in the spirit
of their great leader, Champlain, who was often
heard to say that the saving of a soul was worth
more than the conquest of an empire.

The neighbouring colonies were born and had
grown up in a spirit of hostility or at least of indif-
ference in regard to the Indians. They had remained
shut in on the east side of the mountains which
separated them from us, so little had interest and
ambition directed their eyes and their footsteps in
the direction of the setting sun. It had taken them
more than a century to decide to venture towards
the west, for their traditional conduct towards the
aborigines had rendered their approach of them
as difficult as it was easy to the French. Had the
experience of a century taught them anything ?
Did they bring to the Indians any benefit, any
lofty idea, any civilization ? No, nothing of the
kind. Traffic and spirituous liquors were all that
they offered them. But they were as rich in these
as they were destitute of everything else, and it is
easy to understand the demoralization which accom-
panied these new invaders.
20

COUNT DE LA GALISSONNIERE

In a few years, thanks to their methods, they
offered a formidable competition to the French
traders, and attracted a good number of tribes, to
whom they sold, at more advantageous terms, arms,
ammunition, merchandise, and, in fact, everything
with which they could tempt them.

In 1748 Canada was governed by an officer of
marine, who lacked external grace, because of a
bodily deformity, but who was extremely intelli-
gent, well informed, active and of keen discern-
ment, and who later gave good proof of his posses-
sion of these qualities by gaining a brilliant victory
over the English off the island of Minorca. The
Count de la Galissonniere strongly urged the
attention of his government to the danger which
threatened New France from the other side of the
Alleghanies, and to the necessity of protecting it by
a system of forts, calculated at the same time to
connect it with Louisiana.

New France bore a striking analogy to the two
great rivers which traversed it, whose sources
although they approached each other never met.
In proportion as the distance was increased from
its points of support — one at the north, at the
entrance of the St. Lawrence, and the other at the
south, at the mouth of the Mississippi — its power
decreased, and disappeared altogether before a point
of union was reached. The colony would be cut in
two unless the plans of La Galissonniere were
speedily executed, and this was a matter that

WOLFE AND MONTCALM

claimed the serious attention of the following
administrations.

A chain of forts was constructed at an enormous
cost at the principal points where the enemy might
issue. Fort Niagara on Lake Ontario, at the mouth
of the Niagara River ; Fort Duquesne at the junc-
tion of the river Alleghany with the Ohio ; Forts
Machault, Le Bceuf and Presqu'ile, which estab-
lished communication with Lake Erie ; Fort
Miami, on the river of the same name ; Fort
Vincennes, on the Ouabache; and finally, on the
Mississippi, Fort de Chartres, the only one of them
all which was worthy the name of fort, built in
stone with four bastions, and impregnable except
with artillery. Before the formal declaration of the
war which had brought Montcalm to Canada, three
famous conflicts had taken place on the undecided
frontiers of the two colonies ; one at Fort Neces-
sity, where Jumonville had been killed ; another
near Fort Duquesne, where General Braddock had
paid for his proud temerity with his life ; the third
at the head of Lake George, where Baron de Dies-
kau had been defeated, wounded and taken prisoner.
The detailed explanation of these events had ab-
sorbed the attention of Montcalm from the time
of his first conversations at Quebec, because it gave
him the key of the situation. He had listened to the
recital of the facts from the mouths of the French
and Canadian officers who had taken part in one or
the other of these actions. The marquis had ob-
22

NEW WORLD SOCIETY

served with no less interest the composition of the
colonial society, whose charm and originality he had
heard praised, and which he promised to avail him-
self of in order to relieve the irksomeness of his
exile.

This little world was a miniature of French
society, having like it its various strata and its well-
worked degrees. At the top were the nobility of
sword or of robe : the seigneurs, the public officials,
the higher clergy. In the second rank came the
landed gentry and the traders, to which might be
added the clergy of the country parts ; and finally
in the third class were the common people or habi-
tants, the large body of farmers which then as now
had nothing in common with the French peasant,
particularly with the type of former times. Con-
scious of his importance and of his dignity, the
habitant, to quote an expression of Montcalm's,
"lives like the small gentry of France."

The privileges of the seigneurs being less in
Canada than in France, and the tenants or holders
of the conceded seigniorial lands (censitaires) being
more independent than in the motherland, there
was neither the same gulf nor yet the same pre-
judices between them : the different classes lived,
as a rule, in perfect harmony. Those who could
boast of education were limited in number, but
what these enjoyed of it was indeed excellent. This
class included those who had taken the classical
course at the Jesuit College in Quebec, or who

WOLFE AND MONTCALM

had studied in Europe. The women were better
educated than the men, thanks to the greater
opportunities for study which they enjoyed, in the
various convents scattered through both town and
country. Although there were parish schools the
masses of the people did not know how to read
or write. It might be said that their instruction was
confined to the teaching that they received from
the pulpit.

The spirit of revolt against all law, divine and
human, which was then finding expression in
France, had not reached the colony. Both civil
and religious authority were acknowledged without
questioning. This authority was concentrated in
three hands : that of the governor, that of the in-
tendant and that of the bishop, who generally gave
each other a loyal and mutual support. The result
was a strong unity of action, which in times of war
was of inappreciable value, and which explains the
long resistance of Canada to an enemy infinitely
superior in numbers and in resources of all kinds,
but weakened by divisions.

This absolute system of government, so useful
without the colony, was fatal to its internal con-
cerns. It killed all initiative. It kept the people in
a constant state of tutelage, and opened the door
to many abuses. While upon the other side of the
frontier the spirit of democracy prevailed to an ex-
aggerated extent, here the monarchical regime de-
generated into autocracy.
24

LIFE OF THE WOODSMAN

From the earliest days of the colony the people
had been carefully excluded from public affairs;
they had not understood their rights, nor aspired
to the conquest of liberty. All spirit of indepen-
dence was not smothered, however, in the bosom of
the rude and valorous race. It has never been found
possible so to restrain human nature that it cannot
find an outlet in some manner. The egress here
supplied was the forest, which presented open-
ings on all sides in its thousands of mysterious
pathways, with its wandering tribes, its freedom
and deliverance from all restraint, and the attrac-
tion of its many adventures. For Canadian youth it
had a special fascination, inspiring and cultivating
their native love of travel. The most sanguine dis-
positions were unable to resist its allurements, and
so went to swell the ranks of the army of woods-
men or coureurs de bois.

CHAPTER III

THE CAMPAIGN OF 1756— THE TAKING OF
OSWEGO

MONTC ALM carried away the most favourable
impression of Quebec, though he had only
spent ten days there. He had sent a messenger to
M. de Vaudreuil to notify him of his arrival ; and
since he had learned that the remainder of the fleet
was in the river he went to Montreal, even before
the arrival of the Chevalier de LeVis, to confer
with the governor as to the plan of campaign to
be followed.

At this first interview there was nothing to por-
tend the terrible animosity which was soon to arise
between these two men, with such disastrous results
for themselves and the colony. The diplomatic re-
serve which was necessitated during this official
conference, disappeared beneath the courteous forms
and the grand court airs to which both of them
were accustomed.

Vaudreuil was tall in stature, as proud of his per-
son as of his origin. More than once in the course
of the interview, without appearing to do so, he
eyed from head to foot the sprightly little man
with piercing eyes and short, vehement words, who
gesticulated before him in an extraordinarily peevish

WOLFE AND MONTCALM

manner. He seemed to feel him grow as he spoke,
and from that time he should have been able to
form a very good idea of the domineering force
of a will power that was so energetically expressed.
He must have regretted, also, more than ever, not
to have been able to secure the acceptance of the
advice which he had tendered the minister a few
months before, to the effect that it was unnecessary
to send a general officer to replace the Baron de
Dieskau.

Vaudreuil would have been right to speak in this
manner if he had been a Frontenac, for the division
of the military command, as well understood by the
court, was full of inconveniences. But Vaudreuil
was far from being of the same fabric as a Fron-
tenac. Montcalm, on his side, probably knew noth-
ing of the steps taken by Vaudreuil; but he flattered
himself that his military superiority would ensure
the acceptance of his services with good grace.

The court imagined that it had avoided the diffi-
culty of a dual command by affirming the autho-
rity of the governor. The king's letter to Vau-
dreuil said formally : " M. le marquis de Mont-
calm has not the command of the land troops ; he
can only have it under your authority, and he must
be under your order in everything."

Pierre-Francois Bigaud, marquis de Vaudreuil-

Cavagnal, was the son of the governor of that

name, who had administered the affairs of New

France during twenty-two years — from 1703 to

THE MARQUIS DE VAUDREUIL

1725 — with as much wisdom as firmness. At first
governor of Louisiana, Vaudreuil succeeded the
Marquis Duquesne in 1755. Like his father, he was
much loved by the Canadians, who were proud to
have one of themselves at their head, for Vaudreuil
had been born in Quebec on November 22nd, 1698.
In addition to this his defects, like his qualities, were
of a nature to make him popular. He was gentle,
affable and completely devoted to the colonists,
whom he treated as his children, and who rightly
regarded him as their father ; but his character was
feeble, and he was irresolute, unenlightened, jealous
of his authority, and was taken advantage of by
a corrupt entourage which he was incapable of
dominating.

Montcalm observed few of these defects at first
sight, and appeared well satisfied with the prepara-
tions for the campaign ordered by Vaudreuil. The
governor, on his side, was not less frank in his ten-
ders of assistance.

The colonial military forces were composed of
three distinct elements : the land troops, the marines
and the militia. The former consisted of different
detachments of the regular army, and came from
France. They formed an effective force of about
three thousand men, chosen among the iUte of the
army, and distributed between the battalions known
as those of the Queen, of Be'arn, of Languedoc, and
of Guyenne, brought by Baron de Dieskau, and
those of La Sarre and of Royal-Roussillon, which

WOLFE AND MONTCALM

had just arrived. In this total are not included the
eleven hundred men of the Louisbourg garrison,
composed of the battalions of Bourgoyne and of
Artois.

The marine troops were the regular army of the
colony, employed in the maintenance of order and
in the defence of the country. While the land forces
were sent out by the minister of war these troops
were under orders from the ministry of marine, which
had charge of colonial affairs. Long established in the
country they had formed strong attachments, first
of all because some of the officers and men were
recruited from amongst the population, and also
because many of the others intended to settle here,
had married here, or devoted themselves, during the
leisure time of garrison life, to certain industries
which assured them something for the future.
This body of troops was composed of about two
thousand fairly well disciplined men, more inclined
to sympathize with the militia than with the regi-
ments of the line.

The militia was under the orders of the governor,
at whose call it was required to take up arms.
This, the most onerous form of conscription, was
aggravated by the fact that the conscripts received
no pay for their military services. The king only
bore the cost of arming, equipping and feeding
them. The first levy had furnished a contingent of
twelve thousand men, but this figure increased from
year to year and attained that of fifteen thousand
80

A PICTURESQUE TROOP

at the time of the last crisis. The militia of
Montreal, more exposed to attack, was more inured
to war than that of Quebec, at least up to the
opening of hostilities. The elite of these troops was
recruited among the coureurs de bois, who were
themselves recruited in all the parishes from among
the hardy and adventurous youth, who were period-
ically enticed away to join them.

When to these different army corps are added
the irregular reinforcements of the Indian allies, it
will be possible to form an idea of the disposable
forces of Canada at that period.

It would be necessary to have seen on the parade
ground, or on a field of battle, these widely differing
bodies of troops, with their escort of Indians, in
order to appreciate the picturesque scene that they
presented. The undisciplined troop of Indians which
hovered about the army was armed according to the
caprice of each warrior. It was an assemblage of rags
and of the skins of beasts, gathered from all direc-
tions, and defying all description. The chiefs were
easily recognized by the ornaments about their
necks, the large silver medals, gifts of the king,
which shone upon their breasts, and the horrible
scalps, stretched upon hoops and hanging, all
bloody, to their belts. Each Indian armed for
war had his powder horn and bag of bullets
suspended from his neck, a tomahawk and scalping
knife attached to his belt and a gun on his
shoulder. Several of those who came from the

WOLFE AND MONTCALM

most distant tribes still carried the bow and quiver,
and sometimes the lance.

One of Montcalm's first cares after having spent
a few days in Montreal was to make a tour of in-
spection and an offensive demonstration on the
side of the frontier defended by Fort Carillon at
the head of Lake Champlain, where he feared an
attack on the part of the English. He confided the
command of the troops at this point to the Chevalier
de LeVis, and returned to Montreal, where he had
the satisfaction of finding Intendant Bigot, who
had arrived the day before to hasten the provision-
ing of the army. He had been very useful to him
in organizing the camp at Carillon.

Francois Bigot, whose name personifies all the
shame of the epoch, just as Montcalm's recalls its
glories, belonged to a distinguished family of the
south of France. His father and his grandfather had
occupied high rank in the magistracy of Bordeaux.
He forced his way at court, thanks to family in-
fluence, particularly to that of his near relative the
Mare'chal d'Estre'es, and obtained successively the
offices of intendant at Cape Breton and in New
France.

Physically Bigot was a man of small stature, with
red hair and an ugly face covered with pimples. He
had also an ozena, but concealed the effect of it as
much as possible by a continual use of perfumes
and fragrant waters.

The elegant and refined vice of the eighteenth
82

PREPARATIONS FOR WAR

century formed his morals. Notwithstanding his
delicate health he was as indefatigable in pleasure-
seeking as in work. Haughty with his inferiors,
supercilious in command, he was conciliatory with
his equals. He was extremely prodigal and an
ungovernable gambler. He had made a little
Versailles of the intendancy at Quebec, where he
imitated the manners of his master — the king.
With all his vices he had the real qualities of
ability, energy, and business experience.

Montcalm was not ignorant of the great prepara-
tions made by England for the campaign which
was opening. The British parliament had in fact
granted all the assistance which had been asked
of it, in men and in money, to avenge the two dis-
asters which had so profoundly humiliated it in the
preceding year — that of General Braddock at Mon-
ongahela and that of Admiral Byng off the island
of Minorca. It had voted an indemnity of a hundred
and fifteen thousand pounds sterling for the colonies,
had sent from Plymouth to New York two regi-
ments with Generals Abercromby and Webb, and
numerous transports loaded with tents, munitions
of war, artillery and tools for the works of fortifica-
tion ; and lastly had named governor of Virginia
and general-in-chief of the armies in North America,
an old officer of a very different type to Braddock,
Lord Loudon. The colonies, on their side, had re-
solved to raise ten thousand men to attack Fort St.
Frederic, and to build a road to Montreal; six thou-

WOLFE AND MONTCALM

sand to secure Niagara ; three thousand to assault
Fort Duquesne ; and finally two thousand to menace
Quebec by way of the woods in the valley of the
Chaudiere. All these militiamen, added to the regu-
lar troops, formed an army of more than twenty-
five thousand men, that is to say double the number
that could be then got together by Canada. It was
in face of such an armament that Vaudreuil, on the
advice of Montcalm and de LeVis, ventured to take
the offensive. The enterprise would have been more
than rash if he had had to contend with as plucky
soldiers and as able generals as his own.

After having drawn the attention of the enemy
from Fort Carillon by the demonstration made by
him, Montcalm hurried to Frontenac, where three
thousand five hundred men were assembled includ-
ing soldiers of the line, Canadians and Indians.

The expeditionary force crossed the lake, sud-
denly disembarked at Chouaguen (Oswego) and be-
sieged it. It was taken with unprecedented rapidity,
animation and good fortune. Twenty cannon carried
by manual labour were mounted in batteries in a few
hours. The English commander having been cut in
two by a cannon ball the besieged were summoned
to surrender, and given an hour to deliberate.

" The yells of our Indians," wrote Montcalm to
his mother, " promptly decided them. They yielded
themselves prisoners of war to the number of 1,700,
including eighty officers and two regiments from
England. I have taken from them five flags, three
84

THE CAPTURE OF OSWEGO

military chests full of money, a hundred and twenty-
one pieces of ordnance, including forty-five swivel-
guns, a year's supply of provisions for three thousand
men, and six decked boats carrying from four to
twenty guns each. And as it was necessary in this
expedition to employ the utmost diligence, so that
the Canadians might be sent to harvest their crops,
and be brought back to another frontier, I de-
molished or burned their three forts, and brought
away the artillery, boats, provisions and prisoners."

Montcalm, who understood the heart of the sol-
diery, resolved to celebrate his victory by a religious
and patriotic demonstration, which would arouse
the enthusiasm of the army. On the morning of
August 20th, 1756, ho planted a large cross bearing
these words : " In hoc signo vincunt" And near
this cross he planted a pole, upon which were
placed the arms of France with the following de-
vice, which revealed the generals classical taste : —
" Manibus date Mia plenis" The troops were called
to arms, and Abbe Piquet, the chaplain of the
expedition, blessed the pious trophy, amid the
beating of drums and the reiterated discharge of
cannon and musketry.

The next day the French flotilla sailed away,
after having saluted a last time the ephemeral
monument of its victory. When the last of the
boats had disappeared behind the angle of the cliff,
the silence of primitive nature, that immense silence
of infinite solitudes, scarcely disturbed by the pas-

WOLFE AND MONTCALM

sage of the breezes or the murmur of the waves,
had already invaded the ruins of Oswego.

The fall of this fort, as sudden as it was unex-
pected, had come to the neighbouring colonies as
a thunder clap. General Webb, who was marching
to its relief, even dreaded that Montcalm might
advance from Oswego upon him, and in his fright
he burned the depots of supplies along the route,
and as rapidly as he retreated, obstructed the river,
which served as his means of communication, by
throwing a large number of trees into it.

Lord Loudon ordered Winslow, who com-
manded at the head of Lake St. Sacrament, to
abandon all offensive schemes, and to entrench him-
self strongly to keep the French in check. The
effect of this British reverse made itself felt in
England, where it was understood that France had
an able general in Canada.

CHAPTER IV

CAMPAIGN OF 1757— TAKING OF WILLIAM
HENRY

THE campaign of 1757 was marked by a daring
achievement, no less remarkable than that of
the preceding year, namely, the siege and the
destruction of Fort William Henry.

Never had the star of France shone so brightly
in the depths of the great American solitudes ; never
was such a variety of tribal people assembled under
its flag; from the Sakis (Sacs), seated on their mats at
the border of Wisconsin, and the Illinois, hunters
of the buffalo, to the Abenakis and the Micmacs,
accustomed to follow the salmon by torchlight and
to spear them with the trusty nigog ; from the
Kikapoas of Lake Michigan, still pagans and anthro-
pophagists to the Mohicans and the Chaouenous of
the Blue Mountains.

The emissaries of Onontio,1 sent in all directions
during the winter to infuse the spirit of war, had
been well received everywhere, even in the home
of the Five Nations. The warriors, tattooed in
black and vermillion, had lighted the council fire,
smoked the calumet with them, and accepted their
proposed alliance. The chichikoue, accompanying
the war dance had been heard from one village to

1The Indian name for the governor of Canada.

WOLFE AND MONTCALM

another, and the jugglers, squatting in their cabins,
had seen in their visions, numbers of scalps and
prisoners.

The squadron of canoes coming from all points
of the horizon converged towards the fort of
Carillon, which in the month of July presented one
of the strangest and most picturesque scenes that
it is possible to imagine. The total number of these
Indians reached 1,799 warriors, belonging to forty
different tribes. They swelled the effective force of
the army gathered by Montcalm at the fort of
Carillon, to 8,019 men of all branches of the ser-
vice, including regulars and Canadian militia.

The inspection of the advance posts, which
Montcalm made on July 21st, was accompanied
by a characteristic scene which it gave the marquis
pleasure to recall. He had embarked for the Falls
in a canoe paddled by several Indians from the
upper part of the country. During all the journey
a young warrior stood singing in the canoe, accom-
panying his song upon an Indian tambourine. Be-
hind him sat the oldest Indian of the expedition —
Pennahouel, the Nestor of the forest. In his recita-
tive, modulated to a tone which was not lacking in
grace, the young warrior described his last visions :
" The Manitou has appeared to me ; he told me
that of all the young men who would follow thee
to the war you will lose none ; they will succeed,
and will cover themselves with glory, and you will
bring them back again to their mat." Cries of
38

INDIAN CUSTOMS

applause interrupted him from time to time. The
old chief spoke at last, saying to him in a solemn
tone : " My son, was I wrong to exhort you to
fast ? If, like the others, you had spent your time
in eating and sacrificing to your appetite, you
would not have secured the favour of the Manitou ;
and here he has sent you happy visions which give
joy to all the warriors."

The Indian camp resounded day and night with
similar juggleries. They stuck a stick in the ground,
and from the end of it suspended their Manitou : it
might be, for instance, an accoutrement, the skin of
a beast or a dead dog, to which they offered in
sacrifice ends of tobacco, several whiffs of their
pipe, or pieces of meat, which they threw into
the fire. They spent the rest of their time in danc-
ing, in amusing themselves or in bathing. Their
dexterity in swimming and in diving astonished
the whites. " Sometimes," writes Parkman, " when
mad with brandy, they grappled and tore each
other with their teeth like wolves. They were con-
tinually « making medicine,' that is, consulting the
Manitou, to whom they hung up offerings, some-
times a dead dog, and sometimes the belt-cloth
which formed their only garment."

The manners of the Christian Indians formed
quite a contrast to those of these pagans. Clothed,
generally, with more decency, they were more tract-
able, and held the priests who followed them in great
respect. They were furnished with muskets which

WOLFE AND MONTCALM

they used with rare ability, while most of the others
were armed only with arrows, lances or small pikes.

On July 24th, at break of day, four hundred
Indians who had been placed in ambush facing the
islands of the lake, noticed the approach of twenty-
two English barges, bearing three hundred and
fifty militiamen. They threw themselves upon them,
captured twenty vessels, took nearly two hundred
prisoners, and became intoxicated from drinking
the brandy which they found on the barges. The
scenes of carnage and of horror which they then
enacted defy description.

After this success all the Indians wished to re-
turn to their own country, for, said they, to brave
the danger anew, after so successful a stroke, would
be to tempt the Master of Life. In order to prevent
this flight, which might render the expedition abor-
tive, Montcalm called a general meeting of the
Indians. It was held in the middle of the camp.
None of the French officers, accustomed as they
were to operatic scenes and to the enchantments
of the Parisian boulevards, had ever seen a spec-
tacle more theatrical or better calculated to strike
the imagination. Everything contributed to it, the
locality, the personnel, and the proceedings. There,
with its tents pitched in a glade in the midst of
a desert valley, between two chains of mountains,
covered from base to summit with virgin forests,
in all the splendour of their summer foliage, was
the military camp, exhaling, under a Neapolitan
40

A FANTASTIC SCENE

sky, the noisome odours of the assembled Indians ;
there were the smart-looking officers in white uni-
forms and gold lace, with powdered hair under their
plumed hats, who might have been mistaken in
such a place for fops, were it not that they were as
brave as they were elegant ; while all around them,
elbowing them and grazing them with their naked
bodies were the Sakis, the Iowas from the extreme
West and the Mascoutins, eaters of human flesh,
and many besides forming a conglomeration more
like a masquerade than an army. Such were the
actors, such the scene, and the drama to be enacted
was a victory darkened by a bloody tragedy.

While Montcalm addressed the Indians a large
tree happened to fall a few feet from them. The
general, without losing his presence of mind, thus
interpreted the omen : " That," cried he, " is how
the English will be overthrown, how the walls of
Fort George will fall. It is the Master of Life who
announces it."

Lamotte, the chief of the Folles- A voines, accepted
the augury in the name of the upper tribes, and
Pennahouel, raising himself with solemnity, sup-
ported it in these words :

" My father, I, who of all the Indians count the
most moons, I thank you in the name of all the
nations, and of my own, for the good words that
you have given us. I approve them. Nobody has
ever spoken better to us than you. It is the Mani-
tou of war who inspires you."

WOLFE AND MONTCALM

After the orators had spoken Montcalm again
addressed the assembly, and raising his collar of six
thousand beads, which he held in his hands, he said :
"By this collar, sacred pledge of the good faith of
my words, symbol of good intelligence and of
strength by the union of the different beads of
which it is composed, I bind you one to the other
in such a manner that none of you are able to
separate from the others, before the defeat of the
English and the destruction of Fort George."

These words were then repeated by the different
interpreters, and the collar was thrown into the
midst of the assembly.

It was taken up by the orators of the different
nations, who exhorted them to accept it, and
Pennahouel, in presenting it to those of the upper
country said to them :

" A circle is now drawn around you by the great
Onontio, from which none of you can go out. So
long as we remain within it the Master of Life will
be our guide, will inspire us as to what we should
do, and will favour all our enterprises. If any one
leaves before the time, the Master of Life will no
longer answer for the misfortunes which may strike
him ; and which must fall upon himself alone, and
not upon the nations who promise an indissol-
uble union and entire obedience to the will of their
father."

On the morning of August 3rd the whole army
disembarked in front of Fort William Henry, built
42

THE ATTACK OF 1756

at the head of Lake George. From this strong posi-
tion the English, by the aid of the fleet which they
had sheltered there, could ascend, by way of Lake
Champlain, to the very doors of Montreal. It was
to dislodge them thence that Montcalm had gone
there on his adventurous expedition. Already, in
the course of the preceding winter, a daring sur-
prise had almost succeeded in giving the mastery
of William Henry to the French. In fifteen or
twenty degrees of frost one thousand five hundred
French, Canadians and Indians had crossed Lakes
Champlain and George on the ice, marching
sixty leagues on snow-shoes, with their provi-
sions on sleds, which, upon good roads, were drawn
by dogs. They slept in the snow on bearskins, with
only a sail for shelter, and arrived at a distance
of a short league from William Henry. When the
Canadian expedition set out on its return the fort
alone remained standing in the midst of smoking
ruins ; two hundred and fifty transport boats, four
brigantines, and all the dependencies had been burnt.
It was necessary now to open the frontier on this
side by destroying the place itself.

When the traveller stops to-day at the head of
Lake George it is with difficulty that he can recog-
nize the site formerly occupied by Fort William
Henry. Of its walls and its ditches there now re-
main only vague undulations of the land. Culti-
vated fields have been cut, here and there, out of the
forest, and graceful villages rise on the border of

WOLFE AND MONTCALM

the lake ; but the great lines of the horizon have
kept their wild aspect. The beautiful mountains of
Lake St. Sacrament still mirror their plumes of
verdure in its limpid waters. With the return of
August 11th, which witnessed the tragic events
that are about to be described, the promontories
and islands still take on the closing summer tints ;
and when the whistle of the steam engine, which
has replaced the cannon of Montcalm, has ceased
resounding, the dead leaves that the breeze carries
out upon the lake fall in the same silence as that of
other days.

Fort William Henry was situated on the cliff
which dominates the lake. On the right, that is to
say at the south-east, it was defended by an im-
passable marsh ; on the left by the lake, and on
the other two sides by a good palisaded ditch.
These ramparts were formed by a collection of
large pieces of wood, crossed one on the other, and
solidly bound together ; the interstices being filled
with earth and gravel.

At a distance of a cannon shot from the place a
waste space had been made, where the half-burnt
and fallen trees, lying one on the other, together
with their stumps, presented an obstacle such as
was almost unknown in the defence of similar
European places. At the east of the fort an en-
trenched camp had been constructed upon a very
advantageous height commanding the fort itself,
and largely protected by marshes. The entrench-
44

THE ATTACK OF 1757

ments were made of the trunks of trees placed one
on the other ; they were of small extent, but with
many flanks provided with artillery, and could be
lined by the enemy.

The fort and the entrenched camp, which were
connected by a roadway constructed along the
beach, were defended by twenty-nine cannon, three
mortars, a howitzer, seventeen swivel-guns, making
in all fifty pieces of artillery, and by a garrison of
two thousand four hundred men, commanded by
Lieutenant-Colonel Monro, of the 35th Regiment
of the English army, a veteran Scotsman of incon-
testable personal bravery, but, as events proved, of
feeble character.

Despite his garrison, and the strong position
which he occupied, Monro was unable to resist
without assistance. At Fort Edward, a few hours'
march nearer to Albany, General Webb com-
manded six thousand men.

From the ramparts of William Henry old com-
mandant Monro listened attentively in that direc-
tion, whence from hour to hour he hoped to
hear the roar of the English general's cannon.
But in this direction the forest remained silent. A
letter concealed in an empty bullet was found on
a courier killed by a party of Indians. It was
written by Webb to the commandant of William
Henry, and gave him but little hope of succour.
Webb advised him to capitulate before being re-
duced to extremities. Monro was lost. Montcalm

WOLFE AND MONTCALM

sent him the intercepted despatch, and with it a
letter in which he urged him not to resist beyond
measure, so as not to excite the fury of the Indians.
The surprise and consternation of the veteran
Scotsman upon receiving from Bougainville the
communication of a message from Webb only a
soldier can imagine.

On August 9th the drums of the fort sounded
a parley ; William Henry had yielded.

Before signing the capitulation the Marquis de
Montcalm summoned the chiefs of all the nations
in council, and asked if they approved of it. They
all consented, and pledged themselves to keep the
young men within bounds. Alas ! they promised
more than they were able to do, and the following
day gave to their words a bloody denial.

According to the terms of the capitulation the
garrison abandoned the fort, the camp and all that
they contained, including the provisions and muni-
tions of war. They marched out with the honours
of war and the baggage of both officers and men,
and they also carried their arms with a certain
number of ball cartridges, and took with them a
piece of cannon : this last was conceded by Mont-
calm out of consideration for the English com-
mandant, who had not asked it. The garrison was
to be conducted to Fort Lydius, escorted by a
detachment of French troops, and by the principal
officers and interpreters attached to the Indians.
Before commencing the recital of the frightful
46

AN ACCOUNT OF THE MASSACRE

catastrophe of which he was a witness Captain
Desandrouins made a profession of faith as to his
honesty which deserves to be quoted.

" I am about," he said, " to give an account of
this massacre, faithfully and according to my con-
science, and with the utmost impartiality, after
having carefully informed myself from ocular wit-
nesses, as to what occurred beyond my own view.
To change the truth in order to save the honour of
the guilty, no matter who they might be, would
be to become a participant in the crime. I should
be much more inclined to expose the outrage to the
indignation of all honourable men.

"At daylight on August 11th the evacuation of
the fort commenced. M. de Laas had the column
preceded by a detachment of his escort, and ad-
vised the English to proceed cautiously, and to
keep together without intervals. He stationed him-
self at the entrance of the camp to oversee the de-
parture.

" Seeing the column leaving the Indians ran to
watch them. The head of the column squeezed it-
self close to the little detachment in front. Those
of the English who had not yet left the camp held
back and appeared to waver. In the meantime a
vacant space was formed, and orders were sent to
the head to slacken its pace.

" The Indians approaching the trouble increased,
and the hesitation which followed emboldened them
so that they indulged in threatening gestures. The

WOLFE AND MONTCALM

English, a little scattered, were only too glad to
abandon their bags or their arms, in order to rejoin
the main body of their column.

" It was still possible to re-establish order, and
the officers of the escort did their utmost with that
end in view. But those Indians who had picked up
anything ran at once with it to the camp, each to
those of his own nation, to show his trophy. The
others, jealous at the idea that they might other-
wise appear in their own country with less of glory
than their brothers, darted off immediately , and ran
tumultuously to endeavour to secure a share of the
spoil ; some of them even raised a war-cry.

"The English then became agitated, and lost
their heads. The British commandant, on the ad-
vice, as he pretends, of an unknown Frenchman,
ordered his men to carry their rifles, butts upwards,
on the ground that the ordinary methods of bear-
ing them appeared menacing, and irritated the
Indians.

" This pusillanimous manoeuvre completely killed
the already waning courage of the soldiers, and em-
boldened the Indians, several of whom dared to
seize the guns of the former, making signs to them
to give them up, which they did with every evi-
dence of terror. One Indian, not satisfied with having
secured a gun that was too heavy for him, soon
attempted to exchange it for that of an officer,
which illustrates the rapid progression of insolence
on one side and fear on the other.
48

AN ACCOUNT OF THE MASSACRE

" Colonel Monro believed that it was only neces-
sary that the cupidity of these barbarians should be
satiated, in order to put an end to the disorders,
and he ordered his men to cast their bags and
other effects at their feet, adding that the King
of England was powerful enough to compensate
them. Those of the English who were within reach
of the escort threw theirs to the French soldiers,
who were weak enough to take them. They might
have done well had they returned them.

"In most of the packages the Indians found
rum and other strong liquors, with which they
became intoxicated. Then they became real tigers
in fury. Tomahawk in hand, they fell mercilessly
upon the English, who, filled with fright, finished
by scattering themselves in all directions, having
finally believed that they had been really sacrificed
by the French.

" None of them dreamed of saving themselves by
any other means than flight. Our escort, far too
small, protected as many as it could, principally
the officers. But being compelled to maintain its
ranks, in order itself to command respect, it was
only possible for it to shelter those who were with-
in its reach.

" Unfortunately during all this disorder no Cana-
dian officer or interpreter, who usually has some
control over the Indian mind, was to be found. They
had endured considerable fatigue during the siege,
and were all quietly resting.

WOLFE AND MONTCALM

"At last M. de Montcalm, M. de Levis, and
M. de Bourlamaque were notified. They ran and
gave orders to employ the whole force if it should
be necessary. Interpreters, officers, missionaries,
Canadians, all were set at work, each one striving
his best to save the unfortunate English by snatch-
ing them from the executioners.

" These last, intoxicated with blood and carnage,
were no longer capable of listening to anybody.
Many killed their prisoners rather than abandon
them ; a great number dragged them to their canoes
and carried them off.

" M. de Montcalm, in despair at his failure to
make any impression on the Indians, bared his
breast and cried : — ' Since you are rebellious chil-
dren, who break the promise you made to your
father, and will not listen to what he says, kill him
the first.'

" This extraordinary vehemence on the generals
part seemed to impress them a little, and they said,
* Our father is angry.' But the mischief was done.
No comparison can be made of the despair which
now took possession of us at the spectacle of this
butchery ! I heard soldiers utter loud cries of in-
dignation."

Desandrouins not unnaturally expresses his aston-
ishment that the English, who had retained their
arms, whose guns were loaded, and who were more
numerous than the Indians, permitted themselves
to be intimidated and disarmed by them. In addi-
50

THE FORT IN RUINS

tion to this they had bayonets at the ends of their
guns and their cartridge boxes were filled. Yet
they made no use of them.

Montcalm and Levis were not less surprised than
Desandrouins at the pusillanimity of the English.
" It is difficult to understand," says the chevalier,
"how two thousand three hundred armed men
allowed themselves to be stripped by the Indians,
armed only with lances and tomahawks, without
making the least appearance of defence."

He adds that the English are not justified in
complaining of the infraction of the terms of capitu-
lation by the Indians, since they gave them brandy
in spite of recommendations to the contrary.

"Several days after the catastrophe," continues
Desandrouins, " Colonel Monro and all the officers
and soldiers whom he had been able to assemble,
left in good order, dragging after them the cannon
which belonged to them. Such is the unfortunate
event which I have described as I saw and heard
it without disguising anything."

Montcalm employed all his troops in the demoli-
tion of the fort and the camp. On August 15th
there remained nothing but a mass of smoking ruins,
of what six days before had been William Henry.

On the night of the sixteenth the last French
boats had left the shore, and disappeared one after
the other in the light mists which the coolness of
the twilight had suspended over the lake. Faint
glimmerings of fire, gradually dying out, marked

WOLFE AND MONTCALM

the sites that the English fort and camp had
occupied. All sound of war had ceased in this corner
of the land where thousands of men had battled.
The whoops of the Indians and the cries of agony
end despair had been succeeded by the gloomy
silence of the forest, scarcely interrupted by the
sinister cry of some nocturnal bird, or of some tawny
wild beast attracted to the neighbourhood by the
odour of dead bodies.

Thus closed one of the most appalling incidents
of these eventful times. The accounts of the mass-
acre given from the English standpoint do not
minimize Montcalm's sense of horror at the out-
rage, but they do not entirely exculpate him and
his officers. The English soldiers were defenceless,
for they were without ammunition and few of them
possessed bayonets. The charges, therefore, of pusil-
lanimity, if we accept this account, are unfounded.
Montcalm, moreover, had witnessed the disorder
which had prevailed in the afternoon, and if he had
followed the dictates of prudence would have had
enough troops at his disposal to repress an outbreak
among the Indians whose natural ferocity had been
intensified by rum.

CHAPTER V

THE CAMPAIGN OF 1758— BATTLE OF CARILLON

PEACE 1 Peace ! was the message of both Mont-
calm and Levis when they wrote to Versailles
on the return of their victorious battalions from
William Henry. It was the cry of an enlightened
patriotism. The proper French policy would have
been to strengthen the navy, and so consolidate the
whole colonial empire by strengthening the hands
of Montcalm in America and Dupleix in the East.
They were the only generals who were sustaining
the honour of her arms, but France had fallen into
effeminacy, and was working out her own humilia-
tion and decadence. Dupleix had already been
abandoned, and Montcalm was soon to share his
fate.

In his report to the minister at the end of the
campaign he thus summed up the situation : —
" Hardly any provisions remain, and the people are
reduced to a quarter of a pound of bread. The
soldiers* rations may have to be still further re-
duced. Little powder and no shoes. "

Famine ! What a godsend for Bigot and his
boon companions 1 What profits they reaped from
their long monopolized stores of corn ! But if they
made money they spent it gaily, too. "Notwith-
tanding the general distress balls and frightful

WOLFE AND MONTCALM

gambling," the indignant Montcalm wrote to his
mother, and Doreil adds, in his despatch to the
minister : — " Notwithstanding the ordinance of
1744, forbidding games of chance in the colonies,
such gambling as would frighten the most con-
firmed and daring players went on in the house of
the intendant until Ash Wednesday. M. Bigot
alone lost more than two hundred thousand
crowns."

The succour received from France in the spring
of 1758 was a mere mockery, consisting of a small
stock of foodstuffs, and seventy-five recruits. Such
were the conditions under which an enemy that
daily gathered strength was to be confronted.

England prepared to attack Canada at three
points at once. Fourteen thousand men and a
formidable squadron were assigned to the first un-
dertaking. From sixteen to eighteen thousand men
commanded by the new general-in-chief, Aber-
cromby, had orders to invade the country by way
of Lake St. Sacrament, and nine thousand were
let loose upon Ohio.

At Quebec no one dreamed of any such huge
forces, and only the victory at Carillon, where the
victors repulsed an army outnumbering them by
five to one, saved the country.

Montcalm had taken up his position half a mile

in advance of Fort Carillon, on a height which he

had fortified with the trunks of trees which his men

cut down. In front of these entrenchments, which

OPENING OF THE BATTLE

flanked each other, the fallen trees with their
branches sharpened served as chevaux defrise. The
little army of French troops of the line and Cana-
dians did not amount in all to more than three
thousand five hundred men, the right being com-
manded by the Chevalier de Levis, the centre by
Montcalm, and the left by Bourlamaque.

About midday on July 8th the English advance
guard appeared at the skirt of the woods, and opened
fire in skirmishing order. At once the French soldiers
dropped their tools and ran for shelter, and imme-
diately the triple lines of their companions formed
behind the greyish rampart walls, above which
flew the flag of each battalion.

It was the battle's prologue. All the verge of the
forest, from the right to the extreme left, was thick
with men in blue, while behind them through the
openings in their ranks three columns of red-coats
were seen advancing, together with a fourth, whose
multi-coloured garb proclaimed a Highland regi-
ment. The voices of the officers as they directed
their mens fire could be heard along the entire
line, and heavy discharges of musketry succeeded
one another uninterruptedly. Still the Frenchmen
never answered, for the bullets from such a dis-
tance hardly reached their shelter, and not one
entered their ranks. From the silence the forts
might almost have been thought abandoned.

On and on came the red-coats and the " kilties,"
marching proudly erect, notwithstanding the ob-

WOLFE AND MONTCALM

stacles that beset their way. Once within easy gun-
shot the whole line of the ramparts was hidden by
a cloud of smoke, and three thousand bullets rained
upon the heads of the advancing columns, the en-
tire front ranks of which went down. Still they con-
tinued the fire without flinching, but, while the
greater part of their bullets simply sank into the
tree-trunks, those of the French, aimed with the
greatest precision, mowed down whole lines. " It
was a perfect hell fire," said an English officer who
came out of the fight unhurt.

Under this shower of lead the columns presently
began to give way, and then, encouraged by their
officers, the men soon reformed, and advanced,
firing as they came. General Abercromby, who
was stationed about a mile and a half to the rear,
had given orders to carry the position at the bayonets'
point, and the men, as much infatuated as their chief,
rushed madly onwards, confident of victory. But
the forest of overturned trees, with their branches
interlaced, made advance well nigh impossible, and
threw their ranks and fire into disorder. The dead
and wounded who fell on all sides made the con-
fusion worse, and the incline leading to the ram-
parts, through which the soldiers could see only
flashes of fire and puffs of smoke which vomited
death, seemed more and more impregnable.

However, the fallen trees which so assisted the
defenders had also their disadvantages, for they
afforded shelter to a swarm of sharpshooters sta-
56

A STUBBORN ATTACK

tioned on the flanks of the invading army and be-
tween its columns. Better at this kind of work than
the troops of the line, these skirmishers, hidden be-
hind the stumps and the branches, poured in a
murderous fire which thinned the Frenchmen's
ranks, though the latter retaliated with even more
admirable aim.

Finally the head of one column reached the im-
provised chevaux de frise which defended the foot
of the entrenchments, but there the men were
halted by the thousands of sharpened branches,
which they in vain sought to remove from their
way, while from front and right and left they were
riddled with lead. After an hour of such bloody
fighting amidst an incredibly heavy fire the four
columns were thrown back into the border of the
woods.

Abercromby ordered a renewal of the attack, and
the firing was resumed with redoubled fury, while
the lowered bayonets glistened in the sun as the
officers' cry of " Forward ! " came to the ears of
the French. This time the commanders changed
their tactics. The two columns on the right threw
themselves against the opening guarded by two
companies of volunteers. The two others attacked
the right angle of the position. The shock was
terrible, and the heads of the columns were shaken
under the storm of missiles, without, however,
arresting those behind, who, trampling the dead
underfoot, fought with true British tenacity. The

WOLFE AND MONTCALM

Highlanders, always the bravest of the brave, were
many of them killed within a few feet of the walls.
It was a pity to see them fall, those gallant giants
who, after Culloden, would never have wished to
measure bayonets in Europe with the French.

On their side the Canadians fired with all possi-
ble speed, and with the accuracy of men accus-
tomed to the chase. They alone of the defenders
made several sorties, and driven back to shelter by
a terrific fire they, time and time again, issued there-
from, great gaps in the English ranks marking each
successive attack. It was owing to these sorties
alone, says Pouchot, that the enemy did not dare
to turn the position by the extreme right, which
they might easily have done " if they had known
the locality and how easily it could be entered."

The heat was suffocating, and at the beginning
of the engagement the Marquis de Montcalm took
off his uniform, smilingly remarking to his soldiers,
"We will have a warm time of it to-day, my
friends."

The scene of carnage was indescribable. Inside
the defenders' lines the whole line of the ramparts
was strewn with dead and wounded. Outside, all
round the walls, the bodies lay by hundreds in
masses more or less compact according to the fierce-
ness of the fighting. Some lay across the fallen
trees, while others were caught in their branches.
Many still writhed in the pains of their dying
agony. Disordered columns moved to right and
58

THE FINAL EFFORT

left, seeking a vulnerable point of attack amidst
the thunders of the firearms, the whistling of bullets,
the sharp commands of the officers, and the impre-
cations of the soldiers as they advanced or retired
amongst the impenetrable mass of leaves and
branches.

However, the day had already begun to decline,
and the sun was just about to disappear behind the
mountains, set in a sky as pure and calm as that in
which it had arisen. The peaceful light of its slant-
ing rays as they fell upon the field of Carillon
seemed to be a voiceless protest against the scenes
of horror taking place. General Abercromby finally
arrived upon the field of battle furious at his men's
repeated checks. Before acknowledging himself
beaten he would make a supreme and final effort,
so gathering together the two columns on his left
he threw them against the right angle of the en-
trenchments, while the two on the right he hurled
at the foot of the ravine which runs along the La-
chute River, and which overlooked the opening
guarded by the French volunteers. No previous
attack had been made with such impetuosity and
desperation.

Notwithstanding their enormous losses the enemy
seemed to multiply, and struggled to cross the
barrier of lead which stopped their progress. Mont-
calm, bareheaded, with his face inflamed, and fire
in his eye, personally superintended the defence
of the threatened spot, and exposed himself to the

WOLFE AND MONTCALM

same dangers that his troops had to face. LeVis,
always unmoved, although balls had twice pierced
his hat, seconded his efforts with that good judg-
ment which was to make him the future hero of
Ste. Foy.

The moment was a critical one. Suddenly from
the extreme right came the cry, En avant Cana-
diens ! It was de LeVis who had ordered the sortie
of the band now fully seven hundred strong owing
to recently arrived reinforcements. A swarm of
woodsmen issue from the fortifications, and spread
amidst the timber and along the fringe of the woods,
their gallant officers at their head. From their posi-
tion in the plain they direct their fire upon the
flank of the column skirting the side of the hill,
from which it threatens the fort. These Canadians,
seasoned and skilful hunters, do not waste a single
bullet and create gaps in the ranks of the enemy
which, however, are soon filled up. But the fire be-
comes so murderous that the column inclines some-
what towards the right in order to escape it, and
moves more towards the centre. All efforts, though,
are useless, and enveloped in front, and on the right
and left by the storm of lead the column is finally
flung back upon the forest's edge. This sortie of the
colonials was decisive, and it was undoubtedly the
accuracy of their fire from the advantageous posi-
tions which they gained by their successive sorties,
as well as the terror which they, like the Indians,
inspired in this kind of warfare, in which they had
60

THE HYMN OF VICTORY

no equals, that prevented the enemy from making
a direct attack upon the open plain they occupied.

About six o'clock one last attack was made, but
it was as fruitless as its predecessors, and from that
hour until half-past seven, only an intermittent
rifle fire ensued to cover up the retreat of the Eng-
lish forces. The French troops slept along the ram-
parts with their guns by their sides fearing the
enemy's return, but, panic-stricken, the latter hastily
embarked, even leaving some of their wounded by
the lakeside. They acknowledged a loss of one
thousand nine hundred and forty-four men. The
French lost one hundred and four killed and two
hundred and forty-eight wounded.

On the morning of the twelfth the French army
drawn up on the plain sang the hymn of victory
accompanied by the sound of bands, drums and
cannon. A large cross, planted by order of Mont-
calm, bore this inscription, which he composed him-
self, and below he wrote the French translation
which follows it: —

"Quid dux ? quid miles ? quid strata ingentia ligna?
En signum ! en victor ! Deus hie, Deus ipse triumphat ! "

" Chretien ! ce ne fut point Montcalm et sa prudence,
Ces arhres renverse's, ces heros, leurs exploits,
Qui des Anglais confus ont brise* l'esp^rance;
C'est le bras de ton Dieu vainqueur sur cette croix."

Time has not respected this ephemeral monu-
ment, and the fort itself is dismantled, but the
name of Carillon is indelibly inscribed in the annals
of Canadian history.

WOLFE AND MONTCALM

The campaign of 1758 finished in November,
when the French retreated from the Ohio valley.
The little French- Canadian army nobly defended its
entire frontier from Louisbourg to Duquesne, but,
crushed by numbers, its two wings had been driven
in. The centre alone was able to resist by means of
prodigies of valour and unhoped-for good fortune.
All of the three gates by which the English could
penetrate into Canada were open to them. The
small forts of Carillon and Niagara, left to them-
selves, could not hold out for more than a few days
against the masses coming against them. Only the
very centre of the colony could hold out any
longer, and this was alone possible by concentrat-
ing about Quebec all the forces of the country.
Montcalm and Vaudreuil, separated as they were
by an inveterate hatred, agreed on one point at
least and cried out for peace as the only means of
saving the colony. So desperate, indeed, did the
situation seem to them that they mutually decided
to send at express speed to Versailles in the en-
deavour to awaken the king and his ministers from
their stupor, if this were possible, and make them
understand that if help were not sent, as the Marquis
de Vaudreuil demanded, the colony was lost. Bou-
gainville was chosen for the mission, and Doreil, the
commissioner of war, who was called to France
on family business, was instructed to support the
representations before the court. However, notwith-
standing their most urgent solicitations, neither one
62

THE COURAGE OF DESPAIR

nor the other could obtain the slightest effective
help.

In view of the distress prevailing in Canada
the meagre provisions accompanying the recruits
brought by Bougainville amounted to next to noth-
ing. The twenty-three ships which arrived at Quebec
had brought out a bare third of what had been
asked for. Still, " trifles are precious to those who
have nothing," as Montcalm replied to the governor.
In conclusion he added, with prophetic courage, " I
shall entirely devote myself towards saving this un-
fortunate country, and if necessary will die in the
attempt." The governor expressed himself in the
same manner, and sent word to court to the effect
that the entire colony was ready to die facing the
foe. In this he simply told the truth, for despite
the vices of his administration he was immensely
popular amongst the Canadians, and could get
what he liked from them. In fact he was, with
some reason, looked upon as father of the people.
It was generally known that he alone of all the
governors had always championed the colonists'
cause, and this fact was largely responsible for his
incurring the animosity of the army.

The bishop and his clergy, whose influence was
the predominating one, were of the same opinion.
He and Mgr. de Pontbriand joined their voices
together in calling the people to arms, all the
habitants being ordered to hold themselves in
readiness to march on short notice with their arms

WOLFE AND MONTCALM

and six days' food. One officer alone, out of each
company, was to remain at home with the aged,
young and sick.

CHAPTER VI

WOLFE

FEBRUARY 16th, 1759, which was character-
ized by one of those heavy fogs so prevalent
in London at that time of year, found General
Wolfe at the residence of William Pitt, who had
confided to his direction the expedition about to
set out to besiege Quebec. It was the eve of his
departure, and Pitt had summoned him to dinner,
together with but one other guest — Lord Temple.
Towards the end of the evening the future con-
queror of Quebec, doubtless carried away by his
own thoughts, the great interests at stake, and the
presence of the two great statesmen, gave vent to
his natural impetuosity, and though he seems to
have been very abstemious in his libations during
the repast, indulged in some singular bravado. He
rose, drew his sword, struck the table with the butt,
and as he walked about the room he brandished the
weapon, proclaiming aloud the deeds it would accom-
plish. The two ministers were dumbfounded by an
outbreak so unlooked for in a man of common sense.
When Wolfe had left, and the sound of his carriage
wheels had died away in the distance, Pitt's high
opinion of the youthful general seemed to be for
the moment disturbed, and lifting his hands and

WOLFE AND MONTCALM

eyes to the sky he cried to Lord Temple : " Great
God, to think that I have committed the fate of
my country and my ministry into such hands I "

Lord Mahon, who reports the incident in his
History of England, states that he learnt of it from
his relative, Lord Grenville, a mild and kindly man,
to whom Lord Temple himself related it. This out-
break, adds the historian, confirms the testimony of
Wolfe himself, who acknowledged that he did not
appear to advantage in the matters of every-day
life. At times his very excessive timidity caused
him to fall into the other extreme, and so, con-
cludes Mahon, we must excuse a momentary out-
burst which may so well go hand in hand with the
truest ability and merit.

It may have been some rumour of this incident
which caused the Duke of Newcastle to say in the
presence of George III that Pitt's new general was
a mad fool. " If he is mad," answered the aged
king, " I hope that he will bite some of my
generals."

James Wolfe was born on January 2nd, 1727, at
Westerham, Kent, of a family which originally came
from Limerick. From infancy he manifested so
decided a taste for military life that when thirteen
years of age he embarked with his father, Lieuten-
ant-Colonel Wolfe, on the expedition which was
decimated before Carthagena. However, before the
fleet sailed, an illness, due to his delicate constitution,
obliged him to return to his mother. Such a feeble
66

WOLFE'S PERSONALITY

state of health one might have expected would give
him a tendency towards a life of peace, but his
young ambition had been fired by the tales of his
father, who had gained his rank in the armies of
Marlborough and Prince Eugene, and his dreams
were merely those of military glory. At sixteen
years of age he took part in his first campaign in
Flanders. He was then a tall but thin young man,
apparently weak for the trials of war. Moreover, he
was decidedly ugly, with red hair and a receding
forehead and chin, which made his profile seem to
be an obtuse angle, with the point at the end of his
nose. His pale, transparent skin was easily flushed,
and became fiery red when engaged in conversation
or in action. Nothing about him bespoke the soldier
save a firm-set mouth and eyes of azure blue, which
flashed and gleamed. With it all, though, he had
about his person and his manner a sympathetic
quality which attracted people to him.

In his last portraits he is represented as wearing
a square-cut, scarlet coat, after the English style,
while the rolled-back collar shows the lacework of
his shirt. His knotted hair falls down between his
shoulders, and he wears a three-cornered, gold-laced
hat. On his feet are gaiters, and a sword is in his
belt, while on his arm he bears a band of crepe, for
at the time he was in mourning for his father. He
is also similarly represented in the wooden statue,
made shortly after his death, which stood for many
years at the corner of Palace Hill and John Street,

WOLFE AND MONTCALM

in Quebec, but which has now found a resting-place
in the rooms of the Literary and Historical Society
of that city.

With his talents, and his devotion to his chosen
career Wolfe's promotion could not be other than
rapid. He took part in the victory of Dettingen,
where he distinguished himself by his bravery and
coolness, and was next day made adjutant and then
lieutenant, being raised to the rank of captain in the
ensuing campaign.

From the continent he crossed to Scotland, and
was present at the battle of Culloden. Some his-
torians represent him as there appearing in a most
magnanimous role to the disparagement of his
general. The Duke of Cumberland, they relate,
while crossing the field of battle with him noticed
a Highlander who, notwithstanding the severe
nature of his wounds, raised himself upon his elbow
and met the duke's gaze with a smile of defiance.
" Kill that insolent good-for-nothing who dares to
look at us with scorn," the latter is reported to
have said to Wolfe, who answered : —

"Your Highness has my commission; it is in
your hands, but I can never consent to become an
executioner." At twenty-three years of age he was
a lieutenant-colonel, and the study of Latin, French,
and mathematics occupied all his leisure. About
this time, too, he had a love trouble which he tried
to drown in a round of dissipation, but debauchery
was foreign to his nature, and he soon forswore it
68

AT THE FRENCH COURT

Stationed at Inverness, then a centre of disaffec-
tion, amidst a recently conquered population which
was still restless beneath the yoke, and struggling
against the most wretched ill-health he succeeded
in forgetting his discouragement and winning the
good-will of every one, even of the Highlanders.
He had an inexhaustible supply of humour and good
spirits, and with them he was accustomed to say a
man can overcome all obstacles. However, he found
the five years spent amongst the Scottish mountains
long, for he feared that he would grow rusty in the
intellectual void surrounding him.

The winter of 1753 found him in Paris in the
midst of a world, the refinement of which could
not but attract him. He fairly revelled in it, fre-
quented the court, and was presented to the king,
paying homage to the Crown, whose choicest jewel
was so soon to fall by his sword. Madame de Pom-
padour from the height of her gilded shame deigned
to smile upon him. " I was fortunate enough," he
writes, "to be placed near her for some time. She
is extremely pretty, and I should judge from her
conversation that she possesses much wit and intelli-
gence."

Wolfe, for the moment, became a courtier. Be-
tween his courses in equitation and French he took
dancing lessons, and was just flattering himself that
he had fairly well mastered the intricacies of the
minuet, according to his professor, when a peremp-
tory order, which he had barely time to curse,

WOLFE AND MONTCALM

called him back to England. He thus lost the op-
portunity of seeing the various armies of Europe, as
he had intended, before his return, but he made
up for the loss by study.

At the beginning of the Seven Years' War his
lucky star led him before Rochefort, where his bril-
liancy dazzled the chiefs of the expedition, and thus
his military fortunes began.

The command which the prime minister, Pitt,
confided to him, in connection with the Louisbourg
expedition, was little to his taste. He even dreaded
the task, anticipating from it more difficulty than
glory, as well as an outcome fatal to himself. More-
over, being a wretched sailor, his always uncertain
health almost completely collapsed at sea. Prema-
ture infirmities bade fair to cut short his earthly
existence, and he would have liked to enjoy for at
least a few years the joys of home which he had
never known, and of family life, towards which he
had strong inclinations. He was fond of children,
and had fallen in love with Miss Lowther, daughter
of an ex-governor of the Barbadoes. The height of
his ambition was to live by her and watch their
children grow up in a snug little cottage in some
such retired and peaceful country seat as his native
Westerham, but when he abandoned the soil of
Europe he felt that he had bidden farewell to all
these cherished dreams.

" Being of the profession of arms," he wrote from
Blackheath while preparing to sail, " I would ask
70

WOLFE'S CHARACTER

all occasions to serve, and therefore have thrown
myself in the way of the American war ; though I
know that the very passage threatens my life, and
that my constitution must be utterly ruined and
undone, and this from no motive either of avarice
or ambition." Writing to his mother he says : "All
I hope is that I may be ready at all times to meet
that fate which no one can avoid, and to die with
grace and honour when my hour has come, whether
it be soon or late."

Captain Knox, who saw Wolfe for the first time
at Halifax, detected in the youthful brigadier an
Achilles. Impetuous and irascible, his weak constitu-
tion often allowed him to be carried away by out-
bursts of passion. His temperament was Celtic rather
than Saxon. He was liberal in his ideas, more de-
voted to his country than to his ambition, and a
model of filial piety. Friendships, which he readily
formed, he well knew how to retain. He was ever a
slave to duty, a stern disciplinarian, and a soldier
before all else, and consequently beloved both by
officers and by rank and file. Such, in outline, was
Wolfe's character.

Not long after the capture of Louisbourg in 1758,
at which he distinguished himself, Wolfe went to
Bath, there to restore his very uncertain health. " I
have got in the square," he wrote to his father, " to
be more at leisure, more in the air, and nearer the
country. The women are not remarkable, nor the
men neither ; however, a man must be very hard

WOLFE AND MONTCALM

to please if he does not find some that will suit
him." He, however, speedily acquired a liking for
his residence at Bath, and there seems to have re-
newed his intimacy with Miss Catherine Lowther,
to whom he offered his hand, and was accepted.
She gave him her portrait, which he took with him
to America, carrying it on his person until the eve
of his death.

But the hours which he devoted to sentiment
did not in any way interfere with the young officer's
attention to military matters. A few days before
the incident mentioned he wrote to his friend,
Lieutenant-Colonel Rickson, a letter which showed
his real feelings concerning the late expedition.

" I do not reckon," he said, " that we have been
fortunate this year in America. Our force was so
superior to the enemy's that we might hope for
greater success. It seems to me to have been no
very difficult matter to have obliged the Marquis
de Montcalm to have laid down his arms, and, con-
sequently, to have given up all Canada. . . .
Amongst ourselves, be it said, that our attempt to
land where we did was rash and injudicious, our
success unexpected (by me) and undeserved. There
was no prodigious exertion of courage in the affair ;
an officer and thirty men would have made it im-
possible to get ashore where we did. Our proceed-
ings in other respects were as slow and tedious as
this undertaking was ill-advised and desperate ; but
this for your private information only. We lost
72

WOLFE'S DEPARTURE

time at the siege, still more after the siege, and
blundered from the beginning to the end of the
campaign. ... I have this day signified to
Mr. Pitt that he may dispose of my slight carcass
as he pleases, and that I am ready for any under-
taking within the reach and compass of my skill
and cunning. I am in a very bad condition both
with the gravel and rheumatism, but 1 had much
rather die than decline any kind of service that
offers. If I followed my own taste it would lead me
into Germany. . . .. However, it is not our
part to choose, but to obey."

What would Wolfe have thought if, while blam-
ing the fortunate error committed at Louisbourg,
he had been told that he himself would only take
Quebec by similar means ? The House of Com-
mons passed votes of thanks to Admiral Boscawen
and General Amherst, but did not mention Wolfe
because he was only second in command. How-
ever, Pitt soon afterwards, as has been related,
confided to him the expedition which he was pre-
paring against Quebec, and raised him to the rank
of brigadier.

Wolfe's last few days in England were passed in
preparations for his departure and in filial duties. His
father, a war-worn septuagenarian, and his mother,
whose health had always been uncertain, caused
him much anxiety, and he, in turn, caused them
equal uneasiness. Each felt how small were the
chances of their being reunited, and this feeling

WOLFE AND MONTCALM

gave to their adieux the sadness almost of a death-
bed farewell. " All that I ask," he said, " is that I
may be ready at all times to meet with a steady
eye the fate which no man can avoid, and to die
with good grace and honour when my hour has
come." His prayer was answered beyond his wildest
expectations.

Wolfe was to have under him three brigadiers —
Monckton, Townshend and Murray, all older than
himself, though still in the prime of life. Pitt had
allowed him to choose all his own officers, except
Townshend, who, by scheming, was appointed,
whether Wolfe would or not. He was a haughty,
pretentious, jeering nobleman, who passed most of
his time in caricaturing his superiors. He was brave
and talented, and possessed other good qualities,
but was always ranged on the side of the malcon-
tents. Walpole, in his memoirs on the reign of
George III, claims that he did all in his power
to overthrow Wolfe's plans. Monckton and Murray
were very different characters. Monckton, who was
broad-minded, straightforward and modest, was re-
cognized as a perfect gentleman, but unfortunately
played a sad part in the expulsion of the Acadians
in 1755. James Murray gained Wolfe's admiration
and friendship by his valour and activity at the
siege of Louisbourg. He became the second English
governor of Canada, and his highest praises are sung
by the French-Canadians, by whom his name has
always been held dear notwithstanding the diffi-
74

THE ENGLISH FLEET SAILS

culties of the time during which he governed them.
Another of Wolfe's friends — his chief-of-staff—
Lieutenant-Colonel Carleton — was destined in after
years to have his name written in golden letters on
the annals of this country. Guy Carleton, afterwards
Lord Dorchester, so gained the love of the French-
Canadians and governed them with such wisdom
and prudence that at four different times England
named him governor of Canada.

During the evening of February 17th, 1759, the
admiral's ship, Neptune, which left Spithead that
day after the English fleet, sailed along the coast of
England, and on the bridge stood Wolfe, endeavour-
ing to forget the seasickness, which had already be-
gun to haunt him, by watching the lanterns on the
distant ships light up as they appeared on the
horizon. This vast force of twenty-two line-of-battle
ships, five frigates, and nineteen other vessels, was
under the command of an invalid officer, thirty- two
years old, whose genius Pitt alone had discerned.

The fleet's destination was Louisbourg, but on its
arrival off Cape Breton the roadstead was found to
be shut in by great ice-fields, which obliged Admiral
Saunders to seek a temporary refuge at Halifax.
Two other fleets had left England a few days pre-
viously. One, that of Admiral Holmes, was en
route for New York, whence it was to convey re-
inforcements to Louisbourg. The other, Admiral
Durell's, was to cruise off the entrance of the St
Lawrence, in order to cut off any aid which might

WOLFE AND MONTCALM

be sent out from France. Admiral Saunders's fleet
only succeeded in making Louisbourg harbour in
the middle of May. Wolfe had scarcely landed
when he learned of his father's death.

" I am exceedingly sorry," he wrote to his uncle,
" it so fell out that I had it not in my power to
assist him in his illness, and to relieve my mother
in her distress ; and the more as her relations are
not affectionate, and you are too far off to give her
help."

Further on in the letter, where Wolfe outlined
his plan of attack on Quebec, there is evidence that
he did not foresee the resistance that he was to
meet, although a few days before he had written
to Pitt that " in Canada every man is a soldier."

" We are ordered," he writes, " to attack Quebec
— a very nice operation. The army consists of nine
thousand men ; in England it is called twelve thou-
sand. We have ten battalions, three companies of
grenadiers, some marines (if the admiral can spare
them), and six new-raised companies of North
American Rangers — not complete, and the worst
soldiers in the universe. The regular troops of Canada
consist of eight battalions of old Foot — about four
hundred a battalion — and forty companies of marines
(or colony troops), forty men a company. They can
gather together eight thousand or ten thousand
Canadians, and perhaps one thousand Indians. As
they are attacked by the side of Montreal by an
enemy of twelve thousand fighting men they must
76

THE PLAN OF ATTACK

necessarily divide their forces ; but, as the loss of
the capital implies the loss of the colony, their chief
attention will naturally be there, and, therefore, I
reckon we may find at Quebec six battalions, some
companies of marines, four or five thousand Cana-
dians, and some Indians ; altogether, not much in-
ferior to their enemy.

" The town of Quebec is poorly fortified, but the
ground round about it is rocky. To invest the place,
and cut off all communication with the colony, it
will be necessary to encamp with our right to the
river St. Lawrence, and our left to the river St.
Charles. From the river St. Charles to Beauport
the communication must be kept open by strong
entrenched posts and redoubts. The enemy can
pass that river at low water ; and it will be proper
to establish ourselves with small entrenched posts
from Pointe LeVis to La Chaudiere. It is the
business of our naval force to be masters of the
river, both above and below the town. If I find that
the enemy is strong, audacious, and well com-
manded, I shall proceed with the utmost caution
and circumspection, giving Amherst time to use
his superiority. If they are timid, weak, and ig-
norant, we shall push them with more vivacity,
that we may be able before the summer is gone to
assist the commander-in-chief. I reckon we shall
have a smart action at the passage of the river St.
Charles unless we can steal a detachment up the river
St. Lawrence, and land them three, four, five miles,

WOLFE AND MONTCALM

or more, above the town, and get time to entrench
so strongly that they won't care to attack."

Continuous fogs detained the fleet at Louisbourg,
but finally, on June 6th, the last of the transports
weighed anchor. As they filed out of the harbour
the troops drawn up on the decks caused the cliffs
to echo again with their cheers, while the officers,
no less enthusiastic, exchanged healths, and toasted
in advance, u British colours on every French fort,
port, and garrison in America."

On the eleventh, from the cliffs of Gaspe', the
French sentinels made out the fleet by the spread of
canvas which appeared upon the horizon, and before
nightfall the host of ships, with their wings extended
like those of descending vultures, had doubled Cap
des Hosiers.

The advance guard, composed of ten of Admiral
DurelTs vessels, had just dropped anchor in La
Prairie Baie, between Ile-aux-Coudres and Les
Eboulements. Durell had captured only three war
vessels and a few cargoes of provisions.

On board was a French pilot, belonging to an
old and honourable Canadian family, whose name
is now branded as that of a traitor. Jean Denis de
Vitr^ was captured at sea, and, if his testimony is
to be believed, was obliged, under pain of death, to
guide the fleet. Moreover, he was not the only one
who found himself under this dire necessity, for the
admiral, when he entered the harbour, hoisted the
French flag, and showed the signal used in calling
78

QUEBEC UNPREPARED

for pilots. The latter at once launched their skiffs,
and only realized their mistakes when, upon board-
ing the ships, they were made prisoners. According
to a legend, which had no origin save in the imagina-
tion of the English, a missionary, who was near
one of the look-out stations, was transported with
joy when he imagined that it was the French fleet
that approached, but fell dead on the spot from
disappointment when he recognized the English
flag at the masthead.

At seven o'clock, on May 22nd, Montcalm went
to his place of lodging on Rampart Street, worn out
with a march of nearly two hundred miles made at
one stretch, and angry at Vaudreuil, who had de-
tained him at Montreal, sorely against his will,
until the arrival of the last despatches from the
court. He at once had a conference with the inten-
dant, the result of which was that he found abso-
lutely nothing in readiness.

Ever since the autumn of 1757 Montcalm had,
in anticipation of a siege, been inspecting the sur-
roundings of Quebec, on both sides of the river, as
far down as Cap Tourmente, for the city's fortifica-
tions afforded practically no protection. " Its situa-
tion," he said, " should have inspired any engineer
other than M. de Lery with the means of making an
exceedingly strong place of it ; but it seems that he
has, although spending immense sums of money,
devoted himself to destroying the advantages with
which nature had, with such prodigality, supplied it."

WOLFE AND MONTCALM

The ramparts overlooking the plain were formed
" only of a very weak wall," without either parapets
or a single cannon which could command the plain.
There had not even been any attempt at protecting
it by outworks. Montcalm's plan then was to pre-
vent the enemy from landing on the only spot
which seemed to him to be accessible, viz., the
Beauport shore.

Here the northern bank of the river stretches in
a gentle slope, intersected on the right by the river
St. Charles, and on the left by the Montmorency
River and Falls. Upon this incline he resolved to
form an entrenched camp, and mass his troops.

Vaudreuil had written to the minister in about
the same sense on the preceding April 1st : — " I
will dispose my troops according to the number I
have of militia, regulars, Indians and seamen, either
opposing the enemy's landing on the Island of Or-
leans, or, if I am reduced to so doing, awaiting
them from the Montmorency River to Quebec, and
from Quebec to the Carrouge River.

"Whatever the English may attempt I flatter my-
self that the worth of my troops, the colonists' per-
sonal interests, their attachment to the king, the
number of Indians we will have, all these forces
combined will render the conquest of the colony
exceedingly difficult, if not impossible."

On May 8th, of the same year, Vaudreuil added :
— " However sad and critical our position may be
I have no less confidence in my ability to face the
80

A COUNCIL OF OFFICERS

enemy on all sides, in so far as our means permit.
The zeal with which I am animated in the king's
service will enable me to overcome the greatest
obstacles. I am taking the best possible measures
for the enemy's reception, at whatsoever point he
may choose to attack us.

" Permit me, my lord, to beg you to assure His
Majesty that, no matter to what hard extremity I
may be driven, my zeal will be as ardent as it is
indefatigable, and that I will do all in my power to
prevent any progress on the part of the enemy, or
at least to make it extremely dearly bought."

If Vaudreuil did not show in the face of the
enemy the resolution which animated him in his
council chamber, he at least expressed that of the
entire colony. The day after his arrival Montcalm
called together, at the intendant's palace, all the
captains of the frigates and warships, with the
officers of the port. At their head was Captain
Vauquelin, the hero of Louisbourg, who was as able
in the council room as he was intrepid in combat.
There, also, was the old captain known to every-
one as bonhomme Pellegrin — a trifle deaf but still
active and possessed of consummate experience, who
had piloted the squadron which brought out Mont-
calm and his troops. It was to this old and ex-
perienced sailor that the officers confided the mes-
sages for their families at home, and through him
they received their replies.

In response to the first demand made by the

WOLFE AND MONTCALM

general the council unanimously decided to place
three hundred sailors at the disposal of the engineers,
to work on the defences along the St. Charles River.
Captain Duclos undertook the construction of a
floating battery, and vessels which were each to
carry one gun. This little fleet was to be manned
by one thousand four hundred sailors.

It was proposed to close the straightest channel,
the Traverse, between the Island of Orleans and
He Madame, by sinking ten of the largest ships,
and to build batteries in this neighbourhood, one at
Cap Tourmente and the other at Cap Brule*, but
neither project was carried out because Captain
Pelletier, being sent a few days later to take sound*
ings in the Traverse, found it much wider than re-
ported.

The same day Montcalm wrote to the Chevalier
de LeVis : — " We have just learned from the cap-
tains of two merchant-men that they saw at Saint
Barnabe' six or seven vessels, probably the advance
guard of the English fleet. However, no signals were
made, and we have no formal notice, which prevents
me from moving my battalions because we must be
saving in our food supply. However, have them in
readiness, for in less than twenty-four hours you
may have another courier instructing you to put
them on the move. M. Rigaud will kindly put in
readiness the Canadians whom M. de Vaudreuil
intends for the defence of this point. I am sending
marching orders for Languedoc's battalion.

THE ENGLISH FLEET IN SIGHT

" I expect that M. de Vaudreuil has already left.
If you will kindly communicate to him the contents
of this letter."

Vaudreuil was already on the march, and de LeVis
was very shortly to follow him. That very midnight
the entire right bank of the St. Lawrence was illu-
minated from cape to cape as far as Quebec, which
replied by the signals previously agreed upon. A
courier sent from Baie St. Paul at the same time
told of the arrival of the English vanguard at the
anchorage of Ile-aux-Coudres.

Then the last doubts vanished. Previous to that
time the optimists, such as are always to be found,
had flattered themselves that the English fleet could
not overcome the difficulties presented by the navi-
gation of the river. Within their own memories
Admiral Walker's squadron had been lost upon the
rocks of Sept lies. AH the women, their souls all
devotion, besieged the churches, the religious orders
were continually engaged in prayer, and pilgrimages
and processions went to Notre Dame des Victoires,
and all to obtain this special favour. But finally came
such evidence as no one could longer doubt.

Feverish agitation and activity took possession of
the city and the country, whence the people flocked,
all armed, towards the capital. A final note from
Montcalm found Levis on his way to Quebec:
— " I have still less time, my dear chevalier," he
wrote, " for writing since the arrival of the Marquis
de Vaudreuil, for I have to allow him to play the

WOLFE AND MONTCALM

role of general. I act as secretary and major for
him, and greatly long to have you with us and to
greet you."

It was the first time that Vaudreuil had taken his
place in the army beside Montcalm, whose position
became all the more irritating by reason of his recent
promotion to the rank of lieutenant-general. The
governor had no such high rank, and yet Montcalm
had to hand over the generalship to him. This divi-
sion of the generalship was, as has been seen, an
inherent vice of the colonial system, which was re-
peated in the civil relations of the governor and the
intendant. It had contributed to many conflicts, and
threatened fatal results. In the final crisis the court
could see no way out of the difficulty. Montcalm
had strong claims by reason of his victories, and
Vaudreuil had equal ones owing to his influence
with the colonists. To replace the former would
mean, in all probability, the loss of the colony,
while the recall of the second might entail the dis-
affection of the Canadians, whom the king felt
ashamed to abandon after having required so much
at their hands. By giving Montcalm the full manage-
ment of the military operations, and Vaudreuil the
right to be consulted, he thought that he had found
a way of conciliating both, but he really had only
brought the discord to a culminating point.

As the troops arrived they were camped behind
the General Hospital, on the right bank of the St.
Charles River, where they were employed on the
84

THE FORTIFICATIONS

completion of this line of defence which was to
serve as a means of retreat for the army should it
be forced from the Beauport defences. Colonel de
Bougainville went forward with the companies of
grenadiers placed under his orders, and placed
them en echelon along the left bank of the St.
Charles, as far as the Beauport brook, to work at
the entrenching of the camp. The workers were
daily increased by the arrival of the members of the
militia, who turned out in greater numbers than
any one had dared to hope. Among them were even
old men of eighty, and children of twelve and
thirteen, who did not wish to claim the exemption
to which they were entitled by their age.

Montcalm felt a keen sense of relief when he
pressed the hand of his dear friend de Levis —
such was his confidence in his military ability, and
his presence rendered that of Vaudreuil much less
exasperating.

Moreover de Levis was always on good terms with
the governor, and with much tact and prudence
lessened the friction between the two enemies.
From the time that he arrived, he and Montcalm
were almost always out together. Mounted, and
followed by Pontleroy and some other engineering
officers, they traversed the entire shore to the Falls
of Montmorency, and fixed the locations for the
redoubts and batteries.

M. Jacquot de Fiedmont undertook the fortifica-
tion of the approaches to the bridges over the St.

WOLFE AND MONTCALM

Charles, and another engineer, M. de Caire, a recent
arrival from France, looked after the works along
this river. Two other bridges were built at its mouth
and fortified, while on two sunken ships at this spot
were built two batteries of ten guns each. Finally
the mouth of the river was closed by a stout boom.
The intendant's palace was surrounded by a double
row of palisades, and the wharf opposite it was
armed with several field-guns. Around the base of
the cliff were four great batteries, looked after by
the Chevalier de Bernetz, named second in com-
mand of the town. Some of these batteries over-
looked the roadstead and others the stream of the
river. All buildings which might be in danger of fire
were razed, and the openings of the houses below
the cliff were closed, while all streets leading to the
Upper Town except Palace Hill were barricaded.
Starting from this latter point the summit of the
cliff, whose fortifications were not complete, was
crowned by embattled palisades two or three feet
thick, running from below the gate to the Lower
Town, and the various batteries were repaired or
furnished with new guns. Two barbette batteries
defended the approach to the Lower Town, and the
bishop abandoned his palace that it might be used
for a redoubt.

During this time the lines of the entrenched

camp on the Beauport side rose as though by magic.

" Never," says Captain de Folign£, " did works go

up more rapidly, so that our generals soon had the

THE FLOATING BATTERY

satisfaction of seeing themselves in a position to
receive the enemy."

Captain Duclos received the command of the
floating battery," Le Diable," which he had designed.
It was hexagonal in shape, and drew only three or
four feet of water, although it mounted twelve
heavy calibre cannon. Eight fireships, and one
hundred and twenty rafts, laden with combustibles,
were also to be let loose upon the enemy's fleet as
soon as it appeared within the harbour. The ships
laden with provisions were ordered to Three Rivers,
whence the army was to draw its provisions, and
the two frigates moored at L'Anse cies Meres, half
a league above Quebec, were to prevent all attacks
upon them. M. de la Rochebeaucour also formed
a cavalry corps of two hundred men to go to the
assistance of the points which were most pressed.
Montcalm, who, notwithstanding his numberless
other occupations, found time either to write or
dictate his journal, included in it such biting reflec-
tions as this : — " Vehicles are lacking for work upon
the fortifications, but not for carrying materials for
making a casemate for Madame de Pean. No matter
how tragic the end of all this may and probably will
be, one cannot help laughing."

Concerning Vaudreuil's first visit to the entrenched
camp he ironically remarks : — " The Marquis de
Vaudreuil, governor-general, and therefore general
of the army, has made his first visit of inspection ;
youth has to inform itself. As he had never seen

WOLFE AND MONTCALM

either a camp or military works it was all as new as
amusing to him. He asked some singular questions,
such as might be put by a blind man who had just
received his sight."

A new source of discord had sprung up since the
sharp reprimand addressed to the intendant by
Minister Berryer. Bigot felt that he had been be-
trayed by Bougainville, and let the latter's friends
as well as himself feel the weight of his wrath. The
council was the principal scene of these animosities,
and such violent altercations broke out that it was
frequently found necessary to adjourn the meeting.
Montcalm complains of it to LeVis in these words :
— " I was in the town yesterday, and beheld the
council in an indecent tumult. On the part of the
navy there is a general outcry against Le Mercier,
and great impatience for his batteries, to which the
whole army is subordinated."

The intendant and the commissary of stores, Cadet,
took up their headquarters at Beauport, whence
they provisioned the army. The people were then
reduced to two ounces of bread a day, and many of
them did not even get that, while whole families
died of want. High society, however, did not live
any the less luxuriously on this account, and Cadet
had grain thrown to thousands of fowls destined
for his own table and those of his friends.

Admiral Durell found Ile-aux-Coudres deserted,
for by Vaudreuil's orders the people had abandoned
it when the English sails appeared, and had retired to
88

A CAPTURE AT ILE-AUX-COUDRES

the woods of Baie St. Paul. He consequently estab-
lished a camp on its cultivated heights, and landed
there some of his troops, to rest them after the
fatigues of the voyage across. They soon fancied
themselves secure, and the officers amused them-
selves by hunting, and riding about on the horses
left on the island. Three Canadian officers, MM.
de la Naudiere, Des Rivieres and de Niverville had,
however, gone down from Quebec to Baie St. Paul
with one hundred and fifty militiamen, one hundred
Abenakis, and a few pieces of artillery to prevent
a landing there, and, aided by the people of the
place, they built trenches and mounted batteries at
the mouth of the Goufire River. Thence parties of
militiamen and Indians guided by the islanders fre-
quently crossed over under cover of night to harass
the invaders and take a few prisoners. On the north
side of the island is a rugged promontory called Cap
a la Branche, at the base of which passes a straight
road bathed by the waters of the river. A few island-
ers commanded by one of themselves, Francois
Savard, a man as active as he was brave and in-
telligent, ambushed themselves by this road behind
a curtain of great cedars, and waited until they be-
held the approach of two officers, one of whom bore
on his saddle a young lad. As they passed the am-
buscade a volley brought down both horses, and all
three were made prisoners before they knew what
had taken place. Great was the surprise of Savard
and his associates when they learnt that one of the

WOLFE AND MONTCALM

officers was the grandson of Admiral Durell. Cap-
tain Des Rivieres, who was with the captors, accom-
panied him to Quebec, where de Vaudreuil treated
him with the utmost consideration until he was
later on exchanged with other prisoners.

An inspection of the Island of Orleans made
by de Bougainville and Pontleroy having shown
the impossibility of defending it successfully, the
inhabitants were ordered to evacuate it also, and
M. de Courtemanche, with five hundred Canadians
and a party of Indians went down to prepare an
ambuscade and attempt to capture a few prisoners.
Frequent north-east winds had favoured the pro-
gress of the English fleet, and on June 23rd it
anchored below the lofty mountains of Baie St.
Paul. Admiral Saunders then began the sounding
of the dangerous Traverse channel, reported to be
unnavigable by big warships, whence the French
had removed the buoys, besides destroying the land-
marks on the shores.

" At three o'clock in the afternoon of the 25th,"
adds Knox, " a French pilot was put on board of
each transport, and the man who fell to the Good-
tvilFs lot gasconaded at a most extravagant rate,
and gave us to understand it was much against his
inclination that he had become an English pilot.
The poor fellow assumed great latitude in his con-
versation ; said he made no doubt that some of
the fleet would return to England ; but they should
have a dismal tale to carry with them ; for Canada
90

CAPTAIN KNOX'S VIEWS

would be the grave of the whole army, and he ex-
pected, in a short time, to see the walls of Quebec
ornamented with English scalps. Had it not been
in obedience to the admiral, who gave orders that
he should not be ill-used, he would certainly have
been thrown overboard." The Traverse was navi-
gated without accident.

" At the Island of Orleans," continues Knox, " we
are presented with a view of a clear, open country,
with villages and churches innumerable, which last,
as also their houses, being all white-limed on the
outsides, gives them a neat, elegant appearance
from our ships."

As Captain Knox advanced his admiration be-
came more lively, and when, on June 26th, the
Goodwill cast anchor before the parish of St.
Laurent he wrote in his note-book: —

" Here we are entertained with a most agreeable
prospect of a delightful country on every side ;
windmills, water-mills, churches, chapels, and com-
pact farm-houses, all built with stone, and covered,
some with wood and others with straw. The lands
appear to be everywhere well cultivated, and, with
the help of my glass, I can discern that they are
sowed with flax, wheat, barley, pease, etc., and the
grounds are enclosed with wooden pales. The
weather to-day is agreeably warm ; a light fog
sometimes hangs over the Highlands, but in the
river we have a fine clear air. Where we now ride
the tide does not run above six knots an hour, and

WOLFE AND MONTCALM

we have good anchorage ; the rest of our fleet are
working up, and, by the situation of affairs, I am
inclined to think we are happily arrived at the place,
that, to all appearance, will be the theatre of our
future operations. In the curve of the river, while
we were under sail, we had a transient view of a
stupendous natural curiosity, called the water-fall
of Montmorency, of which I hope, before the close
of the campaign, to be able to give a satisfactory
relation."

The ambuscade of M. de Courtemanche at the
lower end of the Island of Orleans did not have the
success expected, for notwithstanding his warnings
the Indians showed themselves too soon, and con-
sequently only one barge, with a few prisoners,
was taken.

At sunset on the twenty-sixth Lieutenant Meech,
with forty Rangers, made the first reconnaissance
of the island. Believing it deserted he imprudently
entered a woods where he fell upon a party of
Canadians, engaged, as he believed, in making a
cache. They were, however, in reality de Courte-
manche's rear guard, left to keep a lookout, and
they almost surrounded the landing party. Meech
had barely time to throw himself with his party
into a house, and barricade it, without daring
to stop and pick up one of his men, who was
struck down by a ball. The army landed without
opposition, and the first camp was pitched on a
plateau a little below the St. Laurent church. Knox,
92

THE CURES APPEAL

with some brother officers, profited by their first
leisure moment to visit the church. " A neat build-
ing," he says, " with a steeple and spire." The orna-
ments had all been carried away, except some paint-
ings of no value. The cure of the parish, before
leaving, had affixed to the door a letter addressed
to " The worthy officers of the British army." He
begged them, in the name of humanity and their
well-known generosity, to protect his church as well
as the presbytery and its outbuildings, if not out of
consideration for him at least for the love of God,
and out of compassion for the unfortunate homeless
parishioners. " I would have been glad," he added,
" had you arrived sooner so that you might have
tasted the vegetables, such as asparagus, radishes,
etc., which my garden produces, but which have
now run to seed." The cure' closed his letter with
what Knox calls the " frothy compliments peculiar
to the French."

The next day was as clear as the preceding one,
and at sunrise Wolfe took with him his chief en-
gineer, Mackellar, and with an escort of light troops
went up the river as far as the upper end of the
Island of Orleans, where he landed. His first im-
pression of the scene before him we have not in
writing, but it is not hard to guess what it was. He
had before him one of the finest views and one of
the best chosen strategical positions in all North
America ; on his right the river and falls of Mont-
morency forming a natural line of defence ; on his

WOLFE AND MONTCALM

left the rugged heights of Levis ; in front of him,
three miles distant, projecting like the prow of an
immense ship, was the promontory of Quebec,
commanding either shore. He could distinguish
perfectly the lines of the entrenched camp run-
ning in zig-zags with its batteries and redans,
from the top of Montmorency down to the St.
Charles ; and behind this first line, all along the
hillside, stood the double row of pretty white-washed
houses bordering the roadway. He did not know
yet that the group of tents on his extreme right
was the camp of his cleverest opponent, the Cheva-
lier de Levis, with the best regular troops, and
those famous woodsmen from Montreal whom the
soldiers feared almost as much as they did the
Indians ; that in the centre of this slope the seig-
niorial manor of de Salaberry, surrounded by a
multitude of tents, was the headquarters of Mont-
calm, and that further on near La Canardiere was de
Bougainville's quarters, which Vaudreuil was soon
to occupy. All along this slope he saw the white
lines of the French regulars, and those of the co-
lonial troops, who were taking up their respective
positions. At the entrance to the St. Charles River
he beheld the confused lines of the fortified bridges,
and in the distance down the valley the steeple of
the General Hospital was barely visible. With the
aid of the plan of Quebec unrolled before him he
could locate the principal city buildings, whose
spires and roofings crowned the ramparts — the
94

WOLFE VIEWS THE SITUATION

seminary and Hotel-Dieu at the edge of the cliff;
the cathedral, the Jesuits' college, and the Ursuline
and Recollet monasteries, standing in the centre in
the form of an irregular quadrilateral ; and on the left
could be seen the profile of the Chateau St. Louis
crowning the precipice. The two great groves of
trees arising from among the roofs indicated the
gardens of the seminary and the college.

Along the palisaded crests of the mountain
were ranged the batteries of the Chateau St.
Louis, the seminary and the hospital ; and below,
extending their mouths to the water's edge, were
the St. Charles, Dauphine, Royal, and Construc-
tion batteries. But what he could not see from
where he stood, as Cape Diamond hid them from
his sight, were the two chains of sharp cut rock, be-
tween which, for many leagues, the river wends its
way. But without seeing them he knew by the most
positive reports that on the north shore as far as
Cap Rouge, three leagues higher up, the cliff was
practically insurmountable, that at the few points
where it was accessible it could be defended with
ease by a small force, and that beyond that the Cap
Rouge River, with its lofty banks, formed no less
difficult an obstacle than did the Montmorency.
This locality then would not enter into his plan of
attack save as a last resort to which he would only
turn when all other means had been vainly ex-
hausted.

In his letter to his uncle, written from Louis-

WOLFE AND MONTCALM

bourg, he had worked on two hypotheses. Either
he would find his enemy audacious or he would find
him timid. As a matter of fact he found him to be
neither; the French general was evidently deter-
mined, but he was also as prudent as he was firm,
and trusted nothing to chance. He awaited him be-
hind his ramparts, and would dispute the ground
foot by foot ; in a word, he would stretch out the
length of the siege as far as possible, and wait until
the invader had either exhausted his forces or been
driven away by winter's approach. Wolfe had
imagined that he would be able to land without
much resistance on the Beauport shore, which he
then hoped to hold by a system of fortifications such
as he had employed at Louisbourg. He had sup-
posed that the only serious opposition he would
have to meet would be in the passage over the St.
Charles, but here at one stroke he saw his base of
operations thrown back to more than two leagues
from the city, and below the Montmorency River,
the difficulties of which he saw at a glance.

When he had carefully examined the formidable
positions occupied by his enemy, and had recog-
nized all the obstacles which nature had accumu-
lated against him, and those which skilful generals
had added and would still add to them, a feeling of
defiance took possession of him. He understood at
last that at a distance he had not fully taken into
account the difficulties which he had to face.

If at least the twelve thousand men who were
96

A DISILLUSIONMENT

advancing against Carillon had been commanded
by as enterprising a general as himself he could
have hoped to make a timely junction with them.
This would have been his best chance of success,
but he knew Amherst's character only too well. He
had suffered too much from his slowness, before and
after the siege of Louisbourg, even to hope that he
would move at more than a snail's pace, and he
foresaw that the campaign would be over before that
general had come down the Richelieu. This was the
more apparent because the policy of prudence and
temporizing adopted by Montcalm showed in ad-
vance the course which Bourlamaque would pursue.
This first inspection then served to disillusion him
and overturn his plans, and, as if nature wished to
reflect the clouds which hung in his thoughts, the
sky, which was so fair at sunrise, became darkened.
A storm formed above Cape Diamond, spread over
both banks of the river and burst in the afternoon
with a torrent of rain, heavy thunder, and a wind
which made the vessels of the fleet drag their
anchors, many of the transports, boats, and barges
being thrown upon the shore and smashed to atoms.
Happily for the British enemy this tempest vanished
as quickly as it had appeared, and gave place to a
calm clear night.

The same quiet reigned the following night, when
the lookouts on the various English ships reported
to their commanders that they saw several black
bodies gliding down the river, and increasing in

WOLFE AND MONTCALM

size as they approached with the current. Seven
fireships had, in short, been launched under the
direction of a young ship's officer named de Louche
— a boastful, inexperienced youth, who had forced
the acceptance of his services against the wishes of
the engineers. Montcalm with some of his principal
officers stationed himself near the Beauport church
to watch the effect.

He had little confidence in the scheme, and said
in his journal : — " Our dear fireships ! The epithet is
indeed appropriate, for they cost us from fifteen to
eighteen thousand francs. . . It is to be hoped
that they will have a better effect on the English
fleet than the tempest had."

De Louche was seized with terror, amounting to
a panic, before he had reached the middle of the
roadstead, and caused the torch to be applied to the
fireships almost at once. Only one was coolly man-
aged and burnt to some purpose. The brave officer
who had charge of it, M. Dubois de la Milletiere,
could not escape from amidst the blazing boats
which surrounded him, and perished with all of his
men. Some of the fireships went ashore at the Island
of Orleans ; the others were stopped by the English
sailors, who caught them with their grappling irons,
and towed them to the beach, where they burnt
themselves out, casting a lurid glare over the en-
trenched camp, the anchorage, and even as far as
the cape at Quebec.

Captain Knox, who saw these infernal machines
98

FRENCH FIRESHIPS

approach from his ship, says that nothing could be
more extraordinary than their terrible, and at the
same time, magnificent appearance. Cannon loaded
with grape shot, which together with a great quan-
tity of grenades and other projectiles had been placed
on board, exploded with such rage that the senti-
nels placed at the end of the island were terror-
stricken, and fell back upon their camp spreading
the alarm. The light regiments were advanced, and
the regiments of the line stood to arms and were
ordered to load.

"The night," Knox continues, "was serene and
calm, there was no light but what the stars pro-
duced, and this was eclipsed by the blaze of the
floating fires, issuing from all parts, and running
almost as quick as thought up the masts and rig-
ging ; add to this the solemnity of the sable night,
still more obscured by the profuse clouds of smoke,
with the firing of the cannon, the bursting of the
grenades, and the crackling of the other combusti-
bles ; all which reverberating through the air, and the
adjacent woods, together with the sonorous shouts
and frequent repetitions of A IPs well, from our gal-
lant seamen on the water, afforded a scene, I think,
infinitely superior to any adequate description. "

Among the French there was as much indigna-
tion as disappointment. " De Louche," Montcalm
observes, "complains that the intendant and Le
Mercier forced them to leave before they were quite

ready One of the captains said: —

WOLFE AND MONTCALM

' Gentlemen, we have acted like cowards. There is
still one fireship left. Let us wipe out our shame
by either success or death.' One only accepted the
proposition ; the others were silent."

Wolfe, seeing that he had to abandon all idea of
an attack via Beauport, turned his attention towards
the south bank of the river whence he could at least
approach Quebec. With regard to the force with
which Montcalm could oppose him there, he knew
absolutely nothing, but it did not seem to him that
it could be large, for he had not noticed either forti-
fications, or works of any kind on this side, nor was
there any evidence of the presence of troops.

There may still be seen to-day opposite St. Lau-
rent, the little church of Beaumont, preserved just
as it was at the time of the siege of Quebec. At five
p.m. on June 29th the light infantry, the rangers,
one regiment of the line, and a body of Highlanders
had been ferried over from the Island of Orleans to
the south shore, and had taken possession of the
church and village of Beaumont without the slightest
resistance. The tide being too low the remainder of
the brigade detailed to carry out this operation
under Monckton's orders could not cross, and spent
the night upon the beach shivering with cold, for
the heat of the day had been succeeded by so sharp
a north wind that there was frost in many places.

At seven o'clock in the morning, while the light
troops were engaged in a skirmish with a party of
Canadians, whom they drove back to the shelter of
100

WOLFE'S PROCLAMATION .3 :' V:$

the woods, Monckton landed with his troops, and
mounted the straight path, bordered with brush-
wood, which led to the church, where his first care
was to affix to the door a proclamation drawn up
by General Wolfe. It was a very able appeal ad-
dressed to the Canadians. After having mentioned
the irresistible forces which he had led into the
very heart of their country, to which were to be
added those advancing by way of Lake Champlain,
he told them that England had no quarrel with
any one but France ; that she was not making war
upon the industrious people of Canada, nor upon
their religion and defenceless women and children ;
that the habitants might remain upon their lands
and re-occupy their houses without fear ; that in
return for this inestimable benefit he hoped that the
people would not mix themselves up in a conflict
which was merely one between the two Crowns,
failing which they would see their harvests and their
houses destroyed and their churches profaned by
the enraged soldiery ; and that the only avenue
whence help could come to them was closed by
a formidable fleet, so that when winter came they
would be exposed to all the horrors of famine. He
concluded by saying that France, powerless to assist
Canada, had deserted her cause, and that the troops
which she sent out were maintained only by laying
upon the colonists all the burden of an unbridled
and lawless oppression.

What Wolfe said was only too true, but never-

101

Wolfe and montcalm

theless not a Canadian spoke of surrender. They no
longer considered their sacrifices in their obstinate
attachment to the mother country which had long
since lost all compassion for them.

In spite of Wolfe's declaration that he wished to
conduct the war in civilized fashion his rangers
sometimes got out of hand, exasperated by the
atrocities of the Indians and of the coureurs de bois
in Indian garb. This practice was mitigated, if not
checked, by an order from Wolfe forbidding " The
inhuman practice of scalping, except when the
enemy are Indians, or Canadians dressed like In-
dians." Vaudreuil in his despatches to Versailles
during 1756 had made frequent mention of scalp-
ing as a recognized and even necessary custom.

The party of Canadians who remained on the
watch in the edge of the woods came down to the
church as soon as the English had gone, tore down
the proclamation, and sent it by one of their men
to the Marquis de Vaudreuil.

About noon the attention of the French officers
stationed at the Beauport camp was drawn to a
movement upon the heights of Levis. A long
column, in the middle of which the scarlet-clad
regulars were readily distinguished, came along the
Beaumont road and marched towards the Levis
church, while the little puffs of white smoke along
the green hillsides showed that it was being harassed
by Canadian sharpshooters. They were a party of
sixty woodsmen who, after having dodged the steps
102

DE LEVIS CHURCH ATTACKED

of the column for two hours, had taken up a position
at the foot of the wooded rock which overlooks the
St. Joseph de Le>is Church. De Vaudreuil, being
informed that seven or eight hundred Englishmen
had landed, had consulted Montcalm and sent
to the little party's assistance under Dufils Charest,
three hundred Canadians and sailors, with about
forty Abenakis and Ottawa Indians. This small
band fought from three to six o'clock in the
afternoon, with a valour that called forth the ad-
miration of both the English and the townsmen,
who had crowded to the ramparts to see the en-
gagement.

The church and presbytery which served as re-
doubts were taken and retaken several times, and
at the end of the fight Monckton ordered the High-
landers to enter the woods on the hillside while the
light infantry made a de'tour, and he himself in per-
son attacked the church and presbytery.

" Our people," says Captain de Foligne\ who had
witnessed the fight, " had the upper hand, and ob-
liged the enemy to leave the field to them, when
the Indians took about a dozen scalps, having already
made one prisoner."

M. Dufils Charest, not wishing to lose the fruits
of this victory, called together the Indians, who
were always ready to go off after an initial success,
and asked them to remain with him and his band.
He proposed to send five or six of them to the
governor with the prisoner, to ask for a reinforce-

103

WOLFE AND MONTCALM

ment of one thousand men, with whom he could
force the English to re-embark, and the Indians,
having none of their men either killed or wounded,
consented. Unfortunately for the French however,
the prisoner, when brought to Quebec, declared
that the Beauport side was to be attacked during
the night, and it was therefore judged unwise to
send away any of the garrison, says Montcalm. This
gave the English time to learn something about the
place and to fortify themselves in such a fashion
that they could not be dislodged.

The Marquis de Montcalm, who had in the morn-
ing gone to the city to advise the governor to adopt
the course already pursued at Pointe LeVis an-
nounced on his return that the camp was to be at-
tacked between ten o'clock and midnight. M. Duclos
moored his floating battery "Le Diable" broad-
side on at the mouth of the Beauport River, and
word was sent to de LeVis to fall back a little to-
wards the centre. " The Canadians," says one writer,
" manned the trenches opposite their camp and ex-
tended to the right, our troops took the centre, and
the remainder of the Canadians supported them on
the left in Beauport ravine, while the mounted troops
remained in the yard at La Canardiere, to be in
readiness in case of need. The Marquis de Mont-
calm, with de Bougainville, and his aides-de-camp,
including M. de Caire, the engineer, went over the
entire line. I spent the night at the battery at La
Canardiere with Le Mercier. The troops in vain
104

MONTCALM'S LINE OF DEFENCE

awaited the coming of the English, and at day-
break they were called in." At this moment there
was an alarm in the Canadian camp, and firing be-
came general along the line as it was believed that
the camp was attacked. This fusilade over, the troops
returned to their tents, and all was quiet, while our
authority continues : " I got to bed at seven o'clock
with a fever which prevented me from tracing out
the St. Louis battery as I had promised the Che-
valier de LeVis that I would." Montcalm himself
took only a very few hours' rest, for he feared an
immediate attack, and was not yet satisfied with
his preparations. He found that his little army was
very much scattered over the two long leagues
covered by his line of defence, for only after some
hesitation had he given way to the urgent request
of de LeVis, and prolonged the entrenchments be-
yond the Beauport River, and right up to the Mont-
morency Falls. The right wing, formed of the Quebec
and Three Rivers militia, under de St. Ours and
de Bonne, extended from the St. Charles to La
Canardiere; the centre composed of the batta-
lions from La Sarre, Languedoc, Be'arn, Guyenne,
and Royal-Roussillon, under Brigadier Senezergues,
stretched from La Canardiere to the Beauport church ;
and on the left the Montreal militia under Prud-
homme and Herbin stretched to the Montmor-
ency River.

After a fresh inspection the general began to fear
that an attack on his centre might force it, and cut

105

WOLFE AND MONTCALM

off his line of retreat. From the Royal-Roussillon
camp he wrote the same evening to de Levis : —
" Since leaving you, my dear Chevalier, I have been
racing hither and thither on horseback, and am be-
ginning to become alarmed at our position, I beg
you to think it over without an obstinate predilec-
tion for your first opinion." He then went on to
discuss the chances of an attack upon the centre or
one of the wings as follows : — " How do you ex-
pect us to guard the great space between the Royal-
Roussillon and La Sarre regiments ? The Languedoc
and Be'arn regiments are too far apart ; if possible
let us bring them closer together, even if they have
to camp in the wheat, and place them by half batta-
lions if necessary. I would like to strengthen my
line from La Canardiere to Beauport, and would
hope with two thousand Montrealers to hold the
left, which I would not reinforce. I am writing from
Poulariez' quarters without, however, mentioning
the matter to any one else, so that you may have
time to sleep over it as you well suggest."

Montcalm then gave as follows the exact number
of the troops at his command : — " Five battalions,
two thousand nine hundred; Three Rivers, one
thousand one hundred ; Montreal, three thousand
eight hundred ; Quebec (at the outside), three thou-
sand ; a total of ten thousand eight hundred men."
And he continues : " And with this force we have
a winding line of four or five leagues to guard;

think over this picture this evening

106

COMPARATIVE FORCES

" I am sure that to-morrow when you take up your
pen even you will be alarmed at the extent to be
guarded. We have indeed little cloth from which
to cut our coat. I write to you frankly, but will
willingly defer to your advice. Let us, however, try
to be of only one mind, my dear Chevalier, for
friendship and a common interest should lead us to
do so."

Montcalm at this time had no idea that his
enemy was quite as fearful of attacking his position
as he himself was of having it attacked. Wolfe,
however, had more soldiers and seamen to lead
against the French general than the latter had at
his disposal, including both his regulars and militia.
The former had nine thousand regular troops, while
the latter had only two thousand nine hundred, odds
of three to one. Against seven thousand nine hundred
militia the English general had an even greater
number of sailors armed with every weapon, while
many of the Canadians had only hunting-guns with-
out bayonets. Only five hundred or six hundred
Indians in all had mustered at Quebec.

While Monckton was fortifying himself at LeVis,
four skiffs containing cannon left the Beauport
shore, and came to within half range of the shore
as if to land their men. Captains Cannon and Le
Sage, who were in command, hid the guns by
grouping men around them, and waited until the
English troops were drawn up on the shore to
receive them when they opened on them with grape

107

WOLFE AND MONTCALM

shot, and in less than half an hour killed one hundred
men. They would have committed further slaughter
had not an English frigate approached, whereupon
they retired under the guns of the town without
losing a single man.

A small party of Micmac Indians, whom de
Boish^bert had sent to harass the troops was
skirmishing with the light infantry when they fell
into an ambuscade and lost nine men, whose scalps
were taken by the rangers, who had borrowed their
barbarous custom. This was the most repellent
feature of all the border wars of the period, and
the Canadian woodsmen have been charged with
scalping as freely as the rangers. Wolfe soon re-
volted at the sight of the rangers returning from
their expeditions with the bloody scalps hanging
from their belts, and forbade the inhuman practice
as already stated except when they met Indians or
Canadians dressed as Indians. This order, however,
did not wholly deter them, and they continued to
scalp indiscriminately.

In the morning Wolfe ordered Carleton to estab-
lish a fortified camp at the west end of the Island
of Orleans, and himself, with a new body of troops,
landed en route for Pointe LeVis, advancing until
opposite the town. Captain Knox, who was present,
was no less struck by the appearance of Cape Dia-
mond than was his general. " We had," he says, " a
most agreeable view of the city of Quebec. The
river here is only a mile wide, and washes the foot
108

OLD MEMORIES

of the promontory which from no other side appears
so formidable."

Wolfe saw before him the chateau of the governers
of New France, with which were linked so many of
the important events in the history of America.
Thence went forth the impulse which sent La Salle
to the mouth of the Mississippi, d'Iberville to Hud-
son Bay, and La V^rendrye to the Rocky Moun-
tains. There Frontenac gave to the envoy of Ad-
miral Phipps his famous answer : " Go, tell your
master that I will answer him by the mouths of
my cannon."

To his right the English general looked down
upon the Beauport camp, where he saw the entire
French force engaged on the completion of en-
trenchments that were infinitely more formidable
than the breastwork of fallen trees, from behind
which Montcalm, with a handful of men, had at
Carillon repulsed Abercromby's army the previous
year. From the colours of their uniforms he judged
that about one-fifth of the soldiers belonged to the
regular army. All the openings of the houses at
Beauport were barricaded and loopholed for mus-
ketry, forming an uninterrupted line along the road,
and the curtain of trees which fringed the Mont-
morency, and which he could now easily distin-
guish, seemed to make the passage of this river
more impracticable than ever, so that after this ex-
amination he hesitated even more than before about
attacking Beauport. But how was he to divert atten-

109

WOLFE AND MONTCALM

tion from this inactivity ? For this he saw no other
alternative than the bombardment of the town. It
would be as useless a means of attacking the place
as it was barbaric, and could serve no other purpose
than to enrage the population, but it would at least
satisfy his men by giving them something to do,
and would at least convey the impression that he
was making some progress. He, therefore, at once
fixed the location of the batteries, and had fascines
cut, gabions made, parapets raised, and the cannon
trained. The French, who followed these operations
from the ramparts, endeavoured to hinder them,
but their cannon, which were of too small a calibre
to reach the works, did the enemy no harm.

Montcalm, still anxious about his position, whose
centre he found too weak, drafted three hundred
Canadians into the regiments of the line, which
already included many of them, and transformed
the Guyenne battalion into a reserve corps, which
was to be in readiness to work either to right or
left, as the occasion demanded, between the Beau-
port brook and the St. Charles River. The army
passed the nights in the trenches, and the marquis
was astonished at the activity of the Chevalier de
Ldvis, who, being robust and younger than himself,
stood the fatigue and night-watches without seem-
ing to notice them.

" You are fortunate," he wrote, " in being inde-
fatigable. That is always for the best. . . . Be-
fore you retire I should be glad to learn what your
110

THE FLEET APPROACHES

news is. What you do, my dear Chevalier, is always
well done. If your vigilance alone could save the
country all would be well, but more than this is
necessary."

The English fleet which on its arrival stretched
in two long lines between the Island of Orleans and
the south shore came closer each day, and was now
anchored at the entrance to the harbour. Captain
Knox, who always had a keen sense of the pictur-
esque side of things, was lost in admiration of it,
and declared that it presented a magnificent appear-
ance upon the river. The impression it produced
upon the Canadians was very different. To them it
had the appearance of a dark cloud foreboding a
tempest, for from these floating caverns poured
forth hordes of strangers and engines of war which
would spread death and destruction amongst them.
General Wolfe's apparent indecision kept the
French generals in a constant state of uncertainty,
which, for the moment, was their principal source
of embarrassment.

Soon many vessels, surrounded by barges, anchored
broadside on near the Falls by daylight, and bom-
barded the camp of the Chevalier de Levis, but the
floating battery anchored at the shore, reinforced by
the gunboats, replied with such vigour that they
promptly moved to a distance. At sunset the
barges laden with troops went down the river by
the Island of Orleans, and it was generally believed
that a sham attack was being made on that side in

111

WOLFE AND MONTCALM

order to permit a surprise on the right wing of the
camp. During the night, however; about three
thousand of the brigades of Townshend and Murray
crossed the Island of Orleans, and took possession
of the left bank of the Montmorency, where they
began to erect fortifications. From this position,
overlooking the right bank, they could trouble the
camp of the Chevalier de Levis, but Montcalm,
contrary to the advice of Vaudreuil, did not deem
it wise to send a large detachment to dislodge them.
On July 7th he had sent M. de Lapause to inspect
the fords, and especially the winter one, and erect
demi-bastions at them. These were guarded by the
brave Captain de Repentigny with his eleven hun-
dred chosen Canadians.

Four hundred Indians, mostly Ottawas, com-
manded by M. de Langlade, with a few Canadians,
crossed these fords, and, clubs in hand, threw them-
selves on a detachment of four hundred men who
were protecting the men working at the English
camp. The howls of the band so terrified the soldiers
that they fell back in disorder upon the main body,
having lost eighty or one hundred men killed and
wounded. Being in turn repulsed by superior num-
bers the Indians lost about fifteen warriors, and
thereupon immediately killed five prisoners who
were in their hands. They returned exhausted with
thirty-six scalps. This action, which occurred on
July 9th, must not be confused with a similar
engagement of July 26th, in which Wolfe's re-
112

A USELESS EXPEDITION

connaissance in force upon the Falls of Montmor-
ency narrowly escaped disaster at the hands of
Langlade and his Indians.

The Quebec batteries had so little effect upon
the works at Pointe Levis that Montcalm, who was
beginning to fear a powder famine, ordered the
firing to cease. Thereupon the townspeople, whose
alarm was great at the prospect of seeing their
city bombarded and reduced to ashes, murmured
loudly against the generals who were doing nothing
to dislodge the enemy, and several of the principal
men held a meeting and decided to send a deputa-
tion to the Beauport camp. M. Daine, the lieu-
tenant of police, on behalf of the people, and M.
Tache, on behalf of the merchants, were sent, and
asked that the citizens be allowed to cross the river
and destroy the Levis batteries — an operation which
Montcalm had just recommended.

The expedition was composed of a collection of
burghers of every age and condition, without either
discipline or knowledge of military affairs. Its ranks
even included seminary pupils, who formed a picket
of thirty men, and were nick-named "Royal-Syntax"
by the wags. In a word it embraced every element
whose presence was likely to contribute to a dis-
aster, and to their number were added one hundred
volunteers from the La Sarre and Languedoc bat-
talions and a few Indians. The expedition, number-
ing one thousand five hundred in all, left on the
evening of July 12th under M. Dumas, one of the

113

WOLFE AND MONTCALM

best colonial officers, to whom fell the dangerous
honour of the command, and marched up to Sillery,
where a fleet of boats, which was in readiness, con-
veyed them over to the east side of the Etchemin
River. Leaving fifty men to guard the boats Dumas
started his men on the march in two columns, the
night being of an inky darkness. Halting at the
house of one Bourassa, a short distance from the
English camp, he sent forward some Indian and
Canadian scouts, who found the country deserted.
Then the detachment again moved forward, but
the guides having lost their bearings a halt was
made to discover their whereabouts. Just at this
time, as good luck would have it, some eighty resi-
dents of Pointe LeVis arrived, and gave M. Dumas
the required information. The advance guard was
again about to proceed, when it was seen in the
darkness by the other column, which was advancing
along a fence and took it for the enemy. A panic
at once ensued, and all broke the ranks and fled.
At this critical moment a volley from the party of
students routed both parties, and against the dis-
order which ensued the efforts of M. Dumas and
his officers were unavailing, the whole crowd rush-
ing in headlong flight for the boats. Two more
volleys, fired during the descent of the cliff, killed
two men and wounded three, and when M. Dumas
arrived at the shore two-thirds of the party were
already in the boats, and ready to push off. It re-
quired all his powers of persuasion to induce them
114

A GENERAL EXODUS

to disembark and recover some semblance of order,
and then he roundly scored them, but thought it
unwise to retrace their steps, as the firing might
have aroused the English. Moreover day was at
hand, and about eight o'clock the expedition re-
turned to the town covered with shame and con-
fusion. This exploit was nick-named " The school-
children's feat."

The incident was the signal for a general exodus
from the town. Most of the families fled to the
country, while the others were huddled along the
ramparts to the westward or among the suburbs, out
of the range of bombs and bullets. The streets be-
came blocked with vehicles laden with furniture,
etc., of which the houses were being emptied, and
Palace Gate was soon unable to give passage to
all the traffic so that the St. John and St. Louis
Gates had to be opened. In the Lower Town, and
the more exposed parts of the Upper Town only
the garrison and the men occupied in conveying the
water supply were left. The Ursulines and the
hospital nuns left their convents under the charge
of a few sisters, and took refuge in the General
Hospital. The powder was withdrawn from the
magazines, and stored at Ste. Foy.

A few balls and bombs had already been thrown
into the town, and at a signal from the admiral's
ship, given at nine p.m., the mortars and cannon
from the Pointe LeVis batteries began to fire to-
gether. The bombs were all directed at the Upper

115

WOLFE AND MONTCALM

Town, especially at those spots where the biggest
buildings stood, and where the roofs were most closely
clustered together. Considerable damage was done
during the first night, over three hundred bombs
and fireballs being thrown within twenty-four hours.
The murderous hail of fire and metal only ceased
when the unfortunate city was no longer anything
but a mass of ashes and ruins. The cathedral, a great
part of the Upper Town, and all the Lower Town fell
a prey to the flames, it being possible to count the
houses which escaped undamaged. Several persons
were killed, and the citizens, most of whom were
ruined by this bombardment, which was as cruel as it
was useless, watched with despair the clouds of fire
and smoke which rose above the ramparts.

The next day Montcalm wrote in his journal the
following : — " M. de Pontleroy, keenly alive to the
needs of the unfortunates, opened all the posterns
for the women and children, and his great regret,
like mine, was our inability to supply so many poor
wretches with bread.

Qucequce ipse miserrima vidi
Et quorum pars magna Jui f"

The left wing of the French army was in a most
disquieting position from the moment the English
became solidly entrenched on the opposite side of
the Montmorency. The two camps were only sepa-
rated by the narrow channel of the river, which,
after having formed the rapids of the Natural Steps,
throws itself over a precipice over two hundred
116

AT CLOSE RANGE

and fifty feet high, whence, with painful slowness,
it pours towards the St. Lawrence, its waters appa-
rently stunned by the immensity of their fall. The
two rocks divided by its snow-white sheet, from the
foot of which rises a constant cloud of mist dis-
playing in its centre a multi-coloured rainbow, re-
cede from each other till they form a large basin
which runs to the edge of the beach, and is fordable
for many hours at low tide. The rival armies
situated within hailing distance of one another were
sheltered by great demi-bastions, whence the oppo-
sing sharpshooters exchanged shots across the river,
and every day some were killed or wounded. Mont-
calm felt himself called upon to calm the enthu-
siasm of his men, and in writing to de Levis said : —
" We must try to make our Indians, soldiers, and
Canadians do less firing. While we may kill some of
the enemy we have to mourn many of our own
men." Several batteries erected at intervals on both
shores hurled bombs, balls, and grenades at one
another.

Captain Knox who, after his first glimpse of the
Falls had promised himself the pleasure of a closer
inspection, and of writing a description of them,
found himself near them one bright clear day when
he could see them in all their beauty. If the brave
Scot had had combined with his lively imagina-
tion the classical turn of mind of Montcalm or de
Bougainville he would have compared it to the
snow-white mantle of a Naiad. He could not resist

117

WOLFE AND MONTCALM

the temptation to take in the vision of all its beauty,
and as he imprudently exposed himself while doing
so, the nearby sentinel uttered a warning for him to
get under cover if he did not wish to die. He had
just at that moment seen a sharpshooter glide along
among the brushwood and young sapins upon the
other bank, and draw a bead upon the unconscious
officer. Already the weapon had once missed fire.
Knox had hardly got down from his perilous
position when a ball which whizzed over his head
came near putting an end to his interesting journal.

Night and day the untiring and watchful de
LeVis, with a foot as sure as that of any coureur de
bois, went over the line which stretched from his
camp to that of de Repentigny, between which he
had opened an avenue of communication through
the depth of the forest. As it had already be-
come too dangerous a position to be entrusted to
the guardianship of any one body of troops the
army was divided into detachments of one thousand
four hundred men, who relieved one another every
twenty-four hours.

The La Sarre, Beam, and Guyenne battalions
had been moved towards the left in order to be the
more readily available should the English attempt
to cross the river, while the Languedoc battalion
and the Quebec and Three Rivers militia formed
the right wing. From time to time a white flag
waving over the epaulement stopped the cannon
and musketry fire, and an armistice ensued, during
118

AN EXCHANGE OF COURTESIES

which the bearers of the flags of truce exchanged
handshakings, courtesies, or prisoners.

One of the envoys remarked to General Wolfe :
— " We don't doubt that you will destroy the town,
but we are determined that you shall never set foot
within its walls," to which the latter replied : — " I
will be master of Quebec if I have to remain here
until the end of November."

Another French officer told Knox that de LeVis
had urged Montcalm to dislodge Wolfe from his
position at the Falls, but Montcalm had answered,
" If we drive him from there he will give us more
trouble elsewhere ; while they remain there they can
do no harm. Let them continue to amuse them-
selves."

The state of forced inactivity in which the French
army had been kept since the opening of the cam-
paign, the shortness of provisions, the urgency of
getting in the hay, which was already over ripe, and
above all the custom of the militiamen to make what
they called a coup, and return to their firesides,
began to occasion desertions, which the commanders
endeavoured to arrest by the sternest measures. On
the other hand hardly a day passed without the
arrival of some English deserters, from whom useful
information was frequently obtained.

As time passed Wolfe's hesitancy became more
evident, and the French were astonished at seeing
him pass his days in indecision. The regulars be-
came as impatient as the militia, and Montcalm was

119

WOLFE AND MONTCALM

as much so as any one, all his good sense, and the
advice of the other commanders being required to
keep him on the defensive.

" Generally speaking," he said, " we are all eager
for the end of all this. . . The enemy harasses
with cannon and mortars all points which can be
reached. . . . Such behaviour on the part of
an enemy whom we have been taught to regard as
extremely expeditious in his movements makes us
suspect that the intention is to wear us out in every
way. I at present fear that he simply intends to
weary us and make us leave our position. We are
this evening to send out a large body of Indians,
and I believe that we cannot give too many of all
ranks — Indians, militiamen, and regulars — a taste of
fighting. It is the only way in which to keep them
exercised, and prevent the disorders which usually
result from idleness. We will gain in still another
way by tiring the enemy and increasing his fear of
the Indians. For," he adds to de LeVis, " they are
devilishly afraid of the Indians. . . . M. de
Lusignan relieves me in the camp this evening, and
I go to spend my week in the town."

On the way he noted the measures which Wolfe
was taking to organize his sailors into a regular
army. " Fifteen hundred sailors," he wrote, " land
every day at Pointe LeVis, where they are trained
in military movements and shooting exercises. They
return on board in the evenings."

The stifling heat of the month of July brought
120

THE ELEMENTS IN LEAGUE

with it frequent abrupt changes of temperature.
Thunder and lightning storms appeared on the
horizon overcasting the sun, and blotting out the
promontory of Quebec, the Island of Orleans, and
both banks of the river. Then began a singular
concert between the heavens and the earth. The
roars of the cannon of Pointe L^vis, Quebec, and
the two banks of the Montmorency replied to the
rollings of the thunder, which swept across the
basin of the river with flashing lightning cutting
through the sombre darkness, and then down came
the floods, silencing the guns and driving the men
to their floating tents. Gradually the storm died
away in the distance, and then the peace of nature
replaced the tumult of war, while under summer's
clear blue sky the mountains stood out with such
distinctness that they seemed but half as distant as
before. The basin of Quebec became, in fact, a vast
amphitheatre of war, its circling seats the hillsides
from which the multitudes anxiously watched the
various combats waged, now on water between the
gunboats and the English fleet, then upon land be-
tween the opposing shores.

Night only served to change the aspect of the
spectacle. The fleet, which with the transports had
come nearer and nearer, lighted up the roadstead
with its countless lanterns, the bombs in the dark-
ness described great arcs of fire, and the flames
which continued to devour Quebec made Cape
Diamond resemble a volcano in eruption.

121

WOLFE AND MONTCALM

The almost deserted town had become the resort
of a band of thieves, who gave themselves up to
every kind of disorder. Hardly had a bomb smashed
in a door or window when the house was pillaged
and destroyed, until finally the crime was made a
capital offence, while, more for effect than for use,
two gallows were erected near the ramparts. Patrols
were also organized to guard the various districts.
The news from Carillon did not cause much anxiety,
for Amherst displayed the same slowness that drove
Wolfe to despair at Louisbourg. That from Niagara
was, however, more alarming. Pouchot had be-
lieved himself to be in little danger, and was im-
prudent enough to divide his force, sending part of
it to Belle Riviere. " As I foresaw," Montcalm
wrote to de LeVis, " notwithstanding Pouchot 's
Canadian reasoning, the enemy beyond a doubt
landed three thousand men on the sixth. He has sent
messengers to recall his army from Fort Duquesne,
but you will see, Jean, whether it comes or not. It
would have been more simple to have kept it. I can
see that Canada is now attacked at six points —
Montmorency Falls, Pointe Levis, Carillon, the head
of the rapids, Niagara and Fort Machault. We will
have to offer a nice ecc-voto if we save any part of
the country this campaign."

A few famished families from time to time came

down to the British camp for nourishment. Others,

surprised in the woods and taken prisoners, were set

at liberty with presents and copies of Wolfe's procla-

122

THEY STEAL A MARCH

mation. These invitations to surrender, however,
produced no more effect than the first, for if the
people groaned under the French yoke, they feared
still more the oppression of the English.

On the night of July 18th the sentinels on watch
on the ramparts of Quebec saw upon the river the
approach of some light shadows, which they took
for British vessels. As a matter of fact what they
saw was the Sutherland, a fifty gun ship, a frigate,
and five other sailing vessels passing up the stream.
A fresh north-east breeze had covered the sky with
clouds, and the night was so dark that the ships
could hardly be seen, but all the batteries on the
Lower Town and ramparts opened fire. However,
before they could do any harm the vessels, favoured
by the rising tide and the wind, had passed the
town.

The following morning the English stationed at
Pointe Le'vis could see two bodies swinging on a
double gibbet opposite the chateau terrace. They
were those of two sailors of the " floating patrol,"
condemned for mutiny and lack of watchfulness.
The punishment was summary, but the damage
had been done. Up to that time the French had
hoped to be able to prevent the passage of any
vessel which might make the attempt.

The siege then took on a new phase. For the first
time Montcalm found himself constrained to divide
his forces, since his line of communication for food-
stuffs and warlike stores was threatened, and his

123

WOLFE AND MONTCALM

army might be taken in the rear. " We shall be
placed in too light a position," he said, " and unable
to maintain our ground if ever the enemy obtains a
footing on the heights governing the city's land
approaches."

This last move was a fresh piece of temporizing
on the part of Wolfe which called out from Mont-
calm the remark : — " All this becomes daily more
obscure." The English army already in possession
of three points from which it was extremely hard to
dislodge it — Montmorency, the Island of Orleans,
and Pointe Levis — now occupied a fourth, and
Wolfe's actions could only be explained on the
ground of his thorough conviction that the French
had made up their minds to remain on the defensive.
To this they were driven by the colony's desperate
situation.

The British vessels anchored at L'Anse des Meres
burned a fireship, and attempted to destroy some
fire-rafts which had just been built, but were re-
pulsed. Dumas had reached the spot with six
hundred cavalry, some cannon, and a body of Indians.
A further body of troops joined them the following
morning, when news was received to the effect that
a number of barges had been taken up by the Le>is
road and launched at Chaudiere. Colonel Carleton
boarded them with six hundred men, and went up
the river to a distance of seven leagues above
Quebec. His guide was Robert Stobo, a former
hostage, who, five years before, had been given up
124

AT POINTE-AUX-TREMBLES

to de Villiers by Washington at the taking of Fort
Necessity. Being taken first to Fort Duquesne and
then to Quebec, he had remained there a long
time, taking advantage of his too great freedom to
study the city and its surroundings. In company
with another officer named Stevens, of the rangers,
he had the previous year escaped by a piece of
daring, and had gone down to Halifax, becoming of
much importance by reason of the accurate infor-
mation in his possession. Carleton landed on the
left bank of the river not far from the village of
Pointe-aux-Trembles, where it was expected, from
the statements of some prisoners, to find some of
the army's leading stores and important documents.
He entered the village at daybreak, repulsing forty
Indians, who killed and wounded some of his men,
and was not molested for the remainder of the day.
However, he found nothing that he sought. When
he re-embarked he took with him a number of
prisoners, mostly old men, women, and children,
among them many Quebec ladies who had taken
refuge there. A party of Dumas' troops arrived only
in time to exchange shots with the rear guard,
wounding a few men, and then the Indians, more to
be feared than even the enemy, returned to the
village and pillaged the abandoned houses. Wolfe,
who had gone on board the vessels anchored at
L'Anse des Meres, greeted the prisoners with perfect
courtesy, even inviting the ladies to supper, and
rallied them gently on the circumspection of the

125

WOLFE AND MONTCALM

French generals, to whom, he said, he had offered
many favourable opportunities for attacking him.
He was much surprised, he said, that they had not
availed themselves of these openings. The next day
he hoisted a flag of truce and offered an armistice,
on condition that the barges containing his wounded,
whom he wished to send to the hospitals at the Island
of Orleans, should be allowed to pass. The English
officers, says an historian of the period, even carried
their gallantry so far as to inscribe their names in their
fair prisoners' note-books, and then the ladies were
landed at L'Anse des Meres, as surprised as pleased
at their enforced jaunt. At the time they little sus-
pected that some years later they would be paying
their court at the Chateau St. Louis to the leader
of the expedition, then become Lord Dorchester,
governor-general of Canada.

Montcalm passed whole nights on the ramparts
of Quebec, watching to see that no more vessels
got above the city, and from amongst his best
officers he chose guards whom he could im-
plicitly trust, when he could not be present him-
self. Many frigates came to within cannon shot
under a favouring north-east wind, but were always
so warmly greeted that they speedily retired. With
regard to his left wing Montcalm felt no anxiety,
for his alter ego, de LeVis, was always on the move,
and took so little rest that the marquis was some-
what worried. He even sent word to M. de Sene-
zergues to use all diligence, and not trouble the
126

ANXIOUS HOURS

chevalier except concerning the most important
matters.

De Vaudreuil, notwithstanding his sixty years,
was hardly less active than de LeVis. " We were
up until daybreak,'' he wrote, " and so was the Lan-
guedoc battalion and the reserve battalion which
we have formed to go to the assistance of any part
which may be attacked. We are strongly of the
opinion that the attack will be made in the direc-
tion of Sillery, for there is every indication that the
enemy will try to land there. However, M. Dumas
writes to me that he passed a peaceful night. I did
not sleep at all during the night, and it is evident
that I will not be able to do so during the day."

Wolfe at this time was preparing for an attack on
the Montmorency River, and was displaying much
activity in that direction. He tried several times to
bridge it, covering his operations by a heavy artillery
fire. After a skirmish the marquis wrote to his
friend: — "The English showed little vigour,for there
was no one left in the camp but twenty Canadians,
who did well." A few hours later he wrote : — " I am
convinced that they will not attack the left, and am
beginning to believe that they will not attack us
anywhere, but will attempt to cut off our food
supply and lay the country waste." The same even-
ing Montcalm learned that a detachment was moving
towards the fords. " Have posts there," he ordered,
" to give this little body a sound drubbing, for it
would embarrass us to no inconsiderable degree

127

WOLFE AND MONTCALM

should it be bold enough to attack our rear, not-
withstanding the risk it would run."

This little force, of which a glimpse was caught
at nightfall, was a column of two thousand men led
in person by General Wolfe who came to examine
the ford, which was held by only one thousand one
hundred Canadians, and to attempt to force a pas-
sage. At its approach eight or nine hundred Indians,
under the intrepid de Langlade, hastened to the
scene, and, unperceived, threw themselves down on
their stomachs on the right-hand side of the Mont-
morency within pistol-shot of the British force,
which had halted, and was preparing to bivouac
for the night. The silence of the forest, broken
only by the gurgling of the rapids and the night
breeze in the tree tops, led the English to believe
that there was no enemy in the neighbourhood.
Chevalier Johnstone, who relates this incident, ex-
presses his astonishment at so many Indians lying
for so long in such close proximity to the enemy
without in any way betraying their presence. It was
one of the marvels of Indian strategy. M. de Lang-
lade seeing the ambuscade so well prepared signed
to the surrounding chiefs to await him, and furtively
glided to the rear, crossed the river, and hastened
to the camp of the Chevalier de LeVis for a strong
reinforcement. He asserted that if he were backed
up he would entirely surround the enemy, very few
of whom would ever return to their camp, but,
tempting as the opportunity was, de LeVis could
128

AN INDIAN VICTORY

not order a movement which might bring on a
general engagement without consulting his com-
mander-in-chief, and the headquarters were too far
away to have an answer in time. All that the che-
valier could do was to despatch a detachment to the
river, writing at the same time to de Repentigny
that he confided the supreme command to him, and
left the rest to his skill and experience. Repentigny,
who was as brave as de Le>is and no less prudent,
found himself in a similar difficulty. The Indians in
the meantime had been awaiting Langlade's return
for five hours, lying on the ground, tomahawks in
hand, and only moving their lynx-like eyes. At the
first sign of dawn, seeing no assistance approaching,
their ardour burst all bonds. A savage whoop from
eight hundred Indian throats rent the air, and made
the British soldiers spring to arms, but the men of
the woods were already upon them with their toma-
hawks, and they fell back in disorder. Wolfe and
his officers averted a panic, but the column had to
beat a precipitate retreat. De Repentigny could not
send his entire force across the ford, but despatched
a strong detachment to the Indians' assistance.
Wolfe, being thrown back upon his camp, every
regiment of which was now under arms, sent for-
ward the entire force with a cannon to meet the
Indians, who returned in triumph to the winter
ford, having killed and wounded about one hundred
and fifty of the British, with scarcely any loss to
themselves. When the firing was heard the whole

129

WOLFE AND MONTCALM

French camp stood to arms, and de LeVis sent the
Royal-Roussillon battalion to Repentigny's assist-
ance. For some time it was thought in the city that
a general engagement was in progress.

This diversion seemed to afford a favourable op-
portunity for casting loose the fire-rafts, which had
this time been confided to the care of a man of ex-
perience and coolness, M. de Courval, an officer of
the Canadian militia. The flotilla was formed of
about seventy vessels — boats, skiffs and barges —
filled with inflammable material, such as bombs,
hand-grenades, small bombs, and old cannon loaded
with grape, and the whole was linked together by
chains, extending across the river for a distance of
not less than one hundred fathoms. The boats were
admirably handled, and were brought within half a
musket range of the brigade forming the advance
guard of the British ships before being set on fire.
The flames rapidly leaped from vessel to vessel, but
as the floating fire moved very slowly down the
river, and the night was not very dark, the ships
were able to slip their cables or raise their anchors
before it reached them. The moment the watch dis-
covered the fire-rafts the sailors leaped into their
barges, caught them with their grappling irons, and
towed them ashore, where they burnt themselves
out. The English thus got off with a scare, but it
was so bad a one that Wolfe sent word that if
another attempt of the kind were made the French
prisoners would be its first victims, for they would
130

A SERIOUS DILEMMA

be placed upon two transports and abandoned in
them once their own compatriots had set them on fire.
A month had now passed since the British general
first appeared before Quebec, and yet he seemed
no further advanced than on the day he arrived.
The town, it is true, had been reduced to ashes, but
it was none the less beyond his grasp. Moreover, his
prospects of effecting a junction with the tardy
Amherst, who was being held in check by the
prudent and methodical de Bourlamaque, were de-
cidedly faint, and his hopes of wearying the Cana-
dians and promoting disaffection amongst them
had fallen to the ground, so that he no longer saw
any chance of coping with them other than by em-
ploying against them the same extreme measures
which he had used against Quebec.

Thus the unfortunate Canadians in the neigh-
bourhood of the town found themselves in a frightful
dilemma. If they remained faithful to France their
houses would be burnt, their fields laid waste, the
little they had would be destroyed, and they them-
selves would be trafficked in as if they were merely
furs, while if they made peace with the British the
Indians would be at once let loose upon them.
Already the habitants of the Beauport shore were
in dread of the invading scourge, for on this very
day Montcalm wrote to de Levis : — " I am afraid
that the people of LAnge-Gardien and Beauport
may make peace with the British, to avoid which
we need a strong detachment of Indians and loyal

131

WOLFE AND MONTCALM

Canadians to bring them to their senses. And in
case the Indians and Canadians are not sufficient
we will, if necessary, send about a hundred grena-
diers and volunteers with officers to back them up."

Wolfe was quite as sensible as any of his officers
to the misfortunes of which he was a witness and of
which he was the principal author, but he thought
that therein lay his best means of disarming the
population, weakening the enemy, and perhaps even
obliging him to leave his trenches. This was his
principal object, for he felt sure of victory in case
he could bring on a general engagement, since he
had three times as many regulars as the enemy,
and hardly took into any consideration the Cana-
dian militia, whom he thoroughly despised.

Since he had succeeded in getting above Quebec
he had carefully examined the entire length of the
cliff as far up as Cap Rouge. Everywhere it seemed
inaccessible, being almost perpendicular, and bathed
at its foot by the waters of the river. Then, as now,
a fringe of spruce, pines, beeches, oaks, balsams,
etc., crowned its summit, and the rare spots where
the cliff was depressed, or cut through to allow
some torrent to pour over its brink, were occupied
by bodies of the enemy. One of these openings, a
little less than a mile below Sillery, was situated
in the cove with which his name is now inseparably
linked, and upon it in particular his glasses dwelt
long and carefully, but it, like the others, seemed
to be too well guarded to offer any hope of a suc-
182

THE BEAUPORT SHORE

cessful attack. What Montcalm most feared, as we
have seen, was that Wolfe would strongly establish
himself on some accessible point on the north shore
under the cover of his vessels, and it is hard to
understand why he did not do so, since, in that
case, he could have cut off the French from their
supplies, and forced them to meet him in the open.
A victory would, in a few days, have given him
possession of Quebec without another blow, for
hunger would have forced it to capitulate, and its
capture would lead to the fall of the entire colony.
Whatever the explanation may be, he returned to
the Falls more firmly convinced than ever of the
difficulty of the undertaking. The Beauport shore
still seemed to him to be the most vulnerable point,
and, after a long examination, he came to the con-
clusion that he might entice Montcalm out of his
trenches by attacking the redoubts which he had
built on the beach.

Coming from Montmorency towards Quebec the
cliffs incline is gradual, and it divides into many
slopes of easy access. Near the Beauport River
a ravine is formed, and the slope from Maizerets
becomes a mere incline running down to the level
of the tide. Along the beach is a great estuary about
one mile wide. On the beach, about a quarter of a
mile from the Falls, was Johnstone's redoubt, which
had been noted by Wolfe, and a more important
one, a little to the east, guarded the ford. The
trenches along the top of the cliff were supplied

133

WOLFE AND MONTCALM

with redans whose fire crossed. Behind this ran
several lines of defences, erected to protect the
troops from the English batteries on the left side
of the Falls, which overlooked the right side and
enfiladed the trenches. The entire artillery of this
wing consisted of twenty pieces, covering the
Montmorency River on the one side and the St.
Lawrence on the other.

Wolfe's plan was to divide the French forces by
threatening the camp at three points at once. One
feint would be made on the right and another on
the extreme left, the first at La Canardiere and the
second at the winter ford, while the real attack was
to be made upon de Levis' camp. The main part of
the regular army was to be in two divisions, the
right, under Townshend, descending the cliff at
L'Ange-Gardien, and crossing the ford below the
Falls, while the left under Monckton would land in
barges below the cataract. There they were to join
forces, attack the two redoubts, and assault the
trenches. Every boat in the fleet was to be used in
landing the soldiers and sailors, the latter being
each armed with a musket, cartridge box, pistol
and cutlass.

The English general commenced to prepare for
the assault about July 28th, and endeavoured to
distract the enemy's attention from it by bombard-
ing the city night and day with increased violence.
Each day, too, he advanced to the fords strong
bodies of men, who often met in hand-to-hand
134

A TRIPLE ATTACK

fights with Repentigny's Canadians and Indians.
One of these attacks seemed so strong that there
was a general alarm, and the whole French camp
stood to arms. Wolfe repeatedly visited the fords
in person, but everywhere he found the French
alert and vigilant, and by this time he knew the
redoubtable enemy who guarded the left, and ap-
preciated his skill. More than that he even knew
him by sight, for on July 19th, while both were
visiting their outposts at the same hour, the Cheva-
lier de LeVis suddenly came face to face with
him, only the width of the narrow rapids of the
Montmorency separating them, and thus the two
were able to take each other's measure.

On the morning fixed for the attack Anstruther's
regiment, the light infantry and the rangers, were
ordered to advance towards the fords, concealing
their march for the most part through the trees,
and stringing out their line so as to appear more
numerous. When they arrived at the fords they
were to retire from the enemy's sight by going
deeper into the woods, and then to return by a
forced march to act as Townshend's rear-guard.
On the morning of July 31st a strong south-west
wind sprang up on the St. Lawrence and facilitated
the movements of the British ships, many of which
were beginning to set their sails. It was, in short,
just such a morning as Wolfe desired for the
purpose he had in view. In the camp of de LeVis
the soldiers were already pouring out of their tents,

135

WOLFE AND MONTCALM

and many of the officers stood about the house
used as headquarters. The chevalier himself was
afoot, and was giving orders for the despatching
of reinforcements to Repentigny, who had just sent
word that large bodies of troops had appeared near
the winter ford. The Beam battalion and one of the
Canadian brigades were on guard in the trenches to
the left, while three hundred labourers were profit-
ing by the silence of the British guns, which had
not thrown a shell all night, to continue work
on the fortifications. While M. de Malartic was
visiting the works he noticed a dozen British officers
closely examining the position, and about eleven
o'clock two transports of twenty guns each took
up their positions opposite Johnstone's redoubt,
anchoring at about musket range. Not much later,
a sixty-four gun vessel of the line, commanded by
Admiral Saunders, anchored broadside on to the
eastern redoubt. She was the famous Centurion, a
vessel then as well known in the navy as the
Victory was to become in after years, when she
bore Nelson at Trafalgar. These three vessels,
whose fire crossed, opened a brisk cannonade on
the redoubts, batteries and trenches, which were
also taken on the flank by the forty big guns
mounted on the left side of the Montmorency. As
we have already seen, the French had only twenty
small calibre cannon to oppose to these one hundred
and forty-four pieces, and the entire French left
wing, which had begun to move as soon as the
136

AWAITING THE ATTACK

vessels were seen to approach, came down the slope
and manned the trenches.

A flotilla of barges bearing two entire regiments,
the grenadiers of five other regiments and a de-
tachment of the Royal Americans, under Briga-
dier Monckton, soon left Pointe Levis and moved
towards the Island of Orleans, where another flotilla,
bearing the marines from the fleet, joined it, and
these were reinforced by a third from the island
camp. These three or four hundred boats lay mo-
tionless in mid-stream in three lines, awaiting further
orders, thus keeping the French uncertain as to the
point to be attacked ; and during this pause Wolfe
carefully watched the effect of his artillery fire. He
hoped that the hail of balls and bombs which he
poured upon the trenches to the left would stagger
the regulars, and drive out the Canadians ; but the
latter rivalled their companions in steadiness. Mont-
calm watched all the proceedings from headquarters,
with Vaudreuil holding himself in readiness to rush
with the battalions which he had with him to the
spot where the enemy landed. De Ldvis, in the
meantime, had entered the trenches, and was post-
ing the men and encouraging them by his presence.
"Notwithstanding," says Malartic, "all that we
could say to him regarding his safety, which was
so essential to us, and exposed as he was to a hail
of bombs and balls, he gave his orders with admir-
able coolness and self-possession."

The barges finally gave way, and moved towards

137

WOLFE AND MONTCALM

the river St. Charles as if to land there, but then
changed their course and executed several move-
ments, threatening in succession the centre, the
right and the left. The blazing sun and stifling heat
and the clouds rising on the horizon already gave
promise of one of those violent electrical storms
that so clear the air, and in the meantime the tide,
which was falling rapidly, left the two transports
resting on the bottom, and promised soon to leave
the ford below the Falls passable. At half-past one
Captain Duprat, commanding the volunteers at the
winter ford, came to warn de L£vis that a column
of apparently two thousand men was advancing to
attack Repentigny, whereupon he sent five hundred
Canadians, well accustomed to fighting in the woods,
with the Indians, to Repentigny 's assistance. At
the same time he ordered Duprat to follow the
enemy's column with his volunteers, and to give him
timely advice of its movements. He then instructed
the Royal-Roussillon battalion to take up its posi-
tion on the right of the Canadians, who were
between the two redoubts with the Beam battalion
upon the extreme left escarpment. Just then Mont-
calm came up with the Guyenne battalion, and
was everywhere received with cries of " Vive notre
general!" (Long live our general.)

He at once joined de LeVis, who told him of the

appearance of the English column at the Falls, and

of the orders which he had given as to holding it in

check. He also asked for some reinforcements, which

138

PREPARATIONS FOR ATTACK

he placed in his rear on the Beauport road, so that
he could send them either to Repentigny's assist-
ance or to the trenches.

" We agreed," wrote de LeVis, " to act as occa-
sion required, and that if the left was attacked he
would send the centre to support it, while I was to
do the same if the right was assailed. After we had
arrived at this understanding the Marquis de Mont-
calm left me, saying that he was going to the
Marquis de Vaudreuil to inform him of the situa-
tion."

A short time afterwards, upon receiving word
from Duprat to the effect that the column was
retiring, de LeVis sent his aide-de-camp, Johnstone,
to recall the reinforcements sent to the assistance
of Repentigny. The barges, which up to this time
had moved up and down the estuary, threatening
alternately the centre and right, at this moment
again took to the Island of Orleans channel and an-
chored behind the two grounded transports.

It was then five p.m. ; the tide was running down,
and the lower ford was passable. Heavy clouds
laden with lightning and thunder blotted out the
sun, and great drops of rain began to fall. The army,
which had been drawn up in order of battle on the
cliff at L'Ange-Gardien had just come down, and
formed up in column on the shore, preparatory to
crossing the ford. In the meantime the fire from
the British batteries and vessels, which was ably
directed, never slackened, but it had little effect

139

WOLFE AND MONTCALM

upon either the works or the troops of the defend-
ing force. The Indians, who, with the Canadian de-
tachment, had just returned, were deployed as sharp-
shooters between Johnstone's redoubt and the
trenches, and the chevalier sent word to Mont-
calm of the British army's movement, and
brought down his reserves from the Beauport
road. At six o'clock the barges approached, having
had some trouble in getting past a chain of rocks
at the water level.

As the troops disembarked Monckton drew them
up under cover of the transports, the grenadiers
being in front, followed by the Royal Americans.
At the same time Townshend's force began to cross
the ford, and the cannonade became fiercer than
ever. LeVis, being warned that Johnstone's redoubt
had run out of cannon balls, commanded de la
Perriere to evacuate it, after having lightly spiked
the guns. Monckton's troops advanced " in fine
form," says Levis. The grenadiers, eager to dis-
tinguish themselves, took the lead and charged the
redoubt, and when they reached it, did not even
stop there, soon finding themselves on a spongy
land which checked their advance to some extent.
Then the Canadians, whose number included the
best shots among the coureurs de bois opened a
murderous fire which mowed down the leading
ranks. The grenadiers hesitated a moment, then
again hurled themselves forward, and began to
climb the hill, which was much steeper than Wolfe
140

THE ASSAILANTS REPULSED

supposed. The leaders were barely half-way up
when they were swept down by a storm of bullets,
and fell upon those in the succeeding ranks, throw-
ing them back in their fall. While this desperate
struggle was in progress Townshend, whose men
had just crossed the ford, attacked, with his army
corps, the other redoubt, which was commanded
by the brave Captain Mazerac. At this moment the
clouds, which had enveloped the basin in almost
total obscurity, burst above the combatants with a
crash of thunder which drowned even the cannon's
roar. The ascent of the hill became more and more
difficult as the rain, which fell in torrents, soaked
the ground and made it muddy and slippery. The
decimated storming party recoiled in disorder, tramp-
ling under foot the bodies of their fallen comrades in
arms, and reformed behind the redoubt for a fresh
attack. Wolfe, however, who had watched the fight
from a distance, appreciated its fruitlessness, and
ordered the retreat to be sounded. The cannon
and musketry fire had in the meantime slackened,
to some extent, on both sides, for the powder had
been dampened by the rain.

Wild shouts and hurrahs rang out along the
ramparts as the French saw their assailants return
to the beach, carrying with them their dead, and
Montcalm, who, at this moment, reached the left
wing, was received with acclamations of " Vive
notre general /"

The Indians at once started out to take prisoners

141

WOLFE AND MONTCALM

and scalps, and then there was enacted an incident
which led to some correspondence between the gen-
erals of the two armies. Captain Ochterlony, who was
fatally wounded, in attempting to escape from the
clutches of the redskins, completely exhausted his fast
ebbing strength, and one of the wretches was already
brandishing his scalping knife over him when he
was noticed by a private of the Guyenne battalion.
The latter at once seized the Indian in his arms and
at the imminent risk of his own life held him until
some French officers, who came to his assistance,
bore off the wounded Britisher to the general
hospital.

The rain all this time fell so thickly that it was
impossible to see for any distance, but the storm
was of short duration, and when the sky cleared
the French could see the last of Monckton's forces
leaving the shore in the direction of Pointe Le>is,
while Townshend's army was mounting the cliff at
L'Ange-Gardien. The heat of the battle raged
round Johnstone's redoubt, where the English
suffered their greatest loss. Townshend's division,
which only came into the action slowly, advanced
with still greater lack of haste, and hesitated about
attacking the redoubt. Admiral Saunders, fearing
lest the French should gain possession of the two
transports ordered them to be abandoned and burnt.

The official report of the British shows a loss of
four hundred and forty-three men killed and wounded,
among the number being Colonel Burton, of the
142

MESSAGES EXCHANGED

48th, eight captains, twenty-one lieutenants, and
three ensigns. The Chevalier de LeVis placed the
figures much higher, and it is well known that the
fear of public opinion in England led the generals
to conceal their losses, and exaggerate those of
their enemies. The French had only seventy men
killed and wounded.

De Levis at once wrote to the minister of war as
follows : — " I cannot too highly praise the troops
and the Canadians, whose courage cannot be shaken,
and who have all through displayed the greatest of
good- will."

Montcalm, on reaching his headquarters, wrote
the following note to his friend : — " At nightfall
every one will be under arms and at his post. I
notice a movement in the squadron opposite, but
the demonstration they made in full daylight leads
me to believe that it will be a false attack. You
have good judgment. If you are not too much
occupied I wish, my dear chevalier, that you would
come and support us."

An hour later de LeVis had reassured his general,
who replied to him : — " I doubt the probability of
an attack this evening, my dear chevalier. . . .
You are doing for the best, and nothing can be
better. I want to allow you some sleep, for you
must require it, but will go to see you about eleven
o'clock." Levis had been in the saddle for ten con-
secutive hours.

Vaudreuil rivalled Montcalm in his attentions to

143

WOLFE AND MONTCALM

the chevalier, to whom he wrote : — " This happy
event is a result of your conjectures, which have
always appealed to me. Accept, I pray you, my
congratulations upon your foresight, and, believe
me, I offer them most cordially. I shall be much
pleased to see you and to hear from you a detailed
account of the engagement. It is indeed an auspicious
event for us, and I am beginning to entertain great
hopes concerning the campaign. . . I did not
fail to notice the mettle and intrepidity of the
movements you commanded, and am aware that
you personally superintended everything and were
everywhere almost at once. Every one was anxious
owing to the danger to which you exposed yourself.
It was my own only source of uneasiness, owing to
my regard for you, and I beg of you in the future
to avoid, as far as possible, such evident dangers.
Be careful of yourself, I pray you, for we need you."
It seemed almost as though Vaudreuil had a
presentiment of the event which was so soon to
place LeVis at the head of the army. By what
master-stroke of cleverness and prudence had the
chevalier succeeded in attracting to himself equal
esteem and friendship on the part of the two enemies?
He had become the man of the moment, the man of
counsel, the point of contact and centre of union
for them both. What tact he had been called upon
to exercise so as to offend neither the one nor the
other, and especially to avoid wounding the ex-
treme susceptibilities of Montcalm ! This was all
144

CAPTAIN OCHTERLONY

the more difficult since Vaudreuil was constantly
in touch with Levis, whom he continually con-
sulted, preferring his advice to that of Montcalm,
finally coming to be upon terms of the greatest in-
timacy with him. Montcalm revenged himself for
these delicate attentions by showering even greater
ones upon his friend.

Captain Ochterlony was surrounded by the nuns
of the general hospital with such delicate attentions
that he was moved to tears. He wrote informing
General Wolfe of the facts, and the latter was not
slow to show his gratitude, informing the nuns that
if he gained possession of their monastery they could
rely upon his protection. In his message to Vau-
dreuil was an enclosure of twenty pounds sterling,
which he requested him to hand to the soldier of
Guyenne, who had protected the captain. Vaudreuil
returned the money, replying with politeness and
pride that the soldier had only done his duty and
obeyed orders.

The victory at Montmorency raised the morale
of the army, and reanimated the warlike spirit of
the populace, notwithstanding the ruins confront-
ing it. Wolfe, as a matter of fact, revenged himself
for his defeat by pouring projectiles upon what re-
mained of Quebec, and ordering the burning of the
property in the country parts. It is calculated that
from July 13th until August 5th not less than nine
thousand bombs and ten thousand cannon balls
were rained upon the city. This destruction had no

145

WOLFE AND MONTCALM

other purpose than to satisfy public opinion in
England, which would demand from him a severe
account of the enormous expense of the expedition
if he returned to London without having accom-
plished anything. As it was, if he did not capture
Quebec he could at least say that he had left be-
hind him nothing but a heap of ruins.

At this moment events of the greatest import-
ance were occurring upon the frontiers, and when
word of them reached the French camp on the
evening of August 9th confidence gave way to con-
sternation, and every one feared an early invasion of
the colony.

Bourlamaque had evacuated Carillon and Fort
St. Frederic, blowing them up, and had retreated
towards Ile-aux-Noix, the last feeble rampart on
the Lake Champlain frontier. The three thousand
men under him would soon be driven backward if
Amherst's twelve thousand men were vigorously
handled. The news from Niagara was still more
disconcerting. The little army gathered by Des
Ligneris and Aubry to go to Pouchot's assistance
had fallen into an ambush, and was either dispersed
or annihilated. Niagara had capitulated ; its garrison
was imprisoned, and the Chevalier de La Corne
wrote saying that if Johnson's victorious army were
directed against him he could no longer hold the
head of the rapids. The success of one of the Eng-
lish armies upon either frontier would decide the
campaign.
146

A COUNCIL OF WAR

At nine o'clock in the evening the French gene-
rals met in council of war in the seigniorial manor
of de Salaberry, which had been transformed, as
we have seen, into headquarters. Montcalm and
Vaudreuil, on this occasion of one mind, agreed
that there was only one man who could face the
situation, viz., the Chevalier de Levis. He left the
same evening in a post-chaise with M. de Lapause,
and eight hundred men, drawn from the army, were
to follow him in less than twenty-four hours. Full
power was granted him to do whatever he deemed
necessary in the way of organizing a defensive cam-
paign, and he was to visit both frontiers, take com-
mand of the one in the greatest danger, and dis-
pute every foot of the enemy's advance.

Levis carried away with him the good fortune,
or rather the wisdom, of the army. The two irre-
concilable enemies, left alone in the presence of one
another, lacked the counter balance necessary to
keep them cool and their judgment sound in the
hours of the greatest danger, and thus the closing
days of the siege were marked by a series of dis-
asters and blunders which brought about the final
catastrophe.

147

CHAPTER VII

BATTLE OF THE PLAINS OF ABRAHAM— DEATH
OF WOLFE

WOLFE had already burned more than a
league and a half of country to the south
of Quebec, opposite Pointe-aux-Trembles. The
motive which governed him in proceeding to ex-
tremities, whose cruelty caused him much inward
self-reproach, arose from his dread of public opinion
in England, where an account was already being
asked of the blood that had been uselessly shed and
the enormous cost of the expedition. He, therefore,
resolved to be at least able to say that he had left
nothing but ruins behind him. From this time on
his hordes of rangers, supported by the Highlanders
and light infantry, swarmed over both sides of the
St. Lawrence, torch in hand. Their course could
easily be followed by the clouds of smoke which
filled the air by day, and the sinister light at night
which proceeded from the lurid glow of burning
houses, stables and barns. The inhabitants withdrew
to the upper borders of the parishes on moun-
tains and hills overlooking the woods, and viewed
in despair the progress of these devastations. Cries
and lamentations broke out in one group after
another as they saw the flames burst from the roofs
of their dwellings. Montcalm was struck with pity

149

WOLFE AND MONTCALM

for the militia of the most exposed parishes. He
organized nine different parties to follow and destroy
the incendiaries, many of whom never returned
from their cruel mission. The rangers, notwith-
standing the injunctions of Wolfe, continued their
practice of scalping those who fell into their hands.
All the parishes of the Island of Orleans, those
on the south shore opposite to it, those of the Cote
de Beaupre\ from Montmorency Falls to Cap
Tourmente, all the settlements about the coast of
Baie St. Paul, and the opposite ones on the south
shore, for a distance of ten leagues, stretching from
Riviere Ouelle to L'Islet, were reduced to ashes.
Despite the orders of the English general to spare
the churches, several of them were destroyed.

" The English," remarked Montcalm in a passage
we are loath to credit, " faithful imitators of the
ferocity of our Indians, took the scalps of several
of the inhabitants of the south shore. Would any
one believe that a civilized nation could become so
rabid as to mutilate dead bodies in cold blood ? Such
barbarity would have been abolished amongst the
Indians if it had been possible to correct them. They
were well paid for prisoners, but got very little for
scalps. Every precaution was taken, but without
avail; but at all events we had not to reproach
ourselves with having followed their example."

Montcalm's policy of acting strictly on the de-
fensive prevented him from opposing these ravages
otherwise than by small parties, who were able to
150

A DEFENSIVE POLICY

retaliate but ineffectually. He gave increased
attention to the north side of the river above
Quebec, where the ruin of the country increased
the imminent danger of the cutting of his line of
communication with his depots of supplies, which,
in a few days, would have placed him at the mercy
of his adversary. He ordered Colonel de Bougain-
ville with a thousand men and Rochebeaucour's
cavalry to range along the river, to watch closely
all the movements of the enemy, and energetically
to repulse them whenever they came within reach.
The task was exceedingly difficult and fatiguing,
for the English threatened several points at the
same time, keeping their troops continually on the
march and countermarch.

A few days earlier Montcalm had written in his
journal : — " A violent north-east wind with a thick
fog kept the army and the garrison very alert. To
be beaten is an ordinary misfortune to the feeblest ;
but the height of misfortune is to be surprised."

When he remarked to Bourlamaque : " I do not
know which of us three will be the soonest de-
feated," it might have been said that he had a
vague presentiment of his own fate.

The situation was discouraging. The bombard-
ment of the town, which had continued without
ceasing, had increased the number of ruins. In one
day alone a hundred and sixty-seven houses had
been burned in the Lower Town, and several
cellars were ruined by bombs and covered over

151

WOLFE AND MONTCALM

with debris, which buried a large quantity of valu-
able goods and merchandise. This was the richest
quarter of the town. Several wealthy citizens lost
' all they had in the ruins. All round the town, and
for twenty-five leagues below it, the country pre-
sented the same scene of desolation. The distress in
the army had become so extreme that disorder and
desertions were the order of the day. Notwithstand-
ing threats, and even punishments, many of the Cana-
dians returned to their homes to harvest their crops
and secure other provisions to guard against starva-
tion during the coming winter. Several of them,
whose houses had been destroyed, were also obliged
to construct shelter for their families and for what-
ever cattle they had been able to save. It is said that
over two thousand Canadians thus abandoned the
camp.

Every time that the wind turned from the north-
east several English vessels attempted the passage
by Quebec, and very often they succeeded, despite
the cannonading from the town. By the end of
August Admiral Holmes found himself in com-
mand of a dozen vessels, some of which were an-
chored at various points between Sillery and St.
Augustin, while the others floated up and down
with the tide, for the purpose of tiring the French
troops detailed to watch their movements. The
proximity of this fleet had forced the French vessels
to ascend to Grondines. British barges thronged
the river to such an extent that it was with the
152

THE DISCOMFORTS OF WAR

greatest danger that the boats with provisions, all
of which had to be brought by water from Mon-
treal and Three Rivers, were able to continue on
their way. The overland route had become so diffi-
cult and so slow for want of horses, vehicles, and
men to drive them, that the army was almost de-
prived of food. The soldiers were reduced to three-
quarters of a pound of bread and the people to one
quarter, as in the worst times of famine.

Since the attack at Montmorency the halls
of the general hospital had not sufficed to contain
all the wounded who had been taken there. Every
available apartment had been fitted up for their
reception, even the chapel, the barns, stables,
sheds and other outbuildings. As the situation of
the monastery, in the midst of the St. Charles
valley, sheltered it from the bombardment of the
town, a good number of families had sought refuge
there at the commencement of the siege, as well as
the Ursulines and the hospital sisters of the Hotel-
Dieu. The three communities, thus united, rivalled
each other in zeal and charity, spending both day and
night in attendance upon the sick. Their delicate
care of the wounded English soldiers came to the
ears of their generals, who testified their gratitude.

Mgr. de Pontbriand, who had withdrawn to the
presbytery of Charlesbourg, where he was gradually
yielding to the disease which was soon to carry him
off, visited the hospital, nevertheless, almost every
day, to console the sick.

153

WOLFE AND MONTCALM

Six miles away, in the mansard of a house at
L'Ange-Gardien, near the English camp, Wolfe
was the victim of a fever which was sapping his
remaining strength. Captain Knox, when he crossed
over from Pointe Levis one morning to receive the
general's orders for his brigade, learned that he had
been unable to come downstairs to dinner.

From the commencement of the siege Wolfe had
been the soul of his army. He was able to hold
it in his hand, because it had such thorough confi-
dence in his military talents. He had astonished
it by an activity which seemed incompatible with
his frail frame. Passing unceasingly from one shore
to the other he seemed to be everywhere at once.
At the appearance in a camp of his tall and slender
frame his soldiers, animated by his influence, set to
work or rushed to combat with the ardour that
devotion inspired. When it was deprived of his
presence the army felt itself paralysed. His own
uneasiness communicated itself to his entire com-
mand, and the rumour spread from one camp to
the other that the campaign was nearing its end,
and that the fleet would soon set sail for England.

Wolfe, anxious that his sickness should not re-
tard operations, handed the command over to the
three brigadier-generals, Monckton, Townshend and
Murray, together with a memoir containing three
plans of attack. By the first he proposed to ascend
the Montmorency River at night with a part of his
army, and to cross it nine miles from its mouth, in
154

THREE PLANS OF ATTACK

the forest, and then to fall upon the rear of the
camp at Beauport, while the remainder of the troops
attacked it in front. By the second he would ford
the shallows below the Falls at night with the Mont-
morency army corps, and march them along the en-
trenchments until a suitable locality for ascending
the heights was found. Monckton, with the troops
from Pointe Levis, was to hold himself in readiness
to disembark as soon as the light infantry should
have climbed the hill. The third plan resolved itself
into a renewal of the attack of the thirty-first by the
right of the Beauport camp.

The three brigadiers did not agree to any of these
plans because they thought that if they did succeed
in dislodging Montcalm he would retire behind the
entrenchments at the St. Charles River, and the
campaign would be over before they could drive
him from them. It is singular that the only plan
Wolfe does not mention in this memoir was the
one the French general feared the most. This was
that of cutting the line of communication from his
base of supplies by throwing an army corps on the
north shore which would force him to give battle.
This was the plan which the three brigadiers pro-
posed as a last resort.

Wolfe accepted this plan more out of respect for
the good judgment of his three brigadiers than from
any conviction of its success. The low state of his
spirits, as well as his physical condition, seemed to
have deprived him of his usual perspicacity.

155

WOLFE AND MONTCALM

But from the moment the project was adopted
he exerted the same energetic will power as if
he had been certain of success, though without
his natural enthusiasm. His greatest trouble was
the fear that he might not be strong enough to
lead his army in person. " I know that you
cannot cure me," he said to his physician, "but
if you can fix me up so that I will not suffer
any pain for two or three days, and that I can
do my duty ; that is all I ask."

The last day of August he felt well enough to
go out. Knox says in his journal : " His Excellency,
General Wolfe, is convalescent to the inconceivable
joy of the whole army." The letter which the general
wrote to his mother that same day, the last one she
received from him, shows how utterly despondent
he had become : —

" Dear madame, — My writing to you will convince
you that no personal evils, worse than defeats and
disappointments, have fallen upon me. . . My
antagonist has wisely shut himself up in inaccessible
entrenchments, so that I can't get at him without
spilling a torrent of blood, and that perhaps to little
purpose. The Marquis de Montcalm is at the head
of a great number of bad soldiers, and I am at the
head of a small number of good ones that wish for
nothing so much as to fight him ; but the wary old
fellow avoids an action, doubtful of the behaviour
of his army. People must be of the profession to
understand the disadvantages and difficulties we
156

FORESHADOWING GLOOM

labour under, arising from the uncommon natural
strength of the country."

In the presence of his intimate friends Wolfe dis-
closed the bitterness of his thoughts, and at times
in his worst attacks of melancholy he would exclaim
that if he did not succeed he would never return to
England to be exposed, as other unfortunate generals
had been, to the censures and reproaches of an
ignorant populace.

The general envied his adversary whom fortune
seemed to favour. The latter, nevertheless, believed
himself to be in as great difficulties at that very time,
and he also disclosed to his close acquaintances his
anxiety and his troubles. The evening of September
2nd, seated by his camp, in the house which he
occupied at Montmorency Falls, he wrote to Bour-
lamaque : " The night is dark, and it is raining ; our
troops are afoot and dressed in their tents ; those to
the right and in the town are particularly watchful.
I am booted, and my horse is saddled, which is, in
truth, my ordinary manner at night — a series of in-
terruptions, alarms, visits and counsels from the
Indians. ... I wish you were here. . . .
For I cannot be everywhere, though I multiply
myself as well as I can, and I have not been
undressed since June 23rd."

The cloud of anxiety which hung over the Beau-
port camp cleared up for some time. The news from
Montreal was more reassuring. LeVis said that
Johnson's army did not threaten the rapids ; that

157

WOLFE AND MONTCALM

Amherst remained in St. Fredenc, and that
moreover Bourlamaque was in a position to hold
Ile-aux-Noix to the end of the campaign. Bourla-
maque himself had written saying so to Vaudreuil.
The movements of the English army around Quebec
seemed to indicate an early raising of the siege. For
several days past Wolfe had been taking down his
batteries from the heights of Montmorency. Soon
it was evident that he would break up the camp at
the Falls, and on September 3rd he had completely
evacuated it, after having set fire to the entrench-
ments.

" This evening," wrote Montcalm to LeVis, the
same day, " the right will be reinforced by two
thousand men ; I will visit it to-morrow, and Pou-
lariez will be commander-in-chief from the Falls to
theBeauportchurch. We have nineteen vessels above
Quebec, and Bougainville is acting as a coastguard.
I am establishing myself in de Salaberry's house,
so as to have a wide range of observation, and to be
within easy range of all points." The tone of satis-
faction which characterizes this letter serves to show
the feeling of relief which was springing up in the
breasts of the people and of the army at the Falls.
The news quickly spread on all sides, and the colony
re-echoed with shouts of joy, for it was generally
believed that the British movements were but the
signal for the raising of the siege. The generals,
however, did not share in this delusion. " However
flattering this idea may be," Vaudreuil wrote to
158

ANOTHER DISPOSAL OF FORCES

Levis, " I do not really entertain it, and out of
prudence I am preparing for the maintenance of
the army up till October 15th." It was easy to
see that the enemy's tactics were only to divert
their attention. Wolfe profited by every favourable
wind to bring up more vessels above Quebec. He
reassembled his three army corps at Pointe LeVis,
so that they would be ready to descend upon some
other point and to strike a decisive blow if possible.
Where was this point to be ? This it was impossible
to guess, for even Wolfe himself did not know. He
had resolved to make an attack above Quebec, and
he waited for circumstances to decide the precise
point.

Montcalm made a new disposal of his camp ; four
hundred militiamen from Montreal guarded the
left, and one hundred and eighty the winter fords.
Repentigny's reserves occupied the position of the
Guyenne regiment which then camped on the right,
being reinforced the evening before by six hundred
men from Montreal ; and the Royal-Roussillon regi-
ment drew up near Repentigny's position, on the
plateau by the Beauport church. A chain of posts
joined Montmorency Falls with the town, which
was somewhat reinforced. Already Malartic and
several of the officers, foreseeing the catastrophe
of the thirteenth, said that the precautions taken
to guard the Beauport line were excessive, "and
that there was not enough trouble taken with the
others." Vaudreuil gave the same advice, particu-

159

WOLFE AND MONTCALM

larly about the Foulon (Wolfe's Cove) which was
only guarded by about a hundred men ; but Mont-
calm persisted in believing that the cliff was in-
accessible. To the representations which the governor
had previously made to him on the subject, he had
replied : ** I assure you that a hundred posted men
would stop the army and give us time to wait for
daylight and to march there from the right." After
fresh remonstrances he insisted : " It is not to be
supposed that the enemies have wings so that they
can in the same night cross the river, disembark,
climb the obstructed acclivity, and scale the walls,
for which last operation they would have to carry
ladders."

During September 3rd Bougainville spent an hour
at de Salaberry's house telling the commander of the
uneasiness caused him by the manoeuvres of Admiral
Holmes, whose fleet had approached the town. It
was probably the last time that Bougainville saw
the general, whom he loved as a father and admired
as a hero. The next day the battalion of Guyenne
was ordered to advance to the Heights of Abraham,
to be ready to help at the first signal, whether from
Bougainville, the camp, or the town. The English
cannon taken from Montmorency Falls to Pointe
LeVis, having augmented the batteries, the bombard-
ment was redoubled in intensity.

" The town," remarks Folignd, " could not be in
a more pitiable state unless it were razed." On the
evening of the fourth the enemy, profiting by a
160

A GENERAL ASSEMBLY SOUNDED

good wind and a dark night, succeeded in getting
a convoy of vessels loaded with baggage and
munition past Quebec.

During the afternoon of the fifth Murray left
the Levis camp with four battalions to join
Admiral Holmes's fleet above Sillery, and the next
day Monckton and Townshend followed him with
three others. Rumigny, who commanded a detach-
ment of the La Sarre regiment at Sillery, had seen
the troops passing along the cliffs at Le>is, and
turned the fire of his batteries upon them whilst
they were fording the Etchemin River to embark in
the neighbouring bay.

Upon receiving news of this march the general
assembly had been sounded at the Beauport camp
and the companies of grenadiers and Repentigny's
reserve, with nearly all the Indians, of whom there
were still a good number, though many had re-
turned to their homes, were ordered to advance.

Repentigny's reserve was stationed at the foot of
a hill which led to the St. John Gate, and the grena-
dier companies at the fork of the Samos and Sillery
roads. Vaudreuil wrote to Bougainville : " I need
not tell you, sir, that the safety of the colony is in
your hands ; that certainly the enemy's plan is to
sever our communication by disembarking on the
north shore ; and that vigilance alone can ward
him off." He then detailed to him his orders,
and added : " By this arrangement there should be
from L'Anse des Meres and Cap Rouge the follow-

161

WOLFE AND MONTCALM

ing force : One hundred and fifty men between
L'Anse des Meres and the Foulon ; thirty men at
Samos ; fifty men at St. Michel ; fifty men at
Sillery ; two hundred men at Cap Rouge."

Then he gave him a table of the other forces at
his disposal, " as much for the purpose of garrison-
ing the other posts as for rising in a body, not in-
cluding Indians," the whole forming a force of two
thousand one hundred men. He added : " I think,
sir, that with that and a little good fortune, you
will do good work.

"I do not need to instruct you . . . to estab-
lish the regiment of Guyenne in the central point
. . . . In a word, you have carte blanche as to
the means you employ." Finally, having always
felt uneasy about the post at the Foulon he told
him to add to it fifty men from Repentigny's com-
pany, the most experienced of the Canadian troops.
The next day Montbeillard sent with the two field-
guns a little note which betrayed the same anxiety
as Malartic had already expressed :

" I wish that all your country was bristling with
arms and entrenched as this is, for it would spare
you much going and coming. However, you are
conducting a fine campaign, and I hope that it may
finish as it has commenced, and that we may see
your trouble and work crowned with the glory they
deserve."

The English army had just re-embarked upon
its vessels, and an order from General Wolfe, who
162

HOLMES'S SQUADRON

had rejoined it during the night of the sixth, had
warned all hands to be ready for an early landing.
All were worn out with the length of the siege and
impatient to be on the move.

The frigate, The Sea Horse, had received on
board the 43rd Regiment in which John Knox
served. " Captain Smith and his officers entertained
us in a most princely manner," said he, " and very
obligingly made it their principal care to render our
crowded situation as agreeable as possible."

On the morning of the seventh, after a night
of storm and wind, the sun rose in a mild and clear
atmosphere. Admiral Holmes's squadron raised
anchor before Sillery, and re-ascended the stream by
tacking about in a light breeze, aided by the rising
tide. Each time that the vessels took a tack towards
the north side the French settlers and Indians, con-
cealed on the edge of the shore, sent a number of
bullets among the red-coats and the motley uniforms
which swarmed on the decks. The squadron cast
anchor opposite the Cap Rouge River, whose two
banks, opening out in the form of a funnel, presented,
at this time, a spectacle as animated as it was
picturesque. Bougainville had established his head-
quarters there, and had made entrenchments at the
edge of the bay, where several of his floating bat-
teries were moored. "The enemy," says Knox,
"number about one thousand six hundred men,
besides their cavalry, who are clothed in blue, and
mounted on neat light horses of different colours.

163

WOLFE AND MONTCALM

They seem very alert, parading and counter-march-
ing between the woods on the heights in their rear
and their breastworks, in order to make their num-
bers show to great advantage."

The French battalions advanced to the mouth of
the river, and drew up in line of battle ; the cavalry
dismounted and formed to the right of the infantry,
then the whole detachment descended the hill, and
lined the entrenchments, with loud cries, which Knox
covers with ridicule, remarking, "How different,
how nobly awful, and expressive of true valour is
the custom of the British troops ! "

The English chronicler did not reflect that the
French had Indians in their ranks, and that the
best means of bringing them into the combat was
to imitate their war cries.

The floating batteries cannonaded some of the
vessels, whose barges filled with troops passed up
and down the river as if to attempt a descent ; but
after divers movements they retired without ap-
proaching the shore. It was only a feint, destined
to keep Bougainville's principal corps at Cap Rouge.

" Whilst a descent was premeditated elsewhere,
perhaps lower down," says Knox, "on his side
Admiral Saunders affected to menace the right of
the Beauport camp by taking soundings and placing
buoys in front of La Canardiere."

Wolfe, accompanied by some officers on board
the Hunter, went as far as Pointe-aux-Trembles
to reconnoitre, and returned as perplexed as ever.
164

A LETTER TO LEVIS

The continual rains of the next two days caused
operations to be suspended, and fear was entertained
for the health of the troops crowded on board the
vessels. Sixteen hundred men were disembarked
at St. Nicholas under Monckton, who placed
them in the church and some houses which had
escaped the fire.

This bad weather exposed the French army more
than ever to lack of provisions. " You are very
lucky," said Bigot to Bougainville, " that your
neighbours do not make you turn out ; how would
the infantry get along ? Our camp is full of water,
the bridges on the roads are carried away, and carts
cannot be used. We must hope for fine weather,
without which we would be very much embarrassed."
Montcalm took advantage of this delay to dictate
to his secretary the plans of a camp for the follow-
ing winter.

" The campaign here," he said, when forwarding
this plan to Levis, " is far from finished, although
the enemy has left the Falls. On the contrary, the
fire from the batteries upon the town has been in-
creased. A small squadron of twenty ships and fifty
or sixty barges has been opposite Sillery and Cap
Rouge for three days. Bougainville is watching
them, his line being much drawn out. At ten
o'clock last night one hundred barges drawn up in
line of battle in mid-stream made a false attack. I
must say that I wish you were here, and that the
Marquis de Vaudreuil would send you an order

165

WOLFE AND MONTCALM

to this effect conditional on there being nothing
to fear and all being well." At the end of the same
letter he added : " I would you were here to un-
ravel the intricacies of the situation, for I fear an
attack at any point." Next morning, he added :
" There is work to be done here in which Lapause
can serve you in advance in case the colony is saved,
which it is not as yet. Do not write anything to the
Marquis de Vaudreuil, but to me alone. In truth if
there is nothing to fear on your part, I own, my
dear chevalier, that I wish you were here, where
all is not yet said."

The very day upon which the French general
was writing these anxious lines his antagonist ex-
pressed more gloomy thoughts in a letter to Lord
Holdernesse, written on board the Sutherland an-
chored opposite Cap Rouge. The appearance of the
sky this stormy day was in harmony with his dismal
thoughts. The north-east wind which blew between
the two cliffs whistled mournfully through the rig-
ging and whitened the waves around the admiral's
vessel. The rain which beat against the porthole
windows allowed only a feeble light to enter the
cabin in which Wolfe sat. His face was extremely
pale, for he had scarcely recovered from a recent
attack of illness. After having given the secretary
of state a resumd of the operations of the siege, of
the obstacles which he had encountered, and of the
preparations for a final effort which he feared was
useless, he concluded with this discouraging fare-
166

WOLFE'S FORCE

well : " The Marquis of Montcalm has a numerous
body of armed men (I cannot call it an army), and
the strongest country perhaps in the world. Our
fleet blocks up the river above and below the town,
but can give no manner of aid in an attack upon
the Canadian army. We are now here with about
thirty-six hundred men, waiting to attack them
when and wherever they can best be got at. I
have so far recovered as to be able to attend to
my duty, but my constitution is entirely ruined,
without the consolation of having done any con-
siderable service to the state, or without any pros-
pect of it."

It is a curious thing that Wolfe in the letter just
quoted should have stated that the fleet could give
no manner of aid in an attack upon the Canadian
army. His situation appeared to him sufficiently
desperate, for he could detail at the most five
thousand men for his final operations, and with all
his contempt for the Canadian militia he recog-
nized Montcalm's ability to draw every advantage
from a position of unique strength.

The last news received from Amherst left no
hope of assistance from that side, and Vaudreuil
took the wise precaution to keep the St. Lawrence
closed above the Richelieu Rapids. Notwithstanding
the most pressing entreaties he had refused to risk
the vessels which he had taken up the river, in
an engagement with Admiral Holmes. Their pre-
sence prevented Wolfe from executing his design

167

WOLFE AND MONTCALM

of sending a detachment to attack Bourlamaque's
army in the rear, and to open the way from
Canada to the forces of Amherst. " All this," he
said, "might have been easily done with ten
floating batteries, carrying each a gun, and twenty
flat-bottomed boats, if there had been no ships in
the river."

On the morning of the tenth the wind changed
to the south-west, and the sun rose radiant behind
the hills of Pointe LeVis. Wolfe, who had already
searched all the bays and rocks of the north shore,
from Quebec to Pointe-aux-Trembles, took with
him Brigadier Townshend, Engineer Mackellar
and some officers, and descended to a half league
above Quebec, opposite the Foulon, better known
as Wolfe's Cove. This place was pointed out to him,
it is said, by Major Stobo.

Wolfe carefully examined with the aid of a tele-
scope a cutting through which the St. Denis brook
flowed over the edge of the cliff, and which is to-
day hidden by a forest of full-grown trees. On each
side, especially towards the east, the escarpment
gives way and forms a declivity by which the
public road passes. He counted the tents, whose
white cones stood out among the trees on the edge
of the cliff. There were only a dozen, and there
seemed to be very little movement round them.
Wolfe concluded that the post was not very well
guarded, and that a night surprise would be pos-
sible. But the enterprise seemed so daring that
168

"JOURNAL TENU A L'ARMEE"

he did not venture to propose it directly to the
council of war. He took indirect means. At least
so affirmed two annalists of the siege, Chevalier
Johnstone and the author of the Journal tenu a
tarmee, both of whom served in the French camp.
It is strange that the English chroniclers do not
mention this fact, not even Knox, whose work
is so complete.

" The manoeuvres of the enemy above Quebec,
which we had watched for some days," says the
journal, " and the knowledge which we had of the
character of Mr. Wolfe, a daring, impetuous and
intrepid warrior, prepared us for a last attack. It
had, in fact, been definitely resolved upon in the
English army. They had held a council of war,
as we afterwards learned from different English
officers, after breaking up camp at the Falls, where
all the general officers were unanimously in favour
of raising the siege. The officers of the fleet drew
attention to the fact that the season was so far
advanced that each day rendered navigation in the
river more perilous, and the land officers, disgusted
by the length of a campaign as fruitless as it was
trying, thought it useless to stay any longer before
entrenchments which seemed to them unassailable.
Moreover, one and another added that their army,
always a prey to sickness, was gradually decreasing.
Then General Wolfe seeing that he could not gain
anything by running counter to the general opinion,
cleverly adopted other means. He declared to the

169

WOLFE AND MONTCALM

members of the council that far from differing from
their opinions he quite recognized the uselessness
of prolonging the siege, that also, in the proposi-
tion he was about to make, he wished to lay aside
his prerogatives as general, and to act upon their
opinion. . . ' Finally, gentlemen,' he told them, 'the
glory of our arms seems to me to demand that we
do not retire without making a last attempt. I ask
you urgently not to refuse. I wish that, in this cir-
cumstance . . . our first step will be towards
the gates of the city.'

" « I am going to try, with this end in view, to get
a detachment, of one hundred and fifty men only,
through the woods at Sillery. Let all the army be
prepared to follow. If this first detachment meets
with resistance from the enemy I give my word of
honour that regarding our reputation as free from
all reproach, I will not hesitate to re-embark.' The
zeal which animated so brave a general was taken
up by all the officers who heard him, and all occu-
pied themselves in preparing for the execution of
so noble a project."

Wolfe, who knew how greatly his presence raised
the courage of his troops, paid a visit to each vessel.
He gave on this occasion an evidence of his solici-
tude for his men which made a profound impres-
sion. Having learned that two officers of the 43rd
Regiment were indisposed he expressed his sympathy
with them, and even offered them his canoe to take
them to Pointe LeVis. But while assuring him of
170

WITH FORTUNES FAVOUR

their gratitude for his kindness and condescension,
they said that no consideration could make them
leave their post till they had seen the end of this
undertaking.

Some one remarked that one of these officers was
very ill and had a feeble constitution. Wolfe inter-
rupted him, exclaiming : " Don't speak to me of
constitution ; this officer has good spirits, and with
good spirits a man can do anything."

For several days previously Admiral Holmes's
squadron had raised anchors before Sillery at each
tide, the ships being allowed to drift as far as St.
Augustin, and often beyond that point, coming
down again with the ebb. This continuous game
of hide and seek wore out Bougainville's troops who
were forced to march day and night to remain
opposite the vessels, and prevent a landing.

Finally, all being ready, the night of September
12th was fixed for the attack. From this moment a
series of unparalleled circumstances contributed to
Wolfe's marvellous success. Fortune, which had
so far appeared so hostile to the English general,
seemed now to grant him all her favour. That
invisible power which pagans call fate, and which
Christians know as Providence, decreed the triumph
of his cause.

Two deserters from the Royal-Roussillon regi-
ment who had escaped from Bougainville's camp
during the night of Wednesday, the twelfth, gave
assurances that the post at the Foulon was poorly

171

WOLFE AND MONTCALM

guarded, and the captain of the Hunter learned that
a convoy of provisions was to be sent down to
Beauport. The difficulties of land transportation
had forced the commissariat to resort to this peril-
ous expedient. A trial had been made before, and
had proved successful. The boatmen chose dark
nights, and floated noiselessly down with their cargo
close by the north shore, in the shadow of the
cliffs. This information gave Wolfe his opportunity,
and he resolved to profit by it. He would precede
the convoy, and try to deceive the sentinels by
passing himself off as French.

During the morning of that day the detachments
from St. Nicholas had been again re-embarked,
and Colonel Burton had orders to gather all the
available troops from Pointe LeVis and the Island
of Orleans at nightfall, and to follow the cliff up to
opposite Wolfe's Cove, where he would wait ready
to cross at the first signal.

That same day Wolfe issued his last proclama-
tion from the Sutherland: "The enemy's force is
now divided, great scarcity of provisions now in
their camp, and universal, discontent among the
Canadians ; the second officer in command is gone
to Montreal or St. Johns, which gives reason to
think that General Amherst is advancing into the
colony ; a vigorous blow struck by the army at this
juncture may determine the fate of Canada. Our
troops below are in readiness to join us, all the
light artillery and tools are embarked at the Point
172

WOLFE'S PROCLAMATION

of LeVis, and the troops will land where the French
seem least to expect it. The first body that gets on
shore is to march directly to the enemy, and drive
them from any little post they may occupy; the
officers must be careful that the succeeding bodies
do not, by any mistake, fire upon those who go on
before them. The battalions must form on the upper
ground, with expedition, and be ready to charge
whatever presents itself. When the artillery and
troops are landed, a corps will be left to secure the
landing-place, while the rest march on and endeavour
to bring the French and Canadians to battle. The
officers and men will remember what their country
expects from them, and what a determined body of
soldiers, inured to war, is capable of doing, against
five weak French battalions mingled with a dis-
orderly peasantry."

Fortunately this proclamation was not made
known to the English army till after the departure
of a deserter from the Royal Americans who had
stolen away that same day. On the eve of the
thunderbolt which was about to fall upon him Mont-
calm wrote two notes, one to Bourlamaque and the
other, probably the last he ever penned with his own
hand, to LeVis. Both clearly show that he was in a
most despondent frame of mind, although in the
second he says : " Should the English remain here
even until November 7th we will hold out."

At sunset the marquis went down to the Beau-
port shore, accompanied by Marcel, and after having

173

WOLFE AND MONTCALM

examined a battery which he had just enlarged, he
walked along the entrenchment with his companion
for some time, closely observing Admiral Saunders'
fleet, the large vessels of which had spread their
sails and were approaching the beach at La Canar-
diere, whilst a large number of barges full of marines
were assembling towards the point of the Island of
Orleans. It was the commencement of a false attack,
arranged between Wolfe and the admiral, to keep
the main body of the French troops below Quebec.
The whole fleet was soon in motion and the vessels
exchanged signals with the Island of Orleans, Pointe
LeVis, and amongst themselves ; the bombardment
of the town was renewed with redoubled fury, and
joined its distant roar to the closer cannonade of the
vessels which were sweeping the Beauport flats as if
preparing for a landing. This display of force, coinci-
ding with the close of day, recalled the scenes of
July 31st, and completely deceived Montcalm as
to the enemy's real intentions. As twilight faded
into a night remarkable for its darkness, the camp
fires glimmered along the Beauport slope, from
Montmorency to the town. The general, still chat-
ting to his secretary, was returning to the de Sala-
berry manor, when M. de Poulariez came to tell
him that a number of barges were approaching the
flat occupied by his regiment. Montcalm at once
ordered the troops to man the trenches. At the
same time he despatched Captain Marcel, with one
of his orderlies, to Vaudreuil asking him to come
174

GLOOMY PRESENTIMENTS

and give him the benefit of his advice as soon as
circumstances would warrant his doing so. In the
meantime he continued to pay alternate visits to
the manor and the Beauport ravine with M. de
Poulariez and Chevalier Johnstone. His conversa-
tion, which was always animated, acquired a de-
cidedly emotional tone as the night advanced, for
he felt a presentiment of approaching danger which,
however, he could not account for. At one o'clock
in the morning he sent Poulariez to his regiment,
and continued his walk with Johnstone.

His chief source of anxiety was the boats loaded
with provisions, which according to Bougainville,
should come down that night : —

" I tremble," he remarked several times to the
chevalier, " lest they be taken and their loss undo
us completely ; for we have only provisions enough
for a few days."

At the very same hour Wolfe, too, had presenti-
ments which pointed to an early death. A codicil
had been added on July 29th to the will which he
had made in June. As a token of his esteem for and
attachment to his colleagues in command, he left his
silver to Admiral Saunders, his accoutrements to
Monckton, and his papers and books to Carleton.
All his orders being given, and having nothing
to do but wait for the tide, he summoned to his
cabin on board the Sutherland one of the com-
panions of his youth in whom he had great con-
fidence, John Jervis, commander of the sloop of

175

WOLFE AND MONTCALM

war Porcupine, who later became admiral with
the title of Lord St. Vincent. He spent an hour
with him, and told him of his presentiments. When
saying adieu he took from his waistcoat the medal-
lion containing the portrait of Miss Lowther, and
giving it to his friend, begged him to give it to his
fiancee when he returned to England, if his present
fears were realized.

The twenty-two vessels under Admiral Holmes
lifted anchor at Cap Rouge only at nightfall. The
tide, which was near the turn, took them but a
short distance beyond St. Augustin, and they
came down with the ebb as they had done on pre-
vious days, so that no new movement would awaken
the suspicion of the guard. Meanwhile all was
activity on board the vessels. The troops knew
that they were to make an attack that night, but
only a few officers knew where the landing was
to be made.

The soldiers were cleaning their arms, and the
crews were preparing to man the boats. Two days
before Colonel Howe, commander of the light in-
fantry, a brother of the hero who fell the previous
year at Carillon, had called for volunteers from his
finest battalion, and had chosen twenty-four men to
whom was given the honour of leading the way.

The night mists which overhung the river in-
tensified the darkness, and made it impossible to
see at any distance, but in the shadowy forms which
glided on the water, the French sentinels on the
176

COLONEL DE BOUGAINVILLE

crest of Cap Rouge recognized the fleet, and sig-
nalled the fact that it had passed. Bougainville,
however, was convinced that it would again come
up with the rising tide, as before, and so did not
think it necessary to follow. There can be no doubt
that Bougainville, who modestly admitted himself
to be an apprentice in the art of war, was duped
on this occasion by Wolfe's masterly strategy.
The morning of the battle found him at Pointe-
aux-Trembles, nearly twenty miles from the scene
of action. For this he has been excused. He had,
however, neglected to follow the advice of the
governor, who, after having pointed out to him
that the Foulon post was not well enough guarded,
told him to add to it fifty men from Repentignys
company. " Bougainville," says Johnstone, " had
much spirit, good sense, and many fine qualities • .
. . but with all his bravery he was very ignorant
of military science, which he had never studied."
Thanks to influence at court and the favour of
Mme. de Pompadour he had passed from aide-de-
camp to the rank of colonel, to the great discontent
of several older and more deserving officers. On
the evening of the twelfth he sent word that the
English army had gone back to the camp at Pointe
Levis, although all appearances were against their
having done so, and instead of following the fleet
without ever losing sight of it, as he had been
ordered to do, he remained inactive at Cap Rouge,
with his whole detachment. Why did he not move

177

WOLFE AND MONTCALM

towards the Heights of Abraham, as the English
did so ? Why did he not send back the grenadiers
and volunteers who were the soul of their regi-
ments ? Why, after having informed Vaudreuil and
Montcalm, as well as the posts of Rumigny, of
Douglas, and of Vergor, that he would that night
send boats with provisions, did he not advise them
of his change of plans, so that they might not ex-
pect them ? All this Johnstone concludes is inex-
plicable.

But what is unpardonable on Bougainville's part
is that, contrary to the admonitions of the governor,
which were repeated in the letter in which Vau-
dreuil gave him carte blanche as to the means he
was to employ, he changed the commander of the
Foulon, or at least allowed him to leave three or
four days after, placing the post in the hands of
Vergor, who had been censured a few years before
for having given up the fort of Beausejour almost
without resistance. The army, like the generals,
relied implicitly upon him. Only the previous even-
ing Montbeillard writing to him from Beauport,
said : " We bivouac here every night, but are fool-
ish to do so, for you are keeping a lookout for us."
During all the previous summer he had an oppor-
tunity of seeing the untiring watchfulness of LeVis,
who when stationed on the Montmorency River, in
a position similar to his own, had never made a
mistake. LeVis, however, was no longer in Quebec.

Towards midnight one lantern was hoisted in
178

THE EXPEDITION STARTS

the main top-mast shrouds of the Sutherland. It
was the signal agreed upon. The first division imme-
diately took their places in the boats, and got in
line, followed closely by the rest of the army, the
light infantry forming the advance guard. At two
o'clock, on a signal from the general, whose boat
was at the head of the line, all the boats were put
in motion. The soldiers had been ordered to keep
absolute silence, the crews to make as little noise
as possible, and only to use their oars to steer with,
for the ebbing tide and the south-westerly breeze
which had sprung up, rapidly sent them shoreward.
Admiral Holmes's vessels were to start three-
quarters of an hour later, with the rest of the
troops. There was no moon, and the light of the
stars, veiled by the September mist, was hardly
perceptible. The deathly silence was broken only
by the lapping of the water against the sides of
the boats, and by the noise of the wind in the trees
on the cliffs to the left.

For more than an hour the long file of boats
glided in silence following the contour of the shore.
No sound was heard on the heights, and everything
seemed to show that they were undiscovered.
Wolfe, seated in the stern of his boat, conversed
in a low tone from time to time with the officers
about him. One of them, John Robinson, who later
became professor of natural science at the Edin-
burgh University, tells of the profound impression
which the general's conversation made upon him.

179

WOLFE AND MONTCALM

The melancholy thoughts which had taken posses-
sion of him returning, he sought to find expression
for them in poetry, and began to recite Gray's beauti-
ful " Elegy in a Country Churchyard," which had
only recently been published.1 Had he some pre-
sentiment of the fate which awaited him when, in a
voice full of emotion, he repeated the lines, never
more true than in his own case,

"The paths of glory lead but to the grave."

" Gentlemen," he exclaimed, finishing the quota-
tion, " I would rather have been the author of that
elegy than take Quebec." " Qui vivef" cried a
sentinel, invisible in the shade, to one of the boats
of the light infantry, which just then skirted the
Samos shore within pistol shot.

"La France/99 replied a captain of Fraser's
Highlanders, who was a good French scholar. The
sentinel, thinking that it was the convoy of provi-
sions mentioned by Bougainville, allowed the boats
to pass without demanding the password, or assuring
himself of the truth. A few minutes afterwards a
rustling of branches was heard, indicating that some
one was coming down the hill at the Foulon, fol-
lowed by a fresh " Qui vive t "

"La France/9* repeated the captain, and he
added in French, " Do not make a noise ; it is the
provisions ; we may be overheard." The sloop of war,
Hunter, was anchored near by. " Pass," said the

XA famous controversy has centred about this incident. It is now held
that the facts occurred as stated, only upon a different occasion. [Editor.]

180

THE SUCCESSFUL VOLUNTEERS

sentinel, who did not come down any further. The
force of the current carried the boats of the light
infantry a little below the bay.

The twenty-four volunteers, conducted by Cap-
tain Delaune, jumped out on the sand, and advanced
to the foot of the cliff, which is very steep at this
point, and is now covered with trees and brush-
wood as it was then. With their guns strapped on
their backs they started to climb the cliff, helping
themselves by taking hold of branches and shrubs.
They arrived at the summit without being once
fired upon, and advanced to the open clearing,
closely followed by a stronger detachment. Day
was beginning to dawn and the white tents could
be seen against the dark background. They rushed
upon the sentinels, who, upon perceiving them,
fired a few shots, and fell back towards the tents.
Vergor was in bed, sound asleep, and was awakened
by the shots and cries of alarm. He rushed to the
defence with the soldiers from the tents near by.
There were only about thirty in all, for Vergor had
sent the remainder, mostly habitants of Lorette, to
gather in their crops, on condition, it seems, that
they would attend to his crops on the land which
he owned in that parish. A picket of the light in-
fantry which had disembarked a little higher up
was marching to the aid of the volunteers. Vergor,
caught between two fires, made but a feeble resist-
ance, and received a ball in his heel. One man only
of his detachment was captured. The others suc-

181

WOLFE AND MONTCALM

ceeded in escaping into the neighbouring woods,
aided by the darkness.

Wolfe, remaining upon the beach, waited for a
signal before sending up more troops. For some
time nothing disturbed the silence of the night ex-
cept the rustling of the wind and the murmur of
the St. Denis brook, which, swollen by the last
rain, dashed down the mountainside. Suddenly shots
were heard, accompanied by the call to arms, and
then more shooting and confused clamour. Finally,
the hurrahs of the English announced that the post
was taken, and Wolfe gave the order to advance,
without showing the joy he felt.

All the first division, consisting of about sixteen
hundred men, jumped out of their boats, preceded
by the sappers, who, in a few instants, cleared the
road of the fallen trees which obstructed the way.
One part of the division was thus engaged, while
the rest were climbing to the right and left catch-
ing hold of the bushes and rocks to help themselves.

Wolfe, to whom the excitement of the moment
gave new strength, climbed the hill with a light
step, and quickly arranged the troops in line of
battle as they reached the top. The left wing ex-
tended towards Sillery, and the right in the direc-
tion of Quebec, the whole line facing the St. Louis
road. The fusilade at the Foulon had given the
alarm to the battery at Samos, and it opened a
lively fire upon the boats, damaging some and kill-
ing and wounding a few officers and men. Colonel
182

THE DAY DAWNS

Howe was detailed with the light infantry to cap-
ture this post, and that at Sillery whose battery
opened a hot fire upon the squadron which had just
approached the shore, and anchored in the Foulon.
The two garrisons, assailed by superior forces, and
seeing that they were about to be surrounded, re-
treated towards Cap Rouge. A part of Anstruther's
regiment went to take possession of the houses
along the Sillery road.

During these occurrences a constant stream of
troops was disembarking, immediately to climb
the hill and form up on the plateau above.

The troops were so quickly brought ashore that
before six o'clock in the morning Colonel Burton's
men from the other side of the river had been brought
over to Wolfe's Cove. In the meantime daylight
broke, the rising sun of September 13th, hidden by
the clouds from whose grey heights occasional light
showers fell, presaging a rainy day. No enemy
had yet appeared on the undulating tree-dotted
plain, which extended before the army. It almost
seemed as if the English troops had been merely
assembled upon it for a drill parade, for only the
bombardment which had been redoubled when
news of the successful landing came, recalled war's
realities.

When we reflect that the price of this enormous
advantage had been only a difficult climb, and three
insignificant skirmishes, we are almost dumbfounded.
All the causes which should have contributed to the

183

WOLFE AND MONTCALM

failure of so daring an undertaking, had rather con-
spired to its success.

Firstly, the Guyenne regiment, which had been
posted on the Plains of Abraham, was withdrawn
against all common sense.

Secondly, two deserters of the Royal-Roussillon,
revealed to Wolfe the fact that the Foulon was
negligently guarded, and that the Plains of Abra-
ham were unprotected.

Thirdly, Bougainville, contrary to VaudreuiFs ad-
vice, had not reinforced the post at the Foulon
with Repentigny's fifty chosen men.

Fourthly, two French prisoners had revealed the
fact that a convoy of provisions was expected to
come down the river.

Fifthly, Bougainville warned the different posts
that the convoy was coming, and, though it did not
go down, he neglected to countermand his order to
allow it to pass.

Sixthly, the deserter from the Royal Americans
had left before the proclamation had been made by
Wolfe, and so could not give any news of the in-
tended attack.

Seventhly, Bougainville who had always followed
Admiral Holmes's fleet, step by step, and kept it in
sight, saw it come down from Cap Rouge, and did
not follow it.

Eighthly, the commander of the Foulon had been
replaced three or four days before by Captain Vergor,
the poorest soldier in the colony.
184

WHAT MIGHT HAVE BEEN

Ninthly, this officer had allowed almost all his
men to go away on the night of the twelfth.

Tenthly, he kept no lookout whatever and was
sound asleep when the English landed.

If even one of these chances had not occurred the
attack would probably have been prevented or at
least delayed in its execution, and possibly turned
into an overwhelming disaster. If, for instance, the
Guyenne regiment had been kept on the Plains of
Abraham, according to the dictates of the merest
prudence, it would have arrived in time to surprise
the English regiment while they were disordered
and climbing the cliff, and would have met them
with so disastrous a fire that a frightful slaughter
would have been the inevitable result, while the
batteries at Samos and Sillery, enfilading them at
the same time, would have completed their ruin.
Wolfe would have lost his reputation as a com-
mander before Quebec, and would to-day be placed
in the same category with Phipps or Sir Hovenden
Walker. England, discouraged by the failure of this
expedition, which had cost an enormous amount,
would probably have given up its idea of conquer-
ing the place, and New France would still have be-
longed to its former masters, a prey to the abuses
which followed Louis XV until they fell before
the Revolution.

While the three brigadiers saw that everything
was in order Wolfe advanced a short distance to-
wards Quebec to choose a suitable battle-ground,

185

WOLFE AND MONTCALM

and decided upon a fairly level piece of ground
which has since become immortal as the Plains
of Abraham. It had been so named because one
of the earliest Canadian settlers, Abraham Martin,
a former pilot, nicknamed Maitre Abraham, had
acquired the plot, and cleared it. The plateau is
about three-quarters of a mile wide, and is bounded
on the right by a steep cliff, at the foot of which
flows the St. Lawrence, and on the left by the
Cote Ste. Genevieve, below which the river St.
Charles winds slowly through the valley that bears
its name. The two cliffs, meeting over a mile to the
eastward, form Cape Diamond crowned by the citadel
of Quebec. Two parallel roads cross the Plains of
Abraham. One, the St. Louis road, leads from St.
Louis Gate to Sillery ; the other, the Ste. Foy road,
emerges from the St. John Gate and leads to the
parish of Ste. Foy. In front of the plateau lies a
slight ravine. The ground, sloping gently down-
wards and then rising, ascends again to form the
Buttes-a-Neveu which extend to the city walls.
Here and there amongst the fields of wheat and
the pasture-lands which formed part of the Plains
were groups of trees and shrubbery. From the top
of Ste. Genevieve hill the eye ranges over the parishes
of Lorette, Charlesbourg, and Beauport, the basin
of the St. Charles, the Island of Orleans, and the
parishes of L'Ange-Gardien, Chateau Richer, Ste.
Anne, and St. Joachim, being bounded on the
horizon by Cap Tourmente. The scene recalls in
186

ADVANCING TO THE PLAINS

its extent and picturesqueness the road from Naples
at Castellamare. All that is wanted is a pall of smoke
to crown Ste. Anne's Mountain over twenty miles
distant, and we have a picture of Vesuvius.

Canadian and Indian sharpshooters presently ap-
peared at the borders of the woods, and killed and
wounded a few men. The army had turned, facing
the city, and the general divided it into three columns
and advanced towards the Plains.

It was at this moment that Montcalm was in-
formed of the descent at the Foulon. Vaudreuil was
still unaware of it.

The general's secretary was no longer with the
governor ; he had followed Major Dumas to the
battery at La Canardiere, who, warned by the patrols
at the water's edge that the barges seen by Pou-
lariez were ascending towards the town, had ordered
the Quebec militia to leave the entrenchments and
proceed along the beach. At the first gleam of day-
light all danger seemed to have disappeared, and
the men were entering their tents when the firing
at Samos was heard.

Montcalm had just left Johnstone, after having
taken a cup of tea with him to refresh himself as
he had not slept all night, and had given orders
to have his horses saddled. He arrived at La Canar-
diere, and entering the seminary with his secretary,
stated with some emotion that his worst fears were
being realized, and that the convoy of provisions
was being attacked and perhaps taken. A few rao-

187

WOLFE AND MONTCALM

ments later a Canadian entered completely out
of breath. He said that he was the only survivor
from Vergor's post, which had been surprised and
seized by the English, who were now masters of
the heights. " We knew so well," says Montcalm's
secretary, " the difficulty of reaching this point, even
if it were not guarded, that we did not entertain a
word of the tale, believing that the man's head had
been turned by fear. I went home to take some
rest, begging M. Dumas to send to headquarters
for news, and to let me know if there was anything
to be done. All the time we could hear firing in the
distance, and the town was signalling, but, as fate
would have it, we did not send for further informa-
tion."

The Chevalier Bernetz had sent a courier to the
camp, who met Major-General Montreuil on the
road. Montreuil had just received tidings of what
had occurred from a fugitive, and immediately ad-
vanced the Guyenne regiment, and hastened to ad-
vise Montcalm, who at once gave orders to send
forward a force consisting of one battalion and six
hundred of the Montreal men. He followed on their
heels, leaving the camp under command of M. de
Senezergues. When, between seven and eight in the
morning, the white lines of the Guyenne regiment
commenced to cross the Buttes-a-Neveu, Wolfe
halted his army, and ranged it in order of battle,
two ranks deep, a short distance from the ravine.
It covered the space between the summit of the
188

WOLFE'S POSITION

cliff and the Ste. Foy road, and faced the town
which was less than a mile distant, but was hidden
from sight by the rising ground. Monckton com-
manded the right with the Louisbourg grenadiers
and Otway's, Bragg's, and Kennedy's regiments ;
Murray had the centre with Lascelles' regiment,
and Townshend held the left with Amherst's regi-
ment and the Royal Americans. This wing did not
reach the Cote Ste. Genevieve. Wolfe had taken up
a strong position in the house of a man named
Borgia and some other buildings near the Ste. Foy
road, along which the two last-named regiments
were placed, facing in two different directions, in
order to prevent any attempt of the French right
to flank the British left. The light infantry, recalled
from Sillery, were drawn up in three columns a few
paces to the rear. Colonel Burton commanded the
reserve formed by Webb's regiment, sub-divided into
eight distinct bodies separated by long intervals.
The effective force of the army was five thousand
two hundred and twenty-nine men of all ranks.
The third battalion of the Royal Americans was
left to maintain communication with the landing-
place. Lastly Anstruther's detachment, stationed,
as we have seen, in the houses at Sillery, was to
keep Bougainville's corps in check.

Vaudreuil was only informed of the landing at a
quarter to six by a contradictory note from the
Chevalier de Bernetz, who said that the enemy had
descended upon the Foulon, but that he thought

189

WOLFE AND MONTCALM

they had re-embarked. He did not know the whole
truth till after Montcalm's departure. At a quarter to
seven he sent a special orderly to Bougainville with
this message: "It seems to be absolutely certain
that the enemy has disembarked at the Foulon;
we have put most of the troops in motion, and can
hear light firing. ... I am waiting for news
from you, and to know if the enemy has attempted
anything on your side." He added the following
postscript, " The enemy seems to have a large force.
I have no doubt that you are watching all their
movements, and will follow them ; and depend on
your doing so."

The couriers followed one another with more and
more alarming news. Montcalm could scarcely be-
lieve his eyes when, on arriving at the river St.
Charles, he distinctly saw the rows of red-coats on
the brink of the Cote Ste. Genevieve.

" The situation is serious," he said to Johnstone,
who accompanied him. " Return as quickly as pos-
sible to Beauport, and order Poulariez to send at
once the rest of the left to the Heights of Abraham."
Then he spurred his horse, and with set face and
never speaking a word, he crossed the bridge and
the St. Charles valley at full speed proceeding to-
wards Cote d' Abraham.

The entire army was soon in motion, with the

exception of the guards for the batteries and the

bridge. In the city the excitement and alarm were

beyond description. The citizens were suddenly

190

THE ENTIRE ARMY GATHERS

awakened by the cry : " The English are at the
gates." All who did not carry arms, old men, women
and children ran to the north of the town, gaining
the ramparts and the cape, and watching with mute
anxiety the troops moving from the Beauport road
to the town. They marched at full speed, the regi-
ments of the line easily distinguished by their white
uniforms, flags flying, and drums beating, and the
militia clothed in every conceivable fashion, but
mostly in habitant costume. After crossing the
bridge they were divided into three columns, the
first marching up Palace Hill, the second up the
C6te-a-Coton, and the third up the Cote d Abraham.
While these last two were advancing to the west-
ward of the city walls the first, entering by Palace
Gate, passed out by the St. Louis and St. John
Gates. The women and children recoiled at sight of
the ferocious-looking Indians with their war-paint,
their scalps, and their feather head-dress. Families
peered into the ranks of the militia searching for a
brother, a husband, or a father, to embrace them
before the battle which the constant fusilade showed
to be imminent. Every one believed that the long-
expected crisis had arrived, and all that a people
holds dear, their religion, their country, their homes,
nay, even their very existence, was at stake.

Montcalm was stupefied on perceiving before him,
not a detachment, as he had expected, but the
whole of Wolfe's army. He hastened from right to
left, counting the regiments, and noted the High-

191

WOLFE AND MONTCALM

landers in the centre, their multi-coloured uniforms
standing out in bold relief against the red of the
English lines and the nasal tones of their bagpipes
mingling with the shrill notes of the fifes and trum-
pets. From the grey sky light showers fell from
time to time. Colonel Fontbonne, commander of
the Guyenne regiment, had posted his men with
much intelligence and bravery. After having ex-
tended them to deceive the enemy he profited by the
unevenness of the ground to throw out skirmishers
in front, who exchanged a well-directed fire with
the British marksmen.

Three or four hundred Canadian sharpshooters
were also thrown out, those on the left being sta-
tioned in a field of corn which was in ear, and be-
hind groups of pine trees, cedars, and hawthorns,
and those on the right in a small wood crossed by
the Ste. Foy road. These inconvenienced the Eng-
lish troops to such an extent that their commander
kept them lying prone on the ground for some
time to avoid the bullets. Montcalm arranged his
men in order in three lines as they arrived. The
militia formed the two wings, and the regiments of
the line were in the centre, in the same order as
they occupied at Beauport camp, viz., the Royal-
Roussillon nearest to the river, then those of
Guyenne, Bdarn, Languedoc and La Sarre. Major
Dumas commanded the strongest party of the Cana-
dians which was placed on the right. Some pieces
of artillery, summoned from the city, were also
192

A MESSAGE FROM VAUDREUIL

speedily brought to reply to the fire of grape-shot
which had been opened by two of the English
cannon. Montcalm ordered his secretary, who had
arrived with ammunition, to place two guns on the
Ste. Foy road, and to concentrate their fire on Bor-
gia's house, which three hundred men of the light
infantry had taken possession of in advance of their
lines. Some Canadians, however, shortly dashed
upon it in spite of the heavy fire, and set it ablaze,
thus driving out its occupants, who retired to their
respective regiments. An orderly from Vaudreuil,
who was advancing with the rest of the troops, at
this moment handed Montcalm a note entreating
him not to precipitate the attack. "The success,"
said this note, " which the English have already
gained in forcing our posts, should be the ultimate
source of their defeat ; but it is to our interest not
to be over hasty. The English should be attacked
simultaneously by our army and the fifteen hundred
men whom we could easily obtain from the city, as
well as by de Bougainville's corps. In this way they
will be completely surrounded, and will have no
other resource than to retreat towards their left,
where their defeat would again be inevitable."

All military men acknowledge that this would
have been the best course to follow, but Montcalm
neglected the advice with scorn. " Nothing was more
calculated," says the Journal kept at the army com-
manded by Montcalm, " to make up the mind of a
general who was always ready to be jealous of the

193

WOLFE AND MONTCALM

part that even the private soldier had in his suc-
cesses. His ambition was to hear no one mentioned
but himself, and this in no inconsiderable degree
contributed to his thwarting enterprises in which
he could not advance his own glory."

It was quite evident that Montcalm's first care
on seeing, when he arrived at the Plains, that he had
all Wolfe's army to contend with, should have been
to communicate with de Bougainville. It was not
yet seven o'clock in the morning. In less than an
hour and a half a horseman could have crossed the
St. Charles valley, re-ascended the Lorette road to
the Ste. Foy church, and given de Bougainville the
order to hasten on as quickly as possible. His army
would have been ready to march by nine o'clock,
and would thus have arrived by about eleven.

In the meanwhile Montcalm would have had time
to summon the garrison of Quebec, and to draw it
up in line with the fifteen hundred men whom the
governor would have brought. He would thus have
attacked the front of the English army with more
than six thousand men, whilst the elite of his army,
composed of more than two thousand soldiers, would
have fallen upon the British in the rear. What the
result would have been is not hard to guess. But
the man who, according to Montcalm's expression,
" so well knew how to take in a situation," was not
there. "I remained a moment with Montcalm,"
says the general's secretary, " and he remarked to
me : ' We cannot avoid the issue. The enemy is en-
194

MONTCALM DECIDES TO ATTACK

trenching and already has two cannon. If we give
him time to make his position good we can never
attack him with the few troops we have.' He added
excitedly, ' Is it possible that Bougainville does not
hear that?' and left without giving me time to
answer him anything more than that our forces
were certainly small. "

Montcalm then held a council of war with the
commanders of the different corps ; but they, know-
ing that he had resolved to attack, did not dare to
oppose him, or made very timid objections, as did
Montreuil. Levis, alone, had he been present, would
have been able to calm the general's excitement by
his coolness, and by the influence which he had
over him, and might have stopped him from rush-
ing into action.

The regular and colonial troops, which Mont-
calm had at hand at the time, did not amount to
more than three thousand and five or six hundred
men, most of them militia. The elite of the army,
the grenadiers and volunteers, wTere, as we have just
seen, at Cap Rouge with Bougainville. In addition
to this, a month before, eight hundred of the best
soldiers from the five regiments now about to give
battle, had been sent away with the Chevalier de
LeVis.

The only part of the army engaged up to this
time were the Canadians on the right, who, led by
Dumas, had dislodged the light infantry from Bor-
gia's house. Favoured by the small wood, which

195

WOLFE AND MONTCALM

served them as a shelter, they ran out and attacked
the infantry each time they saw it advance, and
had already repulsed it three times. " The Cana-
dians, fighting in this manner," says the Journal
kept in the army commanded by Montcalm, "cer-
tainly surpass all the troops of the universe, owing
to their skill as marksmen."

The repeated successes of these brave militia-
men, and the ardour shown by the rest of the
troops inspired Montcalm with too much confi-
dence. He forgot that the Canadians would lose
their superiority in the open field, and that most of
them were poorly armed, only having their hunting
guns. Some of them had not even bayonets, but had
replaced them by knives which they had fixed, as
best they could, to the ends of their guns. The
army, which was inferior to the enemy in numbers,
and worn out after a forced march of from one to
two leagues — those who had last arrived being still
out of breath — also lost all chance of meeting the
British on even terms, as regards position, when it
descended into an uneven hollow obstructed with
trees, where its ranks were sure to be broken
even before they reached the height which the
enemy occupied. The fear of giving the British time
to entrench themselves and receive reinforcements,
finally prevailed over all other considerations.

Montcalm rode in front of his line of battle and
amongst the ranks, animating the men by his words
of encouragement, with that chivalrous and martial
196

WOLFE ON THE ALERT

air which they so much admired. A young militia-
man of eighteen, Joseph Trahan, who was present
at the action, and who lived to be an old man, often
spoke of the singular impression which the general
made upon him on this occasion. " I recall very
plainly," he said, " Montcalm's conduct before the
combat. He mounted a brown or black horse in front
of our lines, holding up his sword as if to excite us
to do our duty. He wore a uniform with large
sleeves, one of which falling back revealed the
white line of his cuff."

It was ten o'clock. The clouds had dispersed, and
the sun shed over the field its blaze of light, and
made the bayonets, the sabres, the red uniforms of
the English, and the Highlanders' tartans glitter
and flame with colour in front of the French.
Wolfe, who seemed to be everywhere, and was
easily recognized by his height, marched at the
head of his regiments, which he had advanced to
the edge of the ravine. No one knew better than
he the danger of his position. A few shots heard
from the Sillery side led him to think that Bougain-
ville was advancing, and would soon be on his rear.
If the French general retarded the attack to com-
bine his movement with that of the colonel, he felt
that his position would be a desperate one in-
deed. But the same good fortune which had so
favoured the success of the daring deed which he
had just accomplished, inspired him with faith in
his ultimate triumph. He passed in front of his regi-

197

WOLFE AND MONTCALM

ments, pointing out the enemy with his sword, and
haranguing his soldiers, telling them that for them
it was either victory or death, for retreat was im-
possible.

Montcalm sounded the charge. His army moved
forward with flags flying and uttering their war
cry in the old time fashion. The force moved rapidly
onward, being joined on the way by the groups of
sharpshooters, who had not had time to re-enter the
ranks. This caused a slight delay. His command had
not reached the foot of the ravine when its lines,
broken by the irregularity of the ground, conveyed
to the English the idea that the attack was being
made in irregular columns.

The regiments tried to reform as they ascended
the slope, and then halted within about half-musket
range of the foe. During the momentary silence
which followed little was heard save the cries of
command repeated along the front of the army, and
then followed a volley by all three ranks at once,
instead of a part of the fire being reserved so as to
keep up the fusilade. This first volley, being hastily
made in the distance, had little effect. The Cana-
dians, most of whom were stationed in the second
line, lay on the ground to reload, according to their
custom, and thereby caused some confusion. The
English, who had been ordered by their commander
to load their guns with two bullets, approached the
enemy before firing, and from the height on which
they stood poured in a well-directed fire, which
198

WOLFE WOUNDED

decimated the front rank, and threw it into confu-
sion. The English centre, especially, whose simul-
taneous discharge sounded "like the report of a
cannon," made a frightful void in the army's lines.
A cloud of smoke enveloped the two armies while
both continued to advance, and the fight was short,
but keen. The two brave commanders of the La
Sarre and Guyenne regiments, Senezergues and
Fontbonne, were now mortally wounded, as was
also the second in command on the right, M. St.
Ours. Lieutenant-Colonel Privat, of the Languedoc
regiment, was dangerously wounded, and Adjutant
Malartic had two horses killed under him.

On the English side Colonel Carleton was wounded
in the head, and Brigadier Monckton received a
bullet wound in the body. While Montcalm ran
from one point to another trying to strengthen his
disordered forces, Wolfe directed the attack in per-
son on the right of his army. A ball struck him on
the wrist, and he bandaged it with his handkerchief.
He was leading the grenadiers, and gave them the
order to charge, when a second bullet inflicted
a severe wound. Nevertheless, still faithful to the
maxim which he so often quoted, to the effect that
" while a man is able to do his duty, and to stand
and hold his arms, it is infamous to retire," he con-
tinued to advance, his bright new uniform a target
for the Canadian sharpshooters, hidden in the thick-
ets, from which dense clouds of smoke arose. Not
long afterwards a third ball struck him in the chest.

199

WOLFE AND MONTCALM

He staggered, and, seeing that he was losing con-
sciousness, he said to an officer of artillery who was
near him : — M Support me ; my brave soldiers
must not see me fall." Lieutenant Brown, of the
grenadiers, Grenadier Henderson and another soldier
ran forward and bore him to the rear, where, at his
request, they laid him on the grass in a hollow
of the ground. One of the officers volunteered to
go in search of a surgeon. " It is useless," sighed
the general, "I'm done for."

He was apparently unconscious when one of
those supporting him cried: " They run ! They run ! "

" Who run ? " Wolfe quickly asked, as if just
awakened from a heavy slumber.

" The enemy," replied the officer, " they give
way everywhere."

Wolfe replied : " One of you run quickly to
Colonel Burton, and tell him to descend in all
haste with his regiment towards the St. Charles
River, seize the bridge, and cut off the retreat." He
then turned on his side, murmuring " God be praised,
I die happy," and expired.

The last volleys of the two armies were fired with
the muzzles of their muskets almost touching. Wolfe
had imparted his impetuosity to his troops. The
bayonet charge ordered by him at the time he fell,
caused the French centre to give way, and the
whole French army to turn to the rear, but
" the overthrow was not total except amongst the
regular troops. The Canadians accustomed to retire
200

MONTCALM WOUNDED

like the ancient Parthians, and to turn again to face
the enemy with even more confidence than before,
rallied in some places," principally in the little wood
to the right, where they held part of the English
regiments in check.

The mass of the fugitives, listening neither to the
general nor to their officers, threw themselves into
the valley to regain the hornwork, the rest fleeing
towards the city. Montcalm, carried away by this
torrent, was trying to rally some companies in front
of the St. Louis Gate, when he received two wounds
in succession, one in the groin, the other in the
thigh. The artillery officer who acted as his secre-
tary during the siege was near him trying to save
one of the cannon. He says, " I saw M. Montcalm
arrive on horseback supported by three soldiers. I
entered the city with him, where the Chevalier de
Bernetz gave me some orders which I ran to carry
out on the ramparts." . . . The crowd which
had rushed out to see the issue of the combat, was
returning and crowded St. Louis Street when some
women seeing him pass, pale and covered with blood,
cried out, " O My God ! My God ! the marquis is
killed!"

" It is nothing ! it is nothing !" replied the dying
general turning towards them, "do not distress your-
selves for me, my good friends."

Vaudreuil had almost reached the heights when
his army was overthrown, and he tried in vain to rally
the regiments. His voice was lost amid the tumult

201

WOLFE AND MONTCALM

of the flight. A part of the Canadians, more amen-
able to his orders, retraced their steps, and hurried
to aid the brave militiamen who were defending the
ground, step by step, with the courage of despair,
in the woods on the Ste. Foy road, and again in
some underbrush near the St. John Gate.

The Indians, like the birds of prey they were,
fled headlong as soon as the fighting began, and
awaited an opportunity of spreading over the battle-
field to scalp, mutilate and plunder the dead and
wounded.

Townshend, upon whom the command had de-
volved, did not profit by the victory as he might
have done, for it would have been easy for him to
have seized the gates and entered the town during
the general confusion. Murray was detained on the
left by the stubbornness of the Canadians. As soon
as the French ranks broke, the Highlanders, whom
he commanded, sprang forward, claymore in hand,
uttering their fear-inspiring war cry. All fled before
them until they reached the edge of the wood, but
there they were stopped by a well-directed fire
of musketry. After useless efforts to dislodge the
Canadians, the Highlanders were forced to beat
a retreat to reform on the St. Louis road. They then
received orders to descend westward to the edge of
the Ste. Genevieve hill in order to take the woods
in the rear, and at the same time drive from the
edge of the cliff the bands of Canadian sharp-
shooters who were defending the descent. "They
202

THE FINAL STRUGGLE

killed and wounded a large number of our men,"
said Lieutenant Fraser, " and forced us to retreat a
little to reform our ranks." They were then brought
for the third time to the attack, now reinforced on
the right and on the left by the Anstruther regiment
and the second battalion of the Royal Americans,
respectively. A fresh struggle followed, and was
sustained " by the Canadians with incredible stub-
bornness and ardour," to quote Chevalier John-
stone, who was a witness of this heroic conflict.
" When repulsed they disputed the ground inch by
inch from the top to the bottom of the height."
In the middle of the valley arose the military
bakery, surrounded by several houses. The Cana-
dians made a final stand there, and for a consider-
able time held the three opposing regiments in
check. " It was at this time, and while in the bushes,"
reports Fraser, " that our regiment suffered most."
Chevalier Johnstone, who has described this bril-
liant action, says that these unfortunate heroes were
almost all killed on the spot, but that they saved a
large number of fugitives, and gave the French
army time to take shelter in the hornwork.

203

CHAPTER VIII

AFTER THE BATTLE— DEATH OF MONTCALM

TAKING into consideration the slenderness of
the two armies the battle of the Plains of
Abraham was merely a bloody skirmish, for the rival
forces did not together number ten thousand men.
From the standpoint of its results it must, however,
be always looked upon as one of the great events of
the eighteenth century, since from it went forth the
impetus that resulted in the American revolution,
and the birth of the great republic which is to-day
tending to shift westward the centre of civilization.
The British lost only six hundred and fifty-five
men, killed, wounded and missing, the regiments
which suffered the most severely being the High-
landers, the Royal Americans and Anstruther's, the
three which had met the Canadians. The French
loss was hardly more than that of the opposing
army. It totalled between seven hundred and eight
hundred men, says the Journal kept in the army,
and only six hundred men and forty-nine officers
according to Vaudreuil. Never, however, was a rout
more complete ; and it was all the more irresistible
because the French had no reserves. It would have
been extremely easy to have summoned five or six

205

WOLFE AND MONTCALM

hundred men from the town, where they were use-
less, as the battle was fought outside the walls, but
the attack had been so sudden that no one had
even had time to think of the possibility of a re-
verse. The army was, in short, seized by an in-
credible panic.

"It was a sorry spectacle for those who were
watching from the windows of the general hospital,"
wrote Foligne\ " I would never have thought that
the loss of a general could have caused a rout which,
I venture to say, is unparalleled."

The detachment of Canadian militia, summoned
in the morning from the Montmorency Falls to de-
fend the hornwork, and which was composed of the
best of the coureurs de bois, raged like lions in their
cages on seeing the army cut to pieces, but were
unable to render any assistance.

Chevalier Johnstone, who was mounted, acting
as aide-de-camp, had been carried by the rush of
the fugitives to the brink of the Genevieve hill ; but
had stopped at the foot of a ravine to encourage
some soldiers at least partly to retrieve the day. On
regaining the height he was greatly surprised to find
himself in the midst of the English, who had ad-
vanced while he was in the ravine encouraging the
gunners. As he was mounted on a fine black
horse the enemy took him for one of the com-
manders, and greeted him with a volley. Four balls
pierced his clothes. Another lodged in the pommel
of his saddle, and his horse was struck four times
206

THE HORNWORK

but did not fall. He thereupon started at full speed
towards the neighbouring hill, indicated in the dis-
tance by the windmill on its summit.

He crossed the fields of St. Roch in the direc-
tion of the bakery and entered the hornwork, where
his horse, covered with blood which flowed from his
wounds, fell under him.

M It is impossible to imagine," says he, " the con-
fusion that I found in the hornwork. The dread and
consternation was general. The troops were so de-
moralized that they thought the enemy had only
to present themselves at the bridge to become
masters of the place." The hornwork was a solidly
constructed work on the left shore of the river St.
Charles, which is seventy paces wide at this place,
and only fordable at low tide a musket shot lower
down. The side facing the river and the heights was
composed of high and strong palisades, placed per-
pendicularly, and with gunholes pierced in them
for large cannon. The part overlooking the Beau-
port road consisted of earthworks joined by two
wings to the palisades.

The tumult and fright increased in the place as
the troops continued to crowd in. The last regi-
ments were still on the other shore, and the Royal-
Roussillon regiment had scarcely left the streets of
the Palais when a general cry arose in the enclo-
sure: "The bridge of boats must be cut." Mont-
gay and La Mothe, two old officers, cried to the
Marquis de Vaudreuil that the hornwork would be

207

WOLFE AND MONTCALM

taken in an instant with the sword, that all the
army would be cut to pieces without quarter ; and
that the only thing that could save them was an
immediate and general capitulation, giving up
Canada to the English.

If we are to believe Johnstone, the only eye-
witness who leaves us a circumstantial account
of the incident, he was the only person who kept
his presence of mind. He has endeavoured, it is
true, falsely to usurp to himself the credit for having
been the first to indicate to LeVis the existence of
the fords in the Montmorency River at the begin-
ning of the siege, and also pretended that it was
he, who, upon this last occasion, prevented the cut-
ting of the bridge of boats, and the immediate sign-
ing of the capitulation by Vaudreuil.

"Thanks," says he, "to that regard which the
army accorded me on account of the esteem and
confidence which M. de Montcalm had always shown
me publicly, I called to M. Hugon, who commanded,
for a pass in the hornwork, and begged of him to
accompany me to the bridge. We ran there, and
without asking who had given the order to cut it,
we chased away the soldiers with their uplifted axes
ready to execute that extravagant and wicked opera-
tion.

"M. de Vaudreuil was closeted in a house in

the inside of the hornwork with the intendant and

some other persons. I suspected they were busy

drafting the articles for a general capitulation, and

208

JOHNSTONE OPPOSES CAPITULATION

I entered the house, where I had only time to see
the intendant with a pen in his hand writing upon
a sheet of paper, when M. de Vaudreuil told me I
had no business there. Having answered him that
what he said was true, I retired immediately, in
wrath."

Johnstone was still feeling hurt over the rebuff
which he had just received when he saw M. Dal-
quier, commander of the Beam regiment, an old
scarred officer as loyal as he was brave, approach-
ing him. Johnstone began to abuse Vaudreuil be-
fore him, and conjured Dalquier not to consent
to the shameful capitulation which the governor
was about to propose, and which would at one
stroke of the pen lose forever to France a colony
which had cost her so much in blood and money.
Johnstone having lost his horse started along the
Beauport road on foot, to join Poulariez, who had
remained in the ravine. He had scarcely gone three
or four hundred yards when he saw him coming as
fast as his horse could gallop, so he stopped him and
repeated to him what he had said to Dalquier.
Poulariez replied that rather than consent to a
capitulation he would spill his last drop of blood.
He then told Johnstone to go and take possession
of his house, and to make himself at home and take
some rest at once. Then spurring his horse he started
at full speed for the hornwork. " I continued sor-
rowfully jogging on to Beauport," continues the
chevalier, " heavy at heart over the loss of my dear

209

WOLFE AND MONTCALM

friend, M. de Montcalm, broken in spirit and lost
in reflection concerning the changes which Provi-
dence had brought about within the space of three
or four hours."

Seldom, in fact, had a reverse of fortune been
more sudden and complete. The evening before
everything promised a speedy deliverance in view
of the advanced season, the discouragement of the
besieging army after more than two months of
Amherst's inaction on Lake Champlain, and the
reassuring news from the rapids. And now all was
lost. The English were victorious, and masters of
the heights, Montcalm was dying within the walls
of Quebec, the French army was defeated, crushed,
disorganized, and deprived of its chief, and not one
of the superior officers was capable of replacing him.

"Ah, sir," wrote Bougainville to Bourlamaque,
" what a cruel day. It has deprived us of all hope.
My heart is broken, and yours will not be less so.
We shall be thankful if the stormy season which is
approaching saves the country from total ruin."

Bougainville tries, in this letter, to excuse his
own conduct and to throw upon others the blame
for what he calls M the loss of the best position in
the world and almost of our honour." It is never-
theless upon himself more than any other that the
responsibility for this disaster rests. It was he who,
charged to keep watch day and night, was the first
to be surprised. He says himself that he was notified
of the British landing at eight o'clock in the morn-
210

BOUGAINVILLE'S MISTAKES

ing. Joannes says that he was notified by the fugi-
tives, which would make it still earlier. Be that as it
may, he knew by eight o'clock through Vaudreuil's
letter of the descent of the English at the Foulon.
He started out at once, but instead of flying to
help Montcalm he stopped at Sillery, where he
took it into his head to take by assault a stone
house where the English were strongly entrenched.
He uselessly sacrificed Duprat's brave volunteers
there, many of them being killed, as well as
Brignotel, a lieutenant of the La Sarre regiment.
He was repulsed and continued to lose precious
time. It was at this very moment that Montcalm,
ready to give battle, exclaimed : " Is it possible
that Bougainville does not hear that?" Bougain-
ville distinctly heard the fusilade and the cannon
of the two armies, since he was only half a league
from the Plains of Abraham ; but the blindness
with which he seemed to be stricken still followed
him, and he appears to have been glued to the
ground. It was only towards twelve o'clock that he
regained his senses upon hearing of the loss of the
battle.

Vaudreuil at once marched the various corps com-
posing the army to their old positions at the Beau-
port camp. In the council of war held at head-
quarters the superior officers were far from show-
ing the firmness which Johnstone gives us to un-
derstand. They were all unanimous in declaring
that there was no course to follow other than to

211

WOLFE AND MONTCALM

retreat to Jacques Cartier. The governor and the
intendant displayed some energy. They thought of
combining the remainder of the army with Bou-
gainville's corps, and renewing the attack with
a simultaneous sortie by the garrison.

Vaudreuil sent a courier to Montcalm to ask
his advice. The dying general replied that they had
to choose between three things : the renewal of the
attack, a retreat to Jacques Cartier, or capitulation ;
but he did not want to decide between them.

" If I had attacked," says Vaudreuil, " against
the opinion of all the principal officers I would pro-
bably have lost both the battle and the colony, be-
cause they were so ill-disposed for battle."

The retreat to Jacques Cartier was then decided
on, but was kept secret till the moment of de-
parture. At half-past four in the afternoon Vaudreuil
wrote to L£vis : " We have had a very unfortu-
nate affair. At daybreak the enemy surprised M.
Vergor, who commanded at the Foulon. They
quickly gained the heights. . . . The Marquis
de Montcalm commanded with the first detach-
ment. I took the rear guard, and hurried on the
militiamen whom I overtook. I also warned M.
Bougainville, who immediately started from Cap
Rouge with his five companies of grenadiers, two
field-guns, the cavalry, and all his best men.
Although the enemy had surprised us their posi-
tion was very critical. It was only necessary for us
to wait for the arrival of Bougainville, so that while
212

VAUDREUIL TO LEVIS

we attacked the enemy with all our forces he would
take them in the rear, but luck was against us, the
attack being made with too much precipitation. The
enemy, who were on a height, repulsed us, and in
spite of our resistance forced us to make a retreat.
. . We lost a great many in killed and wounded.
Time does not permit me to give you any details
upon this point, for I am not well informed myself
as yet. What we do know, which is most distress-
ing, is that the Marquis de Montcalm has received
several wounds all equally dangerous. We enter-
tain grave fears for him. No one desires more than
I do that his injuries will not prove fatal. We are
thus reduced to the following circumstances. (1.) We
are not in a position to take our revenge this even-
ing. Our army is too discouraged, and we could not
rally it. If we wait till to-morrow the enemy will be
entrenched in an unassailable position. (2.) I neither
can nor will consent to the capitulation of the entire
colony. (3.) Our retreat becomes therefore obligatory,
and all the more so since we are forced to it by our
want of foodstuffs. In view of all these considera-
tions I leave this evening with the debris of the
army to take up a position at Jacques Cartier, where
I beg you, sir, to join me as soon as you receive my
letter. You will see that it is very urgent that you
make all possible haste. I will await you with im-
patience."

This letter of Vaudreuil's is much calmer than
we would be led to expect upon reading what his

213

WOLFE AND MONTCALM

enemies say about his alleged agitated and troubled
state. The tone of moderation with which he speaks
of Montcalm, only a few hours after the defeat,
when he believed that he had a perfect right to
blame him for not having followed his advice, is
also noteworthy.

Vaudreuil said to Montcalm himself in the last
letter which he wrote to him at six o'clock in the
evening : " I cannot tell you how pained I am to hear
of your wounds ; I hope that you will soon recover,
and assure you that no one is more anxious for you
than myself as I have been so attached to you. I
would have liked very much to have engaged the
enemy again to-day, but the commanders of the
different corps have all represented the impossibility
of doing so, on account of the advantageous posi-
tion of the English and the weakening and dis-
couragement of our army, so there is nothing to do
but to retreat. The opinion of these gentlemen being
supported by your own I give way to it, though
sadly enough, on account of my wish to remain in
the colony at all costs. It is only by taking this
course though, that I can use to the best advantage
the remaining fragments of the army. I enclose,
sir, the letter which I wrote to M. Ramezay, with
my instructions to him, containing the articles of
capitulation which he should ask of the enemy.
You will see that they are the same which I
arranged with you. Be kind enough to have him
hold the document after you have read it. Take
214

AN UNNECESSARY RETREAT

care of yourself, I beg you, and think only of your
recovery."

Montcalm replied by Captain Marcel : " The
Marquis de Montcalm entrusts to me the honour
of writing to tell you that he approves of every-
thing. I read him your letter, and the terms of
capitulation, which I have given to M. Ramezay
according to your instructions, together with the
letter which you wrote to him." Marcel added in a
postscript: " The Marquis de Montcalm is not much
better, though his pulse is now a little stronger
than at ten o'clock in the evening."

Vaudreuil's lack of energy never showed as much as
after the defeat of September 13th. Beyond a doubt
he had his reasons not to renew the battle against
the advice of the principal officers ; but the course
of wisdom would have been to force an engage-
ment immediately. The essential object was to save
Quebec. He should not have decamped without
provisions, the more so as he was safe for the time
being beyond the St. Charles.

The English, worn out for want of sleep and with
fatigue, were entrenching themselves, and could not
think of coming to attack him. Such temerity
would have endangered the fruits of their victory
and their hopes of taking Quebec. The French
army had still more need of rest. One night's sleep
would have given them new life and a chance to
rally from their consternation. The townsfolk would
not have awakened to find themselves abandoned,

215

WOLFE AND MONTCALM

and there would have been time to transport the
ten days' provisions from the Beauport camp to the
town. In short the retreat to Jacques Cartier was
in no way necessary. The army had only to join
Bougainville who was falling back upon Lorette,
and to put up its tents at Ste. Foy, where,
sheltered by the large woods, it could soon have en-
trenched itself in such a manner as to fear no attack.
It would have been nearer its base of supplies,
whose transport was in no way more difficult than
it had been previous to the battle, and Vaudreuil,
with all his forces united, would have been able to
maintain constant communication with Quebec,
which the British were in no condition to invest.
The advanced stage of the season would have pro-
hibited a long siege, and their operations would have
been continually arrested and delayed by night
attacks in conjunction with sorties by the garrison.
It is probable that Montcalm's opinion and those
of his chiefs-of-staff which offered no alternative
other than a retirement upon Jacques Cartier finally
outweighed all other considerations.

The fatal September 13th was succeeded by a
dark cold night, and over the camps of both the
vanquished and the victors silence reigned supreme,
broken only by the rumblings of the batteries at
Pointe LeVis, which, from time to time, hurled
projectiles towards the city, streaking the lowering
sky with a gleam of fire. At nine o'clock the army
got under way in a single column amidst the same
216

THE RETREAT TO JACQUES CARTIER

profound silence. Its tents remained standing, and
the men carried with them only their ammunition
and four days' provisions. The Quebec digni-
taries, with six hundred men from Montreal, formed
the advance guard, followed by the La Sarre
brigade, composed of five battalions. The artillery
and part of the equipment, escorted by the bridge
guard, brought up the rear. A cavalry officer and
one hundred and thirty men remained in the camp,
and spiked the cannon, blew up the powder maga-
zine, cut the bridges, and fired the floating battery.
The column followed the Charlesbourg road, reach-
ing that place at three o'clock, and at six o'clock it
halted at Lorette village. Many of the famished and
discouraged militiamen here took advantage of the
darkness to regain their firesides, so as to be able to
look after the needs of their families and gather in
their harvests, " caring little," says a contemporary
writer, " to what master they now belonged."

Johnstone, whose sentiments are well known, ex-
aggerates the disorder of this night march. " It was
not a retreat," he says, " but a horrid, abominable
flight, a thousand times worse than that in the
morning upon the Heights of Abraham, with such
disorder and confusion that, had the English known
it, three hundred men sent after us would have been
sufficient to destroy and cut all our army to pieces."
Except the Royal-Roussillon regiment, which Pou-
lariez, always a rigid and severe disciplinarian, kept
well in order, there were not to be seen thirty

217

WOLFE AND MONTCALM

soldiers together of any other regiment. They were
all mixed, scattered, dispersed, and running as hard
as they could, as if the English army was at their
heels.

The army halted about noon at St. Augustin,
and at five o'clock in the afternoon reached Pointe-
aux-Trembles, in which village it was lodged for
the night. Jacques Cartier was only reached about
noon on the fifteenth, after a delay caused by
repairs which were being made to the bridge over the
river. Finally, worn out by fatigue, and even more
by the depressing defeat, the men were able, after a
march of over forty miles, to take some rest, and
dry their rain-soaked clothing in the barns and
houses of the neighbourhood.

A letter from Montcalm, written by his aide-de-
camp, Marcel, at ten p.m., had been handed to
Vaudreuil before he left the Beauport camp, and
its bearer did not conceal the fact that the general
was dying. When his secretary had left him on the
St. Louis road, to obey the orders of the Chevalier
de Bernetz, Montcalm had been carried into the
residence of Dr. Arnoux, king's surgeon, who was
with Bourlamaque at Ile-aux-Noix. His brother,
a surgeon like himself, was summoned in his place.
After carefully examining the wounds, and espe-
cially the more dangerous ones, he merely looked at
his illustrious patient, and shook his head.

" Is the wound a mortal one ? " asked Montcalm.

" Yes," replied Arnoux, concealing nothing.
218

DEATH OF MONTCALM

" I am content," replied Montcalm, "how much
longer have I to live ? "

"Not twenty-four hours," was the reply.

" So much the better," returned the dying man.
"I shall not live to see the English masters of
Quebec."

His faithful aide-de-camp, Marcel, took his place
by his bedside, and never left it.

It was to Marcel that Montcalm confided his last
instructions, asking him to write to Candiac, and to
convey his tender farewell to his mother, wife and
family on his return to France. To the Chevalier de
LeVis, his best friend, he bequeathed all his papers.

"We have seen in what manner he replied to the
letters of the Marquis de Vaudreuil. When, how-
ever, de Ramezay, the commandant of the garrison,
came to ask his advice concerning the defence of
Quebec, he dismissed him with the remark : — " I
have no longer either advice or orders to give you.
The time left to me is short, and I have much more
important matters to attend to."

Still, with the darkness of the tomb upon him he
saw that there was one last public duty to perform.
It was that of imploring the victors' clemency for
the unfortunate colonists whose defence had cost
him so dear, and so he wrote to Brigadier Towns-
hend, Wolfe's successor: — "The well-known hu-
manity of the British sets me at ease concerning
the lot of the French prisoners and the Canadians.
Please entertain towards them the sentiments they

219

WOLFE AND MONTCALM

inspired in me, and let them not perceive the change
of masters. I was their father ; be you their pro-
tector."

A moment later the venerable bishop of Quebec
entered, his own face reflecting the pain depicted
upon that of the dying general, whom he prepared
for death, administering the last sacraments, which
the latter received with all the ardour of his fervent
faith. Mgr. de Pontbriand was determined to re-
main with him until he had yielded his last breath.

11 1 die content," the general repeated, " because
I leave the affairs of my master, the king, in good
hands. I have always had a high opinion of the
talents of M. de LeVis." He breathed his last on
September 14th, at daybreak, aged forty-seven years
and six months.

As soon as Marcel had closed his eyes he wrote
to LeVis as follows : — " It is with the deepest grief
that I acquaint you with the loss we have sustained
in the death of General Montcalm at five o'clock
this morning. I did not leave him for a moment
until his death, which I believe was the best thing
I could do after receiving his permission. It was a
mark of attachment and gratitude which I owed
him after all the kindnesses and good services he
showered upon me. I can never forget them."

The confusion in Quebec was such that it was

impossible to find a workman to make a coffin for

the deceased general. " Seeing this difficulty," says

the annalist of the Ursulines, " our foreman, an old

220

MONTCALM'S FUNERAL

Frenchman of Dauphin^, known amongst us as
Bonhomme Michel, hastily got together some
planks, and, shedding copious tears, made a rough
box little in keeping with the precious corpse it was
to hold." The body of the brave soldier was laid
within it, and at about nine p.m. the funeral pro-
cession started for the Ursulines' chapel, through
the streets encumbered with debris and ruined walls.
Behind the coffin marched in mournful silence the
commander of the garrison with his officers, and
many citizens, their number being added to as they
advanced, by the townsfolk, women and children.
No tolling bells or salvos of artillery announced the
general's funeral, for the only guns that spoke hurled
projectiles on the town. The crowd filled the church,
wherein all was absolutely dark save for the wax
tapers arranged round the trestles which bore the
bier. To the right close to the convent chapel's rail-
ing a bombshell had torn up the flooring, and made
an excavation in the soil. This cavity it was which,
enlarged and deepened, formed a suitable soldier's
grave.

The curd of Quebec, Abbd Resche, assisted by
two of the cathedral canons, intoned the Libera,
those present, and the choir of eight nuns, who re-
mained to guard the convent, responding. Then the
coffin was lowered into the ditch, "whereupon,"
says the convent's chronicler, " the sobs and tears
broke out afresh, for it seemed as though New
France were descending into the grave with her

221

WOLFE AND MONTCALM

general's remains." Her enemies thought so too, but
they were mistaken, for the sword of France had
merely passed into another hand. The conquered
were to rise afresh from this disaster to a greater
victory, and work out for themselves new destinies.

In the camp of the victors equal mourning
reigned. The flags of the fleet fluttered at half mast,
and a sentinel watched with reversed arms before
the door of the cabin containing Wolfe's inanimate
form. Among the wounded of both sides carried on
board the fleet lay, wounded unto death, one of the
French army's leading officers, the wise and valiant
Senezergues.

Let us return to the incidents of the eventful
thirteenth of September. Townshend, as soon as he
had driven the French to the St. Charles River, re-
called his victorious troops and formed them up on
the Plains of Abraham to face a new foe which might
at any moment fall upon their rear. As a matter of
fact Rochebeaucour's cavalry, and the leading files
of Bougainville's columns were already showing
upon the horizon, but they withdrew without en-
gaging, and disappeared behind the fringe of trees.
As soon as the British commander was satisfied that
all his enemies were in full retreat he set his men
at work entrenching. Before night fell the plain was
freed from shrubbery and clumps of trees, artillery
had been brought up, redoubts laid out, houses
fortified and cannon established in the windmill at
the head of the Cote Ste. Genevieve.
222

THE HOSPITAL SURROUNDED

Many of the wounded had been taken to the
general hospital. " We were surrounded," says
Mother St. Ignace, an eye-witness, " by the dead
and dying, who were brought in by hundreds, and
many of whom were closely connected with us, but
we had to lay aside our grief, and seek for space in
which to put them.

" The enemy were masters of the country and at
our very door, and there seemed to be grave reasons
indeed why we should fear. . . Night was fall-
ing and redoubled our uneasiness."

About midnight loud blows on the monastery
door were heard. Two young nuns, who were carry-
ing broth9 were passing by the door and opened it,
but fell back in affright when they found them-
selves face to face with a squad of British soldiers.
The officer in command seemed to be of high rank.
"He entered without any escort," continues the
hospital historian, " and asked for the three mothers
superior whom he knew to be together here.
They appeared with calmness and dignity, though
not without betraying some fear concerning
this late visit. ' Compose yourself, ladies, and
be kind enough to reassure all the sisters. You
will not be in any way disturbed,' said Brigadier
Townshend with the utmost courtesy, for it
was indeed he. ' Only, in order to better protect
you I will have your house surrounded by a
guard.'

"Our mothers could only bow acquiescence and

228

WOLFE AND MONTCALM

accept the situation, and in a short time two hundred
men were drawn up below our windows."

Before daybreak on the fourteenth the news that
the army had abandoned the Beauport camp flew
through Quebec. At first no one would believe
it when the beautiful autumn sun showed the tents
still standing in line along the Beauport shore as
before. As soon, however, as the news was con-
firmed beyond peradventure, a panic seized the
entire population even to the officers of the garri-
son. Unfortunately for them the commandant was
not equal to the occasion. " He did not even know
how to maintain order," says Captain Pouchot.
"Despondency was universal," wrote Ramezay,
" and discouragement excessive. Complaints and
murmurings against the army which had abandoned
us became the general cry, and in such critical cir-
cumstances I could not prevent the merchants and
militia officers from meeting at the residence of M.
Daine, the lieutenant-general of police, and mayor
of the city. There they decided upon capitulating,
and presented me with a petition to that effect
signed by M. Daine and all the leading citizens."
The chief sources of the popular alarm were the
irritation of the British by the massacre at Fort
William Henry, their continual threats of ven-
geance, the ravaging of the country towards the
end of the siege, and, finally, the cruelty of the
rangers. It was to protect the town from such ven-
geance that, at the opening of the siege Montcalm
224

CAPITULATION SUGGESTED

and Vaudreuil had together drawn up the articles of
capitulation handed to Ramezay on the evening of the
thirteenth. A number of families from the suburbs,
who had sought shelter within the walls upon the
approach of the British had brought the population
up to six thousand souls, of whom two thousand
seven hundred were women and children, one
thousand sick or invalids at the general hospital,
fifteen hundred militiamen and sailors, and six
hundred men of the regular army. For all these
mouths, which had already suffered much from
hunger for some time past, there were only eight
days' provisions at half-rations. On the evening of the
thirteenth, owing to a lack of vehicles, the intendant
had only been able to send into the city fifty barrels
of flour from the camp. When Ramezay sent for
the rest it was found to have been plundered by
the Indians and the famished people of the neigh-
bourhood.

Ramezay, on the evening of September 15th,
called a council which was attended by fourteen
officers from the different corps, and communi-
cated to those present the instructions of the Mar-
quis de Vaudreuil not to wait until the town was
taken by assault, but to capitulate as soon as the
provisions gave out. The council seemed as faint-
hearted and downcast as the commanders of the
battalions assembled by Vaudreuil on the previous
evening, and declared for capitulation. One of the
number alone, the heroic Jacquot de Fiedmont,

225

WOLFE AND MONTCALM

commander of the town artillery, was in favour of
reducing the rations and resisting to the last. He
had already distinguished himself at Beausejour
by opposing the capitulation proposed by Vergor,
and had often been remarked by Montcalm.

If, when the council of war was held, Ramezay
was excusable for capitulating, he was not so the
following day (the 16th), for, before night he had
received two messages from Vaudreuil. One was
written, and the other verbal, and both assured him
that he would speedily have assistance, both in pro-
visions and in troops. An orderly officer, the Cheva-
alier de St. Rome, had at the same time arrived at
Cap Rouge, where he handed to Bougainville a letter
from the governor, instructing him to give escort
to Quebec for sixty barrels of flour which that
officer had with him. " The cavalry," said Vaudreuil,
"seems to me the force best suited for this pur-
pose, for the main object now is to save the town
from want, and keep the enemy outside it." In
a postscript the governor emphasized the matter,
adding : " Give M. de St. Rome every possible
assistance in the execution of his mission."

Bougainville at the same time wrote a note to
Ramezay telling him where he could find some flour
concealed by private individuals. The commandant,
however, being resolved to capitulate showed no
one the letters from Vaudreuil and Bougainville,
the latter of whom had promptly carried out his
orders. Notwithstanding a perfect torrent of rain,
226

DE LEVIS TAKES COMMAND

which lasted for two days, Captain de Belcour
entered Quebec on the morning of the seventeenth.
At one o'clock on the afternoon of that day Roche-
beaucour wrote from Charlesbourg to Bougain-
ville : " I have just sent M. de Belcour, whom you
know to be very intelligent, to the city, to tell de
Ramezay that I will bring him one hundred quintals
of biscuits without fail. Belcour and I are well
acquainted with the ground and the position of the
enemy, who certainly cannot prevent our entering
the city at low tide. "

As he left Quebec the daring Belcour entered the
hornwork, whence he cannonaded any detachments
of the British who came within range. Amidst
all the dismay, there occurred at Jacques Cartier an
event which at once reanimated the entire army.
This was the arrival of Levis, who came from Mon-
treal to take command. He had made the journey
at headlong speed, only to find the disaster even
worse than he had anticipated. The moment that
he took hold of the army, however, he proved him-
self to be the man for the occasion. Immediately
upon his arrival he hastened to headquarters, where
Vaudreuil was with his leading officers, and ex-
claimed : — " The loss of a battle does not necessi-
tate the abandonment of thirty miles of territory."
He then severely censured the retreat to Jacques
Cartier, and ordered a return to Quebec. The joy
over his return was unbounded. Confidence was
restored to the weakest, and Vaudreuil again be-

227

WOLFE AND MONTCALM

came possessed of such energy as he was cap-
able of. The reed had found its sturdy oak. " The
immense number of fugitives I had first met
at Three Rivers," writes Levis, " prepared me to
some extent for the disorder in which I found the
army. I know of no similar case. At the Beauport
camp everything had been abandoned, tents, cook-
ing utensils, and all the army baggage. The condition
of absolute want in which I found the army did
not discourage me. Learning from M. de Vaudreuil
that Quebec had not yet been taken, and that he
had left there a fairly large garrison, I resolved to
repair the error which had been made, and induced
M. de Vaudreuil to march his army back to the
relief of the town. I showed him that this was the
only means to prevent the wholesale return of the
Canadians and Indians to their homes, and to revive
the courage of the army ; that in marching forward
we would collect a number of stragglers ; that the
residents of the neighbourhood of Quebec would
rejoin the army ; that from our knowledge of the
country we would be able to advance close to the
enemy ; that if their army was found to be badly
posted we might be able to attack them, or at least,
by approaching the place, we would prolong the
siege by the assistance we would supply in men
and provisions ; that we could also evacuate and
burn it when it no longer remained possible to
maintain it, so that it would offer no shelter to the
enemy from the inclemency of the winter season."
228

BOUGAINVILLE'S CAVALRY

Ldvis very quickly re-established discipline, while
his activity was infectious. At four o'clock the fol-
lowing morning, September 1 8th, the army started
on its march, and Bougainville had been notified.
Since the morning of the thirteenth he had endea-
voured to make amends, by his excellent conduct, for
recent events with which he had so much cause to
reproach himself. While the army was retreating
he had proposed to Vaudreuil to maintain his posi-
tion at Cap Rouge, and to occupy Lorette, in order
to preserve uninterrupted communication with the
town. Vaudreuil had approved the suggestion. On the
morningof the seventeenth, the unfavourable weather
having broken up the roads and delayed the convoy
of M. de St. Rome, Bougainville sent his cavalry
in advance of it with sacks of provisions across their
saddles. Vaudreuil, when informed of it, wrote him
the same day : " I learn with pleasure from your
letter that the cavalry is at Charlesbourg. I strongly
approve your plan of visiting the camp with seven
or eight hundred men to protect the passage of the
biscuits, which are at Charlesbourg, to Quebec by
the cavalry. To show yourself thus in the camp and
to make the enemy believe that we still occupy it,
will be very effective. I have no doubt that you have
taken the precaution to have good guides. However,
you are able to go by way of Bourg Royal. Doubt-
less you will not fail to profit by the return of your
cavalry to have them carry back with them as much
as possible from the stores or the camp."

229

WOLFE AND MONTCALM

Ramezay was informed of these movements and
of the assistance of all kinds which awaited him ;
but instead of profiting by it to raise the spirits of
the garrison, he only sought pretexts to capitulate
the more quickly. Many of the soldiers, taking
advantage of this disposition, refused to fight,
and laid down their arms. Others deserted to
the enemy or to the country, and some of the
officers set the example of insubordination. Vio-
lent altercations occurred, and upon one occa-
sion the town major, Joannes, was so exasperated
that he struck a couple of these officers with the
flat of his sword.

Far from sharing the ideas of Ramezay the brave
Fiedmont redoubled the fire of his artillery. While
the cannon of the Lower Town fired at random on
Pointe Levis, the new batteries that he had erected
alongside the heights thundered at the camp and
outworks of the English. The latter had advanced
their approaches towards St. Louis Gate, near which
they had commenced a redoubt, of which the con-
struction was retarded by Fiedmont, who made con-
tinual breaches in it. At ten o'clock in the morning
Ramezay ordered Joannes to raise the white flag on
the ramparts, and to go and propose the capitulation,
but Joannes indignantly revolted against the order.
" I protested before everybody," he said, " against
the advice I had given at the council of war, be-
cause of the changed conditions of affairs, and I
proposed to go myself and make more careful search
230

THE CAPITULATION ORDERED

for flour. Nothing more was then said about
capitulation until about four o'clock."

Then, however, Admiral Saunders, profiting by
the north-east wind which had blown for two days,
with storms of rain, advanced six of his large vessels
in front of the Lower Town. The English guard from
the trenches was ordered at this time to cut down
the trees and bushes in front of the St. John Gate,
which might serve as shelter for sharpshooters.
Those in the town expected a simultaneous attack
from both land and water, and the general alarm
was sounded. Fiedmont and Joannes proposed to
Ramezay to evacuate the Lower Town, and to rein-
force the Upper Town by the troops moved up from
it. But this officer, who as Joannes says, had never
seen fighting except in the woods, and knew no-
thing of defence, refused to follow his advice. He
raised the flag on both the land and water side of
the town. " I tore it down," continued Joannes,
" not believing that the commandant had changed
his mind, but at that instant I received a written
order to go and capitulate, and the memoir of con-
ditions was handed to me in consequence." Joannes
then thought of nothing more than to drag out
the negotiations, and to throw difficulties in the
way, in order to give time for the promised assist-
ance to reach the town. " By these means," he
said, " I gained until eleven o'clock at night, which
was the hour prescribed by the English general to
receive our final answer. I then returned to the

231

WOLFE AND MONTCALM

town and reported to M. de Ramezay the diffi-
culties which I had created." La Rochebeaucour
was riding at this moment with his cavalry, through
the rain, the wind and the darkness, along the bat-
tures of Beauport, to attempt the ford of the river
St. Charles. In half an hour he was going to enter
the town. Eleven o'clock struck. Ramezay, very far
from listening to the appeals of Joannes, hastened
to give him a second order in writing, to conclude
the capitulation, and sent him back to the English
camp. He had scarcely left by the St. Louis Gate
when Rochebeaucour entered by that of the Palace,
with his bags of biscuits streaming with water.
Ramezay, quite disconcerted, muttered to him that
he wras too late, that Joannes had gone to the British
general to conclude the capitulation. " After having
represented to him," said La Rochebeaucour, " that
he would certainly receive succour, he left me to
understand that if the English objected to anything
he had asked, he would break off the negotia-
tions, on condition that he would be sent, the
following day, from four to five hundred men,
which could then be done on account of the
means of communication. ' I will undertake, if
you wish it,' he said, * to pass them into the town
with provisions.'"

Ramezay rid himself of the importunate presence

of Rochebeaucour by quieting him with promises

which he did not intend to keep. Joannes prolonged

the negotiations until the morning of the following

232

ON THE MARCH TO QUEBEC

day. Levis was then marching with all his army.
He dismounted at Pointe-aux-Trembles, to write
to Bougainville: "You cannot doubt my regrets
for the loss of M. de Montcalm. It is one of the
greatest that could befall us. I mourn him both as
my general and as my friend. It leaves me a very
difficult task, and the most able amongst us will be
seriously embarrassed. We must do for the best .
. . The position in which we may find the enemy
will decide the course for us to take."

LeVis wrote to Bourlamaque in the same sense,
telling him that he was marching to the relief of
Quebec. He begged him to conceal the disaster as
much as possible, Ile-aux-Noix, so well defended by
Bourlamaque, caused him no anxiety. He counted
on him to second and to advise him. Finally he
asked him to keep him well informed of whatever
was going on.

The return of fine weather rendered the march-
ing of the army more easy, and the presence of
LeVis, who took care to show himself from one
regiment to another with a calm and confident air
on his martial face, had restored good humour and
animation amongst the troops. There was no appre-
hension as to the fate of Quebec, for the command-
ant dare not act without new orders, since the
governor had revoked his first instructions, and
ordered him to hold out to the last extremity. The
army marched all the day of the eighteenth. Next day
at sunset it entered St. Augustin,and prepared to pass

233

WOLFE AND MONTCALM

the night there, when it received the crushing and
incredible news that Ramezay had signed the capitu-
lation. Captain Daubressy, of the Quebec garrison,
who had been sent by him, handed the articles to
Vaudreuil. A cry of indignation arose from the
army. " It is unheard of," wrote General de Le>is,
"that a place should be given up without being
either attacked or invested." Bougainville, who
marched with the advance guard, had passed Charles-
bourg on the night of the eighteenth, and was not
more than three-quarters of a league from Quebec,
ready to throw himself with six hundred men of the
flower of the army into Quebec, when he learned
the fatal news. " Such," he said, bitterly, " is the end
of what has been up to this moment the finest cam-
paign of the world."

Townshend was very easy about the terms of
capitulation, for his position was very critical, and
he was anxious to have Quebec at any price. He
was astonished himself at the good fortune which
opened the gates to him before he had fired a single
cannon. The garrison obtained the honours of war :
they were to march out of the town with arms and
baggage, drums beating, torches lighted, with two
pieces of French cannon and twelve rounds for each
piece; the land forces and marines were to be trans-
ported to France; the citizens were not to be
molested for having borne arms in defence of the
town, and were to remain in possession of their
goods, effects and privileges, with the free exercise
234

THE KEYS SURRENDERED

of the Roman Catholic religion. The inhabitants of
the country who laid down their arms were to have
the same privileges.

On the nineteenth, before sunset, the gates of the
city were opened. General Townshend with his staff,
followed by three companies of grenadiers and one
of artillery, drawing a field-gun upon which floated
the British flag, crossed the Upper Town and stopped
in front of the Chateau St. Louis. The command-
ant of the place, who awaited him, handed
over the keys. The white uniforms of France
lined up for the last time in front of the gates
and filed off in silence to give place to the
English sentinels. A body of marines, detached
from the fleet under the command of Captain Pal-
liser, took possession of the Lower Town. Salvos of
artillery saluted the flag of England, raised at the
same time on the summit of Mountain Hill and on
the citadel, from which it was never more to de-
scend.

It still remained to the victors to guard this
conquest during a winter spent in the midst of
the ruins, deprived of all communication, and
compelled to hold out against an active and auda-
cious enemy. The proud Townshend, impatient
to return to England and enjoy a triumph which
others had merited more than he, confided the
difficult task to Brigadier James Murray. The nine
regiments of the line, with the artillery and a com-
pany of rangers, forming a total force of seven

235

WOLFE AND MONTCALM

thousand three hundred and thirteen men, remained
under his orders. The other companies of rangers
with the Louisbourg grenadiers and the marines,
prepared to re-embark on the fleet. Major Elliott,
with a corps of five hundred men, went to dislodge
the French from the hornwork, and left there a
strong garrison. While waiting for a certain number
of houses to be repaired to serve as barracks, the
troops camped in front of the walls of the town.

On September 21st, Murray issued a proclama-
tion announcing that the inhabitants of the environs
of Quebec were at liberty to resume peaceable pos-
session of their properties and to go freely about
their business. " But," says Folign£, " what pro-
perties does he desire our habitants to occupy after
the ravages he has had committed, — their houses
burned, their cattle taken away, their goods pil-
laged ? From this day our poor women may be seen
emerging from the depth of the forest, dragging
their little children after them, eaten by flies, with-
out clothes, and crying with hunger. What grief
must be endured by these poor mothers who neither
know whether they now have husbands, or if they
have, where they are to find them, or what assist-
ance they will be able to furnish their poor children
at the commencement of the winter season, during
which they always have difficulty to provide for
them, even when comfortably settled at home ! Not
even the sieges of Jerusalem and of Samaria afforded
more harrowing scenes." It was only, however, the
236

PREPARATIONS FOR WINTER

families who lived in the immediate vicinity of
Quebec, and who had consequently no means of
seeking an asylum elsewhere, who made peace with
the English. With the exception of these unfortu-
nates, who had simply to choose between death and
submission, the mass of the Canadians were obsti-
nately determined to continue the fight, and to re-
main attached to that France which no longer thought
anything 'about them. Not even from the history of
the earliest times is there to be found an instance of
more touching fidelity or persevering courage.

The frosts of autumn had made their appearance.
All the soldiers and sailors were set at work to
destroy the redoubts erected on the plains, to re-
move the ruins from the streets, to repair the dwel-
lings, to complete the fortifications, to cut and bring
in firewood, and finally to disembark and store the
provisions and ammunition. By the commencement
of October the army was able to be fairly well
accommodated with lodgings, either within the walls
or in the palace of the intendant, which had escaped
the siege with only slight damage. The nuns of
the Ursuline Convent and of the Hotel-Dieu
returned to their respective convents, which were
now partly occupied by troops. The strictest disci-
pline was maintained at all the posts. Day and night,
in the rain and cold as well as in fine weather,
sentries patrolled the surroundings to guard against
all surprise. The command of the place might have
been confided to a more able tactician, but not to

237

WOLFE AND MONTCALM

anybody better adapted to gain the esteem and the
confidence of the Canadians.

In one of the last days of October the cannon on
the ramparts answered to the salute of the fleet
which was sailing for England. On board the Royal
William were the embalmed remains of General
Wolfe.

A few days earlier Captain Marcel, on the point
of leaving for France with the prisoners of war, had
visited the chapel of the Ursulines to bid a last fare-
well to the remains of his general, who was never
more to see the beautiful sky of Provence, nor yet
his olive plantations, his oil mill and his much-
loved friends of Candiac.

In England the news of Wolfe's success came
with most dramatic effect. The despairing letter
which he had written to Pitt a few days before his
death had been published and had caused universal
disappointment. " If the general was doubtful of
the result," said the public, " surely we have cause
to despair." Three days later came altogether the
news of the defeat of Montcalm, of the death of
Wolfe, and of the fall of Quebec. " The incidents
of a drama," said Horace Walpole, " could not have
been more artfully conducted to lead an audience
from despondency to sudden exultation. Despond-
ency, triumph, and tears were mingled together, for
Wolfe had fallen in the hour of victory." The young
hero was lauded to the skies. The whole face of the
country was brilliantly illuminated. Only one locality,
238

TRIBUTES TO THE HEROES

Blackheath, remained dark and still ; for there a
recently- widowed mother mourned the death of the
best of sons. Her fellow-citizens, respecting her grief,
abstained from all public rejoicing. Lady Montague,
writing to the Countess of Bute, said: "General
Wolfe is to be lamented, but not pitied. I am of
your opinion that compassion is only due to his
mother and intended bride." The great minister,
who had discovered the genius of Wolfe, made his
panegyric in the House of Commons, and the grati-
tude of the English people raised him a monument
in Westminster Abbey.

The France of Louis XV hastened to forget the
memory of Montcalm, which lay upon it as a burden
of remorse. The France of America will always
cherish it. It has forgotten his faults to remember
only his virtues and his heroism. The name of Mont-
calm is inscribed on our monuments and public
places. History and poetry have joined hands to
celebrate the national heritage of his glory. The
mausoleum raised over his tomb a century after his
death is not less honoured than that of Wolfe at
Westminster.

239

CHAPTER IX

THE VICTORY AT STE. FOY— SURRENDER OF
CANADA TO ENGLAND— CONCLUSION

THE hard winter of 1759-60 passed without
further incident than the increase of public
misery and a few skirmishes. April brought with it
the grateful sun of spring time, the alternation of
warm rains, and biting frosts, and finally the dis-
appearance from sight of the snow, with the crash
of the breaking ice, and the unbridling of the waters.
This was the opportunity for which Levis and Vau-
dreuil had been waiting, for they had decided to
strike a blow at Quebec. " The melting of the ice,"
wrote Malartic, " does not correspond to the eager-
ness of our troops to start." Levis had everything in
readiness, so that each battalion, with its quota of
Canadians, should be ready to march the moment
the signal was given. Each habitant was to have on
hand eight days' provisions for himself and the
soldiers he boarded. The general's first act when he
called the army together was to acknowledge his
gratefulness towards the Canadians, who had been
like fathers to the soldiers all winter, giving them
lodging, warmth, and clothing, and who were just
dividing with them their last morsel of bread. " We
should," said Levis, "in this daring undertaking,
show our gratitude to the colony which has main-

241

WOLFE AND MONTCALM

tained us since our arrival. The Canadians have re-
ceived the soldiers as if they were their own children,
and we cannot too highly praise their friendship and
devotion."

These proceedings had gained for Levis the hearts
of the entire population, and here, and nowhere else,
is to be sought the explanation of the prodigy of
the campaign — the brilliant victory of April 28th.
He believed that he could rely sufficiently upon the
devotion of the soldiers and militiamen to hide from
them none of the sufferings they would have to un-
dergo. " I beg you," he wrote to the officers, " to
warn them to expect a hard campaign. I cannot
foresee any certainty of a good supply of any food
but bread, and when we arrive before the walls of
Quebec we shall only have such horse meat or beef
as we can happen upon."

It is only necessary to read the replies of Levis
to the demands of the army to realize the unbeliev-
able scarcity of stores that stared him in the face.
The militiamen with no uniforms but their habitant
clothing, were armed only with their hunting guns,
without bayonets, replacing the latter by knives,
their handles so shaped as to fit the ends of the fire-
arms. The supply of projectiles was no more satis-
factory, for after collecting all that could be had in
the various posts only three hundred and twelve
cannon balls and two hundred thousand pounds of
powder were available. Such were the means with
which LeVis undertook to defeat Murray's victorious
242

STATE OF THE GARRISON

army and retake Quebec. Ever since the end of the
last campaign he had had the workmen of Montreal
at work making tools, gun carriages, and even
kitchen utensils, which the army sadly lacked. Some
indispensable articles which could not be otherwise
obtained were stolen from Quebec, from under the
very noses of the English. Levis was the soul of all
this organization, and found reason for self-satisfac-
tion in the entire and active cooperation of Vau-
dreuil. The governor had even succeeded in main-
taining spies within Quebec, and these kept him
informed concerning all that went on in the town
and the state of the garrison. Thus he knew that
scurvy had made great havoc, especially among the
soldiers, and six or seven hundred bodies had been
buried in snow banks, until such time as the ground
would thaw sufficiently to allow them to be in-
terred. Some seemingly improbable accounts even
said that over half the garrison was on the sick list,
and there were not over two thousand serviceable
men left. The truth was that Murray could still lead
into the field four thousand eight hundred men, who,
more fortunate than the habitants in the country
parts, had had an abundance of food, even if it was
not over fresh. Among the sick, too, were many
who were only slightly affected.

At Sorel the valiant Captain Vauquelin, who
was in charge of the two frigates, Atalante and
Pomone, completed the loading of the stores, and
was ready to sail at a moment's notice.

243

WOLFE AND MONTCALM

Each time that the general left the governor's
chateau in which the council sat, he lingered upon
the terrace overlooking the river to examine the
effect of the water upon the ice, the departure of
which he would have liked to hasten. The enormous
white cuirass, up-borne by the giant river's swollen
breast, opened to form great crevices which were
soon transformed into troubled lakes in which in-
numerable icebergs dashed against one another like
crumbling walls. Finally, on April 15th, the river be-
fore Montreal was open to navigation. The same
day two transports, a vessel transformed into a store-
ship, the Marie, and a schooner, which were to be
conveyed by the frigates, were launched, loaded
with the equipment and part of the ammunition.
A small cavalry corps, which left in two divisions,
the fourteenth and fifteenth, was already en route
for Jacques Cartier. It was composed of only two
hundred men, mounted upon the best horses that
could be gathered together round Montreal. On the
seventeenth all the battalion leaders had in their
hands the generals marching orders, directing them
to embark on the morning of Sunday, April 20th,
with their troops, upon the vessels lying at the shore
opposite their respective cantonments.

The little fleet grew as it approached Lake St.
Peter. At Lachenaie it effected a junction with
the fleet bearing the La Sarre battalion, and at
Vercheres it was joined by the barges conveying
the Guyenne corps. Berry's two battalions, which
244

EQUIPMENT OF THE EXPEDITION

were camped lower down formed the advance
guard. A number of birch-bark canoes, bearing two
hundred and seventy-eight Indians, glided about
among the heavier vessels with their usual swift-
ness. The two frigates, the transports and a few
other small vessels followed at a slight distance.
The total strength of the army, including the Indians
and the cavalry, who had gone down by land, was
six thousand nine hundred and ten mem divided
into five brigades and eleven battalions, half regu-
lars and half militiamen, most of the latter being
incorporated into the regiments.

LeVis hoped to recruit some of the habitants
round Quebec after having invested the place, but,
as he observed, they could only serve as pioneers,
having been disarmed by the English. He was
authorized by Vaudreuil to force them to enlist
" under penalty of death," if they were not moved
to do so by considerations of patriotism and religion.
The general stole a moment in which to write to
Bougainville, who had just replaced Lusignan at
Ile-aux-Noix. " The army started to-day," he said.
" M. de Bourlamaque is leaving at the present instant,
and I start to-morrow. Prayers have been offered
up for us. God grant that they may find accept-
ance. The bishop has issued a splendid mandement"
Mgr. de Pontbriand and his clergy, had, as a matter
of fact, urged his people forward to the expedition
as to a crusade, and the pulpits re-echoed with
prayers and exhortations. The bishop of Quebec,

245

WOLFE AND MONTCALM

who had only two months more to live, arose from
his bed to make a supreme appeal to his flock, and
it was hearkened to. The river, which was at high
water mark, rapidly carried down the vessels loaded
to the water's edge with their cargoes of men armed
and accoutred in every conceivable fashion. Soldiers
half clad in peasant dress, jostled against grenadiers
with regulation uniform and broad waist belts ; and
the gold-laced officers, elegant even with their faded
plumes, transformed grey habitant homespun into
caps of imitation fur.

The great level plains around Montreal not yet
quite free from their mantle of snow, still bore their
drear wintry appearance, and great fields of ice,
which broke loose from both shores, covered the
river with white islets, some of them grounded and
others borne along by the current. As the vessels
passed their respective parishes the militiamen sig-
nalled, and sometimes spoke a few words to their
families, who ran to the water's edge to distinguish
their loved ones and bid them farewell.

A strong north-east wind, accompanied by rain,
which raged all day during the twenty-third, arrested
the army's progress. The Chevalier de Levis issued
orders that Pointe-aux- Trembles was only to be
reached the following day, and this was done at
sunset, when the men had much difficulty in drag-
ging their boats ashore, owing to the floating ice.
The frigates, the transports, and the canoes in which
de LeVis travelled arrived a few hours before them.
246

POINTE-AUX-TREMBLES REACHED

Here the general landed three field-guns, which
were to follow by land, and encamped his men
about the church. The hard, rough journey neared
its close. For fifty leagues the army had been ex-
posed to the damp cold, characteristic of the season,
which was found more piercing than ever on the
river. Shivering night and day in their boats the
men had only cold water wherewith to slake their
thirst, and a meagre ration of salt meat to satisfy
their hunger, but they bore without a murmur the
privations which private and officer shared alike.

The early morning sun of April 25th found the
army assembled upon the church grounds. The
enemy was known to be near ; in fact, it was sup-
posed that he was at Cap Rouge, where he could
oppose the crossing of the river. Already threats of
burning the houses of all the people of St. Augustin
had been made. The troops were served with pro-
visions for one day, and Canadian and Indian scouts
led the way. On Saturday, the twenty-sixth, at 8 a.m.,
notwithstanding the north-east wind, all the vessels
were again despatched on the way to St. Augustin,
where they moored before noon. The season here
was more backward than at Montreal ; the ice-
bridge at Quebec had only left three days before,
and great walls of ice still fringed the shores. For
this reason it was necessary to drag the vessels high
up on the beach, so that they should not be carried
off with the debris of ice at flood tide. The men
could be carried no nearer to Quebec by water,

247

WOLFE AND MONTCALM

because of the precipitous character of the cliffs
lower down the stream, and the facility with which
they might have been occupied by the enemy to pre-
vent a landing. Two men were left in charge of each
boat. The approach to Quebec was, therefore, neces-
sarily by land, and by a route eighteen miles long
over almost impassable roads. The same obstacles
which had the year before prevented Wolfe's de-
signs at Cap Rouge now faced the French, and
for this reason Levis, certain that the mouth of
the river was guarded, decided to attempt a cross-
ing two miles further up. The army was then pro-
vided with three days' provisions, and a supply of
cartridges, and, while this was being done, an
advance guard, consisting of the grenadiers, the
Indians, and a detachment of artillery, under
Bourlamaque, was ordered to repair the bridges
which had been destroyed by the English. The
task could not have been entrusted to better
hands. By two o'clock in the afternoon two
bridges for foot passengers had been constructed,
and Levis at once pushed forward with his
army. The north-east wind had, since the morn-
ing, developed into a tempest, followed by an ice-
cold rain, accompanied by thunder and lightning,
but the soldiers, wet to the skin, faced both wind
and storm, ankle deep in a thick mud which was
mixed with snow. The officers, who were also
on foot, like mere privates, set a worthy example
of courage and good humour.
248

APPROACHING THE ENEMY

LeVis, who had just learned that the British
had abandoned their positions at Lorette, and fallen
back upon Ste. Foy, ordered Bourlamaque to cross
the river and seize these positions as well as the
houses commanding the road and crossing. "We
succeeded," says Levis, "in sending over before
nightfall a brigade which occupied the grenadiers'
positions, and M. de Bourlamaque was ordered to
advance as far as he possibly could without, how-
ever, compromising himself, until he heard that the
army was under way." He consequently crossed
the Suete marsh, in which the enemy might have
advantageously opposed him, and took up his posi-
tion in some houses less than a mile from the heights
of Ste. Foy, upon which the enemy was sta-
tioned. The Chevalier de LeVis advanced the
brigades as they crossed to support him, and went
over himself for the night, instructing de Lapause
to inform him as soon as the entire army had crossed
the marsh.

" It was a frightful night," writes LeVis, " terribly
cold and stormy, and the army, which only finished
crossing at a very late hour in the night, suffered
enormously. The bridges were broken, and the
men had to wade through the water. In the dark-
ness the workmen could hardly repair them, and
had it not been for the lightning we should have
had to stop." In another place he says, " the troops
were in a pitiable condition." The tempest in ques-
tion was one of the worst the country had known

249

WOLFE AND MONTCALM

for many years, and the houses creaked until it
almost seemed as though they would be blown
down. Then the wind went down, and gave place
to even more intense cold and a rain mingled
with snow.

General Murray was better informed of the move-
ments of the French army than Levis imagined.
The rumours of an attack on Quebec had gained
strength as the winter advanced, and gave place to
certainty on the approach of spring. About the
middle of April three French deserters from the
regulars, and later on a sergeant of grenadiers
assured him that the entire strength of the colony
was to be below the walls of Quebec in a short time.
On the twenty-first, at 10 a. m., the general posted a
proclamation ordering all civilians to leave the city
within three days. " It is impossible," says Knox,
"to help sympathizing with these unfortunates
in their distress. The men prudently restrained their
sentiments on this occasion, but the women were
not so discreet ; they charged us with a breach
of the capitulation ; said that they had often heard
que les A nglais sont desgens sansfoi! (that the British
are a faithless people) and that we had now con-
vinced them of the propriety of that character."

General Murray was unaware of the presence of the
French army at Cap Rouge, when a fortuitous cir-
cumstance warned him of the imminent danger. On
Sunday, the twenty-seventh, at 2 a.m., a sentinel on
the sloop of war Race Horse, then moored in Cul-de-
250

INFORMATION FOR MURRAY

Sac Cove, thought he could hear through the fog
which overhung the St. Lawrence wails resembling
the cries of a man in distress, apparently drowning.
At this time the rising tide was driving up a num-
ber of floating pieces of ice, which could be heard
grinding against one another in the darkness. Hear-
ing the cries repeated the sentinel no longer had
any doubt that some human being was in distress
and in need of succour, and he informed the com-
mandant of the fact. Captain Macartney sent his
boat and some sailors to enquire into the matter,
and, following in the direction of the cries, they
presently found a man, almost frozen, upon a floe.
He was taken on board the vessel, and after some
trouble consciousness and speech were restored.
The revelations which he thereupon made were so
important that it was thought wise to inform the
general at once, although it was 3 a.m. The dying
man was borne in a ship's hammock to head-
quarters, where Murray, who had been immediately
awakened, listened to his story. He was a sergeant
of artillery in the army which Levis was leading
against Quebec. The floating battery upon which
he had been stationed with six men had been over-
turned during the tempest by a berg upon which he
had managed to scramble while his companions were
drowned. Night had surprised him before he could
summon assistance, and the ebb tide had carried him
to the Island of Orleans, while the flood brought
him back along the wharves of the Lower Town. He

251

WOLFE AND MONTCALM

had time to tell before dying that LeVis had with
him some twelve thousand or fifteen thousand men.

Murray at once called the garrison to arms, and left
at daybreak with the grenadiers, five regiments, and
ten pieces of artillery to reconnoitre the enemy's posi-
tion, dispute his advance, and, if necessary, retire his
own advance posts. He stationed his troops in the
row of houses which lined the road on both sides of
Ste. Foy church, and opened a cannon fire upon
the French outpost which could be seen in the edge
of the forest. Le>is, who, at the moment, was with
Bourlamaque conducting a reconnaissance on the
Lorette road, recognized the advantageous nature
of Murray's position. The village of Ste. Foy is
situated upon a slight hill, which rises as it ap-
proaches Quebec, where it is called the Cote Ste.
Genevieve, and to the westward it descends by a
more gentle slope to the Cap Rouge River. Opposite
Ste. Foy this hill becomes an inclined plane, below
which is a swamp called the Suete. This marsh was
covered by a thick layer of rain-soaked snow, and
such was the road which the army had to follow.
LeVis knew that Murray had fortified himself with
his cannon in the church and the neighbouring
houses which flanked his position. To dislodge him
he would have to bring up artillery by impassable
roads, and then traverse marshy woods, and form
up under an artillery and musketry fire. The army
was moreover worn out by thirty hours' fatigue,
apart from the frightful weather ; and an icy rain
252

LEVIS TAKES STE. FOY VILLAGE

still fell. The French general consequently decided
to wait until nightfall before advancing, and to
attempt to turn the enemy's position by the right.
He had just halted his columns, which were pouring
out of Lorette village when he saw the Ste. Foy
church in flames, and the roof fall in. The British
were retiring and blowing up their store of ammu-
nition. The order to advance was at once given,
and at 6 a.m. Levis was master of Ste. Foy
village. " This march," says Malartic, " was hard
and painful. All the officers made it on foot, and,
like the privates, suffered from rain and snow, be-
sides the inconvenience of marching in snow up to
their knees."

The cavalry and grenadiers pursued the British
to within a mile and a half of the town, where
they had a fortified post in a house and another
in a windmill, belonging to one Dumont, which was
situated on the north side of the Ste. Foy road,
on a slight eminence overlooking the Cote Ste.
Genevieve. On the site of this mill stands to-day
a column surmounted by a statue of Bellona,
erected to commemorate the heroic fight which
was waged there the following morning. The army
fortified itself in the houses and barns along the
Ste. Foy road, and in the neighbourhood of
Sillery.

While the British soldiers, after their return to
the city, comforted themselves with the good rum
distributed to them, and enjoyed the heat of fires

253

WOLFE AND MONTCALM

built of the wood taken from the houses of St.
Roch their general was considering, in a council of
war, the course to pursue on the morrow. If he re-
mained strictly upon the defensive he could either
shut himself up within the walls of Quebec or fortify
himself behind the Buttes-a-Neveu. The fortifica-
tions were still poor, but stronger than when the
British conquered the place, for they had made im-
portant additions to them. He finally decided to
entrench himself without the walls, notwithstand-
ing the difficulties presented by the ground which
the frost was only beginning to leave. In the council
he did not even suggest taking the offensive,
although in his heart he was inclined to do so. He
was impetuous, like most of the officers of the time,
brave even to rashness, and extremely ambitious,
and the extraordinary glory bestowed upon General
Wolfe caused dreams of similar fame to enter
Murray's mind.

During the preceding autumn Bernier, the com-
missary of war, who had many dealings with him,
admirably gauged his character. " The man is young,"
he said to Bougainville, " fiery, proud of his strength,
decided in his ideas, and, having reached a position
which he had no reason for previously expecting, is
eager to distinguish himself. Of a naturally good
character, he is nevertheless to be feared when
opposed, and being easily inflamed is then ready
to do almost anything. You know that too great
an opinion of one's strength often leaves one little
254

LEVIS INSPECTS THE PLAINS

opportunity for reflection and consideration, and
frequently gives reason for subsequent regret."
This estimate explains Murray's conduct. With an
army composed altogether of regular troops, and
the splendid train of artillery at his command he
considered himself certain of defeating the remains
of a beaten army led by Levis, while he held the
collection of militia which swelled its ranks in
utter contempt.

The night had been calm and clear, and at day-
light Levis mounted his horse and proceeded to
inspect the Plains of Abraham in order to choose
a favourable location on which to receive the
enemy if he appeared. Murray's tactics on the
preceding evening led him to believe that the
British would remain strictly upon the defensive,
and he had told the transports to land at the Fou-
lon the provisions which he intended to distribute
at once to the army. When he emerged from the
woods of Sillery surrounded by his staff and an
escort, the sun's rays fell upon a plain which seemed
a veritable desert. Traces of snow and pools of frozen
water here and there marked the undulations of the
ground. The budless, frost-covered branches sparkled
like crystals in the early sunlight. The blades of
grass beginning to shoot on the eastern slope of the
cliff heralded the return of spring. Over two miles
below, Cape Diamond raised its crest towards the
east. Here and there a few British detachments were
visible upon the horizon. One of them was abandon-

255

WOLFE AND MONTCALM

ing a redoubt overlooking the Foulon, and this
Levis caused some of his dismounted attendants to
occupy, himself proceeding further so as more closely
to observe the enemy's movements.

Murray had come out of the town with his entire
army, preceded by twenty-two pieces of artillery,
two of which were howitzers. Besides his arms each
man bore either a pick or a spade as if the general
intended only to entrench himself outside the walls.
Was this done for the purpose of concealing his real
intention, and conveying the idea that he had only
decided to attack at the moment when the action
began ? It is hard to believe otherwise when we con-
sider the precipitation of his assault. When the
Buttes-a-Neveu were reached he drew up his regi-
ments in order of battle, with a frontage of two
deep, and marched towards the heights upon which
Wolfe had, the previous autumn, awaited Mont-
calm's army. It was at this moment that Levis saw
the enemy come out of the ravine covering the entire
plain from the crest of the cliff to the Ste. Foy road.
As the British advanced they extended their lines so
as to cover as much space as possible on the table-
land. The moment Le'vis saw that he had to deal
with the entire British army he withdrew his men
from the redoubt, and gave Major-General Mon-
treuil orders to push his troops to the front. At the
same time he ordered Bourlamaque to post five com-
panies of grenadiers in Dumont's house and mill,
which the British had evacuated during the night,
256

LEVIS DISPOSES HIS FORCES

and to station the other five on a slight eminence
commanding the right. His two wings being thus
strengthened he posted de Lapause at the entrance
to the Ste. Foy road, along which the army was
advancing, to point out to each commanding officer
the place his battalions were to occupy. The two
brigades on the right, the Royal-Roussillon and
Guyenne were already in position, and Berry was
debouching from the road when the British soldiers,
whom Murray had ordered to throw down their
tools, appeared on the elevation below which the
French troops were defiling. In front of Dumont's
mill the brave d'Aiguebelle, with his grenadiers,
opposed Dalling's light infantry, while the grena-
diers on the right held back the volunteers and
Hazen's rangers.

Murray, with his staff, advanced a few paces in
front of his lines. He saw before him a scene which
might easily inflame even a less fiery soul than his.
The ground which he occupied was as favourable
as that whence Wolfe, in the previous Septem-
ber had overwhelmed Montcalm's army. More-
over, he had behind him formidable artillery and
an army with victory still fresh in its mind. On his
left he was master of the redoubt which the French
had just abandoned. On his right the light infantry
was within a few paces of Dumont's mill. Behind
the mill wound, like a natural defence, the ravine
through which ran a stream, swollen by the melt-
ing snow, and falling like a cascade by the Cote

257

WOLFE AND MONTCALM

Ste. Genevieve. On the edge of the Sillery forest
were the Berry and marine brigades, advancing in
all haste to take up their post in the centre, while
the Beam battalion came out of the Ste. Foy road.
Only Levis' right was drawn up in battle forma-
tion.

It did not seem as though there could be a more
favourable moment for crushing the units of the
French army in detail, and Murray at once ordered
the attack. At a distance of one hundred paces the
artillery opened a fire of grape, which took terrible
effect, especially upon the two last brigades, which
were on the march. Levis saw the danger, and at
once resolved upon the dangerous expedient of re-
tiring his army to the edge of the woods. He per-
sonally directed the movement, which, he says, "was
carried out with the greatest bravery and activity
under a heavy artillery and musketry fire." Murray
was deceived. He took the retreat for the com-
mencement of a flight, and ordered his troops to
charge, at the same time inclining to the right so
as to seize Dumont's mill and house, which com-
manded the Ste. Foy road. Several guns already
swept this road, across which the La Sarre brigade
began to deploy, forming the French left. A furious
struggle was being waged about the mill between
the grenadiers and the light infantry, behind whom
the whole English right was advancing, including
Webb's and Amherst's regiments, and part of the
Royal Americans under Colonel Burton. The grena-
258

THE HEAT OF THE BATTLE

diers, crushed by superior numbers, abandoned the
mill, and fell back upon La Sarre. At this moment
Levis passed along the front of his line holding his
hat on the end of his sword. It was the prearranged
signal for a general attack. The La Sarre brigade,
which old Colonel Dalquier, its commander, had
caused to retire in order to take up its position in
line with the others, came back with the grenadiers
and retook the mill, as well as two hillocks over-
looking the road. During this attack the light in-
fantry was so demoralized that it retired to the rear
guard and never returned to the attack. On the
right the five companies of grenadiers, supported
by the Canadian sharpshooters, cleared the redoubt
of the rangers and volunteers, and advanced on a
second redoubt surmounting a knoll a few paces
further on. The two brigades on the right, with
three guns, stubbornly opposed the redoubtable
Highlanders and the Bragg and Lascelles regiments
which formed the British left.

The French general gave his two wings his princi-
pal attention, for the centre, composed of the marine
and Berry brigades, with the main body of the Cana-
dians, seemed unshakable. Each battalion was pre-
ceded and flanked by a host of Canadian sharp-
shooters under Repentigny, and these thinned the
British ranks with frightful rapidity. Always ad-
mirable shots, they availed themselves of all the
shelter the ground afforded, and brought down a
man every time they fired, with as much precision

259

WOLFE AND MONTCALM

as though they were on their hunting-grounds.
They would lie down to avoid a discharge of grape,
or a volley of musketry, and then fire again. For
over two hours the main body of the enemy, the
flower of the British army, endeavoured to crush
these poorly-armed militiamen from its own more
advantageous position, but each time had to fall
back and reform under the protection of its artillery.

Bourlamaque imparted to the left, which he com-
manded, the spirit of his own unconquerable ten-
acity. While the fight was at its hottest, he, for
a moment, crossed over to the right to receive his
general's orders. As he was returning his horse was
shot under him, and a ball cut away a part of his
leg. He was conveyed to the residence of M. de la
Gongendiere, which was close at hand.

Just at this time a party of Highlanders, sent to
replace the light infantry, and d'Aiguebelle's grena-
diers were having a hand-to-hand fight. " They were
worthy opponents," says Chevalier Johnstone. " The
grenadiers, bayonets in hand, drove the Highlanders
out through the windows, and the latter, re-enter-
ing by the door with their dirks, forced the former
in turn to take the same means of egress. The build-
ing was taken and retaken several times, and the
fight would have lasted while there was a High-
lander and a grenadier left, if the two generals had
not recalled their men, and as if by common con-
sent, left the place, for the time being, neutral
ground. The grenadiers were reduced to not more
260

A MISUNDERSTOOD ORDER

than fourteen men to the company, while the High-
landers were proportionately decimated. Levis has-
tened to reassure the La Sarre brigade by his pres-
ence, and then crossed his lines, going from right to
left between the two armies, and ordering each of his
brigades to charge as he passed it." The grenadiers
he instructed to take the last redoubt. The charge
was irresistible, and the rangers and volunteers re-
tiring in confusion exposed the left flank of Bragg's
regiment, which began to waver.

The La Sarre brigade after having crossed the
brook advanced, without firing, upon the English
left. It was a bare thirty paces from it when the
men sank to their knees in a deep drift of snow,
which checked their advance. Moreover, the ground
across which they were charging sloped gradually
towards the Cote Ste. Genevieve, exposing them to
a murderous fire of grape from the British guns.
The brigade was suffering so severely, and was
in such grave danger that Levis sent Lapause, and
afterwards another officer, to order it to make a half
turn to the right and establish itself in some houses
situated a little to the rear. Although the order was
conveyed by so intelligent a man as Lapause it was
misunderstood, and the day was thereby almost lost.
Malartic, not daring to disobey, said nothing, but
advanced fifteen paces in front of the brigade in
order to show that it must advance. A minute later
Dalquier, bleeding from a wound in his side, joined
him, and said, " Major, I will take it upon myself

261

WOLFE AND MONTCALM

to disregard the general's orders. Let us take ad-
vantage of the soldiers' zeal. We will not fire but
fall upon them with the bayonet, and so shall con-
quer." Then turning to the men he said, " Men,
when we are within twenty paces of the enemy
is not the time to retire. We will give them the
bayonet, for that is our best course." The centre
seeing the left advance did the same, and the
grenadiers once more seized the mill and the hil-
locks from which they were not again dislodged.
LeVis arrived at this moment, and said to Dalquier,
" You have done the king the greatest possible
service in not making a half-right turn. Hold your
position for five minutes, and I will guarantee a
victory." The general then disappeared behind the
clumps of trees scattered about the plain and re-
gained the right. The moment for the decisive blow
was at hand. LeVis intended to execute a flank
movement with the Royal-Houssillon and Queen's
brigades, and force the British towards the Cote
Ste. Genevieve, thus cutting off their retreat to
Quebec. A badly-executed order, however, brought
the Queen's brigade behind the left wing. Le>is
thereupon undertook the carrying out of the move-
ment with the Royal-Roussillon brigade alone, and
gave orders to this effect to Poulariez, who, taking
advantage of a dip in the ground, made his way
along the edge of the cliff. A panic spread amongst
the British when they saw the French bayonets
glittering upon the ridge between them and the
262

A PRECIPITATE FLIGHT

river. Murray, in desperation, threw his reserve upon
both wings at once, but it was too late. " The
enemy," says Johnstone, "fled so precipitately, and
in such confusion that the officers could not rally a
single man."

" If the Queen's brigade," said LeVis, " had been
at its post, we would have enveloped the enemy's
left, and evidently could have cut off their retreat,
which would have been decisive. They retired so
precipitately though, and were so near to the town
that our worn-out troops could not overtake them.
However, they abandoned all their artillery, ammu-
nition, tools, dead and wounded."

The Canadians proved themselves to be as firm
as the regular troops in the open. While the latter
formed up on the edge of the forest they formed an
impenetrable cordon round them, and the British
so feared their accurate aim that they did not dare
to approach the woods. " The Canadians of the four
brigades," says Malartic, "who occupied the in-
tervals or preceded the brigades, kept up a sustained
and effective fire, doing much harm to the British."

Captain de Laas, of the Queen's brigade, who
commanded a detachment of Canadians on the ex-
treme right, did not receive orders to turn the British
left wing with the Royal-Roussillon brigade. He,
however, joined in the movement with an intelli-
gence equalled only by his bravery, and LeVis men-
tions his charge as one of the most brilliant of the
entire day.

263

WOLFE AND MONTCALM

" The enemy," says the chevalier, " numbered
about four thousand men, and we about five thou-
sand, of whom two thousand four hundred were
militiamen. Of this total, however, about one thou-
sand four hundred men, such as the cavalry and the
Queen's brigade, were never in action. We had been
obliged to leave some detachments behind, and the
Indians retired, and would fight no longer."

About the end of the action Malartic was wounded
by a piece of grape, which spent its force upon his
breast. " The blow," he says, u knocked me down
and shook me up considerably. I came to in the
arms of a sergeant and a private, who wished to
raise me, but I begged them to let me die in peace.
As they lifted me, notwithstanding my protests, I
felt something cold slide down my chest, and then,
opening my vest, which had been pierced, I found
my left breast swollen until it was as large as my
fist and very black." Malartic was taken to the gene-
ral hospital, with the wounded of both armies.

The English placed their loss in the engagement at
over one thousand men killed, wounded, and miss-
ing. On the other hand the French lost two hundred
and sixty-eight killed, including two officers, and
seven hundred and sixty-three wounded. Of this
number the Canadians had two hundred and three
killed and wounded. Among the Canadians killed
was the gallant Colonel Rheaume, commander of the
Montreal battalion, and some of their best officers,
including Captains St. Martin and Corbiere. The
264

THE BATTLEFIELD

Indians, who, as we have already seen, basely kept
at a distance during the fighting, did not pursue the
fleeing Britishers, but spread over the plain, while
the victors followed up the vanquished, and scalped
indiscriminately the French and British who lay
upon the field of battle.

The scene of the conflict presented a horrible
sight, being covered with pools of blood, which the
frozen ground could not absorb, while the snow
which lay in the depressions of the field was turned
to red. Around Dumont's mill and house the mounds
of bodies completely covered the soil. Immediately
after the battle General Levis sent an officer and
some men to take possession of the general hos-
pital, which lay at the bottom of the St. Charles
valley. It is not difficult to imagine the anxiety with
which its occupants had watched the varying for-
tunes of the day.

" Every cannon and musket-shot rang in our ears,"
says one of the nuns, "and you may imagine our posi-
tion. The interests of the nation were at stake as
were also those of our relatives who were partici-
pating in the fight, and so our sufferings defied de-
scription.

"It would require a more eloquent pen than
mine to depict the horrors we were called upon
to witness and to listen to during the arrival of
the wounded who came in for twenty-four con-
secutive hours. The cries of the dying and the
grief of their friends were indeed heart-rending, and

265

WOLFE AND MONTCALM

one needed an almost superhuman strength to sus-
tain the ordeal.

" Although we prepared five hundred cots, which
were supplied from the king's stores, as many more
were needed. Our stables and barns were crowded
with the unfortunates. Out of sixty-two officers in
the infirmary thirty-three died, and the place was
strewn with amputated arms and legs. The misery
was heightened by a scarcity of linen, and we were
obliged to sacrifice even our own clothing. We
could not on this occasion, as on that of the first
battle, hope for aid from the hospital nuns of the
city, for the British had taken possession of their
hospital, as well as of the Ursuline convent, for the
accommodation of their wounded, who were even
more numerous than our own. In fact, we also re-
ceived about twenty of their officers whom they
could not carry away and with the care of whom we
were also burdened."

The news of this victory rapidly flew from parish
to parish, and was everywhere welcomed with out-
bursts of joy. For the moment it was thought that
the colony was saved, for the majority of the Cana-
dians still lived in hopes that France had not for-
saken them, and that, as in the preceding year, the
help which they had asked for would arrive before
the British fleet, and afford Levis the assistance he
required for retaking Quebec, thus deciding the cam-
paign once for all.

"Please accept my congratulations upon your
266

CONGRATULATIONS

splendid victory, my dear general," wrote Bougain-
ville. " I am the more delighted with it because it
affords an instance of cleverly-executed movements
in the field, incredible diligence on the march, and
noteworthy intrepidity. You will be our father since
you have restored our honour, and even should you
not retake the town your glory will be none the
less. I am grieved, indeed, that I was not privileged
to be with you, but a man of war has no choice but
to obey. Naturally our losses were heavy, but they
could not be otherwise. Here every one is frantic
with joy, and we await with impatience the news
of your next movements. You have no time to lose.

"There is nothing new here. We are working
while you are winning victories."

Vaudreuil had already written to the chevalier
as follows: — "Your military experience and good
judgment were sufficient to decide the battle in your
favour. It will long be a memorable day, and to you
all the glory of the achievement belongs. I can hardly
express the keenness of the joy it gives me.

" I regret exceedingly the brave officers and men
of both the regulars and Canadians who have fallen.
They could not, however, be otherwise than valiant
when fighting under the eyes of a general whom
they love so much, and whose bravery all admire."

The appearance of the British fleet in the harbour
of Quebec, however, nullified the victory at Ste.
Foy. LeVis, being obliged to raise the siege which
he had commenced, was compelled to fall back upon

267

WOLFE AND MONTCALM

Montreal, where he was soon surrounded by the
overwhelming force which had invaded the country
from three sides at once, and the capitulation signed
by Vaudreuil on the following September 8th
ended the French regime in Canada.

It would be superfluous to draw here a picture of
L£vis, for he stands out all through the pages of
this volume. In it we have heard him speak and
seen him play his part. His incontestable superiority
over all who surrounded him has asserted itself, and
Montcalm did not hesitate to acknowledge it. The
marquis, in all his correspondence, shows to what
an extent he consulted the chevalier, and modified
his plans in accordance with the latter's sugges-
tions. He was, in short, the only man to whom
the colony's imperious military commander bowed,
feeling himself obliged to defer to his cool and
lofty reasoning, his self-control, the wisdom of his
advice, and the prudence of his conduct. Montcalm
and LeVis had, in common, great military qualities,
unflinching bravery, and a consummate knowledge
and experience of the art of war, but the latter
had the better judgment, more broad-mindedness,
greater coolness, and even superior intrepidity in
action. It was Wolfe's good fortune not to meet
LeVis on the Plains of Abraham, otherwise, while
the engagement at Montmorency was only a tem-
porary check to his plans, that of September 13th
might have meant to him only disaster and ruin.

The Treaty of Paris, signed on February 10th,
268

THE TREATY OF PARIS

1763, put an end to the Seven Years' War. To all
outward appearances it had in no way changed the
physiognomy of Europe ; in reality it marked a revo-
lution in the history of mankind. France, being con-
fined to the Old World, fell back upon her internal
affairs, and gave herself up entirely to the new
ideas which she was beginning to entertain, and
which were destined to burst so soon upon the
world like a thunderclap. The startling revenge
which she took upon England twenty years after
the Treaty of Paris was the prelude to the enor-
mous commotion which, like an abyss, now marks
the past from the present. The Treaty of Versailles,
concluded in 1783, assured the independence of the
English colonies, which had become the United
States of America, and through it England no
longer retained in America anything but a portion
of New France, and the handful of people whom
she had conquered, and who were just beginning to
recover from the ruin that surrounded them. Imme-
diately after the fall of Quebec, Franklin, the most
eminent statesman in the English colonies, laughed
at those who prophesied that the conquest of Canada
would result in their early independence. "I ven-
ture to say," he wrote, " that union between them
for such a purpose is not only improbable but im-
possible." The Treaty of Versailles proved con-
clusively that he was wrong. General Murray showed
more perspicacity, for in a conversation with Ma-
lartic in 1760 he asked the latter : —

269

WOLFE AND MONTCALM

" Do you think we will give back Canada to you ?"

" I am not familiar enough with politics to see
things so far ahead," was the reply.

" If we are wise," said Murray, " we will not keep
it. New England must have something to rub up
against, and our best way of supplying it is by not
retaining this country."

If Malartic, when he was thus questioned by
Murray, could have seen into the future he would
have answered : "The Cabinet at London will show
less foresight than you ; it will not leave the Eng-
lish colonies the opposition necessary to restrain
their exuberance, and they will soon break their
oath of allegiance. As an independent nation the
United States will startle the world by their rapid
growth. In a century they will have a population of
over fifty million people. You* ask me how they are
to accomplish this prodigy ? They will receive from
all quarters of the earth such a horde of immigrants
that only an invasion of barbarians can rival it, and
its results can easily be foreseen. And this peaceful
invasion will be more fraught with dire results to
the early settlers of the United States than was the
violent conquest of Canada to the French-Cana-
dians. At the end of the nineteenth century the
descendants of the Pilgrim Fathers, your most in-
telligent and hard-working colonists, will have almost
entirely disappeared from New England. They will
be replaced by others from foreign countries, who
will give to the continent such a strange new aspect
270

A FORECAST

that if the elders of the time of Cotton Mather were
to return they would find nothing remaining of their
old-time manners, habits, and religion.

" With the Canadians it will be very different.
Deserted and left by France in an almost incon-
ceivable state of ruin, they will survive. Without
the aid of outside immigration, they will, by their
natural increase alone, grow so rapidly that, at the
end of the next century, they will form a homo-
geneous people numbering over two million souls,
united as one man and still so French that one of
their own poets will be able to say in all truth :

'Nous avons conserve le brillant heritage
L6g\i6 par nos aieux, pur de tout alliage,
Sans jamais rien laisser aux ronces du chemin.' "

271

NOTES

Page 62 BOUGAINVILLE'S MISSION TO FRANCE

It is only proper to mention that Vaudreuil was largely responsible
for the failure of Bougainville's mission. He commended Doreil to the
minister of war: ieI have full confidence in him, and he may be en-
tirely trusted/' and of Bougainville he wrote to the minister of marine:
u He is in all respects better fitted than any one else to inform you of
the state of the colony. I have given him my instructions, and you can
trust entirely in what he tells you." The virtue of these recommenda-
tions was seriously impaired by the confidential letter which Vaudreuil
wrote to the minister of marine : ' ' I have given letters to MM. Doreil
and Bougainville, but I have the honour to inform you that they are
creatures of M. de Montcalm."

Pages 65, 66 WOLFE'S ALLEGED BRAVADO

The author has here followed a prevalent tradition which has been
seriously questioned by competent historians. The story was not intro-
duced for the purpose of casting discredit upon Wolfe, but rather for
the purpose of enforcing the point of George Ill's well-known reply to
the allegation that Wolfe was mad. Parkman in the third volume of
his ' ' Montcalm and Wolfe " (page 35) has argued against the proba-
bility of the story, and Wood and Doughty both urge its unreliability
on the ground of Temple's incapacity to appreciate Wolfe, and because
of the length of time which elapsed between the alleged occurrence and
its narration at second hand to Mahon.

Pa9e 67 WOLFE'S PORTRAIT

The fate of nations certainly did not depend upon the young com-
mander's personal appearance. The concourse of testimony has up to
the present led us to believe that Wolfe was uncompromisingly ugly,
and the " receding forehead and chin " of the Abbe Casgrain's descrip-
tion, {< which made his profile seem to be an obtuse angle," is merely
in keeping with tradition. Both Dr. Doughty and Major Wood insist
upon the inaccuracy of this description of Wolfe, and assert that West
in his famous but unreliable picture perpetuated the features of a

275

WOLFE AND MONTCALM

certain Captain Montresor, one of Wolfe's engineers during the siege.
Dr. Doughty declares in favour of the portrait in the National Gallery
as the most authentic likeness which we have of Wolfe.

Page 107 TRE F0RCES ENGAGED

The author has given the figures with substantial correctness. In
this present paragraph the naval force is assumed to be an integral
part of the army of attack. There is justification in doing so when we
consider the important part which the navy played in the operations.
The whole British army consisted of nine thousand men. Of these four
thousand eight hundred and twenty were present at the final battle,
although only three thousand one hundred were in the firing line.
There are no official returns of the French forces at the battle. During
the whole siege Montcalm had approximately seventeen thousand men
at his disposal, but only a small proportion of these were seasoned
troops. At the Battle of the Plains he had about five thousand militia
and regulars.

Pa9e 108 SCALPING

Much reference is made of necessity in this book to the inhuman
aspects of the campaign. All that can be said with regard to the
practice of scalping is that honours were even, and that both Wolfe and
Montcalm made repeated and ineffectual efforts to hold the rangers,
Indians and woodsmen in check.

Page 111 WOLFE'S INDECISION

Wolfe's indecision was in part at least an element in his strategy
It is a part of the art of war to keep the enemy guessing, and Mont-
calm's testimony is sufficient evidence of Wolfe's success in this par-
ticular. We must also bear in mind that abrupt changes in plan were
often necessitated by the frequent desertions to the enemy. A letter
written by James Gibson on July 20th is an interesting commentary on
the situation: "Within the space of five hours we received at the
general's request three different orders of consequence, which were
contradicted immediately after their reception, which, indeed, has been
the constant practice of the general ever since we have been here, to
the no small amazement of every one who has the liberty of thinking.
Every step he takes is wholly his own — I'm told he asks no one's
opinion, and wants no advice ; and, therefore, as he conducts without

276

NOTES

an assistant, the honour or . . . will be in proportion to his
success." '

Page 160

Neither Vaudreuil nor Montcalm considered the Foulon to be as
dangerous as the country above Cap Rouge.

Page 162 THE REINFORCEMENT OF THE FOULON

Vaudreuil did suggest the addition of fifty men of Repentigny's
troops to the corps of Vergor at the Foulon, but he wrote to Bougain-
ville that if provisions were scarce he would not send them. The truth
is that neither Montcalm nor Vaudreuil dreamed of the possibility of a
landing in force above the town. Yet to provide against remote con-
tingencies Montcalm wished to have the Guyenne regiment stationed
upon the Heights of Abraham, and gave orders to that effect which
Vaudreuil revoked.

Pages 176, 177

Bougainville's sentinels doubtless saw the large vessels at Cap Rouge,
but there is nothing to indicate that they saw the small boats with
Wolfe's troops drop down the river.

Page 178 VERGOR'S APPOINTMENT

We do not know why the Abbe Casgrain assumes that Bougainville
is responsible for Vergor's appointment. From the correspondence it
is evident that Bougainville was first informed of Vergor's appointment
by Vaudreuil. See letter Vaudreuil to Bougainville, September 6th, in
"The Siege of Quebec," Vol. IV., page 99.

Page 185

We might add an eleventhly to this list. When Wolfe was dropping
down the river he passed close beside the Hunter, and was amazed to
see the crew running to quarters and bringing the guns to bear upon his
boat. It appears that his captain had been informed by a deserter that
the French provision boats were coming down the river that night, and
Wolfe's boat, not unnaturally, was mistaken for one of these. We have
seen how cleverly Wolfe afterwards utilized this information.

Page 187

Vaudreuil was informed of Wolfe's descent earlier than Montcalm,

277

WOLFE AND MONTCALM

and while Montcalm was with him he received a confirmatory despatch
from Bernetz giving fuller particulars of the landing.

Page 19fy

Montcalm could scarcely have arrived at the Plains of Abraham be-
fore eight or eight-thirty. We also know that Bougainville was as high
up as Pointe-aux-Trembles on the night of the twelfth.

Page 195

There is much doubt as to what Montcalm really said when arriving
upon the field of battle.

Page 215

Shortly after this Vaudreuil wrote a letter to the minister of marine
defaming Montcalm : u From the moment of M. de Montcalm's arrival
in this colony down to that of his death he did not cease to sacrifice
everything to his boundless ambition. He sowed dissension among the
troops, tolerated the most indecent talk against the government, at-
tached to himself the most disreputable persons, used means to corrupt
the most virtuous ; and, when he could not succeed, became their
cruel enemy."

Page 819

Montcalm wrote from his death-bed a letter to Townshend which
has been preserved. It reads as follows: "Sir — Being obliged to
surrender Quebec to your arms, I have the honour to recommend our
sick and wounded to Your Excellency's kindness and to ask the
execution of the traite d'echange agreed upon by His Most Christian
Majesty and His Britannic Majesty. I beg Your Excellency to rest
assured of the high esteem and respectful consideration with which
I have the honour to be, Your most humble and obedient servant,
Montcalm."

The letter quoted on page 219 has not been proved to be genuine.
It is scarcely likely that Montcalm wrote two death-bed letters to the
same person.

Page 230

Readers of the books of Dr. Doughty and Major Wood will observe
that both these authorities are much more lenient than is the Abbe
Casgrain towards de Ramezay in the matter of the capitulation of
Quebec.

278

CHRONOLOGICAL LIST OF
IMPORTANT EVENTS

1756, March 14th, Montcalm appointed to com-
mand the forces in Canada.

1756, August 14th, Montcalm captures Oswego.

1757, August 9th, Montcalm captures Fort William

Henry.
1757, August 11th, Massacre at Fort William
Henry.

1757, Wolfe appointed quartermaster^general to

the Rochefort expedition.

1758, July 8th, Montcalm wins the battle of Carillon

(Ticonderoga).

1758, Wolfe appointed as junior brigadier to serve

under Amherst at Louisbourg.

1759, Wolfe appointed to command the expedition

against Quebec.
1759, February 17th, Wolfe sails for Canada on the

Neptune.
1759, June 26th, British fleet anchors off the Island

of Orleans. Wolfe issues a proclamation

to the inhabitants.
1759, June 27th, The army lands on the Island of

Orleans unopposed. A heavy gale throws

the fleet into confusion.
1759, June 28th, The French send fire-rafts against

the ships.

281

WOLFE AND MONTCALM

1759, June 29th, Carleton occupies the point of the
Island opposite the Falls of Montmorency.
Monckton crosses the south channel to
Beaumont.

1759, June 30th, Canadians attack Monckton's force
inflicting loss.

1759, July 2nd, Wolfe occupies the Levis heights
with 5,000 men and siege guns.

1759, July 9th, Wolfe seizes the left bank of the
Montmorency.

1759, July 12th, 13th, Dumas, with 1,500 men,
makes an unsuccessful attack upon the
LeVis batteries.

1759, July 18th, Wolfe reconnoitres the north shore
above the town. Two frigates and smaller
vessels also pass up the river escaping
damage from the town batteries.

1759, July 21st, Wolfe again reconnoitres above
the town. Carleton leads an expedition
twenty miles up the river against Pointe-
aux-Trembles. Bougainville appointed to
watch the British movements above the
town.

1759, July 25th, Wolfe makes a reconnaissance in
force up the Montmorency. The French,
under Repentigny, repulse him with loss.

1759, July 27th, De Courval sends fire-rafts against
the fleet.

1759, July 31st, Wolfe is severely repulsed in an
attack in force upon Montmorency.
282

CHRONOLOGICAL LIST

1759, August 5th, Murray is sent up the river with
a considerable force.

1759, August 8th, Murray receives a severe check
from Bougainville at Pointe-aux-Trembles.

1759, August 25th, Murray returns to the main
army.

1759, August 29th, Wolfe proposes a threefold plan
to the brigadiers.

1759, August 30th, Brigadiers reject these plans and
propose an alternative.

1759, August 31st to September 3rd, The camp at
Montmorency is evacuated. Various re-
connaissances up the river.

1759, September 10th, Wolfe makes his final recon-
naissance, and selects L' Anse du Foulon
(Wolfe's Cove) as the point of attack.

1759, September 13th, The battle of the Plains of
Abraham. Wolfe dies on the field of
battle. Vaudreuil retreats from Beauport
to Jacques Cartier.

1759, September 14th, Montcalm dies.

1759, September 18th, Ramezay capitulates.

1759, September 19th, Townshend marches into

Quebec.

1760, April 28th, Levis defeats Murray at Ste. Foy.
1760, May 16th, LeVis abandons the siege of Quebec

on account of the arrival of the English
fleet.

288

INDEX

Abercromby, General, 33 ; order-
ed to invade Canada, 54 ; at battle
of Fort Carillon, 56, 57 ; his final
effort to gain the day, 59-61

Abraham, the Heights of, 160, 178,
190

Abraham, the Plains of, described,
186 ; the battle of, 188-203 ;
losses at, 205

Aiguebelle, D', 257, 260

Amherst, General, 73 ; his slowness,
97, 122 ; remains at St. Frederic,
158 ; his regiment at Dumont's
mill, 258

Anstruther's regiment, 135, 183,
203

Argenson, Count D', a letter from,
7-8 ; 10

Atakinte, a frigate, 243

Batteries, the St. Charles, Dauph-
ine, Royal, Construction, 95 ; the
St. Louis, 105 ; the Quebec, 113

Beam, the battalion of, 29, 105, 118,
136, 138, 192, 258

Beaumont, the church and village
taken possession of by the British,
100

Beauport, 77 ; Bigot and Cadet
make their headquarters at, 88 ;
the camp at, 102, 113 ; the pro-
posed attack on the camp, 155 ;

gloom at the camp, 157, 161, 164,
211 ; the camp abandoned, 224

Beauport River, 104, 105

Belcour, Captain de, 227

Bernetz, Chevalier de, commands
the Royal-Roussillon battalion,
12 ; second in command of Que-
bec, 86 ; a message from, 189-90

Bernier, the commissary of war, 254

Bigot, Francois, Intendant of New
France, his appearance and char-
acter, 32-3 ; his dishonesty, 53-4 ;
takes up his headquarters at Beau-
port, 88 ; writes Bougainville, 165

Boishe'bert, de, 108

Bonne, M. de, 105

Borgia's house, 189, 193

Boscawen, Admiral, 73

Bougainville, Colonel de, Mont-
calm's leading aide-de-camp, 1 ;
his mission to Versailles, 62 ; in-
spects the Island of Orleans, 90 ;
his quarters near La Canardiere,
94 ; ordered to guard the river
bank, 151 ; his last interview with
Montcalm, 160 ; receives his in-
structions from Vaudreuil, 161-2 ;
establishes his headquarters at
the Cap Rouge River, 163 ; his
troops wearied following Admiral
Holmes's squadron, 171 ; duped
by Wolfe's strategy, 177 ; his
mistakes, 177-8, 210-11 ; at Ile-
aux-Noix, 245 ; congratulates

287

WOLFE AND MONTCALM

Levis on his victory at Ste. Foy,
267

Braddock, General, 22

Bourlamaque, Colonel de, appoint-
ed third in command, 12 ; at Fort
Carillon, 55 ; evacuates Carillon
and retreats towards Ile-aux-
Noix, 146 ; receives a letter from
Montcalm, 157 ; assures Mont-
calm he can hold Ile-aux-Noix,
158 ; with Levis in the final at-
tack on Quebec, 248 ; takes up a
position near the heights of Ste.
Foy, 249 ; ordered to post his men
in Dumont's mill, 256 ; wounded,
260

Brignotel, a lieutenant of the La
Sarre regiment, 211

Burton, Colonel, 143 ; ordered to
gather all available troops oppo-
site Wolfe's Cove, 172 ; his men
brought over, 183 ; commands
the reserve, 189 ; ordered to hold
the St. Charles bridge, 200 ; at
the fight for Dumont's mill, 258

Buttes-a-Neveu, 186, 188, 256

Cadet, the commissary of stores, 88

Candiac, chateau of, Montcalm's
home, 3, 5, 219, 238

('aire, M. de, an engineer, 86, 104

Cannon, Captain, 107

Carleton, Lieutenant-Colonel (Lord
Dorchester), Wolfe's chief-of-staff,
75 ; later governor-general of
Canada, 75 ; establishes a camp
on the Island of Orleans, 108 ; en-
ters Pointe-aux-Trembles, 125 ;
wounded, 199

288

Carillon, Fort, Montcalm makes an
offensive demonstration before,
32, 34 ; Indians gather at, 38-9 ;
battle of, 55-61 ; losses at, 61 ;
English army advancing against,
97, 122 ; evacuated and blown
up, 146

Centurion, the, 136

Chartres, Fort de, on the Mississip-
pi, 22

Chouaguen, see Oswego, Fort

Cote Ste. Genevieve, 186, 189, 222,
252, 253, 261

Coureurs de bois> the, 17-18, 25,
31, 140, 206

Courtemanche, M. de, 90 ; his am-
buscade, 92

Courval, M. de, in charge of the
fire-rafts, 130

D'Aigubbbllb, see Aiguebelley D'
Dalquier, M., commander of the
Beam regiment, 209 ; commands
the La Sarre brigade at Dumont's
mill, 259 ; corrects a misunder-
stood order, 261-2
D'Argenson, see Argenson, Count D'
Delaune, Captain, leads the volun-
teers up the cliff, 181
Desandrouins, Captain, his account
of the massacre at Fort William
Henry, 47-51
Des Rivieres, Captain, 89, 90
Dieskau, Baron de, 1, 22, 29
Doreil, commissioner of war, 54 ;
instructed to support the appeal
for help sent to Versailles, 62
Duclos, Captain, undertakes the
construction of a floating battery,

INDEX

82 ; receives the command of " Le
Diable," 87; moors it at the
mouth of the Beauport River, 104

Dufils Charest, M., 103

Dumas, Major, leads "The school-
children's feat," 113-15 ; at L'Anse
des Meres, 124 ; at La Canardiere,
187 ; at the Plains, 192 ; dislodges
the infantry from Borgia's house,
195

Dumas, M. Louis, Montcalm's tu-
tor, 4

Dumont's mill, 253 ; evacuated by
the British, 256 ; a fierce attack
upon, 258-61

Duprat, Captain, 138, 139

Duquesne, Fort, 22, 62

Durell, Admiral, 75 ; establishes a
camp at Ile-aux-Coudres, 88-9

E
English fleet, the, sails, 75 ; de-
tained at Louisbourg, 78 ; ascends
the river, 78 ; anchors at Ile-aux-
Coudres, 83 ; anchors in Baie St.
Paul, 90 ; at the entrance to the
harbour, 111 ; a few of its vessels
pass the town, 123 ; several ves-
sels attempt the passage by Que-
bec, 152 ; sails for England, 238 ;
reappears in the harbour, 267

F
Fiedmont, M. Jacquot de, 85, 225,

230
Foligne, Captain de, quoted, 86,

103, 206, 236
Fontbonne, Colonel, 192 ; mortally

wounded, 199
Foulon, the (Wolfe's Cove), 160,

171, 177, 180, 182, 255, 256

Frontenac, Fort, guards the outlet
of the Great Lakes, 17

George, Lake (see also St. Sacra-
ment, Lake), 1, 22, 43

Goodwill, the, 90, 91

Guyenne, the battalion of, 29, 105,
110, 118, 138, 159 ; advances to
the Heights of Abraham, 160 ;
188, 244, 257

Habitants, the, 23, 131, 181, 236,
241, 245

Hazen's rangers, 257

Heros, the, 12

Hocquart, M., former intendant in
Canada, 2

Holmes, Admiral, 75 j in command
of vessels in the vicinity of Que-
bec, 152 ; his fleet approaches
the town, 160; above Sillery,
161 ; his squadron reascends the
stream, 163

Hotel-Dieu, 95, 153, 237

Howe, Colonel, 176 ; detailed to
capture the posts at Samoa and
Sillery, 183

Hunter, the, 164, 172, 180

Ile-aux-Coudres, Admiral Durell
establishes a camp at, 88-9 ; his
grandson captured at, 89-90

Ile-aux-Noix, 146, 158; defended
by Bourlamaque, 233

lllustre, the, 12

Indians, the, 16-17; an undisci-
plined troop, 31 ; gather at Fort

289

WOLFE AND MONTCALM

Carillon, 37-9 ; addressed by
Montcalm, 40-2; the massacre
by, at Fort William Henry, 47-
50 ; mustered at Quebec, 107 ;
attack the English camp on the
Montmorency, 112 ; at Pointe-
aux-Trembles, 125 ; repulse the
English at the Montmorency
River, 128-9 ; at the battle of
the Plains of Abraham, 202; at
the battle of Ste. Foy, 265

Jacques Cartier, the retreat to,
212, 216-17, 218

Jervis, John (Lord St. Vincent),
175-6

Joannes, town major, opposes capi-
tulation, 230-2

Johnson, Colonel William, 146, 157

Johnstone, Chevalier de, Levis'
aide-de-camp, 139 ; with Mont-
calm on the night of Sept. 12th,
175 ; criticizes Bougainville, 177 ;
reaches the hornwork, 206-7 ;
quoted, 208-9 ; opposes capitula-
tion, 209 ; on the retreat to
Jacques Cartier, 217 ; describes
the fight at Dumont's mill, 260-1

Johnstone's redoubt, 133 ; attacked,
136 ; evacuated, 140

Joliet, the explorer, 19

Journal tenu <i Farmee, quoted, 169-
70, 193-4, 196, 205

Knox, Captain, his first impression
of Wolfe, 71 ; on the arrival of
the English fleet, 90-2 ; describes
the approach of the fireships,

290

98-9 ; goes to the Falls, 117 ; on
Wolfe's health, 156; on board
the Sea Horsey 163 ; describes the
enemy, 163-4 ; quoted, 250

Laas, Captain de, 47, 263

La Canardiere, 94, 104, 105, 134,
187

La Corne, Chevalier de, 146

La Galissonniere, Count de, gover-
nor of Canada, 21

L'Ange-Gardien, 139, 142, 154

Langlade, M. de, leads the Indians
at the battle of Montmorency,
128-9

Languedoc, the battalion of, 29,
105, 113, 118, 192

L'Anse des Meres, 87, 124, 125,
161, 162

Lapause, M. de, 112, 147, 249, 257,
261

La Rochebeaucour, M. de, Mont-
calm's second aide-de-camp, 2 ;
forms a cavalry corps, 87 *, his
cavalry guard the river bank, 151 ;
reaches Quebec, 232

La Salle, discovers the mouth of the
Mississippi, 19

La Sarre, the battalion of, 12, 29,
105, 113, 118, 161, 192, 244, 258,
261

La Ve'rendrye, the explorer, 19

Le Boeuf, Fort, 22

" Le Diable," the floating battery,
87, 104

Leopard t the, 12

Le Sage, Captain, 107

Levis, Chevalier de, appointed se-
cond in command under Mont-

INDEX

calm, 2 ; his birth, 8 ; early mili-
tary service, 9-10 ; character, 10-
11 ; commands the troops at the
demonstration in front of Fort
Carillon, 32; at Fort Carillon,
55, 60 ; letters from Montcalm to,
82, 83, 106-7, 122, 143, 158,
165-6 ; joins Montcalm at Que-
bec, 85 ; his camp attacked, 111,
134-41 ; writes to the minister of
war, 143 ; receives a letter of con-
gratulation from Vaudreuil, 144 ;
leaves for the frontier, 147 ; re-
ceives an account of the battle
of the Plains of Abraham from
Vaudreuil, 212-13 ; Montcalm
bequeaths all his papers to, 219 ;
takes command at Jacques Car-
tier, 227 ; marching to the re-
lief of Quebec, 233 ; learns of
the capitulation, 234 ; resolves
to strike a final blow, 241 ; orders
the troops to embark, 244 ; camps
at Pointe - aux - Trembles, 246 ;
captures the village of Ste. Foy,
253 ; signals a general attack,
259 ; puts the enemy to rout,
263 ; sends an officer to take pos-
session of the general hospital,
265 ; congratulated on his vic-
tory, 266-7 ; obliged to raise the
siege, 267 ; compared with Mont-
calm, 268

Levis, Francois-Christophe, due de
Damville, viceroy of New France,
9

Levis, Gaston de, Duke of Mirepoix,
10

Levis, Henri de, due de Ventadour,
viceroy of New France, 9

Levis, Philippe de, accompanies
the king in the third crusade, 8

Le'vis, the heights of, 94, 102

Licorne, the, Montcalm sails for
Canada in, 12

Louche, de, his exploit with the
fireships, 98

Loudon, Lord, governor of Virginia
and general-in-chief of the armies
in North America, 33 ; on the
defensive, 36

Louisbourg, guards the entrance to
the Gulf, 17 ; 62 ; the expedition
against, under Amherst and
Wolfe, 70 ; the capture of, 71 ;
reinforcements for, 75

Lowther, Catherine, Wolfe's fian-
cee, 70, 72, 176
M

Macartney, Captain, 251

Machault, Fort, 22, 122

Mackellar, Wolfe's chief engineer,
98, 168

Malartic, M. de, 136, 253, 261, 263,
264

Marcel, M., Montcalm's third aide-
de-camp, 2 ; with Montcalm on the
evening of Sept. 12th, 173, 174 ;
writes Montcalm's last reply to
Vaudreuil, 215 ; remains with
Montcalm to the end, 219 ; writes
te Levis, 220 ; leaves for France,
238

Marquette, the discoverer, 19

Meech, Lieutenant, 92

Miami, Fort, 22

Military forces (colonial), 29-32,
33-34

Military forces (English), 33-4, 54,
107, 189

291

WOLFE AND MONTCALM

Military forces (French), 12; at
Fort Carillon, 55 ; under Mont-
calm, 106, 107 ; Montcalm makes
a new disposal of, 159 ; surround-
ing Quebec, 162 ; in the last en-
gagement, 245

Monckton, Brigadier Robert, in
Wolfe's expedition, 74 ; leads the
expedition against the village of
Beaumont, 100 ; affixes Wolfe's
proclamation to the door of the
Beaumont church, 101 ; attacked
at Levis, 107-8 ; leads the left
division in the triple attack, 134-
41 ; joins Admiral Holmes above
Sillery, 161 ; at St. Nicholas, 165 ;
at the battle of the Plains of
Abraham, 189 ; wounded, 199

Montcalm, Louis-Joseph, Marquis
de, his birth, 3 ; childhood and
education, 3-4 ; joins the army,
4 ; death of his father, 5 ; his
wife and children, 5 ; early mili-
tary service, 6-7 ; appointed ma-
jor-general of the troops in North
America, 8 ; his character, 10-
11 ; sets sail for Canada, 12; lands
at Cap Tourmente, 12 ; his first
interview with the governor, 27 ;
organizes a camp at Fort Carillon,
32 ; captures Oswego, 34 ; writes
to his mother, 34-5 ; celebrates
the capture of Oswego, 35 ; in-
spects the advance posts, 38 ; ad-
dresses the Indians, 40-2 ; cap-
tures Fort William Henry, 46 ;
foresees famine, 53 ; takes up his
position near Fort Carillon, 54 ;
at the battle of Fort Carillon, 58,
59 ; plants a cross to commemor-
292

ate the victory, 61 ; his hatred of
Vaudreuil, 62 ; disappointed with
the fortifications of Quebec, 79 ;
forms a camp on the Beauport
shore, 80 ; holds a council, 81-2 ;
writes to Levis, 82, 83, 106-7,
122, 127, 143, 158, 165-6 ; the
drawbacks of a dual command,
84 ; friction with Vaudreuil, 85 ;
his ironical remarks, 87 ; makes
the de Salaberry manor his head-
quarters, 94 ; watches the fire-
ships, 98 ; his line of defence,
105 ; grows restless, 120 ; joins
Levis at the Beauport camp, 138 j
attends the council of war, 147 ;
on scalping, 150 ; orders Bougain-
ville to guard the coast, 151 ; the
plan of attack he most feared,
155 ; writes to Bourlamaque, 157 ;
makes a new disposal of his forces,
159 ; persists in believing that the
cliff is inaccessible, 160 ; deceived
by a false attack, 174 ; informed
of the descent at the Foulon, 187 ;
arranges his troops, 192 ; scorns
Vaudreuil's advice, 193 ; decides
to attack, 195 ; wounded, 201 ;
his last letter from Vaudreuil,
214-15 ; his reply, 215 ; his last
public duty, 219 ; his death and
burial, 220-1 ; his name cherished
in New France, 239; compared
with Levis, 268

Montcalm, Madame de (his wife),
5,8

Montbeillard, 162, 178

Monro, Lieutenant-Colonel, com-
mands at Fort William Henry,
45

INDEX

Montmorency Falls, 105, 111, 122,
158, 159, 206

Montmorency River, 105 ; the Eng-
lish camp on the left hank of,
112 ; the repulse of the English
at, 127-9; losses, 142; Wolfe
evacuates the camp at, 158

Montreuil, Major-General, 188, 256

M urray, Brigadier James, in Wolfe's
expedition, 74 ; second English
governor of Canada, 74 ; with
Townshend takes possession of
the left bank of the Montmorency,
112 ; joins Holmes's fleet above
Sillery, 161 ; at the battle of the
Plains of Abraham, 189 ; left to
guard Quebec, 235 ; issues a pro-
clamation, 236 ; hears of the in-
tended attack on Quebec, 250-2 ;
stations his troops in the Ste. Foy
church and neighbouring houses,
252 ; retires and entrenches him-
self outside the city walls, 254 ;
his character, 254 ; opposes Levis
at Dumont's mill, 257-8 ; routed,
263

Naudiere, M. de la, 89

Necessity, Fort, 22

Neptune, the, Wolfe sails for Can-
ada in, 75

Niagara, Fort, on Lake Ontario,
22, 62, 122 ; capitulates, 146

Niverville, M. de, 89

OCHTERLONY, CAPTAIN, 142, 145

Orleans, the Island of, the inhabi-
tants evacuate it, 90; 92, 93;

Carleton establishes a camp on,
108 ; 124 ; troops withdrawn from,
172
Oswego, Fort (Chouaguen), besieg-
ed and captured, 34

Palace Gate, 115, 191

Palliser, Captain, 235

Pellegrin, bonhomme, 81

Pelletier, Captain, 82

Pennahouel, Indian chief, 38, 41, 42

Presqu'ile, Fort, 22

Pitt, William, prime minister, 65,
70,73

Pointe-aux-Trembles, Carleton leads
an expedition against, 125; Wolfe
reconnoitres as far as, 164 ; the
retreating French army reaches,
218 ; Levis and his army camp at,
246

Pointe Levis, Monckton attacked
at, 107 ; Wolfe en route for, 108 ;
an expedition to destroy the bat-
teries at, 113-15 ; its batteries
fire on Quebec, 115-16 ; soldiers
trained at, 120 ; 124, 142 ; Wolfe
reassembles his three army corps
at, 159 ; troops withdrawn from,
172

Pomone, a frigate, 243

Pontbriand, Mgr. de, 63, 153 ; ad-
ministers the last sacraments to
Montcalm, 220 ; urges his people
to strike a final blow at Quebec,
245-6

Pontleroy, an engineer, 85 ; in-
spects the Island of Orleans, 90

Porcupine, the, Jervis in command
of, 176

293

WOLFE AND MONTCALM

Pouchot, Captain, 122 ; at Niagara,
146

Poulariez, M. de, commander-in-
chief from the Falls to the Beau-
port church, 158 ; with Mont-
calm on the night of Sept. 12th,
174, 175 ; opposed to capitulation,
209; in the retreat to Jacques
Cartier, 217 ; in the last battle,
262

Quebec, the city of, described, 15-
16 ; its fortifications, 79, 85, 86 ;
the bombardment of, 110, 115-6,
145 ; reduced to ashes, 131 ; its
capitulation, 234-5

Ramezay, M. de, receives the terms
of capitulation from Vaudreuil,
214-15 ; 219 ; describes the alarm
of the garrison, 224 ; calls a
council re capitulation, 225 ; de-
termined to capitulate, 226, 230,
232 ; signs the capitulation, 234 ;
hands over the keys, 235

Repentigny, Captain de, guards the
fords, 112; sends a detachment
to assist the Indians at Mont-
morency, 129 ; his reserve, 161 ;
his sharpshooters, 259

Rickson, Lieutenant-Colonel, Wolfe
writes to, concerning the Louis-
bourg expedition, 72-3

Rochebeaucour, see La Rochebeau-
cour

Royal Americans, the, 137, 140,
173, 189, 203, 258

Royal-Roussillon, the battalion of,

294

12, 29, 105, 130, 138, 159, 171,
192, 207, 217, 257, 262, 263
Royal William, the, 238

Saint- Veran, Marquise de, mother
of Montcalm, 3, 8 ; letters from
Montcalm to, 7, 34-5
Salaberry, de, the seigniorial manor

of, 94, 147, 160, 174
Saunders, Admiral, 75 ; sounds the
Traverse, 90; attacks the re-
doubts at the Montmorency, 136 ;
orders the two transports to be
burned, 142 ; advances six of his
vessels in front of the Lower
Town, 231
Sauvage, the, Levis sails for Canada

in, 12
Savard, Francois, 89
Senezergues, M. de, commands the
La Sarre battalion, 12, 105, 188 ;
mortally wounded, 199, 222
Seven Years* War, 70, 269
Sillery, 152, 161
Sirene, the, Bourlamaque sails for

Canada in, 12
St. Augustin, 152, 171, 218, 233,

247
St. Frederic, Fort, protects the head
of Lake Champlain, 17; evacu-
ated and blown up, 146 ; Amherst
remains in the village of, 158
St. John Gate, 115, 161, 191, 202,

231
St. Joseph de Le'vis Church, attack-
ed, 103
St. Louis Gate, 115, 191, 201, 230
St. Ours, M. de, 105 ; mortally
wounded, 199

INDEX

St. Rome, Chevalier de, 226, 229

St. Sacrament, Lake (see also George,
Lake), 1, 36, 44, 54

Ste. Foy, the British stationed on
the heights of, 249 ; the village
of, 252 ; Levis captures the vil-
lage of, 253 ; losses at, 264

Ste. Foy road, 186, 189, 192, 193,
202, 253, 256

Stobo, Robert, a former hostage,
124-5, 168

Sutherland, the, 123, 166, 175, 179

Talon du Boulay, Angeliq.u e-
Louise, Montcalm's wife, 5

Temple, Lord, 65, 66

" The school-children's feat," 113-
15

Townshend, Brigadier George, in
Wolfe's expedition, 74 ; with
Murray takes possession of the
left bank of the Montmorency,
112 ; leads the right division in
the triple attack, 134-41 ; joins
Admiral Holmes above Sillery,
161 ; at the battle of the Plains
of Abraham, 189 ; assumes the
command, 202 ; Montcalm's last
request of, 219 ; reforms his
troops on the Plains, 222 ; re the
terms of capitulation, 234 ; enters
the city, 235

Treaty of Paris, 268-9

Treaty of Versailles, 269

of a dual command, 28, 184 ; ven-
tures to take the offensive, 34 ;
his hatred of Montcalm, 62 ; his
popularity, 63 ; writes to Ver-
sailles, 80, 81 ; friction with
Montcalm, 85 ; receives Wolfe's
proclamation, 102 ; his vigilance,
127 ; congratulates Levis, 143-4 ;
calls a council of war, 147 ; ad-
vises better protection for the
Foulon, 159-60 j gives Bougain-
ville his instructions, 161-2 ; in-
formed of the descent at the Fou-
lon, 189 ; entreats Montcalm not
to precipitate an attack, 193 ;
tries in vain to rally the regi-
ments, 201 ; leads the army back
to the Beauport camp, 21 1 ; writes
Levis an account of the battle,
212-13 ; his last letter to Mont-
calm, 214-15 ; his lack of energy,
215 ; assures de Ramezay of as-
sistance, 226 ; leads his army
back to Quebec, 228 ; resolves to
strike a final blow, 241 ; con-
gratulates Le'vis on his victory at
Ste. Foy, 267 ; signs the capitu-
lation, 268

Vauquelin, Captain, 81, 243

Vaux, Madame de, Montcalm's
grandmother, 4

Vergor, in command of the Foulon,
178 ; surprised, 181, 188

Vincennes, Fort, 22

Vitre, Jean Denis de, 78

Vaudreuil - Cavagnal, Pierre-
Francois RlGAUD, MARQUIS DE,

governor of Canada, 27 ; birth
and character, 28-9 ; difficulties

Webb, General, 33 ; advancing to
the relief of Oswego, 36 ; at Fort
Edward, 45 ; 258

295

WOLFE AND MONTCALM

William Henry, Fort, the attack of
1756, 43 ; its defences, 44-5 ; the
attack of 1757, 45 ; the surren-
der, 46 ; the terms of capitula-
tion, 46 ; Indian massacre at, 47-
50 ; in ruins, 51

Wolfe, James, his birth, 66 ; per-
sonal appearance, 67 ; early mili-
tary service, 68-9 j in Paris, 69 ;
at Rochefort, 70 ; appointed to
serve under Amherst at Louis-
bourg, 70 j falls in love, 70 ; his
character, 71 ; goes to Bath after
the capture of Louisbourg, 71 J
becomes engaged, 72 ; writes to
Lieutenant-Colonel Rickson, 72 ;
appointed to command the ex-
pedition against Quebec, 73 ;
last days in England, 73-4 ; sails
for Canada, 75 ; learns of his
father's death, 76 ; outlines a plan
of attack, 76-8 ; lands on the Is-
land of Orleans and views the
situation, 93-7 ; his proclamation,
101 ; gets a view of Quebec from
Pointe Levis, 108-10 ; his indeci-
sion, 111, 119; leads an attack
on the Montmorency River, 127-
9 ; threatens the French camp at
three points, 134-41 ; orders a
retreat, 141 ; shows his gratitude
to the nuns for their kindness to
English prisoners, 145, 153 ; con-

tinues the destruction of property,
145-6, 149, 150, 151, 160 ; his ill
health, 154 ; hands the command
over to his three brigadier-gene-
rals, 154 ; his three plans of at-
tack, 154-5 ; his last letter to his
mother, 156 ; evacuates the camp
at Montmorency, 158 ; resolves
to make an attack above Quebec,

159 ; reconnoitres as far as Pointe-
aux-Trembles, 164 ; gives Lord
Holdernesse a report of the opera-
tions, 166-7 ; decides to attempt
a night attack at the Foulon,
168 ; issues his last proclamation,
172 ; his will, 175 ; quotes Gray's
Elegy, 180 ; passes the sentinel,
180-1 ; lands at the Foulon, 181,
182 j ten circumstances which
contributed to his success, 183-4 ;
takes up his position near the Ste.
Foy road, 189 ; mortally wound-
ed, 199-200 ; his remains taken
to England on board the Royal
William, 238 ; the news of his
death reaches England, 238 ; his
monument in Westminster Ab-
bey, 239

Wolfe, Lieutenant-Colonel, father
of General Wolfe, 66 ; his death,
76

Wolfe's Cove (see also Foulon, the),

160 ; not well guarded, 168

296

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