Wolsey, the cardinal : and his times, courtly, political and ecclesiastical

W O L S E Y,

Cardinal*

HIS TIMES;

COURTLY, POLITICAL, AND ECCLESIASTICAL.

BY GEORGE HOWARD, ESQ.

AUTHOR OF LADY JANE GREY, AND HER TIMES.

LONDON :

PRINTED FOR SHERWOOD, JONES, AND CO.

PATERNOSTER-ROW.

1824.

PREFAC E.

THE inducement which led to the present
publication is so fully detailed in the in-
troductory part of the first section, that
little, if any thing, remains to be urged on
that subject; the author, however, cannot
present his work to the public eye without
some observations on what may appear
to be chronological discrepancies, as com-
pared with the dates of preceding biogra-
phers, sometimes to the extent of a whole
year. This requires a slight explanation.
The truth is, that scarcely any two
writers agree precisely in the dates, either
of events or of public documents, owing to
the different modes of chronological nota-
tion cotemporary with WOLSEY and the
earlier annalists. The consequences have,
therefore, in many instances, been most
unjustly unfavourable to the Cardinal, by

vi PREFACE,

reversing or transposing the order of events,
representing his actions as taking place
previous to the circumstances which ac-
tually led to them, and thereby exposing
him to unmerited censure, where a cor-
rected chronology might serve as his justi-
fication.

This fact, so fertile in error, was too
palpable to escape notice, even in the
author's earliest researches, and formed
one of the greatest difficulties which he
had to contend with in his pursuit of truth
— a few instances will be sufficiently illus-
trative.

Previous to, and during the reign of
Henry VIII., it was customary to begin
and end the year on Lady-day; but the
modern mode of beginning the year on the
1st of January having then been partially
adopted, the natural consequence was, that
what happened in the months of January,
February, and part of March, in any given
year, by the first mode, was set down as in
the year ensuing by those who adopted the
second ; so as to render necessary the prac-
tice, afterwards so frequent, of dating thus
1520-1, 1526-7, &c.

PREFACE. vii

Then came another class of chronolo-
gists, who date by the years of each king's
reign ; a mode more uncertain even than
those previously noted : for though all be-
gan the reign with the day which included
demise and accession, yet some ended the
reigning year, the first being of course a
broken one, on the 1st of January, and
others on Lady-day ; whilst a third class
carried on their dates from anniversary to
anniversary of the accession.

In regard to foreign dates also, parti-
cularly in Italy, even greater discrepancy
existed; some historians falling into se-
veral of the errors of English chronology,
with respect to the annus Domini, whilst
others dated by the pontificate, beginning
that period sometimes from the demise of
the preceding pope, at others from the day
of election or installation, thus leaving an
interregnum between each pope and his
successor. But the most extraordinary
source of error was in the bureau of the
papal secretary of state, where briefs were
dated in a year beginning at the Nativity,
and bulls at the Incarnation ! This infal-

viii PREFACE.

lible regulation was not only productive of
various mistakes, but was also found very
convenient as a means of mystification, when
his holiness wished to get out of political
or ecclesiastical difficulties — of which a re-
markable instance is recorded in the body
of this work (page 432), wherein Wolsey
himself was nearly deceived, and obliged
to direct the English embassy to demand
a specific explanation.

To regulate and correct these chrono-
logical difficulties has been the sedulous
pursuit of the author ; but as it is possible,
though not in any important points, that
error may have crept in, he trusts to the
candour of the well-informed reader, and
of the learned reviewer, if not for absolute
excuse, at least for liberal correction.

One word may perhaps be necessary to
the heraldic reader, in regard to the differ-
ence between the blazonry of the coat of
arms on the title-page, as hatched in the
vignette, and the written blazonry in the
note (page 12), copied from Edmonson.
It is possible that the Wolseys of Suffolk
may have adopted the Cardinal's coat with

PREFACE. i*

some difference ; but the fact is, that the
vignette will be seen at once to be good
blazon, whilst Edmonson gives an instance
of false heraldry, by laying metal on metal,
in opposition to every established rule.

London, Dec. 1, 1823.

.
CONTENTS.

SECTION I.

1471—1500.

Preliminary Observations-*-Character, as sketched by various
Writers — Birth and Family — Early Disposition to Learning
—School — College — Youthful Degree, as Bachelor of Arts
— Royal Notice — Richard III. — Planning and Erection of
Magdalen Tower — Increase of University Honours and Of-
fices— Connexion and Friendship with the early Reformers
—First Rise in the Church — Rectory of Lymington — Pa-
tronage of the Marquess of Dorset, &c. &c. &c. Page 1

SECTION II.

1501—1508.

Conduct of Wolsey as a Parish Priest— Extraordinary Anec- *
dote — Death of his Patron Dorset — Becomes Chaplain to
Archbishop of Canterbury — also to Sir John Nanfan — Pa-
tronized by Henry VII. and appointed a Royal Chaplain —
Sketch of European Politics at that Period — Courtly In-
trigues— Personal Conduct and early Ambition — Diplomatic
Skill, Embassy to the Emperor, and rapid Rise in Royal
Favour — Ecclesiastical Intrigues, &c. &c. &c. Page 31

Xll

CONTENTS.

SECTION III.
1509—1515.

Death of Henry VII. — Promises of the new Reign — Marriage
of Henry and Katharine — Coronation — Wolsey's Politics
and politic Conduct— Aims at the Papal Tiara— Star-
Chamber — Death of his Enemy, the Countess of Richmond
—Power and Influence— Made Dean of York— War with
France — Royal Campaign — Siege and Bishopric of Tournay
— Wolsey's Care of Naval Affairs — Bishop of Lincoln —
Elected Chancellor of Cambridge, but refuses — Becomes
Archbishop of York — Marriage of Louis of France with
the King's Sister — Builds Hampton Court — Is raised to
the Cardinalate — Manifestations of Pride and Arrogance
— Marriage of Dowager of France with the Duke of Suf-
folk— Wolsey appointed Lord High Chancellor, &c. &c.
&c Page 57

SECTION IV.

1516—15J8.

Exertions as Chancellor — Arbitrary Exercise of Power — Strict
Audit of Public Accounts — Conduct towards the Earl of
Kildare — Exercise of ecclesiastical Authority — Friendship
and Correspondence with Erasmus — Great Internal Im-
provements in Laws and Manners — Foreign Politics —
Splendid Household Establishment — Satire by Sir Thomas
More — Amorous Intrigues, and mysterious Anecdote —
Personal Adornment — His Wish to reform the Church —
Treaty with France — Tournay restored — Foreign Pensions
— Anecdotes of insolent Pride — Praised by Erasmus —
London Riots against Foreigners — Tergiversation with Fo-
reign Potentates— Diplomatic Anecdotes— Visits Oxford,
and founds Lectures — Extraordinary Submission of Cam-

CONTENTS. xiii

bridge University — First Visit of Cardinal Campeius, and —
its Consequences — Whimsical Anecdotes of Italian Pride
and Poverty — Extraordinary Papal Grants — Further Pro-
motions, and Royal Favours — Anecdotes of priestly Pride,
£c. &c. Page 138

SECTION V.

1519—1521.

Death of the Emperor — Political Arrangements — Henry's
Ambition and Disappointment — Surrender of Tournay —
Preparations for the Meeting at Ardres — Royal Confidence
in Wolsey— - Politics at Rome — Extraordinary Coincidence -
of three Cardinals ruling Europe — Wolsey 's Conduct in
Regard to the Reformation — His illegal Proceedings in the
Legantine Court — Anecdote of Henry and Archbishop War-
ham — Changes in the Royal Household — Wolsey's House-
keeping— Anecdotes of Wolsey and Erasmus — Lectures
founded at Oxford — Affair of the Duke of Buckingham —
Foreign Pensions — Visit of the Emperor — Champ d' Or at
Ardres — Courtly and chivalrous Anecdotes — Visit to the
Emperor — Clamour against the Cardinal — Wolsey's Powers -
extended by the Pope — Whimsical Anecdote of the King
and Bishop of Durham — Wolsey's Attendance at Court —
Embassy to Bruges — Political Objects— -Anecdotes — Death
of Pope Leo — Disappointment of Wolsey's Ambition —
Henry and Anne.Boleyn — Plans against Queen Katharine,
&c. &c. Page 196

SECTION VI.

1522—1524.

Title of Defender of the Faith conferred upon Henry — Em-
peror visits England — Forced Loans, and popular Discon-
tents— Wolsey's Support of maritime Rights — War with

xiv CONTENTS.

France— City Loans, and Anecdotes — Various ecclesias-
tical Grants, and Royal Favours — Progress of Reformation
— Monastic Vices — Clerical Hospitality — Wolsey's Pro-
mises and good Offices to Oxford — Parliamentary Debates
and Struggles for Independence — Clerical Exactions— Le-
gantine Power confirmed, and finally for Life— Is made Bi-
shop of Durham— Visit of the King of Denmark to England
— Death of Pope Adrian, and further Intrigues for the
Popedom — General Politics of Europe — Exercise of legan-
tine Power — Opposition of the Priesthood to forced Loans
— Notifies and commences the Erection of his new School
at Ipswich, and Cardinal College at Oxford — Visits to mo-
nastic Houses for Reformation — Suppression of several-
Courtly and priestly Flattery — First Establishment of me-
dical Lectures in London — First Appearance of Anne Bo-
leyn at Court— Various Anecdotes — Causes of her early
Enmity to the Cardinal — Courtly Sports — Masquerades,
&c. &c Page 248

SECTION VII.

1525—1527.

Decline of Foreign Influence — Founds Christ Church College
— Forced Loans $ and Insurrections — Contest with the
City — War in Italy — Secret political Intrigues — Battle of
Payia, and French King made Prisoner— Sequestration of
religious Houses — Diplomatic Intrigues — Liberation of
the King of France— Encouragement of maritime Dis-
covery—Hampton-Court— Political Satires — Royal Dis-
pleasure— Alarm at public Feeling — Ipswich School —
Popular Discontents — Pope made Prisoner, and Rome
taken by the Duke of Bourbon's Army — Reliance of Fo-
reign Nations upon England — Embassy to France, courtly
Anecdotes, &c. — Henry's Coldness towards the Cardinal —
Embassy from France — Courtly Ceremonies, Anecdotes —
Festivities at Hampton-Court—Reformers persecuted —

CONTENTS. XV

Hampton-Court given up to the King — Popular Oppro-
bium against Wolsey— Affair of the Earl of Kildare, &c.
&c Page 321

SECTION VIII.

1528— 1530.

War with the Emperor — Wolsey's political Duplicity detected
— Declines in the Royal Opinion — Commercial Regulations
— Henry's first confidential -Intercourse with Wolsey in
regard to Anne Boleyn — Escape of the Pope $ and his Bulls
in respect to the proposed Divorce — Ecclesiastical Con-
sultations at Home — Cardinal Campeius arrives — Tem-
porizing Conduct of the Pope and Cardinals — Wolsey
appointed Bishop of Winchester — Trial for Divorce, its
Proceedings and Anecdotes — Unexpected Termination —
Henry's Anger against Wolsey, and open Neglect of the
latter — Rise of Cranmer — Wolsey's Decline generally
known — Political Anecdotes of Anne Boleyn — Wolsey pro-
secuted for Crimes and Misdemeanours in the King's Bench
— Is forced to resign the Seals — Ordered to retire to Esher
— Impeached in Parliament, but it fails — His Property
seized for the King — Specious Conduct of the King and
Anne Boleyn towards him — Fidelity of Cromwell — Dis-
missal of his Household— Parliamentary Anecdotes — Pro-
secution under Premunire — Gives up York-House — Visited
by the Duke of Norfolk, with Assurances of Royal Favour
—Original Letters, &c. — Charges of Impeachment against
Wolsey — Dangerous Illness, and courtly Favours — Retires
to Richmond — Receives various Presents from the King,
and sets off for his Archbishopric — Effects of his Downfall
— Transactions and Anecdotes of his Journey — Residence
at Cawood — Proposed Installation at York — Arrest as a
State Prisoner— Journey towards London — Anecdotes —
Illness — Arrives at Leicester Abbey — DEATH — Funeral —
Ulterior Proceedings, &c. &c, &c Page 422

By ilie same Author,

LADY JANE GREY,

AND HER TIMES.

Elegantly printed, and embellished with an accredited Likeness,
and numerous Cuts, price 1 2s. in boards.

•0» This volume, independent of the" interest excited by its subject, the
victim of parental ambition, and a sacrifice to filial obedience, illustrates the
period of History intervening between the reigns of Henry VIII. and
Elizabeth.

" The author has been happy in his choice of subject ; for, though the life
of the heroine scarcely extended to seventeen years, yet the period which may
be called ' Her Times,' embraces some of the most important facts connected
with our constitution, both political and religious." — New Monthly Ma-
gazine.

W O L S E Y,

THE

CARDINAL.

SECTION 1.
1471—1500.

Preliminary Observations — Character, as sketched by various
Writers — Birth and Family — Early Disposition to Learning
-—School — CJollege — Youthful Degree, as Bachelor of Arts
— Royal Notice — Richard III. — Planning and Erection of
Magdalen Tower — Increase of University Honours and Of-
fices— Connexion and Friendship with the early Reformers
— First Rise in the Church — Rectory of Lymington — Pa-
tronage of the Marquess of Dorset, &c. &c. &e.

To publish a life of Wolsey, at the present
day, may seem a work of supererogation; yet
for such a life there is still room: we mean
a life which shall refer principally to personal
biography, to the peculiar customs and manners
of the times, and which shall notice general poli-
tics, home or foreign, no further than is absolutely
necessary to make the personal details intelligibl6
to general readers.

The propriety of thus producing a work
strictly biographical may be justified, if it were

2 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

necessary, by the strong personal importance
which is given to Wolsey by various writers,
especially by Wood, who, in his Athenae Oxoni-
enses, expressly declares that of all the clergymen
of his time, as well as before and after him, he
was indisputably the greatest. Besides this, he
had a vast mind, and a great sense of regulation
and glory, which by some is accounted pride.
Then his parts, as Wood continues, were pro-
digious, though it must be owned that he wanted
not a sense of his own sufficiency, and therefore
his demeanour and management of himself were
such as were more fitted to the greatness of his
mind and his fortune than to the meanness of his
birth.

Wood then observes, that many historians of
that period, whether out of envy of his order,
or contempt of his birth, or hatred of his religion,
have not been very favourable to his fame, and
that the traditionary reporters since, who have
pretended to an exact account of his actions, have,
upon too slight inquiries, and with too great con-
fidence, transcribed the former narratives ; so that,
adds he, " we yet want an exact and faithful hi-
story of the greatest, most noble, and most disin-
terested clergyman of that age."

That Wood's testimony, so far, in his favour,
was impartial, there can be no reason to doubt ;
and we are therefore the more inclined to pay
some deference to the evidence, or rather opinion,

AND HIS TIMES. 3

of oiie who stands forward confessedly not only
as his vindicator, but also as his panegyrist. This
writer *, whose work appeared early in the last
century, observes that there are few persons, if
any, to whom the world has been under obligation,
that have met with so much ingratitude as has
fallen upon Wolsey and his memory; and he
seems to think it doubtful whether, in all the hi-
stories extant in his time, a similar instance can be
found, in any nation, of so general a prejudice as
that under which the Cardinal's name has suffered.
The cause of this he considers to have been,
that Wolsey had the misfortune to disoblige, or
rather highly to provoke, the two contending
parties into which, during the latter part of his
political power, the whole kingdom was divided.
The consequence he thinks to have been, that
contemporary and subsequent historians have
thence been induced to hand down his memory
to posterity with equal rancour, and equal bigotry
to the party which they espoused : those of the
Roman Catholic persuasion generally hating him
for the active part which he took in the divorce
of Queen Katharine, which led to a protestant
marriage, their clergy at the same time, both
secular and monastic, being irritated at his at-
tempts to reform and to regulate ecclesiastical
manners ; whilst the Protestants, or Reformed of

* See Fiddes' Life of Wolsey. Introduction, p. 1 1 .

4« WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

that day, detested him for his rigid adherence to
the doctrine and communion of the Papal See, and
for his opposition to Lutheranism, both in Eng-
land and in Germany.

This is evidently correct in regard to contem-
porary historians ; and at once explains why there
is or has been no public character respecting
whom, perhaps, both in past and present times,
there has been, and is, such difference of opinion.
But if Cavendish, his confidential friend, the old
chroniclers and other contemporaries have been
either his panegyrists or accusers, it is curious to
observe the same in regard to later writers, among
whom we may class Knight, Fiddes, and others,
with the exception of Groves, who wrote about
the middle of the last century, and is evidently
impartial. The same meed of impartiality we
must also grant to a more recent biographer*;
but whose short memoir, written rather as a
specimen of historical elegance than as a complete
biography, does not interfere with the copious and
anecdotical plan of the following work. For our-
selves, we shall endeavour, in a strict search after
truth, to preserve the purest impartiality ; though
we must confess that the weight of evidence, as
taken in a general course of research, both in
print and in MSS. preponderates more against the
Cardinal than in his favour.

* Gait's Wolsey.

Ar AND HIS TIMES. 5

The anonymous writer of the More MSS., in the
Lambeth library, describes Wolsey as one who,
though he had some good parts and gifts in him,
yet he was of so aspiring .and ambitious a nature,
fraught with the fruits of pride, disdain, and re-
venge, that well had it been with him if never
he had been born a man ; for, by these detestable
vices, says the biographer, he threw himself head-
long into utter ruin and shame; corrupted his
prince with enormous vices ; caused the death of
many good men; opened the gate to foul and
hideous heresy and schism ; with which sin poor
England was most lamentably overwhelmed. The
same writer adds, however, that all this, though
not intended by him, yet originally sprang of his
wicked and cursed ambition.

The character drawn of him by Lord Herbert*
was rather less violent, where he states that " His
maner was so cunninglie to disoblige that Prince,
who did fee him last, as he made way oftentimes
thereby to receive as much on ye other side.

" It becometh Princes," adds his Lordship, " to
do like good husbandmen when yl ye sow their
grounds ; wch is to scatter yr seeds, not to throw
all on one side ;" and he then goes on to state
that Wolsey "was no great dissembler, for so
qualifyed a p'son, as ordering his businesses (for

* Brit. Mus., Ays. Coll., 1523, p. 40,

6 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

the most part) so cautiously, as hee gott more by
keeping his word, than by breaking it."

These certainly are harsh opinions ; but it must
not be denied that even Cavendish, his intimate
and earliest biographer, acknowledges that the
Cardinal was, in his time, the proudest man living,
having more regard to the honour of his person
than to his spiritual function, wherein he should
have expressed more meekness and humility.

But it was past the meridian of life when Ca-
vendish first became a confidential member of his
household, in the office of gentleman usher, and it
is not surprising that the Cardinal should then,
even from habit alone, have displayed pride and
hauteur both in his manners and sentiments.
His life had then been passed more in courts than
in cloisters, and Nature herself seems to have
gifted him with a quality useful to the ambitious,
as leading to the favour and even to the esteem of
monarchs and ministers : this was an easy and
self-existing dignity of manner and of expression,
which art can never successfully imitate, and which
cannot be perfectly formed on rules or modes of
practice. This has been well called his " natural
prerogative," and one of the superior distinctions
in his character, so far as we are now able to
judge of his manner, justified, as it appears to be,
by the extraordinary facility with which he was
able to execute most of his designs, even of the

AND HIS TIMES. 7

highest political importance: at the same time
it is not surprising that his superiority in these
affairs, both at home and abroad, may have afforded
the real occasion for that common prejudice, still
so general, that he was naturally proud, insolent,
and overbearing.

This has been judiciously observed by Fiddes,
who also urges his learning, superior to most in-
dividuals of his time, as an excuse or palliative
for his apparent claims of predominance, both in
church and state, in addition to the immense power
and influence which he virtually possessed, not only
from his ministerial office and the king's favour,
but also from his legantine powers added to the
Cardinalate.

With a share of erudition fully competent to
qualify him for the just and honourable discharge
of his high offices and commissions of diplomacy,
he had also the merit of being the declared and
the active patron of learning, as he would also
have been of the learned to a much greater extent
than he had an opportunity of manifesting ; for
the learned of his day were, for the most part,
friends or favourers of the reformed system of
Christianity then beginning to spread itself; but
to that system his own personal interests and
policy made him inimical.

His moderation, too, especially in regard to his
ecclesiastical power, must not be forgotten; for,
with the exception of his rapid patronage of one

8 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

individual, thence supposed to have been his ille^
gitimate offspring, he appears not to have appro-
priated any part of the revenues of his great
preferments in the church towards the aggran-
dizement of his own private family, but to have
expended them either in the forms of his high
state, in the hospitalities of an immense household
establishment, or in the foundation of seminaries
of learning, which still reflect honour on his
memory.

Even our great poet of nature, though the
purport of his Henry VIII. was to celebrate the
character of Anne Boleyn, the mother of his royal
patroness, does justice to his fame when he makes
Griffith say to the repudiated Queen Katharine:

« This Cardinal,

Though from an humble stock, undoubtedly
Was fashion'd to much honour. From his cradle,
He was a scholar, and a ripe and good one ;
Exceeding wise, fair spoken, and persuading :
Lofty, and sour, to them that loved him not j
But, to those men that sought him, sweet as summer.
And though he were unsatisfied in getting
(Which was a sin), yet in bestowing, madam,
He was most princely: Ever witness for him
Those twins of learning, that he raised in you,
Ipswich and Oxford ! one of which fell with him,
Unwilling to outlive the good that did it 3
The other, though unfinished, yet so famous,
So excellent in art, and still so rising,
That Christendom shall ever speak his virtue/'

To sum up all, in a few words, in order to ap-

AND HIS TIMES.

predate Wolsey's character fairly, we must care-
fully observe his actions and, without prejudice,
endeavour to investigate his motives, at a period
of English, and indeed of European, history, re-
markable for great and extraordinary events ;
events new in themselves, in their nature, and in
their very principles, so as to bid defiance to all
reasoning, or acting upon former precedents. Then
truly to form an accurate judgment of his deep-
laid political schemes, and of his penetrating genius,
we must not try him by a modern political touch-
stone, but by a close investigation of the people
around him, of affairs both domestic and foreign, —
nay, perhaps, even of the very imperfect state of
Christian morality at that period, arising from the
prevalence of superstition and ignorance over the
true religion, and the marked laxity of religious
duties permitted to churchmen, especially of the
higher orders.

These considerations shall be developed and
illustrated in the ensuing sheets of our biography;
and it only remains for us to notice that the Car-
dinal was in person tall and comely, and very
graceful in his carriage ; with the single defect of
having his right eye blemished by disease, from
circumstances supposed not very creditable to him,
and from whence his portraits *, as well as his

* Of these portraits the two most authentic are in the Col-
lege of Physicians, London, and at Christ Church, Oxford -,
but the latter is supposed by Dallaway not to be a produc-
tion of Holbein's pencil, though generally stated to be so.

10 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

statue over Christ Church portal, Oxford, are all
represented in profile. Such is the introductory
sketch we have to offer of one whose life was so
remarkable and eventful, as even to have become
a proverb in the mouths of all those who would
exemplify the instability of human grandeur, and
the uncertainty of courtly favour.

THOMAS WOLSEY, born 1471, is generally
represented by our best historians to have been
descended from poor but honest parents, and of
good reputation, resident at Ipswich, in Suffolk,
where the common tradition is, that his father
was a butcher. His biographer, Fiddes, is un-
willing to give credit to this tradition, principally
on the grounds that, as shall be further illustrated
in its place, his father died seised of an estate
which, in the possession of a plebeian, was at that
time very considerable ; that he held several lands
and tenements by a tenure which gave him a dis-
cretionary power in disposing of them ; and, finally,
that he made certain pecuniary bequests to his fa-
mily and friends of no small value, according to
the proportion which money then bore to the pre-
sent rate and affluence of it.

If the Cardinal's father really were a butcher,
he seems as careful to conceal the secret, as the
most biassed of his biographers can be ; for Ca-
vendish, who professes to have drawn up the early
part of his Memoir from Wolsey's own mouth,

AND HIS TIMES. 11

merely observes, that he was " an honest poor
man's son of Ipswich." But Campion decidedly
denies the allegation, calling him " a man un-
doubtedly born to honour ; some prince's bastard,
no butcher's son :" whilst an old poet of that day,
with rather more delicacy, thus expresses him-
self:

" Great Priest ! whoever was thy sire by kind,
Wolsey of Ipswich ne'er begot thy mind/'

Newcomb, indeed, in his Repertorium *, asserts
that he was not the son of a butcher, though with-
out offering any grounds for that assertion ; whilst
we have the later evidence of Groves, that, upon
a new and strict inquiry, several gentlemen in
Suffolk are of opinion, that the Cardinal's father
was in truth a respectable grazier in the town of
Ipswich, and not a poor butcher.

Fuller is the first writer that mentions parti-
cularly this now controverted circumstance ; and
Fiddes further urges, that this story, most pro-
bably, had no other foundation, either in books or
in early tradition, than a wretched figure over
one of the windows in the front of Christ Church,
directly above the Cardinal's arms, of a dog
gnawing a bone, but not the spade bone of a
shoulder of mutton, as it is generally described :
whilst he adds, that the figure seems to be placed
there by mere accident, there being upon the same

* Vol. i. page 100, noted.

12 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

line with it several other " antics," at proper di-
stances, intended, according to the architecture of
the time, for the greater decoration of the building.

After all, we may close with an observation of
La Bruyere, that there have appeared in the world,
from time to time, some admirable, extraordinary
men, whose virtue and eminent qualities have cast
a prodigious lustre, like those unusual stars in the
heavens, the causes of which we are ignorant of,
and know as little what becomes of them after
they disappear. These men neither have ancestors
nor posterity. They alone compose their whole
race.

So, far, however, we do know that his father's
name was Robert, and that of his mother Jane, or
Joan, as appears by the Pope's Bull *, of favours
to all those who should come to Cardinal Coll.
Oxon. (now Christ Church), and there pray for
the safety of Wolsey ; and, after his decease, for
the souls of him, his father Robert, and his mother
Joan t.

* Rymer's Feed. xiv. 255.

t In the vignette on the title-page, we have given a re-
duced fac-simile of Wolsey's coat of arms, from a MS. bearing
the date of 1563, and now No. 1197, (p. 402) in the Har-
leian Collection at the British Museum "Encomium in
laudem Reverendissimi in nomine Patris et Domini, Domini
Thomae miseratione divina tituli Sanctae Ceciliae, sacrosanctse
Romanae Ecclesigj, presbyteri Cardinalis Eboracen." Auctore
Joanne Hossio. Leodense. A coat of the very same kind is
blazoned by Edtnouson, in his 2d volume of Heraldry, and

AND HIS TIMES. 13

We shall just further mention, that it appears
from Kirby's Suffolk Traveller, that in 1514, Ed-
mund Daundy, portman of Ipswich, founded a
chantry in the church of St. Lawrence, for a se-
cular priest to offer at the altar of St. Thomas, on
behalf of himself and his relatives ; amongst whom
he reckoned Wolsey, who was then Dean of Lin-
coln, also Wolsey's parents, Robert and Jane, then
deceased. This is particularly urged in favour of
the Cardinal's descent being rather better than his
enemies were disposed to allow; and in support of
that conclusion, Kirby farther states that Daundy
first built the market cross, and was one of the
most respectable men of the town in his time : all
his daughters married gentlemen of good fortune ;
and the issue of one of them was the wife of Lord
Keeper Bacon. Kirby concludes from this, that
it is clear that the Cardinal was well allied ; and
he argues, that as we meet with nothing that gives
the least countenance to the common notion of his
being the son of a butcher, it is very probable that

attributed to Woolsey, Suffolk.— Sable, on a cross engrailed
argent, a lion passant gardant gules, crowned or, between four
leopards' faces azure. On a chief of the second, a rose
of the third, between two Cornish choughs proper. — Crest,
a naked arm embowed, grasping a shin bone, all proper.

This sets at nought a silly coat engraved on wood, in the
first edition of Roy's Satire, which professes, in direct oppo-
sition to all good heraldry, to be quarterly, 1st and 4th, sable,
three bulls' heads ; 2d and 3d, three bloody axes, in a bloody
field ; over all, in a 'scutcheon, of pretence, a ban dog collared
and muzzled. — Crest, a Cardinal's hat.

14 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

his parents were not in such mean circumstances
as the Cardinal's enemies have taught the world
to believe.

He also alludes to a vulgar notion, perhaps still
in existence, that Wolsey built the shambles in
the market square ; but in opposition to this, he
states, that these shambles were rebuilt, or at least
very thoroughly repaired, in the 40th of Elizabeth,
which could not have been necessary had they been
built by Wolsey such a short time before.

In St. Nicholas' church there were three brass
inscriptions taken up by the visitors in 1648 ; a
circumstance which Kirby regrets, from an idea
that they might have afforded some hints as to
Wolsey's family, especially as it was the family
church, in whose immediate vicinity stood the
house in which tradition says the Cardinal was
born ; a supposition not improbable, when we con-
sider that his father left money for the high altar
there, as well as for the painting of the archangel.

But setting all conjecture aside, we shall ob-
serve, that the house in which he was born was,
and indeed is, on the south side of a passage
leading from St. Nicholas'-street to St. Nicholas'
churchyard. Its front has been rebuilt ; but local
antiquaries are of opinion, that the rear may be
contemporary with the birth of Wolsey, which
took place in March, 1471 *, the 12th year of the

* The day of the month is not known. Parish registers did
not come into use until 1535.

AND HIS TIMES. 15

reign of Edward IV. and more particularly me-
morable as being the year in which the art of
printing was introduced into England.

Of Wolsey's earliest years very little is known.
His own statement, as delivered to Cavendish,
was, that " being but a child he was very apt to
be learned ; wherefore, by the means of his parents,
or of his good friends and masters, he was con-
veyed to the University of Oxford." This is evi-
dently as much as the Cardinal himself wished to
be known ; but it is not a little curious that Groves,
who otherwise opposes the reports as to the very
humble situation of his family, corroborates these
very reports in giving praise to his father, whom
he describes as highly commendable for encou-
raging his son's inclination for learning, by sending
him to school, instead of putting him to a mean
trade ; the latter " being the most natural to be
expected from a person in so low a situation."

What school he was first educated at is, how-
ever, unknown. Even Fiddes, his professed vin-
dicator and advocate, goes no further than con-
jecture, merely stating that Wolsey early dis-
covered a docile and apt disposition for learning,
which encouraged his parents to send him to
school, and to give him such an education, if we
may judge of their design in it by the event, as
might prepare him for the University.

Fiddes also argues against the correctness of
Cavendish's insinuation, or rather assertion, that

1C WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

he was sent to Oxford at the expense of friends,
and not at the proper and sole expense of his
father; urging that it appears from his father's
will, there was no necessity for such a measure :
but as Cavendish professes to have received his
information on that head from Wolsey himself,
we may allow his statement to pass in preference
to conjectural deduction,

We cannot find any record of the precise year
of his entrance at Magdalen College, Oxford, which
had been selected for his university studies, nor
does any reason appear why that particular col-
lege was chosen ; but as he is expressly stated to
have taken his degree of Bachelor of Arts at the
very precocious age of fourteen, the date of his
graduation being thus fixed at the year 1485, we
cannot well allow him less than two years previous
study, which will place his entrance at the uni-
versity in 1483.

It was in that memorable year that Edward IV.
died, " leaving this world" for Richard " to bustle
in ;" the murder of the royal brothers, and the
usurpation of the crook-backed tyrant, all taking
place within the same year^

If any of our readers should think two years
too short a period to allow previous to graduation,
we must remind them that the circle of sciences
in the universities of that day was of much
smaller diameter than at present, even without
taking Wolsey's extraordinary capacity and dili-

AND HIS TIMES. 17

gence into the account ; for it was not until the
very period in question, that Greek had even be-
come an object of study. In fact, it was then
called the new language, and its study totally dis-
approved of by the heads of colleges; so that there
were only a few of the reformed who patronised it,
in spite of opposition, and who, no doubt, had their
ranks considerably increased by the new lights
which it threw upon the Christian dispensation.

Though Wolsey did not take his degree until
1485, his extraordinary abilities must have pre-
viously made him an object of attention ; and we
might even hazard a conjecture, that at that early
period of life he had begun to attract royal notice:
for it is upon record, that the learned Grocyn was
chosen divinity reader of Magdalen College in
1484, or thereabouts ; in which year Richard III.,
in one of his progresses, stopped for some time at
Oxford, taking up his residence at Magdalen, and
feeling delighted at hearing Grocyn and others en-
gaged in public and private disputation. The sub-
jects of disputation are not preserved, but we may
suppose them to have turned upon the " new lan-
guage," and its new discoveries ; and even that
the youthful aspirant after ecclesiastical dignities,
(hough then but a student, must have been brought
forward in the royal presence, not only from his
general character for precocious learning, but also
through the friendship of Grocyn, with whom he

18 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

was then, and for some years afterwards, in habits
of intimacy ; until he found that the new doctrines,
if permitted to increase, must strike at the very
root of his priestly and papal ambition.

That Wolsey was then really fitted for public
disputation, is evident from the fact, that very
soon after his entrance at College, he was dis-
tinguished at Magdalen, and indeed throughout
the University, for the extraordinary progress he
had made in logic and philosophy; and that he
was, even then, as remarkable for his learning in
divinity, which he principally acquired by an early
reading of the works of Thomas Aquinas.

We have already fixed, and upon fair calcula-
tion, the year of his first degree at 1485 ; on which
subject, and his progress at College, Cavendish
observes, " where he so prospered shortly in
learning, that (as he told me by his own mouth)
he was made Batchelor of Arts when he past not
fifteen years of his age ; he was called most com-
monly through the University the Boy Batchelor ;"
a precocity of University honours, in which he
was never equalled but by Cardinal Pole.

It was in the same year that Richard fell at
Bosworth, so that Henry VII. succeeded to the
throne of England, giving tranquillity to the king-
dom, and ensuring a safer protection to the seats
of learning. Under such happy auspices, Wolsey
pursued his studies with redoubled assiduity, par-

AND HIS TIMES. 19

ticularly aided by his friend Grocyn ; an advan-
tage, however, of which he was deprived in 1488,
by the departure of that learned Hellenist for
Germany. Grocyn indeed returned to Oxford in
1491j but then he took up his residence at Exeter
College, where he taught the Greek tongue ; and
some years afterwards, as we shall have occasion to
notice, became the tutor of the far-famed Erasmus.

Though no precise date can now be traced, we
have reason to believe that Wolsey graduated
Master of Arts previous to Grocyn's return ; or at
least in this year (1491), a year likewise remark-
able for the birth of his future royal patron,
Henry VIII. ; as was the ensuing one, for an
event which produced an extraordinary change in
the affairs of Europe — the discovery of the western
hemisphere by Columbus.

Soon after graduating Master of Arts, and being
chosen one of the fellows of Magdalen College,
Wolsey was selected as the fittest person to take
charge of the school connected with that establish-
ment ; an office which he filled for some time with
great credit to himself, and great advantage to his
pupils: but it was not to the mere learning of
the schools that he now confined his talents, for
the fine arts appear to have engaged much of his
attention.

Dallaway observes, that it is generally under-
stood that in this year, 149£> the finely propor-

20 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

tioned tower of Magdalen College * was planned
by the aspiring genius of Wolsey ; and he adds,
that it was his first essay in a science which he
well understood, and practised with extraordinary
magnificence. But whether the original plan was
really Wolsey's, seems rather a matter of doubt.
The foundation stone was certainly laid on the
9th August, 1492; and it is possible that the
bursar of the College in that year, who was the
active manager in that business, may have availed
himself of Wolsey's architectural skill in preparing
a plan for its erection : but it is equally possible
that the common opinion or tradition on this sub-
ject may have arisen solely from his being bursar
at the period of its completion in 1498, six years
afterwards, when he may have done so much to-
wards its embellishment, as to have the plan at-
tributed generally to him.

Wolsey himself seems not to have taken much
pride in his University honours, at least in later
days ; for all that he enabled Cavendish to say of
him was, that " thus prospering and increasing in
learning, he was made felowe of Maudelin College,
and after elected or appointed to be schole-master
of Maudelin Schola :" and it is curious that he did
not even acquaint that confidential friend with
the date of his taking orders for the priesthood.

* It is 122 feet in height, and 26 in diameter ; and
occupied six years in building.

AND HIS TIMES. 21

Though unable to assign the date of his en-
trance on the clerical functions, we may clearly
ascertain from his father's will *, which is dated

* It is noticed by Fiddes, that in the original will, a copy
of which we here insert, the name is written Wuley, and he
takes occasion thence to observe, that from this variation in
the spelling, some persons may object that, notwithstanding
the concurrence of other circumstances, which render it highly
probable that this was the will of the Cardinal's father; yet,
after all, it might be the will of some other person. But- he
adds, that on this point it will be sufficient to remark, that in
two authentic instruments directed to him from Rome at
different times, his name is exactly written as in the willj
which documents he refers to in Rymer's Fcedera, vol. xii.
p. 1 83, whilst he was rector of Lymington, addressed to him
by Pope Alexander, and afterwards by Pope Julius II. in a
dispensation to hold a third living. — Rymer, xiii. p. 217.
The will runs thus :

" In Dei nomine, amen, the xxxi day of the month of Sep-
tember, the year of our Lord god a m. C.C.C.C.lxxxxvi.
I Robert Wuley of Ippyswiche, hooll of mend, and in good
memory beying, make my testament and my last wyll in this
maid wyse. First I bequeath my Soull to almyghty God our
Lady Sent Mary and to all the company of hevyn, and my
body to be buryed in the churchyard of our Lady Sent Mary
of Neumket. Also I bequeath to the hey auter of the
Pariche of sent Nicholas of Ippyswiche vis. \\iid. also I be-
queath to the penting of the archangel there xls.

" Item, I wyll that if Thomas my Son be a preist within a
year next after my decesse, I will that he syng for me and my
frends by the space of a yer, and he to have for his salary
ten marks ; and if the seyd Thomas, my Son, be not a preist,
I will that another honest preist syng for me and my frends
for the term aforesaid, and he to have the salary of ten marks.

22 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

the 31st of September, 1496, that up to that period
he had not arrived at priest's orders, though he
was then near twenty-five years of age ; but that
he was intended for the church, both by his own
wishes, and the desire of his parents and friends,
is sufficiently evident. From the probate annexed
to the will, as in the note below, and dated llth
of October in the same year, we may infer that it
was a death-bed will, and that Wolsey lost his
father this year early in that month; but how
long his mother survived is not upon record. Nor
does it appear from the tenor of the mortuary in-
strument, that his inheritance was to any amount;
his mother being left in possession of all the landed

" Item, I wyll that Joan my wyfe have all my lands and
tenements in the parishe of St. Nicholas, in Ippyswiche,
aforesaid, and all my free and bond lands in the Psiche of St.
Stoke to give and to sell. The residue of my goods, not be-
queathed, I give and bequeath to the good disposition of Joan
my wife, Thomas my Son, and Thomas Cady, who I order
and make my executors, to dispose for me as they shal
think best to pies almyghty God and p'fyt for my soul, and
of this my testament and last wyll I order and make Richard
Farrington supervisor, and he for to have for his labour
-Kiiis. iiiid. and yf the seyd Richard deserve more, he for to
have more of Joan my wyf. Item, I bequ. to the said Thomas
Cady my Executor aforeseyd, xim. mid. yevyn the day yar
and place above uretyn."

" Probatum fuit presens Testameiitum apud Gipwic, coram
nobis Offic. Cons. Dm. Epi. Norwic. xi die mensis Octobris,
Anno Dm. millimo cccmclxxxxvi."

AND HIS TIMES. 23

property, with power also to alienate it, whilst
even the chattels seem rather intended for the
good of the father's soul than for the worldly wel-
fare of the son.

It appears, at this time, to have been customary
for the young nobility, not only to attend the
University, as at present, but also, to receive their
early education at the schools ; a practice which
first opened to Wolsey the door of patronage, for
Cavendish, speaking of the year 1497, says, " at
which time the Lorde Marquis Dorset now had
three of his sonnes there to schoole, committing
as well unto him their education as their instruc-
tion and learning."

But Wolsey's strict attention to his duties did
not prevent him from forming several friend-
ships, amongst which we may enumerate Mr.,
afterwards Sir Thomas More, John Clarymorid,
afterwards President of Magdalen College, Thomas
Halsey, afterwards a Bishop, and though last not
least, the learned Erasmus, who first came to Ox-
ford in the year now under consideration. This
latter friendship was highly honourable to Wolsey's
personal character; for it is upon record that there
existed between him and Erasmus a mutual re-
spect and union of sentiment in all matters where
literature was concerned. They joined cordially
in promoting classical studies, which were pecu-
liarly obnoxious to the bigotry of that period ;
they were both great friends of the " new learning,"

24 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

as it was called, or the study of the Greek lan-
guage ; and their love of learning and contempt
for the monks were points of unity between them.
In short, Erasmus certainly conceived a very high
opinion of Wolsey, and said many things in his
favour ; but he has been reported to have changed
his mind afterwards : nor is it surprising this
should have been the case, when we consider there
is every reason to believe that Wolsey was on very
good terms with, and even in confidence with the
early reformers ; indeed he even declared himself
that he would reform the church, but then he could
not destroy papacy in England, as the reformers
wished, except in his own despite, because that
way lay his ambition — an ambition which lurked
early in his bosom for the papal tiara ! *

Notwithstanding this intimacy with the re-
formists, Wolsey's influence at college .does not
seem to have been at all on the decline ; for it ap-
pears that in 1498 he was chosen bursar, and in
that capacity put the finishing hand to the great
tower of Magdalen, still in its primitive state, and
a standing memorial of the delicacy of his taste in
that branch of Gothic architecture.

* Had Wolsey succeeded in his views, he would have been
the second Englishman that sat in the papal chair.

AND HIS TIMES.

Truth here obliges us to confess that there are
some college traditions on this subject not very
favourable to Wolsey's character. It is said, that
during his execution of the office of bursar or
treasurer, he involved himself improperly in some
difficulties as to his accounts, which obliged him,
for a time at least, to retire from Magdalen into
the country. Another tradition, milder in its
charges, states that it was not on account of any
private personal misconduct on his part that this
retirement took place, but solely from his having

26 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

appropriated the funds in the treasury chest
towards the erection of that noble tower, without
sufficient warrant from those who had the control
of expenditure ; whilst a third party assert that so
resolved was he on the completion of this, his
favourite object, that he actually had recourse to
violent methods to furnish himself with supplies
from the treasury for that purpose. But there is
no ground for these surmises, beyond mere tradi-
tion : and, as the charges do not appear to have
been noticed by his numerous enemies in his life-
time, we may naturally conclude that there never
was any real foundation for them, beyond perhaps,
his overbearing conduct towards those whose duty
it was to control the college expenses, and who
may have been unwilling to sanction that rapid
expenditure which Wolsey wished for, in order to
ensure to himself the honour of completing that
elegant specimen of ecclesiastical magnificence.

Indeed there are many other reasons why little
credit should be given to the story; especially
when we recollect that Wolsey had already formed
those ambitious views which were the load-star
of his future life, and that he therefore would be
cautious in regard to proceedings which might
have blasted all his hopes, even in their very in-
fancy, and which would have been a perpetual bar
to all future promotion or preferment : and, at
least, we may agree with his vindicator, Fiddes,
that there is more candour in considering the

AND HIS TIMES. 27

noble structure of Magdalen tower as an early
essay of Wolsey's great and enterprising mind,
than as an occasion of his perpetrating a scandalous
crime, for which there is no good, or competent
proof.

Independent of all this, the events now crowding
upon us show how little probability there can be
in such a story, inasmuch as it must have put a
stop, for the time at least, to his scholastic labours,
and perhaps separated his pupils — a circumstance
which succeeding facts clearly show could not have
happened : since it is well known that Wolsey's
prudence and industry in the management of the
school of Magdalen were the first steps to his rise
in the church, through the friendship and grateful
kindness of the Marquess of Dorset ; for that noble-
man having sent for his sons, at Christmas in
1499, to his mansion in Leicestershire, trans-
mitted an invitation also to Wolsey to accompany
them. Soon after their arrival, and when the
novelty of field sports and amusements was a little
worn off, the marquess, who was not only a good
scholar, but a man of the world, took opportunities
of examining the youths individually in regard to
their progress in learning; with which he was very
well satisfied, and convinced also that such a pro-
gress could only have been made through the
extreme diligence and attention of their tutor.
For this he was anxious to bestow some mark of
grateful remuneration upon Wolsey ; and it hap-

28 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

pening at the moment that the incumbent of
Lymington in Somersetshire (John Borde) had
departed this life, the marquess, who was patron of
the living, instantly presented it to his new friend,
who, after the holidays, returned to Oxford, with
the presentation in his pocket. On his arrival at
the university in January, 1500, the new church-
man seems, by the account of his friend Cavendish,
to have made great haste to take possession of his
living, for he instantly waited on the ordinary, for
the purpose of being instituted to the rectory ; and
then, being provided with all the necessary papers
from the ordinary's office, he set off for Somerset-
shire, and, carefully avoiding all delay, he sat down
quietly in the enjoyment of his benefice *.

* Some writers have confounded this with Lymington, in
Hampshire ; but circumstances contradict that, for it was the
property of the noble family of De Redvers, until Edward III.
seized it, or rather forced the heiress, Isabel de Fortibus, to
make it over to the Crown upon her death-bed, for a very
inadequate consideration. A few years after this unjust
seizure, however, it was restored to the Courtenays, Earls of
Devonshire, and heirs of De Redvers, with whom it remained
until 29th of Henry VIII. 1538, eight years after Wolsey's
decease : so that it could never have been in the presentation
of the Dorset family.

The real parish is called Limmington, in the Index Villaris,
and is in the Hundred of Stone and Yeovil, in Somersetshire ;
but even here we find some little difficulty as to the right of
presentation, for Collinson, in his history of the county, says
that Limmington belonged to the Bonvilles from temp. Henry
IV. until the 6th of Elizabeth, when it came to the Mar-

AND HIS TIMES. 29

Whilst resident at Lymington, Wolsey faith-
fully and fairly performed all the duties of a parish
priest ; officiating duly in his cure, and repairing
and beautifying the parsonage house ; where, even
as late as the middle of the last century, were re-
maining tokens of his works, especially his initials
in some of the windows. Collinson also records
that there is yet to be seen his cypher on the
pannel of an ancient pew in the chancel of the
parish church. His general conduct indeed, whilst
in possession of this his first preferment, gave a
fair promise of his judicious proceedings in the
appropriation of his church revenues, not towards
the aggrandisement of his own family, but really
for the benefit of the church, as far as his own im-
mediate wants would permit him.

Yet, his moral conduct, we fear, was far from
being so circumspect or so irreproachable as it
ought to have been ; for, at this very period, he
must have been engaged in that intrigue which
gave birth to an illegitimate son, known after-
wards by the name of Thomas Winter, upon whom
he heaped ecclesiastical preferments, even so far
as an archdeaconry, to the great scandal and com-
plaint of the more rigid, or more hypocritical part
of the priesthood. But in a religion which pro-
fesses to enforce celibacy on its clergymen, and

quess of Dorset. But Thomas, first Marquess, married to his
second wife, Cicely, daughter and heiress of Lord Bonville
and Harrington.

30 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

clergy/women, too, as Corporal Trim called them,
little better can be expected : since, however plau-
sible the arguments in favour of clerical celibacy,
we can find opposite ones, and irresistible too, in
the practice of our own protestant priesthood, and
indeed in a reference to the general principles of
human nature.

AND HIS TIMES. 31

SECTION II.

1501—1508.

Conduct of Wolsey as a Parish Priest— Extraordinary Anec-
dote— Death of his Patron Dorset — Becomes Chaplain to
Archbishop of Canterbury — also to Sir John Nanfan — Pa-
tronized by Henry VII. and appointed a Royal Chaplain —
Sketch of European Politics at that Period— Courtly In-
trigues— Personal Conduct, and early Ambition — Diplo-
matic Skill, Embassy to the Emperor, and rapid Rise in
Royal Favour — Ecclesiastical Intrigues, &c. &c. &c.

AT the close of the preceding section, we have
noticed an anecdote of Wolsey, for the truth of
which we cannot vouch, though still believing it
to rest on indubitable authority ; but an event of
a more public nature took place at this period,
which may be considered as by no means favour-
able to his private character. On this subject
Cavendish briefly states that Wolsey had not been
long at Lymington, when Sir James (Amy as)
Paulet, who lived in that neighbourhood " tooke
an occasion of displeasure against him, but upon
what grounds I knowe not ; insomuch that Sir
James * was so bold as to set the Schoolmaster

* This was Sir Amyas Paulet, of Hinton St. George, So-
merset, ancestor of the Earls of Poulet. He had been knighted
for his gallant conduct at the battle of Newark upon Trent,

32 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

by the heeles during his displeasure; which af-
front was afterwards neither forgotten nor for-
given,"— as we shall have occasion to notice when
we record Wolsey's elevation to the chancellor-
ship.

Of this untoward affair, Fiddes, his decided ad-
vocate, merely states that Paulet put an affront
upon him, very unsuitable to his character, as a
scholar, and a priest, who had in those parts a
proper and settled cure of souls. Fiddes further
states that what his real or pretended crime was,
upon which Sir Amyas committed him to the
stocks, none of the authors whom he had con-
sulted had related. He hints, indeed, that this
disgrace was a mere arbitrary effect of some per-
sonal prejudice which that Knight had to Wolsey
or to his priestly office ; but he certainly comes
nearer to the mark when he acknowledges that
there is a traditionary report that the affair arose
out of a drunken frolic in which Wolsey had in-
discreetly engaged at some rustic festival. Yet,

early in the reign of Henry VII. when Simnel's rebellion was
put down, and he had also a command during Warbeck's
affair, being soon after made one of the Knights of the King's
body; yet notwithstanding his favour with Henry, Wolsey
contrived, during the reign of his son, to find full gratification
of revenge. We see, as in the text above, that Cavendish
speaks of Wolsey being still a schoolmaster ; and it is curious
that Collins in his peerage (vide Art. Poulett) also describes
him as being then only a schoolmaster at Lymington.

AND HIS TIMES. 33

observing further upon it, this advocate certainly
endeavours to make the best of it, when, alluding
to the subsequent revenge of Wolsey, though he
owns that some have thought that a Chancellor of
England, an Archbishop of York, and a Cardinal,
ought to have forgotten an injury, though of a
most provoking nature, done many years before,
to a private parish-priest, and that there can be
no doubt, had the injury been merely personal,
then it would have been more becoming a great
and generous mind to have buried it in oblivion :
but then, he throws in that the Cardinal, perhaps,
thought the order itself suffered by an outrage
attended with the last consequences of infamy ;
and so it might appear to him not altogether so
improper or unreasonable that some animadver-
sion should be made upon it. Fiddes, indeed, ac-
knowledges that the punishment was more than
commensurable to the offence ; but, for our part,
we cannot help thinking, that, if Wolsey had felt
himself right, he would not have waited for re-
dress until he could obtain it by his own arbitrary
power.

The only author we have seen who attempts
to account candidly and fairly for this affair of
the stocks, is Groves, who wrote about the middle
of the last century, drawing, however, some of his
facts from Fiddes : and he speaks of Wolsey as
being remarkable for a free and sociable temper,
and fond of living in a friendly and open commu-

D

34 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

nication with his parishioners and neighbours. He
adds, but upon what authority we know not, ex-
cept the tradition which Fiddes mentions, that he
once went with some of these to a fair in an ad-
jacent town, where he drank to excess, and sub-
sequently created some disorder. Paulet is sup-
posed either to have been present at the same, or
to have heard of it afterwards ; and for that ex-
cess was it that he inflicted such an indignity
upon the jovial priest.

That it was a severe mortification to Wolsey
cannot be doubted : indeed, it is said to have ren-
dered him very uneasy in his cure, being thereby
exposed to rude treatment from ignorant and ill-
bred people, whence he found his authority lessened
so much, as to make him feel it advisable to
change his residence ; a resolution further con-
firmed by the death of his patron the Marquess
of Dorset, which rendered it necessary for him,
who felt the strong spring of ambition in his
bosom, to look round him for a new patron, and
for a wider field for his abilities ; having thus lost,
for a time at least, the principal support of his
hopes, the marquess being a nobleman of such
distinction at Court, and in the state, as to have
been to him a sure means of facilitating his ad-
vancement to the highest posts in the Church,
or even in the pursuit of political influence and
power.

The death of the Marquess of Dorset was thus

AND HIS TfMES. 35

necessarily, at first, a source of trouble and anxiety
to Wolsey, he having depended much, if not solely,
upon that family interest for promotion in the
Church ; besides which, his fellowship having
been necessarily given up on becoming rector of
Lymington, he was, in a great measure, removed
from college interest. His feelings, at this mo-
ment, are very quaintly described by his friend
Cavendish, who says, that now being destitute of
his singular good lord, as well as of his fellow-
ship, which was most of his reliefe, he thought
long to be provided of some other keep, to defend
himself from all such storms as he might meet
with. He then details, how, "in his travell
thereabouts," he grew acquainted with a very
great and ancient knight, who had a great place
in Calais under Henry VII. ; and, he adds, that
this knight he served, and behaved himself so
discreetly, that he obtained the special favour of
his said master ; insomuch that, for his wit and
gravity, he committed all the care and charge of
his office to his said chaplain. The knight, he
continues, shortly afterwards gave up his office of
Treasurer of Calais, and returned to England, in-
tending, on account of his great age, to live a
more private life ; and to reward the services of
Wolsey, he procured for him the situation of
chaplain to the king.

The knight, here alluded to, was Sir John Nan-
fan ; but the latter occurrences did not take place

D 2

36 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

until two years afterwards, during part of which
period, as we shall proceed to show, Wolsey
met with both ecclesiastical patronage and prefer-
ment.

These were conferred on him by archbishop
Dean, who received him into his service as one
of his domestic chaplains ; and such was his ob-
liging and respectful behaviour, that he gained
rapidly on the favour of the Canterbury prelate,
Who recommended him most strongly to the pope,
whence he received, soon after, dispensations to
hold two benefices at once ; a thing then almost
unheard of.

Dean was an Oxford man, and may probably
have known Wolsey personally, whilst the latter
was at his studies ; and, had he lived longer,
would, no doubt, have proved an excellent eccle-
siastical patron, for his interest must have been
great, being, first, Abbot of Llanthony ; then
Chancellor of Ireland ; Bishop of Bangor, translated
thence to Aylesbury ; and in two years afterwards,
elevated to the Archiepiscopal See of Canterbury.
Weever, in his Funeral Monuments, describes him
as a very wise, industrious man, by whose care and
diligence, during his abode in Ireland, Perkin
Warbeck, who counterfeited himself to be Richard
the young Duke of York, was forced to fly from
thence into Scotland. He was assiduous for the
welfare of the Church; and, whilst Bishop of
Bangor, recovered several parcels of land for that

AND HIS TIMES. 37

See, which had been lost through the negligence
of his predecessors ; amongst which, was an island
between Holyhead and Anglesey, called Moile
Honnart, or the Island of Seals. He also ex-
pended considerable sums in the reparation of the
cathedral and palace at Bangor, which had been
burnt by Owen Glendower.

During the short time that he held the See of
Canterbury, he was very active, having not only
built the greatest part of Otford House^ but also
raised the iron-work which was then upon the
coping of Rochester bridge.

He died 15th of February, at Lambeth, and
his body was carried by water to Faversham ;
from thence by land to Canterbury, where he was
buried in the chapel of the martyrdom of Thomas
a Becket ; attended to the grave by all his do-
mestic clergy, amongst whom Wolsey was pre-
sent, by upwards of sixty of the principal gentry
of the county, and by fifty torch-bearers with
burning torches. On his coffin was laid an effigy
in his archiepiscopal robes ; and the whole was
conducted with the most solemn ceremony, Wolsey
and Gardiner, then his chaplains, walking as chie
mourners.

Early in April, 1502, prince Arthur died, leav-
ing the succession open to his younger brother,
Henry, then Duke of York, and soon after, created
Prince of Wales at Westminster, about which
time, Wolsey was successful in his endeavour to

38 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

obtain the favour and patronage of Sir John
Nanfan, as already alluded to.

Respecting this personage, there is some degree
of biographical uncertainty. Fiddes says, that Sir
John being a Somersetshire gentleman, it is not
improbable that Wolsey had contracted some ac-
quaintance with him, during his residence in that
County ; but Nash, in his history of Worcester-
shire, states, that John Nanfan, about 1503, was
son and heir of Sir Richard ; and, he adds, that
it was Richard, who was Captain of Calais, made
a knight and esquire of the body to Henry VII.
But this does not agree with the alleged years
and infirmity of Wolsey's patron; for Sir Richard
Nanfan was Sheriff of Worcestershire in 1503,
and his wife Margaret did not die until 1509,
when, by her will now in the Prerogative office,
she left her body to be buried in the church of
the exaltation of the Holy Cross, in the hospital of
St. Bartholomew, in West Smithfield, along with
her husband Sir Richard Nanfan, knt.

How Wolsey conducted himself with this new
patron has been already recorded in an extract
from Cavendish, who also mentions his recom-
mendation to a royal chaplaincy ; of which, how-
ever, Drake, in his history of York, speaks in
rather more unqualified terms, for he says, that,
" growing weary of Nanfan's chaplainship, his
boundless spirit not brooking so narrow a con-
finement, he begged leave to resign, when the

AND HIS TIMES. 39

other got him preferred to be one of the king's
chaplains."

It was an important era, a time fruitful in
great events, when Wolsey thus found himself on
the first step to political preferment and influence
— a period which may be considered as the dawn
of popular rights, of commerce and manufactures,
of arts and sciences, and of our modern political
predominance : and a slight sketch of what now
forms the British empire, and of foreign states in
general, will enable us more fully to appreciate
the talents, as well as the actions of the subject of
our biography.

England herself cannot be said, as yet, to have
formed the basis of her present system of policy,
either home or foreign, nor did she even approach
towards it until the subsequent reign of Eliza-
beth, when the protestant religion was firmly
established. But a great change was taking place,
notwithstanding, in consequence of the baronial
power being then broken by Henry VII. through
the statute permitting the barons and other great
landholders to alienate, or to mortgage their
estates, without the payment of heavy fines for
licences of alienation.

As yet, England was but a secondary maritime
power — the naval preponderance of Europe then
resting with Portugal and Spain, they possessing,
agreeable to papal division, both the Indies. Com-
merce, of course, was but in its infancy ; for it

40 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

was only in the preceding short reign of Richard,
that we had appointed consuls in foreign ports :
and, even at the accession of Elizabeth, the cus-
toms did not produce more than 36,000/. per
annum. Home manufactures were principally of
iron and wool.

The fine arts also were in their infancy ; yet,
with us, next to Italy, they had made greater
progress than in any other country of Europe:
and we must do Wolsey the justice to acknow-
ledge that much of their improvement in the sub-
sequent reign was owing to his example and en-
couragement.

The affairs of Scotland, as far as was likely to
affect England, may now be considered as in a
quiescent state ; for James IV. was recently united
to the princess Margaret, Henry's eldest daughter,
and a peace had been for some time concluded
between the two kingdoms. It is true, that this
union was objected to by some of the council,
on the plea, that thus the crown might fall to
the blood royal of Scotland ; but Henrjr overruled
the objection, saying, that England would not
lose by that, for it would not produce an acces-
sion of England to Scotland, but of Scotland to
England, independent of the national jealousies
and quarrels, that would be guarded against by
such an event taking place.

Of the state of Ireland at that period little fa-
vourable can be said; for it was then a divided

AND HIS TIMES. 41

and unhappy country, with what may be called
three classes of inhabitants, whose interests, as
they themselves believed, and whose prejudices
were always in a state of warfare. Of the original
Irish one portion was civilised, being either within,
or near to, the English pale ; whilst the other was
wild and savage in manners, living less by agri-
culture than by predatory incursions upon their
neighbours, with a kind of natural taste for re-
bellion and change, and always even ready to
destroy each other in the quarrels of their chiefs ;
who were also, in a great measure, subject to the
will of the general mass, from the operation of the
system of Tanistry, which often placed an uncle
or cousin in rank and power, when the legal heir
was too young for the duties of a chief, or when
any ambitious relative of the heir chose, by flat-
tering the people, to usurp hereditary rights. The
other class of Irish population consisted of the de-
scendants of English settlers, from the time of
Henry II. to the period in question.

We may state here, that Archbishop Dean,
Wolsey's late patron, had been Lord Deputy of
Ireland in 1495, then holding the episcopal chair
of Bangor ; and was succeeded, in 1496, by the
Earl of Kildare, of whom, with reference to Wol-
sey, an anecdote will be found in another place.
Kildare himself had, indeed, been for some time a
prisoner in England ; and was, in 1496, brought
before the king and council, to answer to nume-

42 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

rous political crimes charged against him. Henry
told the earl, when first brought before him, that
he feared his cause was a very bad one; and,
therefore, as an indulgence, he should have what
counsel he desired. " Then," said Kildare, " I
shall pitch upon the best counsel in England."
The king asked, " Who is that ?" when the earl
replied, " Marry ! even your highness." This
pleased the 'king, and he laughed heartily ; and
when the council, after long investigation, had
considered the case, and the counsel for the pro-
secution had finished his pleadings with the ob-
servation, " That all Ireland could not govern the
earl," the king with great good humour replied,
that if so, then the earl was the fittest man to
govern Ireland; confirming this decision by a
speedy appointment of Kildare to the office of lord
deputy, which he executed for several years with
the utmost loyalty, though not without many ene-
mies ; but of this more anon.

To begin with the west of Europe, it is suf-
ficient to observe of Portugal, that she was under
the dominion of Emanuel, the great encourager of
foreign discoveries ; and had already began to de-
rive great advantages from her settlements in
Africa, and in her new commerce with India by
the Cape of Good Hope ; but she had little weight
otherwise in European politics, having suffered
much by her unhappy warfare in Barbary, to-
wards the close of the preceding century.

AND HIS TIMES. 43

Spain was governed by Ferdinand, father-in-
law of the young Prince Henry, and grandfather
of the young Prince Charles, afterwards Charles V.
heir apparent, or rather heir probable, to the im-
perial throne : but Spain was suffering much in
her internal regulations, by the recent expulsion
of the Moors and Jews, which had almost deprived
her of the means of art and industry.

France was more ambitious than powerful. She
had not yet recovered from the effects of her ton-
tests with England, respecting claims to the cro\m
— claims which Henry VIII. shortly afterward?
brought forward to their fullest extent ; but she
was putting forth her energies, and had already
commenced her career of preponderance in the
affairs of Europe, though for a time confined to
the intrigues of the papal succession, and the in-
tricacies of Italian politics.

The state of Italy, from internal jealousies, and
from the claims of various princes, was by no
means a happy one ; yet not more than ten years
previous, Guiccardini speaks of it as quiet, plea-
sant, and easy ; adding, that since the decline of
the Roman empire, the principalities of that coun-
try had not tasted of such great and general pro-
sperity, nor had they been so happy or so well
governed. The consequence was, that being on
all sides in peace and tranquillity, the hills and
barren places were tilled, and made no less fruitful
than the valleys. It flourished also with men of

44 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

wit, well versed in all the arts and sciences ; whilst
the people were distinguished for their knowledge
and discipline in war, thereby bearing a great re-
putation amongst the European nations.

But from this state of repose it had now for
some time been disturbed by the claims of Charles
VIII. of France to the crown of Naples, and by
the political intrigues of Ludovic Sforza, uncle to
the Duke of Milan. To this must be added the
amMtion of Caesar Borgia, base son of Pope Alex-
ander, who also aimed at the throne of Naples ;
md whose expenses were so great, that the re-
venues of the church were not sufficient for him
and for the state of his father's papal court, joined
to the father's own expenses in a shameful career
of every disgraceful vice.

The conduct of Pope Alexander, about this
period, certainly tended to produce that order of
things, which subsequently gave to Wolsey strong
hopes of the tiara, as far as bribery could be suc-
cessful ; for the conclave was now in the most
corrupt state, in consequence of Alexander having
established a new college of eighty writers of
briefs, as they were called, each of whom pur-
chased his situation for 250 crowns of gold; of
his having also sold several cardinal's hats, where
vacancies happened from natural demise ; nay, of
his having even formed the plan of poisoning
many of his richest prelates, for the sake of plun-
dering their property, and selling their benefices !

AND HIS TIMES. 45

Alexander also, on occasion of the grand jubilee
at Rome, had raised large sums, by selling pardons
and indulgences to such as could afford to buy
them ; nay, he even granted the spiritual advan-
tages of that pilgrimage to those who did not at-
tend, provided they were willing to pay sufficiently
for the same.

In Germany, Maximilian, Archduke of Austria,
had recently been elected emperor ; in addition to
which, by his marriage with the heiress of Bur-
gundy, he possessed that dukedom, together with
the whole of the seventeen provinces of the Ne-
therlands. But his power as emperor was by no
means extensive, the princes and principalities
being all insubordinate and all independent.

Such then was the state of Europe, when the
subject of our biography first became a courtier,
and first grasped at political power.

Wolsey's appointment of chaplain to the king
was, as already noticed, principally owing to the
friendly recommendation of Sir John ; but he felt
himself happy in obtaining it by any means, for it
had been a frequent saying of his, that if he could
but set one foot in the court, he had no doubt of
obtaining whatever he might wish for: and he
speedily set himself to profit of his promotion, be-
ginning now more closely to study the nature of
man and things ; in which, as we are told, by the
incredible penetration of his wit, the facility and
capaciousness of his genius, accompanied with a

46 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

profound judgment, he made such a progress, as
surprised many about him. It was said of him,
that it was not only his good fortune that exalted
him to that wonderful greatness he afterwards
arrived at, but also his industry and extraordinary
parts.

His manners must also have had considerable
effect, for he is represented by Archbishop Parker,
in his British Antiquities, as learned, and soft and
pleasing in speech, and remarkable for elegance of
manners, and propriety of dress ; advantages which,
at that imperfect period of civilisation, must have
stood him in great stead. It is remarked of him
likewise, that he raised his sentiments with his for-
tune ; and, as he was preferred, studied to be equal
to the trust reposed in him; always conducting
both himself and his conversations suitable to
the different stations of life in which he was pro-
gressively placed.

Still it appears that it was not to his personal
merit alone, except as that might be useful to
others, that Wolsey was indebted for the early
rapid rise he met with ; nor was it so much from
his courtly flattery that Bishop Fox patronised
him at first, as from a desire on the part of that *
prelate to avail himself of Wolsey as a political
assistant. Fox saw clearly that promotion must
speedily fall upon one so well qualified for any
employment at court ; and accordingly hoped, by
the assistance of so able and so active a person, to

AND HIS TIMES. 47

be in a better condition to obviate the designs of
his potent rival the Earl of Surry *, and by that
means to prevent the earl from filling the court
with his own creatures and dependents. Such
were the bishop's politics ; but they did not show
themselves in their true colours until the begin-
ning of the next reign.

But Wolsey's object was certainly to attach
himself to the party of Bishop Fox, and it is ex-
pressly stated by an accurate writer, that he no
sooner found himself in a situation, so far above
his former hopes or prospects, than he begun, with
due policy, to secure all its advantages ; for which
purpose, as his domestic biographer states, he
having then just occasion to be daily in sight of
the king in his closet, and not choosing to spend
the rest of the day in idleness, he would attend
those men whom he thought to bear most rule in
the councils, and were most in favour with the
king. These, at the period in question, were the
Lord Privy Seal, Dr. Fox, Bishop of Winchester,

* This was Thomas, son of John, first Duke of Norfolk, so
created by Richard III., but slain at Bosworth, and attainted.
But Thomas, then also created Earl of Surry, though taken
prisoner on the field, was soon after honoured with the con-
fidence of Henry VII., who appointed him a privy counsellor,
restored him to the earldom of Surry, and employed him not
only against the Scots, but also on occasion of some of the in-
surrections in the north. At the period in question, he held
the high office of Lord Treasurer of England.

48 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

and the master of the wards and constable of the
Tower, Sir Thomas Lovell, Knt., described as a
very wise and sage counsellor.

Nor were his labours in vain ; for, as Cavendish
further states, these ancient and grave counsellors,
in process of time, perceiving Wolsey to be a man
of very acute wit, thought him a meet instrument
to be employed in greater affairs ; but it was three
years after his first appointment as chaplain, before
any opportunity offered for the exercise of his
powers, in an embassy to the Emperor Maxi-
milian, which shall be noticed in its place.

Before we close the year 1503, we may notice
that, on the 25th of June in that year, the young
Prince Henry was assured in marriage to the
Princess Katharine of Spain, widow of his brother
Arthur, at the palace of the Bishop of Salisbury
in Fleet-street *. Of 1504, we have only to record
that Wolsey still held the rectory of Lymington,
as appears from a papal bull of that year, con-
taining a dispensation for his holding a third
living, the rectory of Redgrave, in the diocese of
Norwich, to which he was instituted, in 1505, by
the venerable and religious Abbot of St. Edmund's
Bury.

Henry VII. had now been for some time a

* This palace stood upon the ground which now forms
Salisbury- square and Dorset- street, stretching its gardens
down to the river, at present occupied by coal wharfs.

AND HIS TIMES. 49

widower ; and, in looking round him for a wife, had
fixed his eyes upon Margaret, Duchess Dowager of
Savoy*, and daughter of Maximilian the Em-
peror ; for which purpose he was anxious to em-
ploy a confidential ambassador : and it is a curious
fact, that however popular he was becoming with
the leading ministers, yet up to the period of the
proposed embassy to the emperor, it does not ap-
pear that Wolsey had been in the slightest degree
honoured with the royal notice. This is evident
from the statement of his own domestic biogra-
pher, who says, that the king having an urgent
occasion to send an ambassador to Maximilian,
who " lay at that present in the Low Countries
at Flanders, and not farre from Callis," the Bishop
of Winchester, and Sir Thomas Lovell, two of his
majesty's most esteemed counsellors, were one day
advising and debating with themselves about this
embassy, when they mutually agreed that they
had now a convenient opportunity of pushing
Wolsey on the road to preferment. For this pur-
pose they took occasion to commend his excellent
eloquence and learning to the monarch, who paid
attention to their representations, desiring them
to introduce their favorite to the royal presence,

* This would have been, had it taken place, the formation
of a second matrimonial alliance with the Spanish and imperial
dynasty, Henry's son and heir-apparent being already assured
to Katharine, aunt of Charles, afterwards emperor, who was
also nephew to the bride elect.

E

50 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

when the king, to ascertain the abilities of the
chaplain, entered into familiar discourse with him
concerning matters of state, and his majesty
found him " to bee a man of a sharpe wit, and of
such excellent parts, that hee thought him worthy
to bee put in trust with matters of greater con-
sequence."

The king was no sooner convinced of Wolsey's
fitness for the embassy in question, than he gave
him orders to prepare for it instantly, referring
him to the king in council for his commission and
instructions ; during the preparation of which, the
new ambassador had frequent occasions to repair
from time to time into the royal presence, still
further convincing Henry of his singular wisdom
and sound judgment.

With a heart swelling with ambition, and an
anxious desire to distinguish himself upon this
flattering opportunity, Wolsey seems to have made
up his mind to astonish at least by his despatch,
even if not successful in his diplomatic exertions:
accordingly, having taken his final audience of
leave at Richmond at four o'clock in the afternoon,
he embarked on board a Gravesend barge brought
up the river for that purpose ; and, with the help
of wind and tide, reached Gravesend in little more
than three hours. Stopping only for post horses,
he set off between seven and eight in the evening
for Dover, and travelling with a speed nearly equal
to that of the present day, he arrived at Dover the

AND HIS TIMES. 51

next morning at the very moment when the packet
got under weigh. No time was now to be lost ;
he pushed off to the packet, and before noon was
safe on shore at Calais. Still pressing on, he
waited only for post horses, and travelled with
such diligence, that at a late hour in the evening
he found himself at the residence of Maximilian,
who, hearing of the arrival of an ambassador from
Henry, determined that no time should be lost in
diplomatic formalities, " for his affection to the
king of England was such, that he was glad of
any opportunitie to doe him a curtesie," and di-
rected that Wolsey should instantly be admitted
to the imperial closet, who appears to have made
good use of the occasion, stating clearly and elo-
quently the object of his embassy, and craving
speedy despatch thereon. In this he was emi-
nently successful, for every thing was settled early
the next day, all Henry's requests being granted,
when he again set off for Calais, where he arrived
that night, accompanied by a splendid train of
nobles from the emperor's court to do him honour.
At Calais his arrival just took place as the gates
were opened at day-break, where he found a
packet ready to sail, from which he was landed at
Dover between ten and eleven o'clock in the fore-
noon, in less than seventy hours after his departure
from Richmond, where he arrived that night, and
went quietly to bed until the morning.

No sooner did the king leave his bed-chamber,

E 2

52 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

at an early hour, to proceed to his closet to mass,
than Wolsey presented himself, when the king,
little aware of what had taken place, began to
check him for his remissness in not having already
set off upon his embassy — " Sir," Wolsey is re-
ported to have replied — " if it may please your
Highness, I have already been with the Emperor,
and despatched your affairs, I trust to your Grace's
contentacion," and thereupon he presented his so-
vereign with his letters of credence from the em-
peror. Having entered into all the particulars,
the king's Wonder was strongly excited ; but his
majesty, for the present, dissembled his admiration
and imagination in that matter, under the sem-
blance of coldness, if not of harshness, and de-
manded of him if he had met with a pursuivant
who had been sent after him with letters, " which
concerned very material passages which were
omitted in their consultation, which the king
earnestly desired should have been despatched in
his ambassage."

His majesty, indeed, scarcely imagined the mes-
senger to be well out of London, and was there-
fore doubly surprised when Wolsey answered —
" Yes, forsooth, I met with him yesterday by the
way; and though I had no knowledge thereof,
yet notwithstandinge, I have beene so bold, upon
mine own discretion, perceiving the matter to be
very necessary, in that behalfe I despatched the
same : and, forasmuch as I have beene so bold to

AND HIS TIMES. 53

exceed my commission, I most humbly crave your
royall remission and pardon." — " The king, in-
wardly rejoicing, replied — we doe not only pardon
you, but give you our princely thanks, both for
your good exploit, and happie expedition : and
dismissed him for that present, and bade him
returne to him againe after dinner, for a further
relation of his ambassage, and so the king went
to masse."

Wolsey then took the earliest opportunity of
visiting his good friends, the Bishop of Winchester
and Sir Thomas Lovel, who received him with
warm applause for having thus done such honour
to their recommendation, paving the way at the
same time to further confidence and preferment,
soon after manifested in his presentation to the
Deanery of Lincoln, which was then the greatest
clerical promotion the king could give, short of a
bishopric. Wolsey again found himself about to
lose a patron, for Henry's health began sensibly
to decline ; a circumstance which must have been
more than ordinarily regretted by him, as he was
every day rising higher in the royal favour:
indeed he had now become a favourite companion
of his majesty, who, feeling the hour of death
approach, was more disposed to admit his chaplains
than his ministers to his hours of privacy. Yet,
it was not precisely for religious purposes that
Wolsey was selected for the royal closet ; for the
king himself, whenever his health would permit,

54 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

took great delight in the society of the most able
and learned men about the court, and in none
more than that of Wolsey, whom he at last began
to consult upon his private affairs, as well as
matters of state; and it was principally on this
account that he appointed him to the office of
almoner, thereby fixing him more particularly
near to the royal person.

This intimacy with the king now for the first
time led to an intimacy with the prince, who was
about seventeen years of age, and beginning to
think for himself. The youthful Henry was first
induced to notice Wolsey in consequence of the
general respect that was shown to him by all about
the court ; and on a more intimate acquaintance
he became so delighted with his society and con-
versation, that he was in the habit of conversing
with him for hours together.

In these inter views with the heir apparent Wolsey
was not unmindful of his own interest, but took
every opportunity of further ingratiating himself,
and soon began regularly to pay his court to him.

It was on the 2d of February 1508, that Wolsey
was elected dean of Lincoln, when he resigned
Lymington, being succeeded by John Baker, B. D.
and three weeks afterwards, 20th February, he
was collated prebend of Walton Brinhold, in the
room of John Harden, who resigned, and soon after
prebend of Stowe, advancing still so much in the
king's favour, that he was considered a certain

AND HIS TIMES. 55

candidate for the next vacant See. He seems
rather to have encouraged than to have checked
these prognostications of his future clerical great-
ness, and he lost no opportunity of courting popu-
larity, or of appearing to extend his patronage to
those deserving of it. In particular the famous
William Lilye, master of St. Paul's school, was
then so much in his favour, that he even visited
him there to witness the performance of the Tra-
gedy of Dido by the pupils ; the play being drawn
up by Lilye himself from Virgil.

It may appear strange, at the present day, that
Wolsey should have availed himself of the sacer-
dotal character as a stepping-stone to political pre-
ferment and influence ; but the fact is, owing to
a variety of circumstances, particularly from the
ignorance in which the laity were kept in general
by the priesthood, that much of the wealth and
more of the learning of the nation were at this
time in the possession of the clergy. Speaking of
their wealth, Baker says, in his Chronicle, that
they were of two sorts, rich and poor ; and we
may suppose them so likewise in regard to learn-
ing, when we find the people in the eastern
counties in such a state of ignorance, that an en-
thusiastic bishop, Thomas Scroope, of an ancient
noble family, and at a very advanced age, walked
bare-footed up and down in Norfolk, for several
years, teaching the Ten Commandments.

Other prelates, however, pursued another course

56

WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

with the clergy, especially Fox, Bishop of Win-
chester, who, by the command of the king, as-
sembled them all before him, and advised them to be
liberal in their contributions to the royal treasury;
but to this he was answered by the rich, and the
great incumbents, that they were at great charges
in keeping up hospitality, and in maintaining their
families, on which account they hoped to be spared;
whilst the poorer order urged that their means
were small, and therefore they hoped to be ex-
cused.

They had thus apparently caught the bishop in
a dilemma ; but to the richer sort he acknowledged
at once that it was very true they lived at great
expense and hospitality; and, since they could do
that, there was no reason why they should not do
it for their prince's service, therefore they must
pay; he then told the poorer class, that it was
true their livings were small, but their frugality
was great, of course they must be able to pay, and
pay they must.

AND HIS TIMES. 57

SECTION III.

1509—1515.

Death of Henry VII. — Promises of the new Reign — Marriage
of Henry and Katharine — Coronation — Wolsey's Politics
and politic Conduct — Aims at the Papal Tiara — Star-
Chamber — Death of his Enemy, the Countess of Richmond
— Power and Influence — Made Dean of York — War with
France — Royal Campaign— Liege and Bishopric of Tournay
— Wolsey's Care of Naval Affairs — Bishop of Lincoln —
Elected Chancellor of Cambridge, but refuses — Becomes
Archbishop of York — Marriage of Louis of France with
the King's Sister — Builds Hampton Court — Is raised to
the Cardinalate — Manifestations of Pride and Arrogance —
Marriage of Dowager of France with the Duke of Suffolk —
Wolsey appointed Lord High Chancellor, &c. &c.

WOLSEY did not long enjoy the good graces of
his first royal master, who died in 1509 ; and
Cavendish very quaintly observes, that it was a
wonder to see what practices and devices were
then used about the young prince, Henry VIII. ;
together with the great provision that was then
made for the funeral of the one, and for the coro-
nation of the other. " After the solemnizations
and costly tryumphs," he adds, " our naturall,
young, couragious, lusty prince, and soveraign
Lord, King Henry VIII., entering into his flower
and lusty youth, tooke upon him the royall scepter
and imperiall diademe of this fertile nation, the
two-and-twentieth of April, Anno Dom. 1509,

58 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

which at that time flourished with all abundance
of riches, whereof the king was most inestimably
furnished, called then the golden world."

Of some of the delights of this " golden world"
Wolsey seemed determined to partake ; and still
retaining the office of almoner, as by permission,
with hopes of re-appointment, and finding that he
had a plain pathway to promotion, he behaved him-
self with so much policy, that he was speedily raised
to the rank of a privy counsellor, and increased
daily in the royal favour, receiving, not the then
palace of Bridewell for his own personal residence
as asserted by some writers, but a large house near
to it, which had been the residence of Sir Richard
Empson, and was forfeited to the crown, on his
impeachment and conviction. That the premises
inust have been very extensive, however, is evident
from the fact that there were ten gardens attached
to them, reaching to the banks of the Thames.

We have already mentioned Wolsey's apppoint-
ment to the deanery of Lincoln by Henry VII.,
and have now to record that he was installed into
that high office by proxy, as appears by the Lincoln
register, on the 25th of March, previous to the de-
mise of Henry, which did not take place until the
22d of April; the funeral being celebrated three
days afterwards, on the 25th, when the royal re-
mains were first carried in procession to St. Paul's,
and from thence to Westminster Abbey, to be de-
posited in the tomb and chapel which Henry him-

AND HIS TIMES. 59

self had erected; the royal chaplains, amongst
whom was Wolsey, walking in the procession, and
praying all the way.

A short time afterwards, on the 3d of May,
Dean Wolsey was collated to the Prebend of Stow
Magna, vacant by the death of John Smyth, and
to which he had been presented by gift of the
crown during the life-time of his deceased royal
master : indeed he seems to have let nothing slip
through his fingers, on which he had once laid his
grasp ; and it may be remarked of him, that with
all his desire to reform the abuses of the church,
he was himself, during the whole of his ecclesias-
tical and political power, the holder of more bene-
fices and church preferments at once than any in-
dividual either before or since, whether under the
Roman Catholic or Protestant regimes.

The new reign opened under very favourable
auspices for Wolsey, who looked forward to the
office of almoner, amongst the earliest court ar-
rangements : and on the very first day that he ap-
peared at court, the young monarch received him
with the highest marks of favour ; nay, he ap-
peared even to single him out from his other at-
tendants, conversing with him in a way so friendly
and familiar, that all the courtiers instantly judged
him to be in the very high road to state prefer-
ment, and accordingly began to pay him the ut-
most personal respect and deference.

This early notice of the king towards Wolsey

60 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

soon gained to the latter some share of credit and
popularity; he being considered at least as one
of the royal advisers to a proclamation, in which
Henry said, that being informed his good subjects
had been oppressed, under the specious pretence
of preserving the prerogative of the crown, he now
gave them leave to bring in their complaints, and
promised them all due satisfaction towards the
same. It is difficult to say, however, how far
Wolsey's influence had yet extended with Henry
in his more private concerns, particularly in re-
gard to his marriage with his brother's widow,
the Princess Katharine. Archbishop Warham was
certainly strongly opposed to it ; but Bishop Fox
strenuously insisted that the pope's dispensation
was lawful : and from the confidential intercourse
between him and Wolsey, we may naturally con-
clude as to the part taken by the latter, especially
as the young king was himself really partial to
the match, not only from political reasons, but
also from his firm belief, that nothing more than
the mere ceremony had taken place between his
deceased brother and the bride elect — a fact after-
wards most solemnly asserted by Katharine her-
self *. Most of the historians of that day have

* Thus modestly stated by herself, in the words of our
Avonian bard :

" Please you, sir,

The king, your father, was reputed for
A prince most prudent, of an excellent

AND HIS TIMES. 61

been very prolix on this part of the subject, and
many whimsical anecdotes have been given to the
world as truths ; but delicacy forbids us going fur-
ther than to record that the marriage ceremony of
Henry and Katharine was celebrated in the chapel
royal of the palace at Greenwich, on the 3d of
June; when, as distinctly stated by several writers,
the young widow was dressed in white, to show
her virginity; a circumstance, in regard to dress,
on which great importance was laid at that period,
the very wearing of white being in itself con-
sidered in the light of a tacit vow or oath at the
altar to the truth of the assumption.

The honeymoon was scarcely half over, when
preparations were busily made for the royal coro-
nation of the new married couple ; a ceremony
which took place in all due form on the 24th of
the same month, the crowns being placed on both
their heads by Warham, Archbishop of Canter-
bury ; no very agreeable office, we may suppose,
in reference to his strong and conscientious oppo-
sition to the marriage.

It has by some been said, that Wolsey's very

And unmatch'd wit and judgment : Ferdinand,
My father, King of Spain, was reckon'd one
The wisest prince that there had reign'd by many
A year before : It is not to be question'd
That they had gather'd a wise council to them
Of every realm, that did debate this business,
Who deem'd our marriage lawful."

62 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

early intimacy with the young monarch, after his
coming to the crown, was owing to the particular
recommendation of Bishop Fox ; and it is not im-
possible that such a recommendation may have
had its weight, in regard to affairs strictly poli-
tical. The fact is, as stated, that Fox observed with
great uneasiness the course which Henry seemed
inclined to take in lavishing the treasures collected
by his father, and in bestowing his confidence upon
young and extravagant favourites. This made so
deep an impression upon him, as to induce him to
think of retiring from court; but to this there was
still one powerful objection, inasmuch as he would
thereby risk the loss of his own personal favour
with the king. Accordingly he again thought of
Wolsey as the proper person to counteract his po-
litical rival, the Earl of Surry ; and, as he had
done when recommending him to Henry VII., so
did he now to his son. To this he was led, we
are told, more particularly by observing the great
distinction with which Wolsey was treated by the
king ; and, therefore, he took an early opportunity
of asking an audience of the youthful monarch,
when he, in a handsome speech carefully prepared
for the occasion, requested that he might be ex-
cused from a constant attendance at court, in con-
sequence of age and infirmity. To this Henry
gave his assent ; when Fox adroitly seized the op-
portunity to recommend Wolsey, as possessing the
greatest abilities for a political minister, and well

AND HIS TIMES. 63

qualified to execute the most important services.
This recommendation was perfectly in consonance
with the royal feelings, as the king himself ac-
knowledged, and measures were taken accordingly.

To this, however, we may add, that whatever
of court favour Wolsey may have owed to others,
part of it was probably due to the young Marquess
of Dorset, formerly his pupil, and then a great fa-
vourite with the king; though at a subsequent
period he joined the party hostile to Wolsey, and
not only subscribed, but was one of those who
presented the forty-four articles of impeachment
against him to his sovereign.

Henry's public favours did not, however, flow
very fast or early upon Wolsey; for it was not until
the 8th of November, that the order was signed
reappointing him to the office of almoner; on
which day was also dated a grant to him of all
goods and chattels of f clones de se, and all coro-
ners' deodands ; but with the express reservation,
that the proceeds were all to be distributed for
charitable purposes.

At this period it must be remembered, that
Henry's disposition was exactly such as an ambi-
tious favourite might wish for, according to the
account given by Stowe ; who, after stating the
names of his council, recommended by the Coun-
tess of Richmond, his grandmother, observes, that
these grave counsellors, fearing lest such abund-
ance of riches and wealth, as the king was now

64 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

possessed of, might move his young years unto
riotous forgetting of himself, persuaded him to be
present with them when they sate in council, to
acquaint him with matter pertaining to the politic
government of the realm ; with which, at first, he
could not well endure to be much troubled, being
rather inclined to follow such pleasant pastimes as
his youthful years did more delight in.

That Wolsey should hence speedily rise into
favour with the youthful monarch is not sur-
prising, after its being also confessed by his apo-
logist, that Henry being young, and much given
to his pleasure, his old counsellors advised him to
have recourse sometimes to the council about im-
portant affairs ; but that the politic almoner, on
the contrary, persuaded his royal master, " to
mind his pleasure, and he would take his care and
charge upon himself e, (if his majestie would coun-
tenance him with his authoritie), which the king
liked well ; and thus none was like to the almoner
in favour with the king."

This, if true, is convincing proof, if proof were
needful, of the daring grasp of Wolsey's mind, and
of the extent of his ambition, in already aspiring
to the papacy ; on which point, his own personal
exertions he felt to be strongly required by the
existing state of affairs. In the first place, the
Reformation, though its demonstrations in the
north of Italy had just been, as it were, extermi-
nated, had nevertheless made great progress in

AND HIS TIMES. 65

Germany, and was beginning to show itself in
Bohemia ; whilst in England its principles were
sufficiently manifest to alarm an ambitious man
looking forward to the highest offices in the papal
hierarchy. In the second place, whoever might be
candidate for the papal tiara, must fix his political
hopes either on the imperial or French interests.
Now, as to the empire, Maximilian, whose political
influence and preponderance on the Continent
arose rather from his possession of Burgundy and
the Netherlands, than from his Austrian domi-
nions, was well aware that he only held those
states in right of his wife; and was, therefore,
anxious, for his better security, to court the al-
liance of the youthful Henry, lest he should adopt
a different line of policy from that of his father
towards him : whilst, on the other hand, France
was not only still in doubt as to the claims of
succession, which a young and spirited monarch
might choose to renew, but Louis XII. was him-
self then endeavouring to incorporate Bretagne
with his other dominions, by an union with the
heiress ; a measure which Henry VII. had already
been much blamed for allowing to be in train
without opposing it, and which might readily be-
come a subject of contest between the two coun-
tries. Besides, Louis was then at war with some of
the Italian states, so that a rupture with England
would have been highly impolitic. Wolsey was
well aware of this, and that in the common course

F

66 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

of politics these two monarchs must become even
the suppliants of the minister and favourite of the
King of England, who was then in possession of
a well stored treasury, and actuated by a spirit of
boldness and daring that would not hesitate at
warfare. Here then was the stepping-stone to
papal power; and the ambitious favourite saw that
he had but to choose between the two interests.

It was about 1509 that Wolsey received the
appointment of reporter of proceedings in the Star
Chamber, but must previously have been entrusted
with higher powers ; for his domestic biographer
observes, that his sentences in the Star Chamber
were ever so pithy and witty, that upon all oc-
casions his brother judges chose him, " for the
fluent eloquence of his tongue, to be the expositor
to the king in all their proceedings. In whom the
king received so great content, that he called him
still nearer to his person ; and the rather because
he was most ready to advance the king's own will
and pleasure, having no respect to the case."

This is a most unfortunate admission for Wol-
sey's judicial honesty; particularly when we re-
flect, that not many years afterwards he was en-
trusted with the property and rights, nay then
almost with the lives of the people of England, in
the high office of Lord Chancellor. But, indeed,
he is acknowledged, even in this early political
stage of his progress, to have acted a part which,
at the present day, would not be considered a very

AND HIS TIMES. 67

honourable one, and might cause more than one
long debate in parliament ; for he is stated, being
now generally known to be in high favour, to
have been the mark for all having solicitations;
" till at last," says Cavendish, " many presents,
gifts, and rewards, came in so plentifully, that I
dare say he wanted nothing, for hee had all things
in abundance, that might either please his fancie,
or enrich his coffers, for the times so favourably
smiled upon him." To account for this, it is else-
where expressed, that Wolsey climbed up For-
tune's wheel, so that no man was in estimation
with the king, but only he, for his witty qualities
and wisdom : to which it is added, that he had an
especial gift of natural eloquence, and " a fyled
tongue to pronounce the same," so that he was
able therewith to persuade and allure all men to
his purposes, in the time of his continuance in
power and favour.

We have already brought down this biography
to the latter part of 1509, but we may here go
back to notice that Wolsey felt reason to congra-
tulate himself on an event that took place in the
royal family, which removed an obstacle to the
increase of his influence over the mind of the
youthful monarch. This was the death of the
venerable Margaret, Countess of Richmond, Henry's
grandmother, which happened on the 29th of June,
very soon after the coronation. Old Grafton says

F 2

6'8 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

this was an event by which the public welfare
was " greatly endammaged, for she being a woman
of singular wisdom and policy, and also of most
virtuous life, perceiving that the king, by reason
of his youthful and lusty years, could not execute
and minister his office and function, did, from the
beginning, so provide and study at all times, 'that
she brought to pass, that such men as were the
worthiest, and of most integrity and godliness,
were advanced to the highest authority, and bore
the chiefest sway in the administration of affairs
for the public weal." Without impeaching Wol-
sey's character or motives, we may still suppose
that his policy, as afterwards displayed, would
not have escaped the prophetic penetration of
the politic countess. We have already noticed
the royal present to Wolsey of the parsonage
and tenements of St. Bride's, with various gar-
dens, &c. which had been previously seized ille-
gally by Sir Richard Empson; but it appears
from Rymer (Foed. xii. 269), that the grant was
not made officially out until the 30th of Janu-
ary, 1510 ; soon after which, on the 7th of
February, he was appointed Canon of Windsor,
succeeding to Robert Fysher: about which pe-
riod we have reason to believe that he was ad-
mitted to the degree of S. T. B. at Oxford, on his
own request; and on the 28th of the following
November he received the additional favour of

AND HIS TIMES. 69

the rectory of Turnington, in the diocese of Exe-
ter, thus still adding to his wealth and ecclesi-
astical influence.

Though Wolsey was not yet elevated to the
rank of minister, he was such a personal favourite,
that the king seemed not happy without him,
taking him in the royal suite wherever he went.
On one occasion, Wolsey was with him at Wind-
sor, from whence he wrote to Bishop Fox ; this
letter will clearly show the political card that he
was playing, both with his old patron and his new
one — it runs thus :

" After my most humble commendations, with
desire of your health and perfect recovery, may it
please your good lordship to understand : the am-
bassador of Spain hath liberally dealt with my
Lord D'Arcy, and given him allowance for one
whole month after 6d. the day, and for fifteen
days after 8d. the day, for every soldier, more
than he could demand ; and the king, our master,
hath for his part given to him the thousand
pounds, which at his departing his grace lent to
him. Thus the king's money goes away in
every kind; and, as touching the king's abode
here, he intends not to depart hence till four or
five days before All-hallowe tide. On Monday
next coming, his grace proposes to ride to London
to see his ship, there to tarry two days, and then
return hither again. My Lord Sha — ys is not
yet come to court, but is expected in two or three

70 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

days. My Lord Treasurer, Surry, waited on his
highness this day sevennight, and had such man-
ner and countenance showed to him, that on the
morrow he departed home again, and is not yet
returned to court. With little help now he might
be removed ; whereof, in my poor judgment, no
little good would ensue. Mr. Howard greatly in-
censed the king against the Scots, by whose wan-
ton means his grace spends much money, and is
more disposed to war than peace. Your presence
would be very necessary to repress this appetite.
Other news we have none here, except that it
is thought the queen is with child ; when other
affairs occur, I shall let you know, hoping God will
preserve your good lordship in happiness. At
Windsor, in haste, the last day of September, with
the rude hand of your loving and humble priest.

" As touching the preferment of Mr. Y — ng, I
need not write, for I suppose he has advertised
your lordship at length in that behalf, and also
desired your counsel now that the king has showed
him his pleasure, how far the expedition of this
matter shall be further ordained and demeaned.
Our Lord send you health and strength."

From the whole tenor of this epistle it is clear
that Wolsey was, as yet, not arrived at that po-
litical preponderance which enabled him "to set
up for himself." He was still the political proteg6
of Fox, and still acquainted him with the state of
courtly affairs, which he was better enabled to do,

AND HIS TIMES. 71

when a member of the Privy Council : but in that
council his opinion was not yet of sufficient weight
to counterbalance other interests, or to insure that
line of policy which his good sense, perhaps self-
iriterest, would have dictated ; nor, indeed, did the
appointment take place until the month of Novem-
ber, 1510.

That Wolsey was a great encourager of learning
arid learned men, having magnificent designs of
promoting both, is now generally acknowledged ;
yet it is expressly asserted by Dr. Middleton, in the
dedication of a work of his, " A Letter from Rome,"
that about this time, and in the very infancy of
printing in England, he saw the probable effects
of the press, in opposition to the Roman Catholic
religion, so that in a speech to some body of clergy,
he publicly forewarned them, that if they did not
destroy the press, the press would destroy them."
Still, even whilst reprobating this, if true, we must
not forget that it was under his influence that
Henry was induced to invite both Titian and
Raphael into England !

His rise now began to show itself with more
rapidity, and the almoner was looked up to as
soon likely to become prime minister ; so evident
was his power indeed about this time, that Dean
Colet, when ill and supposed to be dying, said to
Erasmus, that Wolsey had the supreme command
of the kingdom, and, therefore, he was going to
retire from the world. So rapid, also, was his

72 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

rise, and so frequent his change of title, that Eras-
mus, who wrote a book about this period, to be
dedicated to him, declared, that before he could
have an opportunity of presenting it to his patron-
age, he was forced three times to change his style
of address.

We have already noticed his appointment to a
canonry of Windsor, but it appears from Rymer,
(Feed. xiii. 293.) that the grant was not signed until
the 7th of February 1511, soon after which, he
was appointed registrar of the order of the garter.

To do Wolsey impartial justice, we must record
that he began early to exercise his power and in-
fluence in favour of Oxford : and it was at his so-
licitation, joined to that of Archbishop Warham,
then Chancellor, and of Sir Thomas More, then
High Steward of the University, that Henry not
only confirmed all its charters of privileges, but
even granted to it greater ones. Oxford must, in-
deed, have been much in need of royal patronage, if
the statement is correct as to the facts which led to
this application on their part : for we are told, that,
at this very period, the scholars had been very ill-
treated by the townsmen, the latter attempting to
destroy some of the most ancient and well-known
rights of that university. On this the scholars
immediately complained to their chancellor ; but
at the same time stating, that their finances were
so exhausted, they had not money enough to pur-
chase a renewal of their privileges.

AND HIS TIMES. 73

In Wolsey, however, they found a firm friend,
and one disposed to serve them ; for which, too,
he was soon better qualified by an appointment to
the Deanery of York, on the 21st of February,
1512 ; an arrangement which seems to have been
very agreeable to Cardinal Baynbridge, archbishop
of that see, then resident at Rome, who sent him
a highly congratulatory letter upon the occasion.
He was, about the same time, appointed to the
Prebend of Bugthorpe, in York Diocese, and on
the 18th of October following was presented to
the Deanery of St. Stephen's Westminster, now the
British House of Commons, by Bishop Fox, and
George, Earl of Shrewsbury, to whom the pre-
sentation had been granted by the king's letters-
patent. Wolsey was admitted and instituted
into the high office, by John, then abbot of West-
minster ; but it is remarkable, that the only evi-
dence of this fact, now existing, is to be found in
the register or lease books of that church and
abbacy.

Active political measures now took place, arising
out of the war between France and the pope, on
which subject several councils were called, but in
which, if Wolsey was a participator, as probably he
was, still we do not find any record of his opinions.

One party urged that the king had now an op-
portunity of recovering the ancient possessions of
the crown in France, the people of which, it was
alleged, would readily return to their ancient al-

74 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

legiance; especially as Louis XII. was then in Italy. «
Besides it was strongly represented that England
might depend upon the assistance not only of
Spain, but of Germany also. But the other party
contended that hitherto England had never re-
ceived any real advantage from all the battles she
had fought with, or all the victories she had gained
over France ; and therefore no future advantages
could be expected. Nay, they said that not only
were all our treasures formerly exhausted, but that
the people were even tired of the victories that had
been gained. They further urged that we, as an
island, had nothing to do with continental posses-
sions, or continental warfare ; and that, if some-
thing warlike must be entered into, then the East
or West Indies were our proper fields of action,
where, if the Spaniards or Portuguese should re-
fuse to let us participate in their parts, still was
there enough left for our own discovery. It was
added that if piety was an object, then there would
be more nferit in converting the infidels to Chris-
tianity than in expending our time arid treasure
in establishing a doubtful head of the church-
one whom the council of Pisa had determined to
depose.

Notwithstanding the rationality of these latter
arguments, the warm-hearted and enthusiastic
monarch easily entered into the views of those
who recommended war ; and he not only acceded
to the plan of calling a parliament for the purpose

AND HIS TIMES. 75

of raising the necessary supplies, but also approved
of two demands which were to be sent over to the
King of France by a special ambassador : the first,
that he should desist from hostilities against the
pope; the second, that Louis should deliver up
Anjou, Guienne, &c. But the French monarch re-
fused to comply with either, and war was declared ;
the parliament not only approving of the same*
but also granting large subsidies both from the
commons and the clergy.

This parliament met in November, 1812 ; and
no sooner was a royal campaign determined on,
than Wolsey was specially appointed by the king
to superintend not only every thing connected with
the royal household, but even the formation of an
army, and the furthering of its present and future
supplies.

It may at first seem strange that a priest should
be occupied with military preparations ; but it has
been justly accounted for, on the principle that he
was entrusted with these preparations from his
great favour with the king, without reference to
his clerical profession : and he certainly acquired
both favour and reputation by his exertions, for
he was careful not to neglect any thing that could
tend to increase Henry's good opinion of him ; and
on this occasion, in particular, his most inde-
fatigable application appeared so evident to the
king, that he was highly pleased with it ; and per-
haps the more so because he was pleased thus to

76 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

find in his court and council a churchman less
scrupulous on many points than some of his older
councillors. This feeling on the part of the mo-
narch, it is stated, was therefore, when joined with
his other talents for business, and his extensive
knowledge in divinity, the means by which Wol-
sey finally gained such advantages over the other
courtiers.

Rapin, indeed, attempts to give a different
colour to those events ; for he says that Wolsey
made it his particular business to show to the king
his errors since his accession to the throne, and how
his youth had been abused ; by which method, he
insinuated to him by degrees that he was ill-served,
and wanted an able minister, capable of easing him
in the administration of the most weighty affairs,
and of showing him the consequences. In a word,
continues that author, he so managed, that he be-
came himself the minister which he advised the
king to seek, and, by degrees, was entrusted with
the care and conduct of the king's principal affairs.
Then, adds Rapin, his credit rendered him haughty,
proud, insolent, and ungrateful to his old friends ;
in short, he was taxed with all the failings of this
nature which favourites are usually charged with,
and which, indeed, few favourites can avoid.

Of the justness of these charges we shall be
enabled to judge, in the course of the following
pages ; only anticipating so far, as to notice an-
other observation of that historian, that Wolsey,

. AND HIS TIMES. 77

like most others in his situation, became extremely
odious, chiefly, because his counsels were self-in-
terested, which the event discovered to all but the
king, who was blind in that respect ; he states, also,
that his favour and credit caused the most potent
princes of Europe to strive to gain him to their
interests, and to glory, at least, outwardly, on being
in the number of his friends.

We feel, however, although not panegyrists
of the Cardinal, that something, at least, of this
charge of selfishness will be removed by various
occurrences, yet to be related ; and that we shall
be able to adduce some instances of real patriotism
in his behalf. Wolsey certainly had sufficient po-
litical sagacity to perceive, as Rapin hints, that
during Henry's reign the affairs of Europe were
in such a situation as to give to England the
power of making the balance to incline to whatever
side she might espouse ; and it cannot be denied
that he knew how to improve this advantage, and
thereby to render himself the richest and most
powerful subject that ever was : still we cannot
give full weight to the assertion that he laboured
not with the same ardour for his master's honour
as for his own interest.

But Rapin seems to have spoken generally from
what Lord Herbert, in his Life of Henry, states
more particularly, when he says that the king being
young and given to his pleasure, some advised him
to have recourse to his council for instructions

78 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

how to govern his kingdom ; but Wolsey told the
king that he should sometimes follow his studies
and sometimes take his pleasure ; and that it was
wrong to meddle with old men's cares before it was
proper so to do, especially seeing there was not
wanting a person who could recite to his majesty
the effect of a whole day's consultation in council.
He then asserts that this advice so pleased the
king, that Wolsey thence attained the height of
royal favour.

It will not be irrelevant here to notice a speech
attributed to Wolsey in a moment of royal con-
fidential communication ; but of the authenticity
of which there may fairly be some doubt, from the
strong Jesuitical sophistry which pervades almost
every line of it. Lord Herbert makes Wolsey
allude to the experience which the king already
had of the strange effects produced by contradic-
tions of counsels. He then is made to say, that it
was unsafe to believe singly either of those on
whose advice the king most relied, and it was im-
possible to believe both; wherefore he recom-
mended that the youthful monarch should choose
some one, who, being disinterested, might have no
passion or thought but how to serve him. Then
come arguments, urging that all those reasons of
state which prove monarchy to be the best form
of government make for a favourite in the next
place, upon the principle that a king should not
allow his power to diffuse itself, at once from his

AND HIS TIMES. 79

own person, but through the medium of another
individual ; for kings must never descend but by
steps, and the higher they must stand in proportion
to the ranks and orders under them.

It was a bold stroke of policy in Wolsey next
to tell the king, if he really did do so, that the
adoption of a favourite minister would not induce
the other members of the council to consider them-
selves much lessened ; because, as long as they
should be permitted still to exercise their usual
sway over their inferiors, they would not think
themselves much concerned for the rest.

Other pleas which he is supposed to have urged
were, however, if not perfectly correct, yet more
plausible, as he is stated to have said, — " Besides,
your people will be glad of it, as knowing which
way to address their suits ; to leave them more at
large, were to expose them to those delays and
uncertainties they would never patiently endure.
Again, it would be impossible any other way to
keep secresy in business (which yet is the life of
council), or almost to find out who is the divulger.
Moreover, if your highness would not seem to have
advice to proceed from you, how easy may your
highness disavow all, and lay the fault on him.
Thus may your highness find the many uses you
may make of your favourite:" — but the whole of
this appears to be in a style of argument which
Wolsey would never have dared to use towards a
monarch so clear-sighted as Henry was ; nor can

80 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

we suppose that even so young a monarch would
have been blinded by that affectation of self-denial
where Wolsey is made to urge, that he would never
advise the king to see only by the eyes, or to hear
only by the ears, of the favourite ; since that would
be to keep him in too much darkness and subjec-
tion. To prevent that, he is said to recommend
the appointment of other able persons, such as
might be unknown to each other, by whom the
king might be informed, from time to time, not
only of what was done, but even said in common
repute ; whence it would be impossible for the fa-
vourite to deceive him. He is also made to re-
commend the formation of something very like
what, in later days, has been called backstairs in-
fluence, by advising with, and consulting sepa-
rately, three or four confidential persons for the
purpose of particular scrutiny and examination of
the more intricate and doubtful parts of business ;
these persons not to be members of the council, but
to prepare and to investigate such difficult ques-
tions as were to come before that body.

Thus far we can scarcely suppose Machiavel
himself would have ventured to speak so openly ;
what then shall we say of the conclusion ? — " This
will enable you to speak thereof when you transfer
it to the body of your council, and make you dis-
cern their opinions only. If any thing be deter-
mined, let your favourite be the chief actor in the
execution thereof ; then your highness may please

AND HIS TIMES. 81 ,

to advise, neither will I presume to nominate my-
self ; otherwise only I will crave leave to say this
much, that when your highness will, out of your
own election, think fit to use my service therein,
I doubt not but so to establish and conserve your
highness's authority, as to make you the greatest
and happiest prince living, neither shall I fear to
fall when any benefit to your majesty will grow
thereby."

Can we believe, on Lord Herbert's evidence,
that this speech so far prevailed on the king that,
without any other advice or consideration, he in-
stantly ordered Wolsey to despatch his most im-
portant affairs agreeable to the foregoing proposi-
tion ? Or, are we to suppose with Polydore Virgil,
that Wolsey was of such a gay, facetious temper,
that he could suit his humour to the king's, so as
to make it agreeable to the levity and passion of
youth ; and that he would sing, laugh, dance, and
play with the young courtiers who were most in
favour with the king ?

More liberal is it, indeed, to give credence to
Collier's account, where he observes that, although
Wolsey on coming into power indulged the king
in his humour, yet he reminded him of business,
and particularly endeavoured to make him sensible
what advantages trade and navigation would pro-
duce for the kingdom ; which induced Henry, in
his youthful days, to be very attentive in that re-
spect, both in giving his subjects letters of safe

82 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

conduct, and, in case they sustained any damage
by foreigners, in demanding satisfaction ; and, if
that was not to be had, to repel force by force.

The probability of this, too, is further confirmed
by what Polydore Virgil himself acknowledges,
that, after a share of the public business was de-
volved by the king on the favourite, yet Henry,
though in that respect disengaged and at liberty,
being well disposed, instructed and formed for
empire, did not wholly neglect his duty : but, that
he might employ his time both commendably and
to advantage, applied himself to the study of good
literature ; sometimes, at his leisure hours, with
music ; at other times with divinity, and this he
did by the advice of Wolsey.

That Wolsey, as is generally acknowledged, pos-
sessed an universal genius, adapted for his times,
and for his own ambitious plans, cannot well be
doubted ; and in his new office he showed himself
as well fitted for the camp as for the court or
conclave. Hostilities being already determined on
by parliament, and now on the verge of breaking
out between France and England, Henry, as
already slightly noticed, determined to collect a
formidable force and to invade France in person,
which he could do more easily than at the present
day, Calais being then in our possession. It became
necessary, of course, that all due and requisite pre-
parations should speedily be made ; Henry, there-
fore, determined, as we have already recorded, to

AND HIS TIMES. 88

give the whole charge to Wolsey, as the fittest
person for it : and he certainly was so, according
to the spirit and practice of that day, for he being
without scruples * in whatever the king might
demand, however difficult it might seem, accepted
the charge at once, and was so active and so stre-
nuous, that all things were provided much earlier
than the king could have hoped for, not only in
regard to troops, but also the ammunition, artil-
lery, provisions, stores, &c. necessary for such an
army.

Previous to Henry's taking the field, an army
was first sent over to France under the Earl of
Shrewsbury, who instantly commenced hostilities
by undertaking the siege of Terouenne, whilst
Wolsey actively hastened the royal preparations,
yet not losing sight of his ecclesiastical interests in
the bustle of warfare and pomp of chivalry : for,
if the dates we have consulted are correct, he took
care, that even during his absence he should secure
whatever church vacancies might suit his purpose,
in case of their falling in when he was not actually
on the spot. Of his extreme care on this subject
there is one instance on record, in the precentor-
ship of St. Paul's, become vacant by the death of
Gundissolvi Ferdinand, a foreign monk, and to
which office he was collated on the 8th of July,
though then actually with the army in France.

* Cavendish, MSS.

G 2

84 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

Every thing being prepared for the royal de-
parture, by Wolsey's active care, and the queen
having been appointed regent during the king's
proposed absence on this campaign, both their ma-
jesties departed from Greenwich on the 15th of
June, with a long train, consisting of the Duke of
Buckingham; the Marquis of Dorset; the Earls of
Northumberland, Essex, Kent, and Wiltshire; the
Lords Audley, De la War, and Curzon ; the prime
minister and almoner, Wolsey; Fox, Bishop of
Winchester; and many others of high rank and
eminence. Proceeding by easy journeys, they ar-
rived at Dover, from whence, after a short delay,
his majesty and suite sailed for Calais, then in
English possession, where he landed on the 30th
of June, and was suitably received by Sir Gilbert
Talbot, the governor.

Waiting at Calais only until the provisions and
stores and some further reinforcements of troops
should come over, Henry then departed with his
force to join the English army already occupied in
the siege of Terouenne, where he arrived on the
18th of July. The place was very strong; besides
which it was rumoured that the French army was
in full march to attack that of England : but
Henry was not dismayed; and, mustering his little
band of only 26,000 men, he quietly awaited the
approach of the enemy.

It is a very curious fact, that although neither
Fox nor Wolsey went over to France for the pur-

AND HIS TIMES. 85

pose of fighting; yet so numerous were their at-
tendants, as nearly to form the rear guard of the
English army.

The French force was by no means so numerous
at this moment as reported, being little more than
an army of observation ; yet they boldly resolved
to make a dashing attempt to save the town; arid
accordingly, on the 16th of August, the whole of
their cavalry, to the number of 8000 men, made a
sudden and well-conducted attack on the English
out-posts : but a sufficient number of troops were
soon collected, and so well were the Frenchmen
received, that their first assault was repulsed with
the loss of six standards, many men, and officers,
amongst whom was the then celebrated Duke of
Longueville. So hot indeed was their reception,
that they were soon broken and fled ; and so rapid
was their flight, so hard did they spur their horses,
that the affair has ever since been designated, by
historians, the Battle of Spurs.

Terouenne was carried by a fierce assault two
days afterwards ; and there Henry was met by the
Emperor Maximilian, who riot only brought a large
army to his assistance, but took wages of the king
also; or, in modern diplomatic language, accepted
a subsidy.

Henry had no sooner got possession of Terou-
enne, than, by Wolsey's advice, he made every pre-
paration for its preservation and defence, not only
to secure a retreat, if necessary, but also to support

86 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

himself in the possession of Tournay, should it fall
into his hands ; an object of some importance
to the almoner, as the revenues of its see were
considerable, and its mitre, as Wolsey no doubt
thought, expressly made to fit him.

The siege of Tournay was speedily undertaken
on the 21st of September, and carried on so briskly,
agreeable to the military ideas of that day, that it
as speedily surrendered, when Henry instantly ap-
pointed his clerical friend to the see, as a reward
for his activity and diligence ; but as publicly an-
nounced, it was only in consequence of the French
bishop refusing to swear fealty to the King of
England, that Wolsey was appointed to supersede
him. The citizens of Tournay were not, indeed,
so scrupulous, for it appears, that immediately on
its surrender, the new bishop, in his capacity of
king's almoner, administered the oaths to upwards
of 80,000.

It was on the 30th of September that Tournay
surrendered, after which, in a council of war, many
debates ensued as to the propriety of retaining that
place. It appears, however, that Wolsey, upon
this occasion, assisted at the council of war, and
urged most strongly that Tournay should be kept
as a trophy of the king's victory; and the rather
so, because Julius Caesar, in his Commentaries,
acknowledged he nowhere met with so brave a
resistance as at Tournay. W^olsey's advice was
finally approved by the council; and the king

AND HIS TIMES. 87

joining in the general opinion, determined to make
a public entry into that city, even more splendidly
than he did at Terouenne.

During the royal stay at Tournay, Henry was
visited by the Archduke Charles, his nephew, after-
wards Charles V., and by Margaret of Savoy, who
came to congratulate him on his conquests ; and
according to Henry's taste and custom, they were
entertained with splendid jousts and tournaments :
but even amidst this royal gaiety Wolsey had more
important game in view, and was busily engaged
with the Duchess of Savoy, in preparing the treaty,
called the Treaty of Tournay, which not only pro-
vided for carrying on the war against France, but
for the marriage of the Archduke with the Princess
Mary, Henry's youngest sister, afterwards Queen
of France, and wife of the Duke of Suffolk.

Whilst Wolsey was thus engaged, the news of
his sudden favour and political rise had found its
way to Rome; and even Cardinal Baynbridge,
the king's ambassador there, did not disdain to
offer his congratulations, and to make his court
through the new minister, as appears from the fol-
lowing letter to that effect. —

" Brother, master almoner, in my best mariner
I commend myself unto you, advertising you, that
of truth, such honour and nobleness is here spoken
of the king's grace, by reason of his most victo-
rious enterprises against the enemies of the church,
and his other demeanour, that his glory here is

88 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

esteemed to be immortal. It is to all his true
subjects, lovers, and friends, joy and comfort in-
estimable, and you may well be assured it is no
less pain and sorrow unto our common enemy, who
here be utterly discouraged. Would our Lord
Jesus it were my fortune conveniently to see there
his Grace, you, and other my Lords, his noble
company, in this his journey. I trust there liveth
no man that be more desirous thereunto than I am ;
but in the meantime I shall heartily pray to God
for the prosperous preservation of his Grace, you,
and all his good company, and add the best and
most diligent service I can do here for the same."

Henry had shown much apparent anxiety to
return to his kingdom, even during the siege of
Tournay, which evidently arose from the hostile
preparations of his royal brother-in-law, James
IV. of Scotland, for the invasion of England.
But the battle of Flodden field, in which the
Scottish monarch fell with most of his nobles,
having taken place in the interim, and of which
he received information on the 25th of September,
he was relieved from all anxiety on that score, and
thus enabled to enjoy his successes in France,
which were much heightened by the rank and
number of the prisoners whom he carried over
with him, consisting of the Duke of Longue-
ville, Viscount Clermont, and many others.

In short, having settled all affairs, civil, eccle-
siastical, and military, he prepared for returning

AND HIS TIMES. 89

to England ; leaving Tournay on the 20th of No-
vember, accompanied by Wolsey, and sailing for
Dover on the 24th, from whence, on his arrival,
he instantly proceeded to Richmond.

The people were delighted with the royal suc-
cesses ; and so much was considered as owing to
Wolsey's provident care and preparation, that not
the slightest popular displeasure was manifested,
when it was understood that he was really prime
minister ; nor were they at all dissatisfied with the
continuance of the war, which was now carried on
both by land and sea.

But it was not alone to naval warfare, as a
secondary consideration, that Wolsey directed his
views ; for he had scarcely entered upon the
active concerns of state, when he saw that the best
defence of Britain, in the existing state of Euro-
pean politics, must be found in her navy. He
also saw that much remained for England to ac-
quire on the new theatre of unexplored oceans ;
he saw that she was best capable of extending her
domains in new worlds ; and he saw that to ac-
quire and preserve these advantages, she must be
mistress of the seas. He, therefore, encouraged
the predilection which Henry seemed to have for
nautical affairs ; and his earliest advice to him
was to form a navy royal. In consequence of
which, the Henry Grace de Dieu, a ship of the
greatest burden ever built in our ports, at that
period, was laid on the stocks ; and became a fa-

90 WOLSEY. THE CARDINAL,

vourite hobby of the young monarch, as appears
from a letter of Wolsey to Fox, still extant.

Wolsey's supremacy of power was, however, not
yet arrived at its height ; for even now we find
him complaining to his patron Fox of various acts
of state policy with which he was dissatisfied, in
a letter which is extant, wherein he states that he
could not write sooner on those subjects without
sending half a relation ; but he had then acquired
the knowledge of some particulars, particularly in
regard to Spain, from whence the Lord D'Arcy,
with his troops, was then on the point of return-
ing ; and though a messenger, or envoy, from the
King of Spain had come to assure Henry that the
Spanish monarch swore he would never desist
from the war, nor leave his son-in-law, till such
time as he had obtained the crown of France for
him, yet Wolsey appears to have put very little
faith in these protestations. He then states a
brilliant affair of the English fleet, which we shall
present in his own words : — " We have received
lamentable tidings of the mischance that happened
to our people at sea, on Tuesday was fortnight,
when they met with twenty French men of war
(the best provided that any ships ever were) ; and
after a desperate engagement, the Regent boarded
the Carrick of Brest, wherein were four lords,
three hundred gentlemen, eight hundred soldiers
and seamen, four hundred cross-bow men, one
hundred gunners, two hundred tons of wine, one

AND HIS TIMES, 91

hundred pipes, sixty barrels of gunpowder, and
other ammunition equivalent. In this action our
men acquitted themselves so well, that they killed
most part of the men within the ship ; but as they
were striking, the Carrick was on fire, which was
so entangled with the Regent, that in less than
three hours they were both burnt ; and Sir Thomas
Knyvett, who most gallantly acquitted himself on
this occasion, was killed by a gun-shot : Sir John
Carew and others, likewise, lost their lives. My
lord, keep this secret, for no man yet knows it
here save the king and myself. In short, you
would marvel to see how wisely the king behaveth
himself; I have not seen the like .

" P. S. The residue of the French fleet, on being
chased, was put to flight ; and, like cowards, fled
into Brest harbour. Sir Edward Howard has
vowed to God that he will never see the king's
face till he has revenged the death of that noble
and valiant knight, Sir Thomas Knyvett."

Notwithstanding his complaints of want of in-
fluence, it is not impossible that Wolsey's object
may rather have been to mystify his old patrons,
and to repress their jealousy of him, than to make
serious representation of his want of importance
at least very soon after the return from France,
we find that his power began to display itself, even
over the corporation of the metropolis, on occasion
of a commotion which took place, under circum-
stances not Uninteresting at the present day.

92 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

It appears that the people of Islington, of Hox-
ton, and of Shoreditch, had so enclosed their
grounds, that it was considered as debarring the
citizens from their accustomed freedom of walking
and exercises ; when the apprentices, then a power-
ful and united body, rose in a mass, and with
various implements soon levelled the hedges and
ditches that interrupted a free intercourse. It is
said they were first incited to this by an indi-
vidual, a turner by trade, who ran through the
streets in a fool's coat, calling out for shovels and
spades ; and as so extensive a riot was allowed by
the magistracy to take place, particularly from
so small an excitement in the first instance, Sir
George Monoux, the Lord Mayor, was sent for by
Wolsey and reprimanded, gently some say, for not
taking better care to preserve the peace of the city,
and then dismissed with an exhortation, which is
stated to have had the desired effect.

The new year's day of 1514 was to Wolsey a
fortunate one, for on that day he was presented
by his sovereign with the Bishopric of Lincoln,
being thus first raised to an English mitre ; and
on this occasion he received the compliments of
all the prelates, nobility, and gentry, then about
the court, or in the metropolis, all eager to catch
the smiles of the new favourite ! Some annalists
state, that Wolsey received the papal confirmation
to his episcopal dignity on the 6th of February
following; a rapidity of communication with

AND HIS TIMES. 93

Rome not very likely in those days : but the fact
seems to be *, that the pope's bull was signed on
the 8th of the ides of that month, such being the
date affixed to that document.

Notwithstanding the papal claims to high church
jurisdiction in England, yet there were laws even
then existing to keep them in check. One of the
most important of which laws was the statute of
premunire, which Henry actually put in force to
a certain extent on this occasion; for the pope
having sent over four bulls in regard to the
bishopric, in one of which, accepted and acted on
by Wolsey, he claims Lincoln for himself; but
bestows it upon the favourite, as if the royal grant
had been nought ; the testy monarch, not relishing
the existence of " Two Kings in Brentford," and
feeling his own claim to church supremacy in his
own dominions, he either in the anger of the mo-
ment, or perhaps merely wishing to mark his pro-
test against papal arrogance, actually ordered the
proper law proceedings under the statute ; but
stopped them, by his royal pardon to the new
bishop, on the 4th of March following. That the
king was not seriously displeased with Wolsey
himself, we may infer from the fact of his de-
livering over to him, on the same day, the tem-
poralities of the bishopric, although the consecra-
tion did not take place until the 26th, and then
by proxy.

* Rymer, Feed. xiii. 390.

94 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

On the following day, he resigned the precen-
torship of St. Paul's Cathedral, in which office he
was succeeded by William Horsley, S. T. P ; alsto,
on the 1st of April, he vacated the church of Bur-
well, in Norwich diocese, of his appointment to
which we find no record ; resigning the almonry
likewise, his successor being Richard Rawlins,'
Prebendary of St. Paul's.

Thus rising in political and ecclesiastical power
and influence, Wolsey was naturally looked up to
by the two universities. Oxford, indeed, claimed
him already as her own ; and Cambridge appears
anxious to participate in his favours. This was
manifested by their choice of him to fill the vacant
chancellorship of that university ; a circumstance
respecting which, however, there are two accounts
rather contradictory. One account says, that it
was the primary intention of the university to
have elected Fisher, then Bishop of Rochester, to
that office ; but he declined it, and advised them,
as more advantageous, to offer it to the Bishop of
Lincoln — advice which they eagerly followed ; for
being doubtful of success, they not only endea-
voured to persuade Fisher to become their advo-
cate with Wolsey, but also applied to the Bishop
of Winchester for the same purpose. To this ap-
plication, however, Fox demurred, as he had ac-
tually been in expectation of an offer of that dig-
nity to himself: he was not likely, therefore, to
engage in persuading his former protegee to ac-

AND HIS TIMES. 95

cept an office which he himself would have gladly
grasped at. Another account states, that when
Fisher declined the chancellorship, the king, by
letter, offered it to Wolsey, who was elected, but
through pride refused it, when the university re-
elected Fisher to the office.

Indeed, Wolsey has been accused not only of
pride, "but of littleness of mind upon this occasion ;
as it is asserted that his real motive of refusal was
the necessity he would have been under to furnish
a mortuary sermon for the deceased Countess of
Richmond, the king's grandmother, and foundress
of St. John's College ; a lady to whom he bore no
good will, on account of the advice which she was
supposed to have given her grandson on his first
coming to the throne, warning him more particu-
larly against the plausibility and hypocrisy of the
new favourite than of any other individual.

Of the university records, upon this occasion,
we can state that there is now, in the orator's
book at Cambridge, the copy of a letter to Wolsey,
paying him numerous compliments on his learning
and virtues, announcing their choice of him as
chancellor, and begging his acceptance of that
office ; to which there is an answer, in which he
appears to decline their choice, without actually
doing so, concluding with the following remark-
able sentence :

" Reliqua a mandatis vestris magistratibus ha-
rum latoribus dedi vobis exponenda quibus earn

96 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

fidem habere rogamur perinde ac si coram loque-
remur. Valete — " a style not much unlike that of
a king, a fondness for which afterwards formed
one of the principal charges on his impeachment.

Amongst other favours heaped upon Wolsey at
this period by his royal patron, was a grant of
half the advowson, in next reversion, of Ber-
mondsey Abbey, in Southwark. The advowson
of this Priorate was really in the monks ; but, as
Manning states, their election was not finally
valid until confirmed by the king. Henry, how-
ever, without reference to this right of the monks,
issued his letters-patent on the 24th June, 1514,
granting the next advowson to Wolsey, then
Bishop of Lincoln, and to John Reve de Melford,
Abbot of St. Edmondsbury. Some doubt still re-
mains, indeed, as to their acting upon the patent ;
at least, there is no record to show whether they
were ever collated to the grant, or that it was re-
sunied by the king. According to the value of
money at that time, this grant was of some im-
portance ; for its annual revenue was about £550 :
its final surrender did not take place until 1541,
long posterior to the Cardinal's death.

It has been justly observed that the year 1514
was fraught with honours and wealth for Wolsey,
placing in his hands two bishoprics and one archi-
episcopal see, in the course of twelve months*.

* That was by the ancient mode of reckoning the year from
March to March.

AND HIS TIMES. 97

The first of these was Tournay, already men-
tioned; and the second, the See of Lincoln (of
which cathedral he was then already Dean), va-
cant by the demise of Dr. Smith. It seems that
Wolsey never allowed the grass to grow under
his feet, especially when ecclesiastical preferments
were in view ; and, on this occasion, his gentleman
usher describes him as having been in as great
haste to take possession of his episcopal chair, as
he manifested on the presentation to his first Rec-
tory of Lymington. Nay, it is even confessed that
he went a little further ; that he made all speed
for his consecration, and the solemnization thereof
being over, he found a way to get into his hands
all his predecessor's goods, with which, or part of
which, he furnished his own house : but we must
still take this charge with some allowance, having
seen that the presentation was on the 1st of Ja-
nuary, and his consecration on the 26th of March.
Scarcely was Wolsey seated on his episcopal
throne, when an archiepiscopal mitre, more pal-
pable than Macbeth's air drawn dagger, started
up to his ambitious view, by the demise of Dr.
Baynbridge, Archbishop of York, who died whilst
engaged on a diplomatic mission. For a primacy
to be vacant, and unsought after by Wolsey, was
a thing not be expected ; that he should have ob-
tained it without difficulty is equally plain : ac-
cordingly, no time was lost either in the transla-

H

98 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

tion *, or in the ceremony of installation, which3
latter, however, did not take place until the 3d
of December, and then by proxy.

No sooner did he feel himself solemnly conse-
crated an archbishop, and primate of England,
than his ambition led him, as all cotemporary
writers assert, to set himself above the Primate of
all England ; so that he not only set up and ad-
vanced his cross in the limits of his own eccle-
siastical jurisdiction, but boldly, indeed we may
say impudently, even in the immediate jurisdic-
tion of the Archbishop of Canterbury ; notwith-
standing that in all former times, it was " in
ancient obedience of Yorke to abate advancement
of his crosses, to the crosses of Canterbury."

For this, the Archbishop of Canterbury, War-
ham, gave him a severe check, telling him plainly
that his conduct was presumptuous, which pro-
duced a serious quarrel and ill-will : Wolsey was,
however, obliged for the moment to submit, but
he soon after triumphed, on being appointed a
Cardinal by the Pope's Bull.

Of this archiepiscopal promotion, an author, not
very inimical to Wolsey, observes, that " A way
for higher power and wealth was now opened
to him by the death of Christopher Baynbridge,

* The grant in Rymer, Foed. xiii. p. 412, is dated 5th of
August.

AND HIS TIMES. 99

Archbishop of York, then at Rome as the king's
proctor or ambassador. That Baynbridge met
his death by means of poison was by none denied ;
that Wolsey had something to do with it was by
many suspected : yet if we may trust to the ac-
count given by Ciaconius, in his History of the
Roman Pontiffs and Cardinals, the murder is ac-
counted for without any blame attaching to the
Cardinal. The statement of this author is that
Baynbridge was poisoned by a priest, Rinaldo de
Modena, whom he employed as his steward, and
to whom he had given a blow ; and this is con-
firmed by Paulus Jovius, who asserts that the
priest made his confession to that purport at the
place of execution, he having been taken up in-
stantly on suspicion, and committed to prison,
where he also attempted to destroy himself by
poison."

It may also be noted that Ciaconius expressly
describes Baynbridge to have been a man of most
insolent and violent passions, and of great sour-
ness of temper both to his servants and others.

Without pretending, at this distant period, to
determine upon the truth or injustice of these
accusations against Wolsey, we may observe that
some circumstances connected with his elevation
to the See of York are deserving of notice here, as
developing the extraordinary ecclesiastical power
which the popes were then in the habit of using
in England, and already alluded to. Cardinal

H 2

100 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

Baynbridge was poisoned on the 14th of July ;

and on the very same day, the Cardinal de Medicis

wrote to Henry himself to the following purport —

" Most Serene, most Invincible, and most

Venerable Sir,

" After the humble recommendations of a good
memory to the last, the Cardinal of York paid the
debt which he owed to nature : the grief which
I received on that occasion I am not able to ex-
press by words ; for, besides that I regarded and
loved him in no vulgar manner, our order has sus-
tained a very great loss in the want of so great a
father, and master: but since these things are
from God, who is pleased with nothing but what
is right, we must submit to his will, and entreat
his mercy, that he may be thought worthy to re-
ceive the crozier to eternity. As I thought it a
part of my duty, I immediately attended our Most
Holy Father, and beseeched him that he would
not dispose of his late Eminences benefice till he
knew your Majesty9 s pleasure, which I easily ob-
tained from his Holiness, through his great and
paternal benevolence and affection for your Ma-
jesty. For my own part, I will in no sort depart
from my institution, and my duty towards your

majesty ."

So far indeed did Henry at this period submit to
the overwhelming claims of the Roman Pontiff,
notwithstanding his own claims to the supremacy,
that he was content to ask the vacancy for his prime

AND HIS TIMES. 101

minister from his Holiness, even after this an-
nouncement ; who not only acquiesced in the de-
mand, but also sent a bull to Wolsey, commencing
with the proud and papal declaration, of " the ac-
customed clemency of the Apostolical See, lest the
dispositions made by her, relating to metropolitan
churches, should in any respect be impugned ; but
that the persons translated to them may, with a
pure heart, and sincere conscience, preside over
them, She administers, as is proper, seasonable
remedies." What these seasonable remedies are
is explained in a succeeding paragraph, where His
Holiness says — " with the advice of our brethren,
and the fulness of apostolical power, we have re-
solved to absolve you from the ties which you ac-
knowledge to bind you to preside over the church
of Lincoln, and to transfer you to that of York, at
present in some manner destitute of pastoral com-
forts, of which church we appoint you archbishop
and pastor."

Notwithstanding this full gift of His Holiness,
Henry still seems to have kept his eye upon se-
veral good things connected with the archbishopric;
for in conferring favours he was not unmindful
of his own interests, generally reserving patronage :
and even in this case from Wolsey himself, though
stated by Hall, in his Chronicle, to have " at that
time been all the rule about the king, and what
he said was obeyed in all places ;" — but Wolsey
readily yielded, for he well knew that he must

102 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

bend to some, in order to rise over others ; and
that such was his ambition now, even beyond an
archbishopric, we may infer from a succeeding ob-
servation of the same author, who says that " when
he was once Archbishop, he studied day and night
how to be a Cardinal, and caused the king and
the French king to write to Rome for him, and at
their requests he obtained his purpose." —

At this period indeed he could not fail of the
active assistance of Louis, when we recollect that
the negotiations for his marriage with the youth-
ful Princess Mary, the king's youngest sister, were
now in great forwardness at the English court :
and the French monarch was careful, even as
early as the £d of September, to send him a letter
of congratulation on his elevation to the Prelacy;
the Bull from Leo, however, absolving him from
the oaths, &c., for Lincoln, and confirming the
election for York, not arriving in England until
the 7th of October, which was published to the
chapter, clergy, and people, of that arch-see, on the
3d of December following, when he was installed,
by proxy, in that cathedral.

But we must go back a little to notice the
official part which Wolsey took in arranging the
marriage of the Princess Mary with Louis of
France ; it is sufficient now to state that the mar-
riage was solemnized by proxy in England, in the
month of August, when a special messenger was
sent off with the intelligence. This produced

AND HIS TIMES. 103

a frequent exchange of couriers, one of whom
brought over a letter to Wolsey from Louis him-
self, which is curious enough to merit insertion.
" My Lord of York,

" What I have learned, by the return of the cou-
rier from your side, determines me not to let him
set out again without my letters to you, by which
I affectionately pray you to make my good and
cordial recommendations to the king and queen,
my good brother and sister; and also to the queen,
my wife. I likewise pray you to do what you
can that my delightful spouse may set out from
thence as soon as possibly it may be ; for there is
nothing in the world I so much desire as to see
her, and to be with her. In this you will do me
pleasure, and oblige me more and more, praying
God, my Lord, &c. The 3d of September.

" Louis."

But politicians are not so hasty as lovers, and
accordingly great part of September was occupied
only in preparations for the princess's journey, and
in the ratification of treaties ; yet we are not to
suppose that Wolsey was really dilatory in this
affair, for in a subsequent letter we find Louis thus
addressing him. —

" And as to what you write about the passage
of the queen, my wife, I give you thanks for the
pains that you have taken for providing all things
necessary for her voyage, and the extraordinary
diligence you have used, and still use, as my Lord

104 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

of Marigny, and Johan de Paris, have wrote, be-
seeching you to continue your care with as much
expedition as you can, because the greatest desire
I have at present is to see her on this side the
water, and to meet her. In contributing to which,
without loss of time, as you promised me, you will
do me a singular pleasure, and such as I shall
always remember, and think myself obliged to you
for. And as to your having detained the said Lord
de Marigny, and Johan de Paris, to assist you in
setting "out all things a la mode de France, you
have done me much pleasure therein, and I have
written by these presents to them, that not only
in this they should obey you, but also in all other
things you shall command, with the same respect
as if they were about my person.

" And as to the pleasure which you inform me,
by your said letters, my wife takes in hearing good
news from me, and that the thing which she daily
desires is to see me, and be in my company, I
desire you, my Lord of York, and good friend, to
inform her from me, and make her sensible, that
my desires and wishes are the same and in every
respect like hers ; and, because it is not possible
that I should see her so soon as I could wish, I
entreat her that, as often as may be, I may hear
from her, and I promise the like on my side."

There is certainly something ludicrous in a
prime minister and an archbishop being thus made
an amatory go-between ; and it is probable that

AND HIS TIMES. 105

Wolsey was not very fond of the part which his
ambition obliged him to play : from this, however,
he was at length relieved by the departure of the
princess to join her royal husband in France,
which took place in October ; and no sooner was
the marriage solemnized than Louis again wrote
to Wolsey, stating in the highest terms how much
he was obliged to him for the part he had taken
in this matrimonial negotiation.

Nor is this to be wondered at, or considered as
mere matter of compliment ; for it is well authen-
ticated, that the whole court of France were par-
ticularly struck with the beauty of their new
queen ; and as for Lewis himself, a French histo-
rian expressly says, that " he gave himself over
too much to behold her most admirable beauty,
not considering her youth (being but eighteen),
and his own weak, decayed body."

From the queen herself too he received a letter
which shows that, with all their admiration of her
charms, the Frenchmen were not disposed to treat
her with that degree of bienstance, which they
claim exclusively for themselves, dismissing the
greatest part of her retinue almost immediately
after the nuptials and coronation. In fact, of all
those who came with her from England, there
were left only a few officers, and attendants,
amongst the latter of whom was the afterwards
celebrated Anne Boleyn ; so that she complained to
Wolsey, stating — " the day I was married my

106 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

servants were discharged, which gave me no small
uneasiness ; I wish, instead of the Duke of Nor-
folk, who has been too condescending to the
French, your grace had been entrusted to conduct
me to France."

The new archbishop no sooner had time to
attend to his own concerns than he took posses-
sion of York-Place, which seems, by the oldest
maps of London, to have stood somewhere be-
tween the present sites of Northumberland House
and White Hall, then in a very ruinous condition ;
but such were his means, such his activity, and
such his love of, and skill in architecture, that all
the necessary repairs, including the pulling down
and rebuilding of many parts of a very extensive
edifice, were completed, and the palace rendered
fit for reception, in the course of a year.

He also further gratified his love of architectural
splendour by commencing, about this period, the
erection of Hampton Court Palace, of which some
of the original parts still remain, independent of
that portion built by William III.

Of this place he had become lessee, in the early
part of Henry's reign, from the prior of the con-
vent of Knights Hospitallers of St. John of Jeru-
salem, to whom it had been granted in fee, previous
to the year 1211, by the Lady Joan, relict of Sir
Robert Grey.

The castellated form, adopted by Wolsey in the
erection of Hampton Court, was perfectly in coin-

AND HIS TIMES. 107

cidence with the manners of the time, when com-
fort was becoming an object of consideration,
instead of confining every effort in the science of
architecture, as Dallaway observes in his elaborate
work on the Arts, to ecclesiastical or military
structures, paying little attention to external
beauty or commodiousness in the private habita-
tions of men. In fact, up to the dynasty of the
Tudors, when castellated houses became fashion-
able, instead of the gloomy towers and turrets of
earlier times, we have no specimens whatever of
plain, simple dwelling-houses; but at the period
in question, nothing particularly military can be
traced in new residences, generally, except the
battlements and turrets, solely adopted as orna-
ments of dignity, not of defence.

Dallaway observes further, that of architecture,
which, adopting a military appearance, displayed
likewise the magnificence and convenience of a
private dwelling, Hampton Court may be consi-
dered as a striking specimen, exhibiting also a
scene of the most gorgeous expense.

Yet, in the midst of such extensive private con-
cerns, public affairs were not forgotten; indeed it
is even acknowledged by Rapin, who was by no
means a friend to him, that Henry, before his
actual ministry, was imposed upon in all treaties
with foreign powers, from the incompetency of his
cabinet and diplomatists : but as soon as Wolsey
came into power, which he states to have been

108 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

when made archbishop, then all gross errors were
corrected, the new minister carefully guarding his
sovereign against all dishonourable treaties, and
equally careful to act in all respects in such a way
that England should not, as hitherto, be rendered
the sport of foreign diplomatists, or contemptible
in the eyes of strangers.

But, amidst this bustle of politics, Wolsey still
found leisure for literature and its cultivators;
and although the general acquisition of knowledge
in England was that which he had most to dread
in behalf of his own ambitious views, his love of
learning sometimes overcame his ambition, par-
ticularly in regard to the valuable Greek MSS.
which were now discovered daily amidst the rub-
bish of monkish superstition, and lodged in the li-
brary of the Vatican, of which it was his intention
to have copies taken for the English universities.

This literary patronage was extended even
to those whom he knew to be friendly to the
Reformation; for that he did not forget his old
friends is evident from his attentions to the learned
Erasmus, at this period Greek professor at Cam-
bridge, who was now in England upon his second
visit, and travelled from Cambridge to London to
congratulate his old college companion on his ele-
vation to the mitre. On his arrival lie was re-
ceived in the handsomest manner by Wolsey. who
not only gave to him hopes of an appointment to
the first vacant canomy at Tournay. but also

AND HIS TIMES. 109

assigned him a pension, to encourage him in the
prosecution of his studies, which he long enjoyed
with others from Lord Montjoy, a particular friend
of Wolsey, from Bishop Fisher, and Archbishop
Warham.

These attentions were met with equal gratitude
on the part of Erasmus ; who, during the whole
course of his epistolary correspondence, seems
anxious to do every honour to Wolsey, not only
in regard to his great abilities, but also with re-
spect to the wisdom and rectitude of his admini-
stration. In one of his letters written about this
time, he says, " your highness," (thus addressing
the favourite nearly in the style of majesty, as
used at that period), " in the happy administration
of the most flourishing kingdom upon earth, are
not less necessary to the king your master than
Theseus was formerly to Hercules, and Achates to
^Eneas ;" giving him credit at the same time for
his great diplomatic exertions in regulating the
peace of Europe.

Yet Wolsey has been accused of very active
hostility to those who either favoured the Re-
formation, or attempted to resist the claims of
clerical power. There had been for many years a
standing contest between the two powers of the
civil and ecclesiastical state, in regard to the
exemption of the "clergy from the cognizance of
temporal courts in spiritual cases ; and about this
period a merchant tailor of the city of London,

110 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

named Hunn, was a strenuous advocate for the
superiority of the civil power, and having refused
to pay a mortuary, was cited for the same into a
spiritual court by the clergyman demanding it.
Hunn instantly prosecuted his antagonist, on a
premunire ; but his prosecution was over-ruled by
the judges, rather, perhaps, against the expectation
6f the clergy, as they had contrived to get up a
charge of heresy against him : for this he was taken
up, and, as it appears, imprisoned in the Tower,
where, some time after, he was found dead — mur-
dered indeed, as popular report declared, by the
active connivance of the clergy, and in which
Wolsey was accused of having too deeply parti-
cipated. From this charge Fiddes has laboured
very hard to exonerate him ; and he certainly
shows, from incontrovertible dates, that the charge
so brought was unfounded in many respects, par-
ticularly in regard to dates and circumstances ;
the affair being represented, even in its most fa-
vourable point of view, as an abuse of the le-
gatine power; when, in fact, Wolsey was not even
cardinal when the event took place.

But there is perhaps more truth in the allega-
tion, that some misunderstanding existing at the
moment between the Dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk,
he was particularly anxious and active in foment-
ing it ; not from any partiality to Suffolk, but that
he might the more effectually serve his own in-
terests and those of his old friend, the Bishop of

AND HIS TIMES. Ill

Winchester, could he, by means of this quarrel,
contrive to lessen the esteem which Henry still
retained for the Duke of Norfolk, though Suffolk
was certainly the greatest personal favourite of
the two.

At or about this period, and soon after the
marriage of Mary, the king's sister, with Louis of
France, the latter monarch established a f£te of
jousts and tournaments, to which all the youthful
chivalry of Europe were invited. To these jousts
Suffolk was very anxious to go ; but his request
to the king for leave had been thwarted by Nor-
folk, nor did he obtain permission until he had
solicited Wolsey's interference. It was on this
occasion that Suffolk so distinguished himself in
the eyes of the young Queen of France as to lead
to a marriage, which will be detailed in its proper
place.

Indeed on the very first day of the ensuing
year, 1515, Louis died, leaving Mary a widow; a
loss which Henry soon forgot in the birth of a
princess (Mary), on the 8th of February, at Green-
wich, where she was baptized a few days after-
wards, Wolsey having the honour to stand God-
father upon the occasion, but with the Duchess of
Norfolk as Godmother.

It was on the 5th of February, 1515, that Wol-
sey, in the fifth parliament of the reign, first took
his seat on the episcopal bench in the House of
Lords ; but there is no record of his parliamentary

112 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

exertions, nor indeed were the proceedings of the
legislature of any great moment during that ses-
sion, with the exception of an act, declaring that
no member of the lower house should depart from
the parliament before the end of the session, with-
out license first obtained of the house ; and the
licence to be entered upon record by the clerk
of the parliament, under penalty of losing their
stipend!

This presents a curious picture of home politics,
as contrasted with affairs of the present day ; and
it is further worthy of notice, that a most consti-
tutional reason was advanced, even at the time,
for the passing of that particular act. It was
urged, that it frequently happened towards the
close of a session, that various members, true
lovers of their country, were in the practice of re-
turning home, apprehending that all matters of
moment were then gone through ; when, in fact,
their absence was taken advantage of, by indivi-
duals procuring the passing of bills, which would
never have been tolerated in full houses.

But if Wolsey had no field for exertion in par-
liamentary tactics, he was not idle in ecclesiastical
affairs, earnestly soliciting Henry to preserve and
to confirm all the ancient privileges of the see of
Tournay. Of course he could not fail of success
in his solicitations, which gave great satisfaction
to the chapter of that church ; so much so in-
deed, that as they expressed themselves, they only

AND HIS TIMES. 113

wished for an opportunity of testifying their gra-
titude and respect. For this an opportunity soon
offered, Wolsey recommending to them a young
student to be preferred to some ecclesiastical bene-
fice, which they immediately complied with ; an-
swering to his recommendation, that they were
exceeding glad of a letter from his grace, and so
much the more, that they had thereby the oppor-
tunity they had long sought for of expressing their
high respect for his grace ; not that they could re-
pay any thing answerable to his benefits towards
them, but as it was fit to declare in some sort their
gratitude for his paternal care, and to acknow-
ledge the extraordinary honour and singular ob-
servance they had to the same, they unanimously
consented to his request, and yielded to him what-
ever he desired, there being nothing that they
would not do for his sake.

From the strength of expression used upon this
occasion, one might suppose that the dean and
chapter were anxious not only to manifest their
gratitude to and deference for their bishop, but
also to find some excuse for themselves for con-
ferring an ecclesiastical benefice upon an object
who might not be very well fitted for it. In short,
we suspect that the person thus recommended,
though his name is not recorded, was Winter,
supposed to be an illegitimate son of Wolsey, who
began very early in life to revel in the good things
of the church.

WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

But if the chapter were not very tenacious of
the due exercise of their sacerdotal power, yet they
were sufficiently so of their pecuniary concerns, as
was evinced in an affair which soon after took
place, when the canons having received a sum of
money, Dr. Sampson, who was Wolsey's vicar-
general at the see, conceived that a part of it be-
longed to his master, and claimed it accordingly,
To these claims the canons could not assent, but
wrote to Wolsey, to assure him that the money,
though paid into their treasury, could not possibly
belong to his grace, being particularly appro-
priated to the repairs of the church, and other re-
ligious uses, which had been granted to them by
an apostolical decree. Still, though they refused
the money, were they anxious, if possible, to avert
Wolsey's displeasure, and to preserve his friend-
ship ; and, accordingly, they attempted to soften
down the refusal by a promise that whatever could
be expected from them, his most faithful beads-
men, should be performed — a promise which might
be considered as every thing and as nothing, and
which Wolsey knew the world too well not to un-
derstand in its proper bearing.

It was about this period that a counter-bishop,
or bishop elect, as he was called, had been ap-
pointed to the see of Tournay, in opposition to
Wolsey, whom the French party wished to dis-
place : and we find it recorded, that when Samp-
son, as vicar-general, visited various towns in

AND HIS TIMES. 115

Flanders, within the limits of the diocese,, for the
purpose of collecting the episcopal dues, he met
with very irreverent and impertinent treatment
from the different municipalities ; for in each place
the bishop elect had already made similar claims*
which they were most disposed to comply with.

Indeed, so sturdy were those officers in their
refusals, that Sampson wrote to Wolsey, to say
that if he wished quietly to enjoy the administra-
tion of that see, he must persuade the French king
to put a check upon the conduct of the bishop
elect. That the point of resistance to Wolsey was
a serious one, is evident from Sampson feeling it
necessary to point out to him, that if he were to
follow a process of law for the recovery of his
dues, and the bishop elect were to defend the
cause, it might be attended with infinite incon-
venience to him; but, in the mean time, as the
officers had requested a short respite in regard to
payment, in order that they might consult the
bishop elect, he had granted the request, hoping
that in the interim the interposition of the French
king would render all further proceedings un-
necessary.

This opposition on the part of the municipali-
ties was in direct disobedience of the pope's brief
of confirmation, when Wolsey was first appointed
to the bishopric ; but when Dr. Sampson urged, in
defence of its legality in unison with ecclesiastical
customs, that the see had been virtually vacant at

I 2

116 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

the time of Wolsey's appointment, and that the
new bishop elect's absence and desertion of the
bishopric was cause sufficient to justify all that
the pope had been pleased to grant to the former,
they answered, that what the bishop elect had
done at that period was in time of necessity, and
for his own safety, the city being then in the
hands of the English. It might have been urged
in return, however, that the bishop elect would
not have incurred any danger, had he stayed and
taken the necessary oaths to the new government ;
and that Wolsey would not have been appointed
to supersede him, had he not actually made a va-
cancy, by refusing the necessary oath of allegiance,
the choice of staying having already been offered
to him.

Instead, however, of Wolsey receiving any be-
nefit from the delay, or being able to procure any
countenance in the cause from the French king,
the advantage lay all with the opposite party, who
were fortunate enough to find Adrian, Bishop of
Bath, and then the king's orator at Rome, so
jealous of, and so unfriendly to Wolsey's cause, as
to suffer them without the slightest opposition to
obtain a bull from the pope in favour of the bishop
elect ; on which the latter plumed himself so much,
that he now demanded the revenues of the see
under the penalty of anathema, more especially
as the bull itself was addressed to all Christian
princes to assist him with their forces, in order to

AND HIS TIMES. 117

replace him in his bishopric, under pain of excom-
munication. Affairs were at last carried with
so high a hand, that Dr. Sampson was forced to
write to Wolsey, that unless effectual means were
taken to suppress or set aside that bull, it would
be impossible for him any longer to be of service
to him at Tournay ; a piece of intelligence which
took him quite by surprise, since his spies had
totally failed him on this point ; and he had not,
as yet, received any information respecting the
double part thus played by the pope and conclave.

Jn the whole of this affair, Henry felt his own
dignity outraged, in addition to the wrong put
upon his favourite ; accordingly he wrote a strong
expostulatory letter to his holiness, in which he
plainly told him that his proceedings were con-
trary to the laws of God and man ; he also in-
formed the Bishop of Bath, that if he did not pro-
cure the revocation of the bull, he should be su-
perseded by one who would be more attentive to
the trust reposed in him.

By these and similar remonstrances, not only
was the bull revoked, but another more favour-
able obtained; and shortly afterwards Wolsey
found himself again in quiet\possession of his
Tournay bishopric. But the pope had already
begun to dread the independent spirit of the En-
glish clergy, who, when he demanded an extraor-
dinary subsidy, on pretence of a war with the
Turks, plainly told him, in full synod, that the

118 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

popes could lay no imposition on the clergy with-
out a general council !

Still was there that resistance to Wolsey
throughout the bishopric, that Dr. Sampson again
wrote to him in May, to assure him that the only
way to secure the quiet and tranquil possession of
his ecclesiastical dignity would be to procure a
resignation on the part of his rival, through the
interference of the French monarch, Francis I.,
who had succeeded to Louis XII. At the same
time, he recommended that a pension should be
granted to the bishop elect, till he might be other-
wise provided for in France, Francis promising
that he should have one of the first promotions
that might fall. This is stated by that churchman
to be the safest and most godly way, in considera-
tion that the bishop elect, being deprived of his
benefice, had nothing else to live upon.

Henry still continued to heap favours on his
minister, and accordingly we find a grant of the
9th of May, conferring on Wolsey the keeping of
all the manors of Sir Ralph Bygod, deceased, by
reason of the minority of his son Francis, together
with the marriage of the latter. The king also
laboured hard at Rome, by his ambassadors, to
procure a place for his favourite in the conclave
of cardinals ; and, accordingly, he was declared
a member of the sacred college by the pope in
full consistory, on the llth of September; when
Francis I. of France, being then in Italy, and

AND HIS TIMES. 119

willing to assume some merit to himself on this
occasion, actually sent to him the first notice of
his promotion.

Henry having become possessed of the manor
of Woking, in Surry, amongst other estates that
came to him by the death of his grandmother, the
Countess of Richmond, had used it at times as a
temporary summer retreat ; and Grafton relates,
that in the middle of September in this year, 1515,
he repaired to his manor of Okyng, and thither
came to him the Archbishop of York ; and it was
during his residence here that he received the no-
tification from the papal court of his being elected
to the rank of cardinal.

One of our old Chronicles, in describing this
event, says, that " in the myddle of September,
1515, the kynge in his progress came to the manor
of Okyng, and thither came to hym the Arch-
by shop of Yorke, whom he hartely welcomed, and
showed him grete pleasures. And while he so~
journed there, a letter was broughte to the arch-
byshop from Rome, certefying him how he was
elected to be a cardynell, which incontinent showed
the same to the kynge, disabling himselfe in
wordes, thoughe his entent was otherwise ; and
so the kynge did encourage hym, and wylled hym
to take the ordre on hym."

But this backwardness on the part of the priest
was evidently more the result of policy than of
modesty ; arid, accordingly, we find that no sooner

120 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

had the pope's bull arrived, constituting Wolsey
Cardinal of St. Cecilia, and Legate (Legafus de
Laleris), than he caused preparations to be made
for his installation in Westminster Abbey, more
like a triumph or a coronation, than as a servant of
Jesus Christ, the meek and lowly Lord of all. To
this ceremony all the bishops in England were
summoned; and they were obliged to appear in
their mitres, and all other episcopal ornaments, to
give greater eclat to the ceremony, and to con-
vince them, by actual demonstration, of the supe-
riority which the new Cardinal was determined to
exercise over them.

We have seen it stated, that previous to this
ceremony, Wolsey's cross had actually been set
before that of Canterbury, by royal mandate ; that,
however, was now unnecessary, as the Cardinal's
cross must have had pre-eminence, though it is
probable the order of precedence did take place,
and remained still in force, as Wolsey now always
set forth two crosses, one for his hat, the other
for his mitre, which were always borne before
him wherever he went, either on horseback or
otherwise, by two of the tallest and stoutest priests
whom he could procure.

There is rather a whimsical anecdote related of
Wolsey, in regard to this cardinal's hat ; for we
are told, that although " the pope sent him this
worthie hat of dignitie, as a Jewell of his honour
and authoritie;" yet such was either the negli-

AND HIS TIMES. 121

gence or the poverty of the holy see, that it " was
conveyed in a varlett's budget, who seemed to all
men to be but a person of small estimation."

No sooner, however, was the Cardinal informed
of this fact, and of the people's opinion at Dover,
where the messenger had landed, than he felt it
necessary, for the honour of so high a message,
" that this Jewell should not be conveyed by so
simple a person."

Accordingly, with true Jesuitical cunning, he
directed that the messenger should be stopped on
his route to town, until he should be furnished
with sumptuous apparel of silk, gold, &c. as was
meet for an embassy of such high importance.
This priestly scarecrow was no sooner equipped
in his new costume, than he recommenced his
journey, and was met on Blackheath by a gor-
geous train of bishops, mitred abbots, and gentle-
men of the first rank ; from whence he was con-
ducted into the metropolis with a degree of
triumph, as surprising to the once ragged mes-
senger, as amusing to those who were in the
secret.

But there was good policy in this on the part
of Wolsey, who wished to give all the eclat pos-
sible to his new rank ; in furtherance of which he
had every thing prepared in Westminster Abbey
for the public confirmation and acceptance of this
high sacerdotal office ; where the service usual on
such occasions was performed with all solemnity

WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

and splendour, by all the bishops and abbots who
could be readily assembled, all attired in their
copes and mitres ; and, in fact, with a degree of
state which had never been seen in England,
except at a royal coronation.

This occurrence is stated even more pointedly
by Tindal *, who, speaking of his promotion to
the cardinalate, says, " Not farre unlike to this
was the receiving of the Cardinal's hatte, which,
when a ruffian had brought unto him to West-
minster, under his cloke, he clothed the messenger
in rich array, and sent him backe to Dover again,
and appoynted the Bishop of Canterbury to meete
him, and then another company of lordes and
gentles, I wotte not how oft, ere it came to West-
minster, where it was set on a cupborde and
tapers about, so that the greatest duke in the
lande must make curtesie thereto : yea, and to his
empty seat, he being away."

We suspect there is too much truth in the ge-
neral accusations against Wolsey, that such was
his insolence after receiving the cardinalate, that
Norfolk and other nobles retired from the court
in disgust. Even his old friend and patron, Fox,
Bishop of Winchester, threw up the privy seal ;
and, on taking leave, cautioned the king not to
make any of his subjects greater than himself: to
which Henry answered very shortly, that he knew
well how to keep all his subjects in subjection.
* Tindal's Works, p. 374.

AND HIS TIMES.

Hall also states, that " when once he was a per-
fect Cardinal, he looked then above all estates,
so that all men almost hated him, and disdained
him."

We may suppose, however, that all this pride
was not natural in his heart, but must have been
worked up by the circumstances of his sudden
rise, and most probably by the very nature of his
office and official oath ; which, by separating his
allegiance from his king, and transferring it to
the Roman pontiff, induced him really to imagine
himself a more important personage than even his
royal patron.

It is an important consideration, particularly
at the present day, that the allegiance of the Ro-
man Catholic clergy in England has always been
stronger towards the pope than even towards their
own monarch — a truth which may be fairly stated,
yet still not taxing them with active disloyalty.
The clerical oaths which they are obliged to take
naturally lead to this ; let us then look at part of
Wolsey's oath, which pledged him to take no part
in any business, " neither in council, in deed, or
in treaty, in which any thing shall be contem-
plated against our Lord, or the Romish church,
nor prejudicial to it in person, rights, honours,
state, or power. If such things I shall know to
be procured or treated for, I shall hinder them as
much as I can ; and, as often as possible, I shall
give notice of the same to our Lord. Heretics,

WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

schismatics, and rebels to our Lord, and to his
successors, I shall prosecute and contend against
as far as in my power *."

Wolsey also gave great offence by his superb
dress; for his upper vesture was of scarlet, or
else of fine crimson taffeta, or crimson satin in-
grained. He also wore red gloves, along with his
red hat, and shoes of silver gilt, set with pearls
and precious stones : and we are told, that when
Dr. Barnes was first brought before AVolsey, and
admitted into his chamber, on some charge about
preaching against the luxury of the clergy, he was
obliged to fall upon his knees, when the Cardinal
is said to have exclaimed, " What, master doctor,
had you not sufficient scope in the scriptures to
preach on, but you must meddle with my golden
shoes, my poleaxes, my pillars, my golden cushion,
my crosses ? Did these so offend you, that you
must make us ridiculum caput amongst the peo-
ple ? Surely that sermon was fitter for a stage
than a pulpit !"

The appointment of Wolsey to the bishopric of
Tournay, as we have already stated, seems to have
given great offence to the pope, or to the cardinals
who formed his court and council ; and a short
time before Wolsey's elevation to the cardinalate,
a bull had been issued against Henry on that
subject, which excited much displeasure in the
breast of the king, and induced him to write a very
* Rymer, Feed. xiii. 453.

AND HIS TIMES. 125

angry remonstrance to the Bishop of Bath, then
resident ambassador at the papal court. Henry
tells his representative, that it was not only his
duty to solicit and to expedite all such causes and
matters as might be entrusted to him from time
to time, but also vigilantly to guard and foresee
that nothing should take place prejudicial or
hurtful to the crown, or to the realm, or dero-
gatory to the royal dignity; yet all these, he
complained, had taken place under the above-
mentioned bull, in favour of the French bishop
of that see, elected in opposition to Henry's ap-
pointment of Wolsey.

The king then directs the ambassador to urge
several heads of remonstrance, one of which, in
direct reference to the Cardinal, is thus expressed :
" Fiftly, hee (the pope) hath revoked the autho-
ritie and administration of that see, by him granted
at our instance to the most reverend father in
God, the Cardinall Archbishop of Yorke, withoute
care of his knowledge or consent ; wheras if any
one of us both had bin called therunto, wee would
and might have showen sufficient grounds and
causes, according to the premisses, why hee might
not so doe; for wee remember well that one of
the causes principallie movynge the pope to grante
the authoritie of administration of the said bishop-
rick to the said Cardinal, was for as much as
the sayde pretendyd bishopp had neither made his
homage nor fideletie for his temporalities, nor yet

126 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

done his dutye or releve for the same, which cause
yet remaineth, the said bishopp not only neg-
lectynge and refusynge to doe the same, but alsoe
conspyrynge against us as a disobedient and trai-
torous subject : and if the pope's said holiness
shall by those sinister wayes more favour such
rebels than us, that have donne so much for the
church, or yet the said Cardinall beeing an ho-
norable member of the said church, and congenyall
of the college, it will give small courage to princes
either to obey his processes, or yet to assist him
in his necessitie."

Much light has been recently thrown on this
affair, and on that also of the cardinalate, by Mr.
Roscoe, in his Life of Leo X. ; who, speaking on this
subject, says, that Wolsey, on succeeding to the
Archbishopric of York, felt that the preferment,
though it increased his revenues, did not satisfy
his ambition ; having flattered himself, that along
with it he should also have obtained the cardinal's
hat worn by his predecessor. He adds, that in
soliciting from the pope this distinguished favour,
Wolsey had relied much on the assistance of
Adrian, Bishop of Bath, and a cardinal, then the
pope's collector in England ; under whom, as the
cardinal resided at Rome, Polidor Virgil acted as
sub-collector. Adrian being either unable or un-
willing to render the expected service, such was
the resentment of Wolsey, who conceived that he
had been betrayed by him, that under some trivial

AND HIS TfMES.

pretence, he seized upon his deputy Polidor, and
committed him to the Tower.

Repeated representations on this subject were
made from the court of Rome to that of England;
but although the Cardinal Giulio de Medici, and
the pope himself, had written to the king, re-
questing the liberation of their agent, he still re-
mained in confinement.

Mr. Roscoe seems to consider this as having
been the efficient cause of Wolsey's papal ex-
pulsion from Tournay, and he, following in a great
measure Lord Herbert's authority, proceeds to
state that the apparent disrespect thus manifested
by the English monarch towards the Holy See
induced the pontiff to listen to the representations
of Francis I. of France, who was extremely earnest
to obtain the restoration of Louis Guillard, ex^
bishop of Tournay, to that rich benefice, of which
he had been deprived by the intrusion of Wolsey.

The subsequent elevation to the cardinalate
procured the liberation of Polidor ; but Wolsey
still refused to resign his claims to Tournay: and
it is hinted by the elegant writer, already quoted,
that he is supposed to have stimulated his sove-
reign to a new quarrel with Francis, for the pur-
pose of affording himself a pretext for retaining
the emoluments of his see.

It has indeed been elsewhere stated positively,
that Wolsey discovered by spies at Rome, that
Francis had espoused the cause of the ex-bishop

128 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

most warmly, and solicited the pope for the bull
promulgated in his favour. Incensed at this, the
vindictive prelate persuaded Henry to violate the
treaty of peace he had made only a few months
before, and to form a new confederacy with Maxi-
milian and Ferdinand of Spain against France.

If this be true, the pope must himself have been
deceived; for there is a letter extant from him to
Wolsey, of the 12th of October, 1515, in which
he strongly recommends to him to increase, as
much as possible, the friendship with Ferdinand
of Arragon, and Joan of Castile.

This much is clear, in regard to this affair, that
when parliament met on the 12th of November,
Wolsey dared not then disclose his hostile designs
against France, nor was it until forty days after-
wards that a bill was brought into the House of
Peers for a subsidy, there read once, and then
carried by Archbishop Warham to the House of
Commons, where it, most probably, met with an un-
favourable reception: for parliament was dissolved
on the ensuing day, 22d of December. On the same
day Warham resigned ; and after that, no par-
liament was called until the 31st of July, 1523.

Wolsey seems to have been fated to act the part
of an advocate in the court of Cupid, and was again
called on in that capacity by the young queen
dowager of France, soon after the demise of Louis
XII. To understand this thoroughly, we must
advert to some early circumstances connected with

AND HIS TIMES. 129

that princess, who at an early age was affianced to
the Archduke Charles, afterwards Charles V., the
contract being confirmed in 1514, and a time fixed
for the solemnization of the nuptials. But this
contract soon became matter of neglect, principally
perhaps from the extreme youth of the proposed
bridegroom ; so that many of the young nobility
of the first rank actually had the hardihood to
think of marriage with the young, and, as it is said,
most beautiful princess.

Amongst those, however, there was but one that
had any chance of winning her love, and that was
Charles Brandon, Earl, and afterwards Duke of Suf-
folk. He was remarkable for personal beauty and
activity, with an air and manner befitting his rank,
and a sweetness of temper and disposition that
rendered him a great favourite with all, but more
especially with the ladies. He was besides in
constant habits of intimacy at court ; and it has
been said, that in a short time the princess became
so much enamoured of him, that it was apparent
to the world, and publicly spoken of. This affec-
tion was met with equal warmth on the part of
Suffolk, so that the courtiers were induced to speak
of it loud enough for the king to hear; but Henry
only laughed at the affair, although he did not ex-
actly approve of it. That under such circumstance
of disapproval he should still have permitted the
affair to go on has been thus accounted for.

It has been observed that, with all his partiality,

K

130 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

he did not set so high a value upon Brandon as
to make him his brother-in-law, though he had a
greater kindness for him than for any others of
his courtiers, with the exception of Wolsey; but
still he was in hopes to draw some advantage from
the inequality of this amour, which he thought
would exasperate the amorous youthful lords
against the princess, and cause them to desist any
more looking after her: besides which, he fancied
himself so much master of his sister and Suffolk,
that no serious steps would be taken by either of
them without his consent.

In this state of affairs the French Duke de Lon-
gueville, an hostage, proposed his master, Louis
XII., as a candidate for her hand — an offer, which,
as we have seen, met with the hearty concurrence
of Henry, as leading to peace and amity between
the two countries ; for which purpose the king at
once referred him to Wolsey, when the matter was
so well managed, that the latter received directions
to prepare the draft of a treaty both of peace and
marriage.

We find it recorded that Mary readily submitted
to her brother's will, and, tempted, perhaps, by the
prospect of a crown, endeavoured to conquer her
first love, and to forget the gallant Brandon for a
royal but aged lover. That she did not submit
unwillingly is clear from the fact that the zeal and
readiness which Wolsey displayed upon this occa-
sion, only for the good of the nation as they ima-

AND HIS TIMES. 131

gined, was yet so acceptable to the princess, that
she repeatedly expressed how highly she was sa-
tisfied with his conduct. In the minds of some,
however, a doubt now arose respecting the con-
tract with Charles of Austria : but the two mon-
arclis did not feel any difficulty upon the subject,
nor even deem it necessary to have a dispensation
from the pope; and, as for Mary herself, she made
a declaration before a notary public, and other
witnesses, that she had been forced to plight her
faith to Charles, and that he had promised to
espouse her by proxy, and " per verba de pre-
sente," as soon as he should be fourteen years of
age, but he had broken his word ; and, as she was
credibly informed that the counsellors and con-
fidants of the Archduke were instilling into his
mind, to the utmost of their power, an aversion
for the King of England, her brother, so she de-
clared that she was now advised that she was free
from that contract, and at liberty to marry any
other prince, in spite of it : a declaration which
was followed up, two days afterwards, by a rati-
fication of the treaty of marriage. Suffolk now
lost all hopes ; yet he was one of those who at-
tended Mary to France, where he displayed the
greatest skill and gallantry in all the jousts and
tournaments, as already hinted at, that were cele-
brated upon the occasion ; during which an oc-
currence happened, which deserves notice. It is
related in a letter from the Marquis of Dorset,

K 2

132 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

who says, — " The French highly commendeth my
Lord of Suffolk, and say that no Christian prince
has two such servants as we two, both for peace
and war, in field and council. My Lord and I ran
three days and lost nothing. On Saturday the
18th of November, the Tournay and course in the
field began : my Lord of Suffolk and I ran the
first day ourselves ; then put our aids to it, because
there were no noblemen to run with us. On the
21st, the fighting on foot began, when they put
an Almain (German) that never came into the
field before, against my Lord of Suffolk, to have
put us to shame, but could not."

As soon as Louis died, which was only eighty
days after the celebration of his nuptials, and
already slightly recorded, the young queen dowager
declared that she would return to England ; and
in the meantime she received letters of condolence
from Henry, in which he particularly advised her
not to enter into any new contract of marriage
without his knowledge and consent. Wolsey also
wrote to her in pointed terms, and entreated her
to conform herself to her brother's advice.

To these epistles the young queen returned a
spirited answer ; that she protested, that if the
king would have her marry in any place, save
where her mind was, she would shut herself up
in some religious house; a reply that made consi-
derable impression upon Henry's mind: and he
therefore attended at once to her wish to return

AND HIS TIMES. 133

to England, sending over, for the purpose of ac-
companying her, the Duke of Suffolk himself, to-
gether with Sir Richard Wingfield and Dr. West,
as ambassadors, both to congratulate the new
monarch, and to conduct the royal widow to her
native shore, with all the respect not only due to a
French Queen, but also to a Princess of England.
During the attendance of the ambassadors upon
the young dowager, previous to her journey,
Brandon did not fail to observe her majesty's par-
tiality for him, which she took care very soon to
confirm, hinting to him during a confidential con-
versation, that the happiness of the married state
depended not so much upon great dignities, as on
the love and affection the parties might have for
each other ; and that, for her part, if ever she
married again, she would marry where her love
was, or continue single the remainder of her life.
Brandon, though now confident of her affection,
was yet conscious of the disparity of rank between
a sovereign and a subject; but this formed no
obstacle to their union in her majesty's mind, and
therefore, as Suffolk was yet too humble to declare
his wishes, she actually had an interview with the
new monarch, Francis, in which, without hesita-
tion or circumlocution, she acknowledged that her
design was nothing less than to marry the Duke
of Suffolk, conjuring the king to assist her in per-
fecting her wishes ; a request with which Francis
readily complied.

134 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

In an ensuing conference the French king told
the Duke of Suffolk the plain state of the case,
when the latter instantly confessed his love for the
queen; but hinted that if the affair should become
known to Henry, he would be undone. To this
the king obligingly answered, — " Let that alone
to me ; for I and the queen shall so solicit your
master, that he shall be content."

But the duke trusted, perhaps, more to Wol-
sey's influence than to any other; and, accordingly,
he instantly made to him a confidential commu-
nication of the whole affair, his letter running
partly thus, — " I cannot but communicate to you,
my Lord of York, what has passed on this occa-
sion, because I intend to hide nothing from you ;
and earnestly desire your speedy advice, and whe-
ther you intend to inform the king of this letter.
And I thank God, that he whom I feared most is
most willing to be an author of this act himself, and
to be an advocate for me to the king, my master."
This was evidently intended as a hint to the Car-
dinal to break the affair to Henry, without abso-
lutely making it a matter of request ; at least
Wolsey seems to have understood it in that light,
and accordingly he took the first opportunity of
offering it to the royal notice, at the same time
using all his influence to soften Henry's displea-
sure, who was, at first, very indignant at matters
having proceeded so far in France, without his
knowledge or license. After some time, however,

AND HIS TIMES. 135

the royal resentment was so far overcome, that
Wolsey wrote to Suffolk, advising him to address
the king in soft strains, which he did, and his letter
was received most favourably : the queen, likewise,
writing to his majesty, reminded him of his pro-
mise, and concluded with a very broad hint of
her determination to please herself, — " Your Grace
well knows what I did, as to my first marriage,
was for your pleasure ; and now, I trust, you will
suffer me to do what I like."

Whether Wolsey was or was not acquainted
with the queen's determination to act without
waiting for her brother's approval does not clearly
appear ; but it cannot be doubted that, whatever
she might do, she placed great reliance on his good
offices to extricate her from any ill consequences
that might flow from her want of caution ; as was
manifested by her telling Brandon, a few days
afterwards, that unless he resolved to marry her
within four days, she would never have him. To
so fair a challenge, and so fair a challenger, Bran-
don could not say nay — and in two months after
she was a widow she became privately a wife.
Mary, with great propriety, now took on herself
the task of reconciling her brother to this hasty
match, justifying Brandon by a candid declaration
of the means which she had taken to hasten it ;
but not receiving an immediate answer to her
epistle, it was thought expedient that the bride-
groom should write to Wolsey.

136 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

This he did in a way that seems to have justi-
fied the Cardinal's reproaches to him upon a sub-
sequent occasion; for he expressly stated in his
letter that, next to God and the king, he owed to
Wolsey all the honours that had attended him
hitherto ; and he concluded with declaring his
fear of the royal displeasure, on account of the
marriage, earnestly begging his friend to mediate
in his favour.

Nor was Wolsey inattentive to the wishes of
the lovers ; but availed himself of his influence to
remove all feelings of displeasure from Henry's
bosom: so that he was soon enabled to announce
to them the great probability of success, advising
them, at the same time, to write to their royal
brother in the most submissive style, which he felt
confident would have the best effect.

This judicious advice they pursued; and, on
the receipt of their letters, Henry instantly ex-
pressed his ready forgiveness, inviting them over
to England: an invitation which they joyously ac-
cepted, testifying at the same time, by letters to
Wolsey, the grateful sense which they had of his
friendship and extreme kindness to them through
the whole affair.

It is a whimsical anecdote of that day that a
friar actually went from London to Paris to warn
Mary not to marry the Duke of Suffolk, earnestly
exclaiming to her, — " Of all men, beware of him;
for I can assure you that he and Wolsey have

AND HIS TIMES. 137

dealings with Satan, by which they rule the king
for their own ends."

But Mary had too much good sense, or too
much passion, to listen to such absurdity; so that
the affair went on, as related, and the young
couple, very soon after their arrival in England,
were re-married in the Chapel Royal at Green-
wich, on the 13th of May, 1515.

Scarcely had Wolsey's affair of the Cardinalate
been settled, when his royal master, at the close
of the year, summed up all his favours in the
appointment of Lord High Chancellor, vacant by
the resignation of the Archbishop of Canterbury.

Rymer states (Foed. xiv. 529.) that at one hour
past noon the new chancellor received the seals ;
but another account says, that he received them
at Eltham in the royal presence, and in the Chapel
Royal after vespers.

138 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

SECTION IV.
1516—1518.

Exertions as Chancellor — Arbitrary Exercise of Power — Strict
Audit of Public Accounts — Conduct towards the Earl of
Kildare — Exercise of ecclesiastical Authority — Friendship
and Correspondence with Erasmus — Great internal Im-
provements in Laws and Manners — Foreign Politics —
Splendid Household Establishment — Satire by Sir Thomas
More — Amorous Intrigues, and mysterious Anecdote —
Personal Adornment — His Wish to reform the Church —
Treaty with France — Tournay restored — Foreign Pensions
—Anecdotes of insolent Pride — Praised by Erasmus — Lon-
don Riots against Foreigners — Tergiversation with Foreign
Potentates — Diplomatic Anecdotes — Visits Oxford, and
founds Lectures — Extraordinary Submission of Cambridge
University — First Visit of Cardinal Campeius, and its Con-
sequences— Whimsical Anecdotes of Italian Pride and Po-
verty— Extraordinary Papal Grants — Further Promotions,
and Royal Favours— Anecdotes of priestly Pride, &c. &c.

THE most favourable account of the manner in
which Wolsey succeeded to the seals is that given
by Hall, who says, that at the conclusion of the
parliamentary session, the Archbishop of Canter-
bury, perceiving that his rival meddled more in
his office of Chancery than it became him to per-
mit, but which he could riot object to without risk
of the royal displeasure ; and observing also that

AND HIS TIMES. 139

Wolsey attempted to assume all rule and power,
and to usurp all authority, adding thereto the
consideration of his own great age, he thought it
best to surrender the great seal at once into the
king's hands, who instantly presented it to Wol-
sey. It must be confessed, however, that other
writers are by no means so favourable either to
his moral or political honesty.

The new chancellor no sooner felt himself firmly
seated than he began to enforce two acts which
had passed in the preceding parliament, called
the act of apparel, and the act of labourers;
appointing commissions in every county, to see
them enforced. Nay, so anxious was he for their
due observance, particularly of the first, that he
took the law into his own hands ; and one day
called towards him a gentleman of the name of
Simon Fitz-Richard, from whom he took an old
jacket of crimson velvet, and various broaches and
ornaments. This excited much spleen and ill-will
amongst the many, but was to his flatterers and
officers only a bad example ; so that the Mayor of
Rochester, in hopes of court favour, actually ex-
posed a young man in the pillory for wearing a
ragged shirt.

These extraordinary acts of power were even
increased when he received the papal bull, with a
grant of the legantine authority in England, but
the date of which is uncertain, as will be hereafter
noticed, which gave him the highest ecclesiastical

140 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

jurisdiction in the kingdom ; enabling him to ap-
point to all offices in the spiritual courts, and to
present to all ecclesiastical benefices. It further
granted to him the power of constituting masters
of faculties, and of appointing masters of cere-
monies, in augmentation of his own personal dig-
nities ; together with a visitorial inspection over
all monasteries and convents, and, in short, over
all the English clergy, whether exempt or non-
exempt by former grants.

With such powers, powers also which he exer-
cised to their fullest extent, both civil and eccle-
siastical, the conduct of the new chancellor could
not fail to meet with strong animadversion, espe-
cially as a spirit of religious, and consequently of
free political inquiry, had begun to show itself
amongst the people : yet it must still be confessed
that Wolsey's pride and arrogance, if they made
him enemies, were not the sole cause of that hos-
tility; for there were other reasons intimately
connected with the welfare of the kingdom, which
soon raised a nest of hornets about him. In the
first place, he instituted a system of audit for all
accounts connected with military expenditure, or
other public money; a measure that gave great
offence, as many entrusted with the public purse
in their several departments were most shame-
fully in arrear of payments, and unable to make
up their balances. It is said, indeed, by the
old chroniclers, that numbers of the guilty saved

AND HIS TIMES. 141

themselves by perjury and bribery, whilst others
less guilty were severely punished : but Wolsey
must not be blamed for this, as it is owned that
" for a truth he so punished perjury with open
punishment, that in his tyme it was lesse used."

He also caused a great reform of manners in
the country ; showing no respect of persons, but
dealing with all alike ; punishing not only the
common people, but also knights and lords for
riots, or other misdemeanors ; so that the people,
in general, were enabled to live in tranquillity.
Yet no sooner did the poor perceive that Wolsey
punished the rich than they began to forge and
fabricate complaints, by which many worthy per-
sons were brought into trouble. So numerous,
indeed, were those complaints at last, that the
chancellor found it impossible to attend to them
personally ; besides which, he soon ascertained that
many of these charges were founded in envy, ill-
will, and falsehood : and, therefore, to get rid of
them entirely, he procured a royal commission for
the establishment of four inferior courts, to hear
the complaints of poor people by bill. The first
of these was held in Whitehall, then called York-
place; the second was under the care of Dr.
Stokesley, the king's almoner; a third was held
in the Lord Treasurer's Chamber, next to the
Star Chamber ; and the fourth at the Rolls.

The pressure of business at these courts, when
first established, was immense ; but the novelty

142 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

soon wore off, and the poor were tired of com-
plaining of their betters, especially when they
found that great delays took place ; that few af-
fairs were at the last decided ; and that, even when
decided, no man was bound by the award. Those,
therefore, who had real complaints of grievances
to make were soon glad to resort to the common
law in preference.

That Wolsey sometimes, at this period, em-
ployed his power for the gratification of private
malice, has been a heavy charge against him, espe-
cially in the case of the Earl of Kildare. We are
told that Kildare's danger, at this time, was evi-
dently very great ; not so much from any political
crimes that he might have been guilty of, as from
a strong ill-will borne towards him by Wolsey.
From whence this feeling arose it is difficult to
account for ; but his enemies, at length, succeeded
in having him convicted on an accusation of having
sent his daughter to the various Irish chiefs, soli-
citing them to join in a conspiracy against the
English power under the Earl of Ossory. After
sentence, Kildare was committed to the Tower;
but under a reprieve from the king, who seems to
have been unwilling to shed blood upon this occa-
sion, and the earl himself must have looked for-
ward towards an ultimate pardon — at least he had
philosophy enough to be contented under his then
circumstances : and it is stated of him, that he
" was heartily loved of the lieutenant, pitied in all

AND HIS TIMES. 143

the court, and standing in so hard case altered
little of his accustomed hue, comforting other
noblemen, prisoners, and dissembling his own
sorrow."

Stowe relates in his Chronicle, that one night,
when Kildare and the lieutenant of the Tower
were amusing themselves at the game of shovel-
groat, an order arrived most unexpectedly for his
execution on the following morning. This order
was no sooner looked at by the lieutenant than he
uttered a deep sigh, when Kildare exclaimed, " By
St. Bride, lieutenant, there is some mad scheme in
that scroll ; but fall out how it will, this throw is
for a huddle !" Struck with his magnanimity, the
lieutenant did not hesitate to acquaint him with
the extent of the order ; when Kildare, suspecting
that the whole affair arose rather from the Car-
dinal's malice than from the king's will, with great
good sense requested that officer to learn from the
king's own mouth whether he was privy to this
sudden determination. The lieutenant was, at
first, very unwilling to enter upon this inquiry,
lest he should thereby give offence to Wolsey, so
great was the dread of his power in the minds of
men in general ; but he at length determined, at
the hour of midnight, to set off for the court, and
demand an immediate audience of the king, which
was then considered a privilege of his office. On
arriving at the court, an interview was imme-
diately granted, when the king gave him his signet

144 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

in token of countermanding the order, on which,
indeed, he made some very strong observations,
talking of the " sauciness of the priest" in very
plain terms ; and the lieutenant instantly waited
upon Wolsey, who was so enraged at the royal
interference, that he lost sight even of decorum,
and " began to breathe out unseasoned words,
which the lieutenant was loth to hear, and so he
left him fretting."

Of other accusations, we may allude to a general
one, that when Wolsey, by the dismissal of the
Archbishop of Canterbury from the chancellor-
ship, and by the subsequent grant, felt himself
secure of the great seal, being also archbishop and
cardinal legate soon afterwards, his pride knew no
bounds, but those of his power, and scarcely that.
His first object was to surmount the Archbishop
of Canterbury in all jurisdictions, which he com-
pletely marked and manifested by the exercise of
superior ecclesiastical powers, summoning not only
all the bishops of both provinces, but even the
archbishop himself, to attend his convocations,
claiming therein the whole parochial patronage
of the church, sending his own visitors to all the
spiritual houses in the kingdom, filling all the
ecclesiastical courts with his own commissioners,
scribes, apparitors, together with all other officers ;
all this, however, as we have seen in the slight sketch
of his legantine powers in a preceding page, we
must own he was authorised to do ; and, therefore,

AND HIS TIMES. 145

if blame falls on him, it ought rather to be from
the undue exercise of his power, than from the
strict legal exertion of the high papal commission.

Yet with all his ideas of the supreme arbitrary
authority of the head of the Romish church, it is
rather a curious fact that Wolsey, even after he
became a cardinal, was still upon good terms with
some of the Reformers, especially with Erasmus,
who had recently obtained the royal license to
return to Basle, from whence he wrote to Wolsey;
who seems, by this letter, almost to have been his
confidant in the grand work of Reformation.
" Most Reverend Prelate,

" I am very sorry that I had not an opportunity
of a longer and more particular conference with
your highness before I left England. My last
refuge, and the sheet anchor of my felicity, I had
fixed on you ; but I was in haste to publish St.
Jerome, a voluminous and celebrated work ; and
if I mistake not, a work which will be immortal,
besides its being pious and edifying. This it was
which I had so much at heart, that I neglected all
other business to prosecute it*"

He afterwards proceeds to state, " There is a
new Greek Testament printed as it was written
by the apostles, with a Latin translation and an-
notations by me. Some other things also I have
published of less consequence ; and yet these trifles
are a greater trouble to me than those arduous
affairs of state are to you. When, therefore, we

L

146 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

have finished those undertakings, we will hasten
our return to England, especially if your emi-
nency's goodness and generosity will, in the mean
time, be providing something for me as a refresh-
ment, both to my mind and body, after the fatigues
I have undergone from these employments. May
a good state of health be enjoyed by your most
reverend lordship, to whom I wholly devote and
dedicate myself.— Basle, Feb. 3, 1516."

It was worthy of record also, that about this
same period the famous Dr. Colet, founder of St.
Paul's school, met with the kindest treatment from
Wolsey, at the very time when the Bishop of
London had prosecuted him for heresy. Colet, on
this occasion, laid his complaint before the car-
dinal, who paid to him through all the proceedings
a particular deference and respect ; finally taking
care that Colet should peaceably possess the pre-
ferments which he held without any further dis-
turbance, putting thus an end to the ulterior pro-
ceedings which had been intended against him :
yet Colet, as we have seen in a preceding anecdote,
could not submit to the extraordinary powers of
Wolsey. A letter from Henry's own hand, nearly
of this date, will show in what affectionate esteem
he was held by his royal master, notwithstanding
the public clamour against him.
" My Lord Cardinal,

" I recommend me unto you as heartily as I
can, and I am right glad to hear of your good

AND HIS TIMES. 147

health, which I pray God may long continue. So
it is, that I have received your letters, to the
which, because they ask long answering, I have
made an answer by my secretary. But two things
there are, which are so secret, that they cause me
at this time to write to you myself. The one is,
that I trust the queen, my wife, is with child ; the
other is the chief cause why I am so loth to repair
to London, because now is partly her dangerous
time *, and likewise because I would remove her
as little as possible. Now, my lord, I write this
unto you not as an assured thing, but as a thing
wherein I have great hope and likelihood; and
also I do well know that this news will be com-
fortable to you to understand, therefore I do write
it unto you. No more unto you at this time, nisi
quod Deus velit inceptum opus benejiniri.

66 Written with the hand of your loving prince,

" HENRY R."

That Henry should have been so extremely
partial to Cardinal Wolsey, even if that partiality
had first been founded in youthful error and pre-
judice, will not appear so wonderful in his riper
years, if we take a liberal view of the cardinal's
exertions in his public capacity, not only for his
master's good, but for the general good of the
country. We find it acknowledged, that although
the different business Wolsey was engaged in re-

* Probably in allusion to the sweating sickness.

L 2

148 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

lative to his offices, both spiritual and temporal,
was fully sufficient to have occupied, in general
opinion, so much of his time, as to have allowed
him very little for attention to other matters : yet
such was his intense application to all the depart-
ments of government, that he was able, in the
course of this very year, 1516, to reform numerous
abuses which had crept into the different offices,
particularly in regard to the revenue, and the ad-
ministration of justice in the courts of law, as has

been slightly alluded to.

His exertions in regard to the Exchequer could
not fail to make him many enemies: for as he
found it much exhausted, both through the king's
liberality, and the demands for the public service,
he judged it expedient to bring all persons, what-
ever their rank, entrusted with the receipt of the
revenue, to a strict account and audit. In this
inquest he gave great offence to the Duke of Suf-
folk, who was a debtor to the crown to a con-
siderable amount ; no demands having been made
either upon him or various others, through the
neglect or treachery of the proper officers. With
respect to Suffolk, the effects of the demand were
so serious, that being unable then to arrange it, he
found it necessary to retire from the expensive life
of a court, in order, by frugality in country seclu-
sion, to save a sum sufficient to answer the debt :
for he was aware that in this case Henry would
not interfere with the regulations of his chan-

AND HIS TIMES. 149

cellor, who had already obliged some to pay into
the Treasury what they owed, prosecuting others
to compel payment, and thus providing the king
with money, without any new taxes or imposts
upon the people.

Previous to this the administration of the cri-
minal law had been very faulty, tending rather to
increase than to diminish crime, especially in re^
gard to misdemeanors, riots, and even rapes and
perjuries, so that neither person nor property were
safe. But Wolsey exerted himself here also, more
especially as to perjury, which was then the dry
rot of criminal law and of social confidence ; so
that, in a short time, that crime was nearly era-
dicated, to the great improvement of morals. The
other crimes he also followed up with careful
trials, and certainty of punishment on conviction ;
which was much facilitated by the establishment
of a new court, in which sat the lords of the
council, with several others of the nobility.

All these things gained him great praise, in re-
gard to the general good, at least from judicious
politicians ; and we must not forget that he was
the founder of the court of requests, and of many
other regulations in the civil government, which
were then very acceptable to the people at large ;
regulations so tempered by wisdom and patriotism,
that some of them are in use even at the present
day.

Even the inimical historians of that time ac-

150 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

knowlege the truth of these facts ; and Erasmus,
whose authority will not readily be disputed, says
expressly that he proceeded in such a way as to
bid fair to render England a more glorious nation
than it ever was before ; for he so thoroughly
cleared the realm of malefactors, and evil doers of
every sort, that it was not more free from poisons
and wild beasts, than from noxious men ; that by
his authority he cut in sunder many perplexed
lawsuits, no less happily than Alexander did the
Gordian knot ; and also that with much wisdom
he composed the differences between great men,
which often tended to the injury of the state.

Thus powerful and active at home, he was
courted even by foreign courts. Scotland was
almost at his beck, especially in regard to the queen
dowager's party; for she was now so poor, as
actually to be obliged to borrow money from him.
Spain too looked up to England now as a power-
ful ally, her crown having fallen to the youthful
Charles of Austria, by the demise of King Fer-
dinand, and who was now generally understood
to be a candidate for the imperial diadem, when-
ever it should be vacant by the death of his grand-
father ; and so successful was the young monarch,
in opposition to the intrigues of France, that a
league was entered into at London with the Em-
peror Maximilian, in October, 1516, nominally in
defence of the church, but really in hostility to
Francis I. In the diplomatic proceedings re-

AND HIS TIMES. 151

specting this treaty, Wolsey sat at the head of the

commission.

It was the policy of England, however, not to
come to open hostilities with France, although she
advanced money to Maximilian in his war in Italy;
a service for which the emperor showed so little
gratitude, that even after Henry had paid the
half of 60,000 florins contracted for in his name,
Maximilian had the assurance to tell him that if
he did not also pay his half, for he had no money,
then he should be obliged to make such concessions
to the King of France as England would not ap-
prove of. Yet Henry, and Wolsey also, had been
so mystified by Austrian diplomacy, that they ac-
tually believed Maximilian to have been sincere
in a project of dispossessing the French of the
Milanese territory, and of annexing it to the crown
of England. Henry, however, had good sense
enough to see that the restoration of Francis
Sforza to that dukedom would be more honour-
able and more beneficial to himself and his king-
dom, and when the proposal was made to him
through his agent, Dr. Pace, he announced his
approbation of it by a letter under his own hand.

Amongst other political tricks, at this time, it
was actually said that Maximilian had offered to
resign the imperial sceptre in favour of Henry ;
but his remissness in the Italian campaign, not to
call it by a harsh name, marching back from the
gates of Milan to Trent as if in a panic, must

WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

have convinced Henry of the instability of his
friendship.

Elevated to power, both at home and abroad,
and to wealth, both by fair means and foul, Wolsey
began more pointedly to display his taste for mag-
nificence, and to court popularity by hospitality
in open house-keeping. For this purpose, three
boards were daily spread in his hall, wherever he
might be resident : at the head of the first sate
a priest in the office of steward; at the head of
the second a knight, as treasurer; and at the third
an esquire, who was always comptroller of the
household. Besides these, there were other esta-
blished officers ; consisting of a confessor, a phy-
sician, two almoners, three marshals, three ushers,
and several grooms.

To supply these tables, the kitchen establish-
ment was necessarily extensive ; consisting of a
master-cook, whose daily dress was either velvet
or satin, with a gold chain to mark his superiority,
two other cooks, and six assistants or labourers, as
they were called ; in addition to whom there were,
in what was called the hall-kitchen, two clerks,
holding the offices of comptroller, and surveyor
over the dressers. In other departments were
equally responsible persons ; the hall-kitchen
having two cooks, and labourers, and children, to
the number of a dozen ; the spicery superintended
by a clerk ; in the pastry, two yeomen and two
paste-layers ; in the scullery, four scullions ; be-

AND HIS TIMES. 153

sides one yeoman and two grooms ; one yeoman
and a groom in the larder ; two yeomen and two
grooms in the buttery; the same in the ewry;
three yeomen and three pages in the cellar ; and
two yeomen in the chandlery.

Here then is a list nearly equal to that of a
modern court calendar ; but we have still to add
two yeomen in the wafery ; a master of the ward-
robe, with twenty assistants, or male chamber-
maids, in the bed-room department ; a yeoman
and groom, thirteen pages, two yeomen purveyors,
and a groom purveyor, in the laundry ; then in
the bakehouse, two yeomen and grooms ; one yeo-
man and groom in the wood-yard, coals not being
then in general use; one yeoman in the barn;
and two yeomen and two grooms as porters at
the gate.

In his stables equal pomp was displayed, there
being a master of the horse (and a yeoman of his
barge), besides a clerk and a yeoman ; a farrier ;
a yeoman of the stirrup ; also a maltlour, whose
office we do not very well understand, and sixteen
grooms, every one of them keeping four geldings.

The Cardinal's chapel must have been on an
establishment nearly equal to that of the sovereign;
for at its head was a dean, always a divine of the
first eminence, and selected for extensive learning;
next to him a subdean, also a repeater of the choir,
a reader of the gospels, a singing priest for the
epistles, and a master of the children. These were

154 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

for chapel service on common days ; but on great
fasts or festivals, there were other persons, on a
constant retainer, who came to assist. In the
vestry also were a yeoman and two grooms.

Besides this pomp of ecclesiastical service, the
chapel was furnished, and all the offices performed,
with the utmost splendour of Roman catholic de-
coration. The copes and other vestments of white
satin, or scarlet, or crimson, with the most costly
ornaments of jewels and precious stones.

Such may be called the public establishment of
Wolsey's household; but splendid as it was, 'twas
far exceeded by his personal domestic arrange-
ments. His two cross bearers, with two pillar
bearers, were always in waiting at due hours, in
the ante-room or great chamber, whilst the privy
chamber, or chambers, perhaps, must have been
crowded; for there were a chief chamberlain, a
vice chamberlain, a gentleman usher, besides a
gentleman usher of his own chamber. Here were
also twelve waiters, of low degree, and six gentle-
men waiters : but the most extraordinary thing
is, that he had also nine or ten peers of the realm
on his household list, " who had each of them two
or three men to waite upon him, except the Earle
of Darby, who had five men."

Cavendish, who seems to boast of all this dis-
play, goes on to recount that this proud Cardinal
had also forty persons in the offices of gentlemen
cupbearers, of carvers, and sewers, both of the

AND HIS TIMES. 155

great chamber and of the privy chamber; besides
six yeomen ushers, eight grooms of the chamber ;
" also he had of almes, who were daily wayters
of his boord at dinner," — twelve doctors (not phy-
sicians, we presume), and chaplains, a clerk of the
closet, two secretaries, two clerks of the signet,
and four counselors learned in the law.

It is further stated by Cavendish, that he had
a clerk of the checque upon his chaplains and also
upon the yeomen of the chamber ; and when he
became chancellor he added thereto, for the ready
execution of that office, a riding clerk, a clerk of
the crown, a clerk of the hanaper, and a wax
chafer.

Then there were " foure footmen garnished with
rich running coates, whensoever he had any jour-
ney ;" and besides these, a herald at arms, a ser-
jeant at arms, a physician, an apothecary, four
minstrels, a keeper of the tents, an armourer, an
instructor of his wards in chancery, an " instructor
of his wardrop of roabes," a keeper of his chamber
continually, a surveyor of York, and a clerk of
the green cloth.

In short, to sum up in a few words, there were
actually, upon his " cheine roll," eight hundred
persons, independent of suitors, who were all en-
tertained in the hall. " All these were daily at-
tending downelying and uprising. And at need
hee had eight continuall boords for the chamber-
laynes and gentlemen officers, having a mease of

156 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

young lords, and another of gentlemen ; besides
this, there was never a gentleman or officer, or
other worthy person, but hee kept some two, some
three persons to wait upon them ; and all other, at
the least, had one, which did amount to a great
number of persons."

In fact the number exceeded eight hundred of
all ranks, including nine or ten peers, or sons of
peers, fifteen knights, and forty esquires ; but then
it must be stated that these latter were not consi-
dered as domestics, but as friends who resided in
his family either for education and knowledge of
the world, or for state purposes, merely adding to
the show on days of ceremony.

The annual sum necessary to keep up such an
establishment must have been immense ; but the
royal munificence, further marked about this time
by the grant of the abbacy of St. Alban's, had ac-
tually put the Cardinal in possession of an income
superior to that of the crown ; to which must be
added pensions from foreign courts, openly paid,
to which we shall presently have occasion to re-
vert, besides many large sums of money which
he is supposed to have received from contending
princes in order to deprecate the hostility, or en-
sure the neutrality of England.

'In short, such were now Wolsey's means, and
so lavish his expenditure, that his pride and vanity
became so very conspicuous as to be almost pro-
verbial in men's mouths, even whilst he was in

AND HIS TIMES. 157

power ; yet no one dared accuse him openly. Sir
Thomas More, indeed, in his work — " A Dialogue
of Comfort against Tribulation" — does record a
whimsical anecdote of him in regard to his beha-
viour at his own table ; but this is told as having
happened in Germany. He describes the Car-
dinal, under this feint, as " glorious very farre
above all measure," adding that it " was great
pitie, for it dyd harm, and made him abuse many
great gyftes that God had so geven hym.*"

More then declares him to have been "never
saciate of hearinge his owne prayse," and in proof
of this relates, that one day at dinner, when there
was a large company assembled, he made a long
speech on some specific point of general interest at
the time, which he seemed, himself, to like very well,
but then during the whole time of dinner, he sat,
as it were, upon thorns, waiting to hear how the
company would commend it. But no one spoke,
yet it was observed, that at last he sat musing
for some time, as if contriving some roundabout
modest way of recurring to it so as to call forth
observations on it. In this cogitation, however,
he seemed not to have been successful, and there-
fore " for lacke of a better, lest he should have
letted the matter too long, he brought it even
bluntly forth, and asked us all that satte at his
hordes end (for at his own messe in the middes
there satte but himself alone) how well we lyked
his oracyion that hee hadde made that day. But,

158 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

in fayth uncle, when that probleme was once pro-
poned, till it was full answered, no manne (I wene)
eate one morsell of meate more. Every manne
was fallen in so depe a studye, for the fyndynge
of some exquisite prayse."

That Henry was displeased with Wolsey's dis-
play of wealth can scarcely be supposed, particu-
larly when we recollect that he used often, and
with great glee, to partake of the hospitalities of
the Cardinal's residence, visiting him in masque,
according to the fashion of the times, and of course
witnessing all the pageantry of his state, and the
profusion of his entertainments.

How well fitted, indeed, Wolsey was to join the
office of master of the revels to his ecclesiastical
dignity may be surmised from a passage in Stowe's
Annals, where he says, that when it pleased the king,
for his recreation, to repair to the Cardinal's house,
as he did frequently, there wanted no preparation
or furniture ; banquets were set forth with masques
and mummeries, in so gorgeous a style and costly
manner, that it was an heaven to behold. There
wanted no dames or damosels, meet or apt to
dance with the masques, or garnish the place for
the time : then there was all kind of music and
harmony, with fine voices both of men and
children.

Amidst all this revelry, possessed of a hand-
some person and engaging manners, and not, per-
haps, very scrupulous in regard to amorous in-

AND HIS TIMES. 159

trigue, like all his clerical brethren at that period,
it may naturally be inferred, that Wolsey's inter-
course with the fair was not kept within very strict
bounds. Indeed we have every reason to suspect
that some mysterious intrigue was at this very
moment going on, the fruits of which it was ne-
cessary to conceal in a manner, perhaps not very
uncommon at that day, but which is sufficiently
romantic to form an excellent foundation for an
historical novel like those that charm from the
pen of the author of Waverley.

The charge may, at first, seem a severe one,
but is not the less true ; in proof of which, we in-
sert the following copy of a letter to Secretary
Cromwell, said to be* "in relation to a bastard
daughter of Cardinal Wolsey's in the nunnery of
Shaftsbury."

Ryghte honable aff most humyll comenda-
cyons I lykewyse beseeche yow that the contents
of thys my symple lett may be secret, and that
for asmyche as I have grete cause to goo home, I
beseeche your good masfshipe to comand Mr.
Herytag to give atendans opon your masfshipe,
for the knowlege off youre plesure in the seyde
secrete mattf whiche ys this. My Lorde Cardi-
nall causyd me to put a yong gentyll homan to
the monysteryand unry of Shayfftysbyry, and ther

* Brit. Mus. Ays. Col. No. 4160. art. 11.

160 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

to be psessyd, and wold hur to be namyd my
dogthter, and the troy the ys shee was his dowythter,
and now by yor visitacyon she haythe coman yment
to dep~te and knowythe not whether ; wherfore I
humely beseeche youre masfshipe to dyrect yor let-
ter to the abbas there, that she may there co~tynu
at hur full age to be p~fessyd. W'owte dowyte
she ys other xxiiii yere full, or shalbe at shuche
tyme of the here as she was boren, whiche was a
bowyte mychelmas. .In this yor doyng, your mas-
tershipe shal do a very charitable ded, and also
bynd hur and me to do you suehe s~vyce as lyythe
in owre lytell powers, as knowythe owre Lord
God whome I humely beseeche p~speryssly and
longe to psve you,

Your Orator,

JOHN CLUSEY.

To the rygthe hoiffull
and his most especial!
good mr, Master Cromwell
Secretary to owre Sovaud
Lord the Kyng.

That the date of this letter, if it had been pre-
served, would have fixed the intrigue much about
this period, is evident from the fact, that it could
not have been later, as the nunnery of Shaftsbury
was surrendered to the commissioners on the Q3d
March, 1539, when the abbess Elizabeth Souche,
or Zouche, obtained a pension of £133 6,9. 8d. per
annum, pensions being also allowed to thirty-eight

AND HIS TIMES. 161

of the other nuns ; and this abbess might have
been ignorant of the circumstance, not receiving
that office until 1529, when she succeeded Eliza-
beth Thetford, who in 1523 had been the suc-
cessor of Margery Twineham, this latter holding
the office from 1505, so that it was most probably
during her abbacy that the young nun had been
received.

The public complaints were not now so much
against profusion, as that the state assumed by
the Cardinal, when chancellor, was even greater
than that of royalty itself. This is certainly true,
and it must have occupied, in common with the
mere formalities of religion, much of his time un-
necessarily. But early hours were then in fashion,
and the Cardinal rose early ; and as soon as he came
out of his bed-chamber, he generally heard two
masses, either in his ante-chamber or chapel. Re-
turning to his private apartments, he made various
necessary arrangements for the day ; and about
eight o'clock, left his privy chamber ready dressed,
in the red robes of a cardinal, his upper garment
being of scarlet, or else of fine crimson taffeta, or
crimson satin, with a black velvet tippet of sables
about his neck, and holding in his hand an orange,
deprived of its internal substance and filled with
a piece of sponge, wetted with vinegar " and other
confections against pestilent airs, the which hee
most commonly held to his nose, when he came
to the presses, or when he was pestered with

M

162 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

many suitors." This may account for so many
of the old portraits being painted with an orange
in the hand. The Great Seal of England and the
Cardinal's hat were both borne before him "by
some lord, or some gentleman of worship right
solemnly ;" and as soon as he entered the presence-
chamber, the two tall priests, with the two tall
crosses, were ready to attend upon him, with
gentlemen ushers going before him bare-headed,
and crying " on masters before, and make room for
my lord." The crowd thus called on consisted
not only of common suitors, or the individuals of
his own family, but often of peers of the realm,
who chose, or were perhaps obliged, thus to crouch
to an upstart — a character not in very great re-
pute in those days. In this state the proud Car-
dinal proceeded down his hall, with a sergeant at
arms before him, carrying a large silver mace,
and two gentlemen, each bearing a large plate of
silver. On his arrival at the gate, or hall-door, he
found his mule ready, covered with crimson velvet
trappings ; for though the Cardinal imitated his
Divine Master as to the beast he chose to ride on,
yet he thought there could be nothing wrong in
having him more splendidly attired than is war-
ranted by scriptural documents.

When mounted, his attendants consisted of his
two cross-bearers, and his two pillar-bearers,
dressed in fine scarlet, and mounted on great
horses caparisoned in like colour, of four men on

AND HIS TIMES. 163

foot, with each a pole-axe in his hand, and a long
train of gentry who came to swell his triumph as
he proceeded to the Court of Chancery, where he
generally sat until eleven o'clock to hear suits and
to determine causes.

With all this state, he seems to have affected
some degree of familiarity ; for, previous to taking
his seat in the court, he generally stopped at a
bar made for him below the chancery, conversing
with the other judges, and sometimes with in-
dividuals of less apparent consequence.

As soon as his chancery business was over, he
commonly proceeded to the Star-chamber ; where,
as has been, we hope truly, reported of him, " hee
neither spared high nor low, but did judge every
one according to right."

Indeed, amidst all contending accounts, there
still appears to have been much virtue in this ex-
traordinary man, who might even claim merit as
being one of the chief causes of the rapid ex-
tension of the Reformation in England, from
his sedulous endeavours to detect the disorders
amongst the clergy at home ; disorders, the know-
ledge of which was now producing such me-
morable events in Germany, and leading to the
Reformation there also.

In the midst of all his greatness, Wolsey ex-
perienced considerable trouble and anxiety in
regard to Tournay, as not only the inhabitants
but the clergy were in favour of his competitor,

M 2

164 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

It was understood, too, that France was determined
to recover it, either by force or surprise ; particu-
larly when it was known that Wolsey's interest
was now so far predominant at the Court of Rome,
that the Pope not only revoked his former bull
in favour of the French bishop elect, but had
even appointed his English rival his general col-
lector of papal dues in England — an office of high
trust and confidence, and which could not fail to
add much to the Cardinal's power and influence —
and to his wealth also, as the accusation has been
against him.

Notwithstanding these demonstrations of papal
favour, Wolsey was soon content to rid himself of
his Tournay troubles, especially where the pro-
fits were so small, with the best grace he could ;
when he so far resigned his claims to his royal
benefactor, that a treaty was soon after entered
into with France for the delivery of that city and
bishopric, as an act of friendship previous to a
family union, by a marriage of the Princess Mary,
then an infant, with the Dauphin of France, yet
unborn, but expected, as the French Queen ex-
hibited symptoms of pregnancy — the result of
which might, however, have been a daughter
instead of a dauphin, in spite of diplomatic sa-
gacity.

By this treaty, Wolsey gained much upon the
personal friendship of Francis I. ; and he appears
to have been equally a favourite with the young

AND HIS TIMES. 165

Spanish monarch, who settled upon him a pension
of 3000 livres per annum, on the avowed princi-
ple of being not only a mark of the great amity
and consideration which Charles had for him,
but also in reward for the good offices and ef-
fectual pains which the Cardinal had taken in recent
negotiations, between him and his royal uncle of
England. This grant was announced to Wolsey
by an autograph letter from King Charles ; who,
in the grant, calls him " our most dear and special
freind."

To a pension so handsomely presented, the
Cardinal could not object ; indeed, it appears that
he was not in the habit of refusing even smaller
sums, as in this present year he also accepted a
pension of 200 ducats, from the Duke of Milan,
for his services in regard to that Duchy.

But these foreign favours were by no means
palatable to the people of England, whose jealousy
of him was thereby only the more increased, so
that the whole kingdom was filled with stories of
his rapacity and profusion, of his betraying the
interests of his king and country, for his own pri-
vate gain ; and, in short, little else was noticed
at this moment but the pride and insolence of
Wolsey ; which were depicted pointedly and most
peculiarly in many instances ; but in none more
fully than in what is called * a Character of the

* Brit. Mus. Lansdown, Col. No. 978. p. 213.

166 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

insolent Behaviour of Cardinal Wolsey, as given
by Thomas Allen, Priest and Chaplain to the Earl
of Shrewsbury.

" Pleseth your Lordshyp to understande upon
Monday was sennight laste paste, I delivered your
letter wth the examinacyon to my Lord Cardynall
at Guildford, whence he commanded me to wait
on him to the court. I followed him, and there
gave attendence, and could have no answer. Upon
Friday last he came from thence to Hampton
Court, where he lyeth. The morrow after, I be-
sought his Grace I might know his plesure — I
could have no answer. Upon Monday last, as he
walked in the parke at Hampton Court, I be-
sought his Grace I might knowe if he wolde com-
mand me anye servyce. He was not content with
me that I spoke to him. So that who shall be a
suitor to him may have nd other busynesse but
give attendance upon his plesure. He that shall
so doe, it is needfull should be a wyser man than
I am. I sawe no remedy but came wthout an-
swere except I wolde have done as my Lord Da-
cre's servant doth, who came with letters for the
kynge's servyce five moneths since, and yet hath
no answere : and another servant of the Deputy
of Calais, likewyse, who came before the other to
Walsingham, I heard when he answered them, If
ye be not contente to tarry my leysure, departe
when ye will.

" This is truthe. I had rather your Ldshyp

AND HIS TIMES. 167

eommaunded me to Rome then deliver him letters,
and bring answers to the same. When he walketh
in the parke, he will suffer no servant to come
nyghe him, but commands them awaye as far as
one might shoot an arrow." —

Yet Erasmus, in his confidential letters, seems
to have formed a very different opinion of Wolsey
from the popular one ; stating his principal virtues
to be his extraordinary humanity and moderation,
his beneficence and zeal for the reformation of man-
ners, and the advancement of learning; whilst his
abilities were to be judged by the wisdom and
rectitude of his administration. Nay, Erasmus,
who has never been accused of flattery, says to
him in a letter about this period — " a very great
and splendid fortune is usually invidious ; but the
wonderful facility of your manners, conspicuous
and known to all persons, so disarms envy itself,
that they do not so much consider the greatness
of your fortune, as the native goodness of your
disposition." Yet Erasmus afterwards observed,
upon his fall — " This is the play of Fortune; from
being a schoolmaster, he was, in a manner, ad-
vanced to the royal dignity, for he might more
truly be said to reign than the king himself. He
was feared by all persons, beloved by few, if by
any body."

Between such counter opinions it is difficult, at
this late period, to decide; but, in unison with
public opinion, we are obliged to confess, that no

168 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

sooner did Wolsey find himself securely seated on
the chancery bench, than, with an apparent little-
ness of mind, prompted evidently by revenge, and
still smarting under, perhaps, a deserved lash, he.
sent for Sir Amyas Paulet, who had formerly set
him in the stocks at Lymington, abused him with
foul reproaches, and ordered him not to dare to
quit the metropolis, without a licence to that pur-
pose. The knight, fearful, no doubt, of the sove-
reign's displeasure, through his favourite, sub-
mitted to this decree for five or six years, taking
up his abode in the gate-house of the Middle
Temple, which, Cavendish says, " he re-edified, and
sumptuously beautified the same all over on the
outside, with the Cardinal's arms, his hat, his
cognizance and badges, with other devices in so
glorious a manner, as hee thought thereby to have
appeased his old displeasure."

Cavendish appears inclined to vindicate this,
though he does not venture to defend his master's
revenge, on the principle that the punishment of
the stocks was absolutely inflicted wrongfully : but
he talks of that punishment being more of humour
than of justice ; and considers the whole affair as
a warning to men in power.

Wolsey's policy and good sense were this year
hastily called into action by a most alarming riot
in the city of London, which arose from the en-
couragement given to foreign artists and trades-
men, or as the old Chronicle says, " for that such

AND HIS TIMES. 169

numbers of strangers were permitted to resort
hither with their wares, and to exercise handy
crafts, to the great hinderance and impoverishing
of the king's liege people."

To such a height did this discontent proceed,
that a broker, John Lincoln, on the 5th of April,
actually waited on Dr. Standishe, who was to
preach the Spital sermon in Easter week, and re-
quested him to notice, in his discourse, the wrongs
thus done to Englishmen ; but Standishe refused
to accede to this extraordinary request, and Lin-
coln then applied to Dr. Bell, who was to preach
on the Tuesday, and persuaded him to read a bill
of grievances, which is described as very seditious ;
riot only showing to the people that they, as En-
glishmen, ought to cherish and maintain them-
selves, but also that it was lawful to attack these
aliens for the good of the commonwealth. This
sermon had its effect, and various disturbances
took place up to the 28th of April, on which day
some giddy young men set out into the streets in
order to pick quarrels with the foreigners, some
of whom they struck, whilst others they forced
into the kennel. Good order necessarily required
the lord mayor to put an end to this, and some of
the most active rioters were sent to prison; but
peace was far from being restored, for a report
instantly spread that it was the intention of the
citizens to slay all foreigners on May-day. This
report spread so rapidly and so loudly that many

170 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

of the foreigners left town in the greatest alarm ;
and it soon reached the court, where the king's
council took it into immediate consideration. Wol-
sey immediately sent for the lord mayor and al-
dermen, and for several of the common council, to
whom he stated what he had heard ; when the
lord mayor, as if ignorant of the matter, told him
that he doubted not but so to govern the city as
peace should be observed ; to which the Cardinal
replied by advising him so to do, and to take good
heed that if any riotous attempt were intended, he
should with good policy prevent it.

The lord mayor having returned into the city
about four o'clock on May eve, when, if mischief
were intended, no time should be lost in prevent-
ing it, immediately summoned a meeting at the
Guildhall; but it was seven in the evening before
the assembly proceeded to business. Various opi-
nions were then broached : some thought that it
would be sufficient to set a substantial watch of
honest citizens, which might withstand the evil-
doers, if they went about any misrule; whilst
others urged that the best mode would be to order
every man to shut up his doors, and to keep his
servants within.

This consultation being closed as speedily as
possible, the recorder, about eight o'clock, was sent
to Wolsey with the opinions of the common coun-
cil ; and, he approving of the second proposal, the
recorder, accompanied by Sir Thomas More, late

AND HIS TIMES. 171

under sheriff, returned to the Guildhall, when the
approved resolution was instantly ordered to be
put in force.

On the same evening, Sir John Mundy, one
of the aldermen, returning from his own ward,
through Cheapside, found two young men playing
at sword and bucklers, whilst a number of others
were looking on. In fact the order was scarce
published, and probably was not known to these
people ; but Sir John ordered them to leave off;
and when one of them asked him the reason why,
the alderman was about to order him to the
Compter. This, however, was not so easily done,
for the prentices, then a very formidable union in
the city, not only resisted the caption, rescuing
the prisoner, but cried out " Prentices ! and clubs !"
so lustily, that prentices and clubs rushed out
from every door, and obliged Sir John to fly.

The crowd still increased, and about eleven at
night they broke open the Compter, and released
all the prisoners already committed for their as-
saults upon the foreigners ; and soon after they
did the same at Newgate, in spite of the mayor
and sheriffs, who attended to make due proclama-
tion. This scene of riot and confusion lasted some
hours, in which much damage was done ; but the
rioters about three in the morning, having left off
their work of destruction, were seized in detail
by the city police, and about three hundred com-
mitted to various prisons. In a few days the

1 72 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

prisoners were tried, and Lincoln and twelve others
adjudged to die, for which purpose ten gallowses
were erected in the most public spots in the me-
tropolis, where they were executed. On the 7th
of May, some others were sentenced to death, and
immediately drawn on hurdles to Cheapside, where
one of the party, Lincoln Shirwin, suffered his
sentence, and the others had the ropes about their
necks when a respite arrived, and they were re-
manded to prison.

The good policy of this merciful change cannot
be doubted ; but Henry was, or appeared to be,
very unwilling to grant it : for, as Stowe affirms,
it was not determined on until three queens, Ka-
tharine, Queen of England, and by her means,
Mary, the French Queen Dowager, and Margaret,
Queen of Scots, the king's sister, then resident in
England, had, for a long time on their knees before
Henry, solicited a pardon, " which, by persuasion
of the Cardinall Wolsey, (without whose councell
hee would then doe nothing) the king granted
unto them."

A few days afterwards, on the 13th of May, the
king came to Westminster Hall, where he was re-
ceived by the lord mayor and corporation, when
the remainder of the prisoners were brought up
with halters round their necks and ultimately par-
doned ; but not until Wolsey had severely cen-
sured the corporation for their negligence. The
pardon being pronounced, the prisoners shouted

AND HIS TIMES. 173

and threw up their halters to the roof of the hall ;
then they were dismissed with a severe reproof,
the gallowses were taken down, and peace and
tranquillity restored.

Notwithstanding Wolsey's former enmity to-
wards the King of France, we have seen that he
began to change his feelings or his opinions on
that subject after considerable coquetting with that
monarch, who sent him many curious and valuable
presents, accompanied by the most flattering letters,
in which he copiously bestowed upon him the titles
of Lord, Father, and Guardian, assuring him that
he would not only regard his advice as oracles,
but also reward his services most amply. Francis
now conceived that he had completely secured
Wolsey's favour and assistance with Henry, and
therefore he directed his resident ambassador to
negotiate privately with him respecting the resti-
tution of Tournay, already alluded to, and publicly
about an alliance between England and France,
proposing to cement the peace and friendship, by
the union of the infant Mary, with his own ex-
pected son, the Dauphin.

As an indemnification for the loss of Tournay
formed part of the proposed arrangement, Wolsey
listened to it willingly, and resolved to bring Henry
over immediately to a change of political feeling ;
arid his mode and manner of this, as it has been de-
scribed, is too curious to pass without notice. His
first step was to take Henry in a confidential mo-

174 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

ment, presenting him with some of the most cu-
rious things which Francis had sent him. When
he perceived the king to be thus put in good hu-
mour, he said — " With these things hath the King
of France attempted to corrupt me. Many servants
would have concealed this from their masters ; but
I am resolved to deal openly with your Grace on
all occasions." Lest, however, that he should go
too far, he tempered the accusation by adding,
" This attempt, however, to corrupt the servant,
is a certain proof of his sincere desire of the friend-
ship of the master."

It is also stated that Henry, so far from being
offended, actually felt his vanity flattered by the
idea that he had selected one so able for his mi-
nister,— one so much admired and courted by
other princes ; as was evinced by his observation,
— " The Cardinal will govern both Francis and

me."

This was very soon after verified when the two
monarchs, in regard to the mutual amity and con-
fidence established between them by the treaty,
commenced their negotiations for an interview,
which afterwards took place at Ardres, so noted
in the history of that period. Indeed, on this
occasion, Henry's confidence in Wolsey was not
greater than that of Francis, who is stated to have
shown, by a very sensible and demonstrative proof,
how much he esteemed the Cardinal, and what
high trust and confidence he reposed in his inte-

AND HIS TIMES. 175

grity and honour : for it appears that after the
French and English commissioners in London
had agreed that an interview should take place,
the French king actually referred the regulation
of it, with respect to time, manner, and place, and
to all other circumstances connected with it, to
Wolsey himself; for which purpose he sent him
a commission, some time afterwards, containing
the fullest and most ample powers, with the sole
reservation of a condition regarding the safety and
honour of his person.

But the knowledge of this proposed interview
gave great uneasiness to Charles of Spain, who
took an early opportunity of remonstrating on the
subject, not only by his ambassadors at the English
court, but also by private agents to Sir Richard
Wingfield, then governor, or deputy, at Calais, in
order that he might represent the affair more
pointedly to the Cardinal, who no sooner heard of
it, than effectually to remove all jealousies and sus-
picious reports, he immediately explained the whole
affair without any disguise, not only what steps
the King of England had taken towards it, but
also what the Flemish ambassadors had done to
obstruct it.

That the Flemish interest was very inimical to
Wolsey upon this occasion is evident from the
fact that the Lord of Chevres, then high in power,
and the Chancellor of Burgundy, actually stopped

176 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

the King of Spain's grant of pension to him *,
when it came to be signed and sealed at Ghent,
where it was originally granted. This opposition
from the Flemings was, however, soon got over ;
and Wolsey, anxious to please the Spanish mon-
arch, then at Madrid, persuaded Henry to confer
upon him the order of the garter, which was sent
to him in due form by a splendid embassy. On
this occasion we have a curious diplomatic fact
in letters from Dr. Edward Lee, and Sir Thomas
Boleyne, in which they earnestly write to Wolsey
for cramp rings, or his majesty's hallowed rings,
promising to distribute them well, and to the best
purposes.

These were accordingly despatched at the Car-
dinal's request ; indeed his wish was now a law ;
and the whole of Henry's conduct towards him
seems to have been a tissue of royal favours : for
on the 29th of April, we find a grant from the
king, to enable him to confer letters patent of de-
nizen under the great sealf; and shortly after
another grant, empowering him not only to make
out all conges d'elire, royal assents, and restitu-
tions of temporalities of ecclesiastical dignities,
from archbishoprics down to the lowest religious
establishments ; but also to take the homages and

* See letter dated 12th May, 1518, Brit. Mus. Had. Coll.
295.

t Rymer's Feed. xiii. 605, 606.

AND HIS TIMES. 177

fealty of all persons which might be due to the
crown for such temporalities — grants which Wol-
sey could not fail to find highly lucrative, at a
period when bribery was openly and unblushingly
practised.

The political operations of the Cardinal left him
little time for personal attentions to alma mater,
though he still felt warmly in the cause of the place
of his education, whenever he had an opportunity
to serve her : circumstances, however, this year led
him to visit the university of Oxford, about the
latter end of Lent ; for Henry and his queen going
on a progress to Abingdon, he accompanied them,
where, the day of their arrival, a deputation was
sent to wait on them in the name of the univer-
sity, which the queen readily listened to, having
a great desire to visit Oxford, and at the same
time she requested Wolsey to accompany her. Her
majesty, we are to!4, was received with all the
honours and expressions of joy that could be
shown upon such an occasion, and which were
proper to testify how much the heads of houses,
with their whole train of fellows and graduates,
thought the seat of the Muses adorned by the
presence of so great and excellent a princess. Her
majesty's house of reception was at Merton Col-
lege, where she was publicly entertained in the
hall, and which had for several centuries been set
apart as the inn or hotel for the Queens of Eng-
land, whenever they should visit that university.

N

178 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

When the convocation was assembled, and the
congratulatory addresses presented, not only to
the queen, but also to the Cardinal, the latter an-
swered in a long speech, in which he declared how
much he had the interests of the university at
heart, and how desirous he was to do to it every
service in his power. For this purpose he assured
them that he particularly proposed to found cer-
tain lectures (afterwards established), and that he
wished to be entrusted with the care of reducing
their statutes into some better form and order ; the
regulation of which, on account of their confusion
and discrepancy, had been for some time past com-
mitted to other persons.

This offer was at once accepted; and letters
were instantly despatched to Archbishop Warham,
then chancellor of the university, to acquaint him
both with the offer and its favourable acceptance.
This was rather a bitter pill for Warham, espe-
cially as prescribed by his enemy and rival ; but,
after some time, he was persuaded by the repeated
remonstrances of the members of the university to
agree to it ; and, in consequence, on the 1st of
June, a full convocation passed an ample and
solemn decree, that the statutes of the university
should be put into Wolsey's hands, to be corrected,
reformed, changed, or expunged, as he in his dis-
cretion should think proper.

This humility of conduct appears to have even
been surpassed by Cambridge, in an act of sub-

AND HIS TIMES. 179

mission, granting him in a fuller manner an ab-
solute power of reforming, methodising, and, if he
should think proper, of changing, nay, of destroy-
ing all their former statutes ; and even after this
strong language, that university complained, in
the words of their grant, that they wanted ex-
pressions to denote the powers wherewith they
wished he might be invested, and the absolute
conveyance of their rights and privileges as an
*' incorporable" body to him ; but with a reserva-
tion of such distinct rights and privileges as were
proper to the several colleges of that university.

Fiddes contends that the grounds upon which
the university of Cambridge proceed in this ad-
dress to Wolsey are still more glorious to him
than even the powers thereby granted ; for the
address desired that their statutes might be mo-
delled by his judgment, as by a true and settled
standard. It further spoke of him as one sent by
a special Providence from heaven for the public
benefit of mankind, and particularly to the end
they might be favoured with his patronage and
protection. But the address went also further,
and it gave a title to Wolsey, of which Fiddes,
himself his vindicator and advocate, acknowledges
that it " even appears superior to that of majesty
from the other university ; but the proper force of
which cannot, I believe, be expressed by any word
of the language wherein I write." Now the fact
is, that the title applied to him, and by Cambridge

N 2

180 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

too, is that of " Numen," which certainly, even if
it went no further, meant, amongst the Romans, a
protecting Deity — a being, if not in the first list
of gods, yet above mortality ! The passage alluded
to is — " Shall we not by every mode of intreaty
implore the aid of a Deity (numinis opem) for the
restoration of our laws ? Shall we not fly to this
altar of justice, to this asylum of right ?"

If flattery can go further we know not, but
folly did ; for these extraordinary powers were
conceded to this mitred god, not for a term of
years, or for a specific purpose, but for term of
life, and under such express conditions, that he
might exercise them as often, in what manner,
and according to what different sanctions he might
think most convenient *.

Subject to such flattery, endued with such
powers, ecclesiastical and civil, as he now pos-
sessed, and supported in the plenitude of his au-
thority by both king and pope, can we wonder if
Wolsey, like Philip of Macedon, should be in dan-

* We have not seen this extraordinary document ; but
those who have any doubts respecting its authenticity may
consult Fiddes's " Life of Cardinal Wolsey," folio edition,,
1724, pp. 184, 185, particularly a note in the latter page, in
which the author says, " A copy of this submission was com-
municated by my very worthy and learned friend, Mr. Hasbin,
which he found among several original papers in the posses-
sion of Mr. Hale of Alderley, in Gloucestershire; it is on
vellum, having the cardinal's arms, with his cap painted at
the top."

AND HIS TIMES. 181

ger of forgetting that he was a man ? He must,
indeed, have been more than man had he not, in
some measure, forgot himself; yet still we must
laugh at some whimsical circumstances of pride
and littleness which often appeared. A curious
instance of this pride and ambition took place this
year, in consequence of the arrival of Cardinal
Campeius, as ambassador from the pope, and
which afterwards led, as some writers assert, to
his own procuring of the full legantine autho-
rity * ; for no sooner did he know of the proposed
embassy, and that Campeius, who was also a le-
gate de latere, would thus take precedence of him
as a cardinal, than he sent an episcopal friend, ac-
companied by several learned doctors, to wait for
him at Calais, as if to do him honour by a wel-
come, but really to persuade him, that if he wished
to meet with success in his embassy, he must send
post to Rome, in order not only to have the le-
gantine authority conferred upon Wolsey, but also
to have the latter joined in the general diplomatic
commission.

This representation had its expected effect upon

* There is great confusion and discrepancy in the dates
of his appointment to the legantine authority. Some fix it
cotemporary with his cardinalate, and record, as we have done,
his exercise of that authority previous to the arrival of Cam-
peius, whilst others agree with the date of the anecdote. This
much is certain, that the legantine grant was at first only
temporary, and not for life, as others had it.

182 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

Campeius, who took the steps necessary for its
execution, so that the affair was settled at Rome,
not without suspicion of large bribes, and the bull
brought to Calais in the course of seven weeks :
where Campeius and his train waited for it, and
where their poverty and shabbiness were so ap-
parent, that Wolsey sent a quantity of red cloth
over for their new clothing.

Thus refitted, the whole party crossed over, and
proceeded towards the metropolis, being received
at every town with great ceremony, and accom-
panied from stage to stage by the nobility and
gentry of each vicinity. On arriving at Black-
heath, Campeius was met by the Duke of Norfolk,
accompanied by an immense train of bishops,
knights, and gentlemen, all clad in the richest ap-
parel ; and by them he was entertained in a rich
tent of cloth of gold, where he attired himself
in his cardinal's robe, edged with ermine; then
mounting his mule, set off in full procession for
London.

In those processions it was customary for great
men to be accompanied by mules, or horses, laden
with rich furniture, and even with treasure ; but
Campeius travelled with such apparent poverty,
that Wolsey was actually ashamed of the appear-
ance which he would make in passing through the
public streets : and, therefore, on the night pre-
vious to the public entry, knowing that the mules
of the Italian only amounted to eight in number,

AND HIS TIMES. 183

he sent him a dozen others, laden with coffers
covered with red cloth, but empty. This decep-
tion passed on very well until their arrival in
Cheapside, when one of the mules broke from its
keeper, threw off its own chests, which burst open
in the fall, and made two or three of the other
mules turn restive and do the same ; but the de-
rision of the populace was violent in the extreme,
when they saw that " out of some fell olde hosen,
broken shoen, and roasted fleshe, peces of bread,
egges, and muche vile baggage : at whiche sighte
the boyes cryed, ' See ! see, my Lord Legate's trea-
sure ;' and so the muleteers were ashamed, and
tooke up all their stuffe, and passed forthe."

But other folks might have been ashamed also,
for previous to this the procession had been joined
by the whole body of London clergy, with crosses,
censers, and copes, who censed Campeius with all
due solemnity, whilst the lord mayor and alder-
men, common council, and all the trades and oc-
cupations of the city, lined the streets in their
best liveries, with every possible ceremony to do
him honour.

No sooner had he recovered in some degree
from the disastrous disclosure, than he found a
number of bishops, in mitres and full canonicals,
ready to receive him beneath a superb canopy,
under which he entered the church, the canopy
itself being instantly claimed by his servants as
their fee. After the papistical ceremony of the

184 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

offering, he bestowed his benediction on the people ;
and, again mounting his mule, proceeded to Bath-
place, where he was lodged with all his train,
being there also first welcomed by Wolsey, who
thus kept up the appearance of royal authority
over his fellow-cardinal, from whom he now re-
ceived several bulls granted to him by the pope,
particularly one which gave him the power of
visiting the monasteries, in commission with Cam-
peius, who also showed him the powers he had
from the pope to enforce the bull *, which granted
to Wolsey the tenths of all the revenues of the
prelates, &c. throughout the kingdom.

Here we may record a specimen of underhand
dealing, of which the Cardinal, in a political point
of view, has often been accused, and which is even
granted by his apologist, who acknowledges that
Wolsey, thinking himself capable without an
associate of being visiter of the monasteries, even
while Carnpeius remained in England, sent Dr.
John Clarke to Rome, to request from the pope
that the whole power, as to that article, might be
transferred upon himself. This, as Lord Herbert
says, was done by the king's command ; but that
command could only follow Wolsey's wishes:
Clarke, however, whether sanctioned by the royal
authority or not, acquitted himself so well in the
business, as Fiddes expressly states, that the car-

* Rymer, Feed. xiv. 599.

AND HIS TIMES. 185

dinal, Campeius being now revoked, obtained a
bull, whereby he was enabled to visit not only
monasteries and all the clergy of England, 'but to
dispense with the laws of the church for the term
of a year ensuing the date of his commission.

But these latter events took place posterior to
the time of which we write ; we shall, therefore,
resume the order of our narrative in stating, that
Sunday seems to have been a day generally dedi-
cated to court ceremonies at this period ; and ac-
cordingly, on the first Sabbath after the arrival of
Campeius, Wolsey and he, in their state barges,
set off for the court at Greenwich, each of them
having their crosses displayed, also two pillars of
silver, two small axes gilt, two cloak bags em-
broidered, and their cardinal's hats carried before
them. On entering the royal hall, Wolsey took
the right or upper hand of Campeius, and there
they were met by the king in full courtly state,
and received as if both had come from Rome ; so
jealous was Wolsey of admitting even the slightest
distinction in which he did not partake. His ma-
jesty now led the way towards the presence cham-
ber, when an Italian in the train made a long ora-
tion, stating the object of the embassy to be two-
fold ; one for aid of the Christian church against
the Turks, who were then very troublesome to
Europe, the other for the reformation of the clergy.
High mass was then celebrated, after which the
two cardinals were ushered to a chamber, where

186 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

they dined in great state, being served by lords
and knights : and this over, they took leave of the
king, " mounted their mules, and so rode away"
all through the city, " in greate pompe and glory
to their lodgynges."

With respect to the first point alluded to, aid
against the Turks, there appears to have been just
cause for alarm, as Selim, the Turkish emperor,
had recently subdued the Sultan of Egypt ; and
had thus, by the annexation of that powerful em-
pire to his own already powerful dominions, ren-
dered himself very formidable to the princes of
Europe. The African Corsairs had also recently
made several incursions upon the Italian coasts,
from whence they had carried off the inhabitants
of whole villages, and even towns, into slavery ;
so that the pope, unable to defend himself, had
no other policy to pursue than to persuade the
European princes to unite against the enemies of
Christendom.

To gain over Henry to this confederacy was an
object of the first importance, and therefore the
pope joined Wolsey in commission with Campeius,
signifying to him by a private communication,
that notwithstanding the confidence which he had
in the conduct and abilities of the latter, yet know-
ing the Cardinal's great weight and authority at
court, and that he was able effectually to advise
or dissuade any thing, he had especially required
his assistance, in order to conduct and to facilitate

AND HIS TIMES. 187

the negotiation on foot ; and had, therefore, con-
stituted and deputed him, " as an angel of peace,"
to transact it with an equal share of power and
authority with his own ambassador.

At first, Henry listened with complacency, and
even enthusiasm, to this negotiation; but ob-
serving that other princes, in joining the proposed
confederacy, were more intent upon their own in-
terests than the welfare of Christendom, he soon
dropped all connexion with it, and the whole affair
fell to the ground; particularly after the death
of the warlike Selim had, in some measure, neu-
tralised the fears of Europe.

But amongst the extraordinary powers granted
to Wolsey, in conjunction with Campeius, was one
most extraordinary ; that whenever either of them
should celebrate mass before the king or queen,
they should then have power to declare plenary
remission of sins to all persons of both sexes that
were penitent or had confessed, or who might be
in a true and sincere disposition to confess, pro-
vided they were present at the solemnity, at least
when the benediction should be pronounced. The
intention of this was supposed to be, to create a
greater personal veneration for the two cardinals,
by whose mouth the absolution was to be spoken ;
the " plenary remission" signifying, in the shape
of an indulgence, the condition upon which God
doth pardon the sinner, and ratify the sentence of
the priest ! But, perhaps, the most extraordinary

188 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

part of the business is, that Fiddes, a Protestant
clergyman, a chaplain to the then Earl of Oxford
(the famous Harley) should dedicate a page to the
vindication of " plenary remission," as if the cere-
mony of absolution in our own rubric required it
— a ceremony which, in its very form, marks the
important difference and vital distinction between
Protestant and popish absolution.

In the midst of all this bustle, Wolsey must, in-
deed, have been actively employed ; for on the 31st
of July, the French appointment of embassy took
place, which was to negotiate a perpetual peace, to
settle the restoration of Tournay, in lieu of which
Francis offered a pension of 12,000 livres, and to
arrange, not only the treaty of marriage between
.the Dauphin of France and the infant princess,
but also whatever might be necessary for the ex-
pected meeting at Ardres.

Soon after this the see of Bath and Wells
became vacant, by the deprivation of Cardinal
Hadrian, who had excited the jealousy of the pope ;
and Henry scrupled not to ask it for his favourite
from Pope Leo. It was speedily granted; and
Wolsey not only received the temporalities from
the king on the 28th of August, but had also a
grant of the abbacy of St. Alban's. The latter
grant has, however, by some been fixed at an
earlier period ; and Browne Willis thinks it must
have been made in 1516, though the temporalities
were not given up until 1521.

AND HIS TIMES. 189

Along with Bath and Wells, the Cardinal soon
had the administration of the sees of Worcester
and Hereford granted to him by the pope ; but it
is to be observed, that these bishoprics were only
held in commendem, or in farm, being already pos-
sessed by foreigners, who, it is said, were per-
mitted by Wolsey to adopt nonresidence, but com-
pounding with him for such indulgence by a share,
the lion's share too, in the revenues.

These grants, however, although ostensibly con-
ferred upon him by the pope, were the result of
his royal master's kindness — a shower of favours
well described by our own immortal poet in his
play of Henry VIII.

" K. Hen. Have I not made you

The prime man of the state ? I pray you, tell me,
If what I now pronounce, you have found true .
And if you may confess it, say withal,
If you are bound to us, or no. What say you r

Wol. My sovereign, I confess, your royal graces
Shower'd on me daily, have been more than could
My studied purposes requite ; which went
Beyond all man's endeavours: — my endeavours
Have ever come too short of my desires,
Yet fill'd with my abilities : mine own ends
Have been mine so, that evermore they pointed
To the good of your most sacred person, and
The profit of the state. For your great graces
Heap'd upon me, poor undeserver, I
Can nothing render but allegiant thanks 5
My prayers to heaven for you j my loyalty,
Which ever has, and ever shall be growing,
Till death, that winter, kill it."

190 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

But these favours were not confined to Henry
alone, other monarchs offered their tributes of
gratitude, particularly the King of Spain, who, in
a letter of the 17th of September, thanks the
Lord Cardinal Wolsey, for his loving letter and
good advice, which he was resolved to follow. It
must be remarked, that the affairs of the young
Spanish monarch were, as yet, in a very unsettled'
state. Castile and Arragon were his by inherit-
ance, but his regal power was not yet acknow-
ledged by the other provinces of the Peninsula.

Court fetes, as well as politics, now courted the
Cardinal's attention; for the French embassy being
arrived, he introduced them to the king at Green-
wich, on the 23d of September. This embassy,
expressly designed by Francis to gratify the vanity
of Henry and his clerical friend, was the most
splendid in the annals of diplomacy ; for it con-
sisted of a brilliant train of the gayest lords and
ladies of France, accompanied by twelve hundred
officers, guards, and servants.

Though apparently designed for show, yet it
contained men well fitted for political business ;
between whom and Wolsey matters were soon so
far arranged, that on the 2d of October a treaty
was concluded with France for mutual support in
case of rupture with the empire, and to anticipate
the evil consequences of the expected election of
Charles of Spain to the situation of heir apparent
(or emperor elect) to that dignity : and Charles

AND HIS TIMES. 191

was evidently aware of this, as appears from his
conduct in regard to Tournay, a strong fortress,
if in the hands of the French, to guard against
invasion ; for it is stated, that in expectation of
its restoration to France, the Spanish ambassador
actually offered to Wolsey a bribe, or douceur, of
one hundred thousand crowns, if he would cause
the citadel to be demolished beforehand. This,
however, the Cardinal declined ostensibly, as being
contrary to articles and to good faith ; but more
particularly because it was his policy now to court
Francis, as most likely to aid him on the next
papal vacancy. ,

Though so deeply engaged in foreign politics,
Wolsey did not lose sight of the good things at
home; for we find, that in October he received
the royal grant of the office of bailiff of the honour
or lordship of Cheshunt in Hertfordshire, with
the place of park-keeper of Brantingisley, in that
lordship. What object he could have in view in
obtaining this grant, it is difficult to conceive ; for
all its apparent profits were from the herbage of
the park, and the garden belonging to it; the
grant too was for life. It is equally difficult to
imagine what profits — legal profits at least — could
result from a grant in November, of the custody
of all things belonging to John Broughton, Esq.,
then defunct.

It would be unfair, at this distant period, to'
affix charges of interested and improper motives

192 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

upon the dead ; yet a plain man, however skilled
in the manners and customs of that day, must still
feel at a loss to perceive any honest and lawful
advantages that could accrue from either grant.

Yet Wolsey was not all for himself even then ;
for the foundation of the College of Physicians by
Henry, in this year, 1518, was principally at his
instigation, as the king himself expressly states in
the preamble to the original charter, speaking of
the Cardinal as one by whose advice, in unison
with other eminent persons, he had been incited
to that work.

Still did public and private jealousy exist against
him, nor is it surprising, if we give credit to that
writer who says, that no sooner did Wolsey find
himself securely fixed in the legantine power, than
of his own accord, and by virtue of his sacerdotal
pre-eminence, he even dared to exercise the papal
authority without the royal license. He first set up
a court, which he called the Legate's Court, where
he proved testaments, as in the Prerogative Office,
and also heard general ecclesiastical causes, to the
great annoyance and injury of the bishops. Nay,
he visited the bishops, in his visitations, as well
as the inferior clergy, without regarding whether
they were exempt or not ; and it was loudly as-
serted that his visitations were nothing better than
a system of plunder, where, under pretence of re-
formation, he made himself master of much trea-
sure, whilst his proposed reforms only produced

AND HIS TIMES. 193

greater mischief. It is also stated, that in conse-
quence of his example, not only priests, but all
persons connected with the church, grew so proud
that they could wear nothing but silks and velvets,
whether in gowns, jackets, doublets, or shoes ; so
vicious, that they lived in open incontinence ; and
so insolent, upon the assumption of his authority
and faculties, that no one dared to reprove or to
oppose them, " for feare to be called heretique,
and then thei would make hym smoke or bare a
faggot ;" alluding to the custom of forcing all sus-
pected heretics, especially those of the reformed
religion then spreading, to wear the picture of a
faggot on their sleeve, an emblem which was
downright ruin, not only exposing those who wore
it to the contumely and malignity of the Catholics,
but also preventing any person from daring to
deal with or employ them.

It is not, indeed, surprising that the ignorant
and bigoted priesthood of that day should have
considered the Cardinal as the first man in the
kingdom, and the royal and civil to be subordinate
to the sacerdotal power ; for Wolsey himself was
so elated, as to believe that he was at least equal
to the king — nay, so far did he go in the usurpa-
tion of more than royal state, that after performing
mass, he obliged not only earls, but even dukes, to
serve him with wine, to hold his napkin, and to
present the basin at the lavatories.

Need we be surprised then, as the old chronicles

o

194 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

tell us, that " thus the pride and ambicion of the
Cardinall and clergie was so highe, yl in maner
all good persons abhorred and disdeined it !"

That the possession of so much power as Wol-
sey held should excite personal jealousies, as well
as public clamour, might well be expected; but
he seems to have cared little about it, and to have
thought of nothing but increasing his authority :
for it is a circumstance not generally known of
Wolsey, that all the places he held were not suf-
ficient for his ambition, and he was anxious to
have the office of Lord High Constable of England
made permanent, and in his own person. The
fact is stated expressly in a MS. Life of Sir
Thomas More, in the Lambeth library, and pub-
lished by Dean Wordsworth, in the second volume
of his very interesting Ecclesiastical Biography.
This MS. says, that very soon after Sir Thomas
More was called to the privy council, Wolsey, who
was then the lord president, proposed the restora-
tion and permanence of the office in question, as
a thing very expedient. After he had urged the
question, repeating all his arguments in its favour,
the members of the council seemed disposed to
adopt the measure ; but More thought otherwise ;
and though single in his opposition, said at once
that he thought it an unmeet proposal, giving
many reasons in support of his opinion. The
council, in general, were much offended with what
they thought a too forward interference in so

AND HIS TIMES.

195

young a member, and one whose rank in life was
the lowest of that assembly; and Wolsey himself
was so displeased, as to consider himself injured
by More, whom he addressed in terms not very re-
markable for their politeness, however they might
be for their apparent bitterness : " Are you not
ashamed, Master More, so much to esteeme of your
wisdom, as to think us all fools, and set here to
keep geese ; and you only wise, and set to govern
England ? Now, by my troth, thou showest thy-
self a very proud man, and a more foolish coun-
sellor."

But More was not abashed with the intended
rebuke, " and answered him according to his dis-
position in this merrie, yet wittie sort : 6 Our Lord
be blessed (quoth he), that my sovereign leage hath
but one fool in so ample a senate' — and not a
worde more. The Cardinal's drift was all dasht."

The exact date of this anecdote we cannot ascer-
tain, but it was between 1516 and 1518, and with
it we close this fourth section.

196 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

SECTION V.

1519—1521.

*

Death of the Emperor — Political Arrangements — Henry's
Ambition and Disappointment — Surrender of Tournay —
Preparations for the Meeting at Ardres — Royal Confidence
in Wolsey — Politics at Rome— -Extraordinary Coincidence
of three Cardinals ruling Europe — Wolsey' s Conduct in
Regard to the Reformation — His illegal Proceedings in the
Legantine Court — Anecdote of Henry, and Archbishop War-
ham — Changes in the Royal Household — Wolsey's House-
keeping— Anecdotes of Wolsey and Erasmus — Lectures
founded at Oxford: — Affair of the Duke of Buckingham — •
Foreign Pensions — Visit of the Emperor — Champ d' Or at
Ardres — Courtly and chivalrous Anecdotes — Visit to the
Emperor — Clamour against the Cardinal — Wolsey's Powers
extended by the Pope — Whimsical Anecdote of the King
and Bishop of Durham — Wolsey's Attendance at Court —
Embassy to Bruges — Political Objects — Anecdotes — Death
of Pope Leo — Disappointment of Wolsey's Ambition —
Henry and Anne Boleyn — Plans against Queen Katharine,
&c. &c.

WE commence this section, and the year 1519,
with an event important to the affairs of Europe
— the death of the Emperor Maximilian, which
took place on the 12th of January. On this oc-
casion the French and Spanish monarchs both
declared themselves candidates for the imperial

AND HIS TIMES. 197

crown ; but in this, Charles had the advantage
of having been elected King of the Romans some
time before. The pope, however, it has been
stated, was not favourable to either of them ; and,
wishing rather to see some German prince, or even
Henry of England, himself, chosen to that high
office, took private measures accordingly. Henry's
ambition was thus suddenly roused ; and he sent
Dr. Pace into Germany to sound the electors on
the subject : but Pace found the ground completely
pre-occupied by the two royal candidates already
named, and Henry with sound sense, and good po-
licy, gave up his object, determining to bestow his
assistance and influence on Francis, in preference
to his own nephew.

That Wolsey was the secret mainspring on this
occasion cannot be doubted; and that Francis had
engaged him to his interests is well known, from
letters still extant, by which the French monarch
appears to have offered to him, without disguise,
and in the most direct terms, his assistance towards
obtaining the papal throne. Francis even went so
far as to desire Sir Thomas Boleyn to speak to Wol-
sey on the subject, promising to him that fourteen
of his brother cardinals, and the whole House of
Ursini, then predominant in papal politics, would
stand forward to support his claims. Francis at
the same time hinted, in a delicate way, to the am-
bitious Cardinal, that the Kings of England and
France could not only make popes, but emperors

198 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

also, if they thought fit; yet guardedly insi-
nuating that nothing but the great trust he put in
the English monarch, and his friendship for that
monarch's favourite, could induce him to put the
papal authority into the hands of an Englishman,

During these negotiations the city of Tournay
was delivered up to the French, on the 10th of
February, agreeable to the treaty recently entered
into ; the Earl of Worcester, great chamberlain to
the king, being the commissioner appointed in that
business : and on this occasion Wolsey displayed
his usual perspicuity, and strict attention to eco-
nomy; for he previously appointed agents to sell
off all the royal property on the spot, especially
all provision made of materials for the king's
buildings, consisting of stone, lime, and timber, for
the repair and enlargement of the citadel, also the
provisions collected for the victualling of it. He
further directed that all the vagabonds, or other
idle persons, who had no certain occupation or
settlement, should be sent out of the town, and
that every man should pay his debts — a measure
of strict justice too little attended to at that period.

It was on the 23d of February that the French
king signed the commission, already noticed, giving
full powers to the Cardinal to act as his plenipo-
tentiary, and to bind him by those acts, in all the
arrangements for the meeting of the two monarchs
at Ardres ; yet, although it had been promised and
expected, nay in some measure acted upon, Wolsey

AND HIS TIMES. 199

thought it becoming his humility to refuse the ac-
ceptance of the powers thus granted to him, until
he should have Henry's consent and licence for
that purpose. The partial monarch considering
this as a new proof of the singular fidelity and
obedience which Wolsey bore towards him, in-
stantly authorised him to accept the commission
thus offered ; and, as Wolsey no doubt expected
would be the result of his political finesse, actually
conferred upon him the same powers in regard to
himself, and to the same extent as granted by the
French king.

The political negotiations in Germany were still
going on : in June the conferences of the electors
began, and on the 28th of the month Charles V.
was declared Emperor of Germany.

Amidst all these political manoeuvres, Wolsey
still contrived to keep up his interest at the court
of Rome ; and, accordingly, we find that on the 3d
of August (some accounts make it a year earlier)
the bull was signed for the deprivation of Adrian
Bishop of Bath and Wells, and for the confirma-
tion of the Cardinal himself in the superintendence
and emoluments of that see.

Indeed, Wolsey's personal interest appears to
have been very great, at this moment, with Cardinal
Bembo, the Dope's prime minister ; and if we add
to them Cardinal Ximenes, then minister in Spain,
we may say that three cardinals then governed
the world. It is true that the latter appeared to

200 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

interfere very little in foreign politics ; and, if we
may judge from facts, was the least self-interested
of the three : for Ximenes gave up much of his
time and attention to the moral and political ame-
lioration of Spain ; but it must be confessed at the
same time, that he had the less inducement to mix
in European politics, as a new world was just
opened to his ambition by the discovery and early
settlement of the American continent and islands.
Accordingly, we find his name little mentioned,
except in regard to Spain ; and we feel the less
occasion to enter into a parallel between him and
Wolsey, which some biographers have done to a
great length, though there is more contrast than
parallel between them.

We have already noticed that Wolsey, though
unwilling to admit of that species of reformation
which struck at the very root of papal power, was
yet so fully convinced of the necessity of reform in
the church, as to have formed some very extensive
plans upon that subject. Perhaps the clearest
sketch we can give of his views in this respect
may be found in a letter written to him by Bishop
Fox, and which, of itself, is an unanswerable ar-
gument to those popish casuists who still contend
for the purity of their church, in practice and in
principle. —

" The satisfaction and pleasure, most reverend
father, were inexpressibly great which I received
from your last letter, by which I am informed that

AND HIS TIMES. 201

your Grace is determined to reform the whole body
of the clergy, and that you have notified and pre-
fixed the day on which you will speedily begin
and proceed upon that work, for which I have
truly no less ardently wished than did Simeon,
mentioned in the Gospel, to see the much desired
and expected Messiah ; and since I have received
these letters of your Lordship's, I persuade myself
that I have in a manner a sensible demonstration
of a more entire and perfect reformation of the
English ecclesiastical hierarchy than I could ex-
pect, or even hope to see effected, or so much as
attempted in this age.

" I endeavoured, as 'twas my duty, to execute
the same design within the compass of my own
small jurisdiction, which your Lordship will soon
finish in both the large provinces of this kingdom.
For the space of three years, this important affair
was the great end of my study, labour, and atten-
tion, till I discovered, what before I had not ima-
gined, that all things relating to the primitive
simplicity of the clergy (especially of the monastic
state) were perverted, either by indulgences or
corruption, or else become obsolete or exploded by
the iniquity of the times. As this, in a declining
life, overpowered my inclination and vigilance, so
it took from me all hopes of ever seeing a reforma-
tion, even in my own particular diocese ; but now
I conceive, from your Lordship's most acceptable
letter, an assured hope and full expectation of

WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

seeing a reformation both public and universal;
for I am fully persuaded, from many instances,
that whatever your Lordship may, at any time,
design or undertake, as it will be wisely concerted,
your prudence and resolution will accomplish with-
out difficulty or delay."

Fox then goes on to express his hopes that
Wolsey's influence with the king and pope, and
with all Christian princes, will tend to the accom-
plishment of his object, which was to " restore
the whole estate of the English clergy, and of the
monasteries, to their primitive rules," — the con-
sequences of which he supposes will be to abate
the calumnies of the laity, to advance the honour
of the clergy, and so to reconcile Henry himself
towards them, that he and the nobility will be
more their friends.

This was politic conduct in Fox, as affairs then
stood ; for he well knew the changeableness of
Henry's disposition : and, although that monarch
had just written his famous book against Luther,
with the assistance of Fisher of Rochester, yet as
Luther and the sturdy monarch were still engaged
in not unfriendly correspondence, he had sense to
see and to fear the coming storm, unless it could be
averted by previous reformation in the English
church. Such appear also to have been the Car-
dinal's sentiments. Yet Wolsey himself must have
been short-sighted, for heavy charges have been
made against him in consequence of the legantine

AND HIS TIMES. 203

court which he established this year, at West-
minster, under the immediate superintendence
of Stephen Gardiner, afterwards so infamous
in Mary's reign. Lord Herbert, in his Life of
Henry, speaks very warmly on this subject, assert-
ing, that in respect to this court, and employing a
judge in it, he was charged with much rapine and
extortion ; for, making an inquiry into the life of
every body, no offence could escape censure and
punishment, unless the parties accused bribed
handsomely, which they generally found to cost
them less, besides being thereby exempted from
the shame of public exposure. Wolsey is further
accused of arrogating to himself the power of in-
vestigating the conduct of the executors of wills ;
he also summoned all religious or ecclesiastical
persons before him, terrifying them with menaces
until they made heavy compositions ; until at
length Warham, Archbishop of Canterbury, felt
himself obliged to report the matter to the king
himself.

It has been said that Henry's answer was, that
he should not have known any thing respecting
the affair, unless Warham had mentioned it ; to
which he added that no man was so blind any
where as in his own house, " therefore I pray you,
go to Wolsey, and tell him if any thing be amiss,
that he amend it."

Indeed, Wolsey seems now to have been so in-

204 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

toxicated with power and favouritism, as to have
gone, in many cases, far beyond what common
prudence would have dictated. We have already
seen his political nypocrisy in regard to receiving
the full powers as to the meeting at Ardres, and
the subsequent grant of powers from Henry equal
to those of the French king ; a subject on which
it will naturally be supposed, he must have been
very careful in respect to the still humble exercise
of that authority.

Yet such is the waywardness of the human
heart, such the blindness of ambition, such the
pride of upstart authority, that we find him en-
gaged in, and practising a most bare-faced assump-
tion of power, even more than regal, which was
manifested by him on this very occasion of the
proposed meeting of the Kings of England and
France, at Ardres, afterwards called the Champ
d' Or. It might naturally be expected that, in such
a case, a subject would have recommended to the
monarchs such forms and ceremonies as he might
judge necessary. — Wolsey, however, felt differ-
ently, and seems to have availed himself of his
commission to set himself above the throne ; for
which purpose he issued a most extraordinary
mandate, beginning, " Thomas, Archbishop of
Yorke, and Cardnal, &c." then he speaks of " Wee
consideryng the honour, profit, &c." — " wee have
made, declared, and ordeined, certein articles, ac-

AND HIS TIMES. 205

cepted and approved, by ye same princes respect-
ively, which thei will observe, and by thes pre-
sentes wee make, declare, and ordein as foloweth."

He then lays down a plan for the proposed
meeting ; and, towards the conclusion, we find,
" Item, wee, Cardinall abovesaid, by expresse au-
thority and power to us given, by thes presentes,
bynde the saied princes to do, fulfill, and accom-
plishe, all and every the thynges abovesaied herein
conteined."

But to return to domestic affairs, we have to
record that a remarkable occurrence took place this
year in regard to the king's household, which is
mentioned by the old writers as a mere matter of
fact, without respect to party politics ; but as such
a measure could neither have been proposed nor
carried without the sanction of Wolsey, we are
naturally led to suppose that he must have been
influenced by motives much more powerful than
those ostensibly held out. The old Chronicles
state, that certain gentlemen of the privy chamber,
who " through the kinges lenity in bearing with
their lewcfces," forgetting themselves and their
duty towards his Grace in being too familiar with
him, not having due respect to his estate and de-
gree, were removed by order taken by the council
to whom the king had previously granted his
authority to use their discretion in this case.
The council did use their discretion, and replaced
those feudal dandies by " four sad and ancient

S06 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

knights," — besides which other changes also took
place.

It appears that when it was determined on to
remove those gentlemen from about the king's
person, they were ordered to appear before the
Cardinal and council, that they might in a more
formal and exemplary manner receive the sentence
of their disgrace, which Fiddes gives in the fol-
lowing form, — " that having taken upon them, as
had been publicly reported, to govern the king
after their appetite, which was not honourable,
they should therefore come no more to court."

Whilst thus preserving order and decorum in
the royal household, Wolsey appears to have been
no less careful in regard to his own ; the fame of
which was such, for splendour, knowledge of the
world and manners, and all the requisites for a
courtly career, that it was in this year, as stated by
Groves, that he was induced to receive into his fa-
mily several noblemen's and gentlemen's sons, who
were placed there, as in a sort of university, for their
better education and improvement in all politeness.

This also was the year in which he took into
his service George Cavendish of Glemsford, in
Suffolk, Esq. who is now generally believed to
have been the real author of that biographical
MS. commonly known as Cavendish's memoir, and
formerly attributed to one of the direct ancestors
of the Devonshire family.

The good fruits of this order and decorum were

AND HIS TIMES. 207

soon evident ; for Erasmus, in one of his epistles,
says that the court was replenished with a greater
number of learned men than any university : and
again he asks, where is the school, or monastery,
that hath at any time produced so great a number
of men, eminent for their probity and learning, as
the present court of England ? Indeed, he further
remarks that the English nation was, at that time,
noted abroad for the learning and learned men
wherewith it was replenished ; as was the council
also ; and the king himself, renowned not only for
that accomplishment, but for his sharp wit and
parts likewise ; which, he adds, must be attributed
chiefly to the Cardinal's influence, and encourage-
ment, and furtherance of good studies.

This eminent Dutch reformer states, in another
place, that the Cardinal of York had then settled
every thing in the republic of letters on a better
footing than had ever been the case before, thereby
encouraging all persons, by his liberality, to be
studious ; evidently alluding to his foundation of
six lectures at Oxford, soon after followed by a
seventh ; but the dates of which appear, from
various contending accounts, to be still uncertain.
These lectures were founded entirely at his own
expense, for the purpose of being given in the col-
lege which he intended to erect in that university;
until which expected period they were read in the
hall of Corpus Christi College. The lecture on
theology was read by Dr. Brynknell, who rose

208 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

afterwards into such high favour, that he was
specially appointed by the king to write against
Luther, and this lecture was certainly established
in or about 1519 • after which came a philoso-
phical lecture, of which we know nothing, but
that the first lecturer, his name unknown, was
described by the university, in a letter to the Car-
dinal, as " a professor who has highly merited of
all our young students in philosophy;" stating, at
the same time, that they should be the most un-
grateful of men, were they to suffer him to wait
upon his lordship without letters of recommenda-
tion from that learned body. The lectures on
rhetoric and humanity were also opened this year,
1519 ; the others will be noticed agreeable to the
most accurate account of their dates.

Notwithstanding so much of Wolsey's attention
must have been occupied by these literary arrange-
ments, political hostility was at work even in his
mind, especially in regard to the Duke of Buck-
ingham, if we are to give credit to numerous
writers, although the Cardinal's name appears not
in the official or judicial proceedings.

On this subject there has been much misrepre-
sentation, and accounts differ widely; but the most
generally received opinion is, that Wolsey had long
felt a secret animosity against Buckingham, from
circumstances trivial in themselves, but highly of-
fensive to his pride and vanity. The story is, that
the Duke of Buckingham once holding the basin

AND HIS TIMES. 209

to the king, agreeable to courtly etiquette, the king
had no sooner done than the Cardinal dipped his
hands into the basin, which so incensed the duke,
that he threw some of the water into the intruder's
shoes, Wolsey threatened for this that he would
sit upon his skirts ; and the duke, in order to let
the king know it without a formal complaint, went
to court the next day in rich apparel, but without
skirts to his doublet. This the king noticed, when
the duke informed him it was to prevent Wolsey
sitting upon his skirts. From this affair much
political evil, it is said, proceeded ; and many went
so far as to assert that Wolsey actually suborned
Charles Knevet, who stood forward to accuse
Buckingham of a determination to take the king's
life, in consequence of a vain prophecy that he
himself should be king,

Wolsey is accused of having laid this affair be-
fore his majesty with great aggravations, which
led to his arrest and trial, when he was condemned
by the House of Peers, and suffered decapitation
on Tower-hill, as we shall notice more at length.

The year 1520 opened with fresh negotiations
for the proposed meeting at Ardres, and on the
10th of January, the Cardinal was favoured with
a new commission from Francis to treat with even
more ample powers, as his procurator, actor, com-
missary, and deputy * ; which he is again stated

* The discrepancy of dates, and the unavoidable anachro*
nisms, as stated in the preface, arising from the different

P

210 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

to have refused, until induced by circumstances
similar to those on a former occasion. But even
under these circumstances of royal favour, Wolsey
must have been acting a double part, since we
find, in Rymer *, a grant from Charles, dated at
Compostella, of a pension of 5000 ducats. This
appears to have been a promise, under the great
seal of Spain, that Charles would engage the
pope to grant to him the administration of the
bishopric of Badajoz, in Castile, with a pension to
that amount; to which he also added another
pension of 2000 ducats, out of the bishopric of
Placentia. These grants were during life; but
when Charles had less occasion for Wolsey's in-
fluence, they were for years suffered to fall into
arrear.

At present, however, his imperial majesty was
anxious to counteract the good understanding ap-

modes of chronological calculation in use amongst the early
biographers and historians, have probably led us into error in
regard to this new commission. Later biographers, who ap-
pear not to have sufficiently adverted to the different modes
of calculation, also state, with regard to this commission, that
Wolsey objected to receive it, until persuaded to accept it by
Henry, who gave him one as ample j while some authors de-
scribe this interchange of full powers, as we shall have occa-
sion to notice, as having taken place in the early days of the
meeting itself. It is difficult to determine amongst so many
authorities, but we suspect that no more than one commission
of this kind, by each monarch, was ever granted.
* Rymer, Feed. xiii. 715.

AND HIS TIMES.

parent between the French and English monarch®,
and, therefore, determined on paying a personal
visit to his uncle ; but this, if a permitted visit,
would have been the breach of a previous agree-
ment, that neither Henry nor Francis should have
an interview with the young emperor, or emperor
elect, as he was at that precise period, until after
their own proposed meeting. No sooner, there-
fore, did the French king hear of Charles's in-
tended visit, than he commissioned his ambas-
sadors at the English court to remonstrate against
it ; and so clearly, indeed, was the point in his
favour, that Wolsey was obliged to descend to the
subterfuge of putting the question hypothetically,
supposing it possible that the emperor, in his
voyage from Spain to Flanders, might be driven
into some English port by stress of weather !

Some kind of pledge, however, was given that
Charles's visit, were it to take place, should be
merely a visit to his uncle and aunt in a family
way; but that the king and the emperor would
put off all political discussion until after the
meeting at Ardres, when Henry proposed to have
an imperial interview between Calais and Grave-
lines.

That Henry was anxious to see Charles in
England, notwithstanding these negotiations, is
evident from the fact of his wishing to postpone
the meeting at Ardres, lest Charles should not

212 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

arrive previous to it ; the month of May being
nearly over, and the interview at Ardres appointed
for the last day of the month. The buildings at
Ardres were then in a course of preparation under
English architects; and though there is no evi-
dence of their being directed to work slowly, yet
Henry, and Wolsey too, for he had his reasons for
it, endeavoured to make the unfinished state of the
works an excuse for a short postponement. But
Francis would only consent to a postponement of
three or four days, urging that his queen was then
in the family way, and would be unable to attend
the meeting were it not to take place immediately;
the delay was accepted by Henry, and as affairs
turned out, was sufficient for his purposes, the
emperor arriving within the specified time, but
not before the departure of the court from Green-
wich: for the time now approaching rapidly for
the meeting, Henry and Katharine, with their
whole retinue, set off from Greenwich on the 21st
of May, and arrived at Canterbury on the 25th,
where they intended to keep the feast of Pente-
cost ; and where they received intelligence of the
probable speedy arrival of the emperor elect. Henry
instantly sent officers and orders to Dover for his
reception in all state and ceremony ; and Wolsey
set off, on the same errand, with all possible haste.
In fact, the emperor was off Hythe at noon on
the 26th ; but the want of wind obliged him to

AND HIS TIMES. 213

proceed to Dover in a boat that evening, and on
his way he was met by the Cardinal, who received
him with all due reverence.

Wolsey having lodged his imperial guest in the
castle at Dover, information was sent to the king,
who instantly rode over to that place to greet his
royal relative. The two princes then rode together
to Canterbury, where every attention was paid to
the emperor, and his noble train of lords and
ladies : but his stay was very short, as he sailed
from Sandwich on the last day of May, on which
day also Henry sailed from Dover for the intended
meeting with the King of France.

It is generally believed, that during the short
interview of Charles and Wolsey, they mutually
endeavoured to secure each other, deceiving and
deceived; the ambitious Cardinal engaging to keep
the French politics in check, and the emperor pro-
mising to him his interest for the ascent of the
papal throne !

It is also stated, as a courtly anecdote, that
when Charles joined his illustrious relatives, and
first saw the Princess Mary, then Queen Dowager
of France, and lost to him by her recent union
with Suffolk, he could not but remember that she
had once been his own betrothed wife ; and seeing
her now still so young and so lovely — the loveliest
woman, in fact, t' en at the English court — he was
so much struck with her appearance, that he could
not conceal his emotions.

WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

On the subject of this visit, our Avonian bard
seems to have adhered strictly to the political re-
ports of the time, making Buckingham thus ad-
dress the Duke of Norfolk :

" Charles the emperor,

Under pretence to see the queen his aunt,
(For 'twas, indeed, his colour 5 but he came
To whisper Wolsey), here makes visitation :
His fears were, that the interview betwixt
England and France might, through their amity,
Breed him some prejudice $ for from this league
Peep'd harms that menaced him : he privily
Deals with our Cardinal j and as I trow —
Which I do well ; for, I am sure, the emperor
Paid ere he promis'd^ whereby his suit was granted,
Ere it was ask'd; — but when the way was made,
And paved with gold, the emperor thus desired ; —
That he would please to alter the king's course,
And break the foresaid peace. Let the king know
(As soon he shall by me) that thus the Cardinal
Does buy and sell his honour as he pleases,
And for his own advantage."

We have stated the departure of the English
court for France, and have to add that Wolsey
accompanied it ; but, except in a political point of
view, it could have afforded him very little satis-
faction, since the whole time was taken up in feats
of arms, and in chivalrous display. In one or two
instances, however, Wolsey had opportunities of
exhibiting his pomp and state, particularly on
Henry's arrival at Guynes, which was to be his
head-quarters, from whence the Cardinal, as the

AND HIS TIMES. 215

king's high ambassador, rode with an immense
train of nobility, gentry, and bishops, to Ardres,
then the residence of the French court. This he
performed with such magnificence, that the French-
men actually wrote books upon the subject, de-
scribing the number of his attendants, all clad in
crimson velvet, and ornamented with chains of
gold; then followed notices of his great horses,
mules, coursers, and carriages, laden with sump-
ters and coffers ; also his great crosses and pillars
borne before him ; his pillow here with its em-
broidered case ; his two mantles displayed ; and
the immense train of servants, yeomen, grooms,
&c. all clothed in scarlet. In short, his own per-
sonal state seems to have rivalled, if not excelled,
the royal paraphernalia of the two potent mon-
archs.

At Ardres Wolsey stopped a couple of days,
entertained by the king and court with honours
and attentions that might have turned a head of
less vanity than the Cardinal's, especially when
we take also into the account the high powers
with which he was entrusted by his own sove-
reign, enduing him with "full strength, power,
and authoritie, to afnrme and confirme, bynd and
unbynde, whatsoever should be in question be-
twene hym and the French kyng, as though the
kyng in proper person had been there presently."

It is said that when Wolsey opened these powers
to the French council, they were astonished at

216 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

at their extent, and instantly stated them to their
sovereign, who was so pleased with the Cardinal,
and with the confidence reposed in him by Henry,
that he directed equal powers to be granted to
him, which was done under the affirmation of the
French council ; but Wolsey hesitated to receive
the patent without Henry's approval, and, accord-
ingly, it was transmitted to that monarch, who
not only sent it back to Wolsey with full confirm-
ation, but also considered it as a high mark of
friendship towards himself. We suspect, however,
that this is merely a second version, wrong in
point of time, of an affair already recorded.

It was on Thursday the 7th of June that the
personal interview of the two sovereigns took
place, with a degree of splendour till then unpa-
ralleled, whence it was generally known by the
appellation of " Le Champ d'Or," or the Field of
Gold — a splendour which, no doubt, was indebted
to Wolsey for much of its brilliancy.

This interview was followed by high scenes t)f
chivalry for several days after, during which Wol-
sey, being a churchman, was of course in eclipse,
unless he assisted with his learning and ingenuity
the courtly punsters of the day, whose wits seem
to have been almost worn out before the close of
the ceremonies, if we may judge from a very far-
fetched emblematical representation, or hierogly-
phic, of the words in the prayer, " Libera me ;" for
the French king, on one occasion, exhibited him-

AND HIS TIMES.

self in a dress of purple velvet, embroidered with
little books in white satin, on each of which was
written " a me," to which " Liber," a book, being
prefixed, produced the pun " Libera me /"

Yet, if Wolsey could not appear in the field, he
was at least master of the revels in the chamber ;
and there he failed not to fulfil the confidence re-
posed in him, particularly on Saturday the 17th of
June, when Queen Katharine received the French
king to dinner, that monarch, as Hall records in his
Chronicle, being " right honourably served in all
things nedefull; for forestes, parkes, folde, salt
seas, rivers, moates, and pondes, were serched
and sought through countreys for the delicacie of
viandes : well was that man rewarded that could
bring any thing of liking or pleasure." The feast
over, Wolsey, accompanied by the Duke of Buck-
ingham, and other great lords of the court, con-
ducted the French monarch back to his residence
at Ardres; in their way to which, in the vale,
they were met by Henry with a large company of
masquers, a scene which afforded much amuse-
ment to the two joyous sovereigns.

After a long series of joustings and tourna-
ments, the Cardinal was admitted to exhibit him-
self in the exercise of his high ecclesiastical office ;
for which purpose, as Hall tells us, on the night
of Friday the 22d of June, " was in the campe
rered a large frame of tymber worke for a chapell
place, whiche was tyled with riche clothes em-

218 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

broidered, wherein was made a stage of two de-
grees, with the chayre and cloth of state for the
Lorde Cardynall, the altar apparelled with all
juelles myssel of great riches ; the same chapell
thus finished the xxm day of June, being Satter-
day, at houre convenient, the said Lorde Cardynall
sang an high and solempne masse by note before
the two kyriges and qiieenes. The same done,
indulgence was given to all hearers." Hall pro-
ceeds to observe, that of " this masse, in Flaunders
arose much communicacion, and so much that the
common voyce went, how the II kynges were
sworne together on the sacrament, which was con-
trary; for the masse was for none other entent
then to geve indulgence to the kynges."

After mass a sumptuous dinner took place;
then, on the ensuing day, the two kings went to
each other's residence^ where they were severally
received by the queen and ladies of each court ;
and, on their return, each to his palace, they met
on the field of tournament, where their final inter-
view took place, and they parted. This was on
Midsummer day, Sunday the 24th of June ; and
the courtly ceremonies thus ended, we can only
speak of them in the words of Hall, that " duryng
this triumph so much people of Picardie and West
Flanders drew to Guysnes to se ye Kyng of Eng-
land and his honor, to whom vitailes of the court
were in plentie, the conduicte of the gate raune
wyne alwaies, there were vacaboundes, plowmen,

AND HIS TIMES.

laborers, and of the bragery, waggoners and beg-
gers, that for drunkenness lay in routes and
heapes, so great resort thether came, that both
knightes and ladies that wer come to see the no-
blenes wer faine to lye in haye and strawe, and
held theim therof highly pleased."

On Monday the 25th of June, Henry and Ka-
tharine, followed by the Cardinal and all their
court, removed from Guysnes to Calais, where it
was intended to stop some days, for the purpose
of an interview with the emperor; and, in the
mean time, his majesty reflecting on the heavy
expenses to which the nobility in his train had
been exposed, by the state and magnificence which
they were obliged to keep up, and considering that
their large suites of gentlemen and servants were
now, in a great measure, unnecessary, he autho-
rised Wolsey to call all the nobles and gentlemen
together, to whom the Cardinal expressed the
high sense which the king had of their services,
and, at the same time, gave them license to send
home half the number of their attendants. This,
no doubt, would have been as well received, as it
was well intended ; but Wolsey happening to bid
them, " after their long charges to live warely,"
much offence was taken, for " this term warely
was amongst the moste part taken for barely, at
which saying the gentlemen sore disdained."

It is not impossible too, that this feeling of of-
fence may have been much heightened by a strong

220 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

suspicion on the part of the most accurate ob-
servers amongst them, that all this pomp and
magnificence on the part of the king was actually
part of Wolsey's policy to impoverish the nobles
and higher orders of gentry, by a lavish expendi-
ture upon court ceremonies. If it really was so,
it was but a continuation of the policy of the pre-
ceding monarch — a policy too that was strictly
adhered to by Elizabeth during the whole of her
reign.

It was not until the 10th of July that the em-
peror was so far advanced on his journey to the
place of meeting, as to make it necessary for Henry
to move ; but on that day he set off for Grave-
lines, accompanied by Wolsey and a numerous
train of nobles and gentry, where he was joined
by the emperor, and received in the most costly
and courteous manner.

How far Wolsey was now acting upon a secret
and selfish policy, it is difficult to say ; but it ap-
pears that the interview itself, when known at
the French court, gave great offence : and Hall
expressly says, that after it Englishmen were in
France disdained, and in their suits there greatly
deferred and had little right, and much less favour,
so from day to day still more and more began
heart-burning, and in conclusion open war did
arise between the two realms.

After a variety of courtly ceremonies, maskings,
revellings, &c. the two monarchs parted ; and, in

AND HIS TIMES. 221

the month of August, Wolsey accompanied the
king on his return to England.

Though show and chivalry were the ostensible
purposes of the meeting at Ardres, yet advantage
was taken of it by Wolsey to arrange several
political matters of great import to the various
European states. In all foreign countries his con-
duct was much applauded ; the Venetian senate,
in particular, sending him a letter congratulating
him on the friendly interview of the two mon-
archs, and calling it a work of his consummate
wisdom, besides frequently using the phrases,
" your most reverend power," and " other part of
his majesty."

The pope also manifested his approbation, but
in a more pointed manner ; for as early as the
29th of July, he not only confirmed to him the pen-
sion of 2000 ducats upon the bishopric of Pla-
centia, but also constituted him perpetual admi-
nistrator of the see of Badajos, which he was to
possess, notwithstanding any other grants might
be made to him : these good things, however, had
already been given to Wolsey by Charles, yet the
bull calls them a papal grant.

But it appears that these foreign honours, and
foreign politics, did not prevent Wolsey from
paying due attention to affairs at home ; for even
in this year of business he found time to cause an
account to be taken of all the parishes in England,
which, by his book, called the Book of Thomas

222 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

Wolsey, Cardinal, are stated to amount to 9407,
or rather such was the number of churches. In
Dr. Gibson's time, indeed, there were but 9282 ; a
difference not easily to be accounted for at the
present day.

We are told also, that he continued to execute
his high office of chancellor with such care and
assiduity, that bills of complaint were preferred to
him in such numbers, that it was totally impos-
sible for him to pay them the due and necessary
attention. To obviate this, in some degree, he
procured a commission from the king, by which
he was empowered to appoint delegates to hear
causes, and to receive complaints, in his absence ;
but these commissioners did not answer the pur-
pose for which they were appointed, so that the
people, not meeting with that speedy distribution
of justice which they expected, withdrew their
complaints from the Court of Chancery, and ap-
plied themselves to the common law.

He was also very attentive to the commercial
concerns of the kingdom at this period, especially
of his own archiepiscopal see ; which was mani-
fested by a letter from the corporation of that city,
in which they thank him for many past favours,
and request his interest to procure for them the
king's letters patent for the shipping of wool, fell,
and lead, without any hinderance on the part of
the ports of London and Newcastle ; a favour
which he did not fail to ensure to them, thereby

AND HIS TIMES.

acquiring great popularity in York and its imme-
diate neighbourhood.

Considerable clamour was, nevertheless, excited
against him by the impoverished nobility and
gentry, who had been tempted not only to spend
all their money, but also to run considerably into
debt, for their charges in the late royal interview;
and it has been said that the Duke of Buckingham
added much to Wolsey's ill-will against him, by
his loud and frequent declamation against that
expedition, censuring him as the contriver and
adviser of it, for his own political objects and for
sinister purposes. To this opinion Shakespeare
evidently leaned, when, in his Henry VIII. , he
makes Buckingham exclaim :

" Why the devil,

Upon this French going out, took he upon him,
Without the privity o'the king, to appoint
Who should attend on him ? He makes up the file
Of all the gentry : for the most part such
Too, whom as great a charge as little honour
He meant to lay upon : and his own letter,
The honourable board of council out,
Must fetch him in the papers."

To which Abergavenny, his son-in-law, adds :

" I do know,

Kinsmen of mine, three at the least, that have
By this so sickeri'd their estates, that never
They shall abound as formerly.

Buck. O, many

Have broke their backs with laying manors on them

224 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

For this great journey. What did this vanity
But minister communication of
A most poor issue r"

But, in the midst of this contumely, the Car-
dinal did not forget his desire to encourage the
dispensation of knowledge ; and towards the close
of the year, he was very active in completing the
establishment of the Oxford lectures ; for then
commenced the lecture on medicine, by Thomas
Musgrave, M.A., as generally surmised, though
there is no positive record of its existence previous
to 1522. The mathematical lecture also com-
menced under Nicholas Crutcher, or, perhaps,
Kreutzer, he being a native of Holland, of whom
it was said, " He is a person of so great probity
and goodness, that he deserves a better fortune
than is common to mathematicians ; and so great
a master of his art, that he merits to be called so
by way of eminence and peculiar distinction." To
these we may add the Greek lecture ; a matter of
considerable importance, when we reflect on the
extraordinary prejudices existing against that lan-
guage, especially at Cambridge; nay, to such a
pitch was it carried, even at Oxford, that a party
was formed who called themselves Trojans, as-
suming the names of the Trojan heroes, insulting
with threats and menaces those who studied Greek,
and in various instances actually committing per-
sonal assaults, in addition to opprobrious lan-
guage.

AND HIS TIMES, 225

The probability is, that the priests, fearing the
spread of Luther's doctrines amongst an enlight-
ened people, were anxious to keep the Greek Tes-
tament out of the hands of those who might thus
find out the errors and mis-statements of their
own version ; but Wolsey feared Luther also, and
yet, whilst active against him, was active in the
encouragement of Greek studies. Indeed, in the
course of this and the following year, and evidently
with a willing mind, he paid strict obedience to
the papal bull, in declaring all Luther's books for-
bidden to the faithful, and in seizing them where-
ever information of their existence could be pro-
cured.

In the midst of this political and ecclesiastical
bustle, however, the Cardinal was not neglectful
of domestic comfort ; but continued his erection
of Hampton Court, already finished in part, and
where he sometimes retired from the weighty af-
fairs of state, to reflect in silence and solitude, or
to solace himself with lighter cares than those of
a public life.

The year 1521 opened with the unhappy trial
and execution of Edward Stafford, Duke of Buck-
ingham, certainly of the blood royal, but most cer-
tainly not possessing any very near chance of suc-
cession to the throne, unless the salique law had
been the law of England ; but which would also,
of itself, have been a bar to his claims, since they
could only have arisen from his descent from Anne

Q

226 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

Plantagenet, daughter of Thomas of Woodstock,
one of the sons of Edward III. It was therefore
absurd to suppose, as he was charged, that he
could have thought for a moment of causing the
death of Henry for his own advancement, with-
out also intending the murder of his sisters, a
charge not attempted to be brought against him.

The whole of the charges were indeed so futile,
and evidently on the oaths of suborned witnesses,
that the whole has been thrown upon Wolsey, as
arising from his own personal quarrel with that
nobleman. This, if true, would affix an indelible
stain upon the Cardinal's memory ; but, if true,
he must have exercised a most extraordinary de-
gree of caution, since throughout the strict histo-
rical details of the trial and sentence, the name of
Wolsey is not even to be met with. Yet, in the
time of Elizabeth, this certainly was the general
opinion, or else Shakspeare would not have ven-
tured on what might otherwise have been in-
stantly contradicted. The first speech of Bucking-
ham, on his arrest, shows suspicion of foul play —

Sir,

My lord the duke of Buckingham, and earl
Of Hereford, Stafford, and Northampton, I
Arrest thee of high treason, in the name
Of our most sovereign king.

Buck. Lo you, my lord,

The net has fall'n upon me j I shall perish
Under device and practice."

AND HIS TIMES.

Again, when told that Hopkins, now a creature
of the Cardinal's, and once employed by himself
as his surveyor, is one of the witnesses, he ex-
claims—

" My surveyor is false ; the o'er-great Cardinal
Hath show'd hkn gold : my life is spann'd already :
I am the shadow of poor Buckingham ;
Whose figure even this instant cloud puts on,
By dark'ning my clear sun. My lord, farewell."

And the trial scene speaks quite as plainly, when
Wolsey thus addresses the surveyor (though in
point of real fact, it does not appear that he was
even present at the trial) :

" WoL Stand forth ; and with bold spirit relate what you,
Most like a careful subject, have collected
Out of the duke of Buckingham.

K. Hen. Speak freely.

Surv. First, it was usual with him, every day,
It would infect his speech, That if the king
Should without issue die, he'd carry it so,
To make the sceptre his : These very words
I have heard him utter to his son-in-law,
Lord Aberga'ny j to whom by oath he menaced
Revenge upon the cardinal.

WoL Please your highness, note

This dangerous conception in this point.
Not friended by his wish, to your high person
His will is malignant ; and it stretches
Beyond you, to your friends.

Q. Kath. My learn'd lord Cardinal,

Deliver all wit'ii charity."

But we slxall quit this uncertain subject, and

228 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

proceed to other points ; amongst which we may
first notice that, such was the influence that
Wolsey now possessed at the court of Rome, that
he not only obtained a new hull from Leo X.
prolonging his legateship for two years *, but
also another, empowering him to make fifty
knights, fifty counts palatine, the same number
of chaplains, and of accolites (officers confined to
the catholic church, who, under the subdean, per-
form some ecclesiastical services to the priests and
deacons), and also forty notaries apostolic, who
should have the same privileges as those made by
the pope, and which were indeed very extensive,
for their power extended to legitimate bastards,
to give degrees in arts, in law, medicine, and di-
vinity, and to grant all species of dispensations.
Had such a bull, with its notarial power, been put
in force, it could not have failed to have been very
lucrative to the Cardinal ; but we have no record
of its exercise, in England, at least. His for-
bearance, on this occasion, no doubt arose from
an inward conviction, that public opinion had
already gained too much influence in England to
admit of the exercise of so much power beyond
the law : Wolsey, however, was less scrupulous
when, on the 15th of May, he received another
bull from Leo, granting to him full powers to
regulate the incipient Lutheranism which was

* Rymer Feed. xiii. 739.

AND HIS TIMES. 229

spreading rapidly amongst the laity, for he in-
stantly issued a legantine mandate* to all the
bishops, directing them to take speedy and ef-
fectual measures for calling in and destroying all
books or MSS. containing the errors of Luther ;
accompanied with orders for processes against all
the professors and favourers of such books, heresies,
&c. &c. Yet such was, and we fear still is, the
duplicity of these ministers of the Romish church,
that the pope and the conclave, a very few weeks
afterwards, did not hesitate to send another bull
to the Cardinal, authorising him to grant licenses
to such as he thought proper to read the works
of " that pestilential heretic," Martin Luther,
especially Jo those who desired to read them with
a design to write against them !

It is not our wish to render this biography a
controversial essay, either on religion or politics —
but still, to apply the experience of past times
to the present, we may ask, what is this but the
old system of indulgence, for venial sins to be
committed in the body, now applied to nioral per-
ceptions, and supposed mental error? What is
the plain English of it but to say, — " pay for it ;
and you may do what you please and think what
you please : but if you pay not, then fire and fag-
got in this world, and fire and brimstone in the
next, shall be your portion !"

* See Wilkins' Concilia, iii. p, 690 ; also Strype's Eccle-
siastic Mem. i. p. 36.

230 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

From these occurrences we see that, whatever
friendship he possessed for the reformers person-
ally, or whatever might have been Wolsey's sen-
timents in regard to a partial reformation of the
church, he was not disposed to go the lengths
which Martin Luther had already done ; and
therefore it is not surprising that he hesitated
not thus to enforce the papal sentence against
that reformer, which was publicly proclaimed at
St. Paul's Cross, on the 12th May, 1521, when
the Cardinal himself, attended by nearly all the
bishops and mitred abbots of the kingdom, went
in procession to the cathedral of the metropolis,
and where he was received with the highest
ecclesiastical honours * : a proceeding evidently
antecedent to the bull already mentioned, if dates
are correct.

Having been incensed, or more properly censed,
on his arrival at the church, he proceeded to the
high altar under a canopy of cloth of gold borne
by four bishops ; and, having made his oblation,
went from thence to St. Paul's Cross, where a
scaffold had been previously erected. There he
took his station under his cloth of estate, with his
two crosses as usual, and his feet resting on a
bench on which sate the papal ambassador on the
right, with the Archbishop of Canterbury next to
him, and on his left the Imperial ambassador,

* Brit, Mus. Cott. Coll. Vit. B. iv. '

AND HIS TIMES. 231

next to whom was the Bishop of Durham ; whilst
all the prelates and abbots sat on two forms.

Fisher, then Bishop of Rochester, was appointed
to preach the sermon on this occasion, which he
is stated to have done " by the consent of the
whole clergy of England, by commandment of the
pope, against one Martin Eleutherius, and all his
works ; because he erred sore, and spake against
the holy faith; and denounced them accursed
which kept any of his books."

To enforce this discourse, and " suit the action
to the word," many copies of Luther's works, as
then published, were burnt in the churchyard,
even during the sermon ; and, when the ceremony
was over, the Cardinal invited the whole of the
mitred clergy to dine with him at his palace at
Westminster.

In the preceding statement, the " Bishop of
Durham" is said to have sat next to the Imperial
ambassador ; yet from some dates, Wolsey himself
must have been the mitred possessor of that epis-
copal palatinate : since it is recorded in the Hi-
story of Durham that on the llth of March, 1521,
Wolsey being then Bishop, he was eager to exer-
cise every right or claim resembling those which
appertain to royalty; and accordingly, on that
day, a patent was made out for supplying the
mint there with coining-irons from the Tower ;
but for pennies only. It is probable, however,
that the date in the Durham record was according

WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

to the not unusual method of ending the year at
Lady-day; so that it really was the llth of
March, 1523 ; a circumstance which illustrates
the chronological difficulties hinted at in the pre-
face. Without wasting further time on a subject
not of a very high importance, we may notice,
that a curious anecdote has been related of
Wolsey and Ruthall, Bishop of Durham, whom
he succeeded in that see. Ruthall was conse-
crated in 1508, and in the course of a dozen years
had accumulated such wealth, that he was reputed
the richest subject in the realm. Having been
often employed by Henry on diplomatic concerns,
that monarch thought proper to give him a com-
mission to draw up an account of the revenues
of the crown, which he performed with his usual
ability and accuracy ; and, immediately afterwards,
he drew up an account of his own estates and those
of the bishopric. These accounts were bound in
vellum, in separate volumes, but so like each
other, that they could not be readily distinguished
by their outsides ; and in that state they were
placed together on a shelf in his library. Some-
time in 1521*, Wolsey, being on a visitation in
the north, was directed by the king to procure
the account which he had ordered ; and the Car-
dinal having done so on his arrival at Durham,
the bishop commanded one of his servants to

* This authentic date verifies the chronological correction
in a preceding page.

AND HIS TIMES.

bring him the book bound in vellum; but the
servant brought the wrong one, which Ruthall
inadvertently, and without examination, delivered
to Wolsey for the king. From this book it ap-
peared that the good bishop was actually worth
£100,000 ; but no sooner did he discover his mis-
take, which was not until his arrival in London
some months afterwards, than he felt such terror
for his property, perhaps for his life, that he fell
sick and died of despair, in 1522. This made an
episcopal vacancy, the value of which Wolsey was
now too well acquainted with to let it slip through
his fingers ; so that he was immediately appointed
his successor : but the only public action recorded
of him, during the seven years that he held the
see, was his rebuilding one third of the Tyne-
bridge, on the southern side. This rapid accu-
mulation of wealth by a bishop was not in ac-
cordance with the professed poverty of the clergy,
who, as expressed in a letter from the Archbishop
of Canterbury to Wolsey, should they be obliged
to pay the demand then made on them by the
king and Cardinal, must thereafter live in con-
tinual poverty, and many of them, unable longer
to support their aged parents, be forced to turn
them out to beggary. He further states this
curious fact, that the clerical claim was, that the
goods of the church were the goods of the poor.
— " Bonum pauperum, et non regum neque no-
bilium."

But if the secular clergy were poor, the en-

234 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

dowed monasteries, as the Cardinal well knew,
were rich enough to excite both his and Henry's
cupidity ; and, on pretence of appropriating their
wealth to scholastic and other useful purposes,
they failed not to take example from the Bishop
of Rochester, who first set it to them, by advising
the dissolution of the monastery of Bromhall, for
the support of St. John's College, Oxford.

Wolsey was, at this period, a constant attendant
at court, whenever the duties of his high offices
would permit him. On Sundays, in particular,
he always went to Greenwich with all the pomp
of his usual mode of travelling, though going by
water. His custom was to take his own barge at
York-stairs with his gentlemen and yeomen stand-
ing round him, whence he proceeded to Three
Crane-stairs ; and, landing there, to ride through
Thames-street to Billingsgate, preceded by all his
ecclesiastical and chancery paraphernalia. It is
curious to notice this part of his plan, which was
evidently to avoid passing through London-bridge ;
and from thence we may perhaps infer that its
fall, even then, was considered dangerous.

At Billingsgate he again embarked, and on his
landing at Greenwich was received by the su-
perior officers of the royal household, and carried
up to the palace as it were in triumph. On those
occasions, when so much pomp and so many at-
tendants were displayed, he always returned to
town in the evening, and with similar form and
ceremony.

AND HIS TIMES. 235

In this strict attention to etiquette, the Car-
dinal had two, perhaps three, objects in view — to
preserve his personal influence with the king ; to
impress a high sense of his dignity upon the
people ; and to gratify his own ambition and love
of show.

Notwithstanding Wolsey's activity in state af-
fairs at home, and the pleasure which the king
enjoyed in his society at court, or at some of the
Cardinal's own residences, where his majesty was
a frequent visitor, yet his diplomatic exertions
abroad were often found necessary, particularly
during this year, on an embassy, both to the
King of France, and the Emperor, then at
Bruges.

This embassy arose out of the following cir-
cumstances. Soon after the royal interviews in
the preceding year, the King of France had de-
clared open war against Charles V., in which the
greatest part of Europe was involved, or likely to
be so ; a circumstance the more particularly un-
fortunate, as at that very period the Turks were
pursuing their ravages in Italy and Greece, almost
without opposition. These considerations induced
Henry to become arbiter between the contending
parties, and accordingly Wolsey was appointed
to the important duty : with powers also * to treat
of amity with the French king, and to counteract

* Rymer's Feed. xiii. p. 749, 9th July, 1521.

236 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

the duplicity of Pope Leo, who had entered into
one private treaty with Francis, to assist him in
the conquest of Naples from the Emperor, and
into another with Charles, engaging to aid him
in the conquest of the Duchy of Milan from
France.

That the appointment of Wolsey to this mission
must have been agreeable to the Emperor is evi-
dent from the fact of his having written from
Ghent, on the 20th of July, to the Cardinal, an
autograph letter, in which he invited him to
come over, on a visit, that he might open all his
affairs to him; a circumstance that may have
hastened Wolsey's departure, as he landed at
Calais on the 2d of August, in the professed cha-
racter of mediator. At Calais he was received by
the ambassadors both of France and Austria ; but
there soon appeared much haughtiness and dis-
trust on both sides, which the Cardinal could not
allay, and was therefore obliged to temporize.
Even towards himself, at least on the part of
France, some personal distaste was felt ; in fact.
Lord Herbert affirms that Francis declined, as
much as he could, his arbitrement, not thinking
him an equal judge. This, if correct, only stimu-
lated Wolsey to action ; and when the French
plenipotentiaries, in full confidence of their mon-
arch's support and approbation, objected to his
going to Bruges to meet the Emperor in private
conference, threatening that if he did so they

AND HIS TIMES. 237

would break off the conferences and return to
Paris, he coolly told them, that if they did he
would declare them to be the aggressors and ene-
mies to peace and to the King of England : under
which menace, they found themselves obliged to
wait his return from the special embassy, which,
it has been said, was on two special points — first,
to propose a marriage between Charles and his
cousin, the infant princess (Mary) ; and, secondly,
to arrange a Treaty of Indemnity, evidently for
Wolsey's private benefit, since its object was to
persuade the Emperor to take upon himself the
payments for Tournay, should Francis fail in
their fulfilment ; but this appears contrary to all
common sense, since there was nothing offered to
Charles in lieu.

There are several curious circumstances on
record respecting the embassy, which deserve a
place here. We are told that " forasmuch as the
old Emperor Maximilian was dead, and for divers
other reasons touching his Majestie, it was thought
fit that about such weighty matters, and to so
noble a prince" — Charles V — " the Cardinal was
most meete to be sent on this embassage ; and he
being one ready to take the charge thereof upon
him, was furnished in every respect like a great
prince, which was much to the honour of his Ma-
jestie, and of this realme."

It appears that his pomp and appointments
were both as cardinal and ambassador. His

238 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL.

suite was very numerous : the gentlemen were
clothed in livery coats of the best crimson velvet,
with chains of gold about their necks ; whilst the
yeomen and all the inferior officers were in dresses
of fine scarlet cloth " guarded with blacke velvet,
one hand breadth."

On his joining the Emperor at Bruges, who
had even rode out to meet him, his suite was dis-
tributed amongst the most respectable inhabit-
ants, the Emperor issuing orders that no indi-
viduals, upon pain of their lives, should take any
money for the accommodation thus enjoyed. —
" No, although they were disposed to make costly
banquets, further commanding their said hosts
that they should want nothing which they ho-
nestly required, or desired to have." For all this,
however, the inhabitants were paid daily by the
Emperor's officers, who called each morning, at
every house where Englishmen were lodged, for
that purpose, and to " fetch away their stuffe."
This alludes to what was called their " living" of
the night before ; for at every house, " first the
officers brought a casteele of fine manchet, then
two silver pots of wine, and a pound of sugar,
white lights and yellow lights, a bowle of silver
and a goblet to drinke in, and every night a staff
torch. This was the order of their livery every
night."

This imperial interview occupied thirteen days,
when Wolsey returned to Calais, to conclude the

AND HIS TIMES. 239

negotiations between the plenipotentiaries of both
powers ; but he found those of France extremely
jealous of his proceedings, though anxious for his
return. The proposed treaty of congress was soon
completed and executed, being first prepared by
Wolsey; but the articles were mere trifles in them-
selves, and the Cardinal did not escape censure,
that he went too far in placing himself on a level
with the King of England, as joint guarantee of
the treaty ! When Wolsey left England, he took
with him the great seal, and during his protracted
stay at Calais he sealed all papers and patents that
were sent over to him ; but this afterwards formed
a heavy item in the charges against him, and with
some appearance of justice also, for the want of
the great seal actually rendered it impossible le-
gally to appoint the sheriffs at the proper period
appointed by law.

During his stay he was not forgetful of affairs
at home, as there is a letter extant from him to
the Bishop of Salisbury, directing him by special
authority to " precede agaynst the enormytes, mys-
governances, and slanderus levynge, longe tyme
heretofore hade, usede, and contynuede by the
priores and the nonnes for the tymes beyng," in
that diocese. This letter was dated in October ;
and, in a few weeks afterwards, he set off for
England, joining the court at Bletchingly on the
27th of November.

But a wider field of ambition now opened to

240 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

him in the death of Pope Leo *, which took place
on the 1st of December ; and Wolsey no sooner

* The character of this pope is very well drawn up in a
recent work of fancy and the arts, of which an extract is here
offered :

" Giovanni de Medici, afterwards Leo X., was admitted
into holy orders at the age of seven years. Soon afterwards
the French king, Louis XL, appointed him to the archbishopric
of Aix, and then to the abbacy of Pasignano, when it was
found that in fact the archbishop was not yet dead. He ob-
tained a cardinal's hat at the age of thirteen, and when only
thirty-eight years old he was elected pope.

" The rest of his life is, in truth, inseparable from the ge-
neral history of politics, religion, manners, literature, and the
arts, in his time. ' It was difficult, however,' says Aretino,
f to judge whether the merit of the learned, or the tricks of
buffoons, afforded most delight to the pope. The deformities
and vices, the negligences and errors of men — nay, even
idiotcy, Avere made a matter of mirth.' Leo was as sumptuous
in his feasts as he was ostentatious in his literary patronage.
His table was more splendid than that of any preceding pon-
tiff. A judge of wines and sauces was always a welcome
guest. The simplicity of Adrian, his successor, was, in com-
parison, called meanness. That unostentatious pope found
that the treasury had been ruined by the prodigality of Leo.
Economy in every branch of expense was used by the new
pontiff, and the tribe of dismissed parasites indulged their
rage in calumny. They even satirised Adrian's German taste,
which preferred beer to wine. In Leo's imperial establishment
there were one hundred gentlemen, whose sole duty it was to
attend him occasionally on horseback. Adrian reduced the
number to twelve.

" Leo's favourite amusement was the chase. The affairs of
the papacy often were suspended for several days together,

AND HIS TIMES. 241

heard of it than he sent Dr. Pace * to Rome, to
negotiate with the conclave generally, and with

on account of this diversion. The close of a successful day of
hunting was the best time of soliciting a favour from the pope.
But the most elegant relaxation of Leo was in music. He was
himself a good musician, and used the great power of his sta-
tion in encouraging the science. He promoted some men in
the church, solely on account of the improvements which they
had made in the choral service.

" Of literature he was the hereditary patron. He pursued,
with the ardour of Cosmo, and Lorenzo de Medici, the search
after ancient manuscripts. His two secretaries rank in the
first class of learning. His agents penetrated into every place
where literary remains could, in any probability, be concealed.
The most important discovery was made in the abbey of Cor-
vey, in Westphalia, where the first five books of the Annals
of Tacitus, that had been so long lost, were found. He en-
larged the library of the Vatican, re-established the Roman
university, created the Greek Gymnasian ; he founded even an
Oriental printing-press at Rome. He had been accomplished
in literature by Polixiano, and Demetrius of Chalcis, two of
the most finished Greek scholars in the fifteenth century. In
truth, no man possessed more elegant scholarship than Leo.
Yet, while he neglected Ariosto, Buonarotti, and Da Vinci, he
befriended Giovio and Pietro Aretino, men who were as de-
testable for the immorality of their lives as for the venality
of their pens.

" An alchymist, who wasted his time and talents in the vain
pursuit of the transmutation of inferior metals into gold, wrote
a poem on his favourite theme, and dedicated it to Leo, whose
profusion made him stand much in want of such an art : in
return for this dedication, the pope presented the author with
an empty purse."

* Our Avonian bard has given currency to a charge against
Wolsey in respect to this person, which, however, we have

R

21421 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

the cardinals in private, but an election took place
before his arrival: and it is also a fact*, that
Charles V. actually wrote to his ambassadors at
Rome, to solicit the conclave to put Wolsey into
the vacant chair. In doing thus, he so far fulfilled
his previous promise to Wolsey : but his duplicity
was soon apparent, though the Cardinal had made
him great promises in return for his solicited in-
terference ; especially the very remarkable notice,

no reason to consider well-founded. Shakespeare, indeed,
cannot be made responsible for common report, when he in-
troduces the following dialogue between Campeius and the
Cardinal, whilst speaking of Gardiner.

' f Cam. My lord of York, was not one Dr. Pace
In this man's place before him?

Wol. Yes, he was.

Cam. Was he not held a learned man ?

Wol. Yes, surely.

Cam. Believe me, there 's an ill opinion spread then
Even of yourself, Lord Cardinal.

Wol. How! of me?

Cam. They will not stick to say, you envied him;
And, fearing he would rise, he was so virtuous,
Kept him a foreign man still ; which so grieved him,
That he ran mad, and died.

Wol. Heaven's peace be with him !

That's Christian care enough: for living murmurers,
There 's places of rebuke. He was a fool 5
For he would needs be virtuous : that good fellow,
If I command him, follows my appointment $
I will have none so near else. Learn this, brother,
We live not to be griped by meaner persons."

* Brit, Mus. Col. Vit. b. iv. 103.

AND HIS TIMES. 243

that as the King of England claimed a right to be
arbiter of Christendom, it would then be his part
to be instrumental towards the exercise of that
right, but that he should be always ready to dis-
pose that king to the best offices, and the strictest
correspondence, with his imperial majesty.

It has been said that Wolsey considered himself
more secure of the papal chair on the death of
Leo than on any other occasion ; having, as he
believed, not only many cardinals in his favour at
Rome, but also the emperor himself. As to the
latter, however, he was completely disappointed ;
for Charles, notwithstanding his open aid, letters,
and promises, particularly recommended to the
conclave his own school-master, Cardinal Adrian*,
who was elected, not only in consequence of the
emperor's letters, but also for his learning, virtue,
and worth.

When the election took place, Wolsey was very
indignant ; and it has been asserted, at least by .
his enemies, that it spurred him on for revenge
against the emperor, to offer to Henry every ex-
citement that could lead him to a separation from
his queen, Katharine.

On this subject it has been brought forward
as matter of serious charge against him, that
although, at first, he would not himself appear to

* In 1511, Wolsey had actually solicited Henry to support
the same Adrian, on a similar vacancy.

II 2

244 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

meddle in the affair, yet that he sent for Lang-
land, Bishop of Lincoln, and then confessor to the
king, and told him of certain scruples and doubts
which he now declared himself to be puzzled by
respecting the legality of the royal marriage;
adding, " I fear it is not as it should be, for very
many learned men hold it unlawful for him to
marry his brother's wife ; and forasmuch as the
charge of the king's soul lies on your hands, I
think it but your duty to inform his majesty of
the peril and danger he stands in."

With this plea he urged the confessor so
strongly, that the latter, at length, consented to
broach the matter to Henry, and so far to ad-
monish him on the subject, as to induce him to
have the question debated and discussed by the
most learned men, both in England and elsewhere,
in order to satisfy and tranquillise the consciences
of his faithful and loving subjects ; not one of
whom, however, with the exception of the Car-
dinal himself, felt any uneasiness about the matter.

When Henry first heard the doubt started, he
was, or appeared to be, much amazed, and also
much grieved, saying to the confessor, " What,
my lord ! let us take heed what we do. Consulta
et definita, to call again into question !" which in-
duced Langland, at once, to tell Wolsey that he
would meddle no more in the affair : but the re-
vengeful Cardinal was not thus to be put off from
his plan, exclaiming, " What, my lord, shall the

AND HIS TIMES. 245

breath of a man make you start one jot from your
duty? Be he king, be he emperor, you do what
becomes a priest and a bishop. Speak to the king
again. Urge, obsecra, opportune, importune.
Move the matter once more, and I shall be pre-
sent. Let it not be known that I am thus much
acquainted with it; and then I will rid you of
your labour."

It has been denied, though not on any good
authority, that Wolsey's object was now to induce
Henry to form a matrimonial alliance with France,
by a match with the Lady Eleanor, Duchess of
Alen9on, and sister to the French monarch ; and
it must be acknowledged, that if the Cardinal had
intended the most potent revenge against his im-
perial enemy, nothing could have been adopted
more likely to gratify that spirit, or to give pain
to the emperor, than the slur of incest, through a
course of twenty years, thus cast upon his aunt,
whilst, at the same time, he would have given a
powerful ally to the French king, then at war
with his imperial majesty. It was on this account
that Wolsey himself entreated to be sent ambas-
sador to France ; but even then Henry was playing
a double part with him, being already enamoured
of the Lady Anne Boleyn.

Of these negotiations the unhappy Katharine
was totally ignorant ; indeed she was now so gra-
cious to Wolsey, that in the early part of the year
she had chosen him as her special companion in a

246 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

progress to Cambridge, where he was received
with honours approaching almost to royalty.

In the midst of state affairs, and foreign diplo-
macy, the Cardinal still found leisure to attend to
his own private objects ; and this year he had
nearly finished Hampton Court, in a style of ar-
chitectural elegance (Gothic however) which he is
said to have adopted for the purpose of ingra-
tiating himself more with Pope Leo, then con-
sidered as the principal patron of the arts.

To Leo X. Europe certainly owed much for the
revival of art, particularly in architecture, since
under his auspices, and those of his family, the
Medici, students were encouraged to apply them-
selves to antique models, and to measure their
proportions, that they might design the orders
with precision. On this subject, it is well observed
by an elegant writer on the arts, that some of the
first cotemporary architects, such as Bramante,
Sangallo, and Michelagnoulo, erected edifices which
excelled those of the Greeks, both in magnificence
and regularity, in such a degree, as to offer the
best examples to other nations. In short, it may
fairly be considered, that the commencement of
the church of St. Peter is to be regarded as the
epocha of the revival of architecture in Europe ;
and, as Dallaway remarks, the age of the magni-
ficent Leo X. must be always interesting to the
lovers of literature and the arts.

To the revival of classic architecture Wolsey,

AND HIS TIMES. 247

however, seems to have paid but little, if any, at-
tention. To painting also he was equally indif-
ferent, though Holbein was a favourite with Henry
and his court : perhaps this may have arisen from
the circumstance of that painter being particularly
patronised by the Duke of Norfolk, long the poli-
tical rival of the Cardinal.

If he failed in his wishes to ingratiate Leo, yet
he was not the less successful with his own mon-
arch, since, in the course of the very last month
of this year, we find him receiving a grant of
several manors in Lincolnshire, which came into
the hands of the king during the minority of the
young Earl of Derby, only eleven years of age, at
the death of his parent; also the king's brief,
dated 7th of December *, conferring upon him in
full the cure and administration of the monastery
of St. Alban's, both in spirituals and in temporals,
which had before been partly conferred " in com-
mendam."

* Rymer's Feed. xiii. 760.

248 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

SECTION VI.

Title of Defender of the Faith conferred upon Henry — Em-
peror visits England — Forced Loans, and popular Discon-
tents — Wolsey's Support of maritime Rights — War with
France— City Loans, and Anecdotes — Various ecclesias-
tical Grants, and royal Favours — Progress of Reformation

— Monastic Vices — Clerical Hospitality — Wolsey's Pro-
mises and good Offices to Oxford — Parliamentary Debates
and Struggles for Independence — Clerical Exactions — Le-
gantine Power confirmed, and finally for Life— Is made Bi-
shop of Durham — Visit of the King of Denmark to England

— Death of Pope Adrian, and further Intrigues for the
Popedom — General Politics of Europe — Exercise of legan-
tine Power — Opposition of the Priesthood to forced Loans

— Notifies and commences the Erection of his new School
at Ipswich, and Cardinal College at Oxford — Visits to mo-
nastic Houses for Reformation — Suppression of several-
Courtly and priestly Flattery — First Establishment of me-
dical Lectures in London — First Appearance of Anne Bo-
leyn at Court — Various Anecdotes — Causes of her early
Enmity to the Cardinal— Courtly Sports — Masquerades,
&c. &c.

IN January, 1522, or a year earlier according
to some chronologists, the new pope sent a lega-
tion to England, to present the king with the bull
conferring on him the title of Defender of the
Faith; and, on the 2d of February, the court

AND HIS TIMES. 249

being then at Greenwich, Wolsey, accompanied by
the papal ambassador, attended by a numerous
train of nobles, presented himself at court, where
the king met them at his chamber-door, welcoming
them both, as if both had just arrived from Rome ;
for Wolsey took especial care that he should be
named in every legation that came from the pope.

The royal welcome concluded, the Cardinal
made a most extraordinary speech, or oration, be-
ginning thus : " High and victorious king, it hath
pleased our Lord God to indue your grace with a
great multitude of manifold graces, as a king elect
in favour of the high Heaven, and so appeareth
presently by your noble person, so formed and
figured in shape and stature, with force and pul-
chritude, which signifieth the present pleasure of
our Lord God wrought in your noble grace." After
this high flown panegyric in praise of the royal
person, the wily Cardinal gave equal praise to his
wisdom, prudence, and learning ; concluding with
information that the pope had sent to his majesty
an act in bull under lead, declaring him and his
successors to be Defender of the Faith, for ever-
more.

The king now received the bull, and read it ;
after which it was openly read, and published in
the court, and then Henry proceeded to the chapel
in the highest courtly state, accompanied by all
the nobles, and by the various ambassadors then
at court, Wolsey, himself sung the mass, being

250 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

attended in the prefatory ceremonies by the Dukes
of Norfolk and Suffolk, and the Earl of Essex ;
who, not very much to their own liking, were
obliged to wait upon the priestly upstart with the
water for washing, the towel, &c. The mass
ended, Wolsey " gave unto all them that heard
the masse cleane remission, and blessed the king,
and the queene, and all the people."

But events more important, in regard to the
Cardinal's welfare, were now pressing forward ;
and it may be said, that the year 1522 was one of
the proudest years in his life, inasmuch as he, in
his correspondence with foreign princes, was now
almost as familiar as in his personal intercourse
with the sovereign. Accordingly, we find a most
pressing, yet most friendly, letter to him, in
March, from Anthony Grimani, Doge of Venice,
soliciting his interference with the Spanish mon-
arch respecting a Venetian ship detained in some
port in Spain; and soon afterwards, when the
same doge addressed a congratulatory epistle to
Henry on his receiving the title of Defender of
the Faith, he did not fail to add a most friendly
recognition of the favourite. But, perhaps, the
most extraordinary letter addressed to Wolsey, at
this period, was one dated from Vittoria, in Spain,
on the 2d of February, from Pope Adrian, then
ignorant of his own election to the tiara, in which
he actually signifies the rumour of Wolsey's eleva-
tion to the pope, and solicits the supposed new

AND HIS TIMES. 251

pontiff to promote harmony between Henry and
the emperor.

Charles, however, did not trust to epistolary
negotiations alone, but determined on a visit to
England to further his political purposes ; and he
accordingly landed at Dover, when the Cardinal,
on the 20th of May, rode through the city, on his
route to receive him, attended by a train of two
earls, thirty-six knights, one hundred gentlemen,
eight bishops, ten abbots, thirty chaplains, and
seven hundred yeomen !

The emperor was received at court in all due
state ; and on the 8th of June, he and the king
rode from Greenwich to St. Paul's, where Wolsey
himself sung high mass : indeed, he may be said
to have already touched the emperor " to some
tune," for of the same day's date, we find a letter
written to him by Charles, and dated " London,"
in which he engages to pay to the Cardinal 9000
crowns of pension, also 2500 ducats, until the like
sum should be assigned out of the vacant churches
in Spain, in lieu of the annuity from the bishopric
of Badajoz, which Charles wished to dispense from
the payment of it.

Wolsey seems indeed to have had considerable
trouble, at or about this time, in procuring any
payments from Spain; either from Palencia or
Toledo: as there is a letter from him extant, but
without date, addressed to Dr. Lee, the king's
almoner, then with the emperor, in which he states

WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

the appointment of Master John Almayn to be
a receiver along with Lee, with a salary of 500
ducats, " which I suppose will make him ernest,
diligent, and benevolent, in assisting you in levy-
ing the rest, with the averages of the same."

During all these political negotiations, Wolsey
was attentive in paying every respect to Charles,
both ecclesiastical and royal. This he carried to
an unprecedented extent of splendour, so that it is
not surprising that the state assumed by the Car-
dinal should have given great offence to English-
men ; when even the Spaniards, who accompanied
the emperor on his visit, were disgusted with it,
especially on one occasion, we believe, when he
performed mass before the emperor and the king
at St. Paul's. We are informed that he there had
his " travers and cupborde," and before the mass
two barons gave him water, and after the gospel
two earls did the same ; whilst at the last lavatory,
the degrading office was performed by two dukes.

These feelings of displeasure, in the minds of
the people, were much heightened by the heavy
burthens that were laid upon them under the name
of loans, particularly when the king sent into the
city to borrow £ 20,000. This was very grating
to the citizens, but the loan was promised never-
theless ; the lord mayor sending only for the most
substantial to make up the sum : which, however,
was not done until several of the companies ac-
tually parted with their plate. The sum being

AND HIS TIMES. 253

paid into the lord treasurer's hands, the king sent
his letter promising payment; and so did the
Cardinal ; and the poor were contented, since the
rich were forced to lend.

We must, however, do the Cardinal the justice
of saying, that whenever the honour or interest
of the country were at stake, and not in opposition
to his own private views, he behaved with a de-
gree of spirit highly honourable to him. This was
particularly exemplified in the course of the pre-
sent year, when the merchants complained loudly
of their sufferings from the piratical proceedings
both of France and Germany, though England
preserved all the neutrality of one that wished to
be a mediator. The affair having been taken into
deep consideration by the king and council, the
French ambassador was sent for, whom Wolsey
thus addressed : — " Sir ! how is this chance hap-
pened ? You have promised ever, in the name of
the king your master, that all leagues, promises,
and covenants should be kept, and that full resti-
tution should be made of every hurt and damage,
and that firm peace and amity should be kept;
but, contrary to your saying, our merchants be
robbed and spoiled, yea, although he hath granted
his safe conduct ; yet they be robbed, and stayed
at Bourdeaux ! Is this the peace that you and your
master have promised to be kept? Is this the
amity that he was sworn to keep? Is this the
word of a king ? Is this the strength of a prince

254 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

to break his safe conduct ? And where you advised
our merchants to sue in France for restitution,
and did warrant them to be restored, you have put
them to cost and loss, for they have sued there
long and spent their goods, without any redress ;
and now you have imprisoned them, and kept both
them and their goods ! Is this justice ? Is this
restitution ? And all this was your procurement,
and now see what is come of your promise ! Surely
this may not be suffered; and besides this, the
king is informed that the king your master hath
spoken by him foul and opprobrious words ; yea
in the hearing of the Englishmen, which were
sore grieved to hear such words, and were not
able to be revenged."

To this the French ambassador answering that
it was not so as it was reported, Wolsey instantly
took him up, exclaiming, — " Well ! if you note the
council of England so light as to tell fables, you
may be misadvised. But I pray you," added he
more coolly, " how oftentimes hath the king
written to your master, for restitution of such
robberies as have been done, and yet can have no
redress ? Wherefore he granted letters of marque,
which may stand with the league ; but M. Cha-
tillon hath taken merchants of England prisoners,
and hath sent certain here for their ransom ! That
is open war ; and no peace."

The French ambassador stuck to his old text of
denial, and now added attempts at recrimination,

AND HIS TIMES. 255

endeavouring to make out a worse case against the
English in regard to France ; but Wolsey was not
thus to be led from his purpose : accordingly he
sent for the four hostages that were still here for
the payment of the sums due on account of Tour-
nay, and delivered each of them to a nobleman
or knight for safe keeping ; commanding the am-
bassador also to keep his house, in silence, and
not again to come into the royal presence, until
he was sent for.

This was considered by the ambassador and the
hostages as a great and unprovoked insult ; but
Wolsey went on without ceremony, giving strict
commandment to the lord mayor to attach all the
Frenchmen in the city, body and goods, and to
keep them in prison, until he should hear further
of the king's pleasure. So strictly was this order
put in force, that in a short time all the prisons,
in and about the metropolis, were filled with
Frenchmen ; but many escaped by speaking Dutch,
and saying that they were Flemings, not French-
men !

Indeed, Wolsey, like a true-born Englishman,
notwithstanding his political coquetry with the
King of France for his own private interests, seems
to have felt an intuitive jealousy of French am-
bition, and a kind of personal dislike also for that
people; in conformity with which, even during
the recent negotiations at Calais, he actually wrote
a book, and by the king's express desire, on the

256 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

reasons and operations of war against France, and
pointing out the method of supporting it with
vigour and effect : and even before war had com-
menced he was particularly active in sending sup-
plies and subsidies for the support of the emperor's
large armies both in the Netherlands and in Italy,
where great things were hoped for, from the ex-
pected co-operation of the Duke of Bourbon, then
at variance with Francis, on account of the office
of Constable of France being taken from him, to
be conferred upon the Duke D' Alengon, brother
to that monarch.

But we need not enter deeply into these extra-
neous matters ; it is sufficient to record that the
war broke out again in 1522, between France and
England ; the first operations opening on the coast
of France, with an attack upon Morlaix by the
lord high admiral, followed up by skirmishes in
the vicinity of Calais, in all of which the English
arms were successful. At that period there were
no gazettes, so that the first public notification of
these successes was on the 6th of July, when Wol-
sey, in the star chamber, announced them to the
lords and others assembled. He further declared
that Henry would never have entered upon hosti-
lities had the French monarch kept his oath and
promise; mentioning also other causes, such as the
invasion of the imperial dominions by France,
contrary to treaty; the neglect and contempt
shown by the French to the last year's embassy ;

AND HIS TIMES. 257

the withholding of the king's duties and his sister's
dower ; with several other charges of a minor
nature.

Measures of internal security were immediately
taken, under Wolsey's directions, by the imprison-
ment of all Frenchmen and Scots, whose gocds
were also seized ; but where any of these had mar-
ried Englishwomen, half the goods were restored
for the use of the wives and children : as for
such as had been made denizens by naturalization,
even they were obliged to find good and sufficient
bond for their quiet behaviour.

Six weeks after the announcement of hostilities,
Wolsey sent for the mayor and aldermen, and in-
formed them that the king had appointed com-
missioners throughout the kingdom to swear
every man to the value of his property, the more
to be in readiness for the defence of the realm, and
that he, the Cardinal, was appointed commissioner
for the city ; an office which his majesty, himself,
would have undertaken, had he not been prevented
by other affairs of state, — " wherefore, in con-
venient time," added Wolsey, " certify me the
number of all such as be worth one hundred pounds
and upwards, to the intent I may swear them of
their values ; for first, the king asketh of you, your
loving hearts and due obeysance, the which shall
appear by your conformity to his requests ; and
when the value is taken, he desireth only the tenth
part of goods and lands, which is the least reason-

s

258 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

able thing that you can aid your prince with. I
think every of you will offer no less ; as for the
spiritualty, every man is in the shires sworn, and
shall and will gladly pay the fourth part to the
king, and live on the three parts. Now to your
part I am sure you will not grudge, therefore,
name me the men of substance; and for the meaner
sort, meaner commissioners shall be appointed."

The first reply to this speech was from a mer-
chant, who said, — " Sir, if it may please you, how
shall this tenth part to the king be delivered ?"

" In money, plate, or jewels," replied Wolsey,
" at a value."

4

" Oh ! my Lord," exclaimed one of the alder-
men, " it is not yet two months since the king
had of the city £20,003 in ready money, in loan,
whereby the city is very bare of money ; for God's
sake remember this, that rich merchants in war
be bare of money."

To this remonstrance the only reply of the Car-
dinal was — " Well ! this must be done ; and there-
fore go about it."

Thus ended the conference, and the aldermen,
each in their respective wards, drew up lists agree-
able to the Cardinal's directions ; and the persons
therein named waited upon him, beseeching him
most humbly that they might not be sworn for
the true value of their substance, as the true
valuation was unknown to them ; besides many
honest men's credit was much -greater than their

AND HIS TIMES. 259

substance, and therefore they were in doubt how
far they might, unwittingly, incur the peril of
perjury.

Wolsey was prepared even for this, and imme-
diately replied, — " Well, syth you dread the crime
of perjury, it is a sign of grace, and therefore I
will for you borrow of the king a little. Make
you your bills of your own value, likely to report
your fame, and then more business needeth not;
for you see what two costly armies the king hath
ready against both France and Scotland ; there-
fore now show yourselves like loving subjects, for
you be able enough : and I dare swear the sub-
stance of London is no less worth than two mil-
lions of gold."

At this the merchants started, as if with asto-
nishment, exclaiming, — " We would to God that
it were so ; and the city is sore appaired by the
great occupying of strangers."

" Well," replied Wolsey, " it shall be redressed,
if I live ; but on Saturday next I shall appoint one
to receive your bills ; and he that is of credence,
more than of substance, let him resort to me, as I
will be secret and good to him."

We are informed by Hall, that these honest
citizens now departed in great tribulation, and that
great was the mourning of the common people, as
it ever is in such cases of payments ; but in the
end, one Doctor Tonnys, a secretary to the Car-
dinal, came to the Chapter House in St. Paul's

s 2!

260 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

Church-yard, to whom the citizens brought in
their statements, " and on their honestie they were
received, which values afterwarde turned them to
displeasure."

It was not until the 6th of November that Wol-
sey received the papal bull " in commenda" for
the monastery of St. Alban's ; and a few days
afterwards arrived a letter from the emperor, in
which he calls Henry his father, as if with a re-
ference to the renewal of the treaty of marriage
with the infant princess, — " the said king, our
good father and uncle, the queen, my aunt and
mother, and of my best beloved cousin and com-
panion, the princess, their daughter *."

These new sources of wealth, so intimately con-
nected with the existence of the papal power
in England, would naturally pre-dispose Wolsey
against the Reformation, which, indeed, hitherto
had not made such progress as might have been
expected. The king also was, as yet, too proud of
his new title of Defender of the Faith, to coun-
tenance any professed friends of the Reformation ;
yet the people were beginning to open their eyes
to the evils resulting from the popish forms and
practices, particularly in regard to female virtue
and the social tie, the libertinism of the clergy
being now insufferable.

Nor were the people conciliated by the argu-

* Rymer, Feed. xiii. 776.

AND HIS TIMES. 261

ments used, especially by those of Cardinal Cam-
peius, to justify the celibacy of the clergy, when
it was urged that married priests had a greater
sin to answer for than those who kept many con-
cubines ; as the latter, it was said, might probably
be persuaded that concubinage was lawful, whilst
the former must be conscious that they sinned
against their known duty. The one party he
therefore permitted to continue in full indulgence;
whilst the magistrate was called on to assist the
bishops in censures against the married clergy.

This was a mode of reasoning not at all adapted
to the understandings of Englishmen. They saw
an evil, and they determined to remove it ; not
choosing to temporize, as was done on the Con-
tinent, especially in Switzerland, where, as we are
told by Zuinglius the famous Swiss Reformer,
there was a custom in some of the cantons, that
when a new curate was received amongst them,
they enjoined him to keep a concubine, lest he
should attempt the chastity of their wives !

The friends of reformation were therefore well
pleased when they saw the Cardinal, under the
express royal approbation, fairly, though uncon-
sciously, commence the great work by the dissolu-
tion of the monasteries, then noted for the vice
and depravity within their walls.

It is true that the groundwork on which the
first instances were founded, was the intended pur-
pose of establishing schools and colleges with their

WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

wealth; but the judicious foresaw that such a
work, once begun, would always find reasons for
its continuance, and they expected, with good
reason, that the cupidity both of Wolsey and the
king, already manifested in various attempts upon
the wealth of the secular clergy, could not fail to
become more insatiate by gratification.

That many curious discoveries were made, on
the final dissolution of the monasteries, cannot be
doubted, though perhaps by no means to the ex-
tent of the charges brought against the monks,
now doomed to plunder and destruction. Two spe-
cimens of these accusations we shall give*; — the
first is in a report from John Hales, sent to Secre-
tary Cromwell, whilst on a visitation to Soulbie —

" According to your pleasure and command-
ment, the papistical denn of idle and utterly un-
learned beasts at Soulbie is broken up and dis-
persed, and your servant is in possession." —

The other is from Dr. Richard Layton, and
dated from Maidstone —

" At Lewis I found corruption of both the
kinds et quod pejus est, traturus. The Supe-
rior hath confessed to me treason in his preaching.

" At Battel, I found the abbot and all his con-
vent, saveing one or two, great dayly * * * * and
traiturs. The Abbot of Battel is the varaste
hayve betle and buserde, and the arrants chorle

* Brit. Mus. Ays. Cat. No. 4160. Art. 13.

AND HIS TIMES. 263

that ever I see in all other places where as I come,
especially the black sort of devillish monks. Surely
I think they be past amendment, and that God
hath utterly withdrawn his grace from them." —

It must be allowed, however, that, with all their
vices, the religious of that day possessed one virtue
at least, — that of hospitality. At priests' houses,
and in monasteries, the table-cloth was on the
board all day long, for strangers, travellers, friars,
and pilgrims. Then there were charitable doles
at all religious houses, and in every parish ; and
in each parish (poors' rates not then established)
there was a church house, to which were attached
spits, pots, crooks, &c. for dressing provisions.
There the housekeepers often met on seasons of
jollity, like modern church-wardens' feasts ; and
there were all their charitable plans and purposes
matured and put in efficiency. In every church
also there was a poor man's box ; and the same at
all inns ; but there were few, or rather no alms-
houses before this reign. The most ancient alms-
house in existence is opposite to Christ Church,
Oxford.

There was even some liberality amongst the
priesthood in religious matters ; particularly with
respect to prayers for the dead : and in the " Fes-
tival"* printed in 1509, the priests are expressly
directed to pray for all souls, " especially for those
that had most need and least help !"

* Ant. Rep. I. p. 1/8.

264 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

But prayers for the dead, as a knowledge of real
Christianity spread itself by means of the Bible,
were soon laughed at ; and more especially was
the public contempt directed against the pardons
and indulgences then bestowed with liberal pro-
mise.

How, indeed, was it possible, even for the un-
enlightened, yet deep-thinking yeomanry to pre-
serve their gravity, when they might read upon a
brass plate, fixed upon a stone in the chapel of
Macclesfield — " The pardonne for sayinge of v
pater-nosters and v aves and a credo, is xxvi
thousand yeres and xxv dayes of pardonne," — or
again in Salisbury cathedral, where was fixed up
a long list of pardons for deadly and for venial sins,
and that he who should devoutly behold the arms
of Jesus Christ was to have six thousand years of
pardon from St. Peter, and the thirty popes who
followed him ; whilst to him who should say cer-
tain prayers, there would be given three thousand
years of pardon for deadly, and the same for ve-
nial sins !

The Cardinal, however, seems not to have held
any doubts as to the stability of the existing sys-
tem, but went on in the usual tenor of his way,
watchful for his own interests, and for those of his
friends. In particular, he placed in the London
episcopal chair, then vacant by the demise of Dr.
Fitzjames, his friend and protege^, Dr. Tunstall,
the keeper of the privy seal, but a man by no

AND HIS TIMES. 265

means popular, even then. He had one advantage,
however, in Wolsey's estimation, that of being a
strict Catholic ; and we must allow him the merit
of sincerity, for he lost his see in Edward's reign,
was reinstated by Mary, but ejected by Elizabeth.
Whilst this promotion was rankling in men's
minds, Wolsey increased it much by issuing a ge-
neral commission through the realm for musters.
On this occasion, people were sworn to their pro-
perty, their substance, and their lands, and the
reports regularly sent to the Cardinal: but the
measure was most unpopular, and excited consi-
derable ferment, the fears and jealousies of the
people being awakened by the expectation of fresh
and heavy demands upon their purses. Wolsey,
nevertheless, proceeded coolly in his despotic mea-
sures, but still tempered them with the love he
manifested for learning. In particular we may
observe, that however true may have been the
charges of selfish views against him, in many in-
stances, it is clear that his conduct towards the
university of Oxford was of the most disinterested
nature, as was most particularly manifested this
year, on occasion of various internal differences
respecting official regulations. The peculiar point
in debate was in regard to the election of proctors ;
and on this subject the masters at once referred the
matter to the cardinal, without any previous com-
munication to their chancellor : but Wolsey care-
fully avoided any thing like undue interference,

WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

and, in a spirit of conciliation, allowing at the same
time, to party feelings, an opportunity of cooling,
he recommended a middle course, — that of de-
ferring the absolute choice of proctors until the
ensuing Michaelmas, and of appointing, pro tern-
pore, two sufficient persons, quiet, and not of tur-
bulent aspiring tempers, to fulfil the duties of the
office, though not under the title of proctors, but
simply that of masters of the schools.

He further hinted that at the expiration of the
term already mentioned, he hoped he should be
more at leisure to attend to the affairs of the uni-
versity, and to see all things settled upon so good
a foundation, that the state of it would be con-
tinually more splendid and flourishing. With
this judicious advice the university complied ; and
in their answer, they state another proof of his
favour in having procured for them an exemption
from the general tax, levied towards the support
of the war against France.

It seems that they had previously applied to
Wolsey for his intercession in their favour, upon
the plea that colleges and their immediate de-
pendencies had always been exempted from the
charge of contributing to the public wars ; and
this had been urged by Wolsey to the king with
so much force, as a matter of academical right,
that the desired immunity was granted.

This immunity, however, was rather for that
especial occasion, than granted as a perpetual

AND HIS TIMES. 267

right ; and the university now called on the Car-
dinal to have it more generally established : but
this he waived for the present, assuring them that
he could not make any final determination in the
matter until it had been laid before the council,
and which he hoped he should do in such a man-
ner as to convince them of the zeal which he felt,
and with which he would act for their advantage.

To these hopes of future favour, he added some
good advice ; recommending to them to preserve
a good spirit, and to apply themselves to the study
of learning, and to the practice of holy discipline;
admonishing them also to be particularly careful
that they should not, from any motives of vain
glory, or in the gratification of any private quar-
rels or animosities, permit themselves to be led
away from the great duty of perfecting themselves
in true and useful erudition.

Steady in his views upon the popedom, Wolsey
now warmly supported the breach with France,
and the affording of all possible aid to the em-
peror ; but there was a rising spirit of independ-
ence in the House of Commons which rendered it
more difficult for him to raise the sums necessary
for his ambitious purposes. Even this was, in
some measure, owing to himself; for he appears to
have been very active and instrumental in Sir
Thomas More's being chosen Speaker of the House
of Commons in the parliament of 1522, being the
first summoned after his elevation to the chancel-

26'8 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

lorship. When More disabled himself, as it was
called, representing that he was totally unqualified
for that high office, neither the king nor the Car-
dinal would hear of his declining it ; the latter
telling him that the king had sufficient proof of
him every way sufficiently, and that the commons
could not choose a meeter man.

The Cardinal's influence, in this very parliament,
was soon ascertained to be not so weighty as he
had imagined, owing, perhaps, in a great measure
to the publicity which appears now first to have
taken place in regard to the debates of the House,
and thus tending to form public opinion.

This publicity, in fact, became now so notorious,
that Wolsey even dared to complain that he was
aggrieved, and that there was nothing either said
or done but what was blazed abroad in all circles,
nay in every ale-house. But something must be
done ; for a very large subsidy was now wanted ;
and so doubtful was the minister of the question
being carried, that he actually determined to be
present at the debate himself, though a member
of the upper house. This intention was no sooner
known to the commons, than it became a matter
of very serious debate, whether he should only be
admitted with a few of the lords, or with his whole
train; when the speaker put an end to the debate
by observing, that since the Cardinal had already
accused them of the lightness of their tongues,
for things spoken and disclosed out of doors, he

AND HIS TIMES. 26*9

thought the best mode would be to receive their
visitor in all his pomp, with all his maces, his pil-
lars, his poleaxes, his crosses, his cardinal's hat,
and the great seal also : so that if, at a future day,
he should complain that the debate on the subsidy
had been promulgated, then they might, with a
better grace, lay the blame upon his own followers,
as the reporters to the people.

This plan was instantly adopted ; and Wolsey
actually went to the house in all this ecclesiastical
and political state — nay, he made a speech on, or
rather an oration to the house in favour of the
proposed subsidy, for the purpose of proving its
necessity, and of showing that less would not
suffice than the sum demanded. When he had
finished, there was a dead silence in the house, at
which he appeared astonished ; and, after a pause,
he observed that there were many wise and learned
men among them, and seeing that he was sent
thither by the king himself, for the preservation
of the members themselves, and of the whole
realm, he thought he had occasion to expect a
reasonable answer.

Still all were silent, when Wolsey addressed
himself individually to one of the members, Mr.
Marney; but he was dumb, as were many others,
to each of whom severally the Cardinal addressed
himself, it having been previously agreed that no
debate should take place, and that the speaker
alone should answer him. But even Sir Thomas

270 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

did not yet break the silence, until Wolsey again
spoke to the house, saying, " Masters, unless it be
the manner of your house, as of likelihood it is,
by the mouth of your speaker, whom you have
chosen for trusty and wise, as indeed he is, in
such cases to utter your minds, here is, without
doubt, a marvellous obdurate silence." He then
turned fiercely to the speaker, and demanded an
answer ; when More, dropping on his knees, pre-
tended to excuse the silence of the Commons, on
the plea that they were abashed at the presence of
so noble a personage, who was able to amaze the
wisest and the best learned men in the realm : he
then urged several reasons why no member had
spoken, as such would neither have been expe-
dient, nor agreeable to the ancient liberty of that
house ; and as for himself, although the members
had unanimously chosen him, and trusted him
with their privileges, still, unless every individual
member would put into his (More's), head all their
several wits, he alone was unmeet in so weighty a
matter to give an answer to his grace.

Wolsey was so displeased with this speech, and
with his general reception, that he instantly rose
and left the house ; and the very next day he sent
for the Speaker, to attend upon him in his gallery
at Whitehall, saying to him on his arrival, " Would
to God you had been at Rome, Master More,
when I made you speaker !" To which More re-
plied, " Your grace not offended, so would I, my

AND HIS TIMES. 271

lord; for then should I have seen those holy
places, which I have often and much desired !"

This answer appeared to foil the Cardinal in his
preconcerted plan, and they took several turns in
the gallery without a word being uttered, when
More, anxious to check or avert the storm which
was gathering, began to talk of the gallery, and
said that he liked it much better than the one at
Hampton Court ; and this he said with such ap-
parent unconcern, that Wolsey was completely at
fault, and left him without another word.

The king and Wolsey, thus checked in parlia-
ment, now began to cut very deep into the incomes
of the clergy ; for which purpose they adopted the
plan of having a convocation called by the royal
writ to Warham, Archbishop of Canterbury, and
which was directed to be held at St. Paul's on the
20th of April. The ostensible business, as stated
for this convocation, was to reform some abuses in
the church ; but the members soon discovered that
the real purpose was of a very different nature,
when the Cardinal, by virtue of his power as
legate a latere, summoned them to repair to West-
minster, and there told them that half of the full
value of their livings for one year was expected
for the service of his majesty; but allowing them,
at the same time, to pay it by instalments in the
course of five years.

This most extraordinary and unexampled de-
mand the Cardinal attempted to justify, by a la-

WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

boured representation of the king's particular love
and regard for the church, and the especial services
he had done towards it, far beyond any of his pre-
decessors, wherefore they ought to feel it their
duty to show themselves sensible of their happi-
ness by their gratitude, and pay their acknow-
ledgments by actions, and not by words only.
But this reasoning did not take so readily as he
expected, being opposed both by his old friend
and patron, Fox, Bishop of Winchester, and by
Fisher, Bishop of Rochester, who objected to it
on the plea that the clergy could not live under
the fulfilment of such a demand ; that it was un-
customary ; and that it would be drawn into a
precedent in after times, so as to render the bur-
dens on the church most intolerable. To this,
however, Wolsey would not lend an ear; but
wishing to have an example for the parliament in
the conduct of the church, he urged the subject
still more strenuously, on the plea that should
the clergy be sparing in assisting his majesty, at
this particular juncture, it might have the effect of
an evil example to the laity; and, at least, would
show that the clergy were very ungrateful for the
many favours which Henry had bestowed upon
the church.

These arguments, with perhaps other prudential
reasons, were effectual, and the subsidy was agreed
to ; the preamble to the grant specifying his ma-
jesty's good offices in quelling the unhappy schism

AND HIS TIMES. 273

in the church during the pontificate of Julius II.,
and his confutation of " Luther's heresy, which
furiously raged against the church and the state
thereof, in a most learned and never sufficiently to
be praised treatise."

In these regulations it was understood that all
foreigners holding benefices in England were to
pay a double tax ; that is, one year in five : but to
this there were seven exceptions, two of which
were in favour of a friend and an enemy, thus
manifesting Wolsey's impartiality. The friend was
Erasmus ; and the enemy was Polidor Virgil, who
had been for several years the collector of the
papal dues in England.

This was followed by a convocation of the see
of York, whereat similar measures were agreed to.

Elated by his success with the clergy, Wolsey
met the parliament of 1523 with large demands
for money ; and on the 29th of April, he actually
entered the House of Commons, accompanied by a
number both of temporal and spiritual peers, when
he made a long oration in favour of the war,
closing with a demand for £800,000, to be raised
by a fifth of every man's goods and lands, or 4s. in
the pound, throughout the kingdom.

The opposition of that day attempted to show
that there was not money enough in the country
to pay such a subsidy; and they asked, "If all
the coyne wer in the kynge's handes, how should
men live ?" — but Wolsey went again to the House

T

274 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

of Commons, in order to overrule all these objec-
tions. He first desired to be reasoned with ; but
he was told that the fashion of the lower house
was to hear, and not reason but among them-
selves : and he then began to prove that England
was extremely rich ; first, because the king's cus-
toms were then greater than ever they had been
before ; then he spoke of the sumptuous buildings,
of the plate, of rich apparel, of men, women, chil-
dren, and even servants ; of fat feasts and delicate
dishes ; which things were all tokens of great
abundance ; — " with whiche repetyng of mennes
substance, as though he had repined or disdained
that any man should fare well, or be well clothed,
but hymself, the Commons greatly grudged : and
when he was departed out of the house, it was
proved that honest apparrel of the commodities
of this realme, aboundance of plate and honest
viandes, were profitable to the realme, and not pro-
digall ;" — but, after all, a subsidy was granted.

These occurrences produced much discontent
amongst the people, and even the press, in that
early day, appears to have been enlisted in the
cause of opposition to the favourite ; particularly
on occasion of his exercising his legantine powers
to the extent of dissolving Archbishop Warham's
convocation at St. Paul's, and forcing him and all
the clergy of his diocese to attend the Cardinal's
own convocation at Westminster. This we have
already described as a thing unheard of before in

AND HIS TIMES. 275

England, and Skelton the poet, the poet laureate
some call him, wrote on it the following rude dis-
tich:

" Gentle Paule, laie doune thy sweard,

For Peter of Westminster hath shaven thy beard." '

But Wolsey, supported by the favours of the king
and pope, seemed to fear nothing either from po-
pular opinion, or from aristocratic jealousy. Every
day, indeed, appears to have been fruitful in new
favours, some of them particularly illegal ; as was
most especially the case in regard to the abbacy
of St. Alban's, recently granted to him ; and which
was now ascertained to be a breach of canon law.
This invasion of the rights of abbeys, for any per-
son to hold them in commendam, was by many
considered as portending some fatal blow to the
clergy at large ; and it is a curious fact, that Wol-
sey never went down, even that short distance,
personally to take possession ; nor is there, as
Newenham * observes, a tittle of record to show
what was done during his commendam.

He chose not, however, to give up the lucrative
proceeds of such a valuable trust ; and he even
went the length of procuring a bull from the
pope, dated 7th of April, 1523, declaring that he
should not vacate the see of York, nor give up St.
Alban's, accompanied by another of the same date,

* Newenhara's History of St. Alban's.

T 2

276 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

confirming to him the bishopric of Durham, which
he had held for a short time previous ; there was
also a recommendation to the king, that he should
receive a restitution of the temporalities of the
Durham see.

All these favours were followed by a bull from
Pope Adrian, granting to him a prolongation of
his legantine powers — " ad quinquennium," or for
the space of five years ; soon after which he re-
ceived a grant * from the king of the custody of
the young Earl of Derby's lands in the isle of
Axholme, in Lincolnshire.

When Wolsey received the bishopric of Dur-
ham, he resigned, as we have recorded, that of
Bath to Dr. John Clarke, Master of the Rolls, one
of his favourites ; and he soon after appointed Sir
Henry Marney, his own vice chamberlain, to be
lord privy seal, procuring for him the title of
Lord Marney. In short, his pride, and the wan-
tonness of his power, were now increasing rapidly ;
and it is recorded of him, in this year, by a cotem-
porary writer, that " aboute this season, the Car-
dinall of York, beyng legate, proved testamentes,
and dyd call before hym all the executors and ad-
ministrators of every diocess within the realm ; so
that the bishoppes and ordinaries did prove no
great willes in their dioces, except he were com-
pounded with, not to their litle disadvantage. Also,

•* Rymer, Feed. xiii. 795. 789.

AND HIS TIMES. 277

by his power legantine, he gave by provencions all
benefices belongyng to spirituall persones, by the
whiche doyng, he not only had the hatred of the
spiritualtie, but also he ran into the daunger of
the premunire, which he sore after repented."

This is stated to have been the case in 1523 ;
but it is evident that it had, for some time pre-
vious, been a subject of great complaint, both to the
clergy and laity : we must not, however, yield too
much to the public clamour of that day, when we
see, at every step, how faithfully and patriotically
he maintained the character of the country.

England seems at all times to have been the
refuge of the distressed monarchs of Europe ; in
this year (1523), particularly by the arrival of the
King of Denmark, together with his queen, sister
to the emperor, and their children, he having been
forced to fly from his throne in consequence of
rebellious proceedings on the part of his uncle, the
Duke of Holstein, aided by many of the Danish
nobility, who accused him of a breach of conven-
tion agreed upon by all parties at their electing
him to the crown on the demise of his father, the
deceased monarch.

The expatriated sovereign first claimed English
protection at Calais, and then passed over to Eng-
land, where he was received in the most sumptuous
manner, by the king's order and under Wolsey's
auspices: but the Cardinal did not seem very
anxious for him to remain ; indeed the advice he

278 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

gave him was very judicious, pointing out the
propriety of his personal exertions, and recom-
mending that he should proceed to such part of
his states as still retained their affection and obe-
dience towards him, of which he had several, and
there to endeavour, by the help of his loving sub-
jects, to regain what he had lost. At the same
time, Wolsey promised that Henry and the em-
peror, instead of giving him immediate assistance,
as he had requested, would send their ambassadors
in order to try what could be done by mediation.
But, if this should fail, he then engaged to rein-
state him in his dominions by force of arms, with
the assistance of the pope and of the German
princes.

With these promises the Danish monarch was,
or appeared to be, contented ; and returned to the
Continent about the middle of July.

An anecdote is told of the King of Denmark,
during this visit, that speaks more in favour of the
city train bands of that day than would readily
have been granted to them at a later date, befpre
they were superseded by the militia. It seems
that after some stay at the court at Greenwich, he
came to the metropolis, where he was lodged at
Bath Place ; and having heard of the " watche"
on St. Peter's eve, he desired to see it. In this he
was gratified, being taken to a tavern called the
King's head, in Cheapside, accompanied by a long
train of nobility, and there feasted by the city with

AND HIS TIMES. 279

a costly banquet. As soon as he had seen the
" watche," he exclaimed — " I would to God I had
so many archers, pikes, and halberdiers, as I saw
this night ; then I trust I would punish such as
have wrongfully dispossessed me of my realm and
country !"

The death of Pope Adrian in the month of
September, in this year, offered new and flattering
prospects to Wolsey, of grasping at the triple
mitre ; but his views on this subject will be best
understood by his own letter to Henry upon the
occasion, and in writing which he seems to have
lost no time, for he thus begins * —

" Sir, it may like your highness to understand
I have this hour received letters from your orator,
resident in the court of Rome, mentioning how,
the 13th day of this instant, it pleased Almighty
God to call the pope's holiness to his mercy, whose
soul our Lord pardon ; and in what train the
matters then were at that time, for election of the
future pope, your highness shall perceive by the
letters of the said orator, which I send at this time,
whereby appeareth, that mine absence from thence
shall be the only obstacle (if any be) in election of
me to that dignity. Albeit, there is no semblance,
that the college of cardinals shall consent upon my
being there present, because of ike factions that
be amongst themselves ; for which cause, though
afore God I repute myself right unmeet and un-
liable to so high and great dignity, desiring much

* The original is in the Duke of Grafton's library.

280 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL

rather to devote, continue, and end my life with
your Grace, for doing of such poor service as may
be to your honour, and wealth of this your realm,
than to be pope; yet nevertheless, remembering
what mind and opinion your Grace was of at the
last vacation, to have me preferred thereunto,
thinking it should be to the honour, benefit, and
advancement of your affairs in time coming, and
supposing vainly that your highness persisteth in
the same mind and intent, I shall devise such in-
structions and commissions, and other writings, as
the last time were delivered to Master Pace for
that purpose ; and the same I shall send to your
Grace by the next post, whom it may like to do
further therein as shall stand with your gracious
pleasure, whereunto I shall always conform my-
self accordingly. And to the intent it may appear
further to your Grace, what mind and determina-
tion they be of towards mine advancement, which,
as your orators write, have now at this time the
principal authority, and chief stroke in the election
of the pope, making in manner triumviratum ; I
send unto your highness their several letters to
me, addressed in that behalf, beseeching our Lord,
that such one may be chosen as may be to the ho-
nour of God, the weal of Christ's church, and the
benefit of all Christendom ; and thus Jesus pre-
serve your most noble and royal estate.
" At the More, the last day of September, by your
" Most humble chaplain,

" T. CAUDINAJLIS, EBOK."

AND HIS TIMES. 281

To this epistle Henry speedily returned a very
gracious answer, encouraging him to persevere in
the object of his ambition ; after which Wolsey
wrote to the king's ministers at Rome, expressly
telling them, that the mind and entire desire of
the king, above all earthly things, was that he
should succeed to the tiara, " having his perfect
and firm hope that of the same shall ensue, in brief
time, a general and universal repose, tranquillity,
and quietness, in Christendom, and as great re-
nown, honour, profit, and reputation to this realm,
as ever was."

For this and other assigned reasons, he directed
that the envoys should continue their practices,
overtures, motions, and labours, " to bring and
conduce this, the king's desire, to perfect end and
effect."

What these " practices," &c. were intended to
be may be readily inferred from a private com-
munication to the principal of the embassy, the
Bishop of Bath : —

" My Lord of Bath,

" The king hath willed me to write unto you,
that his Grace hath a marvellous opinion of you,
and you knowing his mind as you do, his high-
ness doubteth not but that this matter shall be,
by your policy, set forth in such wise, as that the
same may come to the desired effect, not sparing
any reasonable offers, which is a thing that,
amongst so many: needy persons, is more regarded

WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

than perhaps the qualities of the person. Ye be
wise, and ye wot what I mean; trust yourself
best, and be not seduced by fair words, and espe-
cially of those which (say what they will) desiue
more their own preferment than mine. Howbeit,
great dexterity is to be used, and the king thinketh
that all the imperials shall be clearly with you, if
faith be in the emperor. The young men, for
the most part being needy, will give good ears to
fair offers, which shall be undoubtedly performed.
The king willeth you neither to spare his autho-
rity, or his good money or substance. You may
be assured whatever you promise shall be per-
formed, and the Lord send you good speed.
" Your loving friend,

" T. CARD. EBORAC."

So anxious was Wolsey for the emperor's as-
sistance, and so much did he depend upon it, that
the very next day he wrote to Henry again, soli-
citing the king that he would write a letter to
Charles under his own hand, to engage his interest
and influence : at the same time it was known to
be his wish that, if unsuccessful himself, then the
election might fall on Julio de Medicis. In this
latter part he was gratified, Julio being chosen,
and assuming the name of Clement VII. ; but not
until after several ballots and scrutinies, on three
of which scrutinies Wolsey had nine, twelve, and
finally nineteen votes in his favour.

Conformable to his apparent moderation in

AND HIS TIMES. 283

support of Julio de Medici, his successful rival,
and notwithstanding his own intrigues for the
triple mitre, yet no sooner did he hear of the elec-
tion of Clement VII. than he wrote a most hypo-
critical despatch to the Bishop of Bath*, still re-
sident ambassador at Rome, in which he speaks of
the Cardinals being in conclave, where after long
altercations and sundry contrarieties, which seemed
to be among the said Cardinals, at last, by the
grace and inspiration of the Holy Ghost, they
agreed, and condescended upon the Lord Cardinal
de Medicis, whom they elected, chose, and pub-
lished pope : and then he goes on to say — " for
the which, your substantial, good, and speedie ad-
vertisements, by mee alwayes showen and declared
unto the kyng's highnes, his grace and I both
give unto you especial and hartie thankes, namely,
for the desyryd newes of the said election, which
I assure you to be as much to the king's and my
rejoyce, consolation, and gladnes, as possiblie may
be devised or imagined ; for which cause his high-
nes and I in signe, token, and contemplation of
the singular comfort which wee take in the same,
not abydynge or tarryinge for any intimation to
be made therof, either by the pope's holiness now
elect, or by the college of cardinals, thought con-
venient and requisite, with diligence to speede
unto you letters congratulatorie directed unto the
pope's holiness," &c.

* Brit. Mus. Avs. Col. No. 3839, art, 4.

284 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

Wolsey's feelings on this disappointment must
have been very acute ; yet he had philosophy
enough to conceal them, even from his friends,
judging, as we may do, from his announcement to
the king of the failure of his plans :

" Sire, — After my most humble and lowly re-
commendation, this shall only be to advertise your
highness, that after great and strong altercation
and contrariety, which have depended between the
cardinals in the conclave, they at last resolved fully
and determined (the faction of France abandoned)
to elect and choose either my Lord Cardinal de
Medicis or me, which deliberation coming to the
knowledge of the nobles and citizens of Rome,
they alleging that the affairs of Italy being in
train, as they then were, it should be to the ex-
treme danger thereof to choose a person absent ;
made sundry great acclamations at the conclave
window ; whereby the cardinals being in fear, not
only of the inconvenience like to ensue unto Italy,
but also of their own persons, albeit they were in
manner principally bent upon me, yet, for es-
chewing the said danger and murmur, by inspira-
tion of the Holy Ghost, without further difficulty
of business, the 19th day of the last month, elected
and chose the said Cardinal de Medicis, who im-
mediately was published pope, and hath taken the
name of Clement VII. of which good and for-
tunate news, such your highness hath much cause
to thank Almighty God for, forasmuch as he is

AND HIS TIMES. 285

riot only a perfect friend, and faithful to the same ;
but that also, much the rather by your means, he
hath attained to this : and for my part, as I take
God to record, I am more joyous thereof, than if
it had fortuned upon my person, knowing his ex-
cellent qualities most mete for the same, and how
great and sure a friend your grace and the em-
peror be like to have of him, and I so good a
father ; by whose assumption unto that dignity,
not only your and the said emperor's affairs, but
also all Christendom, shall undoubtedly come to
much better and more prosperous perfection ; like
as upon the first knowledge thereof the French-
man be already departed from Myllayn, and passed
a river towards France called Tycino, trusting
that the next news which shall come from thence
shall be of their arrival at home ; wherein, as I
shall have further knowledge, so I shall advertise
your highness thereof accordingly. And thus Jesu
preserve your most noble and royal estate.

" At my poor house besides Westminster, the
7th day of December.

" By your most humble chaplain,

" T. CARD. EBOII."

Some have considered this letter as a most su-
perb specimen of hypocrisy ; but making fair al-
lowances, there must be some truth, at least, in it :
for it cannot be doubted, that Wolsey, his own
election having failed, must have been better
pleased to see the tiara conferred upon de Medicis

286 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

than upon Colonna, the other candidate, who was
not likely to have been either so friendly or so
favourable to the English cause in general, or to
Wolsey's own views in particular; besides, the
state of the pope was not at that period very
agreeable, owing to the powerful factions in Italy,
as well as the hostility of France. It has been
suggested also that his eagerness for the title of
" His Holiness" may have abated, in consequence
of the cool reflection that he could not thereby
mend his station, live in greater splendour, or be
more useful to, or courted by, all the princes in
Europe, though he might add to his title of Emi-
nence, and Grace, the latter of which was, in fact,
a royal address, that of majesty having yet scarcely
been introduced into common use.

Soon after the election of Clement VII., that
pontiff wrote to Wolsey, notifying his advance-
ment to the pontificate, and renewing his appoint-
ment as legate a latere ; so that the Cardinal's
rank and power remained in England, the same
as before his disappointment. Some delay or mis-
understanding was, however, connected with this,
as appears from a subsequent letter to Secretary Pace
at Rome, when he says, " Albeit I am right well
assured that ye have, to the uttermost and best of
your power, endeavoured and employed yourself to
the obtaining of the bull of legation, now granted
unto me by the Pope's Holiness ; yet nevertherless,
to be plain with you, as one in whom I have my

AND HIS TIMES. 287

singular trust and confidence, I esteem somewhat
more strangeness to be showed unto me than my
merit requires, in that there hath been difficulty
made to amplify my faculties, per non familiare,
and such other things as be contained in my in-
structions given to my lord of Bath, supposing
verily ye, having familiar and perfect acquaintance
with the Pope's Holiness, may, by your dexterity
and wisdom, do so much to the remedying thereof,
if as of yourself alone ye do sometimes repair unto
his Holiness, putting the same by good means and
introduction into remembrance of my merits, and
faithful mind towards him, as well in minoribus
as now, showing furthermore how, by Pope Leo's
grant, and Pope Adrian's, who passed my legation
with as large faculties as now I have ad quin-
quennium, and so from 5 years to 5 years during
my life. I know right well how that, for the
prerogatives the king's highness hath in this
realm, as for other causes, all the profits that may
arise of my legation, having also all the amplifica-
tion of the faculties aforesaid, will not be worth
1000 ducats by the year, whatsoever report may
be made to his Holiness to the contrary, by some
that might suppose and think that great revenues
might grow therefrom."

These, and the other politic instructions con-
tained in this letter, were so effectual, that in a
short time, one of the embassy, Mr. Hannibal,
was enabled to write, that the King and Cardinal

288 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

were so much in favour with the pope, that what-
ever they should ask, his Holiness would readily
grant ; and Secretary Pace also wrote that the
pope had taken a ring from off his own finger, and
not only presented it to him, but even put it on
his (Mr. Pace's) finger himself; at the same time
expressing his high value both for his Majesty
and the Cardinal ; adding further, that it would
be a singular pleasure to him, to have the oppor-
tunity of placing this valuable present on his
Eminence's finger.

Soon after Wolsey was appointed perpetual

legate, with enlarged commissions, for the visiting

and reform of religious houses ; and such was his

t authority, that he is said to have been revered as

pope in England.

That Wolsey's want of success as to the pope-
dom was owing to want of bribery is boldly as-
serted by Barnes, in his supplication to Henry
VIII. when speaking of Pope Clement, he says
that "furthermore, he that is a whore's son, as
our Holy Father is now, and can fynde the meanes
that xii men will forsware them selfe, that he is
lawfully borne, as this holy Clement dyd. This
is a fite father, for suche chyldren. Finally, he
y* can gyve most money, and bye the greatest
parte of cardynalles of his syde, he is best worthy
to be called pope, and to syt in Peter's stoole.
For it can not be unknowen to you, howe that
Thomas Woulcy, an holy pyller of your churche,

AND HIS TIMES. 289

wolde have ben pope, when this Clement was
chosen, and he dyd ofre for it a reasonable peny :
But Clement dashed hym out of consayte with
xx. M. li. (£20,000) more than he offered, and so
he was judged best worthy, and entered in law-
fully, and regularly/'

Yet, leaving bribery out of the question, other
fair reasons may have operated sensibly against
him ; but that he had, or was supposed by some
to have, a fair chance of the tiara, is evident from
a letter of Christopher Longolius, or Longueil, of
Padua, addressed to Octavian Grimoald ; in wjiich
he expressly says, that he understands Wolsey,
whom he calls the chief prelate of England, is
elected to the popedom : but then he adds, that if
this be true, nothing more wonderful had ever
happened either in present or past times. He ob-
jects that so far from his being a constant at-
tendant on the conclave, and residing in Rome, he
was, in fact, a new man, above all, an English-
man, one who had never been seen in Italy, and
who was scarcely known, even by sight, by those
who had thus elected him. He imagines that
Wolsey's success was owing to the idea that the
peace and tranquillity of the Christian republic
depended upon him, from the part he had already
acted in European politics ; but he adds in a post-
script, that he has just received letters that afford
him very little hopes of any good resulting to the
Church, from the supposed election.

u

290 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

Notwithstanding Wolsey's anxiety for the tiara,
and what he may be supposed to have suffered
from his disappointment, he was not backward,
as before noticed, in sending to the English em-
bassy at Rome, for the new pontiff, not only
the king's gratulations, but also his own. It
was still to him an object of importance to main-
tain the Imperial influence at the papal court, in
opposition to that of France : and he therefore
endeavoured strongly to impress upon the notice
of the conclave the brilliant success of the English
army then in France. Clement, however, still
leaned to French politics, and shortly after, Wolsey
seemed particularly desirous, not of carrying on
the war, but of mediating a peace between France
and the Emperor, in which he endeavoured to
persuade the pope to join, even offering as terms,
that the Duke of Milan should marry either the
French king's daughter, or his queen's sister ; and
in failure of issue by such marriage, then Milan
should descend to the French crown, but to be
holden of the Emperor and his successors.

But this anxiety for peace did not last long in
the Cardinal's mind, since we find by a letter of
his to our ambassador in Spain *, that when the
queen mother of France, in June 1524, sent a
monk privately to him with overtures of pacifica-
tion, he lost no time either in deliberation or ne-

* Brit. Mus. Harl. Coll. No. 297. 29.

AND HIS TIMES. 291

gotiation, but in half an hour sent him back with
the answer that Henry demanded the whole realm
and crown of France, with Normandy, Gascony,
Guienne, and all dependencies, as his just and
rightful inheritance, wrongfully detained from him
by the French king, and the recovery of which
he would not fail to prosecute to the utmost of
his power i

Indeed, we can scarcely suppose that he was
sincere in those pacific overtures, since the war
had then scarcely commenced : the Duke of Suffolk
having only been appointed in August to command
the invading army, which soon after marched into
the Very heart of France ; but was paralysed in
its operations by the deficiencies of the Imperial
army, both as to provisions and men. Some delay,
however, took place in those warlike operations, in
consequence of the sufferings of the English army,
from a severe winter ; perhaps in some measure
also from a political jealousy, which at that mo-
ment mutually existed between Henry and the
Emperor.

The earl having returned at the close of the
campaign, completely recovered the good opinion
of the king, and was soon after sent down to Scot-
land, which was then in great confusion, during
the minority of James V., and the intrigues of
the powerful nobles for the regency. In these
the queen mother, Henry's sister, participated so
much, that she even quarrelled with her second

292 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

husband, the Earl of Angus, and forced him to
retire into England, from whence Wolsey had ad-
vised her to recal him as early as September;
but when in November following she thought, her-
self, of coming to England, the Cardinal most stre-
nuously opposed it, as appears by a letter to the
Earl of Surrey*.

But, to return to matters nearer home, we may
observe, that the extreme lust of ecclesiastical
power which marked every period of Wolsey's
life is in the course of the ensuing year particu-
larly illustrated by a letter which he wrote to the
Bishop of London, then on a temporary embassy
at Rome, respecting the extension of his bull of
perpetual legation by Clement. He there saysf
— " Albeit I am right well assured that you have
to the uttermost and best of your power endea-
voured and employed yourselfe to the obtayning
of the bull of legation, now granted to mee by the
Pope's holynes, yet nevertheless to be plaine with
you, as in one in whome I have my singular trust
and confidence, I esteem somewhat more strangnes
to bee showed unto mee, than any * * * * require,
in that there hath bin difficulties made to amplifie
my faculties and non familiares, and such other
things as bee conteyned in instructions given to
my lord of Bath. Supposing verilie yl you havinge
familiar and p~fect acquaintance with the Pope's

* Brit. Mus. Cott. col. B. ii. 5.

f Brit. Mus. Ays. col. No. 3839. p. 169.

AND HIS TIMES. 293

Holiness may by your dexteritie and wisdome doe
much to ye recommending thereof, if as y~r selfe
you alone sometyme doe repaire unto his Holines,
putting ye same by good manner and iritroducion
in remembrance of my merits and faithful mind
towards him, as well in minoribus as now ; show-
ing furthermore how by Pope Leo's grant, and
by Pope Adrian's, who passed my legation with
as large faculties as I now have, ad quinque~n, so
from five years to five years promised by yr special
breves to p~rogue ye same de quinquenio in quin-
quen during my life." — He then goes on to state
— " I know right well how, as well for the p~roga-
tives of the King's Highnes hath in this realme, as
for other causes, all the p~fitts that maie arise of
my legation, havinge also all ye amplification of
ye faculties aforesaid, will not be worth 1000
ducats by year, w* soever report may be made to
his holynes to the contrarie by such as might sup-
pose and think that great revenues might grow
thereof. And you may saie, though you p~ceive
yt I repute and esteeme yr benevolence as much
and as highlie as the same is worthie to be taken,
yet nevertheless, you know mee to bee one that
can well note and consider ye qualities of ye said
bull, and w1 emolument, honour, and benefit shall
ensue unto mee thereby more than I had before
by the grant of other popes, to whom I was not
entirely dedicated as unto his holines.

" Wherefore you may say yo~ opinion is, as of

294 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

yourselfe in signe and completion of a speciall
grace and more large favor towards me than to
others genallie, he should amplifie the said bull
of legation, with the said other faculties, or
rather with more, which then shall bee a very
demonstration and manifest appearance y1 his
holynes singularly tendereth and loveth mee,
whereof I may take such rejoice and comfort, as
praise maie bee hereafter to the contentac~on of
his holynes.

"And thus by good manners to use yourselfe
in this matter, without knowledge that it p~ceedeth
from mee, by yo politique handling not onely the
said faculties may bee extended to my desire, but
also the Pope's holynes to know there by w* it
is that hee hath done for mee, and what of likely-
hood is my expectacbn. In which yo doeing
yee shall administer unto mee singular pleesure
to bee amongst others remembered accordingly:
and hartely fare yu~ well.

" At my place beside WestmT, ye last day of ffe-
bruary. Yr loving frende,

" T. CARDIIS. EBOR."

That Wolsey should have been so very anxious
for the increase of his legantine power is not sur-
prising, even when we reflect on his then existing
authority. In fact, the legantine court was now
a species of English popedom ; and though it has
been repeatedly asserted that the court, as esta-

AND HIS TIMES. 295

blished by Wolsey, gave to the people sufficient
reason to complain of a vast and rapacious power,
unknown to the constitution, and boundless in its
capricious decrees, against which there was no re-
dress, nor even appeal ; yet it is rather a remark-
able counter fact, that Wolsey's legantine conduct,
in this court at least, formed no part of the charges
against him. The legality of its establishment
was, indeed, called in question ; but no complaint
was made of its exercise of power, from whence
the inference may fairly be drawn that no abuses
had really been committed by it.

But even to this legantine power some opposi-
tion was made; not indeed by the laity, but by
the members of religious houses, especially by the
friars observant, who positively refused to admit
of Wolsey, or any of his officers, exercising the
right of visitation claimed under the papal bull.
But the Cardinal soon found a method of getting
over this difficulty, by putting the ecclesiastical
laws in force, when nineteen of the order were
accused publicly at St. Paul's Cross, by Friar
Forest, one of their own fraternity *. He even
went further, in procuring an explanatory bull
from Clement VII., after the legantine power was
conferred upon him for life, in which the pope
says, that out of the plenitude of his power, and
in regard to the Cardinal's great zeal for religion,

* This Forest was afterwards hanged, 30th of Henry VHJ,
for denying the king's supremacy.

296 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

his extraordinary virtue, probity, and merits, and
to the end that vice and the Lutheran heresy
might be extirpated, he gave to his legate full
authority to visit all religious houses, whether
claiming exemption or not ; to reform and punish
such members of them as might deserve it ; and
even, if necessary, to eject or to deprive them, in
spite of all appeals, or pretended privileges.

Backed by these concessions, and by the royal
favour, the Cardinal proceeded in his plans, and
the first proof of his determination was on the
10th of May, when he procured the king's consent
for suppressing the monastery or priory of St.
Frideswed. He was, however, too much occupied
by foreign politics, at this moment, to dedicate as
much time as he wished to his home plans ; and
there appears to have been much underhand diplo-
matic intrigue carried on by France, through the
medium of an incognito envoy, facetiously, and in
some measure ignorantly, called Jokin by cotem-
porary annalists ; but whose real name was Jo-
a tines, or Joachin de Passano, Lord de Vaux, as
is proved by a subsequent negotiation for the ar-
rears of Mary's dowry.

The residence of this Joachin, or Jokin, as he is
called by our old writers, did not fail to excite
considerable jealousy at the imperial court ; one
anecdote connected with which shows that Wol-
sey, if he did not feel, could at least affect mo-
deration arid candour : for we are told by Groves,

AND HIS TIMES. •« 297

and also by Fiddes, that the Cardinal was not ill
treated and misrepresented by the emperor's am-
bassador only, but it also appears that the Lady
Margaret of Flanders, and a certain lord of her
court, named Hogstrace, had spoken some words
highly reflecting on him, which latter the lady
having heard, she desired the same might be re-
peated. This her request was, by Dr. Knight, com-
municated to the Cardinal, who directed that mi-
nister to make a reply to the following effect — that
he had no inclination to renew and repeat things of
displeasure, nor to hear a repetition of what had
been accidentally spoken without any formed de-
sign to his disadvantage. But on what account,
or with what view soever the words were re-
peated, the Lady Margaret and that lord had made
judgment of his conduct, for which he had given
no just occasion ; and that whatever had been said
in a passion or otherwise, her virtue and wisdom
were so well known to the king and to himself,
that there could be no want of due regard for his
majesty, nor of good will towards him ; and that
he would, therefore, no more reflect on what had
passed, but desired that the lady might be assured
she would always find the king a firm, constant,
and perfect friend, and himself a faithful and
loving son, ambitious of doing her honour and
service ; and that instead of recollecting words, it
would be expedient to attend to things of real
consequence to the common cause, wherein he

298 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

should continue to exert himself with that ardour
and sedulity which he had hitherto shown on all
occasions.

This is said to have had the desired effect, and
to have put a stop, in some degree, to the ill-will
engendered against him in that quarter.

It was indeed prudent in Wolsey, at the first
discovering this, to check any political feeling
against him that might eventually have given rise
to diplomatic discussion ; for with the affairs then
upon his hands, he must have been sufficiently
employed. Such indeed, as we are told, and it
may be presumed upon good authority, were his
extensive diligence and attention, at this moment,
to the affairs of state, both internal and foreign,
that his negotiations were not confined to the
courts of Rome, Germany, Venice, and the Low
Countries, but were extended to all the courts of
Europe, so far as the interest of his master was
concerned ; and though he was now so glorious
an encourager of learning and learned men, yet
he neglected not to fulfil his judicial offices to the
full contentment of the suitors. We see also, by
a letter to the Bishop of Bath, Henry's envoy at
Rome, on subjects relative to civil as well as re-
ligious affairs, particularly in regard to a report
of the pope being disposed to adopt French in-
terests, that still, notwithstanding his attachment
to the papal court, he would not sacrifice to his love
for her either the honour of his master, or the in-

AND HIS TIMES. 299

terests of his native country. Yet those interests
he sometimes forgot when, disdaining the consti-
tutional call on parliament, he attempted, as in
this year, to raise money by forced loans. It is
true that the Cardinal, by his personal exertions,
Mtes enabled to carry things with a high hand over
the city, yet in the country a spirit of independ-
ence was beginning to show itself, which augured
better times. Even the clergy opposed him on
this specific occasion ; for when commissioners
were sent to them for the fourth part of their
lands and moveables, they were told by the priests
that they would pay nothing, except it were
granted by convocation. They even represented
that no King of England had ever yet asked for
any man's goods but by an order of the law ; but
the commission they asserted was contrary to law,
wherefore the Cardinal, and all the promoters
thereof, were enemies to the king and to the com-
monwealth ; and this they did not confine to pri-
vate representations, but spoke of it openly from
their pulpits.

In fact, when the affair became generally known
over the kingdom, it produced much discontent ;
or, as Hall describes it, " howe the greate men
toke it was marvell ; the poor cursed ; the riche
repugned ; the light wittes railed : but, in conclu-
sion, all people cursed the Cardinal and his coad-
herentes, as subversors of the lawes and libertie of
Englande. For thei saied, if men should geve

300 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

their goodes by a commission, then wer it worse
then the taxes of Fraunce, and so Englande should
be bond, and not free."

One instance of this resistance to oppression
we shall relate. When the commissioners sat at
Reading in Berks, the people would on no account
agree to pay the sixth, which was called for : but
they willingly offered -a twelfth, or twenty-pence
in the pound ; and the commissioners appearing
satisfied, said they would send to the Cardinal,
and request him also to be satisfied with this offer.
Lord Lisle wrote the letter, and Sir Richard Wes-
ton, at the particular request of the gentlemen of
the county, undertook to present it to Wolsey ;
but the latter flew into a most violent rage, and
said, that were it not that Lord Lisle's letter
stated the affair to be only communed of but not
concluded, it should have cost his lordship his
head, and his lands should have been sold, " to
paie the kyng the values, that by him and you
folishe commissiones he had lost, and all your
lives at the kynge's will : these wordes sore asto-
nied Sir Richard Weston, but he said little."

Orders were then sent to the various commis-
sioners not to swerve in the slightest degree from
the instructions already given ; but nothing could
stop the public murmurs. Some cried out that
the king never paid what he borrowed ; others,
that whatever was granted, no good came of it ;
whilst the majority complained that Wolsey sent

AND HIS TIMES. 301

all the money to Rome, to gratify the pope, and
to secure his own purposes.

In these complaints there was, perhaps, but too
much truth ; yet, in this very year, he was exhi-
biting proofs of his disinterestedness, in the pro-
jecting of two colleges, one to be preparatory and
founded at Ipswich, the place of his nativity; the
other at Oxford, to be called Cardinal College, but
now Christ Church.

It is generally believed, that in those two semi-
naries Wolsey intended to have introduced quite
a new system of education, in which the true mode
of studying the classics was to have been adopted,
in preference to the " absurd sciences," of which
it is said by Fosbrooke *, that their tendency was
such as to create, not a man of science, but a
mixture of the puppy, pedant, and pettyfogger ;
a pert, litigious, captious, vain, and ostentatious
character ; quibbling, but not able ; quick, but
shallow !

Having obtained the royal permission, together
with a bull from the pope, for the endowment of
his Oxford College out of the funds of various
suppressed monasteries, the Cardinal thought him-
self justified in announcing his intention publicly
to the university, and he soon after commenced it
upon a most noble and extensive plan ; which,
however, as we shall see, was put a stop to in a

* Fosbrooke's Monastic Life.

302 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

very few years. Of this unfinished structure, Ro-
dolph Walther, a German, said that Wolsey began
a college and built a kitchen ; but he also built
the Gate-houses, in which, unfortunately, he gave
great offence to the jealous Henry, by setting his
own arms above the royal shield.

Though Wolsey did not retain the royal favour,
nor live long enough to complete his intended
plan, yet sufficient was done to show that, uniting
public benefit with splendour, it would have ex-
ceeded any similar institution in Europe. Dal-
laway observes, that Rome itself would not then
have offered a retreat of science and learning so
perfect and extensive in all its plans. It is im-
possible, however, to judge fairly of the intended
plan, from its present state; for being left un-
finished upon Wolsey's fall, though the foundation
was resumed, and Christ Church established by
royal authority in 1545, yet nothing particular
was done until 1638, when, as stated by the au-
thor already quoted, the society designed to reduce
the whole to uniformity; but the civil war pre-
vented its completion, which did not take place
before 1665. Dallaway adds, that many alterations
were then made, but without taste ; that the clois-
ter being removed, the area was sunk several feet,
and a terrace raised round the quadrangle; and
that the parapet of the whole building was sur-
rounded with rails in the Italian style, having
globes of stone at regular distances — but by no

, AND HIS TIMES.

means corresponding with the architecture of
Wolsey.

Other alterations have since taken place ; and
the globes have been removed ; but still the effect
is not so striking as it ought to be, or might have
been. The effect produced by the coup d'ceil of
the quadrangle, which forms an exact square, is
by no means equal to that of Trinity College at
Cambridge : it must be confessed, however, that

304 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

the quadrangle of Trinity is larger, whilst its ir-
regularity, with the greater variety of buildings
which surround it, renders it peculiarly pictu-
resque, far beyond the regularity and symmetry
of Christ Church quadrangle. Yet Trinity pos-
sesses nothing equal to the great hall, with the
magnificence of which every eye must be struck,
as also with its space and grandeur of proportion,
and propriety of ornament.

It may be recorded as a singular coincidence,
that in the ground-plan towards the street there
is a very striking resemblance of the front of
Thornbury Castle in Gloucestershire, built by Ed-
ward Stafford, Duke of Buckingham, whose ruin
was said to have been effected by Wolsey, about
the time that he first meditated the college.

There have been various charges brought against
Wolsey for the mode and manner in which these
things were executed ; perhaps the statement, by
Hall, in his Chronicle, may be considered as com-
bining the most material, where he says, — " this
seeson, the Cardinal beyng in the kynge's favor,
obteined license to make a college at Oxford, and
another at Ipswyche ; and because he would geve
no landes to the said colleges, he obteined of the
Bishop of Rome license to suppresse and put down
diverse abbayes, priories, and monasteries, to the

nomber of wherefore sodainly he entered,

by his commissioners, into the saied houses, and
put out the religious, and tooke all their goodes,

AND HIS TIMES. 305

moveables, and scarcely gave to the poore wretches
any thyng, except it wer to the heddes of the
house ; and then he caused thexcheter to sit, and
to finde the house voyde, as relynquished, and
founde the kyng founder, wher other men wer
founders, and with thes landes he endowed all his
colleges, which he began so sumptuous, and the
scholars wer so proud, that everie persone judged
that they would not be good." —

Nor were these prognostications in vain; for
having in September, 1524, procured a new bull
from Pope Clement, with jurisdiction to visit and
reform all religious places, with an extension of
all powers conferred by former bulls, and that ac-
companied by another bull for the suppression of
forty monasteries, to the amount of 3000 ducats
per annum, it was soon found that Henry knew
how to act upon the precedent without waiting
for a papal bull, when he afterwards proceeded to
seize upon the church lands for his own purposes.
With all this weight of ecclesiastical business
upon his hands, the Cardinal was not inattentive
to state affairs, especially in Scotland, where the
Duke of Norfolk was in the accredited character
of the king's agent, but, in fact, rather as his vice-
roy. Wolsey had formerly sided with the Duke
of Albany's party, in opposition to that of the Earl
of Angus ; but he appears now to have changed
his politics, as there is a letter of the 15th of Sep-

x

306 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

tember, in the British Museum*, in which he
confers with the duke about bringing James V.
into England, plots to seize upon the Scottish
Chancellor, and lays down schemes to supplant
Albany. In a subsequent letter also, from one
Robert Lord, of the 2d of October, there are full
and convincing proofs of the bribery which Wolsey
practised in that distracted country, with lists of
various sums paid to the queen dowager, to the
young king, and to many of the very first nobility.

Thus by bribery and diplomatic skill, Wolsey
was in fact the prime mover of the European
courts, and the favourite of the European princes,
who disdained not to secure him to themselves by
counter bribery, or by the most fulsome adulation.

We could adduce many instances of the flattery
poured forth upon the Cardinal during his courtly
power ; but two must suffice t.

The King of Denmark thus wrote to him from
Mechlin, on the 1st of December, 1524.

" Christian, King of Denmark, Sweden, Nor-
way, &c.

" To our right reverend Father and Lord, the
Lord Thomas, through the commiseration of God,
Cardinal of St. Cecilia, Archbishop of York, Pri-
mate of all England, &c., our long and most dearly
loved friend and protector." —

* Cott. Col. b. vi. 227. et seq.

t Brit. Mus. Ays. Col. No. 4 ICC. art. 12.

AND HIS TIMES. 307

From the flattery of a crowned head, we now
turn to that of the Prior of Winchelcumbe ; or, as
he signs himself, " Richard, Minister of the un-
worthy Monastery of Winchelcumbe." —

" Most reverend Father and Lord in Christ, the
splendour and ornament of all Cardinals.

" Even from this place, most glorious Cardinal
and Prince, I could bring forward much, relative
to the public commendation of your sanctity, and
to the general report of your singular virtues, did
I not understand those your most splendid and
divine virtues to be rather desirous of the venera-
tion and silent admiration of mankind, than of
their loudest praises.

" I send, as accompanying this present letter,
to your serene Lordship, the Cardinal, oh ! most
clement Father, as a proof of love and the most
faithful obedience, eight lampreys, in four separate
pasties.

" In the sweetest power, throughout all the
world, most holy Father and most worthy Lord,
may your power and influence for ever live and
flourish." —

We might close this section by recording, that
on the 12th of October, 1524, the Cardinal, anxious
to reform and to amend the medical system then
pursued in England, obtained the royal patent to
Dr. Linacre, authorising him to found three lec-
tures, in the metropolis, to be called Linacre's
Lectures, from whence we may hail the dawn of

x 2

308 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

judicious medical science and practice: but we
have reason to believe, in opposition to Burnet and
other writers, that the Cardinal's downfall may be
dated even so early as this period, inasmuch as it
was in this year his fair enemy, Anne Boleyn, re-
turned from France to her native country. She
was the daughter, as indeed every body knows, of
Sir Thomas Boleyn, Earl of Wiltshire, and was
born in 1507, about two years before Henry came
to the throne. When between seven and eight
years old, she was destined to enter upon the great
theatre of the world, being taken over to Paris by
the Princess Mary, and left there, on her second
marriage, under the immediate patronage of the
French queen, who was much pleased with her,
even at that early age, for her beauty, elegance of
manner, and lively wit ; but on whose death, in
1524, the Lady Anne returned to her paternal
roof.

That this lady must have been gifted with an
extraordinary share of beauty, will not readily be
doubted ; yet it is a fact, that the portrait shown
for her at Hever Castle, in Kent, speaks very little
in favour of her personal charms. Some historians
too have written rather indecorously of her.
Sanders, in particular, asserts that her shape was
very deformed and irregular, and that her actions
in France were so loose, that she became notorious
for her irregular life, yet was she very much ca-
ressed at that court. But to these censures we

AND HIS TIMES. 309

can attach little credit; for, if true, they must
have been generally known, and it is not to be
supposed that Henry would have been the last
mpji acquainted with them.

Nor is it likely that Katharine would have re-
ceived her into her court and confidence, which
she did in the situation of maid of honour, had
there been any foundation for such reports, or
even suspicion of impropriety.

Besides, had she been so deformed, as Sanders
represents, it is not probable that Henry would
have regarded her with eyes of desire, which there
is reason to believe he did very soon after her
return ; for it was not very long afterwards that
he used his personal influence with Wolsey to put
a stop to a love affair between her and the young
Lord Percy, son to the Earl of Northumberland,
who was then one of the noble pupils in the Car-
dinal's household.

Percy, it is said, had so far gained upon her
affections, that she had agreed to a private mar-
riage, when their intimacy became known ; but as
the origin of Anne Boleyn's dislike to the Cardinal
has been differently related by various authors,
perhaps a brief sketch of the statement, by Ca-
vendish, may be interesting, and considered as ap-
proaching as near to the truth as any.

He says, that amongst Wolsey's titled attend-
ants was the young Lord Percy, son to the Earl
of Northumberland, who always accompanied him

310 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

when he went to court, more particularly so after
he had seen the lovely Anne, recently appointed
maid of honour to the queen, when many interviews
took place between the youthful pair, and at length
they went so far as to be contracted privately; but
this reached Henry's ear, who already loved her,
and meant to have her for his own, though with-
out marriage, his divorce being then unthought
of, and he instantly desired the Cardinal to send
for the Earl of Northumberland, and at the same
time to take care personally to dissolve the con-
tract between the parties, which he did, adding
thereto a very sharp reproof to Percy, for having
acted as he had done without the consent of either
his sovereign or father.

The Earl of Northumberland, on receiving the
summons, instantly set off for the court, and pre-
sented himself first to the Lord Cardinal, " as all
great personages did, that in such sort were sent
for, of whom they were advertized of the cause of
their sending for : and when the earle was come,
hee was presently brought to the Cardinell into
the gallery ; after whose meeting, my Lord Car-
dinell and he were in secret communication a long
space ; after their long discourse, and drinking a
cup of wine, the earle departed, and at his going
away, he sat downe at the gallery end in the hall
upon a forme, and being sat, called his sonne unto
him, and said" — but it is needless to repeat what
he said, except to observe that he threatened him

AND HIS TIMES. 311

with disinheritance, having obtained the king's
leave to change the descent to some of his other
sons, should he prove disobedient, requesting those
of /the household who stood round to be kind to
him nevertheless, and to point out to him his
faults — closing his speech with these words, which
would not now be brooked in a protestant country,
" and son, goe your wayes unto my Lord your
master, and serve him diligently."

This is of itself sufficient to show how rudely
the Cardinal tyrannized even over the oldest no-
bility of the realm, who felt themselves forced to
crouch to him, lest they should incur his displea-
sure.

The contract, as the king desired, was speedily
dissolved, and the youthful lover was forced to
marry a daughter of the Earl of Shrewsbury, to
the great discontent of " Mistris Anne," whose
ambition had not then soared higher than an earl's
coronet. She no sooner heard of the proceedings,
and that the youthful Percy was ordered to avoid
her company, than she declared openly that if it
ever should lie in her power, she would be re-
venged upon Wolsey. This was soon rumoured
abroad, when it came to the king's and Cardinal's
ears — " and so was she for a time discharged the
court, and sent home to her father, wherat she was
much troubled and perplexed. For all this time
she knew nothing of the king's intended purpose."

Shortly after the marriage of Lord Percy, she

WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

was recalled to the court, where she soon burst
forth in all the appearance of power and splendour,
a circumstance that excited many scandalous re-
ports, though certainly without any just founda-
tion. Yet it must be acknowledged that, agree-
able to modern ideas, her conduct was chargeable
with great indelicacy, for, as Cavendish quaintly
states, " She at last knowing the king's pleasure,
and the depth of his secrets, then began to look
very haughtily and stout, lacking no manner of
rich apparell, or jewels that money could pur-
chase."

That all this came from the king may be doubted,
when it is understood that her apparent high esti-
mation with Henry induced many, both in and out
of court, to believe that she was the fountain of
royal favour, and the only channel through which
court applications could advantageously be made.
This of course must have brought her numerous
presents, for bribery was then the order of the
day ; and it is probable that such presents, not-
withstanding what they obviously implied, were
seldom refused.

In the midst of all this, Queen Katharine took
all things very coolly; appearing to hold her maid
of honour in higher estimation than ever, and
not even hinting at any cause of suspicion. In-
deed, it is probable that Katharine already was
aware of being surrounded by enemies, and that
even Wolsey himself was intriguing to dissolve

AND HIS TIMES. 313

her marriage, in order to insure the papal chair to
himself, by a renewed French connexion.

But at this early period, Anne Boleyn was
working the Cardinal's disgrace ; for the principal
nobility about the court, disgusted with the up-
start tyranny and overbearing demeanour of the
priestly favourite, held frequent consultations, and
at length resolved to avail themselves of her in-
fluence with the king, to work his ruin. With their
views and objects she was speedily made ac-
quainted ; and she entered into them with great
spirit : but they were afraid yet to proceed to ex-
tremities. Their plans, however, got wind ; and
the Cardinal resolved to circumvent them by stand-
ing forward as a candidate for the good will of the
young favourite, for which purpose he gave fre-
quent sumptuous entertainments, masques, balls,
&c., to the king, to all of which Anne was invited ;
insomuch that it was observed, " now the Cardinal
began to grow into such wonderful inventions not
heard of before in England, and the love between
this glorious lady and the king grew to such per-
fection, that divers things were imagined," of
which we shall have subsequent occasion to take
notice.

It is a fact, not a little curious, and not generally
known, that the first sight of Anne Boleyn by
Henry, or rather their first moment of confidential
intercourse, seems to have actually been by the
connivance, or perhaps the appointment of Wol-

314 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

sey, for it took place at his archiepiscopal residence
at Battersea, formerly called Bridge House, but
afterwards York House, which name it still re-
tains, remaining still in the see of York, but
granted out on lease : and Manning, in his Sur-
rey*, observes that it has been considerably altered
by a recent occupier, who took down many of the
old rooms. This is much to be regretted ; monu-
ments of antiquity and of the olderi time are de-
caying, or wantonly destroyed, too rapidly: but
the destruction of one of these apartments, how-
ever it may be lamented by the lover of feudal
remains, led to a discovery somewhat remarkable.
This apartment was the painted chamber, superb
for that time, with a dome ceiling, and said to
have been the one where Henry and Anne first
met, during a course of masquerades, and other
entertainments, with which Wolsey frequently
amused the mirth-loving king. When the floor
was removed, as stated by Manning, there was
found under it a chased gold ring, on the inside
of which was inscribed, " Thy virtue is thy ho-
nour,"— a fact which seems to bear an apt re-
ference to the early days of Henry's acquaintance
with his future wife.

Doubts have indeed been entertained of the fact

that Wolsey, who, when he was Archbishop of

York, lived in as great and sometimes in greater

state than the king himself, and was owner of two

* Vol. III. p. 334.

AND HIS TIMES. 315

most magnificent palaces, should reside in a house
which would not have contained half his retinue :
so says Lysons, who adds that, " it is well known
thnt these entertainments were given at York
House, Whitehall."

But the Cardinal, like the king, was sometimes
fond of retiring to his smaller mansions, where he
might be, in some measure, incognito ; and this
partial retirement may even have been necessary,
as a relaxation in favour of health, from the fa-
tigues of state affairs, since he every day now found
himself rising in wealth and power, and consequent
business : for, indeed, the whole internal regula-
tions of the kingdom were at his disposal, whilst
in foreign affairs the same influence was allowed
to him ; and the latter part of his office he trans-
acted always like a man of business, being easily
accessible to the whole diplomatic body of that day,
which, however, was certainly not very numerous.
Yet amidst all this hurry and bustle of home and
foreign politics, he seems not to have been averse
for conviviality ; his table being generally filled
with noblemen and gentlemen, and the king him-
self taking great delight in a frolicksome visit to
my Lord Cardinal.

For these royal visits careful preparation was
always made, both as to the table and elegance of
accommodation, together with all such amuse-
ments of the day as could be invented or improved.
Many of these sportive festivals consisted of ban-

316 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

quets set forth with masquers and mummers,
fitted up in the most superb style then in fashion,
and " there wanted no damsells meete to dance
with the masquers, or to garnish the place, for the
time, with variety of other pastimes. Then was
there divers kinds of music, and many choyce men
and women singers appointed to sing, who had
excellent voyces."

On one occasion, the/ king went to visit the Car-
dinal in masquerade, accompanied by a dozen of
his most confidential friends all masqued, dressed
in garments cut like those of shepherds, but made
of fine cloth of gold and silver wire. Six torch-
bearers came next, with drummers and others ;
the whole masqued, and dressed in satin. Wolsey
expected him ; but kept it secret, merely ordering
some guns to be prepared at the water gate, to be
fired off on the arrival of any strangers. He had
a party, both of ladies and gentlemen, with him
at the time, enjoying a splendid banquet, who all
started up in surprise when they heard the firing
of the great guns, in some measure deranging the
formality of the festival, which had been sedu-
lously prepared by Lord Sands, then Lord High
Chamberlain, and Sir Henry Guildford, Comp-
troller of the Household. The order was that
the tables were set in the chamber of presence
covered, at the upper end of which was the Car-
dinal under his cloth of state, to be served distinct
from the rest of the party, who were arranged, a

AND HIS TIMES. 317

lady and a nobleman, a gentleman and a gentle-
woman along one side of all the tables through,
the whole suite of chambers ; but all joined so as
to /form but one table.

Scarcely were the company thus arranged, when
the guns were discharged at the water-gate ; at
which the ladies and gentlemen wondered, or pre-
tended to wonder, most surprisingly: and the
Cardinal, with the same show of ignorance, de-
sired Lord Sands to ascertain the cause of the
salute. His lordship, and some others in the secret
of this child's play, proceeded to a window look-
ing upon the river ; and, on their return, declared
that they supposed some noblemen and strangers
were arrived at the bridge, perhaps coming as
ambassadors from some foreign prince. To this
report, Wolsey replied, " I desire you, because
you can speak French, to take the pains to go
into the hall, there to receive them into the cham-
ber, where they shall see us, and all those noble
personages being merry at our banquett, desiring
them to sit down with us and to take part of our
fare."

The persons, thus deputed, went to the hall,
where they received the strangers with much
mysterious pomp, by the light of twenty torches,
and they " conveyed up into the chamber," says
Cavendish, " with such a number of drums and
flutes, as I have seldom seen together at one time
and place."

318 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

The masquers, now entering the chamber, pro-
ceeded, two and two, to the Cardinal's chair, and
were by him " saluted very reverently ;" when
Lord Sands stood forward as master of the cere-
monies, saying to Wolsey, " Sir, forasmuch as they
are strangers, and cannot speak English, they
have desired me to declare unto you, that they
having understanding of this your triumphant
banquet, where are assembled such a number of
fair dames, they could do no less, under the sup-
portation of your Grace, than to view as well their
incomparable beauties, as to accompany them at
mumchance, and after that to dance with them, so
to beget their better acquaintance. And further-
more they require of your Grace license to ac-
complish this cause of their coming."

To this the Cardinal replied that the strangers
were welcome, and were perfectly at liberty to do
as they requested ; and then the masquers pro-
ceeded to salute all the ladies, and then, as Caven-
dish describes it, " returned to the most worthiest,
and there opened the great cup of gold, filled
with crowns and other pieces to cast at. Thus
perusing" (a phrase not very comprehensible at
this day) " all the gentlewomen, of some they
wonne, and to some they lost."

The masquers now returned to the Cardinal,
saluted him with great reverence, and poured
down before him all their gold, amounting to
more than two hundred crowns. " At all !" ex-

AND HIS TIMES. 319

claimed he, and rattling his box, he threw and
won it, which was made a source of great apparent
joy and rejoicing. After this lucky hit, Wolsey
said to the Lord Chamberlain, "I pray you go
tell them, that to me it seemeth that there should
be a nobleman amongst them, that better deserves
to sit in this place than I ; to whom I should
gladly surrender the same, according to my duty,
if I knew him :" on which Lord Sands addressed
the masquers in French, repeating the Cardinal's
request, to which they answered in a whisper,
when Sands replied to Wolsey, " Sir, they con-
fess that amongst them is such a noble personage,
whom if your grace can point out from the rest,
he is contented to disclose himself, and to accept
of your place most willingly."

Then up rose the Cardinal, went amongst the
strangers, appearing to hesitate in his choice, and
at last said — " It seemeth to me that the gentle-
man with the black beard should be he :" then,
as if believing himself rig&t, seized a cup in his
hand, and very politely and ceremoniously offered
his chair to Blackbeard. " But the Cardinell was
mistaken," adds Cavendish with great naivet£,
" for the person to whom he offered his chair was
Sir Edward Nevill, a comely knight, and of a
goodly personage, who did more resemble his
majesty's person than any other in the masque."

This apparent mistake of the politic and then
playful Cardinal seems not to have been precon-

320 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

certed with any one, but himself; for the king
took it as a real mistake, and laughed most heartily
at it, and " pulled down his vizard, and Sir Edward
Nevill's also, with such a pleasant countenance
and cheere, that all the noble estates desired his
Highnesse to his place."

Henry then replied, in his own character, that
he would retire to alter his dress, which he did in
Wolsey's bed-chamber, attiring himself in a most
superb dress. During his absence, the whole of
the banquet was removed, when the tables were
again covered with new and highly perfumed
cloth, the guests sitting quietly in their places
until his majesty returned, accompanied by his
fellow masquers, and in court dresses. Henry then
took the seat of eminence under the cloth of estate,
the guests all rising up ; but he commanded them
to keep their places, and presently a new service of
two hundred dishes was brought in, of which they
all partook most heartily. After dinner, or supper
rather, dancing commenced, which lasted until
morning, " which much rejoyced the Cardinall, to
see his Soveraigne Lord so pleased at his house."

AND HIS TIMES. 321

SECTION VII.

1525—1527.

Decline of Foreign Influence— Founds Christ Church College
— Forced Loans ; and Insurrections — Contest with the
City — War in Italy — Secret political Intrigues — Battle of
Pavia, and French King made Prisoner — Sequestration of
Religious Houses — Diplomatic Intrigues — Liberation of
the King of France — Encouragement of maritime Dis-
covery— Hampton-Court—Political Satires — Royal Dis-
pleasure— Alarm at public Feeling — Ipswich School —
Popular Discontents — Pope made Prisoner, and Rome
taken by the Duke of Bourbon's Army — Reliance of Foreign
Nations upon England — Embassy to France, courtly Anec-
dotes, &c. — Henry's Coldness towards the Cardinal — Em-
bassy from France — Courtly Ceremonies, Anecdotes —
Festivities at Hampton-Court — Reformers persecuted —
Hampton-Court given up to the King — Popular Opprobium
against Wolsey— Affair of the Earl of Kildare, &c. &c.

IT was noticed by politicians, at the time when
this section commences, and soon perceived by
Wolsey himself, that he was sinking in favour with
the Emperor Charles V., a circumstance said to
have arisen from the negotiations with the French
agent, Jokin, already spoken of. In fact, the Im-
perial ambassador, as early as the 9th of April,
left England, offended, as was then believed, by

Y

322 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

the reception which Jokin met with from the Car-
dinal : but the true cause was never distinctly
known, as he set off without taking leave of the
king, cardinal, or any official person. He travelled
with such haste into Spain, through France, that
he arrived at the Imperial court before an En-
glish embassy, which had departed nearly a month
before him. Through his report, as generally
stated, not only were the ambassadors unsuccessful,
but the accustomed favour, which the emperor
and his council had hitherto shown to the English,
was evidently on the decline, " and the emperor
withdrew his good opinion from the Cardinal,
which the Cardinal soon perceived."

That this personage, so familiarly termed
" Jokin" by cotemporary annalists, was in reality
a messenger from France, but unaccredited as a
public agent, is clear from the circumstances con-
nected with his reception ; for he was kept close
concealed in the house of Dr. Larke, a prebendary
of St. Stephen's, whither the Cardinal repaired
every day in the most private manner to consult
with him. There he remained until the 24th of
February, when he was brought to London, but
still kept incognito. These certainly were cir-
cumstances completely calculated to justify the
suspicions of the Imperial ambassador; indeed,
some later historians consider them as indis-
putable proofs that this secret mission was the
foundation of the subsequent dishonourable peace

AND HIS TIMES. 323

with France, when that monarch was reduced to
the last extremity, by the loss of the battle of
Pa via, where both he and Henry of Navarre were
taken prisoners.

In the midst of all this political change and
bustle, the Cardinal seems to have preserved great
magnanimity ; if we may judge from the steady
hand with which he adhered to his purposes in
favour of education, and of classic literature : for
we find that on the 20th of March he laid the
foundation stone of his proposed college at Oxford ;
and for the library of which he actually took
measures to obtain copies of all the Greek and
other MSS. then stored up in the Vatican, during
the dawn of revived literature under the Medici
family. The king's letter authorising this founda-
tion was not drawn up until the 13th of July;
but in the interim much was done to complete the
funds necessary for its support. In March, we
find a bull from Clement VII. to dissolve Tiptre
Priory, in Essex, for that purpose ; and the Abbey
of Lesnes in Kent, with the monastery of Begham
in Sussex, were both granted to him by the king ;
the priory of St. Lawrence de Blakemore in Essex
was also suppressed, and the rectory of Marybone
given to Wolsey, with licence to appropriate it to
the Dean and Canons of Christ-church ; but they,
for they were already appointed, at his request
granted it to the master and scholars of the school
at Ipswich, then in a state of preparation.

Y 2

324 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

But busier scenes soon took place, both in
home and foreign politics ; for Henry being now
anxious to carry the war into the heart of France,
notwithstanding the imperial suspicion of double-
dealing, but in want of means to do so, it was
determined in council to send commissions into
every county to examine into every man's means,
and to levy one sixth either in money or plate ;
a measure which produced very strong remon-
strances, on the ground that wrong was offered,
and the ancient customs and laws broken, which
decreed that no man should be charged with pay-
ments except such as were granted by the three
estates of the realm in parliament. Indeed the
burthen was considered so grievous, both as to its
principle and the sum to be levied, that the people
soon appeared to be in a state of dangerous com-
motion, the public spirit of England then begin-
ning, though hardly daring, to show itself; but
sufficient was known to convince both the king
and the Cardinal that something must be done
to check the spirit of resistance which actually
threatened a rebellion.

With regard to Henry himself it is rather a
curious fact, which, if true, manifests how much
the Cardinal dared to do under shadow of the
royal authority, that when the extent of pro-
bable ill-consequences was explained to him, he
openly declared that he never knew of the de-
mand, and he instantly gave orders for his letters

AND HIS TIMES. 325

to be sent to the city of London and to other
places, worded in the gentlest manner, and posi-
tively stating that he did not ask for any specific
sum, but merely so much as his loving subjects
would grant to him of their own good will towards
the maintenance of his wars.

All this marks Wolsey's tortuous policy, who
now found it necessary not only to teach his
royal master how to act the Jesuit, but also to
play the same part himself. Accordingly on the
26th of April, he summoned the lord mayor, al-
dermen, and many of the principal members of
the common-council, to meet him at Westminster,
when he assured them that the king most gra-
ciously considered the great love, zeal, and obe-
dience which they bore unto him, " and when like
loving subjects, without any grudge or gain-saying
of your loving minds, you have granted the sixt
part of all your goods and substance freely to be
paid according to the sixt valuation, the which
loving grant and good mind he so kingly accepted,
that it was marveile to see ;" — but he then boldly
and unblushingly asserted that he himself, con-
sidering their great losses and heavy charges, arid
the readiness with which at all times they had
obeyed all the king's demands and commissions,
had taken care to have the king informed thereof,
for which his majesty gave them hearty thanks ;
on which he had kneeled down to his grace,
showing him both their good minds towards him,

326 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

and also the charges continually sustained by them,
whence at his (Wolsey's) desire and petition, the
king was now content to recal and abrogate the
commission. He then continued, with a grave
face, to assure them that although the king, by
reason of their own grants, might have demanded
the sixth as a very debt, yet he was still content
to release and pardon the same, and would take
nothing from them but their benevolence; "where-
fore," added he, " take heere with you the king's
letter, and let it be read to the commons, and I
doubt not but you will gladly doe as loving sub-
jects would doe."

This solemn farce being over, the lord mayor
and citizens retired, and two days after, the king's
letter was read in the common council, when a
deputation of four aldermen and twelve common
council men was sent to Hampton Court, where
the Cardinal then was, to thank him for his kind-
ness to the city: but Wolsey, on pretence of
business, refused to see them ; a measure which
gave great offence to the deputation, and to the
corporation at large.

Something, however, was to be done ; and ac-
cordingly, each of the aldermen called a meeting
of his ward, and " gently moved" them to grant a
benevolence : but this was sturdily refused, on the
ground that they had paid enough before, " with
many evill words."

This backwardness on the part of the citizens

AND HIS TIMES. 327

did not suit the politics of the court ; therefore on
the 8th of May, Wolsey again sent for the mayor
and aldermen, who informed him of what they had
done ; when the haughty favourite exclaimed, —
" You have no such commission to examine any
man. / am your commissioner. / will examine
you one by one myself ; and then I shall know the
good will that you bear to your prince ; for I will
ask a benevolence of you in his name."

To this the recorder replied that, by the law,
no such benevolence could be asked, nor could any
man be so examined, being contrary to the statute
made in the first of Richard III. He added that
some persons being brought thus before the Car-
dinal might through fear grant that which all their
lives after they would repent ; whilst others, in
hope of acquiring favour, might grant more than
their own means would admit of, and thus be
tempted to run in debt to make good their offers,
— " so that by dreadful gladness, and fearful bold-
ness, men shall not be masters of themselves, but
as men dismaied shall grant that, that their wives
and children shall sore rew !"

To this remonstrance the Cardinal, we are told,
listened very patiently, and answered quietly, —
" Sir, I marvell that you speak of Richard III.,
which was an usurper and murtherer of his own
nephewes : then, of so evill a man, how can the
acts be good ? Make no such allegations ! His acts
be not honorable !" To such barefaced sophistry

328 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

it is difficult to find an answer except contempt
and utter denial ; but the recorder coolly replied,
— " and it please your Grace, although he did
evill, yet in his time were many good acts made,
not by him only, but by the consent of the body
of the whole realm, which is the Parliament."

Wolsey felt rather staggered at this steady con-
duct on the part of the citizens, and the Lord
Mayor, Sir William Bailey, seems to have noticed
it, and with great ingenuity to have turned the
Cardinal's judgments against him ; for, in refer-
ence to the assertion that the proceedings of the
corporation had been illegal, Bailey instantly knelt
down and besought, or rather remonstrated, that
" sith it was enacted by the common councell of
London, that every alderman should sit in his own
ward for a benevolence to be granted, which hee
perceived to be against the law, that the same act
by the same common councell might be revoked,
and no otherwise."

" Well !" replied Wolsey, " I am content. But
now will I enter into the king's commission. You
maior, and you master aldermen, what will ye
give ?" " My Lord," said the mayor, " I pray
you pardon me; for if I should enter into any
grant, it might fortune to cost me my life."

" Your life !" exclaimed the Cardinal, " that is
a marvellous word ! For your good will towards
the king, will the citizens put you in jeopardy of
your life? That were strange ! for if they would

AND HIS TIMES. 329

that way, then must the king come with a strong
power them to oppresse : wherefore, speake no
moije such words." He paused, and apparently
studying a little, added, " my lord mayor, let you
and your citizens, if you be grieved with any thing
in this demand, humbly, and after a good fashion,
come to me, and I shall so intreet you, that you
shall be content, and no displeasure arise : and so,
I pray you, shew your neighbours." Thus ended
the conference, the mayor and aldermen well know-
ing that even if they had agreed to any demands
on the part of the Cardinal, still would the same
have been refused by the common council.

A meeting was called, however, on the ensuing
day, the 9th of May, when the common council
were informed of what had passed, and that by
the Cardinal's determination they were to go up
to him severally, and privily, to grant what they
would ; but this was received with great indigna-
tion, which the lord mayor endeavouring to soften
by an assurance that they would be treated gently,
recommending at the same time that they should
go up when sent for, the fury became so great, that
they dismissed from the council three members
whom they thought untrue to the city in this
affair, and then broke up, without any answer being
given to the Cardinal's communication.

In other parts of the kingdom the discontent
was equally great ; and in Suffolk particularly the
affair took a very serious turn. The Duke of

330 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

Suffolk had gone down to that country, and by
his courteous behaviour had persuaded the rich
clothiers, who were then pretty numerous, to agree
to the proposed levy : but when those gentlemen
returned to their homes, and began to discharge
their spinners, carders, fullers, weavers, and all
their other handicrafts connected with the woollen
manufactures, for which Suffolk was then famous,
these poor people began to assemble privately to
talk over their grievances, and to contrive how
they were to procure redress.

As we had then no standing army, the law en-
acted that every man should be provided with
certain weapons agreeable to the mode of warfare
at that period, which was known under the general
term of harness ; and no sooner was the duke in-
formed of these discontented meetings than he
ordered the constables to take away every man's
harness in the disturbed districts : but this only
hastened resistance, and the order was scarcely
given when the popular rage increased, threatening
death both to the duke and the Cardinal. The
popular feeling on this subject was so warm, that
four thousand men appeared speedily in arms, and
the duke found it necessary to collect what force
he could of his own retainers, and of others ; but
the number of those was so totally incapable of re-
sisting the insurgent force, that it was found ne-
cessary to break down the bridges to guard against
an attack on the part of the rebels.

AND HIS TIMES. 331

Similar disturbances broke out in Norfolk,
were only quieted by the temporizing con-
duct of the Duke of Norfolk ; so that the king
felt himself obliged to adopt some decisive line of
conduct. Accordingly, he called a great council
at York Place. Wolsey's residence, where he made
an open and manly protestation that it never was
his wish or intention to ask any thing from the
Commons of England, contrary to the laws of the
land; and he therefore demanded to know by
whose order those commissioners were appointed,
and who it was that had directed they should re-
quire the sixth part of every man's goods.

On this, Wolsey rose as spokesman, and replied,
that when it was moved in the council that money
should be levied for the king's use, not only the
king's counsel, but even the judges, held that the
king might demand any sum by commission. He
added, that the order was consequently given by
the whole council ; and, for himself, he took God
to witness that he never desired the hinderance
of the commons, but, like a true councillor, had
merely devised how to enrich the king. He then
attempted to justify the unconstitutional act by
the plea of its being agreeable to God's law, be-
cause Joseph had caused the King of Egypt to
take the fifth part of every man's goods : after
which most extraordinary piece of special pleading,
he added, — " but because every man layeth the
burthen from him, I am content to take it on

332 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

me, and to endure the fame and noise of the people
for my good will toward the king, and comfort of
you, my lords, and other the king's councillors :
but the eternal God knoweth all !"

The council remained for some time silent, when
the king, evidently alluding to Wolsey himself,
said, " Well ! some have informed me that my
realm was never so rich ; and that there should
never trouble have risen of that demand ; and that
men would pay at the first request : but now I
find all contrary."

The king paused ; still were the council silent,
when his majesty added, — " I will no more of this
trouble. Let letters be sent to all shires that this
matter may be no more spoken of. I will pardon
all that have made denial openly or secretly," —
" then all the lords kneeled downe, and hastily
thanked hym !"

Letters were accordingly sent, by the king's
desire ; but Wolsey took especial care that these
letters should state that the demand originated with
the lords and the judges, and others of the king's
council, and that Wolsey himself, in all that he
had done, had only " followed the mind of the
whole council !"

That the public feelings in general were much
outraged by this loan cannot be doubted, when its
very tradition was so strong in the days of Eliza-
beth, that Shakspeare makes it a main point in
his exquisite play founded upon the favourite's

AND HIS TIMES. 333

fall. It is also a fact deserving of especial notice,
that from this affair that fall may certainly be
dated ; for it is on record that it was even then
remarked by some of the courtiers, that Henry did
not, on this occasion, pay such singular respect
and favour to Wolsey as he was wont to do, but
left him to get clear of the reflections and asper-
sions cast on him as he best could.

Nor is this surprising, if it is really true that
the whole plan originated with the Cardinal ; that
Henry was from the first very unwilling to try it ;
and that he felt his dignity much abated in being
obliged to change his commands for the asking of
a benevolence. This renders it far from impro-
bable that in the course of the affair, during the
meetings of the council, he may have, more than
once, by a side glance, seemed to blame Wolsey
for an injudicious attempt ; and that this disposi-
tion on the part of the king having been carefully
observed by the Cardinal's enemies, they may have
thence formed the first idea of plotting against
him, in hopes of being able to add other circum-
stances that might tend to weaken his hold upon
the royal favour.

Of Wolsey's ideas of foreign policy a pretty fair
conception may be formed from his conduct when
the quarrel took place between the Duke of Bour-
bon and the French king, the former being forced
to fly to insure his personal safety. No sooner
was Wolsey acquainted with this circumstance,

334 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

than he felt the necessity of securing the duke in
the English cause, rather than to leave him solely
to the emperor, with whom he had taken refuge :
and the king readily came into the plan, shortly
afterwards joining in a treaty with the emperor,
that their united armies should be commanded by
the Duke of Bourbon, who was to receive monthly
wages, or pay, from Henry, for himself and re-
tinue. The treaty was to be kept a great secret,
and Sir John Russel was sent over to " be con-
tinually beyond the seas in a certain place," to
manage these affairs ; but the most extraordinary
part of the secret was, that " the Duke of Bourbon
should be the King of England's champion, and
generall in the field, who had a number of good
souldiers over and besides the emperor's army,
which was not small;" and yet with these very
troops, " the duke began the warres with the
French king in his owne territories and dukedom,
which the king had gotten into his owne hands,
being not perfectly knowne to the duke's enemies,
that he had any aide from our soverayne lord ;
and thus hee wrought the French king much dis-
pleasure, inasmuch that the French king was con-
strained to prepare a present army, and in his
own person to resist the duke's power."

It does not appear, however, that the duke, in
this most extraordinary of all secret expeditions,
was at first very successful; for he was soon
obliged to retreat, and shelter himself in the well

AND HIS TIMES. 335

fortified town of Pavia, to which the French im-
mediately laid close siege : and, in the mean time,
Francis, trusting more to diplomacy than, perhaps,
to his own arms, had sent over to England that
personage already spoken of, whom Cavendish
calls " a very witty man," who, " for his subtle
wit, was elected to treate of such an embassage as
the French king had given him in commission."
Still it appears, from various authorities, that
Wolsey was yet friendly to the cause against
France ; for in the Ayscough Coll. Brit. Mus. No.
3839, p. 7, there is a long despatch from the Car-
dinal to Sampson and Farmingham, resident am-
bassadors with the emperor, relative to the state
of the war in Germany, and particularly in regard
to the Duke of Bourbon. We refer to it also the
more particularly, because of its developement of
military affairs at that period, to which the fol-
lowing extract alludes. Wolsey speaks of a gen-
tleman who had arrived at court with letters from
the emperor, and adds, that from him — " the
king's highnes and I perceive in what readiness,
state, and disposition the emperor's affairs were at
the dates of the said lettres, with his intent to
proceede with his army in his owne person, and
to supplie by the longer continuance the tarditie
and sloth which hath bene used in the settinge
forth of the same, havinge alsoe made provision
for early payment of the 100,000 crownes for his
portion unto the Duke of Burbone, towards the

336 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

entertainment of 10,000 lance knights, and d<
syring that the king's grace would doe the sembL
ble for his parte, and to give order that his arm;
leavinge seeges of stronge places, and passinge
into the bowells of France, may continue all this
winter with a convenient reinforcement :" — and
soon after, when the Duke of Bourbon was in
great streights and difficulties at Milan, Wolsey
well knowing that no money could be sent to him
by the emperor, in consequence of the communi-
cation being completely cut off by the French
army, took immediate and judicious steps to re-
medy the difficulty, by sending instantly a despatch
to the Bishop of Bath, then the English ambas-
sador at Rome, authorising him, by any means in
his power, to supply the duke with whatever sum
might be required.

The various authors who treat of this period
differ so much in their statements, and evidently
in their sentiments also, especially in regard to
the intrigue carried on by Joachin, or " Jokin,"
so often noticed, that it is extremely difficult, if
not impossible, to distinguish truth from misre-
presentation. If we were to propose any decided
opinion as to the real fact, it would be that Wol-
sey was, in this instance at least, acting a double
part, or, as the vulgar proverb expresses it, keeping
two strings to his bow. This is, in some mea-
sure, strengthened by a statement given by a co-
temporary annalist, that Joachin, on his arrival,

AND HIS TIMES. 337

and even before he was brought to Dr. Larke's at
Westminster, was secretly conveyed to Richmond,
where he remained in privacy until Wolsey could
join him at the close of the Easter term. Of all
that passed between the envoy arid Cardinal no-
thing is known, except by the supposed result,
which was, that Henry finally sent orders to Italy
to stop his monthly payments to the Duke of
Bourbon, a measure which produced great con-
sternation and much inconvenience in the little
garrison of Pavia.

As for M. Jokin, he remained some time longer
in England, and was treated by the Cardinal with
great hospitality, and even familiarity ; dining
with him frequently during the Whitsuntide holi-
days, which Wolsey kept at Richmond with great
festivity,1 and pleasing all visitors with his wit
and ready conversation : but it must be observed,
that this does not agree with the counter state-
ments of other historians, nor does it appear that
the Cardinal had as yet received the royal per-
mission to reside there.

The distress to which the Duke of Bourbon
and his army were reduced, by the stoppage of
the monthly payments, soon increased to such an
extent, that the most desperate measures became
necessary ; and, accordingly, a double sortie of
the garrison was planned, which was completely
successful. The French were surprised in their

338 , WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

-camp, and routed ; all their artillery and stores
taken, and their king himself made prisoner.
When the private bureau of the French monarch
was searched, the treaty between the two mon-
archs under the great seal of England, and various
other important documents, as has been positively
asserted, were found, fully proving with what
duplicity Wolsey had acted towards the Duke of
Bourbon, and justifying the suspicion, that French
money had more influence over the Cardinal than
a due sense of English honour.

Unable to wreak his vengeance upon Wolsey,
the duke, some time after, determined to have
some revenge against the pope, and marched with
his army towards Rome ; he even led the first
assault, but was the first who fell ! His officers,
however, continued the siege with such vigour,
that the pope, and a considerable number of the
people, were forced to take shelter in the Castle
of St. Angelo, where they suffered great hardships
and privations : but this anticipates the events of
1527.

In the mean time, great doubts and jealousies
arose in the council at home, respecting the dis-
posal of the French king ; some wishing an in-
vasion of France instantly to take place, whilst
others insisted that England had a right to de-
mand the captive monarch from the emperor, be-
cause he was taken by the King of England's

AND HIS TIMES. 339

champion, and a few went so far as to advise that
war should instantly be proclaimed against Ger-
many, in order to enforce the claim.

But Wolsey preserved a strict silence amidst
these agitations, until the arrival of ambassadors
from France; when, after considerable negotia-
tions, he at length declared himself, recommending
that the emperor should be called on to set Francis
at liberty, on sufficient pledge, by hostages being
given ; for which purpose his two sons, the Dau-
phin and the Duke of Orleans, were selected. He
had no sooner declared himself, than he began to
act with energy, on the ostensible ground of re-
spect for the captive king, and of sorrow for the
hardships to which the pope was then reduced;
not only using all his influence with the king in
private, but even condescending in public to per-
suade the lords of the council to come to a favour-
able decision on the side that he had adopted. But
there were busy heads at work, as artful as his
own, to render these passing events subservient to
his downfall ; and amongst them was Anne Bo-
leyne, whose friends, uniting with others in the
council, consulted with him in apparent friendship,
offering it as their opinion, that none but the Car-
dinal himself could have influence enough to bring
about a peace between such great potentates ; and,
therefore, that he ought instantly to undertake an
embassy for that purpose.

How far Wolsey was convinced by these argu-

340 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

ments it is difficult to say, but it is possible that
vanity and self-confidence might have blinded him
t® the real intent of these professed friends, which
was to get him removed from court, on any terms,
so that they might have more favourable opportu-
nities of depriving him of Henry's confidence ; but
the embassy did not take place until 1527.

Wolsey's eagerness to seize upon the monas-
teries, which he had marked out for dissolution,
was soon perceived by the people at large, and
produced considerable discontent; and various sto-
ries were abroad in the spirit of religious super-
stition of that day. Amongst these is one re-
garding the monastery of Daventry, whither he
sent the five persons who were his chief instru-
ments, to demand from the prior and monks the
occupancy of a certain portion of their grounds.
To this, however, the monks demurred, finally re-
fusing to comply; when the crafty agents con-
trived to excite a quarrel, after which the Car-
dinal, on a small occasion as it is asserted, caused
this monastery to be dissolved, and its revenues to
be appropriated to his new colleges.

But, agreeable to the popular account, this did
not go unpunished; for two of the five agents
quarrelled, and one being killed, the survivor was *
hanged ; then the third drowned himself in a well ;
the fourth, " being well knowne, and valued worth
two hundred pound, became in three yeeres so
poore, that he begged till his dying day;" and the

AND HIS TIMES. 341

fifth, Dr. Allen, who was the principal actor in
these affairs, " was cruelly maimed in Ireland,
even at such time as hee was a bishop."

If these proceedings had been confined solely to
the monasteries for males, the public clamour
would not, probably, have been so loud : but the
suppression of nunneries excited much disapproba-
tion ; for whatever the prejudices, or just charges
against the monks, the same did not exist against
the nuns in general. The nunneries, in fact, were
schools for the young females in their vicinity,
where they were instructed in needle-work, con-
fectionary, and other useful matters, and even in
surgery and physic. With great rectitude of man-
ners, there was still a great openness of conduct
in the prioresses and abbesses, who presided over
these establishments ; and of the nuns of St. Mary
in Wiltshire we have seen it recorded, that they
were " often seen come forth to the nymph-hay >
with their rocks and wheels, to spin."

Such usefulness, and such simplicity of man-
ners, could not fail to meet general approbation ;
of course, every harsh proceeding adopted against
them became unpopular : but this feeling did not
alone exist amongst the laity, for it is well ascer-
tained that the holding of so many bishoprics at
once by Wolsey gave great offence to many of his
brother-churchmen ; so much so, indeed, that Dr.
Barnes, in a sermon which he preached at Cam-
bridge, in St. Edward's Church, on Christmas eve

342 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

in this year, took special notice of it. This ser-
mon was reported to the Cardinal, and gave him
such offence, that a charge was made out against
the doctor ; the most important article of which
was the 6th, wherein Barnes was alledged to
have said, " I will never believe that one man
may be, by the law of God, a bishop of two or
three cities, yea, of "a whole country; for it is con-
trary to St. Paul, which saith, / have left thee be-
hind, to set in every city a bishop"

Previous to any judicial proceedings, the doctor
was brought before Wolsey himself, then walking
in his gallery at York-place, for something like a
private examination, when the Cardinal began be-
fore him to read over the articles. The first five
seem to have been passed over without any special
notice ; but, on coming to the sixth, the ecclesias-
tical Leviathan paused, and then said that this
touched himself personally, and he asked the doc-
tor if he really thought it wrong that one bishop
should have so many sees under his jurisdiction
at once? To this Barnes replied, that he could
go no further than St. Paul's text, which appointed
a bishop for every city; when Wolsey put an in-
sidious query, as to whether he thought it con-
trary to the modern ordinance of the church ? To
this the doctor rejoined with great spirit, that he
knew nothing of any ordinance of the church in
regard to the matter, he depended solely upon
what the apostle had said. But he acknowledged

AND HIS TIMES. 343

that, in opposition to the apostolic practice and
direction, he did see a contrary custom and prac-
tice then prevailing in the church, the original
right or justification of which he was unacquainted
with.

Wolsey must have felt himself much at a non
plus at this reply ; for, in fact, he had not even a
modern ordinance to show in support of his plu-
ralities ; but endeavoured to meet the objection,
by saying that in the apostle's time there were
some cities which were six or seven miles in
length, and over them was there, he asked, but
one bishop set, including the charge of their
suburbs also ? Then, by something very like a non
sequitur, he added, that so likewise then a byshop
had but one city to his cathedral church, and the
country about was as suburbs unto it ! To this
extraordinary mode of argument, honest Barnes
could make no reply : he contents himself with
observing, in his account of the affair, — " me-
thought this was farre fetched, but I durst not
deny it."

About the latter end of 1525, there was some
supposed mystery of negotiations with the Queen-
dowager of France ; and certainly there exists, in
the British Museum, a letter from her to Wolsey
about the paying, or discharging, (solvendo),
121,000 crowns of gold and upwards for seven
years following: and it is evident from other
sources that, in this case at least, Wolsey made

344 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

the public affairs subservient, in some degree, to
his own interest; for, in addition to the treaty
agreed on with the Lady Regent, and ratified on
the 27th of December of this year, Rapin assures
us that there is, in the Collection of the Public
Acts, that lady's bond, of the 18th of November
(evidently signed previous to the agreement for
the ratification), to pay to him all arrears of pen-
sion, for four years and a half, granted in lieu of
the administration of the bishopric of Tournay.
In addition to these arrears, the bond likewise
specifies that, for several other weighty reasons,
there was due to the Cardinal 100,000 crowns of
gold ; and that the whole of these sums were to
be paid in seven years in half yearly payments —
but Wolsey did not live to see them completed !

Pending those negotiations, others were going
on at Madrid between the emperor and the King
of France, still a prisoner of war ; and the treaty,
called the Treaty of Madrid, generally supposed to
have been drawn up under the influence of Eng-
land in support of Francis, was concluded in Ja-
nuary, 152.6. In this it was stipulated, that the
French king should be restored to liberty, on con-
dition of his two sons being delivered into the em-
peror's hands as hostages ; that Burgundy should
be ceded to Charles ; that Francis should marry
Leonora, sister to the emperor ; and that he should
also indemnify his imperial majesty against all de-
mands on the part of the English court.

AND HIS TIMES. 345

The liberation of Francis, in consequence of this
treaty, took place on the 18th of March, when his
sons were exchanged for him on the banks of the
Bidassoa ; and it is related of him, that no sooner
had he crossed into the French territory, than he
mounted a fleet horse, and setting off at a gallop,
exclaimed, " I am a king — I am a king !" — an ex-
pression which some have censured, as rather dis-
covering an excessive transport of joy, than be-
coming the sedateness and majesty of so great a
prince; whilst others, with even less liberality,
inferred from it, that being now at liberty, he
should not think himself bound by the conditions
of a treaty, to which he had only agreed whilst
under constraint. But this latter inference is by
no means probable, since he had given up his two
sons as hostages for his due observance of the sti-
pulated articles.

We have stated that the treaty of Madrid was
supposed to have been drawn up under English
influence, and this is confirmed by the fact, that
Francis, immediately after his liberation, wrote to
the Cardinal, with his own hand, acknowledging
that the king and he had been the chief instru-
ments of procuring his enlargement.

But the events at home, during this year, were
more important than those of foreign politics, espe-
cially in the marked hostility of Wolsey to every
thing connected with the Reformation : amongst
other incidents, he was himself present at Paul's

346 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

Cross, attended by eleven bishops, when four mer-
chants of the Still-yard were obliged to do penance,
and Dr. Barnes, an Augustine friar, already men-
tioned, bore a faggot, as a mark of heresy. On
this occasion, Fisher, Bishop of Rochester, preached
against Luther ; and the whole force of the church
seemed arrayed against Reformers, perhaps stirred
up a little by the fact of Tindal's English trans-
lation of the New Testament being just printed
at Antwerp *.

It may be here remarked as an extraordinary
circumstance, in respect to a man of his general
acuteness and political sagacity, that Wolsey, at
this time, seems not to have been at all aware of
the dangers that surrounded him ; at least, he
showed no scruple at making himself many ene-
mies, the result of extensive alterations in the
royal household. The occasion was this : in the
winter of 1525-6, so unexpected and extraordinary
a dearth took place in the metropolis, that even
the law term was adjourned, and the king re-
moved his court, at Christmas, to Eltham from
Greenwich, taking with him a very small retinue.
This Christmas thence received the name of the
" Still Christmas :" the Cardinal, however, was
not still ; for on arriving at Eltham, where he

* This is that translation which was preached against by
Tunstall, Bishop of London, and denounced as containing up-
wards of 3000 blunders ! It was afterwards publicly burnt
in England in May, 1530.

AND HIS TIMES. 34?

was invited to join the small holiday party, he
immediately commenced a reform in the royal
household, which rendered him very unpopular.
He discharged many officers and servants, who
were only allowed very small pensions ; the ex-
tent of which may be estimated from one instance,
of his discharging sixty-four yeomen of the guard,
and reducing them from one shilling per day, with
check upon the royal kitchen, to sixpence only;
and who, when they complained, were told to go
home into their own countries. He also busied
himself much about the new household of the
young Duke of Richmond, a base son of the king,
and also of the Princess Mary, who was then con-
sidered princess of the realm.

Yet it is worthy of notice, that in all this hurry
of court intrigue, and in the midst of his ambitious
projects, Wolsey still had a regard for the welfare
of the nation, though his injudicious attempts at
reformation in manners sometimes produced more
evil than good. An instance of this occurred in
the month of May, 1526, when a proclamation
was issued against all unlawful games, and com-
missions appointed for its fulfilment in every
county, the members of which caused all draft-
boards, backgammon-tables, dice, cards, bowls, &c.
to be seized upon and burnt. On this we need
make no further observation, than a statement of
the consequences as adduced by Stowe in his An-
nals, who says, that " when young men were re-

348 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

strained of these games and pastimes, some fell to
drinking, some to ferretting of other men's conies,
and stealing of deere in parkes, and other un-
thriftiness !"

We have already seen that England was not
backward in the search after unknown lands ; Se-
bastian Cabot having pushed his discoveries to
Newfoundland, almost as early as Columbus : and
it is worthy of remark, that this spirit, so far
from being checked by Wolsey, was actively pa-
tronised and encouraged by him. It has, indeed,
been well observed by Groves (vol. ix. p. 46), that
the Cardinal, besides his great passion for the en-
couraging of learning, likewise took incredible
care, during the whole course of his administra-
tion, to promote the trade and navigation of the
kingdom, being thoroughly convinced that in-
dustry and wealth must be the natural conse-
quences.

It is further stated, that he cherished this love
of maritime adventure in the breast of Henry, and
was, in fact, the great cause of the attempts at
discovery made at that period. It appears that
Robert Thorne was for some years engaged, un-
der the royal auspices, in prosecuting discoveries
in the new world; though little is extant re-
specting him, except his expedition in the imme-
diate employ of some merchants of Bristol : but
his exertions are considered as having been highly
beneficial in stimulating to active enterprise, and

AND HIS TIMES. 349

to have been instrumental in eliciting that spirit
which in the reign of Elizabeth led forth Drake,
Hawkins, Cavendish, and others to carry the En-
glish flag into the most distant oceans.

Had the Cardinal contented himself with these
exertions for his country's honour, in preference
to foreign intrigue and papal ambition, his name
would have acquired more of that glory of which
he was so covetous than could possibly have ac-
crued from the most successful termination of his
continental schemes of aggrandisement, amongst
which we must not omit to record an attempted
league, in June of this year, between the Pope,
the King of France, the Venetians, and the Duke
of Milan, for the conquest of Naples. That this
scheme commenced at Wolsey's suggestion, though
it has been so asserted, cannot be so distinctly
proved ; but it is clear that he must have inter-
meddled in it busily ; for one stipulation was that
Henry should be protector of the league, for which
he was to have a principality in Naples, in which
kingdom Wolsey, also, was to have a lordship
worth 10,000 ducats. But the affair soon fell to
the ground; and we may therefore proceed, at
once, to the domestic events of the year, amongst
which it may be noticed that Hampton Court was
now completely finished and elegantly furnished*,

* From an inventory now preserved in the British Museum,
it appears that the parlours were hung with the stories of
Jacob, Susannah and the Elders, Judith and Holofernes, &c. ;

350 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

and was become a very favourite place of retire-
ment with the Cardinal, from the affairs of state.
The king also frequently visited him here ; and
that it should have become an object of envy with
his majesty is not surprising, when we reflect that
it was considered, at that time, as one of the most
magnificent structures in Europe ; or, as Rapiri
says, " was a stately palace, arid outshined all the
king's houses."

Camden says that Wolsey built it out of osten-
tation to show his great wealth ; and he adds, that
he was on all accounts exceeding prudent, but in-
solence had carried him beyond himself. With all
his insolence, however, he found it, even here, im-
possible to tread on the rights of the people ; nor
could he, as he wished, close up the road which
leads from Kingston Bridge towards Hampton,
but was obliged to leave Bushy Park thus sepa-
rated from the grounds immediately belonging to
the palace*.

whilst the tapestry of the Cardinal's own chamber represented
the Seven Deadly Sins !

* It must have been about this year that William Roy pub-
lished his satire against Wolsey, a proceeding so dangerous at
that period, that he was afraid to print it in England, but had
it done abroad, perhaps in Holland, by some friend whose
sentiments in respect to the Cardinal were pretty much the
same as his own. It was published without either place or
name, and is now extremely rare; but may be seen in the
Harleian Miscellany f. It is now the more rare, because

t Vide Supplement to Harleian Miscellany.

AND HIS TIMES. 351

It is also deserving of notice, as we find it stated
by Groves, that notwithstanding all the jealousies,

Wolsey spared, as we are told in an edition of the work in
1546, neither pains nor expense to have them all bought up.
It was first published with a wood-cut of the Cardinal's
coat of arms, already noticed, of which the following descrip-
tion is given :

" Of the prowde Cardinall this is the shelde,
Borne up betwene two angels off Sathan j
The sixe bloudy axes in a bare felde,
Shewethe the cruelte of the red man,
Whiche hethe devoured the beautifull swan ;
Mortall enmy unto the whyte lion ;
Carter of Yorcke ! the vyle butcher's sonne.

" The sixe bulle's heddes, in a felde blacke,
Betokeneth hys stordy furiousnes ;
Wherby, the godly lyght to put abacke,
He bryngeth in hys dyvlisshe darcknes -,
The bandog, in the niiddes, doth expresse
The mastif curre, bred in Ypswitch towiie,
Gnawynge with his teth a kynge's crowne.

" The cloubbe signifieth playne hys tiranny,
Covered over with a Cardinal's hatt,
Wherin shall be fulfilled the prophecy—

' Aryse up, Jacke, and put on thy salatt,
For the tyme is come of bagge and walatt :
The temporall chevalry thus throwen downe,
Wherfor, prest, take hede, and beware thy croune.'"

The " two angels off Sathan" refer to the demi dragons which
are in the mantling round the shield j and the " white swan"

352 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

political and ecclesiastical, which had long existed
between him and Warham, Archbishop of Canter-
is supposed to mean the Duke of Buckingham, in reference to
his cognizance or crest. The white lion is the Duke of Nor-
folk. " Salatt" used in the prophecy is interpreted to be
synonymous with helmet.

The work itself is drawn up in form of a conversation be-
tween two priests' servants, " Watkyn and Jeffraye," and is
sufficiently pointed to have raised Wolsey's indignation against
the author, containing every article of charge, perhaps, that
ever was brought against the Cardinal.

In the first allusion to Wolsey, he is spoken of as

One that is the chefe,

Which is not fedd so ofte with rost befe,

As with rawe motten ; so God helpe me !

Whose mule yf it shulde be solde,

So gayly trapped with velvet and golde,

And given to us for oure schare,

I durst ensure the one thynge,

As for a competent lyvynge,

This seven yere we shulde not care." —

Then Watkyn asks —

" Yf he be soche, what is his name,
Or of what regarde is his fame,
I beseche the' shortly expresse ?"

To which Jeffraye replies —

" Mary, some men call hym Carnally
And some saye he is the devill and all,
Patriarcke of all wickednes !"

AND HIS TIMES. 353

bury, yet when that prelate, in the early part
of the year, was so extremely ill that he was not

It then proceeds to note all the accusations against him in
language that must not sully our pages — the charges respect-
ing his fondness for war are most whimsical— Watkyn having
said —

" He fareth nott the better for warre" —
Jeffraye answers —

" Yes, mary, it doth hym prefarre
To more gaynes then I can rehearce :
For fyrst, or the warre do begynne,
They laboure his favoure to wynne,
Givynge gyftes many and dyvers.
And yf it cannot be so pacifyed,
They brybe him on the wother side,
At the least for to be favoured :
And, fynally, warre for to ceace,
With rewardes they must hym greace !"

It is also important to notice that Wolsey was suspected and
loudly accused of tampering with the confessors of those
whom he wished to ruin, — •

" In all the londe there is no wyght,
Neither lorde, baron, nor knyght,
To whom he hath eny hatred,
But ether by sower speche, or sw'ete,
Of ther confessours he will wete
Howe they heve themselves behaved." —

The prevalence of such a practice, and the possibility of its

A A

354 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

capable of going out of doors, several very friendly
messages and letters passed to him from Wolsey ;
from which it appears that he expressed great
tenderness and care for his constitution, and offered
him the use of a handsome apartment at Hampton
Court, believing the air there to be so good and
wholesome, as to give him a fair chance of the
recovery of his health.

It has been one of the charges against Wolsey,
that the revenues arising from the privileges of his
visitorial power, of making abbots, proving wills,
granting faculties, licences and dispensations, as
well as from his pensions, preferments and other
visible advantages, were actually equal in amount
to the revenues of the crown ; to which he added
other advantages not quite so visible, particularly
in the employment of John Allen, one of his
chaplains, in riding about with a great train in
perpetual progress from one religious house to
another, and drawing from each very large sums
for the Cardinal's private use. Though great
exaggerations were made on these subjects by his
enemies, yet it is certain that in some points he
had already proceeded so far as to incur the dis-
pleasure of the king, especially in regard to the
convent of Wilton, to which he had appointed a
prioress who was personally objected to by Henry.

recurrence, are strong arguments against the modern liberality
of admitting Roman Catholics to high offices of power and
confidence.

AND HIS TIMES. 355

That something harsh must have passed be-
tween the king and Cardinal upon this occasion
is evident from a letter of the king preserved by
Lord Herbert, in his History of Henry, where his
majesty is made to say — " as touching the matter
of Wilton, seeing it is in no other strain than what
you write of, and you being also so suddenly (with
the falling sickness of your servants) afraid and
troubled, I marvel not it overslipped you as it did;
but it is no great matter, standing the case as it
doth ; for it is yet in my hand, as I perceive by
your letter, and your default was not so great,
seeing the election was but conditional. Where-
fore, my lord, seeing the humbleness of your sub-
mission, though the case was much more heinous,
I can be content to remit it; being right glad that,
according to my intent, my monitions and warn-
ings have been benignly and lovingly accepted in
your behalf, promising you, that the very affection
I bear you caused me thus to do." —

His majesty then went on to say, — " as touching
the help of religious houses to the building of your
college, I would it were more, so it were lawful ;
for my intent is none but that it should appear to
all the world, and the occasion of all their mum-
bling might be secluded and put away; for surely
there is great murmuring of it throughout the
whole realm. Both good and bad say that all
that is gotten is bestowed on the college, and that

A A 2!

356 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

the college is the cloak for covering all mischiefs ;
this grieveth me to hear it spoken of him whom
I do entirely love : wherefore I thought I could do
no less than thus friendly to admonish you.

" One thing more I perceive by your letter,
which a little, methinks, touches conscience ; and
that is, you have received money from the ex-
empts for having of their old visitors. Surely
this can hardly be with conscience : for, were they
good, why should you take the money? and, if
they were ill, it were a sinful act. Howbeit your
legacy" (legateship) " herein might peradventure
apud Homines be a cloak, but not apud Deum.
Wherefore you are thus monished by him who
entirely loveth you, and I doubt not, you will de-
sist not only from this, if conscience will not bear
it, but from all other things which should en-
tangle the same ; and in so doing, you will sing
Te laudant angeli atq: ArchangelL Te laudet
omnis spiritus : and thus an end I make of this
tho' rude yet loving letter, desiring you as bene-
volently to take it as I mean it ; for I ensure you,
and I pray you think it so, that there remaineth
at the hour no spark of displeasure towards you
in my heart. And thus, fare you well, and be you
no more perplexed. Written with the hand of
your loving sovereign and friend,

" HENRY R."

It must be acknowledged that this letter, of the

AND HIS TIMES. 357

authenticity of which there can be no doubt, is of
a most extraordinary nature, not only as marking
the feelings of Henry towards his favourite, but
also showing the commencement of that decline
of influence which Wolsey so soon after expe-
rienced— a decline which thus seems to have
arisen from his majesty's sense of right and wrong
as much as from the machinations of the Cardinal's
enemies, even whilst the personal favour of the
sovereign remained as strong as ever.

This change of the king's sentiments also soon
became known, and Wolsey's enemies did not fail
to avail themselves of it ; particularly Skelton,
who is supposed to have been poet laureate, and
who wrote a satire upon the occasion, but which
is too indelicate for quotation here. Skelton, how-
ever, though he published his satire, presuming
upon a decline of the favourite's power, seems
suddenly to have been seized with a panic re-
specting it ; for no sooner was it published than
he fled to the sanctuary at Westminster, for se-
curity against the dreaded revenge of the Car-
dinal— a fear without any real foundation, as it
does not appear he ever noticed this production.

Though the royal letter, already quoted, was a .
letter of reproof; yet there was still enough in it
to induce Wolsey to believe that he would not be
very strictly checked in his proceedings in regard
to the religious houses which he had marked for
destruction : but still was he subject to the effects

358 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

of public opinion ; for it is well ascertained that
his partial suppression of the monasteries was
neither agreeable to the priesthood, nor, in some
instances, to the people in their vicinity. It is
told that when the monastery of Bogham, in
Essex, was on the point of being suppressed,
certain people, who appeared in a strange and
frightful disguise after the canons were removed
out of the monastery, waited upon them and con-
ducted them back in a pompous manner; and,
according to their form, reinstated them in the
monastery, arid withal promised to come at any
time to their relief, upon the signal of ringing the
abbey bell, in case of interruption from any one.
But this disguise did not avail the actors; for,
though Henry was fond of masking as an amuse-
ment, he did not choose that it should interfere
with his orders : and, accordingly, as soon as he
heard of this refractory spirit, he sent for the
canons of Bogham, who underwent such a strict
examination before the council, that they were
obliged to confess the names of the parties con-
cerned. The consequence was that the maskers
were arrested and subjected to punishment, as a
warning to others in similar cases.

But it was not the system of monachism alone
that Wolsey wished to reform ; he saw number-
less errors in other professions, and was anxious
to remove them : with regard to the law, in par-
ticular, it is said that he was much hurt at the

AND HIS TIMES. 359

ignorance of the lawyers, especially those of the
laity, and actually contemplated the erection of a
school of law in London, exclusively for their use,
and in addition to the means already afforded by
the Temple, and the various Inns of Court.

That he hoped to gain popularity amongst the
profession, by such a measure, is extremely pro-
bable ; indeed, as affairs now stood, it was his best
policy to conciliate that body, since it is evident
from an occurrence which took place this year,
that Wolsey had really begun to be alarmed at
the public feeling towards him. The circum-
stance was as follows. At Christmas, a masque
was got up at Gray's Inn, by the students there,
according to the fashion of the times, principally
founded upon passages of the Heathen mythology,
with personifications of the Passions. This masque
had been written and prepared, upwards of twenty
years before, by a Mr. John Roo, holding the dig-
nified situation of Serjeant at Law ; and its plot
was that the Lord " Governaunce was ruled by
Dissipation and Negligence, by whose injudicious
conduct and evil doings, the Lady Public Weale
was separated from her Lord. The consequence
of this, as the masque showed, was that Rumor
Populi, Inward Grudge, and Disdain of Wanton
Sovereignty, all personifications, took up arms with
a multitude of followers to expel Negligence and
Dissipation, and to restore Public Weale again to

360 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

her estate and to the society of her husband, the
Lord Gouvernaunce"

The masque was so well got up, and so intelli-
gible, with such rich dresses, rare devices, and
amusing morris dances, that it was highly spoken
of by every body, and Gray's Inn became quite
the fashionable resort.

This soon reached the ears of Wolsey, who in-
stantly supposed that the masque had been got
up as a libel upon him ; and, accordingly, he kept
no terms with the parties implicated in its repre-
sentation. His first act was, in a great fury, to
send for Roo, from whom he took his coif, com-
mitting him to the Fleet prison ; after which, he
highly rebuked and threatened all the young gen-
tlemen who had performed in the piece, sending
* even one of them, a Mr. Thomas Moyle, from
Kent, to the Fleet also ; but both Roo and Moyle
were soon afterwards liberated through the ex-
ertions of their friends. On this subject Hall ob-
serves that " this plaie sore displeesed the Cardi-
nell, and yet it was never meante to hym, as you
have harde, wherfore many wise men grudged to
see hym take it so hartely, and even the Cardinell
said that the kyng was highly displeesed with it,
and spake nothyng of hymself."

The opening of the year 1527 calls on us for
a short notice respecting Mr. Cavendish, whose
MS. life of Wolsey we have so often quoted; and

AND HIS TIMES. 361

we have therefore to state, that Mr. Fitz William
having this year retired from the Cardinal's ser-
vice, Cavendish was appointed to fill his vacancy,
which placed him near to Wolsey's person : so
that of all that he relates, subsequent to this, he
may be considered an eye-witness, whilst the pre-
ceding part of his memoir must depend upon the
credit of his informants, amongst which number,
Wolsey himself was one, in several points.

The commencement of this year was also re-
markable for the foundation of his collegiate school
at Ipswich, or rather, as called by some writers, a
new modelling of St. Peter's priory in that town,
for the education of youth until they should be
fitted for the university ; and which, though much
inferior, as the nature of the design seemed to re-
quire it should be, in respect to the extent and
revenues of Cardinal's College at Oxford, has yet
been considered by his panegyrists " as no incon-
siderable instance of that greatness of mind, with
which he was confessedly endowed."

All the necessary preparations being made for
the proposed foundation, it was upon the 6th of
March, this year, that William Brown, Prior of
St. Peter's Priory at Ipswich, surrendered the
same to the Cardinal, who thereupon directed the
foundation of his intended college to be laid ; ap-
pointing a fraternity to consist of a dean, twelve
canons, eight singing men, and as many choristers.
The intention was that youth should be educated,

362 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

as in a nursery, for his new college at Oxford ;
and it is recorded that the building was carried
on with such expedition, and gave so much satis-
faction, that it met with great encouragement, not
only from the corporation of Ipswich, but from
the gentlemen round the country.

The first dean appointed by Wolsey was
William Capon, who exerted himself much to-
wards the finishing of the work, so that many
apartments were ready before the end of the year ;
for which Mr. Thomas Cromwell took down
several rich pieces of furniture, also copes, vest-
ments, and other sacerdotal clothing. There is
extant a letter from this dean to Wolsey, in the
Cottonian collection, which throws some light
upon the monkish manners of the time ; wherein
he tells him that upon our Lady's even he with
all the company of the college sung the even song
in the college church, and then repaired " to our
Lady's, and there sung even song as solemnly and
devoutly as we could," which was done in the
company of several gentlemen and ecclesiastics,
together with the bailiffs of the town, and the
portman, and the prior of Christ-church, " all
the which accompanied us that same night home
again to your Grace's college, with as loving and
kind a manner as I have seen ; and at their
coming thither, they drank with me both wine
and beer, and so that night departed." On the
following day, after the due ceremonials in the

AND HIS TIMES. 363

College church, at which a large number of the
gentry attended, a convivial dinner was given to
the party — " all the which were there, with what
good will and diligence they could, to do your
Grace honour that day ; and they all took repast
at dinner at your Grace's college, and, as I trust,
well entertained with good fare and such fashion
as we could devise, wherewith they were right
well contented and pleased, as I supposed."

After various details about college vestments,
he adds — " furthermore there have been sent unto
your Grace's college, against the nativity of our
Lady, nine bucks, which bucks were spent on
our said Lady-day, in your Grace's college and
in the town of Ipswich ; whereof one buck was
delivered to the chamberlains of the town, for the
24 head men of the said town, and in money
ten shillings to make merry withal ; and in like
manner to the bailiffs' wives and portmen's wives
to make merry with, a buck and ten shillings !"

These jovial doings could not fail to make the
college popular, and accordingly we find that in
the ensuing August a letter or memorial was
transmitted from the Corporation of Ipswich to
Wolsey, in which they bestow on him their
heartiest thanks for its foundation, as tending
much to the increase of learning, and to the vir-
tuous bringing up of young children, so that the
people, " as well children as our aged folks, do
greatly rejoice at the same."

364

WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

This college, though it did not long exist, cer-
tainly changed the mode of education for the
better; for, till then, boys were brought up in
monasteries ; and the great interest which Wolsey
took in it may be inferred from his not only
drawing up a grammar for the use of the pupils,
printed after his death in 1534, but also rules for
its management, with a short explanatory preface.

The site of the college is stated to have con-
tained, by estimation, six acres ; but it seems that
it was soon demolished after its grant to a lay-
man, Thomas Alverde, in the 23d of Henry. In
fact, no part of it was left standing except one
gate, which still remained when Kirby wrote.

AND HIS TIMES. 365

He says that the very foundation was dug up,
insomuch that the first stone was not long since
(1764) found in two pieces, worked into a common
wall in Woulform's lane, with a Latin inscription
to this effect —

"In the year of Christ 1528, and the twentieth
of the reign of Henry VIII., king of England, on
the 15th of June, laid by John, Bishop of Lincoln."
It is now preserved in Christ church college, as a
relic of the founder.

From these domestic improvements the Car-
dinal was frequently called by state affairs, both
home and foreign ; especially, as marked by some
chronologists for this year, in January, when the
Duke of Bourbon marched from Milan towards
Rome, which he invested, but fell ; his army, how-
ever, forcing the pope to take shelter in the Castle
of St. Angelo, and finally to surrender himself a
prisoner in the May following : but in the mean
time, at home, the public feeling was now begin-
ning to show itself very manifestly in opposition
to Wolsey ; of which one remarkable instance
took place, early in 1527, when placards were
stuck up in several parts of the city, warning him
that he should not advise the king to marry the
princess Mary to a French prince ; for, if he did,
he should thereby be considered as showing him-
self an enemy both to the king and to the com-
monwealth. These placards also contained some
very heavy threats ; so that when the Lord Mayor,

366 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

Sir Thomas Seymour, informed him of the fact,
he was much enraged, and ordered the most dili-
gent search to be made after the author of them :
but it was in vain ; he was not to be found.

It is evident that these threats made a great
impression upon him ; for, on the night of the
30th of April, or May even, he directed watch to
be set at York place, where he also had " cart
gonnes ready charged :" similar watches were set
all round the metropolis, at Newington, St. John
Street, Westminster, in St. Giles', Islington, and
.various other places, " which watches were kept
by gentlemen and their servants, with house-
holders, and all for feare of ye Londoners bicause
of this bil." When the citizens heard of these
precautions, they expressed their surprise that he
should feel such hatred towards them : for they
said that if he mistrusted them, he loved not them ;
and where love is not there is hatred : they de-
clared also, that they never intended any harm
against him, but still they disapproved of his pre-
cautions, upon the plea that if five or six disorderly
persons had caused any disturbance or alarm in
the city, then all these watches would have marched
in, and much damage, nay even plunder and rob-
bery, might have ensued. These considerations
appear to have made a strong impression upon
the citizens in general, " wherefore they murmured
much against the Cardinall, and his undiscrete
doinges."

AND HIS TIMES. 36?

To an ordinary mind these circumstances might
have afforded considerable cause of alarm ; indeed,
as it is urged by various intelligent writers, even
the temporary fall of the . popedom might have
been regarded by Wolsey as a lesson to himself;
but he seems not so to have considered it, not-
withstanding the very plain speaking of the people
upon the subject. It was on Sunday, the 2d of
June, that authentic intelligence first arrived to
the king at Windsor of the capture and sacking
of the Holy City, and the affair is said to have
been lamented by Henry, and by many prelates :
" but the comminaltie lyttle mourned for it, and
said that the pope was a ruffyan, and was not
mete for the roume ; wherfore they sayde that he
began the myschief, and so he was well served :"
notwithstanding, as early as the 18th, the king gave
a commission to the Cardinal to treat for the pope's
restoration to liberty. Wolsey, however, was
anxious to have this insult to the. church consi-
dered in another and more serious point of view ;
and accordingly he called a meeting of the prelates
and principal clergy, where he not only expressed
his sorrow for the fall of the pope, but also for
the impression which seemed already to be made
on the minds of the people against the clergy, for
their great pomp, pride, and indecent manner of
life : on the close of the meeting he waited upon
the king, and is said thus to have addressed him :

" Sir, by the only calling of God, you be made

368 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

defender of the Christian faith ; now consider in
what state the church of Christ standeth ; see
how the head of the church of Rome is in cap-
tivity ; see how the holy fathers be brought into
thraldom, and be without comfort ; now show
yourself an aid, a defender of the Church, and God
shall reward you !"

To this Henry is stated to have replied : — " My
lord, I more lament this evil change than my
tongue can tell ; but where you say that I am de-
fender of the faith, I assure you that this war be-
tween the emperor and the pope is not for the
faith, but for temporal possessions and dominions :
and now, sith Bishop Clement is taken by men of
war, what should I do ? my person, nor my people,
cannot him rescue ; but if my treasure may help
him, take that which to you seemeth most con-
venient."

For this liberal offer, Wolsey returned thanks
upon his knee ; " and there uppon the Cardinall
caused to be gathered together of the kyng's trea-
sure XII score thousande pounde, which he car-
ried over the sea with him, as you shal heare
after."

But not content with putting his hand into
the royal treasury, Wolsey sent orders to the
bishops, to have solemn processions made in all
the churches for the relief of his holiness ; he also
recommended all men to fast three days in the
week. Few, however, fasted ; for the priests said

AND HIS TIMES. 369

their orders were to make the people fast, but 'not
to fast themselves ; and the laity insisted that the
priests should be the first to fast, and to set an
example, because the very cause of the fasting-
was for a priest. The consequence was that no
fasting took place, and the pope was left to his
fate!

It is worthy of remark, that Wolsey's foreign
policy, when not affected by his own private in-
terests, as in regard to France and the empire,
was always directed towards the preservation of
Christendom against the progress of the Turks,
which, at that period, along with the incursions
of other infidel powers, was an object of great
alarm in Europe. Poland and Hungary were the
two kingdoms most particularly threatened at this
moment ; and Sigismond, king of the former, on
the 7th of May, wrote a highly flattering letter
to the Cardinal on the subject ; thanking him for
the friendship which he had hitherto expressed to-
wards that country; noticing the high credit in
which he stood with the king, and with the whole
nation; and congratulating himself, and the whole
Christian interest, on the hopes which thence arose
of future safety.

Sigismond further entreated his interest and
influence, not only with Henry, but with the rest
of the chief princes of Europe, for succour to Po-
land, in her then extreme distress ; assuring him,
that from those living north-east of him, evidently

B B

370 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

intended for the Russians or Muscovites, he could
have little hope, as they themselves actually vexed
and afflicted the Christian religion even more than
the Infidels ; and he concluded with — " we heartily
commend ourselves, and our subjects, who trade
to the kingdom of England, to your reverend lord-
ship, as our most particular friend, whom we are
willing to gratify in every respect that we shall
be capable of, and never to be wanting to you in
any friendly office."

Indeed, the applications to England, at this
period, for assistance against these barbarians were
very numerous, and show the high political station
which she had assumed in European concerns :
yet, friendly as Henry was to the cause, it does
not appear that any very active means were
adopted by him in furtherance of these applica-
tions; for his contests with France had emptied
the royal treasury, and he was now engaged by
treaty with that country to commence a new war
against his old ally and nephew, the emperor.

How anxious Henry was in this affair, is evi-
dent from the fact, that one of the articles was a
complete renunciation, for himself and successors,
of all right and title to the kingdom of France,
and, in general, of whatever Francis then pos-
sessed ; and it can scarcely be doubted that Wol-
sey was his warm adviser towards this policy, as
Henry, of himself, was not likely to have made such
a concession: but whether this policy on the part of

AND HIS TIMES. 371

the Cardinal was a policy of principle, or the re-
sult of bribery, as has been charged against him,
is a fact now difficult to ascertain.

Another article was, that Francis, or his son,
the Duke of Orleans, as they might choose, should
marry the Princess Mary; but it was not much
relished by the people, they fearing that if such a
marriage should take place, she might, when on
the throne, be too much under the influence of
France. It is worth noticing too, that the French
Bishop of Tar be raised objections against this ar-
ticle, as had formerly been done by Spain, on ac-
count of the supposed illegitimacy of Mary ; an
objection which operated powerfully on the mind
of Henry, in addition to his love for the Lady
Anne ; and to which, it is supposed, the bishop
was urged by Wolsey himself, to be revenged on
the emperor, for denying him the archbishopric of
Toledo, and also in regard to the tiara.

Though the embassy of Wolsey, to hasten and
conclude this treaty, was not determined on by the
king and council until after long deliberation, yet
Stowe says, that for what cause it was to take
place no person knew, but the king, until his re-
turn : and the importance which Henry attached
to it must have been considerable, as the Cardinal
is stated to have taken over with him 300,000
crowns ; partly to cover his own expenses, and for
a loan to the French king, if that should be ex-
pedient. It is asserted by Guicciardini, as already

B B 2

372 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

hinted, that the selection of Wolsey for this em-
bassy was not so much from his own wish, as
from a concerted plan on the part of his enemies,
who had long borne him ill-will, and had been
lying in wait for some opportunity to injure him :
consequently, they were urgent for his under-
taking the embassy ; and to induce him the more
readily to do so, they " alledged that it was more
meete for his high wit, discretion, and authority,
to bring so weighty a matter to passe, than any
other within this realme." This, however, ac-
cording to the Italian author already mentioned,
was a mere pretence, as their object was, by any
means, to remove him from the king's person,
when they would have an opportunity of speaking
their minds about him freely to his majesty,
in whose estimation they hoped to lessen the
favourite.

Nay, it is said by our English historians, that
Henry himself was so anxious to escape for a time
from Wolsey's vigilance, that he issued orders for
immediate preparation, with which the Cardinal
as instantly complied, and was soon ready to set
out on his journey. On the day of his departure,
he was attended by most of the peers and bishops
that were not implicated in the plot against him,
when he commenced his diplomatic tour with a
grand procession from his new house in West-
minster, passing through the city towards London
Bridge.

AND HIS TIMES. 373

First acme a great number of gentlemen in
velvet coats, and most of them with chains of
gold round their necks ; then all his own yeomen,
accompanied by the servants of the nobility and
of people high in office, all in orange-tawny coats :
his device of a cardinal's hat, with T. C. embroi-
dered, being not only upon the gentlemen's and
servants' outer garments, but also upon his sump-
ter mules, upwards of twenty in number. His
carriages and carts, and other parts of his train,
next appeared in the procession ; after whom came
the Cardinal himself, in the most sumptuous sa-
cerdotal dress, riding on a rnule, with another
spare mule, and also a spare horse, covered with
trappings of crimson velvet, and having stirrups
of solid gold. He was preceded, as usual, by the
two priests with great silver crosses, by two pil-
lars of silver, by the great seal of England, the
Cardinal's hat, and a gentleman carrying his cloak-
bag, of fine scarlet cloth, embroidered with gold ;
and, after him, came the remainder of his retinue.

Couriers, then called harbingers, had proceeded
a day before, and he thus commenced his journey
by short stages, sleeping the first night at the
mansion of Sir Richard Wiltshire, not more than
two miles beyond Deptford, in which town most
of his train were lodged.

His second day's journey was to Rochester,
where he occupied the bishop's palace ; his third
to Feversham, where he lodged in the abbey; and

374 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

at the close of the fourth day he arrived at Can-
terbury, where the archbishop received him with
great hospitality and much apparent kindness.
At Canterbury he made a stay of four or five
days, on account of the great fair and jubilee, then
held in honour of St. Thomas (Thomas a Becket),
the patron of the see, on whose day there was a
solemn procession, in which the Cardinal took a
conspicuous part, being decked out in all his legan-
tine ornaments, with the cardinal's hat upon his
head. He appears to have taken this opportunity
of again asserting his superiority over the see of
Canterbury, having actually commanded the monks
of the choir to pray for the pope, or rather to ask
the Virgin Mary to do so, by introducing these
words in the service, " Sancta Maria, ora pro Papa
nostro Clementi !"

Whilst the service was going on, the Cardinal
knelt upon a stool prepared for him before the
entrance of the choir, doing penance with his
knees upon carpets and cushions ; but the monks
and the choristers stood in the body of it. When
the Litany was sung, the Cardinal was observed
to weep; which those who were near him sup-
posed, as Cavendish says, " to bee for griefe that
the pope was in such calamity and danger from
the lance knights."

It appears that a knowledge of the Cardinal's
embassy had reached the Continent before him ;
for Cavendish, his gentleman-usher, having been

AND HIS TIMES. 375

despatched the following day to Calais, where he
arrived at night, he was received, " withoutt the
Lanthorne-gate" by all the town council, who evi-
dently expected that it might be Wolsey himself.
To these gentlemen Cavendish delivered his let-
ters and credentials ; but it was not until two days
after that Wolsey arrived early in the morning,
when he was duly received in all pomp by the
nobility and great officers, by the council and the
mayor of the staple ; and by the clergy, in rich
copes, with many rich crosses, all forming one
grand procession.

Beneath the " Lanthorne-gate" a stool was
placed, with cushions and rich carpets, " where
hee kneeled, and made his prayers ; at which time
they fenced him in with seizures of silver, and
sprinkled water." This ceremony over, the pro-
cession preceded him into the town until they
came to the church of St. Mary, which he en-
tered, taking his station at the high altar, and
giving from thence his benediction and pardon to
the people. A great number of the nobility and
gentry next accompanied him to an hotel, as it
appears, called the Chequer, where he took up his
abode, but was instantly obliged to go " imme-
diately into his naked bed, because he was some-
what troubled with sicknesse, by reason of his
passage by sea." Strange ! that he who could rule
Heaven so far as to give pardon in the gross to

376 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

all the people of a large town, should not be able
to cure himself of a little sea-sickness !

He was able, however, to entertain a large
party, both of French and English, that day at
dinner ; and all his suite and carriages being
shortly afterwards got on shore, he prepared for
his journey to the French court. Before setting
out, he assembled his numerous suite in his privy-
chamber, where he gave them a lecture on diplo-
matic etiquette, which, for its quaintness and cha-
racteristic feeling, we insert verbatim as recorded :
— " I have called you hither to declare unto you,
that I would have you both consider the duty you
owe to me, and the good will I semblably beare to
you for the same. Your intendment of service
is to further the authority I have by commission
from the king, which diligent observance of yours
I will hereafter recommend to his majestic; as
also to show you the nature of the Frenchmen,
and withall to instruct you with [what] reverence
you shall use me for the high honour of the king's
majestic, and to inform you how you shall enter-
taine and accompany the Frenchmen, when you
shall meet at any time.

" Concerning the first point, you shall under-
stand, for divers weighty affairs of his grace's, and
for meere advancement of his royal dignitie, hee
hath assigned mee in this journey to bee his lieu-
tenant; what reverence, therefore, belongeth to
mee for the same I will show you.

AND HIS TIMES. 377

" By virtue, therefore, of my commission and
lieutenantship, I assume and take upon mee to
bee esteemed in all honour and degrees of service,
as unto his highness is meet and due ; and that
by mee nothing bee neglected, that to his state is
due and appertinent, for my part you shall see
that I will not omit one jot thereof. Therefore,
one of your chiefe causes of your assembly, at this
time, is to informe you that you bee not ignorant
of your duty in this. I wish you, therefore, as
you would have my favour, and also charge you
all in the king's name, that you do not forget the
same in time and place ; but that every of you doe
observe his duty to mee according as you will at
your returne avoid the king's indignation, or de-
serve his highnesse' thanks ; the which I will set
forth at our return, as each of you shall deserve.

" Now, to the second point, the nature of the
Frenchmen is such, that at their first meeting
they will be as familiar with you, as if they had
known you by long acquaintance, and will com-
mune with you in their French tongue, as if they
knew every word ; therefore, use them in a kind
manner, and bee as familiar with them as they
are with you. If they speak to you in their na-
turall tongue, speake to them in English ; for if
you understand not them, no more shall they
you."

This part of his speech seems, however, to have
been more in good humoured jest than in sober

378 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

earnest ; for " speaking merrily to one of the gen-
tlemen, being a Welshman, Rice (quoth hee) speak
thou Welsh to them, and doubt not but thy speech
will be more difficult to them than their French
shall bee to thee. Moreover, hee said unto them
all, Let your entertainment and behaviour bee ac-
cording to all gentlemen's in humility, that it may
bee reported after our departure from thence, that
you were gentlemen of very good behaviour and
humility, that all men may know you understand
your duties to your king and to your master.
Thus shall you not only obtain to yourselves
great commendations and praises, but also greatly
advance your prince and country."

On the following day, being Mary Magdalen's,
the Cardinal left Calais in the utmost pomp and
magnificence ; or, as Cavendish expresses it, " with
such a number of black coats as hath beene seldom
seene." He was accompanied by all the gentry of
Calais and its vicinity, in black velvet coats, with
chains of gold ; and his own immediate establish-
ment preceded him three abreast, extending three
quarters of a mile in length ; whilst he himself had
the insignia of all his honours borne before him as
usual, with the exception of the great seal of Eng-
land, which he had left with the Master of the
Rolls.

But the Cardinal here again found how de-
ficient his powers were upon earth, whatever they
might be in heaven; for, as Cavendish states,

AND HIS TIMES. 379

" thus passing on his way, we had scarce gone a
mile, but it began to raigne so vehemently, that I
have not seen the like for the time, which endured
untill we came to Bulloigne ; and ere we came to
Standmgjield, the Cardinall of Lorraine, a goodly
young gentleman, gave my lord a meeting, and
received him with much joy and reverence, and
so passed forth with my lord in communication
untill wee came neere the said Standingfidd, which
is a religious place standing between the English,
French, and Imperiall dominions, being a newter,
holding of neither of them."

It is evident that the present embassy was not
much approved of by the emperor, and a curious
view of diplomatic security and of the law of na-
tions, at this period, is given by Cavendish, who
says, "then there we waited for my Lord Le
Count Brian, Captaine of Picardy, with a great
number of Stradiates, or Arbonays, standing in
array in a great piece of greene oates, all in har-
nesse upon light horses, passing on with my lord
in a wing into Bulloigne, and so after into Pi-
cardie, for my lord doubted that the emperor
would lay some ambushment to betray him, for
which cause he commanded them to attend my
lord for the safety of his owne person, to conduct
him from the danger of his enemies."

At Bulloigne he was received by the munici-
pality and principal citizens, " having a learned
man, that made an oration in Latine to him ;" and

380 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

then by the military commandant, with a large
retinue on horseback. This took place about a
mile 'from the gates, when they proceeded into
the town, the Cardinal being conducted to the
abbey in state. There they presented to him a
famous image, called " Our Lady of Bulloigne,"
to which great offerings were frequently made ;
after which he very kindly gave his blessing to
the people, adding thereto, as a more special fa-
vour, several days of pardon, and retired to his
apartments in the abbey *.

Proceeding next day to Montreuil, he was re-
ceived by the inhabitants, all in similar livery ;
and here another Latin oration was made to him,
which, as before, he answered in the same tongue.
On entering the gate, he was honoured by a
canopy of silk, on which were embroidered the
same device and cypher as on the coats of his
train : this was bestowed afterwards on his foot-
men, as a perquisite of then* office. Various pa-
geants were also got up in his honour ; in all of
which he was distinguished by the title of Le
Cardinal Pacifique, or the peace-making Cardinal.
Similar compliments awaited him at Abbeville,
where he was lodged in a new-built royal man-

* Amongst the pageants, on this occasion, was one thus
curiously described : t( and at the gate was made a pageante,
in the which was a nonne, called Holie Churche j and three
Spaniardes and three Almaynes had her violated, and a Car-
dinal her reskued, and set her up of newe agayne !"

AND HIS TIMES. 381

sion, that had already been honoured as the place
of marriage of Louis, the late French king, and
Mary, sister to Henry VIII.

At Abbeville he resided eight or nine days,
passing his time in splendid entertainments with
the French nobility; after which he was con-
ducted to a place which Cavendish calls Le Chan-
nel Percequeine, close to which was an extensive
sacerdotal college, seated on a great hill and rock,
described as bearing a great resemblance to Wind-
sor Castle. Here he was received in solemn pro-
cession, and first conducted to the church, after-
wards to a castle, erected upon a bridge over the
river Somme, already distinguished as the place
of interview between our Edward IV. and the
French king. This castle being only six miles
from Amiens, whither the King of France was
now proceeding, the Cardinal determined to make
it his head-quarters ; and as the occurrences at
the first interview were rather curious, we shall
give them in Cavendish's words.

He says, " My lord was no sooner seated in his
lodging, but I heard that the French king would
come that day to the city of Amience, which was
not above six English miles from thence. And
being desirous to see his coming thither, I tooke
with mee two of my lord's gentlemen, and rode
presently thither: and being but strangers, wee
tooke up our lodging at the sign of the Angell,

382 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

directly over against the west door of the Cathedrall
Church de Nostre Dame, where wee stayed in ex-
pectation of the king's coming. And about foure
of the clocke came Madame Regent, the king's
mother, riding in a very rich charriot ; and with
her was the Queene of Navarre, her daughter, at-
tended with a hundred or more of ladies and gen-
tlewomen following, every one riding upon a white
palfrey, also her guard, which was no small num-
ber. And within two days after, the king came
in with a great shot of gunners ; and there was
divers pageants made onely for joy of his com-
ming, having about his person, and before him, a
great number of noblemen and gentlemen in three
companies : the first were of Swithers and Bur-
gonians, with gunnes ; the second were French-
men, with bowes ; the third were le Carpe-fall
Scottishmen, who were more comely persons then
all the rest. The French guard and Scottish had
all one livery, being apparalled with rich coates of
white cloath, with a rich guard of silver bullione
of a handfull broad. The king came riding on a
rich jennet, and did alight at the said great church,
and was conveyed with procession to the bishop's
pallace, where hee was lodged. The next morning
I rode again to Picegueny, to attend upon my
lord ; and when I came, my lord was ready to go
on horsebacke to ride towards Amience ; and pass-
ing on his way, hee was saluted by divers noble

AND HIS TIMES. 383

personages making him orations in Latin, to whom
my lord made answer ex tempore *. Then was
word brought him that the king was ready to
meete him, wherefore hee had no other shift, but
to light at an old chappell that stoode hard by the
high way, and there hee newly apparelled himself
in rich array ; and so mounted a new mule, verie
richely trapped with a foote cloath of crimson
velvet, purfled with gold, and fringed about the
edges with a fringe of gold very costly, his stirrops
of silver guild, the bosses of the same, and the
cheekes of his mule's bit were all guilt with fine

* Amongst the various honours connected with this em-
bassy, and conferred by Francis upon the Cardinal, one of the
most remarkable is a grant by letters patent, in which he
granted to him, that " he may, in all the cities and boroughs
through which he shall pass, on his journey towards us, de-
liver all and every the prisoners then confined in those places ;
and to forgive, acquit, and pardon all matters, crimes, and
delinquencies, committed and perpetrated by such prisoners,
in the same manner and form as we do, and have been accus-
tomed to do, at our first visiting cities and boroughs of our
said kingdom 3" — but he afterwards excepts " the crimes of
high treason, murder, rape, sacrilege, coining, and burning
houses."

As for the opinion which the people held, we may judge of
it from the fact, that they actually got up a masque at Paris,
in which the emperor danced with the pope and the King of
France, until he wearied them, whilst the King of England sat
quietly on a bench looking on ; and when it was asked why
he danced not, it was answered, that he sat there only to pay
the minstrels their wages, " as who should say, we pay for
all men's dancing!"

384 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

gold: and by the time that hee was mounted
agayne after this gorgeous sorte, the kinge was
come verie neere, within lesse than a quarter of an
English mile, his guard standing in array upon
the top of a high hill, expecting my lord's coming ;
to whom my lord made as much haste as conve-
niently hee could untill hee came within a paire
of but's length, and there hee stayed. The king
perceavinge this, havinge two worthie young gen-
tlemen with him, the one called Monseur Vada-
mount, and the other Monseur de Guyes, half-
brother to the Cardinall of Loraine, and to the
Duke of Loraine, also beinge lyke apparalled, as
the kinge was, in purple velvet lined with cloth
of silver, the kinge caused Monseur Vadamount
to issue from him, and to ride to my Lord Car-
dinall, to knowe the cause of his tarrieing. And
this Monseur being mounted upon a faire greate
genet, toke his road with his horse untill he came
even to my lord, and then caused his horse to
come aloft twice or thrice so neere my lord's mule,
that he was in doubt of his horse, and so alighted,
and in humble reverence did his message to my
lord; and that donne he mounted againe, and
made his horse to do the same at his departing, as
before hee did at his comming ; and so repaired
unto the king. His answer being ended, the king
advanced forwards, seeing my lord doe the like,
and in the mid way they met, embracing eche the
other with amiable countenance and entertain-

AND HIS TIMES. 385

ment. Then drewe into the place all noblemen

and gentlemen of both parties with wonderful

made one to another as though they had been of
old acquaintance. The presse was such and so
thicke, that diverse had their leggs hurt with
horses. Then the kinge's officers cried ' marche !
marche ! devaunt de devaunt,' and so the kinge
and my Lorde Cardinall on his ryght hande, rode
forthe towards Amiens, every English gentleman
accompanied with another of France. The traine
of these two princes was two miles in length, that
is to say from the place of their meeting unto
Amiens, where they were nobly received with
gunnes and pageants, untill the king had brought
my lord to his lodging, and then departed for that
night.."

The King of France lay at the bishop's palace,
where a visit of state was paid by the Cardinal
next day after dinner, thus quaintly described, — -
" At which time the king kept his bed, yet never-
thelesse my Lord came into his bed-chamber,
where on one side of the bed sat the king's mother,
and on the other side the Cardinall of Loraine,
accompanied with diverse other gentlemen of
France, and after some communication and drink-
ing of a cuppe of wyne with the king's mother,
my Lord departed, and returned to his own
lodginge accompanied with diverse gentlemen and
noblemen, where they supped with him."

The king and Cardinal remained about a fort-

c c

386 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

night at Amiens, where they " consulted and
feasted each other diverse times." The intimacy
was now so great, that they not only went to mass
together, but also received the sacrament at the
same altar ; and upon the day of the Assumption,
the Cardinal himself said mass before the Queen
Regent and the Queen of Navarre, administering
also to them the sacrament, after which the king,
as an act of humility, dressed the sores of a number
of sick persons.

It being now determined that the royal and di-
plomatic parties should remove to Compeigne, the
distance upwards of twenty miles, Cavendish, the
gentleman usher, was despatched to provide lodg-
ings for the Cardinal, and on his journey he fell
in with an adventure, which is so descriptive of
the manners of the times that we shall give it in
his own words. He says, — " In my travel, I
having occasion to stay by the way at a little
village to shoe my horse, there came to me a
servant from the castle there, perceiving me to be
an Englishman, and one of my Lord Legate's
servants, (as they then called my Lord) desired me
to go into the castle to the lord his master, whom
he thought would be very glad to see me; to
whom I consented, because I desired acquaintance
with strangers, especially with men of authoritie
and honourable rank. So I went with him who
conducted me to the castle, and at my first entrance
I was amongst the watchmen, who kept the first

AND HIS TIMES. 387

ward, being very tall men and comely persons,
who saluted me very kindly, and knowing the
cause of my coming, they advertized their lord and
master : and forthwith the lord of the castle came
out unto mee, whose name was Monsieur Crookesly,
a nobleman born ; and at his coming hee embraced
mee, saying that I was heartily welcome, and
thanked me that was so gentle as to visit him and
his castle, saying that hee was preparing to meet
the king and my Lord Cardinall, and to invite
them to his castle. When hee had shewed mee
the strength of his castle, and the walls, which
were fourteen foot broad, and I had seen all the
houses, hee brought mee downe into a faire inner
court where his jennet stoode ready for him, with
twelve other of the fairest jennets that ever I saw,
especially his owne, which was a mare ; which
jennet he told me hee had 400 crowns offered for
her. Upon these twelve jennets were mounted
twelve goodly gentlemen, called pages of honour ;
they rode all bareheaded in coats of cloath of
gold, guarded with black velvet ; and they had
all of them boots of read Spanish leather.

" Then tooke hee his leave of mee, commanding
his steward, and other of his gentlemen, to conduct
me to his lady to dinner : so they led me up to
the Gate-House, wher then their lady and mis-
tris lay for the time that the king and Cardinall
should tarry there. After a short time, the Lady
Crookesley came out of her chamber into the

c c 2

388 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

dyning roome, where I attended her comming,
who did receive mee very nobly, like her selfe,
shee having a traine of twelve gentlemen that did
attend on her. Forasmuch, quoth she, as you are
an English gentleman, whose custom is to kiss all
ladies and gentlewomen in your country without
offence, yet it is not so in this realm ; notwith-
standing, I will be so bold as to kisse you, and so
shall you salute all my maides. After this wee
went to dinner, being as nobly served as ever I
saw any in England, passing all dinner time in
pleasing discourses."

Proceeding to Compeigne, Mr. Cavendish took
up his residence at an hotel opposite the market-
place ; and, having sat down to dinner in a front
apartment, he was shortly disturbed with a great
noise and the clash of arms. Looking out of the
window, he saw the officers of the police leading
a prisoner to execution in the market-place, where
his head was speedily cut off with a sword, and
then placed upon a pole between two stag's horns,
for exhibition in the market-place, whilst his body
was cut up in four quarters, and exposed in four
different parts of the forest. His offence had been
the killing of a red deer !

The principal apartments in the castle were
speedily prepared for the reception of the king
and Cardinal, and so equally apportioned between
the two, that even the gallery was divided be-
tween them by means of a strong wall with a

AND HIS TIMES. 389

window and door, where Wolsey and the king
used to meet for conversation at the window, or
sometimes pass through the door to each other.
In other parts of the castle the Queen Regent was
also lodged with all the ladies and gentlewomen
of her suit.

Shortly afterwards, the Lord Chancellor of
France arrived, himself a very witty man, and
accompanied by all the king's grave counsellors ;
when great pains were bestowed upon daily con-
ferences and consultations ; at one of which a
fracas took place between the Cardinal and chan-
cellor, in which Wolsey displayed a true charac-
teristic English spirit, declaring his conviction
that the chancellor was intriguing to prevent the
completion of the league of amity between the two
countries, which had been determined on before
his arrival at Compeigne, and threatening that if
the French king should be led aside by the chan-
cellor's policy, " hee should not faill shortly after
his returne to feele the smart, what it was to
maintaine warre against the King of England,
and therof hee should be well assured ; insomuch
that his angry speech and bold countenance made
them all doubt how to quiet him in council, who
was then departed in great fury."

The spirit displayed by Wolsey on this occasion
was perfectly efficacious ; for, as Cavendish de-
scribes it, — " now here was sending, here was
coming, here was intreating, and here was great

390 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

submission and intercession made unto him to re-
duce him to his former communication, who would
in no ways relent until Madame Regent came to
him herself, who handled the matter so well that
she brought him to his former communication;
and by that means hee brought all things to passe
that before hee could not compasse, which was more
out of feare than affection the French king had
to the matter in hand ; for now hee had got the
heades of all the councell under his girdle."

That the Cardinal was fully in earnest in all
this business is very clear from his proceedings on
the day ensuing, when he rose about four o'clock,
and sat down to write despatches to the king,
ordering one of his chaplains to prepare for mass.
But prayers and every thing else were forgotten
in the exigence of the moment, Wolsey never
rising even to take refreshment for twelve hours;
after which, about four o'clock in the afternoon, he
finished his letters which he sent off by an express,
and then proceeded to go through all the usual
business of a day, beginning first with mass and
matins, then walking in the gardens for an hour
or more, next to evening song, and then to dinner
and supper, retiring to rest at an early hour.

On the ensuing evening a grand supper and
entertainment were prepared by the Cardinal for
the Queen Mother, the Queen of Navarre, and all
the nobles and gentry of both sexes in their trains ;
and amongst those royal guests was one whose

AND HIS TIMES. 391

case seems to have been a very hard one. —
" Madam Lewis, one of the daughters of Lewis,
the last king, whose sister lately dyed ; these two

sisters were of their mother inheritors of the

if'
duchie of Brittaine. And forasmuch as King

Francis had married one of the sisters, by which
he had one moytie of the said dutchie, hee kept
the said Madam Lewis, the other sister, without
marriage, to the intent the whole dutchie might
descend to him or his successors after his death,
for lacke of issue by her."

In the midst of this splendid display, the King
of France and the King of Navarre came in un-
expectedly, and with a commendable ease, and
temporary laying aside of royal dignity, they took
their places at the foot of the tables, where they
seemed highly to enjoy all the good things before
them, as well as the noisy and boisterous wit
which was passing on all sides ; they were also
much pleased, as Cavendish states, " with the
noyse of my lord's musique, who played there all
that night so cunningly, that the two kings tooke
great delight therein, insomuch, that the French
king desired my lord to lend them unto him for
the next night. And after the supper or banquet
ended, the lords fell to dancing, amongst whom one
Madam Fountaine had the praise."

Wolsey made no difficulty of granting the
French king's request of the services of his mu-
sical band for the ensuing night ; no doubt sup-

392 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

posing that it was preparatory to a similar fete :
but Francis had another object in view, for " the
next day the king tooke my lord's musicke, and
rode to a nobleman's house, where was some living
image to whom he had vowed a night's pilgrim-
age : and to perform e his devotion when he came
there, which was in the night, he danced and
caused others to doe the same, and the next morn-
ing he returned."

Amongst other sports with which the king was
anxious to entertain the Cardinal, was that of
hunting the wild boar ; a process very different
from a fox-hunt in England ; for a boar having
been caught arid then set loose in the forest pre-
vious to the day of meeting, the king set off ac-
companied by the Cardinal, and on their arrival
at the appointed spot, they there found the Queen
Regent with a number of ladies and damsels stand-
ing in chariots and looking at the toils which were
all laid ready for his majesty's sport.

Wolsey, however, seems not to have been de-
sirous of hunting the wild boar in pr op ria per sou a ;
yet he placed himself in a situation even more
dangerous, taking his stand in the Queen Regent's
chariot, surrounded by all the bright eyes of the
French court. But the ladies did not shrink from
the manly sport of the field, several of them ac-
companying the king inside the toils, " ready fur-
nished for the high and dangerous enterprize of
hunting of this perilous wilde swine."

AND HIS TIMES. 393

The king is described as dressed in a doublet
and hose all of " sheepe's colour" (perhaps what
is now called drab) cloth all richly trimmed ; hold-
ing in a slip a brace of large greyhounds, armed
so as to protect them from the tusks of the boar :
and the rest of the hunters were clad, like him, in
doublets and hose, and each having in his hand a
very sharp boar's spear. His majesty now gave
orders to the keepers to uncouch the boar, at the
same time desiring that every person within the
toils should take their proper station.

The boar was soon uncouched ; and was no
sooner out of his den, than a hound drove him
into the middle of the toils, where he stopped
a while gazing upon the hunters, but not seem-
ingly inclined to show sport. But the hound now
drawing near him, he looked for a place of refuge,
and presently spied a bush upon a bank, beneath
which were two Frenchmen, as Cavendish asserts,
who not being very anxious to participate in the
danger of the hunt had retired thither, supposing
themselves perfectly safe. On the boar coming
up, he smelt to the two Frenchmen, and then
thrust his head into the bush, when they started
up and ran for their lives, the boar very contentedly
occupying their abdicated lair. From this, how-
ever, he was speedily driven by the spears of the
hunters, when he rushed out and made an attack
upon one of the Cardinal's footmen, who was
armed with an English javelin, with which he

394 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

defended himself a considerable time, until it was
broken by the boar, when he was forced to defend
himself with his sword, when some of the hunters
came up and drove off the animal, who imme-
diately attacked the young RatclifFe, son and heir
to the then Lord Fitz waiter, afterwards Earl
of Sussex, who defended himself with his boar's
spear in a very gallant manner, soon after which
the boar was killed, and the sport ended.

In a few days the messenger, despatched to the
English court, returned with answers, when the
Cardinal instantly prepared for his journey home-
wards ; the last act of courtesy he conferred being
that of consecrating the Chancellor of France a
cardinal, which he did after mass in his closet, on
the morning of his departure, investing him with
the hat and cap of scarlet.

Immediately after the ceremony, Wolsey set off
for Calais, where he stopped until all his travelling
equipage was shipped, " and in the meene while,"
says Cavendish, " hee established a marte to bee
there kept for all nations. But how long, or in
what sort it continued, I know not ; for I never
heard of any great good it did, or of any assembly
of merchants or traffique of merchandize that were
brought thither for so great and mighty a matter,
as was intended for the good of the town."

Whilst stopping at Calais, the Cardinal received
information of the final issue of an affair that had
produced some uneasiness. Cavendish declares

AND HIS TIMES. 395

that there was no place where he was lodged,
after he entered the territory of France, but that
he was robbed in his privy chamber, sometimes
of things of value, at others of mere trifles. At
Compeigne he lost his standish, or inkstand, which
was of solid silver gilt : but the theft being in-
stantly noticed, the thief was taken, a little boy
of not more than twelve or fourteen years of age,
a ruffian's page of Paris, who had haunted Wolsey's
apartments without any suspicion, until he was
taken lying under the privy stairs, upon which oc-
casion he was apprehended and examined, when
he made a confession of all the things that he
had stolen, which the ruffian his master had di-
rected him to do. On this confession being made,
the Cardinal gave information to the French coun-
cil, in consequence of which the ruffian was taken
up, and, after trial, condemned to stand in the
pillory in the market-place.

On landing at Dover, the Cardinal was informed
that the king, being then engaged in one of his
progresses, was at the house of Sir Henry Wyatt
in Kent : accordingly he set off post, expecting to
be welcomed there with all due regard to his dig-
nity and services, and to his royal master's friend-
ship ; but he was disappointed, for his reception
was so cold, that even his followers instantly per-
ceived it. Notwithstanding this, he remained
two or three days about the court, during which
he had several long conferences with the king ;

396 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

after which he retired to his house at Westmin-
ster, living in complete privacy for a fortnight,
until the opening of Michaelmas Term called him
to the exercise of his office as Lord Chancellor.

It is a fact worthy of remark, and one that may
have tended considerably to his subsequent dis-
grace at court, that Wolsey seems at this period
to have made an appeal from the king to the
people; for scarcely had the term commenced,
when he called a public meeting to take place in
the Star Chamber, consisting of a number of the
nobility, all the judges, and such county magi-
strates and others, as were then at Westminster, on
law business, from various parts of the kingdom ;
when he made a long speech, or declaration,
to them, explanatory of his conduct, during his
French embassy.

He assured them that he had concluded such a
treaty of peace as had never been known before,
between the two kingdoms, including also a treaty
with the Emperor of Germany : which was further
to be confirmed by a written treaty sealed by the
imperial and royal seals, engraven on gold. This,
as he further told them, was not only a treaty of
perpetual peace, but stipulated also that the king
should receive yearly, out of the duchy of Nor-
mandy (as tribute), a sum which should be finally
equivalent to all the expenses incurred, and losses
suffered by the recent wars. Another stipulation
was in regard to the Duke of Suffolk, who had

AND HIS TIMES. 397

married the Queen Dowager of France, Henry's
sister, and who was not only to receive her dower
in regular payments in future, but was also to be
paid all arrears of dower that had been stopped
during past hostilities. He added, that the treaty
was to be confirmed and ratified by a splendid em-
bassy from France, of noblemen and gentlemen of
the highest rank ; that the peace once concluded,
then the two kingdoms were to be on such a
friendly footing that there should be a free inter-
course of merchandize as if the two countries
were as one ; that all persons might now travel
through both countries, either for pleasure or
business, without alarm or danger ; and that all
merchants might traffic without risk or molesta-
tion. He concluded by observing, that all these
things were so beneficial to the country as to give
pleasure to every patriotic Englishman ; calling
upon those whom he addressed to make them
known in their respective counties, at the same
time beseeching and requiring them, on the king's
behalf, to show themselves loving and obedient
subjects to his majesty in all things.

The proclamation for peace, consequent upon
these proceedings, took place upon the 8th of Sep-
tember; after which the Cardinal recommenced,
with double diligence apparently, his favourite
work of the suppression of the monasteries ; not^
however, without public censure, for we are told
that many of them were of good fame and boun-

398 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

tiful hospitality ; but then it is added that —
"wherein the king bearing with all his doings,
neyther bishop nor temporal lord in this realme
durste say any word to the contrarie. Now he
manifested his pride upon further hope of future
greatness."

The promised embassy was now every day ex-
pected. It was known to be formed on a most
extensive scale, and consisted of eighty " of the
noblest and most worthy gentlemen in all France ;"
and no sooner was their expected arrival an-
nounced, than all necessary measures were taken
to receive them in the most splendid and hospita-
ble manner. On their landing at Dover, and at
all the principal towns in their way to the me-
tropolis, they were treated with all possible ho-
nours ; and on their arrival in town, they were
conducted to the Bishop of London's palace in St.
Paul's church-yard, which was allotted for their
accommodation.

People of the first rank in the state crowded in
to wait upon them, and to send them various
presents, consisting of wines, sugar, oxen, sheep,
poultry, game, and in short almost all things of
necessary expenditure in housekeeping. The Lord
Mayor, in particular, displayed great liberality
upon this occasion.

At the period in question, Henry generally kept
his court at Greenwich in preference to Westmin-
ster ; and the first Sunday the ambassadors were

AND HIS TIMES. 399

in England was selected for a formal visit to
Greenwich, where his Majesty received them very
graciously, and treated them in the first style of
courtly magnificence.

It is rather remarkable that there is no mention
of Wolsey being at court on this occasion, although
it was one of great state ceremony, for the king
was invested, by the embassy, with the order of
St. Michael of France, for which purpose they
had brought over a collar of the finest gold, to
which was pendant a highly embellished figure of
the patron saint, and with these were the robes
of the order, of blue velvet richly embroidered.

Henry seems to have been much pleased with
this mark of royal courtesy ; for he immediately
requited it by a noble embassy carrying to Francis
the order of the Garter.

No personal intercourse of the king and Car-
dinal, beyond the mere state conferences already
noticed, seems as yet to have taken place, though
Wolsey still took a leading part in politics ; and
having completed the diplomatic forms and treaties,
he was appointed to celebrate a solemn mass in
St. Paul's, when the king was to be present. The
service appears to have been performed with great
solemnity, for there were four-and-twenty mitres
(bishops and abbots) assisting. Indeed, from some
accounts, the ceremonies in honour of the Cardinal
Legate appear to have been as numerous as those
addressed to the Deity. Whilst the last Agnus was

400 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

singing, the king approached the high altar, where
he knelt upon cushions and carpets, prepared for
him, and was followed thither by the Great Master
of France, the principal ambassador, and immediate
personal representative of the French monarch.
To them the Cardinal exhibited the holy sacra-
ment, dividing the wafer between them, as a per-
fect oath and bond, says Cavendish, " for security
of the said covenants of the said perpetual
peace."

After the mass, Wolsey read the articles of
peace, when the king put his hand to the gold
seal, and completed his ratification with the sign
manual, delivering the same to the Grand Master
of France as his act and deed ; the latter then
gave the same ratification ; after which the king
and the ambassador rode to Wolsey's house at
Whitehall, where they dined with him.

Politics, it appears, occupied those great person-
ages during the remainder of the day ; but, before
the party broke up, it was determined that the
ambassador and suite should proceed to Rich-
mond, to take the amusement of hunting and
field-sports, and from thence to Hampton Court
for the same purpose, then to Windsor, and finally
to rejoin the king at Greenwich, to partake of a
grand fete previous to their departure.

The king then set off for Greenwich by water ;
and the Cardinal immediately issued the necessary
orders to his household for the most sumptuous

AND HIS TIMES. 401

entertainment of the embassy at Hampton-Court :
for > which purpose he called together all his prin-
cipal officers and others of his establishment, giving
it to them in command, " neither to spare for any
cost or expence, nor paines to make them such
a triumphant banquet as they might not only
wonder at it here, but also make a glorious re-
port to the great honour of our king and this
realme."

We are then told that, " thus having made
knowne his pleasure, to accomplish his command-
ment they sent out all the carriers, purveyors,
and other persons, to my lord's friends to pre-
pare; also they sent to all expert cooks, and
cunning persons in the art of cookery in London,
or elsewhere, that might be gotten to beautify the
feast."

Provisions of all kinds were now sent in, in
such quantities, that Cavendish declares it was
a matter of wonder to see it ; whilst the cooks
wrought day and night in preparing " curious
devices, where was no lacke of gold, silver, or any
other costly thing." All the chambers were fitted
up with costly hangings ; and some idea of the
general bustle may be formed from the fact, that
the number of beds prepared amounted to two
hundred and eighty.

It was intended that the grand banquet should
be a supper ; but on the day appointed, the French
party arrived so early, and so much before the

D D

402 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

expected time, that the superior officers of the
household were obliged to take them to Hanworth,
above three miles distant, on pretence of a hunting
party, which occupied them until every thing was
ready for their reception at Hampton-Court.

On their arrival they were led to their several
chambers, where there were good fires, with plenty
of wine, and there they remained until the supper
was ready, the rooms appropriated to which were
fitted up with all the magnificence of that time,
being hung with rich cloth of arras, and all sup-
plied with a sufficient number of tall yeomen to
serve. Each chamber was set round with tables,
'• banquet wise covered," and in each was a cup-
board " garnished with white plate :" in each was
also a great fire of wood and coals, and for their
illumination, " foure great plates to give the more
light, set with great lights."

The principal chamber was the chamber of
presence; and it was not only hung with the
richest arras, but also furnished with a sumptuous
cloth of state. In it were " many goodly gentle-
men to serve." The tables were ranged round
the apartment as in the others, but the high
table was placed under the cloth of state, towards
the middle of the chamber, " with six desks of
plate garnished all over with fine gold, saving one
paire of candlesticks of silver and guilt, with
lights in the same ; the cubberd was barred about
that no man could come very neere it, for there

AND HIS TIMES. 403

were divers peeces of great store of plate to use ;
besides, the plates that hung on the walls to give
light were silver and guilt, with wax lights :" —
not a very flattering specimen of the morals or
honesty of the good old times I

As soon as all things were ready, the trumpets
sounded to supper ; then the company were con-
ducted to their proper places, " and they being
set,'* says Cavendish, " the service came up, in
such aboundance, both costly and full of devises,
with such a pleasant noise of musique, that the
Frenchmen (as it seemed) were wrapt up in a
heavenly paradise."

Hitherto Wolsey, evidently through design, as
if all this splendour should pass for a mere or-
dinary occurrence, had not yet made his appear-
ance ; but the Frenchmen were very merry, and
wise too we should think, notwithstanding, " with
their rich fare, and curious cates and knackes."
Just before the second course, the Lord Car-
dinal arrived in all haste, booted and spurred,
entering without ceremony or announcement. On
his appearance there was a general clamour of
welcome, all rising from their seats ; but Wolsey,
even with humility of condescension, desired them
" to sit still and keepe their places, and being in
his riding apparell, called for his chaire, and sat
him downe in the midst of the high table ; and
was there," says Cavendish, " as merry and
pleasant as ever I saw him in my life."

D D 2

404 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

He goes on to state that the second course was
now served up, consisting of above one hundred
various devices, so goodly and so costly that he
thought the Frenchmen had never seen the like.
But what he considers as the greatest curiosity
of all the rest, at which the Frenchmen all won-
dered, and which was indeed worthy of wonder,
were castles with images in, like St. Paul's
church : then there were beasts, birds, and fowls,
with human figures most excellently made, some
fighting with swords, some with guns, and others
with cross-bows, — ornaments not very emblema-
tic, we should think, of that perpetual peace and
tranquillity which had been so recently sworn
to. Then there were other figures dancing with
ladies; some on horseback in complete armour,
justing with long and sharp spears ; with many
more strange devices, which even the accurate
gentleman usher acknowledges he was incapable
of describing. But amongst all that he noted
there, was a chess-board made of " spice plate,"
with men of the same, and of good proportion ; and
because the Frenchmen had the credit of being
very expert at that game, Wolsey directed that it
should be given to one of the French gentlemen,
ordering, at the same time, that a proper case
should be made for its conveyance to France.

Wolsey now called for a great bowl of gold,
filled with hypocras, and putting off his cap, said,
" I drink a health to the king my soverayn lord.

AND HIS TIMES. 405

and next unto the king your master.;" and having
drank a hearty draught, " he desired the grand
master to pledge him a eup, which cup was
worth five hundred markes ; and so all the lords,
in order, pledged these great princes."

Every thing like state ceremony seems, from
henceforward, to have been laid aside, for the
wine was now pushed about so briskly that many
of the Frenchmen were obliged to be led off
to their beds. In the midst of this merriment,
Wolsey retired for a short time to his privy-
chamber, where he took some slight refreshment,
and then returned to the presence-chamber to
those who were yet sober, where, by his affability
and friendly familiarity, he won upon the esteem
and affection of all around him.

But the night now waned, or rather the morn-
ing approached ; and therefore, according to the
hospitable custom of those days, "while they
were in communicatfon and pastime, all their
livery were served to their chambers ; every cham-
ber had a bason and ewer of silver, and a great
livery-pot with plenty of wine and sufficient of
every thing."

In the morning the whole party heard mass,
and stopped to dine with the Cardinal, after which
they set off for Windsor, whilst he returned to
London, it being the middle of term, and perhaps
also to assist his majesty in the preparation of a
scene of infinitely greater magnificence ; the whole

406 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

affair having been previously planned with an af-
fected cunning and secresy, to which Henry seems,
at all times, to have been very partial. The king,
in the mean time, had given orders to the proper
officers to prepare a banquet on a much more
magnificent scale than that at Hampton-Court;
and, on the return of the members of the embassy
from Windsor, his majesty invited them to Green-
wich, where they dined, after which they danced,
and engaged in various pastimes until supper or
banquet time.

The banquet-chamber was in the little yard of
the palace, as it then stood ; and thither they were
conducted by the greatest personages of the court ;
" but to describe," says Cavendish, " the variety
of costly dishes, and the curious devises, my weak
ability and shallow capacity would much ecclipse
the magnificence thereof. But thus much take
notice of, that although that banquet at Hampton-
Court was marveilous sumptuous, yet this ban-
quet excelled the same as much as gold doth silver
in value."

In the midst of the banquet a grand tourna-
ment was exhibited at the barriers, by gentlemen
of fine forms and athletic powers ; some on foot,
others on horseback ; but all in complete armour
of the most gorgeous kind. Next was there an
interlude performed in Latin, by actors in superb
fancy dresses ; and this over, then " there came
a great company of ladies and gentlewomen, the

AND HIS TIMES. 407

chiefest beauties in the realme of England, being as
richly attired as cost could make, or art devise, to
set forth their gestures, proportions, or beauties,
that they seemed to the beholders rather like
celestiall angells than terrestriall creatures, with
whom the gentlemen of France danced and masked,
every man choosing his lady as his fancy served."

These ladies having at length retired, there
came in another masque of ladies, most richly and
fancifully attired. Each of those ladies took out
a Frenchman to dance, and surprised them very
much by speaking in their own language.

This scene of sport and grandeur began at five
in the evening, and lasted until three o'clock in
the morning, when " as neither health, wealth,
nor pleasure can alwayes last, so ended this tri-
umphant banquet, which being past, seemed in the
morning to the beholders as a phantastique dream."

The embassy having taken leave at court, pro-
ceeded to Westminster to pay their farewell re-
spects to the Cardinal, who received them with
much pomp, and delivered to each what was then
called " the king's reward." This is described by
Cavendish, who says, that in the first place every
man of honour and estimation had plate presented
to him ; some to the amount of two or three hun-
dred pounds, and some even as high as four hun-
dred. Then there were gowns of velvet with rich
furs, rich chains of gold, and many fine horses of
great value. The lowest gifts of all were not less

408 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

than twenty crowns ; and the whole being distri-
buted, the embassy took their leave of the Cardinal.
In the midst of all this courtly gaiety, a circum-
stance happened which tended much to inflame
the popular prejudices against Wolsey — the anec-
dote has been variously related, and there is a dis-
agreement amongst the narrators as to the period
at which it took place ; but there is sufficient rea-
son to fix it at this date, whilst part of the em-
bassy was lodged at the Bishop of London's, and
the remainder at Merchant Tailors' Hall. It ap-
pears that one evening, as they were returning
from supper at Blackfriars to their residence, two
boys happened to be in a gutter casting down some
rubbish which the rain had driven there. These
boys, unawares as it was contended, threw some
of the rubbish so that it hit a lacquey belonging
to the Viscount of Tourain, though without doing
him either hurt or damage ; but the French lords
took up the matter roundly, as a thing done in
despite ; and they sent word of it accordingly to
Wolsey, who being rather too quick of belief, and
disdaining all investigation, instantly sent for Sir
Thomas Seymour, the Lord Mayor, and com-
manded him, upon his allegiance, to arrest the
husband, wife, children, and servants of the house
to which the boys belonged, and to send them to
prison, until the king's pleasure should be de-
clared ; but the two boys, who were apprentices,
were to be committed to the Tower.

AND HIS TIMES. 409

This was strictly done, agreeable to the order,
so that the family were kept in the Compter for
the space of six weeks, the neighbours most kindly,
in the mean time, taking care of the house and
business ; but one of the boys died in the Tower,
and by some accident or ill usage the other was
rendered nearly lame. It is stated, in the old
Chronicle already so often quoted, that " of the
crueltie of the Cardinall, and of the pride of the
Frenchemen, muche people spake ; and they would
have been revenged on the Frenchemen, if wise
men in the city had not appeased it with fair
wordes."

No sooner were these scenes of courtly diplo-
macy at an end, than Wolsey became again very
active against all who were suspected of being
friendly to the rising reformation in the church,
to which he was most powerfully stimulated by
the public reproofs, which were frequent,* not only
against the excessive pomp, luxury, and insolence
of the papal clergy, but also against the assumed,
and often abused, authority of the see of Rome.

Two of the most active preachers on these sub-
jects were Thomas Bilney and Thomas Arthur,
who, in the month of October, 1527, were im-
prisoned by the Cardinal's order ; and their exa-
mination, which was held on the 27th of No-
vember, in the Chapter-house at Westminster,
took place in the presence of the Cardinal himself,
of the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Bishops of

410 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

London, Rochester, Ely, Exeter, Lincoln, Bath
and Wells, and St. Asaph, assisted by a numerous
bench of divines and lawyers.

Wolsey, on this occasion, took on himself the
office of examinator, asking Bilney whether it were
true, as alleged against him, that he had taught
the Lutheran doctrines to the people, in opposition
to the determination of the pope : to which Bil-
ney's reply was, that he had not to the best of his
knowledge or belief taught such opinions, or any
whatsoever contrary to the doctrines of the church.
When Bilney was asked if he had not sworn never
to preach such doctrines as Luther had broached,
but to impugn them whenever uttered, or when-
ever occasion served, he admitted that he had done
so, but he denied the lawfulness of that oath : he
was, however, by the Cardinal's express order, now
forced to take another oath, that he would answer
plainly to the articles exhibited against him, and
to the errors preached by him, without craft, qua-
lifying, or leaving out any part of the truth.

Arthur was next examined, and subjected to the
same course of proceeding, and particularly asked
if he had not told Sir Thomas More that he dis-
believed the doctrine of transubstantiation ? Ar-
thur denied this, but was not believed, though he
was allowed till noon to reconsider the question,
and to give in his answer in writing.

At noon, however, the ecclesiastical court being
again solemnly assembled, Wolsey thought proper

AND HIS TIMES.

411

to give up the management of further proceedings
to a commission of bishops, on the plea that he
himself was otherwise occupied about political
affairs ; he was also busily engaged in arranging
the royal grants in favour of his new college, and
which had been made out in the early part of the
year, before his enemies had excited suspicions
against him in Henry's breast. He was, indeed,
very active in forwarding the erection of that
splendid edifice ; the hall of which was now in
such a state of forwardness, that in the course of
this year the niche and statue of the founder were

placed over the doorway leading to it : but other
cares now began to press upon him.

We have already noticed, that in a preceding

WQLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

year, Wolsey, as the king's chief councillor, had
busied himself in the reformation of the royal
household ; and, in fact, that so did he interfere
in every thing connected with the royal establish-
ment, that it was commonly said of him, that
whatever was done was done by him, and without
his assent nothing was done. Whilst taking so
much upon him, he is said to have made Henry
believe that all things should be done to his ho-
nour, and that he himself needed not to trouble
himself with investigation ; so that to Wolsey was
the charge of all things committed, " at the whiche
wise menne becked, and light menne laughed,
thynkyng great folly in his high presumption."
Nor did the public animadversion stop here ; for
when Henry, after the yielding up of Hampton-
Court *, had given him leave to lie at Richmond,
such was the general feeling, that " when the com-
mon people, and in speciall suche as had been
Kyng Henry the Seventh's servauntes, sawe the
Cardinal kepe house in the manor royall of Rich-
mond, whyche Kyng Henry the Seventh so highly
estemed, it was a marvell to here howe thei
grudged and saied, see a bochefs dogge lye in the
manor of Richemond : these with many appro-

* There is much contradiction as to the year in which
Hampton-Court was given up to the king ; but, from a careful
comparison of events, it could not have taken place until after
the French embassy in this year, J527.

AND HIS TIMES. 413

brious wordes were spoken against the Cardinal,
whose pride was so high that he nothing regarded,
and yet was he hated of most men." In like man-
ner, during the winter of this year, when there
was a great mortality in the metropolis, and when
the king kept his Christmas at Eltham, with a
very small retinue, yet Wolsey resided at Rich-
mond, " and ther kept open housholde to lordes,
ladies, and all other that would come, with plaies
and disguisyng in most royall maner ; whiche sore
greved the people, and in especial the kynges ser-
vauntes, to se hym kepe an open court, and the
kyng a secret court."

To return, however, to the strict order of our
narration, we may observe, that the loud com-
plaints against the Cardinal towards the close of
1527, for his illegal conduct, in many instances,
so alarmed him in respect to his favour with the
king, that he found it absolutely necessary to pro-
pitiate the changeable monarch by a gift of the
superb mansion of Hampton-Court, which Henry
had already looked upon with the eyes of desire.
He, therefore, wrote a long letter of humility and
of sorrow for having offended him ; but Henry
forgave him, accepted the offered propitiation, and
returned as long an answer under his own hand,
concluding thus—" I ensure you (and I pray you
think it so) that there remaineth at this hour no
spark of displeasure towards you in my heart :
and thus fare you well, and be no more perplext.

414 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

Written with the hand of your loving soverayn
and friend. " HENRY R."

But still the people were not satisfied, even after
his return to royal favour ; many accusations were
daily passing against him in public conversation :
in particular, there was a very serious charge
against him in regard to the manor of the More,
in Hertfordshire, which however was, in a great
measure, forgot, until brought up in judgment
against his memory in the tenth year of Elizabeth,
as more fully stated in Strype's Memorials, where
it is said, that wishing to enlarge the park there,
and to make other alterations, he unjustly seized
and took away from one William Heydon, of Brit-
well, in that county, a messuage called Tolpotts,
and one hundred and seventy acres of land be-
longing to it. Having expelled Heydon from pos-
session, he enclosed one hundred and twenty-nine
acres in the park, appropriated three acres for a
highway from Rickmansworth to Watford, and
the remainder he let out to various tenants. Hey-
don, on being put out of possession, went through
the form of surrender to the lord of the manor,
for the use of his own younger son Thomas ; but
this was of no avail, for the king seized it on the
death of Wolsey, as part of the duchy of Lan-
caster ; the same having been a grant to Wolsey
in his days of royal favour.

But it was not by injuries done to subjects
alone that popular feeling was excited ; for his

AND HIS TIMES. 415

treading so close as he did upon the heels of
royalty was a great source of disgust and clamour.
We have already noticed the public sentiments in
regard to his conduct, especially at Richmond ; but
there was another point which produced equal dis-
satisfaction, in respect to the Tomb-house, now the
royal mausoleum, adjoining to the chapel of St.
George at Windsor, which was first built by Henry
VII. as a place of sepulture for himself and queen,
but given up for the superb and now venerably
renovated chapel at Westminster Abbey. It had
been from that period neglected ; and Wolsey, cer-
tainly with a most unjustifiable degree of vanity,
the place in question being within the precincts
of a royal residence, obtained a grant of it from
his generous, but often thoughtless, royal patron.
His intention in procuring this grant was to fit
up the building for his burial-place; for which
purpose he commenced the erection of a most
sumptuous monument in the centre, so rich in its
proposed decorations, that years must have elapsed
to finish it : but his disgrace prevented its com-
pletion, after which it was neglected, though not
dismantled, until the civil wars of Charles and
the Parliament, when it was completely despoiled
of all its splendid ornaments *.

* It is a curious fact, that in 1718, George I. fitted up the
hall at Hampton-Court as a theatre ; and that after its being
opened on the 23d of September with Hamlet, a second re-

416 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

This year also presents another extraordinary
proof, not only of the insolence, but also of the
cupidity of Wolsey, in his conduct towards his
quondam proteg6, Lord Percy, but now Earl of
Northumberland by the recent demise of his fa-
ther, the magnificent earl of that name. The
young earl had not forgotten Wolsey's conduct
in regard to the Lady Anne Boleyn ; and Wolsey
himself seems to have been impelled by some
secret feeling of enmity; when, by an extraor-
dinary stretch of power, to which the earl thought
it prudent to submit, he demanded the choral
books of the deceased lord for the use of his own
chapel. There is a fragment of a letter on this
subject still extant, where the earl says —

" I do perceayff my Lorde Cardinall's pleasour
ys to have such boks as was in the chapele of my
lat lord and ffayther (wos soil Jhu pardon). To
the accomplychment of which, at your desyer, I
am confformable, notwithstanding I trust to be
able ons to set up a chapell off myne owne. I
shall with all sped send up the boks unto my
lord's grace, as to say iiij Antiffonars *, such as I
think wher not seen a gret wyll — v Grails — an
Ordeorly — a Manuel — viij Prossessionus."

presentation took place on the 1 st of October, when Shake-
speare's Henry VIII. or the Fall of Wolsey, was performed
on this very spot, which had been the scene of his greatest
splendour !

* Antiphonars — Graduals — Ordinal — Processionals.

AND HIS TIMES. 41?

But though the highest English nobility were
long forced to crouch at the nod of Wolsey, yet
there was an Irish earl, who, even as a state pri-
soner, treated him as he deserved, and showed him
that the dignity of man would not always bow
before a haughty churchman, who set himself up,
next to God, above all civil power. This was
Gerald, Earl of Kildare, recently Lord Deputy of
Ireland, and who, being accused of winking at the
rebellious proceedings of Lord Desmond, was or-
dered to appear before the English council. He
obeyed the summons ; but instead of immediate
investigation, he was obliged to dance attendance
at court, and it was only with much difficulty that
he could have his case brought to a hearing. It
is recorded of this examination, that the members
of the council were diversly affected towards him,
but that " the Cardinall Lord Chancellor disliked
his cause, comforted his accusers, and enforced the
articles objected, and what else soever could be
gathered thereof."

After opening the council, Wolsey addressed
Kildare, " I wotte well, my lord, that I am not
the meetest man at this boorde to charge you with
these treasons, because it hath pleased some of
your fellows to report that I am a professed
enemy to all nobility, and namely to the Ge-
raldines : but seeing every coarse boy can say as
much when he is controlled, and seeing these
points are so weighty, that they should not be

E E

418 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

dissembled of us, and so apparent that they cannot
be denied of you, I must have leave, notwith-
standing your stale slander, to be the mouth of
these honourable at this present, and to trump
your treasons in your way, howsoever you take

me."

He then stated the accusations against Des-
mond, and asked Kildare what letters, what mes-
sages, what threats had been sent to him, to in-
duce him to apprehend Desmond, and yet it had
not been done ?

" Why so ?" replied Kildare, " forsooth I could
not catch him."

"Nay, nay! earl," rejoined Wolsey, "forsooth
you would not watch him."

Then repeating the various excuses which Kil-
dare had made in his despatches for the non arrest
of Desmond, he added, " I wis, my lord, there be
shrewd bugs in the borders for the Earl of Kildare
to fear that earl, nay the King of Kildare, for
when you are disposed you reign more like than
rule in the land : where you are the malicious, the
truest subjects stand for Irish enemies; where you
are pleased, the Irish enemies stand for - dutiful
subjects ! Hearts and hands, lives and lands, are
all at your curtesy. Who fawnethfiot thereon, he
cannot rest within your smell ; and your smell is
so rank, that you treat them at your pleasure !"

During this vituperative harangue, which had
lasted for some time, and appeared likely to last

AND HIS TIMES. 419

much longer, the earl had frequently chafed and
changed colour, and manifested a prompt desire to
answer every sentence as it was uttered ; but he
had restrained himself thus far, when at last he
burst forth saying : " My Lord Chancellor, I be-
seech you, pardon me. I am short witted ; and
you, I perceive, intend a long tale. If you pro-
ceed in this order, half my purgation will be lost
for lack of carriage. I have no school tricks, nor
art of memory. Except you hear me while I re-
member your words, your second process will
hammer out the former."

Stowe now tells us, that the lords associate, who
for the most part tenderly loved Kildare, and knew
the Cardinal's manner of taunts so loathsome, as
wherewith they were tried many years before,
humbly besought his grace to charge him directly
with particulars, and to dwell on some one matter,
until it were examined thoroughly. The Cardinal
having acceded to this, Lord Kildare then said :

" It is good reason that your grace hear the
mouth of this chamber, but, my lord, those mouths
that put this tale into your mouth are very wide
mouths ; such as indeed have gaped long for my
wreck, and now, for want of better stuff, are fain
to fill their mouths with smoke!" He then pro-
ceeded with his own defence, during which he
made a remark highly worthy of notice and at-
tention at the present moment, saying : " Little
know you, my lord, how necessary it is, not only

E E 2

420 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

for the governor, but also for every nobleman in
Ireland, to hamper his uncivil neighbours at dis-
cretion ; wherein if they waited for process of law,
and had not those lives and lands you speak of
within their reach, they might hap to lose their
own lives and lands without law. You hear of a
case, as it were in a dream, and feel not the smart
that vexeth us." He then drew a picture of the
different states of England and Ireland ; and, in
allusion to the Cardinal's taunts about his power,
he said, " As touching my kingdom, my lord, I
would you and I had exchanged kingdoms but
for one month, I would trust to gather up more
crumbs in that space than twice the revenues of
my poor earldom. But you are well and warm ;
and so hold you, and upbraid not me with such
an odious farm. I sleep on a cabin, when you lie
soft in your bed of down. I serve under the
canopy of heaven, when you are served under a
canopy. I drink water out of my scull" (hand),
" when ye drink wine out of golden cups. My
courser is trained to the field, when your gennet
is taught to amble. When you are be-graced, and
be-lorded, and crouched and kneeled unto, then
find I small grace with our Irish borderers, except
I cut them off by the knees."

When he had proceeded thus far, the Cardinal,
we are told, perceived that Kildare was no babe,
and rose from the council table in a great fume
and fury, committing the earl, and postponing the

AND HIS TIMES.

421

affair until further proofs, and more direct, could
be received from Ireland. But the more import-
ant events of the royal divorce are now crowding
on us, and we hasten to open a new section.

422 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

SECTION VIII.

1528—1530.

War with the Emperor — Wolsey's political Duplicity detected
— Declines in the Royal Opinion — Commercial Regulations
— Henry's first confidential Intercourse with Wolsey in
regard to Anne Boleyn — Escape of the Pope, and his Bulls
in respect to the proposed Divorce — Ecclesiastical Con-
sultations at Home — Cardinal Campeius arrives — Tem-
porizing Conduct of the Pope and Cardinals — Wolsey
appointed Bishop of Winchester — Trial for Divorce, its
Proceedings and Anecdotes — Unexpected Termination —
Henry's Anger against Wolsey, and open Neglect of the
latter — Rise of Cranmer — Wolsey's Decline generally
known — Political Anecdotes of Anne Boleyn — Wolsey pro-
secuted for Crimes and Misdemeanors in the King's Bench
— Is forced to resign the Seals — Ordered to retire to
\ Esher— Impeached in Parliament, but it fails — His Pro-
perty seized for the King — Specious Conduct of the King
and Anne Boleyn towards him — Fidelity of Cromwell —
Dismissal of his Household — Parliamentary Anecdotes —
Prosecution under Premunire — Gives up York-House —
Visited by the Duke of Norfolk, with Assurances of Royal
Favour — Original Letters, &c. — Charges of Impeachment
against Wolsey — Dangerous Illness, and courtly Favours —
Retires to Richmond — Receives various Presents from the
King, and sets off for his Archbishopric — Effects of his
Downfall — Transactions and Anecdotes of his Journey —
Residence at Cawood — Proposed Installation at York —
Arrest as a State Prisoner — Journey towards London-
Anecdotes — Illness — Arrives at Leicester Abbey — DEATH
— Funeral — Ulterior Proceedings, &c. &c. &c.

AND HIS TIMES. 423

DURING the latter part of 1527, and up to
1528, Wolsey was deeply engaged in political ne-
gotiations with Spain ; and these of a nature, we
fear, neither honourable to his loyalty, nor to his
patriotism. The exact object of these diplomatic
manoeuvres it is difficult now to ascertain; for
whilst the English public accused the Cardinal of
bringing on the war with Spain, the pope was so
impressed with the idea of Wolsey's friendship for
the emperor, that he even made an offer, through
the English envoy at Rome, that if the Cardinal
should take a journey into Spain, he would accom-
pany him, and that they should proceed in quality
of two legates, acting conjointly as vested with
equal powers.

We shall not attempt to reconcile these dif-
ficulties, but merely state the fact, that war was
declared against Spain early in 1528. But this
declaration of war against the emperor seems to
have put the seal upon Wolsey's ruin, from a dis-
covery that completely destroyed Henry's con-
fidence in him.

Wolsey had not only told the people, but also
assured the king, in order to induce him to declare
war, that the emperor in Spain had imprisoned
Dr. Lee, the English ambassador, also the French
and Venetian ambassadors ; for which insult no-
thing but war ought to be thought of. Yet it is
a fact, that he well knew, at the same time, that
Charles paid every attention to the English arn-

424 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

bassador, and had never restrained his liberty in
the slightest degree : but he had the hardihood to
make retaliation upon the imperial ambassador in
England, though for a short time only, laying the
blame upon false intelligence from the French
ambassadors. The whole of this was very crooked
policy, especially as it was merely from private
revenge ; and this appeared when the French am-
bassadors were stated to have told the same story
to the king. Another oversight was his saying
that Clarencieux, the English herald, had made
the defiance of the emperor without the king's
orders. Nay, he went further ; for he even excused
himself to the imperial ambassador, by assuring
him, that for this presumptuous act, Clarencieux
should suffer death at Calais on his return from
Spain.

The ambassador wrote all this to his master,
and sent his letters by post into Spain ; but, at
Bayonne, the officer in command there, no doubt
by a settled plan of the French king, had the let-
ters opened and copied. When Clarencieux, in
his return from Spain, passed through Bayonne,
the officer there very kindly showed him the copy
of the imperial ambassador's despatch ; the con-
tents of which could not fail to strike the herald
with surprise : but as he trusted to his own fair
conduct, and to the grace of his sovereign, he
pushed on for England, and on his arrival at
Boulogne heard the same story. Prudence na^

AND HIS TIMES. 425

turally told him to be on his guard, and therefore,
instead of proceeding by Calais, he hired a vessel
at Boulogne, landed at Rye, and instantly pro-
ceeded to Hampton-Court, where he was intro-
duced into the royal presence by Sir Nicholas
Carew, before Wolsey had even got intelligence
of his arrival. There he showed to the king
three letters which the Cardinal had written to
him, whilst at the Spanish court on other busi-
ness, ordering him to make the defiance before
the declaration of war : he also assured his ma-
jesty of the falsehood of the story about the am-
bassadors' imprisonment ; showing, at the same
time, a chain of gold, worth seven hundred ducats,
which the emperor had given to him; and pro-
ducing a copy of the despatches, which was given
to him at Bayonne.

When Henry had heard all these circumstances
clearly related, he sat for a long time in deep con-
templation ; and, at length, exclaimed : " Oh !
Lord Jesu ! he that I trusted most told me all
these things contrary! Well, Clarencieux, I will
be no more of light credence hereafter ; for now I
see perfectly that I am made to believe the thing
that was never done."

To this we shall add one sentence from Hall,
who says — " Then the kyng sent for the Cardinall,
and privily talked with hym ; but whatsoever he
saied to him, the Cardinall was not very merry;

426 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

and, after that tyme, the kyng mystrusted hym
ever after." ^V* k*

Wolsey was so affected by the evident falling
off of the royal confidence, joined to his loss of
popularity, that he began at length to try at a re-
covery of the latter, especially with the clothiers
and other manufacturers, who were already great
sufferers by this improvident war ; for the mer-
chants not exporting either into Spain or Ger-
many as before, had all their recent purchases
laying upon their hands ; so that the clothiers from
Kent, Essex, Wiltshire, and Suffolk, when they
brought their cloths to Blackwell-hall, could find
no purchasers.

The mode of proceeding by Wolsey, upon this
occasion, gives such a curious picture of the times,
that we cannot omit it. His first step, under
sanction of the king and council, was to assemble
the principal merchants of London, to whom he
said —

" Sirs, the king is informed that you use not
yourselves like merchants, but like graziers and
artificers ; for where the clothiers do daily bring
cloth to your market for your ease to their great
cost, and there be ready to sell them, you of your
wilfulness will not buy them, as you have been
accustomed to do : what manner of men be you ?
I tell you that the king strictly commandeth you
to buy their cloths, as before time you have been

•, .. v.. ;. .. • ., : %

AND HIS TIMES. 427

accustomed to do, upon pain of his high dis-
pleasure."

To this extraordinary mandate the merchants
replied —

" My Lord, you know well that we have had
no trade outward these twelve months past ; and
we have so many cloths on our hands, that we
know not how to utter them: therefore it were
great loss to us to buy any more. Wherefore we ,
trust you will not move us to buy the thing which
we cannot utter; for in all places our vent is
stopped and forbidden."

" Well," said the Cardinal, " if you will not buy
the cloths at Blackwell-hall, they shall be brought
to the Whitehall at Westminster ; and so you of
London shall lose the liberty ; and the king shall
buy them all, and sell them to merchant strangers."

" Then," answered a wise merchant, " my Lord,
the king may buy them as well at Blackwell-hall,
if it please him, and the strangers will gladlier
deceive them there than at Westminster."

" You shall not order that matter," interrupted
Wolsey, " and first I will send into London, to
know what cloths you have in your hands ; and
that done, the king and his council shall appoint
who shall buy the cloths, I warrant you," — and
with this answer the Londoners departed!

But it was not to the manufacturing part of the
population alone that Wolsey wished to excuse
himself as the promoter of hostilities ; for he called

428 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

a large meeting of the higher orders in the star
chamber, where he made a very long speech, dis-
avowing all the charges made against him, yet
expressing himself in a cautious Jesuitical manner,
that seems to have had very little effect upon his
hearers.

Upon this a cotemporary annalist quaintly and
briefly remarks that, " after Wolsey had made his
speech in the star chamber, some knocked other
on the elbow, and said softly, he lieth ; other said
that evil will never said well ; other said that the
French crowns made him speak ill of the em-
peror ; but they that knew all that you have heard
before, said that it was shame for him to lie in
such an audience."

Whilst such was the popular sentiment, the
falling Cardinal could find but little support from
the people against the frowns of the court; yet
he seems to have been possessed either of an in-
dependence or obstinacy of mind that bore him
up amidst his troubles, though still leading him
into a tortuous policy which certainly hastened
his downfall. Perhaps he depended too much on
his ecclesiastical power — but important events
now rush on !

The king's affection for Anne Boleyne had long
been known at court ; but it was not until about
the present period that it was spoken of openly,
or that Henry conversed with Wolsey on the sub-
ject. A confidential disclosure, however, now took

AND HIS TIMES. 429

place, but by no means to Wolsey's satisfaction,
for he is said to have gone repeatedly on his knees
to the king to dissuade him from it, but in vain.
Finding, at length, that the matter was likely to
take a serious turn, Wolsey felt that it was by no
means safe for him to risk the responsibility of
such an affair ; accordingly he requested his ma-
jesty's leave to take the opinion of the most
learned men in the kingdom, ecclesiastical, legal,
and civilian ; and his request being granted, he,
by virtue of his authority as papal legate, sum-
moned all the bishops and the most learned from
the universities to meet at Westminster, for the
purpose of consultation.

The meeting took place; but after long and
repeated debates, it unanimously agreed that the
case was too difficult to be decided on : yet it was
thought expedient to have further investigation,
by sending commissioners to all the universities
both at home and abroad, thus to have the case
argued substantially, as to the legality of divorce,
which was accordingly done, at the king's expense,
high bribes being given, which in a short time
produced a wonderful unanimity amongst the
learned, all over Europe.

In December of the preceding year, the pope
had escaped from his captors to Orvieto, where
he held his court in poverty and privacy; and
there he was met by the English envoys de-
spatched by Henry in regard to his scruples, to

430 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

whom he granted a commission for proceeding to
divorce through the forms of a trial ; but soon
after Stephen Gardiner and Fox were sent to Or-
vieto with the draft of a new commission to fill
up on the same subject.

In March the negotiations appeared to take a
decisive turn, and in April a bull was issued by
Pope Clement, ordering further steps to be taken ;
followed up by another in June, dated from Vi-
terbo, and in which Wolsey and Campeius were
jointly charged with a decretal of dissolution of
marriage : the latter, however, was to be brought
over by Campeius himself, for the final arrange-
ment of the affair.

The English envoys experienced great diffi-
culties in bringing the affair thus far ; for the
pope felt great dread of the emperor, and was
fearful of offending him by authorising the in-
tended insult to his aunt : but these were got over
by the spirit of the embassy, which consisted of
Stephen Gardiner, under the feigned name of Mr.
Stevyiis, Sir Gregory de Cassalis, Sir Francis
Brian, and Mr. Peter Vannes. They seem to
have been engaged in a very tortuous diplomacy;
but at this period both the king and Wolsey
appeared disposed to act with more spirit towards
the Roman pontiff and his court : for we find in the
Harleian Collection (No. 296, 16.) a letter, or de-
spatch, from Wolsey himself, in which he expressly
informs the embassy that since the pope appears

AND HIS TIMES. 431

to depend so absolutely upon the emperor, that he
dare not to do any thing which would displease
him, and that in the weighty case of the divorce
he has even declared himself a party; so the king,
being at length convinced that no arrangements
can be made with him, will, himself, proceed to
the decision at home, by virtue of the commission
already granted to him (Wolsey) and to the Car-
dinal Campeius.

For this purpose he therefore sent an order of
recal to both Gardiner and Sir Francis Brian ; the
king proposing that the former should draw up
the process, and assist in all other points connected
with the trial. At the same time, he directed
them to apply to the pope for an enlargement of
the former commission to the two cardinals. But
his highest refinement of crooked policy was to
get a new " pollicitation," which, if well managed,
he observes may be as useful to the king as the
commission decretal ; and the mode he proposed
for doing this was that Gardiner should pretend
that the former, which was now found to be too
much limited, had got wet on the way to Eng-
land, and was thereby become illegible. He then
directs Gardiner, in the drawing up of a new one,
that he should slip in, furtively, such words and
expressions as might be most to the king's ad-
vantage.

Perhaps Wolsey thought forgery was fair, and
was in this case only what is familiarly called

432 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

" tit for tat ;" for it appears that there was strong
reason to believe that a brief, very material in the
cause, and recently sent from Rome to England as
official, as relating to Henry's marriage with Ka-
tharine, was in fact a trick of the adverse party in
the conclave. The ground of suspicion was, that
at the court of Rome they had two different modes
of dating briefs and bulls ; beginning the year for
briefs at the nativity, but for bulls at the incarna-
tion : but this brief was dated " A. D. 1503, Pon-
tificatus Julii, anno primo," and thus, by the year,
was actually dated before Julius had ascended the
papal chair. Wolsey therefore desired the em-
bassy to inquire particularly whether the year, as
to briefs, was reckoned from Christmas, or from
New-year's day ?

To the part of the embassy still left at Rome,
he gave special directions, that they " must have
a vigilant ie specyallie regardinge and harkeninge
to provyde, stoppe, and lette, that no advocation
of the cause, revocation of the two legates' com-
mission, inhibycion, recusation, appellation, or
other acte, whiche maye in anie thynge empeach,
disturbe, protracte, or delaye the kinge's cause, be
at the courte of Rome admitted, passed, or con-
sented, att any th' emperor's, the queene's, or
theire agent's requisitions, porsute, or instance
made or to be made there."

But to return to affairs at home ; we ought to
record here that when the opinions of the various

AND HIS TIMES. 433

universities were received, the active part of the
business being still thrown upon Wolsey, he sum-
moned another meeting of the bishops, and having
shown them the documents collected by the com-
missioners, a long consultation was again entered
into. It is evident that the bishops were afraid
to declare against Henry, at the same time that
they were unwilling to risk the danger that would
result to papacy by his probable marriage with
Anne Boleyne, who was then well known to be of
the Reformed church, as were all her friends and
connexions: accordingly they resolved to steer a
middle course, for the purpose of at least gaining
time, and perhaps hoping that by these delays and
the fervour of Henry's passion for the fair Anne,
circumstances might arise which would render
marriage unnecessary on the one hand, and of
course render divorce unwished for on the other.

The plan offered, therefore, was to recommend
that the king should send to the pope all the opi-
nions of the various home and foreign universities
thus officially declared ; to which was to be added
an ^instrument containing the opinions of the
bench of bishops.

The plan was adopted, snd ambassadors ap-
pointed, who were instructed that if the pope
should decline to give definitive judgment, then
they were to request that a commission should be
granted to the Cardinal Legate, and to Cardinal
Campeius, Bishop of Bath, to hold an ecclesiastical

F F

434 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

court in England, for the purpose of a final adju-
dication. Henry's reason for choosing Campeius
is pretty evident, as he might hope to have some
hold upon his gratitude, having given to him the
bishopric of Bath, when here some years before
on an embassy from the pope.

The pope did refuse, or decline a final judg-
ment ; but he agreed to the appointment of a court
of adjudication, as had been requested.

Every thing was now at a stand, waiting for
Campeius ; and at length, in October, after much
anxious expectation, the legate from Rome arrived,
but being then a martyr to the gout, his journey
even from Dover to London was long and tedious.
It was intended to have received him with great
pomp and solemnity at Blackheath : but Campeius
refused what he termed vain glory, and therefore
came privately by water to his house in Bath
Place, outside of Temple-bar, where every thing
was fitted up for him in the best order at the ex-
pense of Wolsey. Consultations between the two
Cardinals immediately took place, when it was re-
solved to proceed with the business in hand with-
out delay; it being proposed that the king and
queen should be lodged in the palace of Bridewell,
and that the court should be held in the Black-
friars' monastery, then standing on the east side
of Fleet-ditch.

That Campeius had private instructions from
the pope, very different from his ostensible ones,

AND HIS TIMES. 435

is evident from the fact that he actually had in
his pocket the bull decretal, already mentioned,
to annul Henry's marriage with Katharine, and
to permit him to marry any other woman ; but
when asked by the wily Cardinal to leave this
in his hands for a few days, to be shown to the
king's most confidential counsellors, the more
wily legate refused to part with it for a moment,
nor could he be persuaded to show it to any one
but to Wolsey.

The Cardinal, in the midst of all this political
confusion, went on steadily with his pursuits in
favour of learning ; and it appears that in the very
last year of his prosperity, the expense incurred in
the erection of Christ Church College amounted
to £7835.. 7.. 2. — an immense sum in those days j
At this time the great hall and three sides of the
quadrangle were nearly finished ; and on the fourth
side it was his intention to build a church, the
walls of which had risen some feet above the
ground, when his fall, now rapidly approaching,
put an end to his generous and patriotic exertions
in the cause of science and of popular education.

Wolsey's old friend, Bishop Fox, had now been
in a state of blindness for five years, yet he ap-
peared in 1529, or late in 1528, in his place in
parliament, but for the last time. So infirm, in-
deed, was he become, that Wolsey had the audacity
to endeavour to persuade him to resign the bishop-
ric of Winchester in his favour, and to accept a

F F 2

436 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

pension in lieu : but the old man steadily refused
to agree to such arrangement, saying, that al-
though, by reason of his blindness, he was not
able to distinguish white from black, yet he could
still discern between true and false, right and
wrong ; and plainly enough saw, without eyes,
the malice of that ungrateful man, which he did
not see before. He added, that it behoved the
Cardinal to take care not to be so blinded with
ambition as not to foresee his own end ; and that
he needed not trouble himself with the bishopric
of Winchester, but rather should mind the king's
affairs.

But Fox lived not to see the speedy fulfilment
of his own prophecy, for he died early in the year ;
when his bishopric was given to the Cardinal in
commendam : and in February, 1529, we find a
bull from the pope, addressed to the clergy of
Winchester diocese, calling on them to pay due
obedience to Wolsey as perpetual administrator of
that see, and as father and pastor of their souls.
On this occasion, however, he resigned the bishop-
ric of Durham*, and gave up the temporalities, in
custody to Cuthbert (Tonstall) Bishop of London,
his former protegee.

It was by no means part of Wolsey's system
to resign any of his church-preferments, unless
obliged to it by the royal will ; and he always de-

* Rymer, Feed. xiv. 364.

AND HIS TIMES. 437

fended himself, as to holding so many bishoprics
in farm as it were, on a pretence that the incum-
bents of many of them were foreigners and re-
siding abroad; but his enemies insinuated that
the mitre was thus given to strangers merely to
afford him a pretext for grasping at all the goods
of the church.

On this occasion, however, the king saw good
reason that he should give up Durham ; for it is
a very curious, but positive fact, that the profits
and revenues of that Episcopal Palatinate were
actually given up for one year to Anne Boleyn ;
who thus became the first female bishop of the
English Roman Catholic Church !

The lady, having enjoyed it for a year, was
content to give up the episcopal throne for the
prospect of a more brilliant one ; and Tonstall
took full possession, being succeeded in the see of
London by Stokesly, one of the most active of
Wolsey's enemies — a man whom, not long before,
he had openly rebuked in the Star-Chamber, com-
mitting him also a prisoner to the Fleet.

On the llth of April, the Cardinal was installed
by proxy in his new dignity, receiving at the same
time a royal grant of the custody of the goods of
the two preceding bishops of that see ; but these,
it is probable, he would have applied solely to his
own purposes, for, even at Durham, which he had
held so long, he had attempted no improvements,

438 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

with the exception of some repairs to the southern
end of the Tyne-bridge.

By his elevation to Winchester, he got pos-
session of Esher in Surry, where he immediately
proceeded to gratify his taste for architecture by
commencing repairs and rebuilding ; but he had
not time to carry these to any great extent, though
Esher became his residence in the early period of
his disgrace.

But Wolsey's hopes again looked to higher pre-
ferment ; for at this period the pope was reported
to be in a dangerous state : and such was still his
influence with Henry, that the king sent orders
to his embassy, that " matters may be brought to
issue without sparing any cost, promise, or labour,
agreeable to the inclinations or tastes of those
persons you shall treat With !"

This trouble, however, the envoys were spared,
for the pope recovered ; and Wolsey was now
called on by the impatient monarch to commence
the necessary arrangements for the proposed di-
vorce.

As soon as the trial, or rather investigation,
was determined on, it was settled that the king
and queen should reside, during its continuance,
in the palace of Bridewell ; and that in the monas-
tery of Black-friars, on the opposite side of Fleet-
ditch, a place should be fitted up for this occasion
as a court for the two legates, " before whom,"

AND HIS TLMES. 439

as Stowe observes, " the king and queene were
ascited and summoned to appear, which was a
strange sight, and the newest device that ever was
read or heard of before in any region, story, or
chronicle, a king and a queene to be constrained
by process compellatory to appear in any court as
common persons, within their own realm and do-
minion, to abide the judgments and decrees of
their own subjects, being the royal diadem and
prerogative thereof."

The mode and manner in which the court was
fitted up are curious, and worthy of record. The
large apartment selected for the purpose was ar-
ranged with tables and benches, in the usual form
of a consistory in those days, with one seat raised
higher than the rest for the ecclesiastical judges ;
and then, in the midst as it were of the judges,
and also above them, was a cloth of state erected,
with a chair royal, or throne, placed under it.
This was for the king ; on a level with whom, but
at some distance, sat the queen ; whilst at the feet
of the judges were the secretaries and clerks ne-
cessary for the process. The principal secretary
on this occasion was Dr. Stevens, afterwards
Bishop of Winchester, and the apparitor was
Cooke, or as he was generally called, Cooke of
Winchester. Before the] king and the judges,
sat the Archbishop of Canterbury and the other
bishops ; whilst the counsel employed on both sides
stood within the limits of the court.

440 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

Matters were so far settled, that on the 31st of
May, the court first sat, on preparatory business ;
and of the same date is a license from Henry to
Wolsey and Campeius for the due execution of
letters in regard to the proceedings in this cause
of matrimonial validity. The two Cardinals now
proceeded with such rapidity, that on the 6th of
June they issued their citation to the queen, to
appear before them on the 18th; and so great
was Henry's anxiety for Wolsey's comfort during
the investigation, that to relieve him from chancery
business, he granted a commission to John Taylor,
Master of the Rolls, and to six other ecclesiastics,
to hear causes for the chancellor.

To detail all the particulars of the trial belongs
rather to general history than to the biography of
the Cardinal ; we shall therefore confine ourselves
to a few illustrative anecdotes ; amongst which, it
may be especially noticed, that on the first day of
the trial, after the queen left the court, Henry
rose and addressed the audience, saying that she
had been to him a true obedient wife, and as com-
fortable as he could wish or desire. He further
declared that she had all the virtues and good
qualities that belonged to a woman of her dignity,
with all those too which might appear fitter for
those of a meaner estate.

The Cardinal then said — " I humbly beseech
your Highness to declare unto this audience
whether I have been the first and chief mover of

AND HIS TIMES. 441

this matter to your Highness or not ; for I am
much suspected of all men" — but the king stopped
him short, at once, exclaiming, " My Lord Car-
dinal, you have rather advised me to the contrary
than been any mover of the same."

This view of the affair is also taken by Shake-
speare ; and it is probably true that Wolsey did
venture to dissuade Henry from the proceeding,
when he saw it likely to place a heretic on the
throne, instead of the Duchess of Alencon, as he
at first intended to bring about : nor is it unlikely
that he should afterwards write confidentially to
the pope, to throw every obstacle in the way of
these proceedings, whilst he himself endeavoured
to throw all the blame of delay upon his coad-
jutor Campeius.

During the trial, great stress was laid by the
king's counsel upon the previous full consumma-
tion of the first marriage between Katharine and
prince Arthur. Much was urged, on this very
delicate part of the question, by both sides ; but
some one having observed that it \pas a point of
which no man knew the truth, " Yes," exclaimed
the Bishop of Rochester, " I know the truth." —
To whom Wolsey replied, " How can you know
the truth more than any other person ?" — " Yes,
forsooth, my lord," rejoined the bishop, " I know
that God is the truth itself, and never saith but
truth, and he saith thus — Quos Dcus conjunct,
homo non separat — and forasmuch as this mar-

442 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

riage was joined and made by God to a good in-
tent, therefore I said I knew the truth, and that
cannot break upon any wilful action, that which
God hath made and constituted."

This was but bad logic for a bishop, for it went
to beg the very case in point ; and Wolsey in-
stantly saw through its sophistry, replying — " So
much do all faithful men know as well as you ;
therefore this reason is not sufficient in this case,
for the king's counsel do allege many presump-
tions to prove that it was not lawful at the begin-
ning. Ergo it was not ordained by God, for God
doth nothing without a good end. Therefore it
is not to be doubted, but if these presumptions be
true, which they allege to be most true, then the
conjunction neither was, nor could be of God.
Therefore I say unto you, my lord of Rochester,
you know not the truth, unless you can avoid these
presumptions upon just reasons."

On one occasion, during the progress of this
extraordinary trial, Henry sent for Wolsey to the
palace at Bridewell. The Cardinal attended on
him for about an hour in his privy-chamber, and
then took leave, proceeding in his barge to West-
minster. The subject of this conference remains
unknown ; but something of its tenor may be
suspected from a circumstance which took place
whilst Wolsey was on his route homewards. The
Bishop of Carlisle, who was with him, observed
that it was a very hot day. — " Yes," replied the

AND HIS TIMES. 443

Cardinal, " if you had been as well chafed within
this hour as I have been, you would say you were
very hot !"

Wolsey retired to his bed as soon as he got
home ; but he had not lain there two hours, when
Lord Wiltshire, father of Anne Boleyn, came to
speak with him from the king, whom he ordered
instantly to be brought to his bed-side. Lord
Wiltshire informed him that it was the king's
wish that himself and the Cardinal should in-
stantly proceed to see the queen, then in her
chamber at Bridewell, and that they should en-
deavour to persuade her, by all their powers of rea-
soning, that her wisest mode of proceeding would
be to put the whole matter into the king's own
hands, and that this would be much better for her
honour than to stand the trial at law, and thereby
be condemned, which would tend much to her
dishonour and discredit.

Wolsey declared his readiness to obey his ma-
jesty's desire, and that he would make immediate
preparation for the visit ; but he observed to
Lord Wiltshire, that he and other lords of the
council had put fancies into the head of the king,
whereby they would give much trouble to the
realm, and at the least would have but small
thanks either from God, or from the world. He
made several other bold remarks, which had a
very strong effect upon Lord Wiltshire, who was
then kneeling by his bed-side, so as completely

444 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

to silence him when he was going greater lengths,
and his lordship soon after departed.

The Cardinal immediately rose, ordered his
barge, and proceeded to the residence of Campeius
at Bath-house ; from whence they went together
to her majesty's apartments at Bridewell. The
queen was then in her chamber of presence, and
the cardinals sent in a message by the gentleman-
usher in waiting, that they were come to request
a conference with her majesty. Katharine, at
the moment, was amusing herself at needle-work
with her maids of honour, and with the utmost
carelessness, having a skein of red silk about her
neck, she proceeded to the apartment where the
churchmen waited. They rose and walked to-
wards her on her thus unexpected approach,
when she addressed them saying, " Alack ! my
lords, I am sorry that you have attended on me
so long. What is your pleasure with me ?" To
which Wolsey answered, " If it please your grace
to go to your privy-chamber, we will show you
the cause of our coming." — "My lord," replied
the indignant Katharine, " if you have any thing
to say to me, speak it openly before all these folk ;
for I fear nothing that you can say to me or
against me ; but am willing all the world should
both see and hear it, and therefore speak your
minds openly."

Wolsey then began to address her in Latin ; but
•she interrupted him, saying, " Good, my lord,

AND HIS TIMES. 445

speak to me in English ; although I do understand
some Latin." To which the Cardinal replied,
" Forsooth, good madam, if it please your grace,
we both come to know your mind, what you are
disposed to do in this matter, and also to declare
to you secretly our counsels and opinions, which
we do for very zeal and obedience to your grace."

" My lords," said the queen, " I thank you for
your good wills ; but to make answer to your re-
quests, I cannot so suddenly : for I was set amongst
my maids at work, little thinking of any such
matter wherein is requisite some deliberation, and
a better head than mine to make answer; for I
need counsel in this case, which concerns me so
near, and friends here I have none, they are in
Spain, in my own country. Also, my lords, I am
a poor woman of too weak capacity to answer
such noble persons of wisdom as you are, in so
weighty a matter ; and, therefore, I pray you be
good to me, a woman destitute of friendship here
in a foreign region, and your counsel I shall be
glad to hear."

Having said this, Katharine took Wolsey by
one hand, and Campeius by the other, and led
them into her privy chamber. What transpired
there is unknown, but they stopped for a con-
siderable time, during which the queen's voice was
frequently heard very loud ; and then taking leave,
the two cardinals proceeded to court, where they

446 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

made a report to Henry of what had passed at
this extraordinary interview.

The proceedings of the Cardinal's court con-
tinued from day to day, until at length it was
generally expected that a final judgment would
speedily be given ; but when the king's counsel at
the bar, on the 30th July, moved for the same,
Campeius, who hitherto had not taken any very
prominent part in the affair, immediately replied,
" I will not give judgment until I have related
the whole proceedings to the pope, whose counsel
and commandment I will, in this case, observe.
The matter is too high for us to give hasty judg-
ment, considering the persons and the doubtful
occasions alleged, and also whose commissioners
we are, by whose authority we sit. It is good
reason, therefore, that we make our chief lord of
counsel in the same, before we proceed to judg-
ment definitive. I came not here to please for any
favour, reward, or fear of any person alive ; be he
king or otherwise, I have no such respect to the
person that I should offend my conscience. Be-
sides," added he, " the party defendant will make
no answer here, but doth rather appeal from us.
I am an old man, both weak and sickly, and look
every day for death ; what shall it avail me to put
my soul in danger of God's displeasure to my utter
damnation, for the favour of any prince in this
world ? My being here is only to see justice ad-

AND HIS TIMES. 447

ministered according to my conscience. Moreover,
the defendant supposeth that we be not indifferent
judges, considering the king's high dignity and
authority within this realm : and we being both
his subjects, she thinks we will not do her justice ;
and, therefore, to avoid all these ambiguities, I
adjourn the court, for the time according, to the
court of Rome, from whence our jurisdiction is
derived. For if we should go further than our
commission doth warrant us, it were but a folly
and blameworthy, because then we shall be
breakers of the orders from whom we have our
authority derived."

From the whole tenor of this speech, in which
Carnpeius took upon himself so much personally,
it may be inferred either that Wolsey was dis-
posed to gratify the king, which the other car-
dinal was resolved to thwart, or else that the two
cardinals were of the same opinion; and that
Wolsey merely made Campeius the organ of sen-
timents, which he was unwilling or afraid to make
himself responsible for. That the latter conjecture
is most likely, may be inferred from what now
took place ; for no sooner was the court dissolved
at the close of Campeius's speech, than the Duke
of Suffolk, by the king's order, stepped forward,
with a haughty countenance, exclaiming — " It
was never thus in England, until we had cardinals
amongst us !" He added some other opprobrious
words, and spoke with such vehemence and pas-

448 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

sion, that it was generally supposed he would
proceed greater lengths : but Wolsey, perceiving
his vehemence, coolly said — " Sir ! of all men in
this realm, you have least cause to dispraise car-
dinals ; for if I, poor Cardinal, had not been, you
should not at this present moment have had a
head on your shoulders, wherewith to make such
a brag in dispute of us, who wish you no harm,
neither have given you such cause to be offended
with us. I would have you think, my lord, I and
my brother wish the king as much happiness, and
the realm as much honour, wealth, arid peace, as
you, or any other subject, of what degree soever
he be within this realm, and would as gladly ac-
complish his lawful desires. But now, my lord,
I pray you show me what you would do in such
a case as this, if you were one of the king's com-
missioners in a foreign region about some weighty
matter, the consultation whereof was very doubt-
ful to be decided; would you not advertize the
king's majesty, ere you went through with the
same ? I doubt not but you would ; and therefore
abate your malice and spite, and consider we are
commissioners for a time, and cannot by virtue of
a commission proceed to judgment without the
knowledge and consent of the head of the autho-
rity and licence obtained from him, who is the
pope. Therefore do we neither more nor less than
our commission allows us ; and if any man is of-
fended with us, he is an unwise man. Therefore

AND HIS TIMES. 449

pacify yourself, my lord, and speak like a man of
honour and wisdom, or hold your peace. Speak
not reproachfully of your friends ; you best know
what friendship I have shown you. I never did
reveal to any person till now, either to mine own
praise, or your dishonour."

This speech, with its private allusions, had a
considerable effect upon his grace of Suffolk ; so
much so, indeed, that he made no reply, but retired
from the court in evident uneasiness, followed
by the Duke of Norfolk, and all the nobility and
gentry, who left the two cardinals in their chairs
of state, staring at each other, and uncertain how
far they had acted prudently.

But Wolsey had yet to contend against the
king's anger on this business, which Henry took
very little pains to conceal, either from the Car-
dinal, or from the court. Wolsey, indeed, endea-
voured to excuse himself upon the principle, that
his commission really gave him no authority to
proceed to judgment without the knowledge of
the pope, who reserved the same to himself.

This state of political enmity and uncertainty
was, in some measure, checked by despatches from
the pope, desiring the two cardinals to continue to
take deliberation in the matter, until the papal
council should be opened early in the ensuing
September; but this did not suit the king's im-
patience, who instantly despatched to Rome his
own secretary, Dr. Stephen Gardiner, afterwards

G G

450 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

Bishop of Winchester, and so active in the subse-
quent reign of Mary against the Protestants.

The papal council professed to be granting a
favour, in appointing an early day in September
for the reopening of the court ; and, indeed, it ap-
pears to have been rather in breach of their usual
forms, for one reason that Campeius had pre-
viously urged for adjournment to the 1st of Oc-
tober was, that the courts of Rome were ad-
journed on the 30th of July, and did not reopen
before October : but this had little weight with
the angry monarch, who now kept no terms even
with common propriety, recalling Anne Boleyn
to the court, from which she had with modesty,
yet perhaps with too much consciousness, retired
during the progress of the trial. Her influence
was now decidedly hostile to Wolsey ; and we may
justly say, that the consequences of this unexpected
decision of the court were as rapidly felt by the
falling favourite ; for immediately on its breaking
up, the king determined to set out on a progress,
to divert his mind, but the Cardinal, who had for-
merly been his chief solace, was now left behind.
Indeed, we find it expressly stated, that the cause
being thus ordered to Rome, and the king's ex-
pectation balked, he at once threw his disap-
pointment upon his old favourite, though to all
appearance he was very sincere in the business,
and prosecuted the divorce with all the heartiness
and application imaginable. It is added, " Yet his

AND HIS TIMES. 451

inclination was so strongly fixed upon Mrs. Bul-
leyn, that he could not help resenting the pope'«
collusion to the highest degree, though his wrath,
like thunder, fell upon Cardinal Wolsey."

But on the very first night of his progress, an
event happened fraught with destruction for Wol-
sey. That night the king lay at Waltham ; and,
for want of accommodation, there were several of
his suite quartered at the houses of the neigh-
bouring gentry, particularly Secretary Gardiner,
and Dr. Fox, at the mansion of a Mr. Cressy. The
famous Cranmer, afterwards archbishop and mar-
tyr, was then tutor to Mr. Cressy's sons ; and that
gentleman having highly recommended him to his
guests, as a man of deep learning, they, when the
conversation after supper turned on the divorce,
requested that he would give his opinion. Cran-
mer, at first, modestly declined ; but being pressed,
replied that he saw no better way to extricate the
king out of his difficulties, than to procure in
writing the opinions of all the universities in Eu-
rope, and of the most eminent divines and civi-
lians ; that then the learned would judge Julius
II.'s dispensation to be either sufficient or invalid :
if the first, the king's conscience would have reason
to be easy; if the second, the pope would never
venture to pass sentence contrary to the opinion
of all the learned and able men in Christendom.

Fox and Gardiner were so pleased with this
opinion, that next morning they imparted it to

G G 2

452 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

Henry, who was so struck with the ingenuity and
force of the plan, that he swore Cranmer had got
the right sow by the ear ; and having sent for the
tutor, he, on further investigation, felt such a sud-
den esteem for him, that Cranmer instantly re-
ceived orders to accompany the court ; and mea-
sures were speedily taken to follow his advice,
without any deference to Wolsey's opinions. In
the mean time, the pope was not idle ; for he
issued forth a brief of avocation of the cause from
England to the consistorial court at Rome, threat-
ening Henry with excommunication, if he should
presume to form another union previous to the
decision of that court.

This was, indeed, going a step further than
prudence dictated ; for though the brief, by ex-
press directions, was fixed upon the great church-
doors at Bruges, Dunkirk, and Tournay, yet no
person dared to fix it up even at Calais, much less
to publish it, by any means, in England ! not even
Wolsey himself dared to act so decidedly, though
he had certainly gone great lengths in manifesting
his obedience to the papal see.

Soon after the adjournment of the Cardinals'
court, the idea that Wolsey was losing his in-
fluence with the king became pretty general ; so
much so, that bets were laid by the courtiers, the
king being then on progress, and at Grafton in
Northamptonshire, that his majesty would not
speak to him on the expected arrival of the two

AND HIS TIMES. 453

cardinals, whose being sent for was rather a com-
pliment to Cardinal Campeius, as a stranger, than
to Wolsey, whose office seems merely to have been
" to conduct the stranger thither."

This courtly visit was one which Campeius ap-
pears anxious to have avoided, being very press-
ing, at the moment, to be discharged from further
attendance, and sent home to Rome. Nor is this
surprising, when the fact is, that his majesty had
already ordered the queen to be removed from the
court to a private residence, and had taken the
Lady Anne Boleyn as his companion in this an-
nual progress.

The two cardinals, however, at last set off for
Grafton ; but, on their arrival there, were rather
chagrined at their first reception; expecting,
on their alighting, to be received by the great
officers of the household in the usual manner, in-
stead of which there was no person to pay them a
compliment, until their arrival at the outward
court, when, in compliment solely to Cardinal
Campeius, some officers received him with staves
in their hands, and conducted him to his appointed
lodging, whither Wolsey went, out of compliment,
to see him settled ; but the astonishment of the
latter was great indeed, when he found that for
him, so recently the first man in the realm, neither
lodgings nor chamber of any kind had been ap-
pointed.

On this he was allowed to chew the cud of re-

454 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

flection for some time ; until at length Sir Henry
Norris, then groom of the stole, unwilling to add
bitterness to the feelings of a falling favourite,
waited on him with the usual respect, made some
kind of apology, that the house was so small, there
was scarcely room in it for the king, so that to
find apartments for the Cardinal was then impos-
sible ; but he made an offer of his own apartment
to the Cardinal for present accommodation, which,
with many thanks for his courtesy, the latter ac-
cepted.

As soon as his arrival was generally known
about the court, several noblemen, still friendly
towards him, came to give him welcome ; and
from their conversation he was enabled to as-
certain the state of the king's mind then towards
him, and of course to prepare himself for the ap-
proaching royal interview.

Wolsey had no sooner dressed himself for the
royal presence, than he proceeded towards the
chamber of audience, accompanied by Campeius,
when the lords of the council, standing in their
usual order in a row, gave them the customary
courtly salute. Besides the lords of the council,
there were many gentlemen assembled in the pre-
sence-chamber ; some out of curiosity on the sub-
ject of the bets already mentioned, but most of
them, probably, for the purpose of enjoying the
mortification which Wolsey was expected to meet
with. There was little delay or time for con-

AND HIS TIMES. 455

jecture, for the king came hastily into the cham-
ber, and took his station, standing under the cloth
of state. On this Wolsey took his fellow-cardinal
by the hand, led him towards the king, and knelt
down to address his majesty. What he did say
was spoken in so low a voice as not to be heard
by the bystanders ; but he put a good face on the
matter, for his biographer says that, " his coun-
tenance was amiable," — nor was what he said dis-
agreeable to the king, for Henry instantly stooped
down, raised him with both his hands, and then
led him by one hand to the recess of a window,
where a long conversation took place between
them.

This unexpected favour seems to have made a
great impression on the courtiers ; for Cavendish
observes that, — " then to have beheld the coun-
tenance of the lords and noblemen that had layd
wagers, it would have made you smile, especially
those that had layd their money that the king
would not speake with him." In fact the king
did speak to him, and pretty sharply too, and at
last so loud, that part of the conversation could be
distinguished, Henry at one time exclaiming, —
" How can this be? Is not this your hand?" —
and at the same time pulling out a letter from his
own bosom, which he showed to Wolsey, as proof
irrefragrable. But Wolsey was prepared for this ;
and, by a few words, spoken too low to be over-
heard, seems completely to have appeased the mon-

456 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

arch's choler, for Henry answered with — " Well !
well ! go to your dinner, and take my Lord Car-
dinal (Campeius) to bear you company; and after
dinner I will speak further with you."

The court now broke up, the king retiring to
Anne Boleyn's chamber, where he dined ; whilst
tables were laid for the cardinals and the lords of
the council in the presence chamber, where they
dined. During the repast the conversation seems
to have been very free and unrestrained, even in
presence of the attendants ; and Wolsey, amongst
other things, observed that the king would do
well to send his bishops and chaplains home to
their cures and benefices : an observation hastily
and unthinkingly made, but, no doubt, prompted
by the idea that the numerous clergy, then about
the court, were tampered with, both in regard to
the divorce and to the furtherance of the Reforma-
tion. Wolsey had no sooner spoken than he was
answered by the Duke of Norfolk, — " Yea ! marry !
and so it were meete for you to do also." — " I
would be very well content therewith," rejoined
the Cardinal, " if it were the king's pleasure to
licence me with his grace's leave to go to my cure
at Winchester." — " Nay ! nay !" replied the Duke
of Norfolk, " to your benefice at York, where your
greatest honour and charge is." Wolsey was well
aware that a large party of the nobility were
anxious to remove him further from the king than
Winchester, and therefore wished him to reside at

AND HIS TIMES. 457

his archbishopric; but that was an idea which
appeared to him like banishment, so he merely
answered — " Even as it shall please the king,"
and then changed the subject.

This must all have taken place during the time
of dinner, and in public ; for Cavendish states a
curious fact that — " immediately after dinner they
fell to councell, till the waiters had also dined."

The whole of this day's proceedings, for so
far, were soon known about the court, but there
was rather more secresy respecting Henry's dinner
party; yet even of that it is known, " that Mistres
Anne Bulloigne was offended, as much as she durst 9
that the king did so graciously entertaine my Lord
Cardinal," the following conversation passing be-
tween her and his majesty. — " Sir, is it not a
marvailous thing to see into what great debt and
danger he hath brought you, with all your sub-
jects?"

" How so ?" was the monarch's hasty reply. —
" Forsooth, there is not a man in all your whole
realm of England, worth an hundred pounds, but
he hath indebted you to him," thereby alluding to
the loans which had been repeatedly raised: to
which the king calmly replied, " Well ! well ! for
that matter there was no blame in him ; for I
know the matter better than you or any one else."

But " Mistress Anne" was not satisfied with
this rebuke, and she still pushed the subject, say-
ing, " Nay ! besides that, what exploits hath he

458 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

wrought in several parts and places of this
realm, to your great slander and disgrace ? There
is never a nobleman, but if he had done half so
much as Wolsey hath done, were well worthy to
lose his head. Yea, if my Lord of Norfolk, my
Lord of Suffolk, my father, or any other man,
had done much less than he hath done, they
should have lost their heads ere this."

If it is really true that Anne ventured to say
all this, it is impossible, even making all allow-
ances for his majesty's love, to account for the
extreme mildness of his reply, which was merely
this, — " Then I perceive you are none of my Lord
Cardinal's friends." " Why,, sir," rejoined the fa-
vourite, " I have no cause, nor any that love you !
no more hath your Grace, if you did well consider
his indirect and unlawful doings."

It is a curious picture of the manners of the
time, that even whilst dining thus in private, yet
the king and the maid of honour seem to have
been quite exposed to the view of their domestics,
and to have waited quietly for their dining, as
before noticed in regard to the lords of the council
in the presence chamber ; for we are told that, —
" by that time the waiters had dyned, and tooke
up the table, and so for that time ended their
communication."

The king now took leave of the lady, and re-
turned to the chamber of presence, where he called
for the Cardinal, and held a long discourse with

AND HIS TIMES. 459

him in the recess of the great window. During
this conference the voices of the speakers were so
low, that not a word could be heard by the sur-
rounding nobles ; but it was evidently not then
of an unfavourable nature, since Henry, at the
close of their long conversation, took the Cardinal
by the hand and led him into the privy chamber,
where their confidential communication was pro-
longed until dark. This apparent reconciliation
between the "king and his quondam favourite is
stated to have been a very unwelcome sight to the
Cardinal's enemies, who depended much more upon
the personal influence of Anne Boleyn with Henry
than upon any projects which they could put in
force against him. But their hopes were a little
raised when they understood that, at a late and
inconvenient hour, it was announced to the Car-
dinal's gentleman usher that there was no room
for his master to lodge in the court ; so that the
usher was obliged to find him lodgings at the
house of a Mr. Empston, at Easton, some miles
distant, whither the Cardinal retired to supper by
torch-light. Wolsey, however, did not leave the
king until he had his majesty's orders to return
in the morning, that he might renew their con-
versation.

This was an order which the Cardinal gladly
obeyed ; and that too with such impatience, that
he was at Grafton early in the morning, before
the king's usual hour of rising; but there he
found the king ready to mount his horse for

460 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

an airing, accompanied by the Lady Anne. Wol-
sey was thunderstruck at this change in his ex-
pected reception, and at the king's manner of ad-
dressing him ; for Henry told him plainly that
he would not talk with him, but recommended
him to consult with the lords of the council
in his absence, at the same time " commanding
him, my Lord, to depart with Cardinall Campaine
(Campeius), who had already taken leave of the
king."

Wolsey was soon aware that this was a
manoeuvre of the favourite, in order to draw
the king away, for the purpose of preventing all
further conversation : indeed the whole plan was
well laid, for the ostensible object of persuading
his majesty to that morning's ride was to view a
piece of ground which he wished to make a park
of, and which afterwards was made a royal en-
closure, and named Harewell park ; and here the
Lady Anne had been careful to prepare a good
dinner for his majesty, so that his return was pro-
longed until the departure of the two Cardinals,
which took place after dinner, Campeius meaning
to proceed direct for Rome.

It is a curious fact, that no sooner had Cardinal
Campeius departed from the court than it was
whispered to the king, that he had received large
sums of money from Wolsey to be carried to
Rome, whither it was asserted that the latter in-
tended to proceed also. Henry was so enraged at
this, that he instantly ordered proper persons to

AND HIS TIMES. 461

be sent after Campeius, whom they overtook at
Calais, instantly proceeding to make strict search
amongst his baggage for the supposed treasures ;
but they found nothing, except the " king's re-
ward," as it was called, a sum of money usually
paid by the lord treasurer to accredited characters,
when leaving the court.

These things naturally excited alarm in Wol-
sey's mind ; but he remained quietly in town, as
the Michaelmas term was approaching, and on
the first day he went to Westminster-Hall, in his
usual state, as lord high chancellor. But this was
also his last day of legal eminence ; for being in-
formed that the Dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk
were to call on him upon the ensuing day, he
staid at home to wait for them. It was not,
however, until the day after that appointed, that
those two noblemen went to York-house, where
they declared to him the king's pleasure, that he
should surrender up to them the great seal of
England, and afterwards depart for Esher, where
he was to reside until he should receive further
commands from his majesty *.

* Wolsey, in the day of his greatness, as little thought of
his future disgrace, as that he should be succeeded in his high
seat of chancellor, on the 25th October, by More, a man whom
he himself had been instrumental in bringing into the royal ser-
vice, almost at the very moment previous to that disgrace ; for
it was only in the early part of 1529 that he had made his
name popular in the city, when he was sent ambassador to

462 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

Humiliated as Wolsey felt himself on this oc-
casion, yet he had courage to demand a sight of
the royal commission, which authorised them in
this proceeding ; but the two dukes replied, that
they were themselves sufficient commissioners, and
had their authority by verbal orders from his ma-
jesty. To this, however, the Cardinal demurred,
and finally declared that he would not obey the
order thus delivered, without further proof of
their authority. He said that the great seal was
delivered to him by the king's own hand, for the
due administration thereof, and that the chancel-
lorship had been granted to him for life, for which
he had the king's letters patent to produce ; a de-
fence which rather staggered the two noblemen in
their purpose : but they again insisted upon the

France (having been twice before on diplomatic journeys with
the Cardinal ), when his attention to the mercantile interests
of England, in the treaty between the emperor and the King
of France, gave great satisfaction.

In a MS. in the Lambeth library, published by Dean Words-
worth, in his Ecclesiastical Biography, it is expressly stated,
that fc moreover this, King Henry was in hand with Cardinal
Wolsey to procure him into his service. The Cardinal did not
slack the matter, but dealt with him incontinently, and in very
earnest manner to serve the king; saying it was meet and
convenient, and it could not be but for his advancement to do
so. Yet he was very loath to change his estate, and so wrought
the Cardinal by his faire speeche, that by him the king was
satisfied for that time. But his estimation and fame every day
so increased, that after a while the king would by no manner
of entreatie be induced to forbeare his service."

AND HIS TIMES. 463

fulfilment of their order, saying many rude things
to the Cardinal, which he took very patiently, yet
still remained so true to his refusal, that the two
dukes departed without succeeding in their com-
mission.

There is some slight discrepancy amongst the
different historians, as to the exact chronological
progress of these events ; but we believe the cor-
rect order to be, that previous to the delivery of
the great seal, which took place on Sunday the
17th of October, the attorney-general had actually
indicted him in the Court of King's Bench on the
9th of October, just as Wolsey himself was open-
ing the Chancery court ; and that on the principle,
not exactly of a premunire, but on certain grave
contempts, by the statute of provisors, for his ac-
ceptance of the office of legate, though he really
had obtained the king's consent for so doing. The
prosecution for premunire, we believe, took place
subsequently.

To this charge it does not appear that he was
permitted to plead personally, though he may
have done so by his attornies*, whom he was
authorised by letters patents to appoint in the
Court of King's Bench ; but it is evident, from the

* Rymer's Feed. xiv. 348. There was also a grant for him
to appoint attornies in Chancery, of the same date j in con-
sequence of which he named John Scuse, and Christopher
Jenny, Esqrs. learned in the laws.

464 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

various statements, that he was on that very day
convicted, as we have stated, and also of certain
grave contempts, and put out of the king's pro-
tection : a fact, however, which we have not seen
satisfactorily explained, except as alluded to in a
royal brief of the 18th of November.

It must have been some days after this convic-
tion that the demand of the great seal (already
stated) took place ; after which interview the two
noblemen returned to Windsor, where the court
then was, to state the affair to his majesty, who
was much incensed, and instantly directed the pro-
per orders to be made out, with which they re-
turned the next day to York-house ; when Wol-
sey, not daring to disobey the king's written com-
mand, delivered up to them the great seal of Eng-
land, which they carried back to Windsor.

He also felt the necessity of proceeding to Esher,
as directed, and preparatory thereto " set his house
in order," calling all his officers before him, and
taking an account of all things which they had in
charge. On this occasion, it is stated by Caven-
dish, that in the gallery were set various tables,
on which were laid a great quantity of rich stuffs,
consisting of whole pieces of silk of every colour,
such as velvets, satins, " muskes," taffaties, gro-
grams, scarlets, and various other rich commo-
dities. Then there were one thousand pieces of
fine Hollands, and the hangings of the gallery with
cloth of gold, and cloth of silver, " and rich cloath

AND HIS TIMES. 465

of bodkin of divers colours, which were hanged
in expectation of the king's coming."

We are also told, that on one side of the gallery
were hung the rich suits of copes of his own pro-
viding, of extreme brilliancy ; intended for the col-
leges at Christ Church, Oxford, and at Ipswich :
and adjoining to the gallery were two chambers,
called the gilt chamber and the council chamber,
in which were set two long tables, covered with
plate to a great amount, great part of it being
solid gold ; and upon each table were laid books,
containing lists of both the articles and their
weight.

All this wealth he left in the hands of proper
officers, together with every thing else of value in
York-house, with orders that the whole should be
carefully delivered up into the hands of his ma-
jesty ; and he then prepared to set off for Esher
by water.

During these hasty preparations, various re-
ports were spread amongst his numerous house-
hold ; and just as he was about to depart, his trea-
surer, Sir William Gascoigne, went up to him and
said, " Sir, I am sorry for your grace, for I hear
you are to go straight to the Tower !" to which
the Cardinal replied — " Is this the best comfort
you can give to your master in adversity? It hath
always been your inclination to be light of credit,
and much lighter in reporting of lies. I would
you should know, Sir William, and all those re-

H H

466 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

porters too, that it is untrue, for I never deserved
to come there." He then added — " Although it
hath pleased the king to take my house ready
furnished for his pleasure, yet at this time I would
have all the world to know that I have nothing
but it is of right of him, and of him I have re-
ceived all that I have. It is, therefore, convenient
and reason to tender the same unto him again."

This certainly was putting as good a face upon
the matter as he could ; but the fact of his dis-
grace was already too well known to be stopped
even by the Cardinal's ingenious and Jesuitical
subterfuge. In truth, so strong was the general
report, and so pleased were the public with this
expectation, that the river was covered with boats
all filled with people, anxious to witness the
wished-for sight.

When Wolsey set off on this expedition, it is
worthy of remark, that he had but one cross borne
before him ; nay, he even openly said that he wished
he had never borne more — alluding, evidently, to
the legate's cross as the cause of his fall : and it was
observed that when he entered his barge at his
privy stairs, attended by his numerous train of gen-
tlemen and yeomen, he was struck with the sight
of the assemblage on the river, but silent on the
subject to those around him, as he proceeded on
his way by water to Putney * ; and landing there,

* Esher had been, for many years, an episcopal mansion,
having been bestowed by William the Conqueror on the abbey

AND HIS TIMES. 467

mounted his mule in all decent episcopal proud
humility, but taking his way to Esher in sorrow
and sadness of heart. From this, indeed, he was
soon relieved ; for scarcely had he got as far as the
foot of the hill, when a Mr. Norris, a gentleman
of the royal bedchamber, brought him a message
from Henry, importing that he was as much in
the royal favour as ever. So elated was the Car-
dinal with this intelligence, that it is reported he
instantly dismounted, and falling on his knees in
the dirt, gave loud thanks to God, and to the
king; when Mr. Norris, as a royal token, pre-
sented him with a signet ring from Henry, for
which the Cardinal, as a token in answer, sent
back a golden cross, in which a piece of the holy
cross was said to be inclosed, and which he had
hitherto worn round his own neck.

Anxious still further to regain and to retain
his sovereign's good-will, it is said that he be-

of St. Leofrid, and sold, by one of the abbots, to Peter de
Roches, or de Rupibus, Bishop of Winchester, in the thir-
teenth century ; and, in 1284, it was fully granted and con-
firmed to that see by Edward I. There was, however, no
episcopal mansion here until William of Wainfleet, between
1447 and 1486, built what was then called a stately brick
house on the bank of the Mole, and Esher became the occa-
sional residence of the bishops, devolving to Wolsey, as Bishop
of Winchester, in 1528, or 1529, upon the demise of Fox,
when he repaired the old house, and rebuilt some parts of it,
intending to occupy it whenever Henry should be resident at
Hampton-Court.

H H 2

468 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

thought him still further of what would be most
acceptable to his royal patron, when his choice
fell upon his fool, Patch ; but Patch was either
too much of a fool, or too honest a man, to quit
his old master in disgrace even to bask in the
favours of a court — so unwilling was he indeed,
that six of the tallest yeomen, in the Cardinal's
retinue, could scarce conduct him to the king.

But here we may notice that this and all the
rest of Henry's friendly messages are supposed
to have been mere tricks to keep Wolsey in hopes
of speedy restoration to royal favour ; and con-
sequently to prevent him from defending himself,
either in the courts of law or parliament, or of
public opinion, by producing the royal letters
patent, authorizing him to act as he had done.

After the notification of the king's continued
favour by Mr. Norris, Wolsey still judged it ex-
pedient to comply with the previous orders that
he had received ; he therefore proceeded to Esher,
where he resided during the remainder of October,
and great part of November ; and so little hope
had he of restoration to power, and to consequent
wealth, or expecting, perhaps, that humility and
poverty were his best cards to play, that in a
short time after, he dismissed all his servants, as
we shall presently detail more at large, with the
exception of a few necessary menials.

It has been stated as an extraordinary instance
of ingratitude, that amongst the whole of his

AND HIS TIMES. 469

immense retinue, there was but one who had the
virtue to remain with his master in his disgrace,
upon generous disinterested principles, and that
was Cromwell, then his chief steward, who refused
to withdraw his services, and was accordingly
despatched by the fallen favourite to London, to
watch the proceedings of his enemies, in which
Cromwell manifested the most indefatigable skill
and abilities.

Whilst Cromwell was in town, the Cardinal
remained in close retirement at Esher, where he
received another favourable message, and another
ring from his majesty. Yet a bill for high trea-
son was brought against him in parliament, but
defeated by the judicious management of Crom-
well, as was likewise another bill for high crimes
and misdemeanors, as shall be more fully noticed
in its proper place.

That Wolsey must have been very uncomfort-
able during all these changes may naturally
be expected ; indeed, of his accommodation and
of that of his suite, hurried as they had been
into an unfurnished house, we cannot present a
better picture than in the words of Cavendish —
" thus continued my lord at Ashur, 3 or 4 weekes
without either beds, sheets, table-cloths, or dishes
to eat their meat on, or wherewith to buy any.
But there was good store of all kind of victuals,
and of beer and wine plenty ; but afterwards my

470 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

lord borrowed some plate and dishes of the Bishop
of Carlisle."

Wolsey remained, as we have stated, at Esher
until the beginning of November ; when one day
whilst at dinner, Mr. Cromwell stood forward,
apparently as spokesman for the household, and
told the Cardinal that he ought in conscience
to consider the true and good service which he
and others of his servants had done towards him,
never forsaking him in weale nor in woe. The
Cardinal felt hurt at the claim, thus publicly
made ; but he calmly replied — " Alas ! Tom, you
know that I have nothing to give to you nor
them ; which makes me both sorry and ashamed
that I have nothing to requite your faithful ser-
vices."— To which Cromwell answered that the
Cardinal had many chaplains who had been pre-
ferred by him to rich benefices ; many worth £500
per annum, and some even equal to £1000; adding,
that it were a shame for them not to come for-
ward to assist him with funds, especially when it
was considered that the poor servants who still
attended upon him, though unpaid, did more duty
in one day than any one of these chaplains had
done in a year.

This remonstrance seems to have had consider-
able effect upon Wolsey ; for he shortly afterwards
directed that all the gentlemen and yeomen of the
household should be assembled in the great cham-

AND HIS TIMES. 471

her, where they arranged themselves in order —
the gentlemen on the right, and the yeomen on
the left — when the Cardinal came out dressed in
his rochet, upon a violet gown like a bishop, and
attended by his chaplains, with whom he passed
to the great window at the upper end of the
chamber. He then turned round and looked at-
tentively over the assembled household, but was
unable to speak to them from his emotions, the
tears actually running down his cheeks, which
was met by an equal burst of grief on the part of
his attendants. At length he addressed them, as
detailed by Cavendish, in the following words : —
"Most faithful gentlemen and true-hearted yeo-
men ; I do not lament to see you about me, but
I lament in manner and certainty on my behalf
towards you all, in whom hath been great default,
that in my prosperity I have not done so much
for you as I might have done either in deed or
words, which lay in my power then to do. But
then I knew not the Jewell and special treasure
I had in mine house of you my faithful servants ;
but now experience hath taught me, and with the
eyes of my discretion I do well perceive the same.
There was never thing that repented me more
that ever I did, than doth the remembrance of my
great and most oblivious negligence and unkind
ingratitude, that I have not promoted, preferred,
or advanced you all according to your demerits ;
howbeit it is not unknown unto you all, that I

472 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

was not so fully furnished of temporal promo-
tions, in my gift, as I was of spiritual prefer-
ments : and if I should have preferred you to any
of the king's offices, then should I have wonne in
the indignation of the king's servants, who would
^ not much let to report behind my back that there
could no office in the king's gift escape the Car-
dinal and his servants. And thus should I have
won an open slander before all the world. But
now it is come to this pass that it pleased the king
to take all that I have into his hands, so that I
have nothing to give you, for I have nothing left
me but my bare clothes upon my back, the which
are but simple in comparison to that I had ;
howbeit if it might do you any good I would not
shrink to divide the same amongst you ; yea !
and the skin of my back too, if it might counter-*
vail any value among you.

" But my good gentlemen and yeomen, my
trusty and faithful servants, and of whom no
prince hath the like, I shall require you to take
some patience with me awhile ; for I doubt not
but that the king, considering my suggested of-
fence, by mine enemies put against me, to be of
small grief or hurt for so great and sudden an
overthrow, will shortly restore me to my living ;
so that I shall be more able to divide my sub-
stance among you; whereof ye shall not lacke,
for whatsoever shall chance hereafter to be an
overplus, and superfluity of my revenues at the

AND HIS TIMES. 473

determination of my yearly accompt, it shall be
distributed among you ; for I will never, during
my lyfe, esteem the goods and riches of this
world, any otherwise than shall be sufficient to
maintain the state that God hath and shall call me
unto. And if the king do not so shortly restore
me, then I will write for you, either to the king,
or to any nobleman within this realm, to retain
your service; for I doubt not but the king, or
any nobleman of this realm, will credit my letter
in your recommendation. Therefore, in the mean
time, I would advise you to repair home to your
wives, such as have wives, and some of you that
have no wives, to take a time to visit your
parents in the country. There is none of you
all, but once in the year ye would require license
to see and visit your wife and other of your
friends. Take this time, therefore, in that re-
spect, and on your return, I will .not refuse you
to beg with you. I consider that your service in
my house hath been such, that ye be not apt to
serve any man under the degree of a king ; there-
fore I would advise you to serve no man but the
king, who, I am sure, will not refuse you. There-
fore I shall desire you to take your pleasure for
a month, and then ye may come again; and by
that time, I trust your king will extend his mercy
upon me."

To this address, Cromwell, the secretary, an-
swered, that there were several of the yeomen

474 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

that would be glad to see their friends, but they
had no money ; and therefore he considered that
amongst the many chaplains present, who had re-
ceived great benefices from his hands, there must
be some who had the means, and who would not
allow the Cardinal to lack ready money upon such
an occasion : he also observed, that although he,
himself, had not yet received from Wolsey one
penny towards the cost of his living, still would
he do something towards assisting the poorer
part of the household, presenting at the same
time five pounds to the Cardinal ; " and now let
us see," added he, "what your chaplains will
do. I think they will depart with you much
more liberally than I, who be more able to give
you a pound than I a penny. Go to, masters !"
— addressing himself to the chaplains, who thus
publicly called upon, and after such an example,
found it necessary to come forward also with their
donations ; some offering ten pounds ; others
twenty nobles ; some imitating Cromwell's gift
of five pounds : in consequence of which the Car-
dinal was enabled to distribute ten shillings a-
piece to the yeomen, in part of their quarter's
wages, together with as much more as would pay
each for a month's board wages.

The household being now dismissed, they as-
sembled in the hall to talk over the affair; but
though some prepared to set off to see their
friends, yet it is said there were others who would

AND HIS TIMES. 475

not depart, nor leave their master, until they
should see him restored to a better state. We
state this upon the authority of Cavendish, who
is, no doubt, more worthy of credit than those an-
nalists who have brought a sweeping charge of
ingratitude against all the members of his nume-
rous household, as recorded in a preceding page.
Still are we disposed to give due praise, for his
generous and disinterested conduct towards his
master, to Secretary Cromwell, who instantly set
off to London, but not as one of the deserters, for
he was stanch to his master's cause, and only left
him for the purpose of getting into parliament,
then about to meet. In this, too, he was success-
ful ; for soon after his arrival in town, he met a
very particular friend, Sir Thomas Bysshe, whose
son then sat for a borough, and it was soon ar-
ranged that young Bysshe should retire, that Crom-
well might be returned in his stead — a very im-
portant and very curious fact, as it shows that
seats in parliament were sought after and attained
by something like modern means, long previous
to that period generally alluded to by political
writers who speak so much of the good old times
when corruption was unknown.

Let it be remarked, too, that the whole of this
transaction took place in less than three days, for
in three days after his departure, Cromwell re-
turned to Esher ; when on his introduction to the
Cardinal by the gentleman usher, he observed

476 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

to the latter " I have adventured my feet where
I will be better regarded, ere the parliament be
dissolved."

Cromwell had then some short conversation
with the Cardinal, after which he posted back to
town in order to join the House at its first sit-
ting, so as to acquire information for his master
on all points of accusation that might be brought
against him — a matter of great importance to the
Cardinal in regard to the early preparation of his
defence.

We have already hinted at a second ring and
friendly message being sent by the king to Wolsey ;
and the manner in which this ring and message
were presented, described by Cavendish in his
gossiping way, may serve to illustrate not only
the manners of those times, but also the courtly
politics of that day, showing clearly that even the
" tyrant Harry," as he is so often called, was as
much under the control of his ministers as the
most constitutional monarch that ever sat upon
the English throne. To give the scene its full
effect, we shall insert it verbatim ; premising that
it took place on the evening after the dismissal of
the household.

" After my Lorde had supped that nighte, and
all men gone to bed, being alhollowday aboute
midnighte, one of the porters came to my chamber
dore, and knocked there to wake me : and beinge
once awake, and perceiving who was there, I asked

AND HIS TIMES. 477

him what he would have that tyme of the nighte.
Sir, quoth he, there be a great number of horse-
men at the gate, that would come in, sayinge that
it is Sir John Russell ; and so it appears by his
voice ; and what is your pleasure that I shall do ?
said he. Marie, quoth I, go downe againe and
make a greate fier in your lodge, (untill I come)
to drie them ; for it rayned all that nighte moste
vehementlie as it did any tyme before. Then I
rose and made me readie, and put on my nighte
gowne, and came to the gates, and asked who was
theare? With that Master Russell spake to me,
whome I knewe righte well, and caused the gates
to be set open, and let them all come in who were
wet to the very skynne. I caused Mr. Russell to
go unto the fier in the porter's lodge to drie him,
and he shewed me that he was come from ye
kynge unto my lorde, in message with whome he
required me to speake. Sir, quoth I, I trust your
newes be good. Yea, I promise you on my
fidelitie, and so tell him that I have brought him
such newes as will please him righte well. Then
(quoth I), will I go and wake him, and cause him
to rise. I went incontinent to my lorde's chamber
doore, and knocked there so, that my lorde spake
to me, and asked me what I would have. With
that, I tolde him of the comynge of Sir John Rus-
sell; and then he called up to him one of his
groomes to let me in, and when I was come to
him, I tolde him againe of the jorney that Sir

478 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

John Russell had taken, that troublesome nighte.
I praie God, all be for the best, (quoth he). Yea
sir, (quoth I) he shewed mee and so badde me
tell you, that he broughte you suche newes as ye
would greatlie rejoyce thereat. Well then, (quoth
he) God be praised, and welcome be his grace.
Go ye and fetche him to me, and by that tyme I
will be readie to talke with him. Then returned
I into the lodge, and broughte Mr. Russell from
thence to my lorde, who had caste about him his
nighte gowne. And when Mr. Russell was come be-
fore him, he moste humblie reverenced him upon
his knee, whome my lorde stooped unto, and tooke
him up, and bad him welcome. Sir, quoth he,
the king commendeth him unto you ; and de-
livered him a great ringe of golde with a turkes,
for a token, and willed me to bid you be of good
cheere, for he loveth you as well as ever he did,
and is sorie for your trouble ; whose mind runneth
muche upon you, insomuch that before his Grace
sat downe to supper, he called me unto him, and
desired me to take the paine servablie to visit you
and to comforte you, the best of my power. And
sir, I have had the sorest jorney for so little
value that ever I had to my remembrance.

" My lorde thanked him for his paines and good
newes, and demaunded of him if he had supped ;
and he saide naye. Well then, quoth my lorde,
cause the cookes to provide meate for him, and
cause a chamber to be provided for him that he

AND HIS TIMES. 479

male take his reste a while upon a bed. All
whiche commandment I fulfilled ; and, in the mean
time, Mr. Russell went to his chamber, takinge
his leave of my lorde ; and saide he would tarie
but a while, for he would be at the court at Grene-
wiche againe before daye ; and would not for anie
thinge that were knowne that he had beene with
my lorde that nighte. And so being in his
chamber, havinge a small repaste, rested him a
while upon a bedd, whilst his servaunts supped and
dried them ; and that donne, incontinent he rode
awaie with spede againe to the courte. After
this, within a while, my lorde was restored to
plate vessell, and household stuffe of everie thinge
necessarie some parte ; so that he was better fur-
nished than before."

There is some confusion, as we have previously
noticed, amongst the various historians, in regard
to the exact routine of the proceedings against
Wolsey ; some considering the proceedings of the
attorney-general against him, by indictment on
the 9th of October, as merely preparatory to ulte-
rior law process, whilst others, and upon good
authority, consider some conviction to have ac-
tually taken place, as there is still extant the
king's brief *, declaring, that on the 9th of October
last, upon certain grave contempts, he was con-
victed, and also, by the judgment of the court, put

* Rymer Feed. xiv. 317.

480 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

out of the king's protection, yet at his supplica-
tion, the king takes his body and person under his
protection; he being ordered to appear in curia
regis to answer to various grave contempts, trans-
gressions, and offences, committed and perpetrated
by the said Cardinal against us, our crown, dignity,
and royal power ! This then leads us to the first
parliamentary impeachment of the Cardinal, which
is summed up very shortly by Cavendish, who
merely states that a bill of articles was brought
into parliament to have him condemned of high
treason, " against which bill Master Cromwell
did inveigh so discreetly and with such witty per-
suasions, that the same would take no effect," —
and the consequence was that his enemies had no
resource left but to indict him for a premunire, a
conviction under which would entitle the king to
claim all his property whatsoever, especially .all
that which he had obtained by grant, or purchased
for the support of his intended colleges at Oxford
and Ipswich ; both then erected, and described as
most sumptuous buildings *.

The legal proceedings in the premunire were
immediately commenced; and shortly after the
judges were sent to him to take his answer on the
various charges therein contained ; to whom he is

* Fiddes asserts that the proceedings on premunire took
place before the impeachment j but he appears to confound
the first indictment by Hales, the attorney-general, with a
subsequent prosecution.

AND HIS TIMES. 481

reported to have said, — " My lords, judges, the
king knoweth whether I have offended, or no, in
using my prerogative for the which I am indicted.
I have the king's licence in my coffer to show,
under his hand and broad seal, for the executing
and using thereof in most large manner, the
which now are in the hands of my enemies ; but,
because I will not here stand to contend with his
majesty in his own case, I will here presently be-
fore you confess the indictment, and put myself
wholly to the mercy and grace of the king, trust-
ing that he hath a conscience and reason to con-
sider the truth, and my humble submission and
obedience wherein I might well stand to my trial
with justice. Thus much may you say to his
highness, that I wholly submit myself under his
obedience in all things to his princely will and
pleasure, whom I never disobeyed, or repugned,
but was always contented and glad to please him
before God, whom I ought most chiefly to have
believed and obeyed, which I now repent. I most
desire you to have me commended to him, for
wtyom I shall during my life pray to God to send
him much prosperity, honour, and victory over
his enemies."

Having made this declaration, the judges left
him ; but soon after Judge Shelley was sent to
speak with him, when, after all due ceremony of
form and salutation, the judge told him that it
was the king's pleasure to demand his house, called

I i

482 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

York-place, near Westminster, belonging to the
bishopric of York, — adding, " and that you do
pass the same, according to the laws of the realm,
his highness hath sent for all his judges and
learned counsel to know their opinions for your
assurance thereof; who have fully resolved that
your grace must make a recognizance, and before
a judge acknowledge and confess the right thereof
to belong to the king and his successors ; and so
his highness shall be assured thereof. Wherefore
it hath pleased the king to send me hither to take
of you the recognizance, having in your grace
such affiance that you will not refuse to do so ;
therefore I do desire to know your grace's plea-
sure therein."

This demand, so made, seems to have roused
Wolsey's mettle, for he instantly replied, — "Master
Shelley ! I know the king, of his own nature, is
of a royal spirit, not requiring more than reason
shall lead him to by the law : and therefore I
counsel you, and all other judges and learned men
of his counsel, to put no more into his head than
law, that may stand with conscience. For, when
you tell him that although this be law, yet it is
not conscience ; for law without conscience is not
fit to be ministered by a king nor his counsel, nor
by any of his ministers, for every counsel to a king
ought to have respect to conscience before the
rigour of the law — Laus est facere quod decet,
non quod licit. — The king ought for his royal

AND HIS TIMES. 483

dignity and prerogative to mitigate the rigour of
the law; and therefore in his princely place he
hath constituted a chancellor, to order for him the
same, and therefore the court of chancery hath
been commonly called the court of conscience ; for
that it hath jurisdiction to command the law in
every case, to desist from the rigour of the execu-
tion : and now I say to you, Master Shelley, have
I a power, or may I with conscience give that
away which is now mine, for me and my suc-
cessors ? If this be law and conscience, I pray you
show me your opinion."

Shelley's reply was rather rough and time-
serving than courtly, — " Forsooth, there is no
great conscience in it ; but, having regard to the
king's great power, it may the better stand with
conscience, who" (meaning the king evidently) " is
sufficient to recompence the church of York with
the double value."

" That I know well," rejoined the Cardinal,
" but there is no such condition, but only a bare
and simple departure of other's rights. If every
bishop should do so, then might every prelate give
away the patrimony of the church; and so, in
process of time, leave nothing for their successors
to maintain their dignities ; which would be but
little to the king's honour."

Wolsey then demanded a sight of Shelley's com-
mission, which was produced. He glanced it over ;
and then said, — " Tell his highness that I am his

i I 2

484 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

most faithful subject, and obedient beadsman,
whose command I will in no wise disobey ; but
will in all things fulfill his pleasure, as you, the
fathers of the law, say I may. Therefore I charge
your conscience to discharge me ; and show his
highness from me that I must desire his majesty
to remember there is both Heaven and Hell !"

This speech, thus related verbatim by his friend
and apologist, shows clearly how deep were the
wounds that rankled in Wolsey's bosom, though
he endeavoured, by a dignified and philosophic be-
haviour, in some measure to defeat the malice of
his enemies by not permitting them to see how
much he suffered. Indeed it is pretty evident
that even now they feared he should regain the
royal confidence, for they could not but perceive
" the good affection the king bore always towards
him," — nay Cavendish asserts that they feared
him more after his fall, than they did during his
prosperity; for should he again come into favour
and political power, they well knew what they
might expect from his revenge, by his previous
conduct to Sir Amyas Paulet. In consequence of
this feeling, therefore, they not only continued to
keep up the royal animosity towards him by re-
peated charges, but they also used, as Cavendish
states, every means in their power to fret and
chafe the Cardinal himself, in hopes that death
might thus step in and relieve them from all
further contest.

AND HIS TIMES. 485

It is a very curious fact that on the day of
Shelley's visit, the Duke of Norfolk was actually
sent to the Cardinal, with fresh assurances of the
royal favour : and as soon as Wolsey was informed
of his near approach, he ordered all his gentlemen
to wait upon him down through the hall, and into
the lower or outer court, to receive the duke at
the gates, and commanded all his yeomen to stand
in regular order in the hall, whilst he himself and
his train of gentlemen went to the gates, where he
received the duke bareheaded *. When the duke
dismounted, the Cardinal and he embraced ; and
the latter then led him by the arm through the
hall, towards his presence chamber. As soon as
his Grace of Norfolk arrived at the upper end of
the hall, he looked with some surprise and ad-
miration at the number of tall yeomen, and turning
to them said, " Sirs, the effect of your diligent
and faithful service unto your master is this ; his
calamity hath purchased you of all men, noble
and ignoble, much honesty, insomuch as the king
commanded me to say to you, in his name, that
for the true and loving service ye have done to
your master, his highness will see you all at any
time furnished with services according to your
demerits."

On hearing this, the Cardinal took off his cap ;

* This visit appears to have taken place after the explana-
tion with the household ; it is evident, therefore, that he was
not deserted by all his domestics.

486 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

and turning to the duke said, " These men be all
approved men ; therefore it were pity they should
want any service : and being sorry that I am not
able to do for them as my heart wisheth, I will
therefore require you, my good lord, to be good
lord unto them, and extend your charity among
them where and when ye shall see occasion at any
time hereafter ; and that ye will prefer their dili-
gence and faithful service unto the king."

" Doubt ye not, my lord," replied the duke,
" but I will do for them the best in my power :
and whenever I see cause I will be an earnest
suitor for them to the king : and some of you I
will retain myself in service, for right honest men;
and as you have begun, so continue now until you
hear more of the king's pleasure." Then adding,
" God's blessing and mine be upon you," he went
up to the great chamber to dinner, where Wolsey
thanked him for his kind consideration towards
his household, saying, — " Yet, my lord, of all other
noblemen, I have most cause to thank you for
your noble arid gentle heart, the which you have
showed me behind my back, as my servant, Thomas
Cromwell, hath reported unto me. But even as
you be a nobleman, indeed, so have you showed
yourself no less to all men in calamity, and in
especial to me, whom ye have brought down from
my high estate; but now again, being in this
miserable state, ye have extended your favour
most honourably with great charity, ye do right

AND HIS TIMES. 487

well deserve to bear in your arms the noble and
gentle lion, whose natural property is, when he
hath vanquished a cruel beast, and seeeth him
yielded, lying prostrate before him under his feet,
then will he be merciful unto him, and do him no
more hurt, nor suffer any ravenous beast to de-
vour him ; all whose natural inclination ye have.
Wherefore I may say these verses in your com-
mendation—

" Parcere prostratis scit nobilis ira leonis :
Tu quoque fac simile, quisquis regnabis in orbe."

Just as the Cardinal had finished this consum-
mate piece of flattery, the water was brought to
wash, to which operation Wolsey called the atten-
tion of the duke, to wash in the same vessel with
him ; but the latter refused to do so, as Cavendish
says, " out of courtesie," but more probably either
from pride or enmity, though he cloaked the re-
fusal on the score that it became him no more to
presume to wash with him now than it did before.
" Yea," answered the Cardinal, " for my legantine
power is gone, wherein stood all my high honour."
— " A strawe for your legantine rank," replied the
duke. " I never esteemed your honour the higher
for that; but I esteemed your honour for that ye
were Archbishop of York, and a Cardinal, whose
estate and honour surmounteth any duke now
within this realm : and even so will I honour you,
and acknowledge the same in doing you reverence
and honour accordingly. Therefore, I pray you,

488 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

hold me excused ; for I will not presume to wash
with you."

Wolsey was thus obliged to perform the ablu-
tion by himself, after which the duke washed ; yet
apparently, as Cavendish describes it, in the same
water.

This ceremony over, Wolsey wished that the
duke should sit down in the chair on the inner
side of the table ; but this also Norfolk refused,
" with much humbleness." Another chair was
then set for the duke opposite to the Cardinal, on
the outside of the table ; but even that the duke
caused to be set a little lower down, or as it is in
the MS. " to be based somethinge beneathe, and
would not sit directly againste my lord."

The conversation now turned principally upon
the diligent service of the gentlemen that waited
during dinner, and how much the king and all the
other lords did esteem and commend them in so
doing, and how little they were regarded in the
court, who had gone into the king's service, and
thus forsook their master in the time of his neces-
sity ; some of whom the duke even blamed by
name.

This conversation ended, the duke and Cardinal
rose from table, retiring to the privy chamber,
where they continued in private consultation, until
it happened that the arrival of Judge Shelley was
announced, when the duke expressed his desire to
go to another chamber, to repose himself for a
little while. This, of course, was agreed to ; but

AND HIS TIMES. 489

as the duke came out of the privy chamber, he
met with Shelley, who immediately addressed him,
and after relating the affair on which he was
come, as already detailed, requested that he would
stop and assist him in executing his message ; but
this the duke refused, saying — " I have nothing
to do with your message, and therefore will not
meddle," and then departed for his chamber, where
he rested for an hour or two.

In the mean time, Wolsey left his privy cham-
ber, and went to Shelley in the ante-room, desiring
to know the purport of his message, doubtless
much emboldened by the previous assurances of
royal favour.

Notwithstanding the pride of the Cardinal in
his prosperity, and some slight bursts of an inde-
pendent spirit against his enemies and persecutors
in his adversity, he seems, upon the whole, to
have sunk very low occasionally, with regard to
solicitations to all those who, as he imagined,
might be of assistance to him. A remarkable in-
stance of this occurs in an original letter of his *,
addressed to the king's secretary : —

" Myn owne goode Mastyr Secretary,

" Albeit I am in such alteration and indysspo-
sition of my hede and body, by ye menys of my
dayly sorrow and hevynes, yk I am feign ommit
to wryt any long letters ; yet my trustyng frende,
Thomas Cromwel, retowrnyng and repayring onto

* Brit. Mus. Lansd. Coll. No. 12 J, art. 3, an autograph.

490 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

you, I cowde nat forbere but brevily to put y° in
remembrance, how y1 after ye consultation takyn
by ye king's highnes opon myn ordering, wch yee
supposed should bee on Sonday was sevynighte,
yee wold not fail to advertyse mee at ye leyngth
of the specialty thereof; of ye wch to here and
have knowleg, I have and dayly do loke for. I
pray y° therfor, at ye reverens of God, and of thys
holy tyme, and as yee love and tendyr my poore
lif, do so much as to wryt onto mee yr seyd letters ;
wherby I may take some cumfort and rest : not
doubting but yr hert ys so gentyl and petiful, y1
havyng knowleg in w' agony I am yn, yee wole
take ye paine to send onto me yr seyd consolatory
letters, wherby yee shall nat ondly deserve towards
God, but also bynde mee to bee, as I am, yr con-
tinual bedisrnan. Wrytten this mornyng at Asher
wn ye onde hand and sorrowful hert of yrs with
hest and prayer.

" T. CAR.HS EBOR. Miserrimus."

Of the same nature was another epistle to the
king's secretary, and evidently of this date.

" To the Rygth honorable and my assuryd
Frende, Mustyr Secretary *.

" My owne good Mastyr Secretary,

" After my moste herty commendations, I pray
you at the reverens of God to helpe that expedition
be usyd in my persuts, the delay wherof so re-

* Brit. Mus. Ays. Col. 4160.

AND HIS TIMES. 491

plenyshyd my herte with Hevynes, that I can
take no reste ; not for anye vayne fere, but onely
for the miserable condytiori, that I am presently
yn, and lyklyhod to contynue in the same, onles
that yow, in whom ys myn assuryd truste, do
helpe and relieve me therin. For fyrste, con-
tynuyng here in thys moiste and corupt ayer,
beyng enteryd agn to the passyon of the dropsy —
*** appetitus et continue in somnio, I cannot
lyve. Wherfor of necesyte I muste be removyd
to some othyr dryer ayer and place, where I may
have comodyte of physycyans. Secondly, havyng
but parte, wych ys now decayed, of viii c £ by
the yeere, I cannot tell howe to lyve, and kepe the
poore nombyr of folkes, wych I nowe have, my
howsys and *** be in decay, and of evry thyng
mete for howsold unprovydyd and unfurnyshyd,
I have non apparell for my howsys ther, nor
money to bryng me thither, nor to lyve with bye
the propysse tyme of the yeere shal come to re-
move thether. Thes thyngs consyderyd, Mr. Se-
cretary, must nedys make me in agony and
hevynes, myn age therwith and sycknes con-
syderyd. Alas ! Mr. Secretary, ye with other my
lords, shewyd me that I shuld otherwyse be fur-
nyshyd and seyn unto. Ye knowe yn your lernyng
and consyens whether I shuld forfet my spiritual-
ties of Wynchester, or alas ! the qualytes of myn
offencys consyderyd wyth the grate punyshment

492 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

and losse of my goodes, yf I have sustaynyd owt to
move pityful judges, and the moste nobyl kynge,
to whom yf yt wold plese yow of your charytable
goodnes to shewe the primisses, as yn your accus-
tomable wysdom and dixteritye, that yt wold not
be dowtyd, but hys hyhnes wold have consydera-
tyon and compassyon, augmentyng my lyvynge
and appoyntyng such thynges as shuld be con-
venyent for furniture; wych to do shall be the
kynges hyhnes honor, meryte, and dyscharge of
consyens, and to yow grete prayse for the bryng-
ynge of the same to passe, for your olde brynger
up and lovyng frende.

" Thys kyndnes exhibite from the kynges hyh-
nes shal prolong my lyfffor some lytyl whyl, thow
yt shal not be long, by the meane wherof hys
grace shal profytt, and by my deth non. What
ys yt to hys hyhnes to gyve some convenyent
pensypns out of Wynchester and Seynt Albons,
hys grace takyng wyth my herty good wyl the
residew. Remember, good Mr. Secretary, my
poore degre, and what servys I have done, thow
nowe approchyng to deth, I must begyn the world
ageyn. I besech you, therfor, movyd wythe pitye
and compassyon soker me in thys my calamite,
and to your power, wych I knowe ys gret, releve
me ; and I wyth all myn shal not onely asscrybe
thys my relef unto you, but alsoe pray to God for
the increase of your honor, and as my power shall

AND HIS TIMES. 493

increase, I shal not fayle to requyte your kyndnes.
Wryttyn hastely at Asher, wyth the rude and
shackyng hande of your dayly bedysman and as-
suryd frende,

« T. CAR.lis EBOII."

To this epistle there is no date, but it seems to
have been answered by Gardner, which answer
produced the following reply from the fallen fa-
vourite : —

" To the* Ryght Honorable Mr. Secretary in
hast.

" My owne goode Mustyr Secretary,

" Goyng this day out of my pue to hey mass,
your lettres, datyd yesternyght at London, wer
delyveryd unto me ; by the contynue whereof, I
undyrstand that the kyng's hyhnes, of hys ex-
cellent goodness and charyte, ys contentyd that I
shall injoy and have the admynystration of Yorke
minster with the gyftes of the promotions spirituel
and temporal of the same, reservyng onely unto
hys nobyl grace the gyft of v or vi of the best
promotions. And that hys pleasur ys I shall leve
Wynchester and Saynt Albons. As I wolde,
Mr. Secretary, I cannot expresse howe moche
I am bownd ynto the kynge's royall majeste
for thys hys gret and bownteouse liberalitye, re-

* Ayscough. B. M. 4160. C.

494 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

putynge the same to be moche more then I
shal evyr be abyl to deserve. Howbeyt yf hys
majeste consyderyng the short and lytyl tymes
that I shal lyve here in thys world, by the reasons
of such hevynes as I have concey vyd in my hart,
with the ruinowse (state) of the olde howsys and
the decay of the sayd archbyshopryck at the best
to the sum of viii c. marcks yerely, by the reason
of the Act passyd for fynys of testaments, wth also
my long paynful servys and poore degre ; and
for the declarations of hys Grace's excellent cha-
ryte, yf hys hyhnes is myndyd I shal leve Wyn-
chester and Saynt Albons, wych I supposyd when
I maid my submyssyon, not oifendyng in my
truth towards hys royal person, dygnyte, or ma-
jeste royal, I sholde not, nor had desyrvyd to have
lyfe ; and moche the more knowyng hys Grace's
excellent propensyon to pyte and mercye, and re-
membryng the franche departyng with of all I
had in thys world, that I may have some con-
veynyent pension reservyd unto me, such as the
kynges hyhnes of his nobyll hart shal thynk
mete, so consyderyng hym that shal succede unto
my ly vyngs, that the same may be of lyck valew
yeerly and extent : whereas my trust ys that, and
my harte so geyfs me, that hys majeste wold
make no dyffyculty yf yt may lyck yow friendly
to propound the same, assuryng yow that I de-
syre not thys for anye mynde (God ys my judge)

AND HIS TIMES. 495

that I have to accumulate good, or desyre that I
have to the mucke of world, for, God be thankyd,
at thys ower I set no more by the ryches of and
preeminences of the world, than by the dust
undyr my fote ; but onely for the declaration of
the kyng's favor and hyhe charyte, and to have
wherwith to do good dedys, and to helpe my
poore servants and kynnys folks. And further-
more that yt may plese the kyng's excellent good-
nes, by your frendly medyation, consyderyng howe
slendyrlye I am provydyd yn my howse now,
specyally that the appoyntments of Wynchester
and Saynte Albons shal be takyne to give unto me
a conve * * * * * for the same, non adpompam, sed
necessariam honest atem. And yf I may have the
free gyft and disposyng of the benefyts, yt shal be
gretly to my comfort. And yet when anye of
the v or vi pryncypall shal fortyne to be voyd, the
kynge's grace beyng myndyd to have anye of
them, hys hyhnes shal be as sure of the same, as
though they were reservyd. And thus by hys
nobyl and mercyful goodnes, delyveryd oute of
extreme calamyte, and restoryd to a newe free-
dome, I shal, wyth God's mercy and helpe, so
ordyr my lyff, that I trust hys majeste shal take
special comfort therein. Spero quod hoc, quod
peto^ non videbytur magnum. Howbeyt, I most
humblye submyt and referre all my petytyons in
* * # * vitam to hys gracyowse ordenance and plea-
sur, praying yow to declare and sygriyfy the same,

496 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

supplying myn indysposytion and lacke of wyte,
waynyd by reason of my extreme sorowe and
hevyiies, that the same may be to the kynges
assentation, wherein I had lever be ded than to
offende, in word, thowght, or dede. And as
towchyng the grantyng of the fee of one c. £. for
Mr. Norer, duryng hys lyff for hys good servys
done unto the kynge's hyhnes, for the wych I have
always lovyd hym for the singular good hert and
mynde that I knowe he hath always borne unto
me. I am content to make out my graunte upon
the same, ye and yt wol plese the kynge to in-
large yt c. £. more, and semblebye because Mr.
Thesaurer hath the kepyng of the kynge's game
nygh to Fernham, I wold gladly, yf yt may stande
wyth the kynge's pleasure, graunt unto hym the re-
versyon of such revenues of the sayde landessithens
then wyth the ampliation of the fee aboue that
wych ys oldely accustomyd to the sum of XL £. by
the yeere, and also I wold gladly gyve to Mr.
Comptroller, a lycke fee, and to Mr. Russell an-
othyr for xx £. by the yeere. Remyttynge this and
all my suts to the kynge's hyhnes' pleesure, mercy,
pity, and compassyon, most humblye beseechyng
hys hyhnes so nowe gracyously to order me
that I may from henceforth serve God gayely,
and wyth repose of mynde, and pray, as I am
most bowndyn, for the conservatyon and increase
of hys most nobyl and royal estate. And thus,
wyth my dayly prayer I byd yow farewell. From

AND HIS TIMES. 497

Asher hastly, wyth the rude hand, and most hevy
harte of

" Yowre assuryd frend and bedysman.

" T. CAR.1" EBOB."

There is no account of the specific charges
against Wolsey until the 1st of December, when
express articles were exhibited against him, the
purport of which was to accuse him of bribery,
extortion, and other misdemeanors. Other charges
were, the taking goods from religious houses by
virtue of the legantine power; the forming a
treaty between France and the pope, without ac-
quainting the king, and various other acts of diplo-
macy with Florence and other states, under the
great seal, yet without the royal leave ; the joining
himself with the king in his despatches — " the
king and I will that ye do this" — thus using him-
self more like a fellow than a subject ; that other
people's servants were first sworn to be true to the
king, and then to their master, but that his ser-
vants were sworn to himself alone ; the coming,
whilst nauseously diseased, into the royal pre-
sence ; the illegal granting of benefices as legate ;
that his practice was first to see all ambassadors,
and all despatches, to the abuse of the king and
council ; the licensing, under the great seal, of the
exportation of grain, &c. after restraints, but for
his own lucre; the levying charges on religious
houses, preventing them from their accustomed

K K

498 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

hospitality and alms ; his insolence in council ; his
delays of justice; extortion against the ordinaries
of dioceses ; false reports to the pope, by which
many good religious houses were put down ; the
reversing of legal decisions of the courts, by pri-
vate hearings in his chamber ; illegal proceedings,
by which almost the whole lands of England were
brought into Chancery ; suspending the pope's par-
dons until large sums were paid to himself; the
visiting and robbing, by clerical law, the religious
houses, tampering with judges, and ordering the
deferring of judgments ; procuring places for his
illegitimate son, Winter, to the amount of £2700
per annum, of which he took to himself £2500,
leaving to the son only £200 ; to these must be
added his illegal acts under the legantine power,
and contrary to solemn promise, his exciting of
discontent against the nobility, and his assumption
of royal state and power, in regard to purveyors,
shops, &c. &c.

The 38th article of the impeachment accuses
him of having two children by the daughter of
one Lack ; and in the 28th we find specified the
appointments to his natural son, being in rapid
succession, a deanery, five prebends, an arch-dea-
conry, a chancellorship, a provostship, and two
rectories !

Then came a charge of forcing Sir John Stan-
ley, by imprisonment, to give up his convent seal
of lands held from the abbot of Exeter, to one

AND HIS TIMES. 499

Leyche of Adlington, who had married Lack's
daughter, after she had borne two children to
himself, after which, Stanley, in a fit of despair,
became a monk in Westminster Abbey. There
were other charges of putting the cardinal's hat
under the royal arms in groats coined at the York
mint ; and of his always writing " Ego et Rex
meus" — I and the king — in despatches to Rome
or to other foreign courts ; and finally, his ac-
cusers called upon the king to remove the Car-
dinal, for ever, from all place and power.

In this wish they were fully gratified, as the
succeeding pages will show ; and, for the pre-
sent, his enemies were successful in throwing him
into a very severe fit of illness which, whether at
first real or political it is now impossible to ascer-
tain, increased so much towards Christmas, that
his probable demise was publicly talked of. This
came to the king's ears, in spite of the attempts
of Wolsey's enemies to conceal it, arid it made a
great impression upon his majesty, who instantly
sent his own physician, Dr. Butts, to Esher,
where he found his new patient apparently very
ill, and confined to his bed. When Butts returned
to court, the king asked him, " Have you seen
yonder man ?" to which the physician answering
in the affirmative, his majesty again demanded,
" How do you like him ?" — " Sir," answered
Butts, " if you will have him dead, I will warrant
you he will be dead within these four days, if he

K K 2!

500 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

receive no comfort from you shortly." " Marry,
God forbid!" exclaimed the monarch, "that he
should die, for I would not lose him for twenty
thousand pounds. I pray you go to him, and do
your care to him."

To this the doctor bowed submission ; but
added, "Then must your grace send him some
comfortable message" — the king paused a moment,
and then answered — "So I will, and by you:
therefore make speed to him again, and you shall
give him this ring from me for a token."

He then pulled off the ring and presented it to
the physician, who observed that it was a ruby
with the king's picture engraven on it : — the mon-
arch then added, " This ring he knoweth well, for
he gave me the same; and tell him that I am
not offended with him in my heart for any thing ;
and that shall be known shortly. Therefore bid
him pluck up his heart, and be of good comfort ;
and I charge you come not from him till you have
brought him out of the danger of death, if it be
possible."

It appears that this conference took place in
the presence of the Lady Anne, to whom the king
now addressed himself; and said, "Good sweet-
heart ! as you love me, send the Cardinal a token
at my request, and in so doing you shall deserve
our thanks !" Struck with the apparent tendency
towards reconciliation on the part of the king,
the favourite was, for a moment, at a loss how

AND HIS TIMES. 501

to act ; but she prudently acquiesced in the de-
mand, and immediately took off a golden tablet
that hung at her side, and delivered it to the
doctor, accompanied by a friendly message to his
patient, or as Cavendish says, " with very gentle
and loving words."

Dr. Butts now departed to visit the Cardinal ;
but so anxious was the king, and so warm did
he feel his returning favour to him, that he in-
stantly sent three physicians, the Drs. Cromer,
Clement, and Wotton, to assist him in whatever
consultations might be necessary.

The second visit of Dr. Butt seems to have
had very favourable effects ; for no sooner did he
deliver the courtly tokens, together with the flat-
tering messages accompanying them, than the
Cardinal raised himself in his bed, " and received,"
says Cavendish, " the tokens very joyfully, giving
him many thanks for his paines and good com-
fort."

Dr. Butt then informed his patient, that he had
the royal orders to attend upon him ; and, having
by this time received intelligence of the coming
of the other physicians, he informed him of that
also, recommending that they should be called in,
agreeable to the king's desire.

To all this the Cardinal at once assented ; the
more particularly as he placed great confidence,
greater, indeed, in the skill of Dr. Cromer, than
of all the others, as he had known his abilities in

502! WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

Paris ; for he himself had brought him into Eng-
land, after his studies were finished, during which
time the Cardinal had in a great measure sup-
ported him out of his privy-purse.

His recovery was now rapid ; for, " in foure
dayes they sette him again upon his feete, and
hee had gotten him a good stomacke to meate" —
when the learned doctors, no doubt surprised at
their own skill in this sudden cure, took leave and
departed.

The Cardinal wished to have paid them a
handsome fee ; but they all refused, assuring him,
that they had it in positive command from the
king himself not to recive any reward, as his ma-
jesty would remunerate them himself agreeable to
their deserts.

Wolsey having passed his winter at Esher, the
feast of Candlemas was now approaching, about
which time the king began to think of adding to
the comforts of his old friend ; accordingly, he
caused to be sent to him three or four waggons
loaded with household goods, including both for
the kitchen and bed-chambers, and containing
plate and rich hangings, besides chapel furniture :
all which his majesty is stated to have done with-
out either the advice or knowledge of the lords
of the council. Emboldened by this unexpected
favour, the Cardinal not only sent back to the
king his " most humble and hearty thanks," but
he also ventured, privately, to request that he

AND HIS TIMES. 503

might change his residence from Esher to the
house at Richmond, which he had fitted up at
his own expense, and at great cost, when his ma-
jesty gave it to him in exchange for Hampton-
Court.

Soon after this, the Cardinal obtained the king's
leave to remove to Richmond, for the benefit of
a change of air ; but even this favour, though so
trifling in itself, was opposed by the Duke of
Norfolk, and by some others, whose avowed ob-
ject was to have him removed, or rather banished,
to York.

The Cardinal, however, succeeded so far in
opposition to his enemies, as to leave Esher for
Richmond, though not ultimately to get over the
proposed journey to York. At Richmond he
stopped for a few days at his old residence, the
lodge in the old or great park ; but soon removed
to the monastery of the Carthusians at Shene,
where he is described as visiting the church every
morning, and spending his afternoons in con-
ference with those monks most remarkable for their
piety and theological knowlege. So intent was he,
indeed, to adopt, or to appear to adopt, a life of
penitence and penance, after a long career of am-
bition, and worse as his enemies asserted, that he
put on a hair shirt, and also conformed, with the
utmost strictness, to the severest rules of the Car-
thusian order.

The request for change of air, though granted,

504 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

was so without being specifically known to the lords
of the council, whose policy it was now to keep
the Cardinal as far from the king as possible, lest
the nearness of his abode might induce his ca-
pricious majesty to pay him a random visit, and
perhaps receive him again into favour: but no
sooner did his enemies in the council ascertain
what was going on than they again moved the
king that the Cardinal should be directed to pro-
ceed to York ; where, as they alleged, his pre-
sence might be of good service to the country.
The representations of the council appeared so
reasonable, and it was so proper that an arch-
bishop should reside within his own province,
that the king at once adopted their suggestion,
and gave orders accordingly.

During all this period, Cromwell was both
active and attentive in his duty towards his
master ; for though he resided in London for his
parliamentary duties, yet he contrived to visit the
court daily, and daily to make a report to Wolsey
of what was going on in regard to him. On one
of these visits, the Duke of Norfolk directed him
to acquaint the Cardinal that he must go home to
his benefice ; and when he did so, Wolsey's reply
was — " Well then, Thomas, we will go to Win-
chester ;" which Cromwell promised he would state
to the duke on his return to court. Having done
so, Norfolk exclaimed — "What should he do there?
Let him go the rich Bishopric of York, where his

AND HIS TIMES. 505

greatest honour and charge lieth, and so show it
to him !"

Wolsey's enemies in the council now feared
that he was still anxious to keep near to the king,
and therefore to check his desire of fixing at Win-
chester, which he held in commendam, they per-
suaded Henry to give him a pension of 4000 marks
only out of that bishopric, and to distribute the
remainder of the annual revenues of the see
amongst the nobility, and the principal servants
of the royal household. The king was also fur-
ther persuaded to seize upon the revenues of the
Abbey of St. Alban's, and to divide the same
amongst the courtiers, some of whom got to the
amount of £200 per annum.

In this downfall of the Cardinal's property it is
not to be supposed that the revenues of his two
colleges should escape ; accordingly it appears that
the king took the lands belonging to Christ-Church,
Oxford, and to the College at Ipswich, into his
own hands ; and as Cromwell had for some time
possessed the agency, or " receit and gouverment,"
by Wolsey's assignment, so the king thought it
proper that he should retain it — a trust which
he executed so honestly as to rise much, not
only in public estimation, but also in the royal
favour.

In all these proceedings it appears that the
principal agents were anxious to preserve the
semblance of law, if not of justice ; and on the 7th

506 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

of February 1530, we find a decree of Sir Thomas
More, the new Chancellor, delivering to the king,
and his heirs for ever, one messuage, two gardens,
and three acres of land, forming the site of the
archiepiscopal residence, then called York Place :
and soon after, on the 13th, was passed the king's
special pardon* to the Cardinal, " accused and
condemned of grave contempts, crimes, excesses,
enormities, abuses, wickednesses ;" the preceding
document, of the 21st of November, being only a
grant of protection, and not of full pardon : this
latter, indeed, not only freeing Wolsey from the
effects of the Premunire, but the whole clergy of
the realm.

On the 17th of February some legality of ap-
pearance was given to the stripping of the Car-
dinal of Winchester and St. Alban's, by an in-
denture t between him and the king, in which he
is made to consent to what is therein stated to be
already lost to him by his conviction ; and Henry,
now fully satiated with the plunder of his quon-
dam favourite, seems to have been anxious to
soften his difficulties by sending him many valu-
able presents, as an earnest of future friendship
and kindness.

But this kindness of the king was much
thwarted by Wolsey 's enemies, who had the little-
ness to interfere in regSrd to the things sent,

* Rymer,Fced. xiv. 366.
f Rymer, Feed. xiv. 374.

AND HIS TIMES. 507

causing them to be selected of a much inferior
nature from what the king intended*. Wolsey,
however, with a cautious policy, avoided any
thing like complaint; and, when the packages
were opened, merely observed to his household,
that he thought the supply might have been better
appointed. " But, sirs,1' continued he, " he that
hath nothing is glad of somewhat ; and al-
though it be not in comparison, nor yet so good
in value, as wee had before, yet hereof we enjoy e
more than we did before of all the great abund-
ance that we had. Let us then give the king
our most humble thanks, trusting after this to
attain to more. Therefore let us all rejoice and
be glad that God and the king have so graciously
favoured us, to restore us to something to main-
tain our estate like a noble person."

* There was an apparent munificence in the king's inten-
tions on this occasion, which makes the affair worthy of spe-
cific notice ; we have therefore to state, that the most im-
portant part of the donation consisted in a restoration of
every thing belonging to the See of York, with the exception
of York Place. To this must be added, money to the amount
of £3000—9565 ounces of plate, valued at £ 175 3— apparel,
bedding, napery, £c., worth £800 — eighty horses and their
trappings, about £150 — mules for carriage and saddle to the
value of £100— lyng fish, 1000 in number— 800 cod and
haberdine — 8 waye of salt, worth £10 — kitchen implements
valued at £80 — 52 oxen, worth £50 — 60 muttons, estimated
at £12— together with personal apparel for the Cardinal him-
self, worth £300 — the whole being estimated at the sum of
£6374.

508 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

Such is often the curious turn of affairs, that
many of Wolsey's enemies, who before longed for
his death, were now as anxious that he should
live; for having received from the king either
annuities or fees for term of life, or grants by pa-
tent, out of the Cardinal's lands forfeited under
the premunire, they began to recollect that the
king's power to grant could not go beyond the
terms of that premunire, and of course they held
their grants by a very uncertain tenure. Accord-
ingly, after the best legal advice, they felt that
to make their hold on these lands good and suf-
ficient there was no other way left for them but
to prevail upon Wolsey to confirm their patents.
For this purpose they selected Cromwell as their
fittest agent, who actually undertook the task, and
succeeded in it — " and to bring this about, there
was no other meanes but by Master Cromwell,
who was thought the fittest instrument for this
purpose, and for his paines therein he was wor-
thily rewarded ; and his demeanour, his honesty,
and wisedom was such, that the king took great
notice of him."

When this affair was arranged, and certainly
one of the secret springs of which, on the Car-
dinal's part, seems very little to be known, the
lords of the council again began to concert mea-
sures for his removal to York, and the Duke of
Norfolk took upon him to be the active man upon
this occasion, saying to Cromwell — "Master Crom-

AND HIS TIMES. 509

well, methinks the Cardinal, thy master, makes no
haste to go northwards. Tell him, I will tear him
with my teeth : therefore I would advise him to
prepare away with speed, or else I will set him
forwards."

Cromwell took an early opportunity of repairing
to Richmond, to acquaint the Cardinal with this
message ; and in the evening of that day a curious
circumstance happened, which we shall give nearly
in Cavendish's own words. He says — " My lord
being accustomed to walke in the garden, and I
being with him standing in an alley, I espied cer-
taine images of beasts counterfeited in timber,
which I went nearer to take the better view of
them, among whom I there saw stand a dunne
cow, whereat I most mused of all those beasts.
My lord then suddenly came upon me unawares,
and speaking to me said, What have you spied
there whereat you look so earnestly? Forsooth,
quoth I, if it please your grace, I here behold
those images which I suppose were ordained to
be set up in the king's palace ; but amongst them
all I have most considered this cowe, which seems
to me the artificer's master-piece. Yea! marry,
quoth my lord, upon this cowe hangs a certain
prophesie, which perhaps you never heard of. I
will show you. There is a saying —

When the coive doth ride the bull,
Then priest beivare thy scull !

510 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

Which saying neither my lord that declared it,
nor I that heard it, understood the effect, although
the compasse thereof was working, and then like
to bee brought to passe. This cowe the king gave,
by reason of the earledome of Richmond, which
was his inheritance. This prophesie was after-
wards expounded in this manner: — The dunne
cowe, because it is the king's beast, betokens the
king; and the bull betokens Mistris Anne Bul-
loigne, who after was queene. Her father gave
the black bull's head in his cognizance, and (it)
was his beast ; so that when the king had marry ed
Queene Anne, it was thought of all men to be ful-
filled ; for what a number of priests, religious and
secular, lost their heads for offending of those laws
made to bring this matter to passe, is not un-
known to all the world ; therefore it may well be
judged that this prophesie is fulfilled."

We have already mentioned the Cardinal's re-
solve, as urged by the Duke of Norfolk, to obey his
majesty's commands about retiring to his arch-
bishopric of York ; and it is further to be stated,
that he wished the king to know that he was only
prevented from doing so through want of money.
He, therefore, requested Cromwell would go to
court, and desire the king to send him some, for
the last that he had from him was insufficient to
pay his debts, and that now to compel him to pay
all his debts would be requiring too much, since

AND HIS TIMES. 511

all his goods were taken from him. He begged
him also fully to explain to the Duke of Norfolk,
and to the other lords of the council, that he
would depart, if he had money to enable him so
to do. This Cromwell promised faithfully to exe-
cute ; and went to London, and soon after suc-
ceeded so far in his embassy to court, that the
lords of the council agreed the Cardinal should
have one thousand marks pension out of the tem-
poralities of Winchester see, to enable him to pro-
ceed on his northern journey; and so anxious was
the king for his departure, or perhaps from kind-
ness to his quondam favourite, that he ordered
the money to be paid immediately to Cromwell,
directing the secretary to attend him as soon as
the money should be paid. When Cromwell waited
upon his majesty, Henry said — " Show your lord
that I have sent him ten thousand pounds of my
benevolence, and tell him he shall not lacke. Bid
him be of good comfort." For this show of fa-
vour the secretary returned many thanks, and in-
stantly set off for Richmond, where the money,
and the king's favourable expressions, are stated
to have rejoiced the Cardinal much.

Great preparations were now made for the
journey, and the Cardinal, with something like
his former pomp, set out just before the Passion
week for York, with a train of one hundred and
sixty persons, besides twelve carts loaded with
goods, which he had sent for from the college of

512 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

Christ Church, and others for the carriage of ar-
ticles for daily use *.

The day of departure being arrived, the Car-
dinal set off at an early hour, and proceeded as far
as Hendon, lodging for the night at the house of
the Abbot of Westminster : and the next day pur-
suing his journey by the way of Peterborough,
where he kept the feast of Easter in the most
solemn manner; going in procession with the
monks on Palm Sunday, and bearing his palm
with all the apparent humility of the lowest in
rank of his companions.

On Maundy Thursday he also conformed strictly
to all the injunctions of the church, having fifty-
nine poor people collected, whose feet he washed
and kissed, after having dried them, giving to
each twelve-pence, and three ells of good canvas
for shirts ; to each he also gave a pair of shoes,
and a cask of red herrings. On Easter day also
he rose early to assist in the ceremony of the

* A domestic anecdote is related by Cavendish, in regard
to this journey, which deserves notice. He says, that pre-
paratory to his departure, Wolsey sent to London for livery
coats for those servants that should accompany him to the
north -, but some he refused, such as he thought were not
likely to be useful, whilst " some againe, of their own minde,
desired his honour to tarie still in the south, being verie lothe
to forsake their natife countrye, their parentes, wives, and
children, whome hee righte gladlie and with his good will
licensed so to do, and -rendered unto them his thanks for their
Jonge tariance with him in his trouble."

AND HIS TIMES. 513

resurrection ; and on that holy day " he went in
procession in his Cardinal's vestments, and having
his hat upon his head, and sung the high masse
there himselfe solemnlie ; after his masse, he gave
his benediction to all the hearers, with cleane re-
mission."

During his stay at Peterborough, Wolsey felt a
wish to pass some time at the house of Sir Wil-
liam Fitzwilliam, an old friend, about four miles
distant from Peterborough ; and to bring it about,
ordered his gentleman-usher to ride thither, and
to procure him a lodging for three or four days,
on his journey northwards. Cavendish declares,
that on delivering his message, Sir William ap-
peared the gladdest man alive, both by his words
and deeds, that the Cardinal would so lovingly
take his house in his way ; saying that he should
be the heartiest welcome of any man alive, the
king his sovereign excepted ; adding that the Car-
dinal would have no occasion to unload any part
of his furniture for his own use, during his abode
there, but should have " all necessarie stuffe of his
owne to occupie, unlesse it were my lorde's bedd
for his own person. Thus upon reporte made to
mylorde, at my returne, he rejoyced not a little, and
commanded me," says Cavendish, " to give warn-
ing unto all his officers and servaunts, to prepare
them to remove from Peterborough upon Thurs-
day next, which was in Easter week. Then made
every man all things in such readines as was con-

. L L

514 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

venient, paying in the towne for all such things
as they had taken; for which cause my lorde or-
dered a proclamation to be made in the towne,
that if any person or persons were greved by anie
of his servaunts, they should resort to his officers,
and there they should be answered and have due
remedy."

This is not only a curious picture of the man-
ners of that day, in regard to travelling, but also
of the state of property and of police in those
" good old times !"

In pursuance of his plan, the Cardinal set off on
the day appointed for Sir William Fitzwillianfs
mansion, where he was received with great hos-
pitality, " and had worthie and honourable enter-
teynement, at the only costs and charges of the
saide Mr. Fitzwilliams, all the time of my lordes
being there with hym. The occasion that Mr.
Fitzwilliams (was) thus frendly to do was this :
he was some time a merchant of London, and
sheriff thereof, and bare the charges of the same
in the said city; and after there fell a greate de-
bate and grudge betwene the benche of aldermen
and the said Sir William, for that he would have
a new corporation of merchaunte taylors, contrary
to the order of the city. The which caused him
to surrendre up his cloak and gone over the free-
dom of the city, againste whose malyce my lorde
bare him much, and after received him into his
service, whom he made his treasurer, and after

AND HIS TIMES. 515

that his highe chamberlin ; and in conclusion, for
his wysedome, gravitie, eloquence, and porte, being
a comely gentleman, my lord made him one of the
kinge's counsaile, who so contynewed during all
his lyfe after. And for the especiall goodnes he
alwaies founde in my lorde, during his treble with
the city, like a faithefull servaunte, he was readie
then most joyously to requite him with the sem-
blable, and graunted to shewe him any pleasure
that lay in him to do."

Whilst relating his stay here, Cavendish adds,
" I cannot choose but declare unto you a notable
communication had at Mr. Fitzwilliam's house
between my lorde and me, which was this. My
lorde walking in the garden at Mr. Fitzwilliam's,
saieing his even songe with his chaplaine, and I
being there attendant upon him, after he had
finished his prayers, he commanded his chaplaine
that bore up the gowne traine to deliver the same
to me, and to go aside. And after his chaplaine
was gone, he spake to me in this wyse, calling me
by my name : Ye have bene lately at London,
quothe he. Forsoothe, my lord, quoth I, not since
I was there to have the liveries for your servauntes.
And what newes was there then ? quoth he ; heard
ye no communication of me? I pray you tell
me !

" Then perceivinge that I had a good occasion
to speake my mynde unto him, I said, Sir, if it
please your Grace, it was my chance to be at

L L 2

516 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

dynner in a certain place, where I also supped,
and manie honeste and worshipful gentlemen, who
were for the most parte of mine old acquaintance,
and therefore durst the boldlier participate with
me in communication of your Grace, knowinge
that I was still your servaunte, and askinge of me
how you did, and how you accepted your adversitie
and trouble, I answered that ye did well, and ac-
cepted all thinge in good parte : and as it seemed
to me they were your indifferent frendes of whom
they said none evill, but lamented your decaie and
downfall verye sore, doubting much the sequele
not to be good for the comonwelthe. Also they
mervailed muche that ye being of so excellent wit,
and of such discretion, woulde so simplie confesse
yourselfe guiltye unto the king, as ye did, for (as
they understood by reporte of some of the kinge's
councell) your case being well considered, ye had
great wronge, to the which I could make no direct
answere.

" Is this, quoth he, the opinion of wise men ?

" Yes, forsoothe, my lord, quoth I, and com-
monly of all men.

" Well then, quoth he, for all their wisdom,
they perceived not so much as I ; for I considered
that my enemies had broughte the matter so to
passe against me, that they conveyed and made
it the king's matter and case, and caused the king
to take the matter into his own hands : and, after
he had once the possession of all my goodes, being

AND HIS TIMES. 517

the kinge's onlie case, he, rather than he would
have delivered me my goodes againe, and taken a
foyle or overthrowe therein at my handes, with-
oute a double he would not have miste (by the
settinge fourthe and procurement of my evill
willers) to have imagined my undoing and destruc-
tion therein, whereof the best had been perpetual
imprisonment, or the daunger of my lyfe. I had
rather confesse the matter as I did, and to live at
large like a poor vicare, than to lye in prison with
all the goodes and honour I then had ; and there-
fore it was for me the better way to yelde me unto
the kinge's mercie and clemencie than to stand
stiffe againste him in tryall of the wronge whiche
I susteyned, wherein the kinge would have been
lothe to have been worsted. And in my submis-
sion, the kinge, I doubte not, had a conscience,
wherein he woulde rather pitie me than maligne
me; and also there was the nighte crowe*, that
ever cried in his eare againste me ; arid if she
mighte have perceived any obstinacie in rne, she
would not have fayled to have set it fourthe with
such vehemencie that I shoulde rather have ob-
teyned the kinge's indignation than his lawfull
favoure. And his favoure once loste ( as I then
knewe that I had done), woulde never have beene
by me recovered. Therefore I though te it better
to keep still his favoure with losse of goodes and
dignities, than to rayne his indignation with all
* Evidently alluding to Anne Boleyn.

518 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

my witt, trowth, and pollicie ; and this was the
cause, whiche all men knowe not, that I yelded
myselfe so sone giltey to the premunire, wherein
the king hath since conceyved a conscience, for he
knoweth, and alwaies did know, more the effecte
thereof than any other person living. And whe-
ther I offended him therein or no, I wholie leave
to his conscience, committinge to him the trowthe
of my cause."

Circumstanced as Wolsey was, and hoping still
to regain the royal favour, it was the most courtly
policy thus to yield to the storm until it should
blow over — yet the part he played would have
been a difficult one for a strictly honest man : but
this speech, besides acting as his justification, is
also extremely curious as showing the real state
of personal security in those " good old times" so
much boasted of, — times when a man must be
content to yield up all his property, in order to
save his head f

Wolsey having proceeded from Sir William
Fitzwilliam's mansion to Newark, took up his
lodgings in the castle, then in a habitable state
of repair, from whence he set off for Southwell,
where was an archiepiscopal residence ; but it was
in such a dilapidated state, that when he arrived
there at supper-time, he found it necessary to take
up his lodgings in the prebendary's house opposite
to it, where he remained until Whitsuntide, when,
the palace being set in a habitable state, he took

AND HIS TIMES. 519

up his abode in it, keeping open house during the
remainder of the summer, which was resorted to
" by the most worshipfull of the country."

Cavendish also states, that " diverse noblemen
(havinge occasion to repaire into the countrey there)
thoughte it goode to visit my lorde as they tra-
velled throughe the country e, of whome they were
most gladlie enterteyned, and had righte good
chere, whose noble and gentle behaviour caused
him to have muche love in the countrye of all
kinds of people. He kept there a noble house,
where was both plentie of meate and drinke for
all commers, and also muche almes geven at his
gate unto the poore of the towne and countrye.
He used muche charitie and cleinencie amonge his
tennauntes and others of the kinge's subjectes,
although the hearinge thereof were not pleasaunte
in the eares of suche as bare him no goode wille :
yet the countrye and comon people will saye as
they finde cause ; for nowe he was very muche
familiar amonge all persons who then accustom-
ablie kept him companie ; and, glad at anie time
when he mighte do them anye good, he made
manie agreements and Concordes between gentle-
man and gentleman, and between some gentlemen
and their wives, and other meane persons, the
whiche had bene longe before asonder and in
greate troble ; makinge for everie of them (as
occasion did serve) greate assemblies and feastes,
not sparing his purse where he might make a

520 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

peace and amitie ; which gave him much love and
friendship in the countrye."

During Wolsey's stay at Southwell, an instru-
ment was brought to him from the king for sig-
nature, the nature of which does not appear ; but
the hurried manner in which it was forced upon
him, in the middle of the night and just roused
from sleep, forms pretty good evidence of its
having been such a document as either the king,
or his enemies, were afraid he would refuse his
signature to, under other circumstances.

The affair took place upon Corpus Christi Eve,
on which occasion the Cardinal had given orders
to his household to prepare for the singing of
high mass in the morning ; and scarcely had the
household retired to rest, when two gentlemen
arrived at the gate, and demanded instant admis-
sion. His gentleman usher being called, he went
to the gate to inquire who they were, when they
declared themselves to be Mr. Brereton, one of the
gentlemen of the king's privy chamber, and a Mr.
Wrotherly, who had come post from court to
speak with the Cardinal. On this being known,
they were instantly admitted into the porter's
lodge, when they desired Cavendish to make ar-
rangements, without delay, for their interview
with the Cardinal ; on which he gave instant in-
formation to him of their arrival, of their wish
for an immediate interview, and of their intention
to depart without any further delay.

AND HIS TIMES. 521

In consequence of this, Wolsey gave directions
for their being admitted into the next chamber,
where he received them in his night dress, in ma-
nifestation of his ready compliance with the royal
orders ; there they did him due reverence, after *
which he shook them heartily by the hand, and
asked how his sovereign lord, the king, did ?

" Sir," said they, " righte well and merie ;
thankes be geven to God !" — adding, " Sir, we
muste desire you to talke with you apart."

" With a righte good will," replied the Car-
dinal.

On this they retired to the recess of a great
window, when a long conversation took place ;
after which the messengers produced what Caven-
dish calls " a little mall, a close thing in manner
of a little coffre covered with greene velvet, and
bound with barres of silver and gilte, with a locke
on the same havinge a gilte key, with the whiche
they opened the chest, out of the whiche cheste
they took an instrumente or writinge conteyninge
more than a skynne of greate parchmente, havinge
manie scales hanginge to the same, whereunto
they put more wax for my lorde's seal, to the
whiche my lord sealed and subscribed his name
with his owne hande, and delivered the same
againe unto them ; desiringe them, forasmuch as
they made haste to departe, to tarie and take a
bed, for it was verie late, aboute midnighte, or
somethinge paste. They thanked him, and saide
they mighte in no wise tarie ; but saide they

522 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

woulde straite waie ryde to the Earle of Shrews-
burie, and do as muche as they coulde to be there
before he shoulde be stirringe. And my lorde,
seeinge their speedie haste, caused them to eate
suche colde meate as there was readie in the house,
and to drinke a boll or two of wyne : and that
done, he gave eche of them fowre olde soveraignes
of fine golde, desyringe them to take it in grace,
sainge that if he had ben of greater habilitie, he
would have geven them a better rewarde ; and so
takinge their leave they departed."

Cavendish, who seems to revel in this kind of
gossip, relates that after they were gone he heard
it said they expressed themselves discontented with
the sums given to them by the Cardinal ; but then
he observes that they were none of his indifferent
friends, which induced them to accept the offered
reward so disdainfully; yet if they had known
how straitened he was for cash at that time, had
they been his friends, they would have made every
allowance for him ; " but nothinge is more loste
or caste away than suche thinges as be geven to
suche persons."

So secret were the messengers upon this occa-
sion, and such was the secresy, whether ordered
or not does not appear, with which the visit was
kept, that Cavendish observes there were few or
none of all the household, besides himself and the
porter, that knew of the affair, " and yet there
laye in the house manie strangers and worshipfull
gentlemen of the shire."

AND HIS TIMES. 523

It is probable that this transaction may have
had some reference to a proceeding in London on
the 14th of July, when a writ was issued to the
lord mayor, certain citizens of London and others,
to inquire into what manors, lands, &c. &c. were
then possessed by Wolsey, or had come into his
possession since the 28th of August, 1523.

The object of this investigation does not clearly
appear, nor do we find its result recorded : we
must leave it therefore in the same obscurity as
the document whose forced signature has just been
stated.

The MS. so often quoted next informs us that
the Cardinal remained at Southwell, " untill aboute
the latter ende of grasse time," when he resolved
to remove to Scroby, where then stood a mansion
belonging to the archbishopric : but no sooner had
he given orders to prepare for that removal than
the news spread like wildfire, to the great sorrow
of that vicinity; or, as Cavendish describes it,
" which was not so muche sorrowe to all his
neighbours there aboute Southwell, but it was as
joyfull to all the countrey about Scrobie."

On the Sunday before the Cardinal's departure
for Scroby, all the knights and other worshipful
gentlemen (as they were called in the dialect of
that age), of that part of Nottinghamshire, as-
sembled at Southwell to a parting dinner, and to
sleep there, so as they might accompany him on
his journey through that part of the then ex-
tensive forest of Sherwood. But Wolsey being

524 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

informed that it was their intention to have a
great stag lodged by the way, for the purpose of
showing him all the sport they could, felt it prudent
to avoid such an exhibition, " not knowinge howe
the kinge would take it ; being also well assured
howe his enemies would much rejoyce to under-
stand that he would take upon him such pre-
sumption, whereby they mighte finde occasion to
persuade with the kinge, how sumptuous he was,
notwithstandinge his adversitie and displeasure,
and so to bringe the kinge into perfect ill opinion
of him, and thereby breede small hope of recon-
ciliation, but rather to informe the kinge that he
soughte a meane to obtaine the favour of the
countrey than of him, with diverse suche imagina-
tions, wherein he might rather obteyne displea-
sure than honor;" and being unwilling also to state
these reasons to the gentlemen assembled, as a
cause for declining their kind intentions, lest they
should take it into their heads that to visit him
was not to pay court to the monarch, he contrived
a plan which he meant, when once secretly exe-
cuted, should pass off for a good joke upon his
visitors. For this purpose he gave secret direc-
tions, on the Sunday evening, to his gentleman
usher, to have six or seven horses, besides his own
mule, ready for departure by break of day, to-
gether with a certain number of persons who were
to accompany him to a neighbouring abbey, where
he intended to lodge in his way to Scroby ; desiring
Cavendish also to be ready to ride with him, and

AND HIS TIMES. 525

to call him so early, that he might hear mass be-
fore he should set off, yet still be on horseback by
break of day.

These directions being strictly complied with,
the Cardinal set off in due time upon his mule,
with his appointed attendants, for the abbey, which
was about sixteen miles distant, where he arrived
as early as six in the morning, going instantly to
bed, whilst his household and all the gentlemen at
Southwell were themselves still in their beds, not
expecting that he would set off before eight o'clock.
At that hour the joke was partly found out ; when
all the party mounted on horseback, setting off at
full gallop in hopes of overtaking him ; in which,
however, they were disappointed, as well as in
their proposed chase of the great stag, which they
thus left behind them in the forest ; but at dinner,
as Cavendish reports, " the matter was laughed
at, and so meetly jested onto, that all the matter
was well taken."

Hunting, indeed, seems in that vicinity to have
been the order of the day, for in the afternoon
Wolsey was waited on by several of the Earl of
Shrewsbury's gentlemen and game-keepers, with
their lord's request that he would indulge himself
by hunting in Worksop park ; which, as they as-
sured him, was the nearest and best way for him
to travel through on his journey, and where he
would find plenty of game laid in readiness for
him to hunt : but to this polite message the Car-
dinal replied, that he thanked Lord Shrewsbury

526 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

" for his gentlenes, and them for their pains,"
adding that he was " a man not meete to retaine
anie suche pleasure ; for such pastime was meete
for men of honour, that delighted themselves
therein, for whom he sayde it was more con-
venient than for him. Neverthelesse he could
doo no lesse than thinke my Lorde of Shrewsburie
to be muche his freind, in whom he found suche
gentlenes and courteous offer, and rendered also
to him his most lowlye thankes from the verie
bottome of his heart ; but in no wise could they
intreate him to hunt, althoughe the worshipfull
men in his companie did muche provoke him
thereto ; yet he would not consent, desyring them
to be contented, saienge that he came not into the
countrye to frequent or followe anie suche plea-
sures or pastimes, but rather to attend to a greater
cure that he had in hande, which was both his
studye and pleasure."

With this kind of apology he attempted to pa-
cify them for the time ; yet when he rode through
the park, on the ensuing day, not only Lord
Shrewsbury's people, but also the gentry who ac-
companied him, urged him again to the chase,
especially as the deer lay very fair for the sport ;
but he was not to be persuaded to break his reso-
lution : and therefore he rode through the park
with all possible speed, until he came to its verge,
when he called the earl's keepers, gave them his
best thanks to carry to their master, with a pro-
mise shortly to visit him, also ten pounds for

AND HIS TIMES. 527

themselves, as their " reward" for conducting him
through the park; and then pursued his course
for Rufford Abbey, where he dined, pushing on
for the abbey at Blythe, where he slept, and
reached Scroby on the ensuing day.

At this archiepiscopal residence, Wolsey re-
mained until after Michaelmas, evidently fishing
for popularity, in a manner which he had never
attempted before : for now we hear of his exer-
cising many deeds of charity, whilst on every
Sabbath day, that the weather permitted him, he
went to some poor parish church in the vicinity,
where he performed the mass, causing one of his
attendant chaplains to preach, and then dining
humbly at some house in the village, ordering vic-
tuals and drink to be supplied to the poor, and
practising all such actions as were most likely to
gain the affections of the people.

The winter advancing, it became necessary to
hasten his journey towards York ; therefore, leav-
ing Scroby for Cawood-Castle, Wolsey stopped two
nights and a day at St. Oswald's Abbey, where
he confirmed the children of the vicinity in the
church, from eight in the morning until noon;
and then, so intent was he on this holy work, that
after a short dinner, he began again a little after
one, until at length he became so fatigued as to
find it necessary to call for a chair ; yet he would
not desist, but proceeded until six in the evening,
before he could complete the duty, so many appli-
cants were there for this solemnity.

528

WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

On the ensuing day, whilst travelling towards
Cawood, he stopped at every church in his way,
confirming nearly one hundred children on that
day alone, even before he reached Ferrybridge ;
where, on an extensive plain, about a quarter of a
mile from the town, there assembled upwards of
five hundred children, round a great stone cross.
The Cardinal immediately alighted, and confirmed
them all before he would leave the place, so that
he did not arrive at Cawood until a late hour.

Cawood-Castle, or palace, is about seven miles
distant from York,

AND HIS TIMES. 529

and here he resided for some time, in all the state
befitting his high dignity, keeping open house, and
receiving the compliments of all the nobility and
gentry in the neighbourhood.

Poor as he had described himself to be, he now
found means to repair the castle upon a very ex-
tensive scale, adding several new buildings to it,
and keeping upwards of three hundred workmen
daily employed upon it.

As it was generally known that Wolsey was
now out of favour with the king, there seem at
first to have been some doubts, amongst the prin-
cipal clergy, how they should behave towards him
in their corporate capacity. At length, all the
doctors and prebendaries of the cathedral resolved
to wait upon him as their chief head, and as the
patron and father of their spiritual dignities. For
this purpose they repaired in a body to Cawood,
most joyfully welcoming him into those parts, and
assuring him that it was no small comfort to them
to see their head amongst them, who had been so
long absent from them ; that they were like unto
fatherless and comfortless children, for want of his
presence ; and expressing a hope that they would
shortly see him amongst them in his own church,
the cathedral of York. Wolsey assured them that
to do so was the most .especial cause of his coming,
that he might be amongst them as a father and a
natural brother ; but they informed him that his
installation must first take place, for by the ancient

M M

530 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

laws and customs of that cathedral, even he, who
was the head prelate and pastor, could not be per-
mitted to go above the choir door, until that cere-
• mony was performed. Nay, they further informed
him, that if he were to die previous to installation,
he could not be buried above in the choir, but in
the lower part of the church. Wherefore they
expressed their strong desire that he should be
installed forthwith ; at the same time beseeching
him that he would not break the laudable customs
of that cathedral, " to the which," added they,
" we are obliged by oath, at our first admittance,
to observe that and divers others, which in our
chapter do remain upon record." — " These re-
cords," replied the Cardinal, " would I fain see,
and then you shall know further of mine advise
and mind in this business."

On a day appointed, the great body of the clergy
waited upon him with these records, which he
examined minutely, and then declared his inten-
tion of going through the ceremony of installation
upon the next Monday after All Hallows' Tide,
directing that due preparation should be made for
the same ; not, indeed, in such sumptuous manner
as had been observed by his predecessors, but with
all due solemnity, and with such modest pomp, as
might be not unworthy of that ancient clerical
establishment.

Whilst things were in a state of preparation,
the Cardinal did not fail to pay due attention to

AND HIS TIMES. 531

all the members of the church; and upon All
Hallows' day, one of the principal officers of the
cathedral, and who had the general regulation of
the ceremonies at the installation, being at dinner
with him at Cawood, the conversation turned upon
the order and ceremony to be observed ; when the
officer stated that the archbishop, on the day of
his installation, was to proceed from the chapel of
St. James, which stood outside of the city gates,
to the Minster on foot, walking upon cloth, which
was afterwards to be distributed to the poor. To
this Wolsey answered, that although his prede-
cessors had walked upon cloth, yet he intended to
go on foot, without any such pomp or glory, and
" in the vampes of our hosen." He accordingly
gave orders to all his servants to attend the cere-
mony as humbly dressed as might be, and without
any sumptuous apparel ; and he then gave due
information, that on the ensuing Sunday he would
proceed to York, to be there installed, making but
one great dinner for all the churchmen at the
close, and dining the next day with the mayor,
after which he would return to his residence at
Cawood.

This determination was no sooner generally
known, than the gentry, abbots, and priors, in the
vicinity, sent in great store of all provisions ;
whilst the common people, with whom the Car-
dinal was now a great favourite, looked forward
with eager expectation.

M M 2

5321 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

Amongst the various incidents that took place
during Wolsey's short abode at Cawood, there was
one that deserves particular notice, as marking
the unsettled state of society, in those " good old
times." He ha$ not been long there, when he be-
came acquainted that there was a very serious
dispute between Sir Richard Tempest, Knt. and
a Mr. Brian Hastings, then ranking only as an
esquire, between whom it was supposed that a duel,
or even murder, must ensue, unless some means
could be found of bringing them to an accommo-
dation ; an affair in which the gentry of the county
felt themselves much interested.

The Cardinal instantly took the matter up,
writing to them both on the subject; and at
length so far succeeded, that each agreed to attend
at Cawood on a certain day, and there to hear
and fulfil his award, after a due investigation. In
consequence of this a day of meeting was ap-
pointed, on which they both attended, but each
with a great number of friends and followers.
Wolsey had received information that this would
be the case, and, therefore, he had taken the pre-
caution of requesting, and indeed requiring, a large
party of the gentry to come to Cawood on that
day, to assist not only in bringing these two dis-
putants to terms of friendship, but also in pre-
serving the peace, which otherwise might be in-
fringed upon by the " deadly feud."

To guard even more cautiously against a breach

AND HIS TIMES. 533

of the peace, the Cardinal gave strict orders that
no more of the suite of each gentleman than six
menial servants should enter the castle, all the
rest remaining in the town, or wherever they
might choose to repair ; and he himself, so anxious
was he on the subject, went outside the gates,
where he assembled the partizans of both sides,
most strictly charging them to preserve the pub-
lic tranquillity, upon their perils, and to avoid all
bragging or quarrelling with each other; after
which he ordered both beer and wine to be sent
to their quarters in the town, and then returned
into the castle.

The time was now about nine in the morning; and
as it was his intention to have both the disputants
to dine with him, at his own table, he thought it
would be best, if possible, to have the matter
settled amicably before dinner. Accordingly he
sent for them into the chapel ; and there, in pre-
sence of the gentry whom he had previously in-
vited, he commenced an examination into their
causes of quarrel, at the same time pointing out
to them the dangers that might possibly ensue
from wilfulness and obstinacy, and giving " good
and wholesome exhortations."

Notwithstanding this sage and friendly advice,
both Tempest and Hastings brought forward
many things in very strong language in their de-
fence ; and sometimes used very harsh language
towards each other, which it required all the skill

534 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

of the Cardinal and his friends to qualify ; but
they did not give up the work of peace-making in
despair, the Cardinal, in particular, urging very
strong arguments, even until four o'clock in the
afternoon, " when my lorde brought them to a
finall concorde and peace, concluding a certaine
determinde ende betwene them, and so made them
frendes : and, as it seemed, they were bothe con-
tented therewith, and very joyous of the same.
And then my lorde caused them, after they had
shaken hands together, to go arme in arme to
dyner ; the sight whereof pleased much the be-
holders, and so went to dyner, althoughe," observes
Cavendish with something like simplicity, "it
were to late to dyne." We may presume that the
party who had waited so long for a meal, which
they were in the habit of eating at noon, were not
exactly of the same opinion with the gentleman
usher, as to the fitness of the time ; accordingly
they all sat down at the Cardinal's table, when in
the course of the repast the reconciled disputants
drank to each other with every appearance of
friendship and good will.

Dinner over, Wolsey persuaded them to send
home their followers, then distributed in the town,
and to retain no more than their customary riding
attendants ; he also kept them at his residence all
night, along with his own invited friends, and en-
tertained them with such jollity and good will,
that they became his fast friends; which they

AND HIS TIMES. 535

manifested afterwards at the preparations for his
installation into the archiepiscopal chair.

It may be remarked as a curious fact, that
Wolsey, now on the point of being installed in
York, had never been at that city, even in his
northern progresses. Indeed it was a prophecy
of Mother Shipton, esteemed as a witch in those
days, that he should see York, but never come at
it. Nor does he seem to 'have been anxious to
visit it, preferring his own residence at Cawood,
where he is said to have received several persua-
sions and threatenings to make him conclude the
affair of the divorce, without regard to the orders
from Rome. On this point, however, he was in-
flexible ; and it is stated by one historian, that
not till then did the king determine upon his
ruin : whilst another says, that " the king all this
year dissembled the matter to see what he would
do at length, till that he saw his proud heart so
highly exalted, that he would be so triumphantly
installed without making the king privy — yea,
and in manner of disdayne of the king, thought it
not mete any longer to suffer him to continue."

How far this is correct, it is now difficult to
judge ; but we may observe that Wolsey appears
not to have been exactly aware of the extent
of malice at work against him : for it is a fact
that whilst thus endeavouring to gain popularity
at York, he was declining rapidly in favour at
court; where his enemies, still fearful that his

536 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

apparent moderation might tend much to revive
the king's confidence towards him, were again
busily engaged in plots to ensure his ruin. In
this they at length succeeded so far as to ex-
cite the strongest irritation against him in the
king's breast, who now yielded to their suggestions
that the Cardinal should be tried for high treason ;
but they were not so well pleased with the royal
determination that he should return to London,
and stand to the trial in his own person ; for they
still feared his influence with Henry, should the
old friends again meet.

To this, however, they dared not make any
open objection, and accordingly it was arranged
that Sir Walter Welch, a gentleman of the king's
privy chamber, together with the Earl of North-
umberland, should form the commission for his
arrest. The Earl of Northumberland was then
residing at his castle in the north, and Sir Walter
set off on All Hallows, 1st of November, the day
on which, as we have already mentioned, the Car-
dinal had a party of the York clergy to dine with
him at the Castle of Cawood. On that day his
chaplains sat at his own board end, and in the
course of the dinner, the great archiepiscopal
cross, which stood by, fell down, and broke
Dr. (afterwards Bishop) Bonner's head, causing
the blood to flow plentifully. The Cardinal ob-
serving the fall of the cross, and the state of
amazement into which it had struck those who

AND HIS TIMES. 537

were present, inquired the cause of their ap-
parent extraordinary alarm, when his gentleman
usher entered upon a detail of the affairs. Wolsey
then asked if blood had been drawn, and being
answered in the affirmative, he turned his head
aside, repeating in an under tone (malum omen),
" a bad omen."

Indeed it seems to have affected him much, ac-
cording to the superstitions of those times; for
he suddenly repeated the after grace, and rising
from table, retired to his bed-chamber. Nor had
it less effect upon the rest of the company, who
all considered it as ominous of misfortune, though
they knew not how ; but Wolsey afterwards gave
his interpretation to Cavendish that the archi-
episcopal cross was a type of himself, and that its
being thrown down by Dr. Austen, his physician,
was emblematic of that person betraying his con-
fidence, as he really did, to the Cardinal's ene-
mies ; whilst its falling on Bonner's head arose
from that priest holding at the time the office of
master of the faculties, and of the spiritual juris-
diction in his archbishopric ; as for the blood, he
considered as a sign of speedy death, probably
alluding in his own mind to a scaffold on Tower-
hill, rather than to a quiet demise in his bed.

Sir Walter Welch, in the mean time, pro-
ceeded to the castle of the Earl of Northumber-
land, who readily undertook his share of the com-
mission, ordered a number of the gentlemen of

538 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

his household to attend him on a journey, and di-
rected that a long list of the gentry of the vicinity
should be summoned also in the king's name to
accompany him on a special but secret expedition.
Such haste was made in this business that, on the
Friday previous to the proposed installation in
York minster, which was to have taken place on
the Monday, the commissioners arrived at Ca-
wood, whilst the Cardinal in his private apart-
ment, and the household in the hall were at din-
ner ; to the surprise of all, and evidently, as it ap-
peared afterwards, to the great discomfort of
Wolsey himself.

The earl no sooner entered the hall than, as
Cavendish states, "he set it in order," and then
directing the porter to deliver the keys, in the
king's name, to one of his servants, the porter
stoutly refused, saying that the keys were given
in charge to him by his own lord and master, the
Cardinal, both upon oath, and by verbal orders,
and therefore he would yield them up to no other
person.

Some of the Cardinal's gentlemen, who were
standing by, now stepped up in order to preserve
tranquillity, if possible, and observed to the earl
that the porter showed himself to be a good fellow
and a faithful servant, speaking like an honest
man ; " therefore," said they, " give him your
charge, and let him keep the keys still." The
earl was so satisfied with the remonstrance, that

AND HIS TIMES. 539

he said to the porter — "Thou shalt well and
truly keep the keys to the use of our sovereign
lord the king, and you shall let none pass in nor
out of the gates but such as from time to time
you shall be commanded by us, being the king's
commissioners, during our stay here." This was
considered as an oath, for the keys having, in the
interim, been taken from the porter by force, they
were now redelivered to him by Sir Walter
Welch, the other commissioner.

Hitherto, Wolsey was ignorant of the nature
of these violent proceedings, as none were allowed
to leave the hall ; and those sent down by him, to
make inquiry, were prevented from returning.
At length one of the household contrived to evade
the vigilance of the commissioners' men, and to
inform the Cardinal of what had taken place
below; but Wolsey, at first apparently lost in
astonishment, refused to believe it, until it was
confirmed by another person. He then resumed
his wonted placidity of outward demeanour, and
merely observed — " Then I am sorry we have
dined, for I fear our officers have not provided
fish enough (being a meagre day) for the enter-
tainment of him, with some honourable cheer
fitting his high estate and dignity." He then
rose from table, and, as if to show how little he
was affected by the unexpected circumstance, di-
rected that the cloth should remain as it was,
in order to show Lord Northumberland how far

540 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

they had proceeded with their dinner. This
done, he walked towards the staircase, on which
he was met by the earl*, to whom he said, " You
are heartily welcome, my lord ;" after which they
embraced. Wolsey next observed, " If you had
loved me, you would have sent me word of your
coming, that I might have entertained you with
honour. Notwithstanding, you shall have such
cheer as I can make you for the present, with a
right good will ; trusting you will accept thereof
in good part, hoping hereafter to see you oftener,
when I shall be more able to entertain you."

That Wolsey was sincere in these compliments,
and without any alarm on the subject of this un-
expected and evidently hostile visit, can scarcely
be supposed ; he carried it off well, however, and
with decent fortitude, for he took Lord North-
umberland by the hand and led him to his cham-
ber, followed by all the earl's servants, who were
stopped at the door by the gentleman usher, so
that the Cardinal and the commissioners were
left alone, with the exception of Cavendish, who
reports the conversation that took place between
them.

The bow or bay windows of the apartments of
that day seem to have been the general retiring
place for confidential conversation ; and at one
of these they stationed themselves, but not out of

* This was lie who, when Lord Percy, had been prevented
from marrying the Lady Anne Boleyn.

AND HIS TIMES. 541

hearing of the gentleman usher. Cavendish as-
serts that Northumberland trembled, but at length
said, " I arrest you of high treason !" At this
charge the Cardinal " was well nigh astonished,"
and he paused for some time before he ventured
on an answer. At length he demanded " what
authority have you to arrest me?" To which
Northumberland replied, " I have a commission
so to do." — " Show it me," said Wolsey, " that I
may see the contents thereof." — " Nay, sir, that
you may not !" was the reply. " Then," rejoined
the Cardinal, " hold you contented, for I will not
obey your arrest : for there hath been, between
your ancestors and my predecessors, great conten-
tions and debate ; and therefore unless I see your
authority I will not obey you !"

Whilst this matter was in debate between the
Cardinal and earl, Welch, the other commissioner,
was engaged in arresting Dr. Austen, which he
did at the door of the Cardinal's chamber, saying
to him, " Go in, thou traitor, or I shall make
thee !" Alarmed at this hubbub, Cavendish opened
the door, when Welch thrust in the doctor, with
considerable violence, himself following with as
little ceremony. No sooner had Welch entered
the Cardinal's chamber than he plucked off his
hood, which was of the same stuff as his cloak,
and worn as a disguise ; he then knelt down to
the Cardinal, who said to him calmly, " Come
hither, gentleman ; rise, and let me speak with

542 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

you." Welch having risen from his knees, Wolsey
continued — " My lord of Northumberland hath ar-
rested me, but by what authority I know not. If
you be privy thereunto, or joined with him therein,
I pray you show me !" But Welch replied — " In-
deed, my lord, if it please your grace, I pray have
me excused ; for there are annexed to our com-
mission certain instructions, as you may not see,
nor be privy to."

Wolsey now asked, " Why be your instructions
such as I may not see, nor be privy to ?" — then
pausing a moment, he added — " Yet peradventure
if I be privy unto them, I may help you the better
to perform them ; for it is not unknown to you
that I have been of counsel in as weighty matters
as these are ; and I doubt not but I shall do well
enough, for my part — prove myself a true man
against the expectation of my cruel enemies. I
see the matter whereupon it groweth ! well ! there
is no more to do, I trowe. You are of the privy-
chamber ; your name is Master Welch ; I am con-
tented to yield to you, but not to the earl without
I see his commission ; and also you are a sufficient
commissioner in this behalf, being one of the
privy-chamber. Therefore put your commission
in execution! Spare me not! I will obey you
and the king, for I fear not the cruelty of mine
enemies, no more than I do the truth of my al-
legiance ; wherein, I take God to witness, I never
offended his majesty in word or deed ; and therein

AND HIS TIMES. 543

I dare stand face to face with any, having a differ-
ence without partiality."

The Cardinal now bowed to the commission,
when the earl walked up to Cavendish, and or-
dered him to quit the apartment ; but the faithful
gentleman-usher, being unwilling to leave his lord
alone, and in the hands of his enemies, held his
station, and did not move. The earl then repeated
to him the order to depart, adding that there was
no remedy, he must obey. Cavendish, however,
still lingered, and looked towards the Cardinal, as
if asking him whether he should obey the order
or not ; but receiving no encouragement from his
master's looks, he retired to another apartment,
where many of the gentlemen and household were
assembled to hear news, and to whom he repeated
what had passed, evidently to their great sorrow.

In the mean time, the Earl of Northumberland
called into the chamber, where the Cardinal was,
several of his own servants, and of his gentlemen,
to five of whom he gave the Cardinal in custody,
he and Welch first taking possession of their pri-
soner's keys. This being done, the commissioners
walked through the castle, and saw all things put
in order, intending to depart for London on the
ensuing day, to make a report of what they had
done.

As for Dr. Austen, they determined to send
him up to town with all possible speed ; and, ac-

544 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

cordingly, directing him to be bound to his horse
like a traitor, they gave him in charge to a sufr
ficient guard, with orders to lose no time on their
journey. Time had passed on rapidly, and it was
near night before Austen was sent off, after which
the commissioners gave permission for two of the
Cardinal's grooms to attend him in his chamber,
where he lay all night ; but a number of North-
umberland's men watched in the chamber also:
the castle had guards likewise placed in all direc-
tions where an escape might be made, and the
gates were so strictly kept, that not an individual
could pass them before the next morning.

Early on the following day, Northumberland
sent for Cavendish, and commanded him to attend
upon the Cardinal; but just as he was leaving
the earl's presence, he met the other commis-
sioner, who called him on one side, and told him
that the king bore towards him (Cavendish) most
special favour, for the love and diligent service
that he had invariably shown towards his lord ;
and he then informed him that it was his ma-
jesty's pleasure that he should be placed as the
chief of those who were to attend upon the Car-
dinal ; an office which was bestowed upon him, on
account of the great confidence and trust which
the king reposed on his fidelity. Welch then pre-
sented him with a copy of the articles, by which
he was to be bound, which Cavendish read, and

AND HIS TIMES. ,. 545

now replied, that he was content to obey his ma-
jesty's pleasure, and was ready to take the oath
necessary for the office.

The oath was next administered by Welch;
after which Cavendish repaired to the Cardinal's
chamber, whom he describes as " sitting in a chaire,
his table being spread, ready for him to go to din-
ner ;" but, as soon as he perceived his usher, " he
fell into suche a wofull lamentation, with suche
rueful termes and waterie eyes, that it would have
caused a flinte hearte to morne with him. And
as I could, I with others comforted him ; but it
would not be."

At last Wolsey said — " Now I lament, that I
see this gentleman," alluding to Cavendish, " how
faithful, how diligent, and painefull, he hath served
me ; abandoning his own country, wife, and chil-
dren, his house and family, his rest and quietness,
only to serve me ; and now have nothing to re-
ward him for his high merits : and also the sight
of him causeth me to call to my remembrance the
number of faithful servants that I have here with
me, whom I did intend to prefer and advance to
the best of my power from time to time, as oc-
casion should serve. But now, alas ! I am pre-
vented, and have nothing now to reward them.
All is deprived me ; and I am left here their mi-
serable, wretched master."

Then addressing himself more particularly to
his usher, and calling him by name, he added,

N N

546 WOLSfeY, THE CARDINAL,

" Howbeit, I am a true man ; and you shall never
have shame of me for your service."

" Sir," replied Cavendish, " I do nothing mis-
trust your truth ; and for the same I will depose,
both before the king and his honourable council ;
wherefore, sir," (then kneeling upon his knee),
" comfort yourself, and be of good cheer ; the ma-
lice of your ungodly enemies can ne shall not
prevail, I doubt not : but coming to your answer,
my heart is such, that ye shall clearly acquit your-
self as to your commendation and truth, as that
I trust it shall be much to your great honour, and
restitution to your former estate."

" Yea," rejoined the Cardinal, " if I may come
to the answer, I fear no man alive ; for he liveth
not that shall look on this face," (pointing to his
own), " that shall be able to accuse me of any un-
truth, and that do my enemies know well ; which
will be an occasion, that they will not suffer me
to have indifferent *#**, but seek some sinister
means to despatch me."

To this Cavendish answered — " Sir, ye need not
therein to doubt the king, being so much your
good lord, as he hath always showed himself to be
in all your troubles." — " With that," as the usher
describes it, " up came my lorde's meat, and so we
loste our former communication ; and I gave my
lorde water, and set him downe to dyner, who did
eate verie little meate, but very manie times sud-
denly he would burste out in teares, with the most

AND HIS TIMES. 547

sorrowful wordes, that have been heard of any
woful creature. And at the laste he fetched a
great sighe, and said this text of Scripture in this
wise — O ! Constantia ! martyrum laudabilis ! O !
Charitas inextinguibilis ! O ! Patientia invincibilis !
quae licet inter pressuras persequentium visa sit
despicabilis, invenietur in laudem, et gloriam, et
honorem in tempore tribulationis — and thus passed
he forthe his dyner in greate lamentation and
heavines, who was fedd more with weeping teares
than with any delicate meates, that were there be-
fore him. I suppose there was not a drye eye
amonge all the gentlemen that were there attend-
ing upon him."

The commissioners who arrested the Cardinal
seem, upon this occasion, to have treated him very
cavalierly, keeping him in entire ignorance of their
intentions with regard to his future motions : so
that although, as soon as his table was taken
away, he had every reason to believe that he
would have to set out on his journey, until night
at last came on, yet it was not until then that he
was informed that his departure must be post-
poned until the morning, when " by God's grace,"
as the messenger expressed himself, he should cer-
tainly depart. " Amen 1" replied the Cardinal,
with apparent resignation, " when my Lorde of
Northumberland shall be pleased."

The MS., so often quoted here, states, that upon
this answer it was concluded that he should re-

N N 2

548 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

main during that night ; and the next day being
Sunday, he rose at an early hour, and prepared
for the journey : but first he went to mass, and
that was not over until dinner-time ; after which
repast, Lord Northumberland directed how all
things should be arranged. But night had nearly
arrived before all this was settled, when he was
informed who and how many were appointed to
wait upon him, amongst whom were four of his
own servants, in addition to his gentleman usher.
These, of his own attendants, were a chaplain,
two grooms, and his barber.

On going down out of the great chamber, there
being no attendants in readiness in the ante-room,
or on the staircase, the Cardinal asked where were
all his servants? when he was given to under-
stand that the commissioners had locked them all
up in the chapel, under the pretence that they
might not interrupt him in passing at his de-
parture ! But Wolsey at once refused to go down
until he should see his servants. He was then
told that he should not be permitted to see them —
" Why so ?" replied he, " I will not out of this
house, but I will see my servants, and take my
leave of them before I go any further." The ser-
vants also being informed that their master was
departing, whilst they were locked up in the
chapel, in order to prevent their seeing him, and
manifesting their respect towards him, began to
lament, and to " grudge, and to make such a rewe-

AND HIS TIMES. 549

full noyse," that Northumberland, and his coad-
jutor Welch, began to fear some tumultuous pro-
ceedings. They were therefore released, and suf-
fered to present themselves before the Cardinal in
the great chamber, where they knelt down before
him, all in tears, and bitterly lamenting his fall
and misfortunes.

At first, Wolsey appeared to suffer much during
this scene ; but after some pause, he gave to them
" comfortable wordes, and woorthye praises, for
their diligence, honestie, and trewthe, showed to
him heretofore ; assuring them that what chaunce
soever shoulde happen him, he was a verie trewe
and faithefull man to his soveraigne lorde: and
thus, with a lamentable manner, shaked everie of
them by the hande."

But night now approached so rapidly, that
longer delay was inexpedient ; and, accordingly,
he was forced to proceed to the inner court, where
the horses were prepared for himself and attend-
ants ; there they mounted, and proceeding towards
the gate, ready to ride out, the porter had no sooner
opened the same, than they saw on the outside a
great number of gentlemen and their servants, such
as the Earl of Northumberland had appointed to
that service, in order to attend and conduct the
prisoner as far as Pontefract that night. But
these were not the sole attendants at the gate,
there being upwards of three thousand people of
Cawood and its vicinity there assembled, all of

550 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

whom, as soon as the gate was opened so as they
could see the Cardinal, rent the air with loud eja-
culations of " God save your grace ! God save
your grace ! The foul evil take them that have
taken you from us ! We pray God that vengeance
may light upon them."

With such vociferations the poor people fol-
Ipwed the cavalcade throughout the town of Ca-
wood, where the Cardinal had already succeeded
in gaining the love both of rich and poor.

It may here be worth noticing, that although
the tenor of Wolsey's conduct during his York-
shire journey evinced a strong desire of gaining
popularity, and in a style and manner very dif-
ferent from his former haughty and supercilious
bearing, yet throughout the whole account of his
proceedings, as given by Cavendish, we find no
mention made of any sinister attempts on the part
of the Cardinal to contravene the king's conduct
towards him; but a heavy charge is brought
against him by Hall, who says, that being in his
diocese, grudging at his fall, and not remembering
the king's kindness shown to him, he wrote to the
court of Rome, and to divers other princes, letters
in reproach of the king ; and as much as in him
lay, he stirred them to revenge his cause against
his sovereign and his realm. These representa-
tions are said to have had such an effect at the
court of Rome, that some very opprobrious words
were spoken there against Henry, and addressed

AND HIS TIMES. 551

by those in power to Dr. Edward Keene, then
the king's orator at that court ; and he was fur-
ther assured, that for the Cardinal's sake, the king
should have the worse speed in the affair of the
divorce.

All this, if true, could not fail to irritate an ir-
ritable monarch ; especially when he was told that
Wolsey was now speaking fair to the people, to
win their hearts; always declaring that he was
unjustly treated, and upon false grounds.

That these charges may have been true, cannot
well be denied ; but public report must have gone
beyond the truth, when it was said, that his pro-
posed inthronization at York was to gain more
reputation amongst the people, and that he had
caused a throne to be erected in the cathedral, of
such an height and fashion as was never seen:
for the ceremony itself was nothing more than a
fulfilment of ecclesiastical forms, and one which
was strictly essential, either by proxy or in person,
for the proper discharge of archiepiscopal duties.
Had Wolsey remained at court, his inthronization
by proxy, according to the forms of the church of
Rome, would have been sufficient to legalise his
exercise of the functions attached to his high sta-
tion ; but to exercise these in person on the spot,
without the previous fulfilment of all personal
ceremonies, would have been contrary to the rules
of the chapter. If then any charge can be made
out against the Cardinal upon this score, it must

552 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

be a charge of imprudence rather than of ambi-
tion ; for he must have known that such a cere-
mony, though it might have passed as matter of
course under other circumstances, would now be
seized upon as a subject for misrepresentation by
his enemies, whilst delay could have no possible
inconvenience.

The cavalcade, leaving Cawood, proceeded but
slowly ; partly owing to the condition of the roads
at that season of the year, and partly on account
of Wolsey's infirm state of health ; and they had
ridden some miles, when the Cardinal called Ca-
vendish to approach, asking him if he had ac-
quaintance with any of the gentlemen that rode
with them ; to which the usher answered in the
affirmative, at the same time inquiring what might
be his pleasure ?

" Marie," replied the Cardinal, " I have left a
thing behind me that I would fain have; the
which I would most gladly send for."

" If I knew," replied the obsequious attendant,
*' what it were, I should send one incontinent back
again for it,"

" Then," said Wolsey, " let the messenger go to
my Lord of Northumberland, and desire him to
send me the red buckram bag, lying in mine
almonry, in my chamber, sealed with my seal."

On this Cavendish immediately applied to Sir
Roger Lascelles, Knt., and steward to the Earl of
Northumberland, desiring him to let some one of

AND HIS TIMES. 553

his servants return to that nobleman for the pur-
pose required. This was instantly complied with,
the knight despatching one of his most trusty ser-
vants back in all haste to Cawood, " who did so
honestlie his message, that he brought the same
unto my lorde shortlie after he was in his chamber
at the abbey of Pomfret, where he laid all nyghte.
In whiche bagge was no other thing inclosed but
three shirtes of heare (hair ?) which he delivered
unto his chappeline and ghostlie father secretly."

During the ride to Pomfret, a distance of twenty-
two miles, Wolsey seems to have felt considerable
uneasiness as to the ulterior measures of the com-
missioners, and his own destination, for he put
many questions to Cavendish, and was, in fact,
even ignorant of where he was to stop that night ;
a subject on which he inquired if the usher had
received any information.

" Marie, sir," replied his attendant, " but to
Pomfret."

" Alas !" exclaimed the Cardinal, " shall I go to
the castle, and lie there, and die like a beast ?"

" Sir," rejoined the other, " I can tell you no
more what they intend to do ; but, sir, I will en-
quire of a secret friend of mine, in this company,
who is chief of their council."

On this he again addressed Sir Roger Lascelles,
desiring him most earnestly to give him some in-
formation as to the place of their night's lodging ;
to which Lascelles replied, that Wolsey should

554 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

lodge in the abbey of Pomfret, and in no other
place. With this joyful intelligence Cavendish
hastened back to his master, who was highly
pleased with it.

It was so late when they arrived at Pomfret,
that the cavalcade did not set off until towards
the evening of the ensuing day: so that it was
dark before they reached Doncaster, which they
were obliged to enter by torch-light ; and, indeed,
it appears that Wolsey had requested some delay
on this point, in order to avoid any assemblage of
the people by day, to manifest their zeal in his
cause, being now anxious to avoid every thing
that might tend to increase the jealousy of his
royal master, by reports of his extreme popularity.

But his caution was vain; for the people ex-
pected and waited for him, crying out, " God save
your grace ! God save your grace ! my good Lord
Cardinal !" As he proceeded through the town,
they ran before him with candles and torches,
which induced him to call Cavendish to ride by
his side, " to shadowe him from the people ;" they
still recognised him, however, and loudly lamented
his misfortune, cursing his accusers.

In this unexpected, at least undesired pomp, he
arrived at the monastery of the Black-friars, where
he took up his abode for the night.

Leaving Doncaster, they travelled very slowly,
so that it was not until the third day of their
journey that they arrived at Sheffield-park, a seat

AND HIS TIMES. 555

of the Earl of Shrewsbury, and afterwards one of
the prisons of the ill-fated Mary. The residence,
at that period, was merely a lodge ; but the earl
and countess and a train of gentlewomen, with
all the gentlemen of the household and servants,
stood without the gates to receive and give him
welcome.

On his alighting the earl saluted him in the
most respectful manner, with all the customary
honours of the etiquette of that day, embracing
him, and saying, — " My Lord, your Grace is most
heartily welcome unto me ; and I am glad to see
you here in my poor lodge, where I have long de-
sired to see you ; and much more gladder if you
had come after another sort."

" Ah ! my gentle Lord of Shrewsbury," replied
the Cardinal, " I heartily thank you ; and although
I have cause to lament, yet as a faithful heart
may, I rejoyce that my chance is to come into the
custody of so noble a person, whose approved ho-
nour and wisdom have been right well known to
all noble estates. And, sir, howsoever my accusers
have used their accusations against me, this I
know, and so before your Lordship and all the
world I do protest, that my demeanour and ex-
ceedings have always been both just and loyal to-
wards my sovereign and liege lord, of whose usage
in his Grace's affairs, your Lordship hath had
right good experience. And according to my
truth, so I beseech God to help me."

556 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

" I doubt not," replied the earl, " of your truth;
therefore, my lord, be of good cheer and fear not;
for I am nothing sorry but that I have not where-
with to entertain you according to my good will,
and to your honour : but such as I have ye shall
be welcome to it, for I will not receive you as a
prisoner, but as my good lord and the king's true
and faithful subject."

Then turning round towards the countess, his
lordship proceeded to say, — " and, sir, here is my
wife come to salute you."

To this the Cardinal instantly replied by an act
of gallantry, and also a display of condescension
that seemed highly agreeable to all parties ; for
having kissed the countess, cap in hand, and bare-
headed, he next saluted, in the same manner, all
her gentlewomen ; taking afterwards all the earl's
servants by the hand, both gentlemen and yeomen.

This ceremony gone through, with all due
form, the earl and Cardinal walked into the lodge
arm in arm, when Lord Shrewsbury conducted
his guest into a superb gallery, at the further end
of which was " a goodlie tower with lodginges,"
where the Cardinal was informed he should have
his abode ; and in the middle of the gallery there
was also " a travas of sarcenet drawn," so that
one end of it was reserved for Wolsey, and the
other for his noble host.

Considered now in the safe keeping of the Earl
of Shrewsbury, the gentlemen and others who had

AND HIS TIMES. 557

hitherto attended upon him were withdrawn, the
Cardinal making himself as comfortable as he
could for eighteen days. To render him so as
much as possible, the earl appointed " diverse
worthye gentlemen" to attend upon him continu-
ally, partly for hospitality, but partly also for safe
custody, directing that his guest should be supplied
with all he wished for, and ordering that the Car-
dinal, if he desired it, should be served in his own
chamber both at dinner and supper, " as honour-
ably, and with as manie daintie dishes as he had
in his owne howse, comonlie being at libertie."

Once every day also, the earl repaired to him
to converse, and doubtless to ascertain his security,
" sitting upon a bouthe," (perhaps like a modern
sofa) " in a greate windowe in the gallerie."

On these occasions Lord Shrewsbury exerted
himself with great friendship to cheer up the
spirits of his prisoner, yet Wolsey still feared the
worst. Cavendish says that in these interviews
he would " lament so piteouslie that it wolde
make my Lorde of Shrewsbury to be verie heavie
for his griefe."

One .afternoon, when Wolsey appeared more
cast down than ordinarily, " Sir," said the earl,
" I have, and do daily receive letters from the
king, commanding me to entertain you as one
that he highly favoureth and loveth ; whereby I
do perceive you do lament more than ye have
cause to do: and though ye be accused (as I

558 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

truste) wrongfully, yet the king can do no less
than put you to your trial, the which as more for
the satisfying of some persons, than for any mis-
trust that he hath of your traiterous doings."

" Alas ! my lord," replied the fallen favourite,
" is it not a piteous case that any man should so
wrongfully accuse me to the king, and not to
come to my answer before his Grace ? For I am
well assured, my lord, that there is no man alive
that looketh in this face of mine who is able to
accuse me. It grieveth me very much that the
king should have any such opinion of me, to think
that I would be false, or conspire any evil to his
person, who may well consider that I have no as-
sured friend in all the world, but only his Grace ;
so that if I should go about to betray my sovereign
lord, and pryure in whom is all my trust and
confidence, before all other, all men might justly
think and say, that I lacked both grace, wit, and
discretion. Nay ! nay, my lorde, I would rather
adventure to shed my heart's blood in his defence,
as I am bound, both for my allegiance, and for
my safeguard ; for he is my staff that supported
me, and the wall that defended me against all
those my corrupt enemies, and all other, who
knows me and my true diligent proceedings much
better than any of them. Therefore, to conclude,
it is not to be thought that ever I would malici-
ously or traiterously travail or wish any hurt or
damage to his royal person or imperial dignity ;

AND HIS TIMES. 559

but, as I said before, defend it, with the shedding
of my heart's blood : and, if it were but only for
mine own defence to preserve my estate and simple
life, the which mine enemies do think I do so
much esteem, having none other refuge to flie to,
for protection and defence, but only under the
shadow of his wing. Alas ! my lord, I was in
good estate now and lived quietly, being right
well contented with the same ; but mine enemies,
who never sleep, but continually study both sleep-
ing and waking to rid me out of their way, per-
ceiving the contentation of my mind, doubted
that, if I lived, their malicious and cruel dealing
would grow at length to their shame, rebuke, and
open slander; and therefore would prevent the
same with shedding of my blood. But from God
that knoweth the secrets of their hearts, and all
others, it cannot be hid, ne yet unrewarded, when
he shall see opportunity. And, my good lord, if
you would show yourself so much my good freind
as to require the king's majesty that my accusers
may come before my face in his presence, and
there that I may make answer, I doubt not but
ye should see me acquit myself of all their ma-
licious accusations, and utterly confound them ;
for they shall never be able to prove by any due
probation that ever I offended the king in thought,
word, or deed. Therefore I desire you, and most
heartily require your good lordship to be a mean

560 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

for me, that I may answer unto my accusations
before the king's majesty.

" The case is his ; and if their accusations were
true, then should it touch him more earnestly :
wherefore it were convenient that he should hear
it his own self. But I fear me they intend to
despatch me rather than I should come before his
presence ; for they be well assured, and very cer-
tain that my truth should vanquish all their ac-
cusations and untrue surmises, which is the espe-
cial cause that maketh me so earnestly desire to
make my answer before the king's majesty.

" The loss of goods, the slander of my name,
ne yet all my trouble grieveth me nothing, so
much as the loss of the king's favour, and that he
should have in me such an opinion, without de-
sert, of untruth, that have with such travail and
paine served the king so justly, so painfully, and
with so good an heart to his profit and honour at
all times.

" And against the truth of my doings their ac-
cusations, proved by me unjust, should do me
more pleasure and good than the obtaining of
much treasure, as I doubt not to do, if the case
might be indifferently heard. Now, my 'good lord,
weigh my reasonable request, and let charity and
truth move your heart with pity to help me in all
this my trouble, wherein ye shall take no manner
of rebuke or slander, by the grace of God !"

AND HIS TIMES. 561

To this urgent remonstrance, evidently prepared
with great pains and skill beforehand, the Earl of
Shrewsbury gave a very patient hearing; and,
in reply, said —

" I will write to the king in your behalf, de-
claring to him, by my letters, how ye lament his
indignation and displeasure ; and also what re-
quest ye make for the trial of your truth towards
his highness."

A fortnight passed after this conference, during
which period Lord Shrewsbury used every means
in his power to make his prisoner forget that he
was in confinement. He repeatedly requested the
Cardinal to kill a hart or a doe in the park ; but
the latter always refused to partake of any plea-
sures or amusements, spending the greatest part
of his time at prayer, or other acts of devotion.

It was during this residence at Sheffield park,
that Wolsey first evinced symptoms of the disease
which, apparently, carried him off; and as Caven-
dish, or rather those who have interpolated his
MSS. at a subsequent period of his illness, throws
out an obscure hint about poison, it may be per-
tinent to the subject to relate the circumstance
nearly in the writer's own words, but dropping
that indelicacy of statement, which, however, was
at that day almost as customary in speaking as in
writing.

He says, that it came to pass at a certain time
as the Cardinal sat at dinner in his own chamber,

o o

562 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

having at his board's end the same day, as he
customably had every day, a mass of gentlemen
and chaplains to keep him company, towards the
end of his dinner, when he was come to eating of
his fruit, the usher perceived his colour often to
change, wherefore he judged him to be unwell.
Cavendish states that he then leaned over the
table, and speaking softly to him, said, " Sir, me
seems your Grace is not well at ease ;" to which
the Cardinal answered with a loud voice — " For-
sooth, no more I am, for I am taken suddenly
with a thing about my stomach, that lieth there
along as cold as a whetstone, which is no more
but wind. Therefore I pray you take up the
table and make a short dinner, and that done,
resort hither again."

The meat was now carried out of the chamber
into the gallery, where, such was the fashion of
the time, all those who waited at the table, whe-
ther gentle or menial appears here to have made no
difference, sat down to their meal on the cold and
broken victuals ; but Cavendish, who really seems
to have been anxious for his master, soon rose up,
and as he describes it, forsook his dinner and went
into the inner chamber, where he found the Car-
dinal still sitting very ill at ease, notwithstanding
which, he was in general conversation with those
who had formed his dinner party. These gentle-
men were at first about to retire : but Wolsey
requested them to stop ; and, as soon as his usher

AND HIS TIMES. 563

entered the chamber, desired the latter to go to
the " potecarie," and inquire of him if he had any
thing that would afford relief in the present case,
apparently wishing for a carminative dose. Ca-
vendish then retired ; but, instead of applying first
to the apothecary, he went to Lord Shrewsbury,
and informed him of the Cardinal's illness and of
its nature; when the earl instantly ordered the
apothecary to be sent for, evidently the apothecary
of his own household.

When the medical attendant made his appear-
ance, the earl inquired if he had any thing that
would act as a carminative ; and the apothecary
replied, " that he had such geare." — " Then,"
quoth the earl, " fetch me some." " Then departed
the potecarie, and brought with him a white con-
fection in a faire paper, and shewed it unto my
lorde, who commanded me to give him the saie
(assay, or tasting) thereof before him, and so I
did ; and I tooke the same and broughte it to my
lord, where / also tooke the saie myself, and then
delivered it to my lorde, who received it up all at
once into his mouth."

This extreme caution on the part of Lord
Shrewsbury, in making the apothecary taste the
medicine, before it should be administered to the
patient, evinces either a strong desire on his part
to guard against suspicion of unfair dealing, or
else a suspicion that the Cardinal's enemies might
be at work even in his own household. Cavendish

564 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

having also tasted it before the Cardinal, evinces
clearly that the medicine could not have been
deleterious. Indeed it seems to have been very
efficacious, by his account; for Wolsey, immediately
after taking it, found relief to such an extent that
he was able to go to afternoon prayers, according
to his custom every day after dinner, though he
was seized with a bilious attack in the evening.

In the course of the afternoon, Lord Shrews-
bury sent for Cavendish, to whom he said that
knowing him to be quite in the Cardinal's con-
fidence, and to be worthy of trust, he had to in-
form him that Wolsey, since his arrival at Shef-
field Park, had 'often requested him to write to
the king, to beg that he might be permitted per-
sonally to answer all accusations against him, in
the face of his enemies. " Now, this day," con-
tinued his lordship, " I have received letters from
his majesty, by Sir William Kingston, whereby I
perceive -that the king hath him in good opinion ;
and, at my request, hath sent for him by the said
Sir William." The earl then, with great consi-
deration for the fallen favourite, added — " There-
fore now I should have you play your part wisely
with him in such sort as he may take it quietly,
and in good part ; for he is always full of sorrow
and much heaviness at my being with him, that
I fear he would take it ill, if I bring him tidings
thereof : and therein doth he not well, for I assure
you that the king is his very good lord, and hath

AND HIS TIMES. 565

given me most hearty thanks for his entertain-
ment : therefore prithee go your way to him, and
perswade him I may find him in quiet at my
coming, for I will not tarry long after you."

To this considerate address, Cavendish replied
that he would fulfil his lordship's wishes to the
best of his power ; but he doubted that when he
came to name this Sir William Kingston, the
Cardinal would fear some evil, as Kingston was
not only Constable of the Tower, but also Captain
of the guard, of whom he had four and twenty
actually along with him ; to which Lord Shrews-
bury hastily rejoined — " That is nothing ! what
if he be Constable of the Tower, and Captain of
the guard ? He is the fittest man for his wisdom
and discretion to be sent about such a business ;
and, for the guard, it is only to defend him from
those that might intend him any ill. Besides that,
the guard are, for the most part, such of his old
servants as the king hath took into his service to
attend him most justly*."

To this, Cavendish merely answered that he

* It is said that Wolsey, who believed in astrology, agree-
able to the fashion of the times, was once told by fortune-
tellers, that he should have his end at Kingston. This his
credulity interpreted to mean the town of Kingston-upon-
Thames, which made him always avoid riding through that
place, either on his Hampton-Court journeys, or any other
specific occasion : but, as the story goes, he saw his error
when he found himself a state-prisoner, in custody of Sir Wil-
liam Kingston !

566 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

would do what he could, and then went to join
the Cardinal, whom he met in the gallery with
his staff and beads in his hands, as if at prayer ;
but Wolsey no sooner saw him, than, as if sus-
pecting evil, he suddenly inquired, "What news ?"
to which the usher replied, " Forsooth the best
that ever you heard, if you can take it well !" " I
pray God, it be true then," said Wolsey; when the
other informed him that the Earl of Shrewsbury,
whom he believed to have the most friendly in-
tentions, had so provided, by his letters to the
king, that his majesty had sent for him by Sir
William Kingston, with twenty-four of the guard
to conduct him to his highness. At the name
of Kingston the Cardinal seemed thunderstruck,
without power to say more than repeat his name
with a deep sigh, striking his thigh at the same
time, as if with an expression of the certainty of
downfall, perhaps of the loss of life.

That Henry's determination was, however, even
then so desperate, is not certain ; at least Caven-
dish, whether speaking merely from his own
wishes, or fully believing Lord Shrewsbury's fa-
vourable interpretation of the affair, seems anxious
to impress upon his master's mind that any cause
of alarm was unfounded. His own answer, as he
states it himself, was — " May it please your grace,
I would you would take all things well ; it would
be much better for you. Content yourself for
God's sake, and think that God and your good

AND HIS TIMES. 567

friends have wrought for you according to your
own desires ; and, as I conceive, you have much
more cause to rejoice than to lament or mistrust
the matter ; for I assure you that your friends are
more afraid of you than you need be of them.
His majesty, to show his love to you, hath sent
Master Kingston to honour you, with as much
honour as is your grace's due, and to convey you
in such easy journeys as is fitting for you, and
you shall command him to do ; and that you shall
have your request. Therefore I humbly entreat
you to imprint this my persuasion in your high-
ness' discretion and to be of good cheer ; where-
with you shall comfort yourself, and give your
friends and poor servants great comfort arid
content."

To all this flattering statement of the honest
usher, Wolsey appears to have paid but little at-
tention, for his answer was very brief — " Well ! I
perceive more than you can imagine, or do know."
Soon after which the Earl of Shrewsbury came in
to repeat and to confirm what Cavendish had so
fully stated : and the Cardinal appeared silently
to acquiesce in their opinions, thanking the earl
for his great love, and desiring that Kingston
might be introduced. Sir William entered the
apartment presently, knelt to the Cardinal, and
saluted him in the royal behalf; when Wolsey,
bare-headed to the king's representative, offered
to raise him ; but the knight still preserving his

568 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

posture of obeisance, the broken-hearted favourite,
with a bitterness of anguish which he could not
repress, said to him, " Master Kingston ! I pray
you stand up, and leave off your kneeling to
me, for I am a wretch replete with misery, not
esteeming myself but as a meer object utterly cast
away ; but without desert, God he knows : there-
fore, good Master Kingston, stand up !"

Sir William rising up, replied — "The king's
majesty hath him commended unto you." " I
thank his highness," said Wolsey ; " I hope he is
in good health." " Yea," was the answer, " and
he hath him commended unto you; and com-
manded me to bid you be of good cheer, for he
beareth you as much good will as ever he did ;
and whereas report hath been made unto him
that you should commit against his majesty cer-
tain heinous crimes which he thinketh not to be,
but yet he for ministration of justice, in such cases
requisite, could do no less than send for you that
you might have your trial, mistrusting nothing
your truth and wisdom, but that you shall be
able to acquit yourself of all complaints and ac-
cusations extended against you: and you may
take your journey to him at your pleasure, com-
manding me to attend you."

This speech was so fully in unison with the
previous reports to the Cardinal, that his spirits
appeared to revive a little, and he replied to his
new visitor — " Master Kingston, I thank you for

AND HIS TIMES. 569

your good news ; and, sir, hereof assure yourself,
if I were as lusty and able as ever I was to ride,
I would go with you, post : but alas ! I am a dis-
eased man, having a flux (at which time it was
apparent that he had poisoned himself}, as hath
made me very weak ; but the comfortable news
you bring is of purpose, I doubt, to bring me
into a fool's paradise, for I know what is provided
for me ! Notwithstanding, I thank you for your
good will, and pains taking about me : and I
shall with speed make ready to ride with you."

He then gave orders to Cavendish to have all
things in readiness for departure on the morrow ;
but it is strange to say that the suspicion thrown
out by the usher, in regard to poison, does not
seem to have been taken up in any way as to the
administration of antidotes, nor does the supposi-
tion appear to rest upon any rational foundation ;
especially as it cannot be imagined that a man de-
termined on self-destruction would have had re-
course to a slow poison, thus ensuring to himself
a lingering death with days and nights of torture,
both bodily and mental. Indeed from Cavendish's
own report of his illness that night after retiring
to bed, we may rather suspect that his complaint
was similar to the modern cholera morbus, which
the physicians seemed to know very little about,
making great use of the word "adustine," and
giving it as their opinion that he had but four or
five days to live.

570 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

It must be confessed, however, that the obsti-
nate carelessness of the Cardinal in regard to his
health, and his disregard to the opinions of the
physicians, may justify the supposition, that in a
kind of despair, he now placed no value upon life ;
for he would have set off with Sir William the
next morning, notwithstanding his nocturnal suf-
ferings, had not Lord Shrewsbury strongly urged
him to the contrary.

But on the day following he refused to wait
any longer, setting off with Sir William and the
guard ; most of whom, having been his own old
servants, could not refrain from weeping at seeing
their old master thus fallen from his high estate.
Wolsey appears to have been sensible of their
kindness, for he took them severally by the hand,
riding sometimes with one, sometimes with an-
other, in the course of the day's journey, which
ended at Hard wick Hall, another seat of the Earl
of Shrewsbury, afterwards famous in the history
of the unhappy Mary ; but previous to her con-
finement at Hardwick Hall in Derbyshire : for
this, though not many miles distant from the
other, was in Nottinghamshire, between Mans-
field and Annesley Woodhouse, but now in decay,
and little known.

The second day's journey brought them to Not-
tingham ; and on the third they proceeded for the
abbey at Leicester : but on that day Wolsey was
so ill, that he had nearly fallen from his horse, and

AND HIS TIMES. 571

it was with great difficulty that at a late hour they
were ahle to reach the abbey*. Information of
his approach had preceded him, so that on his
arrival the abbot, attended by all his monks, was
ready to receive him at the gate, amidst a blaze of
lighted torches ; each endeavouring to salute him
with the most solemn marks of reverence, and to
hail his coming with the utmost demonstrations
of honour and respect.

On reaching the gate, the fallen Cardinal ex-
claimed, " Father Abbot ! I am come to lay my
bones amongst you ;" an expression that certainly
implied a consciousness of approaching death,
though it by no means justifies the charge of in-
tended self-destruction. Feeling himself too ill to

* This abbey was so rich, and on such an extensive scale,
that the arrival of Wolsey, with his small party, was a matter
of little import, in regard to reception. Throsby, in his Hi-
story of Leicester, says that it supported almost the whole
poor of Leicester and its vicinity ; for which it was well pre-
pared, with a revenue of ,£1062 per annum. It was, besides,
on all pressing occasions, subsidiary to the king, and ho-
spitable to travellers, who were both fed and lodged there on
their journeys. It had repeatedly been a house of reception
for various kings on their northern journeys ; but its greatest
boast on that head was when Richard II. and his queen, with
their retinue, amongst whom were the Duke of Ireland, the
Earl of Suffolk, Archbishop of Canterbury, and numerous
other great personages, were entertained and lodged there in
the most sumptuous style of that period. The abbey was
afterwards granted to Cavendish, from whom it passed into
various hands, but was burnt during the civil wars.

572 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

walk any distance, he rode on his mule across the
court, until he came to the door which led to his
apartments ; but, on his alighting, he was so weak
as to require the assistance of Sir William King-
ston in ascending the staircase, who observed after-
wards to Cavendish, that he had never felt so
heavy a burden in all his life.

This was on Saturday evening ; and the Car-
dinal having instantly retired to rest, he remained
in bed until the Monday ensuing ; when, about
eight o'clock in the morning, as his faithful gen-
tleman-usher stood by his bed-side, with the win-
dows of the apartment close shut, but wax-lights
burning upon the cup-board, the latter though
he perceived him drawing towards death, as he
describes it. The Cardinal noticing Cavendish's
shadow upon the bed-side, asked " Who is there ?"

" Sir," replied his attendant, " 'tis I." — " How
do you do?" rejoined the dying man. "Well,
sir," said the usher, " if I might see your grace
well."

After a pause the Cardinal inquired the hour,
and when it was told him he repeated several
times, " Eight o'clock ! eight o'clock ! Nay, that
cannot be, for at eight of the clock you shall see
your master's time draw near that I must depart
this world !"

In the apartment, at this period, was Dr. Pal-
mer, whom Cavendish describes as " a worthy
gentleman ;" and he desired the latter to ask the

AND HIS TIMES. 573

Cardinal if he would be shriven, to make him
ready for God, whatever chanced to fall out. This
Cavendish did ; but he adds, " He was very angry
with me, and asked me what I had to doe to aske
him such a question? till, at the last, Master
Doctor took my part, and talked with him in
Latin, and pacified him."

The remainder of this melancholy scene is so
minutely told by Cavendish, that we shall relate
it nearly in his own words, as the last memorial
of an unhappy man, who had acted so conspicuous
a part, both in foreign and domestic politics, clad
in all papal power short of the popedom, and the
ruler of England, as he may be called, whilst he
was the royal favourite.

Soon after dinner, on that day, Sir William
Kingston sent for Cavendish, saying, " Sir, the
king hath sent unto me letters by Mr. Vincent,
our old companion, who hath been in trouble in
the Tower, for money that my lord should have
at his departure ; a great part of which money
cannot be found : wherefore the king, at Master
Vincent's request, for the declaration of the truth,
hath sent him hither with his grace's letters, that
I should examine my lord, and have your counsel
therein, that he may take it well and in good part :
and this is the cause of my sending for you, there-
fore I desire your counsel therein, for acquittal of
this poor gentleman, Master Vincent."

To this Cavendish replied — " Sir, according to

574 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

my duty you shall ; and by my advice you shall
resort unto him in your own person to visit him,
and in communication break the matter unto him ;
and if he will not tell you the truth therein, then
may you certify the king thereof : but in any case
name not, nor speak of, my fellow Vincent. Also,
I would not have you protract the time ; for he is
very sick, and I fear that he will not live past a
day or two !" On this reply, which shows, indeed,
how Wolsey was fallen, even in the respectful de-
ference due by his own servants, Kingston went
into the sick man's chamber, and demanded the
money, asserting that the Earl of Northumberland
had found a book at Cawood-Castle, proving that
the Cardinal had very recently borrowed £1000,
and yet there was not one penny now to be found.
He further informed the Cardinal, that Northum-
berland had sent information to that effect to the
king, in consequence of which his majesty had
now written to him (Kingston) to inquire what
was become of this money, " for it were pitty,"
added he, " that it should bee holden from you
both. Therefore, I require you, in the king's
name, to tell me the truth, that I may make a just
report thereof to his majesty of your answer."

To this demand Wolsey replied, " Oh ! good
Lord, how much doth it grieve me that the king
should think any such thing in me, that I should
deceive him of one penny, seeing that I have no-
thing, nor ever had, God be my judge, that I ever

AND HIS TIMES. 575

esteemed so much mine owne as his majesty's ;
having but the bare use of it during my life, and
after my death to leave it wholly to him ; wherein
his majesty hath prevented me. But for this
money that you demand of me, I assure you it is
none of my own, for I borrowed it of divers of
my friends to bury me, and to bestow amongst
my servants, who have taken great pains about
me : notwithstanding, if it be your pleasure to
know, I must be content ; yet I beseech his ma-
jesty to see it satisfied, for the discharge of my
conscience, to them that I owed it to." — " Who be
they?" asked his majesty's representative. " That
shall I tell you," promptly replied the Cardinal.
" I borrowed two hundred pounds of John Allen,
of London ; the same sum of Sir Richard Gres-
ham ; two hundred pounds of the master of the
Savoy ; another two hundred of Dr. Higden, dean
of my college ; two hundred of the treasurer of
the church ; and two hundred of Master Ellis, my
chaplain; and another two hundred pound of a
priest. I hope the king will restore it again, for-
asmuch as it is none of mine."

A close game seems now to have been played
between the Constable of the Tower and the
dying Cardinal ; for the former having said, " Sir,
there is no doubt in the king, whom you need not
distrust :" added, " but, sir, I pray you, where is
the money ?" — " I will not conceal it, I warrant

576 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

you," replied Wolsey ; " but I will declare it unto
you before I die, by the grace of God. Have a
little patience with me, I pray you, for the money
is safe enough in an honest man's hands, who will
not keep one penny thereof from the king."

Thus foiled for the time, Kingston retired, as
the Cardinal appeared very weak ; yet, ill as he
was, when Cavendish, the next morning, about
four o'clock, asked him how he did ? " Well," re-
plied Wolsey, " if I had any meat. I pray give
me some." The usher having informed him that
there was none ready, he rebuked him for not
having some always in readiness, that he might
take it when his stomach required it, adding, " I
pray you get some ready for me ; for I mean to
make myself strong to-day, to the intent I may
go to confession, and make me ready for God !"
To this the usher replied, "I will call up the
cooks to prepare some meat ; and also I will call
Master Palmer, that he may discourse with you
till your meat be ready." — " With a good will,"
was the Cardinal's answer ; and Palmer was ac-
cordingly sent to him.

Cavendish next went to inform Kingston that
his master was very sick, and not like to live ;
but Kingston accused him of making his lord be-
lieve that he was worse than in reality: he went,
however, to Wolsey's apartment ; but the latter,
having eaten some chicken broth, was then en-

AND HIS TIMES. 577

gaged in confession, which lasted for an hour.
Confession * over, Kingston entered the chamber,
bade good morrow to his prisoner, and inquired
after his health ; to which Wolsey replied — " Sir,
I watch but God's pleasure to render up my poor
soul to him. I pray you have me heartily com-
mended unto his royal majesty, and beseech him
on my behalf to call to his princely remembrance
all matters that have been between us from the
beginning and the progress ; and especially be-
tween the good Queen Katharine and him: and
then shall his grace's conscience know whether I
have offended him or not. He is a prince of a
most royal carriage, and hath a princely heart ;
and rather than he will miss or want any part of
his will, he will endanger the one half of his king-
dom. I do assure you I have often kneeled before
him, sometimes three hours together, to persuade
him from his will and appetite, but could not pre-
vail ; and, Master Kingston, had I but served God
as diligently as I have served the king, he would

* It is curious to observe how even in the moment of
danger, and the expectation of certain death, the mind of the
Cardinal was impressed with the trifling points of his faith ;
for no sooner had he taken the refreshment, than he asked
what it was made of, and when informed by Cavendish that it
was made of a chicken — " Why," said the dying man, " it is
fasting day, being St. Andrew's even." — " What though it
be," replied the less scrupulous doctor, " ye be excused by
reason of your sickness." — " Yea," said Wolsey, " what
though? I will eat no more!"

P P

578 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

not have given me over in my grey hairs. But
this is the just reward that I must receive for my
diligent pains and study, not regarding my service
to God, but only to my prince. Therefore let me
advise you, if you be one of the privy council, as
by your wisdom you are fit, take heed what you
put in the king's head, for you can never put it
out again."

In this last observation, Wolsey evidently had
reference to his own case, in urging the king to
religious doubts respecting his marriage with Ka-
tharine, in order to bring about a continental
match, which would have strengthened his own
interest in regard to the papal succession ; a mea-
sure, however, in which he was disappointed, as
the king, on this plea, founded his hopes of mar-
riage with the Lady Anne Boleyn — a match which
the Cardinal foresaw would give new strength to
the rising principle of reformation in the church.
That such were his reflections is, indeed, evident
from what he next said — " And I desire you fur-
ther to request his grace, in God's name, that he
have a vigilant eye to suppress the hellish Lu-
therans, that they increase not through his great
negligence, in such a sort as he be compelled to
take up arms to subdue them ; as the King of
Bohemia was, whose Commons being infected with
Wickliffe heresies, the king was enforced to take
that course. Let him consider the story of King
Richard II. son of his progenitor, who lived in

AND HIS TIMES. 579

the time of Wickliffe's seditions and heresies ! Did
not the Commons, I pray you, in his time rise
against the nobility and chief governors of this
realm, and at the last some of them were put to
death, without justice or mercy ; and, under pre-
tence of having all things common, did they not
fall to spoiling and robbing, and at last took the
king's person, and carried him about the city,
making him obedient to their proclamations ?"

With an energy beyond his apparent strength,
he still went on, saying, " Did not the traiterous
heretics, Sir John Oldcastle and Lord Cobham,
pitch a field with heretics against King Henry IV.
where the king was in person, and fought against
them, to whom God gave the victory ? Alas ! if
these be not plain precedents, and sufficient per-
suasion to admonish a prince, then God will take
away from us our prudent rulers, and leave us to
the hands of our enemies ; and then will ensue
mischief upon mischief, inconveniences, barren-
ness, and scarcity, for want of good orders in the
commonwealth; from which God of his tender
mercy defend us !"

He paused — and then with difficulty added,
" Master Kingston, farewell ! I wish all things
may have good success ! my time draws on ; I
may not tarry with you. I pray you remember
my words !" •

The unhappy Cardinal was right in his con-
jecture ; for, as Cavendish says, — " now began

p p 2!

580 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

the time to draw neare ; for hee drew his speech
at length, and his tongue began to faile him ; his
eyes perfectly set in his head, his sight failed him.
Then wee began to put him in mind of Christ's
Passion ; ancT'caused the yeoman of the guard to
stand by privately to see him dye, and beare wit-
nesse of his words and his departure, who heard
all his communications. And then presentlie the
clocke strooke eight, at which time he gave up
the ghost, and thus departed this life, aged fifty-
nine years and eight months, one of us looking
upon another, supposing he prophesied of his de-
parture. We sent for the abbot of the house to
annoint him, who speedily came as hee was ending
his life, who said certaine praiers before that the
life was out of his bodie *."

* Storer, his poetical biographer in 1599, thus speaks of
this last scene, making the Cardinal say, —

" All as my chrysom, so my winding sheete

Nonejoy'de my birth, none mourn'd my death to see:

The short parenthesis of life was sweet,

But short ; what was before unknowne to me,

And what must follow is the Lord's decree.

The period of my glory is exprest j

Now of my death j and then my muse take rest."

The poet then attempts to show that Wolsey was really,
on his downfall, more actuated by real contrition than by af-
fectation, in the modesty which he displayed in regard to his
proposed installation at York, and in his general disregard of
the splendour of human grandeur, for some time before his
death. He makes the expiring Cardinal to say, —

AND HIS TIMES. 581

The wishes of his enemies were now accom-
plished. The course of nature, or his own error,
if it be true that he really took poison, had now
done more for them than their warmest hopes had
dared to look forward to, if his fate had depended
upon the king.

With respect to his remains, neither friends nor
enemies seemed to pay much attention. Sir Wil-
liam Kingston indeed sent off one of the guard
express to court with the news ; but he appeared
to feel himself perfectly at liberty as to the dis-
posal of the body, which he directed to be pre-
pared for interment, on the ensuing day, after
holding a consultation with the father abbot of
the monastery. It was feared, however, that
reports might spread that he was still alive;
and therefore it was thought necessary that he

" I did not mean with predecessor's pride,
To walke in cloth, as custome did require 5
More fit that cloth were hung on either side
In mourning wise, or make the poor attire :
More fit the dirige of a mournful quire
In dull sad notes all sorrowes to exceede,
For him in whom the prince's love is dead.

" I am the tombe where that affection lies.
That was the closet where it living kept :
Yet wise men say, affection never dies. —
No ! but it turnes j and when it long hath slept,
Looks heavy, like the eie that long hath wept.
Oh ! could it die, that were a restfull state ;
But living, it converts to deadly hate."

582 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

should be seen by the mayor and corporation of
Leicester, who arrived at the monastery after he
had been deposited in the coffin, into which also
were put his hair shirt with his " over shirt" of
fine holland, together with all the ornaments cha-
racteristic of his archiepiscopal dignity, such as
the mitre, cross, ring, and pall. In this state he
was exposed, barefaced, to the view of all who
chose to see him, until three o'clock in the after-
noon, when the funeral service was performed by
the abbot with every solemnity, the corpse, in the
mean while, being set in the Lady's Chapel, sur-
rounded by numerous wax tapers, and attended
by a number of poor men bearing torches. Those
persons remained with the corpse through the
night, during which the requiem was sung by the
canons, also dirges, and orisons at four in the
morning, at which Sir William Kingston, attended
by all the late Cardinal's servants, entered the
church to perform certain ceremonies, which, as
Cavendish states, were then usual at the inter-
ment of bishops. Part of these ceremonies was
the celebration of high mass, when the abbot and
others made offerings ; and when all was ended,
a grave having already been made in the centre
of the Lady's Chapel, the body was there interred
on St. Andrew's day, 30th of November, 1530, at
six in the morning *.

'f Throsby states, in his History of the Abbey, that the
reason of his speedy interment was the very putrid and of-

AND HIS TIMES. 583

No sooner was the unhappy Wolsey laid in the
earth than his friends and followers set off for

fensive state of the corpse. He further states that it was
placed in a plain wooden shell, but with the sacerdotal orna-
ments already mentioned, from whence it has long been a
received opinion in Leicester that there was buried with him
a considerable quantity of riches, which has induced many
people, at various times, to dig for the supposed treasure.
But the facts already recorded of Henry's demands respecting
concealed treasure, previous to his death, demonstrate suf-
ficiently the absurdity of this supposition, even if common
sense did not militate against it.

Curiosity may induce many to seek for his grave, we there-
fore quote from Throsby a statement by the Rev. Mr. Carte,
who says, — " As to the great Cardinal Wolsey's sepulchre,
the best account which I have met with is from one Mr. John
Hasloe, whose grandfather, Arthur Barefoot, was gardener to
the Countess of Devonshire, who lived in the abbey before
the civil war. He tells me that the church stood, part of it,
in what is now a little garden, at the east end of it, in the
orchard (which was formerly called the new garden), where
his grandfather, with others digging, found several stone
coffins, the cavities of which did not lie uppermost, but were
inverted over the bodies. That one of these was taken up,
about six feet, one inch, long, and four wide, and a foot deep :
that it seemed very sound at first, but when it was exposed
to the air, soon mouldered away : that he observed that all
of them had a round hole about the middle of them near five
inches diameter, but for what end he could not tell. That
among them he discovered Cardinal Wolsey's (Mr. Hasloe
forgets by what means he knew it), which the countess would
not suffer to be stirred, but ordered it to be covered again." —

It is scarcely credible, however, that the conjecture about
Wolsey can be correct, unless indeed after the coffin was put

584 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

court, and on their arrival were presented to the
king, who sent for Cavendish on the following
day to an interview, which we shall describe nearly
in his own words.

He says, that he was conducted to the king,
who was in a night-gown of Rochett velvet,
furred with sables, before whom he knelt for the
space of an hour, during which time Henry was
particularly inquisitive in regard to his old friend,
saying that he would rather than twenty thousand
pounds he had lived : but he did not forget also
to ask about the fifteen hundred pounds respecting
which Sir William Kingston had questioned the
Cardinal on the day of his death, " I think I can
perfectly tell your Grace," said the usher, " where
it is, and who hath it." At this Henry pricked
up his ears, and, appearing to know his man, said,
" I pray you tell me, and you shall not be un-
rewarded." On which Master Cavendish, ap-
parently forgetful of his duty to, and the wishes
of his deceased master, at once said, — " Sir, after
the departure of Master Vincent from my lord at

into the ground a stone coffin was inverted over it. It may
be urged that the sacerdotal ornaments buried with the corpse
may have led to the recognition; but if we read attentively
Cavendish's account, as we have stated it, there is no proof
that these, though carried in procession, were interred with
the body. The burial service was read in the evening, but the
body was not interred until the morning ; and therefore he
may be said to have been buried with them, though they were
not actually deposited in his grave.

AND HIS TIMES. 585

Scroby, who had the custody thereof, leaving it
with my lord in divers bags, he delivered it to a
certain priest safely to be kept to his use." " Is
this true ?" exclaimed the monarch. — " Yea !" said
the usher, " without doubt, the priest will not
deny it before me, for I was at the delivery
thereof, who hath gotten divers other rich orna-
ments, which are not registered in the book of my
lord's inventory or other writings, whereby any
man is able to charge him therewith by myself."

" Then," replied his majesty, " let me alone for
keeping this secret between me and you. How-
beit three may keep counsel if two be away ; and
if I knew my cap were privy to my counsel, I
would cast it into the fire and burn it : and for
your honesty and truth, you shall be our servant
in our chamber, as you were with your master.
Therefore go your ways to Sir John Gage, our
vice-chamberlain, to whom we have spoken already
to admit you our servant in our chamber; and
then go to the Lord of Norfolk, and he shall pay
you your whole year's wages, which is ten pounds
— is it not so ?"

" Yes, forsooth, and if it please your Grace,"
said the accommodating gentleman usher. — " And
withall," added his majesty, " you shall receive a
reward from the Duke of Norfolk !"

As soon as Cavendish left the royal presence he
went to the proper office to take the oaths, when
he chanced to meet Sir William Kingston just

586 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

come from the council chamber, who commanded
him in the name of the council to appear before
them immediately, as he was sent to seek him for
that purpose. Kingston also said to him, — " In
any wise, take good heed of what you say, for ye
shall be examined of certain wordes spoken by
my lorde, your master, at his departure, which ye
know well ; and if ye tell them the truth," added
he, " what he said, ye shall undo yourself, for in
any wise they may not know of it. Therefore
be circumspect what answer ye make to their
demands."

" Why," asked Cavendish, " how have you done
therein yourself?"

" Marry," said Kingston, " I have utterly de-
nied that I heard any such words ; and he that
opened the matter first is fled for fear, which was
the yeoman of the guard that rode in post from
Leicester. Therefore go your ways," added he,
" God send you good speed ; and when you have
done, come to me into the chamber of presence,
where I will tarry to see how you speed, and to
knowe how you have done with the king." Here
their conversation closed, and Cavendish went
directly to the council chamber door, where his
arrival was no sooner known than he was called
before the council; when the Duke of Norfolk
accosted him very civilly, bidding him welcome to
the court, and then said, — " My lords, this gentle-
man hath served the Cardinal, his master, like an

AND HIS TIMES. 587

honest true man; therefore I doubt not but of
such questioning as ye shall demand of him he
will make a just and true answer. I dare be his
surety. How say you, sir !" addressing himself to
Cavendish, — " It is reported that your master
spake such words, and such even at his departure
from his life, the truth whereof I doubt not but
ye know; and, as ye know, I pray you report,
and fear no man. It shall not need to swear
you ; therefore go to : how say you, is this true
that is reported ?"

" Forsooth, my lord," said the usher, " I was so
diligent about him, attending the preservation of
his life, that I marked not every word that he
spake ; and as for my own part, I have heard him
talk many idle words, as men do in such extremi-
ties, the which I do not now remember. If it
please you to call Mr. Kingston before your lord-
ships, he will not let to tell you the truth."

" Marry, so we have done already," replied one
of the council, " who hath been here before us ;
and hath denied that ever your master spake any
such words at the time of his death, or at any
time before."

" Forsooth, my lords," rejoined Cavendish,
" then can I say no more ; for if he heard them
not, I could not hear them ; for he heard as much
as I, and I as much as he. Therefore, my lords,
it were folly to say a thing of untruth, which I
am not able to justify."

588 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL,

" Lo !" exclaimed the Duke of Norfolk, " I told
you before that he was a true man, and would
tell the truth. Go your ways ! ye be discharged ;
and come to my chamber soon, for I must talk
with you."

Cavendish, glad to escape from such an ordeal,
where every word he said might have been misin-
terpreted and misrepresented, most humbly thanked
their lordships for his dismissal, and retired as
speedily as possible to the presence chamber to
seek Sir William Kingston, whom he found stand-
ing in conversation with an ancient gentleman,
one Mr. Ratcliffe, gentleman usher of the king's
privy chamber. As soon as they met, Sir William
inquired as to what had taken place, when the
other informed him that he had satisfied their
lordships' minds with his answer. Sir William
then asked him how he had sped with the king,
to which the reply was a detail of all the con-
versation, and of his majesty's benevolence and
princely liberality towards him, and how he com-
manded him to go to the Duke of Norfolk ; and
whilst they were thus discoursing, the duke came
from the council into the presence chamber, when
a conversation ensued which strongly marks the
customary style of intercourse at Henry's court.

Cavendish states that as soon as the duke espied
him, he came into the window where he stood
with Kingston and Ratcliffe ; and when he told
the duke the king's pleasure, both these gentle-

AND HIS TIMES. 589

men made intercession with his grace to be good
lord to him.

" Nay," said the duke, " I will be better unto
him than he weeneth, for if I could have spoken
with him or ever he came to the king, I would
have had him to my service, and, the king ex-
cepted, he should have done no man service in
all England but me : and look," added his Grace,
" what I may do for you I will do it with all my
heart."

" Sir," replied the usher, " then my desire is
that it would please your Grace to move the king
to be so much my good lord as to give me one of
the carts and horse that brought my stuff, with
my lord's, which is now in the town, to carry it
home into my country."

" Yea ! marry will I," said the duke, and so
went into the king's chamber.

Cavendish still remained in conversation with
Kingston, waiting the duke's return, when Mr.
Ratcliffe said, " I will go in and help my Lord of
Norfolk in your suite with the king :" but the
favour was granted without further interference;
for the duke that instant came out, and assured
Cavendish that the king was his singular good
and gracious lord, and had not only granted his
request but had gone much beyond it, ordering
that he should have not only ten pounds for his
wages, but also twenty pounds for his " reward ;"
to which were to be added a cart, and six of the

590 WOLSEY, THE CARDINAL.

best horses which he could choose out of those
which had belonged to his deceased master, to-
gether with five marks to pay the expanse of his

journey homewards.

Thus terminated the power and ambition of
WOLSEY, and the malice of his enemies, making
way for a milder and more liberal system, both
in Politics and Religion; under which auspices
freedom of thought and action became the cha-
racteristics of the Reformation, affording greater
stability to the crown, checking yet ameliorating
the influence of the aristocracy, and forming a
constitutional basis for

PUBLIC OPINION.

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LONDON :

FRINTK1) BY THOMAS DAV1SON, WHtTUFKIARS.

DA 334 .W8 H68 1824
SMC

Howard, George.

Wolsey, the cardinal :

and his times, courtly,
AKD-6315 (awab)