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WOMEN IN INDUSTRY

A STUDY IN AMERICAN ECONOMIC HISTORY

EDITH ABBOTT, Ph.D.

OF HULL-HOUSE, CHICAGO

ASSOCIATE DIRECTOR IN THE CHICAGO SCHOOL OF

CIVICS AND PHILANTHROPY

WITH AN INTRODUCTORY NOTE

By SOPHONISBA P. BRECKINRIDGE, J.D., Ph.D.

ASSISTANT PROFESSOR IN THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO, AND

DIRECTOR OF THE DEPARTMENT OF SOCIAL INVESTIGATION

IN THE CHICAGO SCHOOL OF CIVICS AND PHILANTHROPY

NEW YORK AND LONDON
D. APPLETON AND COMPANY

1913

/ A*\

Printed in the United States of America

S. P. B.

IN RECOGNITION

INTRODUCTORY NOTE

The work of women for wages under a competitive
organization of industry presents a problem of com-
pelling interest. Women have, of course, always
worked. The invention of the processes essential to
orderly and secure group life was the contribution of
primitive women.1 Under the organization of labor
developed by the Greeks and Romans ; 2 in the work-
shops of the monasteries and convents of the Middle
Ages ; 3 as members of the crafts in which they took
an honorable position,4 governed by the regulations

1 Biicher, "Industrial Evolution," Chaps. I, II; Thomas, "Sex
and Society," p. 126; Pearson, "Chances of Death," ii, 49.
" The civilization of woman handed down a mass of useful cus-
tom and knowledge; it was for after generations to accept that and
eradicate the rest. When I watch to-day the peasant women of
Southern Germany and of Norway toiling in the house and field,
while the male looks on, I do not think the one a downtrodden
slave of the other. She appears to me the bearer of a civilization
to which he has not yet attained. She may be the fossil of the
mother age, but he is a fossil of a still lower stratum — barbarism
pure and simple."

2 Leroy-Beaulieu, " Le travail des femmes au dix-neuvieme
siecle," p. 5.

3Eckenstein, "Woman Under Monasticism, " Chap. VII.
« For example, in Paris, see Dixon, "Craftswomen in the Livre
des Metiers," Economic Journal, v, 209.

vii

INTRODUCTORY NOTE

as to hours, wages, fines, apprentices, and promotion,
identical with those under which men worked; in the
English " factories " of the fourteenth century; 1 in
the domestic or cottage system of industry which pre-
vailed largely in England prior to the industrial rev-
olution ; 2 in the work of household production in
America during the colonial and early republican
period; under every industrial system, women have
had a recognized position.

The dignity and honor of their relation to their
work have varied with the dignity and honor with
which they have been generally regarded. When they
were slaves their occupation assumed a servile char-
acter; and it may be that the dishonor often appar-
ently attaching to labor grows out of the fact that
production was first exclusively in the hands of wom-
en.3 On the other hand, under some systems the posi-
tion of women in relation to their work has been one
of real power. In such a system as characterized
American life during the earliest period described in
the following study, when goods were made in and for
the household from raw materials furnished by the
household, the woman determined what should be made
and how the product should be distributed. In fact
the extent to which the spending function is conceded
her by the family group to-day when the family has

1 Taylor, "The Modern Factory System," p. 53.

2 Taylor, pp. 57, 58; Toynbee, "Industrial Revolution," p. 53.

3 Veblen, "Barbarian Status of Women," American Journal
of Sociology, iv, 501.

viii

INTRODUCTORY NOTE

become simply a center of consumption, is a survival
of the control which was hers when the family was
still a producing unit.

Women have not, however, always worked for
wages. Without dwelling upon the fact that, under
simple forms of organization, the return for labor is
often combined with payment for the use of tools and
for materials, it might be noted that in the period
just preceding the introduction of the factory system
both in England and America, production was often
so carried on as to allow the return for the labor
of the entire family to be collected by the head of the
family who had the legal right to the time and earn-
ings both of his wife and of his minor children.1

The family wage was common then, and it was de-
termined in part by the standard of the group, and in
part by the bargaining power of the man who collected
it. To-day there is a group wage in so far as various
classes are paid ' ' supplementary wages, ' ' but these
are determined not by the bargaining power of the
man, but often by the helplessness of the woman and
of the minor children who have become the apparent
collectors of their own wages.

Objections are, therefore, raised and difficulties en-
countered, due not to any novel industrial activity on
the part of women, but to the disturbance created by

1 See in a later discussion, for illustrations of the way in which
the man collected the wage for the group well into the nine-
teenth century and even after the members of the group had
followed their work to the factory.

INTEODUCTOBY NOTE

their participation in the bargaining function. For
they have been on the whole poor bargainers. They
have found great difficulty in adjusting themselves to
the attitude of modern business. They have never
„ accepted the ideal of giving as little and getting as
. A ■ much as they can. They respond as slightly to the
appeal to sell their labor as dearly as possible as they
do to the exhortation to spend their wages in buying
as cheaply as they can.1

From this helplessness which characterizes women
workers in bargaining spring many difficult problems.
There is the question of their inability to secure right
conditions under which to do their work, to limit the
amount and duration of their work so as to maintain
their own health and that of their children. From
this weakness arises the necessity on the part of the
community of assuming control over the wage contract
so as to protect women wage earners from undue ex-
ploitation and to safeguard its own future. The
length of the working day, the prohibition of night
work, the provision of certain decencies in working
conditions, the relation of marriage to work, the rela-
tion of the work of mothers to the life of children,
the payment of like wages for like work, these become

1 It is a fact of interest that women wish to pay a "fair price,"
and they will, for example, often buy a more expensive garment
in the belief that it has been made under fairer conditions than
one which is cheap. This is frequently the only means by which
they are able to console themselves for their helplessness as
buyers or quiet their conscience for not assuming control over
the productive process.

INTRODUCTORY NOTE

questions of vital concern to the community, the sub-
ject of widespread interest and of popular agitation.

But although problems involving interests of such
importance deserve thoughtful discussion on the basis
of complete information, such treatment as the sub-
ject of women's work has hitherto received in this
country has been for the most part either emotional
and prejudiced or a presentation in official reports
of elaborately compiled but unexplained statistical
data. But facts as to present conditions are of little
service unless supplemented by careful and accurate
analysis and by a correct understanding of the his-
torical development of which present conditions are
the sequence.

Of first importance is the effect of the factory sys-
tem on the opportunities of women in connection with
the work they have always shared. Since, serious as
is the situation in which the day's work is too long,
or is done by night when women should sleep, in-
stead of by day which was meant for work, is done
under bad conditions, or is excessive in the light of
the fact that the worker is a mother ; more serious still
is that in which there is no work at all. For women
must work. They must work, because to be deprived
of the right to exercise "lordship over things" is
to be denied a satisfaction essential to full human
life. And they must work for wages. There is to-
day no other access possible for the self-respecting
woman to that flow of wealth which is at once the
product of the labor and the source of satisfaction

INTRODUCTORY NOTE

for all members of the community. The following
study is, therefore, offered in the belief that it has
real significance for those concerned with the problem
of wage-earning women.

It has, however, a wider interest than this. A field
in American economic history hitherto substantially
untouched is here disclosed. Moreover, with the his-
tory of the growth of our great manufacturing indus-
tries for the most part still unwritten, the difficulties
in the way of such an inquiry as the present are very
great. But there is for the same reason greater value
in the contribution which is made by this study to our
knowledge of early economic conditions and rela-
tionships, of the technical development of the indus-
tries discussed, of early governmental policy relating
to industry, as well as to our correct understanding
of the industrial opportunity of the working woman
of an earlier time and the progress which she has
made up to the present day.

S. P. Breckinridge.
The University of Chicago.

PREFACE

The following investigation was begun in 1905 when
I published jointly with Dr. S. P. Breckinridge, of
the University of Chicago, with whom I was then
studying, an analysis of recent census statistics deal-
ing with the employment of women. The result of
our statistical inquiry was to show that, while the
present tendency was toward an increase in gainful
employment among women, that increase had been
only normal, considering the rate of increase in the
population, in the group of industrial occupations
designated in the census as ' ' manufacturing and me-
chanical pursuits ' ' while there had been a dispropor-
tionately large increase only in the occupational
group " trade and transportation." With nearly a
million and a half women in our manufacturing in-
dustries and no recent influx into the occupations in
this group, it was evident that the presence of women
in our mills and factories was not a new phenomenon ;
and it became a matter of interest to discover just
how long and how far women had been an industrial
factor of importance.

The employment of women, therefore, became a

xiii

PREFACE

problem in economic history, and although we realized
that, at a time when so many questions concerning
the working woman were pressing for immediate solu-
tion, it might well seem academic and impractical to
deal only with her past, we believed that a truthful
account of that past might throw some light on pres-
ent-day problems.

This volume is, therefore, an attempt to carry on
the investigation from the point at which it was left
four years ago. The continuation of the study was
made possible in the first instance through the assist-
ance of the Carnegie Institution of Washington, and
to the late Carroll D. Wright, then at the head of the
Department of Economics and Sociology, grateful
acknowledgment must be made.

I have already said that Dr. Breckinridge and I
began this study as a joint investigation, and although
my absence from Chicago for three years made it im-
possible for us to continue the work together, I have
throughout that time worked under her general direc-
tion and I have had always the benefit of her gen-
erous and sympathetic counsel. It has been my privi-
lege during the past year to be again closely asso-
ciated with her, so that in the work of revision and
in preparation for the press, these chapters have been
constantly submitted to her for criticism. It is not
possible for me to say just what or how much the book
owes to her, but without her assistance it would never
have been written.

It is a pleasure also to acknowledge the debt which

xiv

PEEFACE

I owe to two other friends, to Miss Clara E. Collet,
M.A., Honorary Fellow of University College, Lon-
don, and senior investigator of women's industries in
the Board of Trade (Labour Department), and to Dr.
Frances Gardiner Davenport of the Department of
Historical Research in the Carnegie Institution of
Washington.

To Miss Collet I am indebted, not for direct help in
connection with the preparation of these chapters,
but, in common with all students of the history and
statistics of women's employment, for the invaluable
work which she has done in this field. Four years
ago, in our first published study, Dr. Breckinridge
and I made public acknowledgment of the stimulus
and help we had received from a study of Miss Col-
let's reports to the Board of Trade on the " Employ-
ment of Women and Girls." Not only for these but
for her reports on the same subject prepared for the
Royal Commission on Labour as well as for her earlier
investigations in connection with the preparation of
Booth's " Life and Labour of the People," and for
her other brilliant and suggestive studies of women's
work, all later students of the subject are under obli-
gation to her.

The debt to Miss Davenport is of quite another sort,
for her own studies have been in a more remote field
of history. But it has been my privilege, at differ-
ent times, to submit several of these chapters to her
for criticism, and the book does, therefore, embody
some of her suggestions. It has, moreover, been a

PEEFACE

constant source of reassurance, during the four years
in which this volume has been in preparation to know
that she believed the subject worthy of investiga-
tion as a neglected chapter in our economic history.
A large part of the material presented in this book
has appeared from time to time since 1906 in the
form of a series of articles in the Journal of Political
Economy, and acknowledgment should be made to
the editors for their courtesy in placing this ma-
terial again at my disposal. While it has been in
large part revised and rewritten, chapters VII and
VIII are reprinted substantially as they appeared.
I have also to thank the editors of the American Jour-
nal of Sociology and of the Publications of the Asso-
ciation of Collegiate Alumnce for kindly allowing me
to use again some of the material published in their
magazines.

E. A.

Hull House, Chicago,
October 1, 1909.

CONTENTS

CHAPTER I

INTRODUCTORY pageb

Increase in gainful employment among women — Dispro-
portionate increase in trade and transportation —
Increase in industrial occupations only normal — The
industrial employment of women to be examined his-
torically— The working woman neglected in the
" Woman Movement " — Delimitation between employ-
ment of women in professional and in industrial life. . . 1-9

CHAPTER II

THE COLONIAL PERIOD

Early women agriculturalists — Tavern keepers — Shop
keepers — Speculators — Keepers of "Dame's Schools"
— Domestic service — Women's part in the cloth manu-
facture— Spinning schools for women and children —
Formation of "Societies for Encouraging Industry" — ■
Accounts of early "spinsters" and weavers — Ap-
prenticeship for girls — Colonial attitude toward em-
ployment of women and children — The Puritan belief
in the virtue of industry and the sin of idleness 10-34

CHAPTER III
THE PERIOD OF TRANSITION

Transition from the old domestic system of production to
the modern factory system — Slow progress of the
industrial revolution in this country — Women spin-
ners and weavers employed by early " manufactories "
2 xvii

CONTENTS

PAGE8

in own homes — Boston jail cloth "manufactory,"
"daughters of decayed fai lilies" employed — Boston
card "manufactory" employing "not less than twelve
hundred persons chiefly women and children "-—Women
employed in first cotton mills — Women's work in the
mills identical with that formerly done at home 35-47

CHAPTER IV

J THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE FACTORY SYSTEM

Industrial conditions in America and in England radically
different — Creation of new work and increase in num-
ber of wage earners result of establishment of new
mills — Scarcity and high cost of male labor met by the
employment of women — The establishment of manu-
factures recommended by early economists and states-
men as a means of utilizing the labor of women and
children — "Employment of women" approved on
social as well as economic grounds — Machinery
specially adapted to the use of the labor of women
and children — Philanthropists agree that manufactures
are a benefit to women , 48-62

CHAPTER V

THE EARLY FIELD OF EMPLOYMENT

General survey of the field of employment for women
after the establishment of the factory system — Miss
Martineau's list of occupations in 1836; vindue weight
given her testimony — The field of employment rela-
tively wider for working women than for educated
women in the early years — List of industries which
employed women taken from official documents of
1822, 1831, 1837 — Industrial establishments in which
women worked varied in character — Home work in the
decade 1830-1840 — Straw hat making a typical hand
trade for women — Unusual demand for women em-
ployees— Proportion of women industrially employed
greater in this country than in England — Field of
employment for women in first half of nineteenth
century compared with that at the close of the

xviii

CONTENTS

PAGES

century — Census statistics of employment, 1850-1900
• — -Necessity of tracing the history of the employment
of women in special industries 63-86

CHAPTER VI

J THE COTTON INDUSTRY

Rapid growth of the industry between 1800 and 1815 —
Employment of large numbers of women and children
— Statistics from Trench Coxe and Gallatin for the
country as a whole — Special records of individual
mills — Proportion of women employed in this country
larger than in England — Mule spinning introduced
slowly — Frame spinners all women — Introduction of
the power loom — First looms in Waltham, Lowell,
and Fall River tended by women — The story of
Hannah Borden — Statistics of employment, 1S3 1-1905
for the United States and for the State of Massachusetts
— Decline in proportion of women employed — Census
comments — Women displaced by men as spinners,
weavers, and "dressers" — Reasons for displacement:
(1) heavier machinery driven at higher speed (2) change
in available labor supply due to immigration 87-108

CHAPTER VII
EARLY MILL OPERATIVES: CONDITION OF LIFE AND WORK

Conditions of living and working in the early mill towns —
Early operatives of the best New England stock —
Lucy Larcom and her friends — Few occupations then
open to educated women — High wages and steady
employment the attraction of the mills — 1830-40
the high tide of corporation paternalism in Lowell —
In company boarding houses and company churches
— The school mistress in the mill — Improvement
Circles and Operatives' Magazines — Early conditions
far from ideal; a thirteen-hour day, poorly built
factories, crowded boarding houses — Immigration
and the changing of the old order — Effect of the crisis
of 1848-49, of the Civil War — New occupations open to
educated women — The New England girl succeeded by

xix

CONTENTS

PAGES

the Irish, the Irish by the French Canadian, other
changes — Criticism of attempts to compare early
"City of Spindles " with present-day Lowell 109-147

CHAPTER VIII

THE MANUFACTURE OF BOOTS AND SHOES

Shoemaking historically "men's work" — Women em-
ployed after introduction of division of labor — Shoe-
binding an important occupation for women in the
first half of the nineteenth century — Contrast between
women's work and men's work — Statistics of shoe-
binders in Lynn and other Massachusetts towns in
1831 — Favorable conditions under which women
shoebinders worked in New England — Unfavorable
conditions in larger cities — Contrast between work
in the cotton mills and shoe-binding for women —
Women's work revolutionized by the introduction of
the sewing machine — Early stitching shops — Women
shoe operatives in the labor movement — " Daughter
of Crispin " in early strikes — Rapid progress of Ameri-
can invention in the industry — Employment of women
in the large factories — Division of labor between men
and women substantially unchanged — Contrast be-
tween cotton industry and manufacture of shoes —
Immigrant labor not important in the latter 148-185

CHAPTER IX

CIGARMAKING

Trade peculiarly suited to women — An early "woman's
industry" on Connecticut farms — Change to factory
system — Proportion of women employed — Women
cigarmakers displaced by German immigrants —
re-establishment of the " home industry " by the
Bohemian women cigarmakers in New York tene-
ments— Effect of introduction of machinery — Present
tendencies indicate increased employment of women —
Women and the union — Health of women cigarmakers
— Nationality and conjugal condition of women cigar-
makers—Relative efficiency of women and men. . . . 186-214

CONTENTS
CHAPTER X

THE CLOTHING INDUSTRY pages

Sewing trades numerically most important employment for
women — Discussion limited to ready-made clothing
for men and women — First ready-made garments for
men made in dull seasons by custom tailors — Em-
ployment of the tailor's wife and daughters, later of
other women — Manufacturers in the large cities send
clothing out to be made up on farms and in country
villages by women — Invention of the sewing machine-
Effects of immigration after 1848 — Increased em-
ployment of women result of introduction of the
family shop by the Germans — Division of occupations
between women and men in 1S60 — Cutters and
pressers uniformly men — Gradual displacemnet of
women basters a result of Russian-Jewish invasion
of the industry — Relative decrease in the employment
of women — Census statistics point to a decline in the
proportion of women employed — Men's furnishing
goods — Manufacture of ready-made shirts — Contracts
for army clothing — The government involved in an
early "sweating" system — Ready-made clothing for
women a more recent industry; rapid growth since
1880 — Decrease in the proportion of women employed
— Statistics for the industry as a whole in 1900 215-245

CHAPTER XI

PRINTING

Women printers in the eighteenth and in the early part
of the nineteenth century — The printing trades of
Boston in 1831 — Early printers' unions hostile to the
employment of women — Attitude of the national
typographical union — Separate unions for women
not a success — In 1873, women admitted into full mem-
bership in local unions — Position of women in the
trade to-day — The apprenticeship handicap — Attitude
of master printers — Effect of introduction of linotype —
Census statistics indicate (1) predominance of men in
the trade, (2) slight increase in proportion of women 246-261

xxi

CONTENTS
CHAPTER XII

THE PROBLEM OF WOMEN'S WAGES pages

Women's wages in the colonial period of little interest —
Wages in the mills in the first quarter of the nine-
teenth century — Records from the Poignaud and
Plant Papers from a Waltham wages book of 1821 —
Corporation boarding houses provided board as a part
of wages — Early company stores — Cotton mill wages,
1830-40 — Relative wages of men and women, 1840-SO
— Increase in wages greater for women — Uniform-
ly lower rates for women than for men indicated by
median rates for 1890-1900 262-310

CHAPTER XIII
PUBLIC OPINION AND THE WORKING WOMAN
Women always an important factor in American industry
— Theory that "women have driven out the men"
unsupported by facts — Attitude of the early public
moralist one of rigid insistence on the employment of
women — The employment of women regarded primarily
as an economic problem — Basis of criticism chang-
ing from economic to social considerations 307-323

Appendix A — Child Labor in America Before 1S70 327-351

Appendix B — Concerning the Census Statistics of the In-
dustrial Employment of Women 352-362

Appendix C — Tables of Women's Wages in the Cotton

Mills 363-373

Appendix D — Early Corporation Rules and Regula-
tions 3174-378

Appendix E — List of Occupations in which Women were

Reported to be Employed in 1900 379-391

Appendix F — Trial Bibliography of Books and Magazine
Articles Relating to the Industrial Employment of
Women in England and America 392-399

INDEX 401-409

xxii

WOMEN IN INDUSTRY

CHAPTER I

INTRODUCTION

Public opinion in this country has been recently
concerned with the increase in gainful employment
among women, and misapprehension has arisen from
a failure to understand the complexity of the problem ;
for the employment of women presents not one ques-
tion but many questions. There is, for example, the
familiar problem of domestic service which is, nu-
merically, the most important women's occupation.
Quite different problems appear in connection with
agriculture and the. other extractive occupations such
as ndning and smelting. In the professions there are
still to face the old questions of restriction of oppor-
tunity, of equal work for unequal pay, as well as the
new and larger question of the way in which new
power acquired by women through the removal of
educational and social barriers may be most easily
turned to social ends.

In the group of occupations, including stenography,
typewriting, bookkeeping, and salesmanship, which
are connected not with the industrial but with the
business organization of the day, there is a long series

WOMEN IN INDUSTKY

of problems of which perhaps the most pressing is
the effect of the pin-money worker who makes of her
occupation a " parasitic trade." And finally, there is
the question of the employment of women in indus-
trial occupations, about which there is some prejudice
and a good deal of misunderstanding.

An increase, therefore, in gainful employment
among women becomes a distinct question for each
of these several groups. While it is true that the
public mind does, unconsciously perhaps, differen-
tiate them, this is done for the most part illogically
and unscientifically. With regard to the number of
women entering two of the five occupational groups,
agriculture, in which the women employed are chiefly
the negro women of the South, and domestic service,
public opinion has little concern. There is no fear
of a disproportionate increase in either of them. But
it is, on the other hand, generally assumed that the
number of gainfully employed women has increased
alike in the professions, in " trade and transporta-
tion," and in manufacturing industries. The pro-
fessional woman and the woman commercially em-
ployed are, however, almost exclusively characteristic
of the present day, while the woman in industry is
older than the factory system itself. In the first half
of the nineteenth century, at a time when educated
and uneducated women alike worked in mills and fac-
tories, the employment of women in the professions
or in clerical positions was comparatively rare. As
late as 1855, for example, the employment of women

INTRODUCTION

as clerks was unusual. An article in Hunt's Mer-
chant's Magazine for that year called attention to the
" employment of ladies as clerks in stores " as an
item of special interest, and a contemporary news-
paper commented as follows : ' ' The New York Times
is earnestly advocating the employment of females as
clerks in stores — particularly all retail dry goods
stores. It is an employment for which they are well
fitted, and would properly enlarge their sphere of
action and occupation and it is a business that they
can do better than men. ... It would give employ-
ment to a great many young ladies, and would be
degrading no one willing to earn a living."

Between the year 1870, when the census first pre-
sented statistical data on the subject, and the year
1900, the percentage which women formed of the total
number of persons employed in " professional serv-
ice " had increased from 1.6 per cent to 10.5 per
cent, in " trade and transportation " from 21.8 per
cent to 43.2 per cent, in the manufactures group from
13 per cent to 19 per cent.1 Census statistics for the
last decade of the nineteenth century make more
clear, perhaps, the fact that in recent years the in-
crease in gainful employment among women has not

1 This is the increase according to the Census of Occupations.
According to the Census of Manufactures it would be from
16 per cent to 19 per cent. The former percentages are used
here for the sake of uniformity since those for the other occu-
pational groups can be obtained only from Census of Occupations.
But those from the Census of Manufactures are believed to be more
reliable. On this point, however, see Appendix B.

WOMEN IN INDUSTRY

been in the industrial group. A study of the table
given below will make this point more clear. This
table shows the number of women and the number
of men employed in the five large occupational groups
of the census classification in 1890 and in 1900. The
table also makes possible a comparison not of absolute
numbers and percentages alone, but of the number of
persons in each ten thousand of the total number of
persons over ten years of age who were employed in
these different groups of occupations in 1900 and
1890, and the resulting increases or decreases.

From this table it appears,1 (1) that the most strik-
ing increases both for men and women are in the
group " trade and transportation," (2) that for wom-
en three of the other groups — " professional service,"
" manufacturing and mechanical pursuits," " domes-
tic and personal service " — show fairly equal gains
and the group " agriculture " is not far behind; (3)
that the increase in the number of men who are going
into ' ' manufacturing and mechanical pursuits ' ' is
greater than the increase in the number of women
entering the same group ; that is, 19 more women and
34 more men out of every ten thousand of each sex in
the population went into the manufacturing group
in 1900 than had entered in 1890. It should be
pointed out that the percentage increase would be

1 For a more elaborate discussion of this table, see an article
on the "Employment of Women," Twelfth Census Statistics, by
Sophonisba P. Breckinridge and Edith Abbott in the Journal
of Political Economy, Vol. xiv, pp. 14-41.

INTRODUCTION

slightly larger for women than men, 27.7 against 24.1,
but such percentages cannot, of course, be properly
compared, for a comparatively small increase in a

Classes

Women.

Men.

of Occupations.

1900.

1890.

1900.

1890.

Professional service. . . .
Domestic and personal

977,330
430,597

2,095,449

503,347

1,312,668

7r,9,S45
311,687

1,667,651

228,421

1,027,928

4,005,532

23,060,900

9,404,429

827,941

3,485,298
4,263,617
5,772,641

8,378,603
632,646

2,553,161

3,097,701

4,650,540

Trai le and transporta-
tion

Manufacturing and me-
chanical pursuits ....

All occupations

Population over ten

5,319,397
28,246,384

23,753,836
29,703,440

19,312,651
24,352,659

Classes
of Occupations.

Number of Women

Employed per 10,000

Women of and above

10 Years of Age.

1900.

Agriculture

Professional service . .

Domestic and per-
sonal service

Trade and transpor-
tation

Manufacturing and
mechanical pur-
suits

All occupations

346.0
152.4

741. S

178.1

464.7

1883.2

IS! 10.

333.8
135.1

723.1

99.0

445.7

In-
crease.

12.2
17.3

18.7

79.1

19.0

1736.9 146.3

Number of Men Employed

per 10.000 Men of and
above 10 Years of Age.

1900.

1890.

In-
crease.

3166.1

278.7

3440.5
259.7

19.0

1173.3 1048.4

124.9

1435.3 1272.0

163.3

1943.41909.6

33.8

7997.0 7930.3

66.7

De-
crease.

274.4

small number will show a larger percentage of in-
crease than a much larger increase in a large number.
For women, then, trade and transportation alone
shows a disportionate increase; it is into this group

WOMEN IN INDUSTEY

of occupations that the new recruits to the ranks of
gainfully employed women have largely gone; and
whatever the problem of women in industry may be,
it is clearly not a new one within the last ten, or even
the last thirty, years.

The point of departure to-day in most discussions
regarding women in industry is the home. It is as-
sumed that the presence of women in industrial life
is a new phenomenon and one to be viewed with
alarm. The employment of women, it is feared, will
mean greater competition and ultimately the displace-
ment of men. Because the labor of women is cheaper,
the woman, it is said, will usurp the place of the
breadwinner ; and the home will be ruined. Much at-
tention has been given in late years to the employ-
ment of women in our manufacturing establishments
of the present day, to questions concerning the physi-
cal and moral surroundings under which they work,
their wages, the length of the working day. But no
attempt has as yet been made to deal with the historic
background out of which these questions emerge ; and
upon the student of economic history, therefore, de-
volves the task of tracing out from the records of our
industrial development, such an account of the work-
ing woman's past as may throw light on the problems
of to-day.

(" The present study is, therefore, not an investiga-
tion into present conditions of women's work and
wages, but an inquiry into the history and statistics
of the employment of women in America. Without
6

INTRODUCTION

such a study it is impossible to examine properly cer-
tain fundamental questions relating to women's work.
How far is the gainful employment of women, either
in the home or away from it, peculiarly characteristic
of the nineteenth century? Has the growth of our
manufacturing industries provided a new field for
the employment of women? Or has there only been
an increase in the opportunity for work in those
employments which have long existed? And has
the result of it all been that what was former-
ly " men's work " has passed into the hands of
women ?

It is believed that an inquiry into the history of
women's work and a consideration of the early atti-
tude toward such work, together with a study of the
statistics of their employment during the last century,
may be worth while, not only as a contribution toward
the history of an important subject, but because of
the practical bearing it may have upon the problems
connected with the employment of women to-day.
"Women's work is often considered too exclusively in
its theoretical aspects. Statistics for the first half
of the century are not brought into their proper re-
lation with those of the latter half. The early atti-
tude toward the employment of women is not only
outgrown but forgotten. Moreover, attempts to dis-
cover how far women have taken the places of men
as factory employees by a study of census statistics
for the last few decades have been, and must neces-
sarily be, futile; for that is merely touching in a

WOMEN IN" INDUSTRY

superficial way a problem that is as old as the factory
system itself.

It will appear that it is essential to any profitable
discussion of women's work that a line of delimita-
tion be drawn between questions concerning the em-
ployment of professional women and those relating
to the employment of women in industry. While the
problems of all gainfully employed women, whether
professionally trained and educated or untrained and
unskilled, are fundamentally interdependent, yet for
many purposes they must be considered separate ques-
tions; and the working woman has undoubtedly been
wronged in the past because of the pseudo-democratic
refusal to recognize class distinctions in discussions
of the woman question. Moreover, a failure to see
important points of unlikeness has led, at times, to
confusion in theory and to unfortunate practical re-
sults. It is, for example, a part of the history of the
struggle for factory legislation in England that an
unwillingness to grant that the working woman had
peculiar grievances delayed the progress of very neces-
sary reforms.1

It has, finally, been too often assumed that the con-
spicuous broadening of the field of opportunities and
activities for educated women during the latter half
of the nineteenth century has been a progress without
class distinctions in which all women have shared

1 See the chapter on "The Women's Rights Opposition,"
Hutchins and Harrison, "History of Factory Legislation," pp.
183, 184.

INTKODUCTION

alike. But the history of the employment of women
in professional and industrial life has been radically
different, and the fruits of that long struggle of the
last century for what is perhaps nebulously described
as " women's rights," have gone, almost exclusively,
to the women of the professional group.

CHAPTER II

THE COLONIAL PERIOD

A study of the relation of the woman wage earner
to the factory system in this country involves some
preliminary inquiry regarding her share in the work
done under more primitive methods of production.
Industrially we were a backward nation and, for a
considerable time after our political independence had
been secured, we remained economically dependent
upon England. At the close of the first decade of
the nineteenth century development of our manu-
facturing industries had scarcely begun.

A detailed survey of the field of employment for
\ / women during this earlier period is impossible be-
cause of the scarcity of records. Moreover, such a
study would be on the whole unprofitable. It has,
however, seemed justifiable to present the following
body of material dealing with the employment of
women during the seventeenth and eighteenth cen-
turies, because though somewhat fragmentary, cov-
ering a considerable period of time dealing with a
large and miscellaneous group of occupations, and
confined chiefly to a single section of the country, it

THE COLONIAL PEKIOD

is believed to contribute to an understanding
of the relation of women to the later industrial
system.

Our primary interests during this early period
were agriculture and commerce, and there was very
little field for the industrial employment either of
men or women. Such manufactures as were carried
on in these early centuries were chiefly household
industries and the work was necessarily done in the
main by women. Indeed, it would not be far wrong
to say that, during the colonial period, agriculture
was in the hands of men, and manufacturing, for the
most part, in the hands of women. Men were, to be
sure, sometimes weavers, shoemakers, or tailors; and
here and there women of notable executive ability,
such as the famous Eliza Lucas of South Carolina,1
managed farms and plantations.

It is of interest to note, too, in this connection that
in the case of land allotments in early New England,
women who were heads of families received their pro-
portion of planting land; and in Salem, Plymouth,
and the Cape Cod towns women could not get enough
land. Although spinsters did not fare so well, it is a
matter of record that in Salem even unmarried wom-
en were at first given a small allotment. The custom
of granting " maid's lotts, " however, was soon dis-
continued in order to avoid " all presedents and evil
events of graunting lotts unto single maidens not dis-

1 See Harriott Ravenel, " Life of Eliza Pinckney."
3 11

WOMEN IN INDUSTRY

posed of . " 1 In accordance with this ungallant de-
cision, the " Salem Town Records " show one
" Deborah Holmes refused Land being a maid but
hath four bushels of corn granted her . . . and would
be a bad presedent to keep house alone." In 1665,
in Pennsylvania, 75 acres of land were promised to
every female over fourteen years of age, and while
this does not mean that the management of the lands
was necessarily in their hands, in many cases this
must have happened.

But although daughters and wives often helped
at home with what was rather rough work, cutting
wood, milking, and the like, and the girl in service
did similar " chores," it was not customary to em-
ploy women to any large extent for regular farm
work. This was, of course, in contrast to the practice
in England and on the Continent, where women, at
this time, were regularly hired as reapers, mowers,
and haymakers. An early account of Virginia says
with regard to this point that " the women are not,
as is reported, put into the ground to worke but
occupie such domestique employments as in England.
. . . Yet some wenches that are not fit to be so em-
ployed are put into the ground. " 2 It seems, there-

1 These details are found in Professor Herbert B. Adam's in-
teresting study in the " Johns Hopkins University Studies," First
Series, vols, ix-x, " Allotments of Land in Salem to Men, Women
and Maids," pp. 34, 35.

2 Hammond, "Leah and Rachel" (London, 1656). Re-
printed in Force, Tracts, iii.

THE COLONIAL PERIOD

fore, clear that, with the exception of such cases as
have been reported, the work on the farms was done
by men.

Women on the other hand, were, for the most part
engaged in the domestic cares of the household, which
included at that time the manufacture within the
home of a large proportion of the articles needed
for household use. And besides the occupations of
a domestic kind, there were, in the seventeenth and
eighteenth centuries, various other employments open
to them which it may be worth while to notice with-
out attempting to apply the classification growing
out of the more complex organization of the present
day. An attempt will be made, therefore, to give a
brief account of all gainful occupations in which wom-
en were engaged without attempting to classify them.

One of the oldest of these was the keeping of tav-
erns and " ordinaries." In 1643, the General Court
of Massachusetts granted Goody Armitage permission
to ' ' keepe the ordinary, but not to drawe wine, ' ' 1
and throughout this century and the next the Boston
town records show repeated instances of the granting
of such licenses to women. In 1669, for example,
" Widdow Snow and Widdow Upshall were ' ap-
proved of to sell beere and wine for the yeare
ensuinge and keep houses of publique entertain-
ment '," and there are records of the granting of
similar permissions to other women on condition that

1 " Massachusetts Colonial Records," ii, 46.
13

WOMEN IN INDUSTRY

they ' ' have a careful and sufficient man to manage the
house." Such licenses were granted most frequently
to widows, hut occasionally to wives. Thus the wife
of Thomas Hawkins was given permission to sell
liquors ' ' by retayle ' ' only because of ' ' the selectmen
consideringe the necessitie and weake condition of her
Husband."

Shopkeeping was another of the early gainful em-
ployments for women in this country. The " New
Haven Colonial Records " contain a most interesting
account of a woman shopkeeper who flourished for a
time during the first half of the seventeenth century,
and then became involved in serious difficulties be-
cause of her method of systematic overcharging. In
1643 an indignant customer appealed to the court,
charging that he had " beard of the dearnes of her
commodities, the excessive gaynes she tooke, was dis-
couradged from proceedinge and accordingly bid his
man tel her he would have none of her cloth." He
asked the court to deal with her " as an oppressor
of the commonweale ' ' and offered ten specific charges ;
among them, " that she sold primmers at 9 pence a
piece which cost but 4 pence here in New England '
and that " she sold a peece of cloth to the two Mecars
at 23s. 4:d. per yard in wompom, the cloth cost her
about 12s. per yard and sold when wompom was in
great request."1 It is of interest that Higginson
refers to this employment for women in asking pat-

1 "New Haven Colonial Records," i, 174-17G, 147.

THE COLONIAL PERIOD

ronage for " sister Wharton's two daughters to help
forward their shop-keeping "; and, he adds signifi-
cantly that they " are like to continue as ancient
maids I know not how long, Sarah being 25 or 26
years old! "

Other kinds of business attracted women in this
same period. The raising of garden seeds and similar
products seems to have been a common occupation.1
Women were sometimes shrewd traders and, often,
particularly in the seaboard towns, venturesome
enough to be speculators. An interesting example
of the way in which women along the coast some-
times risked their savings is to be found in an old
memorandum of one Margaret Barton which belongs
to the year 1705 and is preserved in the Boston Pub-
lic Library's collection of manuscripts. This woman,
who claimed to have served a full apprenticeship in
the trade of ' ' chair frame making ' ' and to have
worked at it for a time, seems to have made quite a
fortune for those days in " ventures at sea." She
was, however, a rather disreputable person, for the
" Boston Selectmen's Records " show that she was
" warned out of town," and her testimony may not
be altogether reliable.

Among the other gainful employments for women
in this period which were not industrial might be
mentioned keeping a " dame's school " which, though

1 See, for example, advertisements in the Boston Evening Post,
January 25, 1745; Boston Gazette, April 19, 1748; New England
Weekly Journal, March 10, 1741.

WOMEN IN INDUSTRY

a very unrenranerative occupation, was often resorted
to.1 There were, too, many notable nurses and mid-
wives ; in Bristol a woman was ringer of the bell and
kept a meeting-house, and in New Haven a woman
was appointed to " sweepe and dresse the meeting
house every weeke and have Is. a weeke for her
pains." The common way, however, for a woman to
earn her board and a few pounds a year was by going
out to service. But it should be noted that the domes-
tic servant in the seventeenth and eighteenth cen-
turies was employed for a considerable part of her
time in processes of manufacture and that, with-
out going far wrong, one might classify this as an
industrial occupation. A servant, for example, who
was a good spinner or a good tailoress, was val-
ued accordingly, and advertisements in eighteenth-
century newspapers frequently mention this as a
qualification.

There remain, however, a number of instances, in
which women were employed in and were even at the
head of what might, strictly speaking, be called in-
dustrial establishments. A woman, for example, oc-
casionally ran a mill, carried on a distillery, or even
worked in a sawmill. The " Plymouth Colony
Records " note in 1644 that " Mistress Jenny, upon
the presentment against her, promiseth to amend the

1 There is a record of a woman keeping such a school in New
Haven before 1656. See Blake, "Chronicles of New Haven
Green," p. 184; and see also Sewall, "History of Woburn," p. 52,
for a further note on such work.

THE COLONIAL PERIOD

grinding at the mill, and to keep morters cleane, and
baggs of corne from spoyleing and looseing. " At
Mason's settlement at Piscataqua, " eight Danes and
twenty two women " were employed in sawing lum-
ber and making potash.1 In 1693 a woman appears
with two men on the pages of the " Boston Town
Records ' " desiring leave to build a slaughter
house." But all of these seem to have been unusual
employments.

There were, however, a great many women printers
in the eighteenth century, and these women were both
compositors and worked at the press. Several colon-
ial newspapers were published by women and they
printed books and pamphlets as well. Women were
also employed in the early paper mills, where they
were paid something like the equivalent of seventy-
five cents a week and board.

Although there is no doubt of the fact that women
were gainfully employed away from home at this
time, such employment was quite unimportant com-
pared with work which they did in their own homes.

In considering minor industrial occupations within
the home we find that a few women were bakers2
and some were engaged in similar work, such as mak-

1 Weeden, "Social and Economic History of New England,"
i, 168; and see p. 310 for note of a woman who bolted flour for
her neighbors.

2 See, for example, Felt, "Annals of Salem," ii, 152; and see
also the mention of Widow Gray in Boston News Letter, January
21, 1711.

WOMEN IN INDUSTRY

ing and selling of preserves or wine.1 But the great
majority of women in this group were employed in
the manufacture of textiles, which in its broadest
sense includes knitting, lacemaking, the making of
cards for combing cotton and wool, as well as sewing,
spinning and weaving.

Some women must have found knitting a profitable
by-employment. Knit stockings sold for two shillings
a pair, and occasionally for much more. One old ac-
count book records that " Ann " sold a " pare of
stockens for 16s." Sewing and tailoring were stand-
ard occupations and were variously remunerated, —
one woman made " shirts for the Indians " at eight-
pence each, and " men's breeches " for a shilling and
sixpence a pair, and in addition to this work of tailor-
ing she taught school, did spinning and weaving for
good pay, managed her house, was twice married and
had fourteen children.2

Spinning and weaving, the processes upon which
the making of cloth depended, absorbed a great deal
of the time of the women and girls of the period.
This work was not uniformly organized according to
any one industrial system. In the seventeenth cen-
tury, the work was household industry ; the raw ma-
terials were furnished by the household and the fin-
ished product was for household use ; but so far as

1 The New England Weekly Journal, July 5, 1731, dvertises
a shop kept by a woman for the exclusive sale of preserves and
similar products.

2 See Temple and Sheldon, "History of Northfield," p. 163.

THE COLONIAL PEEIOD

any part of it was marketed or exchanged at the vil-
lage store, the system became closely akin to handi-
craft. The commodity that was exchanged or sold
belonged to the woman as a true craftswoman, the
material had been hers and the product, until she
disposed of it, was her own capital. When the ar-
ticle was sold directly to the consumer, as frequently
happened, even the final characteristic of handi-
craft, the fact of its being " custom work," was
present.1

With the expansion of the industry, especially in
the latter half of the eighteenth century, a considerable
part of the work was done more in the manner of what
is known as the commission system. As yarn came to
be in great demand, many women were regularly em-
ployed spinning at home for purchasers who were
really commission merchants. These men sometimes
sold the yarn but often they put it out again to be
woven and then sold the cloth.

The most important occupations for women, there-
fore, before the establishment of the factory system,
were spinning and weaving. It is impossible to make
any estimate of the number of women who did such
work, or of their earnings, of the proportion of home-

1 This discussion of industrial systems follows in the main
Bucher's analysis in his "Industrial Evolution" (Wickett's
translation), Chap. IV; and the introductory chapter in Unwin,
"Industrial Organization in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth
Centuries," in which Bucher's interpretation is related to the
industrial organization of to-day.

WOMEN IN INDUSTRY

spun which went to market, or of what part of it, even
when exchanged by the husband, was manufactured
by the wife and daughters. But it is quite safe to
say that spinning for the household was a universal
occupation for women and that the number of those
who used this, and later, weaving also, asa" gainful
employment " was very large.

Every effort was made to encourage children as
well as women to engage in this work. As early as
1640, a court order in Massachusetts directed an in-
quiry into the possibilities of manufacturing cotton
cloth, ' ' what men and woemen are skilful in the brak-
ing, spinning and weaving .... what course may
be taken for teaching the boyes and girles in all
towns the spinning of the yarne." A similar order
in 1656 called upon every town to see that the
" woemen, boyes and girles .... spin according to
their skill and ability." In the same year Hull
recorded in his Diary of Public Occurrences that
" twenty persons, or about such a number, did agree
to raise a stock to procure a house and materials
to improve the children and youth of the town of
Boston (which wTant employment) in the several
manufactures. ' '

There is, in short, no lack of evidence to show that
it was regarded as a public duty in the colony of
Massachusetts to provide for the training of chil-
dren, not only in learning, but in the words of one of
the old court orders in ' ' labor and other imployments
which may bee profitable to the commonwealth."

THE COLONIAL PERIOD

This experiment in Boston, of which John Hull
made record in 1656, was the prototype of many
attempts in the following century to make children
useful in developing the cloth manufacture. In
1720, the same town appointed a committee to con-
sider the establishment of spinning schools for the
instruction of the children of the town in spinning,
and one of the Committee's recommendations was a
suggestion that twenty spinning wheels be provided
"for such children as should be sent from the alms-
house "; while a generous philanthropist of the time
erected at his own expense the " Spinning School
House," which ten years later he bequeathed to the
town ' ' for the education of the children of the poor. ' '
There was much enthusiasm over the opening of this
school, and the women of Boston, rich and poor, as-
sembled on the Common for a public exhibition of
their skill while an " immense concourse assembled
to encourage them."

In the latter half of the eighteenth century, more
persistent efforts were made to further the cloth-
making industry, and much interest was manifested
in the possibility of making children useful to this
end. Two Boston newspapers announced in 1750
that it was proposed " to open several spinning
schools in this Town where children may be taught
gratis." In the following year the " Society for
Encouraging Industry and Employing the Poor "
was organized with the double purpose of promoting
the manufacture of woolen and other cloth, and of

WOMEN IN INDUSTRY

employing " our own women and children who are
now in a great measure idle."

The Province Laws of the session of 1753-54 pro-
vided for a tax on carriages for the support of a
linen manufactory which, it was hoped, would pro-
vide employment for the poor. The preamble
of the law recites that the " number of poor
is greatly increased .... and many persons, es-
pecially women, and children, are destitute of
employment and in danger of becoming a public
charge."

Although this scheme did not realize all the hopes
of its promoters the policy was not abandoned. In
1770, Mr. William Molineux of Boston petitioned the
legislature to assist him in his plan for " manufac-
turing the children's labour into wearing apparel '
and " employing young females from eight years old
and upward in earning their own support;" and the
public opinion of his day commended him because,
in the words of a contemporary, " The female chil-
dren of this town .... are not only use ll to the
community but the poorer sort are able in some
measure to assist their parents in getting a liveli-
hood. ' '

It was claimed that, as a result of the work of
the spinning schools, at least three hundred women
and children had been thoroughly instructed in the
art of spinning and that they had earned a large sum
as wages. Domestic industries became increasingly
important during this period, and children as well

THE COLONIAL PERIOI

as women were employed in the various processes of
manufacture carried on in the household. The re-
port of Governor Moore of New York in 1767 to the
Lords of Trade, said with regard to his province,
" every home swarms with children, who are set to
spin and card."

Spinning, however, for some time before this had
been an employment which was fairly steady and re-
munerative. The " Salem Records," for example,
show that in 1685, one John Wareing was loaned
money " to pay spinners." In the eighteenth cen-
tury, as the cloth manufacture developed, there was
an increased and reasonably steady demand for yarn,
so that the earnings of women spinners were by no
means inconsiderable for those days. In some local-
ities women were paid eight cents a day and their
" keep " for spinning. In the Wyoming Valley, six
shillings a week seems to have been the standard wage
of a good spinner.

The best idea, however, of what home work in the
different processes of cloth manufacture meant to the
individual, can probably be gained by a study of
some extracts from two old memorandum books, one
belonging to the seventeenth and the other to the
eighteenth century. The first of these is from an
old account book of a Boston shopkeeper which has
been preserved in the manuscript collections of the
Boston Public Library and which records to the
credit of Mrs. Mary Avery during the years 1685-89,
the following items :

WOMEN IN INDUSTRY

By 2 yard £ of buntin att

By yard £ of ditto att 14d

By 3 yards \ of half thick Kersey att 3s. 3d ,

A coverlid

By 16 yards of druggett att — and a broom 3d

By 20 yds. black searge at 4s. 6d

By 20 yds. searge at 3s. 6d

By 3 yds. of buntin at 3d

By 18J yards searge at 3/8

By a hatt 5-6

By 53 yds. of cotton and linnin at 2-9

By \ doz. of ? a carpett 30

By 7 hatts att 5-sd

By 4 yds. searge att ?

By 2 ditto at ?

By 4 yds. black searge

By searge

By 34 yds. searge at 3s. 6d

By 24 yards searge at ?

3
10

6
0

It should be said with regard to this account of
Mrs. Avery that two or three of the entries are in
her husband's name, which may mean either that
they worked together or that he merely acted for
her.

The illegibility of some of the entries makes it im-
possible to state accurately the sum total of Mrs.
Avery's credit account during these years, but fifty
pounds would seem to be a very safe estimate. There
is, moreover, every reason to believe that this is a fair-
ly typical account and that such work was commonly
done by women throughout this period. Other ac-
count books for the same period show similar credits
and the book from which Mrs. Avery's account is
quoted records the names of several other women and

THE COLONIAL PEEIOD

the payments made to them for the same kind of
work, although no record compares with hers in in-
terest.

The eighteenth century account which is selected
as of special interest, is one taken from the credit
side of a merchant's book for 1781 and .shows the
earnings for the year of a " spinner," Theodora
Orcutt, who was probably, judging from her pur-
chases, a wife and mother.

Account of Theodora Orcutt 1

1781.

September (17S0 ?). By spinning 11 Runs at

7/4 — 3 runs Id

February 11. By spinning 4 Runs for hand-
kerchiefs

March 2. By spinning 8 Runs linen yarn

at Id

" By spinning 5 Runs tow yarn

" 6. By spinning 1 Run fine tow

yarn at Id

" 13. By spinning 2 Runs woolen

yarn

April 8. By spinning 13 Runs tow yarn

at 8d

" By spinning 14 Runs linen yarn. .
" 29. By spinning <H Runs fine tow
yarn at Sd

Carried Forward

4
2

8
8

11
4

temple, "History of Whately," pp. 71, 72. "A 'run' of
yarn consisted of 20 knots. A 'knot' was composed of 40
threads, and a thread was 74 inches in length or once round the
reel. A 'skein' of yarn consisted of 7 knots. An ordinary
day's work was 4 skeins when the spinner carded her own wool;
when the wool was carded by a merchant she could easily spin
6 in a day."

WOMEN IN INDUSTRY
Account of Theodora Orcutt — Continued.

1781.

Brought Forward
May 13. By spinning 2 Runs fine thread

for stockings at Sd

By spinning 4 Runs tow yarn

at 8d

" By spinning 3 Runs coarse tow

yarn at 4/ (O. T.)

By spinning 3 Runs coarse linen

yarn at 6d

June 19. By spinning 8 Runs fine yarn for

Lawn

By spinning 22 Runs coarse linen

yarn at 6d

24. By spinning 2 Runs linen yarn

at 8d.

July 5. By spinning 10 Runs tow yarn

at 4/ (O. T.)..

9. By spinning 3h Runs tow yarn

at 4/ (O. T.)"

11. By spinning 10 Runs tow yarn

at 6d. (O. T.)

July 25. By spinning 3 Runs fine linen

yarn at 8c? ,

By spinning 2 Runs coarse linen

yarn at Qd

By spinning 2 Runs fine tow

yarn at Sd

31. By spinning 1 Run fine tow

yarn at Sd

August 24. By spinning 19 Runs coarse linen

chain

September 11. By spinning 9 Runs coarse tow

yarn

By spinning 2 Runs sent to Miss

Graves

By spinning 4 Runs tow By Do
8 Runs tow

Total.

This account of Theodora Orcutt is especially in-
teresting because it shows how many different kinds
of yarn had a marketable value at this time, and

THE COLONIAL PERIOD

how much women must have earned by trading the
product of their labor at country stores, as well as
by selling it directly to the professional weavers and
the small " manufactories."

Another interesting example of the way in which
women exchanged the cloth which they made to pur-
chase other articles is the list of goods which one
Susannah Shepard of Wrentham tendered in part
payment for a chaise. The contract and the credit
were as follows : 1

" Agreed with Mrs. Susannah Shepard, of Wren-
tham, to make her a chaise for £55, she finding the
harness, the wheels, leather for top and lining, re-
mainder to be had in goods, at wholesale cash price,
of her manufacture.

" (Signed) STEPHEN OLNEY."
Providence, November 13, 1795.

Received of Mrs. Shepard on account of chaise.

5 J yards of thick-set at 4s. Sd £1 5s. 8d.

2\ yards of velveret, at 4s. 8d 10s. 8d.

2% yards of satin bever, at 4s. Sd 12s. lOd.

1 yard & 2 nails of carpeting, at 3s 3s. 4$d.

13 yards carpeting £1 ISs. l\d.

2 handkerchiefs 7s.

£4 18s. 2d.

There was, too, at this time no small amount of
spinning and weaving done by women as custom

1 See Bagnall, "Textile Industries of the United States," i,
173-174.

4 27

WOMEN IN INDUSTRY

work. In one New England community, near North-
Held, Massachusetts, a weaver by the name of Olive
Moffatt, who was a descendant of the early Scotch
immigrants, was famous for such work. She was em-
ployed by most of the well-to-do families in town, and
for many years her loom was considered indispensable
for wedding outfits. Her linsey-woolsey cloth was
considered inimitable for evenness of texture ; and no
one else in town could weave such patterns of linen
damask. She also understood perfectly how to color
fine lamb's wool yarns a beautiful shade of red with
madder. The use of logwood on indigo was common
enough, but a " good red " like Oli.e Moffatt 's was
difficult to obtain. Ecr earnings must have been
very considerable for that period for she charged
six pence and seven pence a skein for fine linen
thread and three pence a skein or eight pence a
" run " for fine woolen thread. In general the work
of women spinners became more profitable after the
early " manufactories " were started, but an account
of these primitive establishments and of their women
spinners is reserved for the succeeding chapter.

In England, weaving was a man's occupation, but
" spinning and the preliminary processes of clean-
ing, carding and roving were conducted in the early
times by the women and children. " x In this country,
although professional weavers seem to have been most
frequently men, yet it is clear that weaving was not
an uncommon occupation for women even in the early

1 Chapman, "The Lancashire Cotton Industry," p. 12.

THE COLONIAL PERIOD

days.1 As the cloth manufacture developed, it be-
came a very important one, and, as a later chapter
will show, it continued to give employment to a great
many women well into the nineteenth century.

It is perhaps scarcely necessary to say by way of
summary, that the gainful employment of women in
different processes of manufacture in their own
homes,2 was common enough in the seventeenth and
eighteenth centuries. In so far as the early spinners
and weavers furnished their own material and dis-
posed of their own product as custom work, they were
true craftswomen, belonging to a system that has not
survived to any extent in modern industry. When
the product was disposed of at a country store, one
of the essential elements of handicraft, " custom
work, ' ' was lacking. But under whatever system they
worked, these " women in industry " were an im-
portant factor in the industrial life of the period.

1 An extract from an old account book, for example, shows a
credit to "Sarah Badkuk (Babcock) for weven and coaming
wistid," Weeden, i, 301; see also ibid., ii, 855. Mrs. Holt's re-
ceipt for £1 5s. lie?, for spinning is a relic in Bailey, "History of
Andover," p. 578. In the Moravian settlement in Pennsylvania,
the light weaving was entirely "woman's work" (Bagnall, i, 27),
and Virginia cloth was described as "Having been made of
cotton and woven with great taste by the women in the country
parts." Bishop, "History of American Manufactures," i, 343.

2 Two other household manufactures of which mention might
be made here, are the making of lace and the manufacture of
the hand cards used for combing cotton and wool; that is, the
preparing the fiber for spinning. Both of these industries, how-
ever, will be referred to again in a later chapter.

■: .'

WOMEN m INDUSTRY

As the gainful employment of women during this
period grew so largely out of their household duties,
such training as they received for their work was, in
a sense, part of their general education. Although
girls as well as boys were apprenticed when they were
very young, the girl's indenture, unlike that of the
boy, failed to specify that she was to be taught a trade.
Early laws provided for the binding out of the chil-
dren of the poor, and in some to\ is where the cus-
tom of bidding off the poor prevailed, children were
put to live " with some suitable person " until they
were fourteen, at which age they were to be bound
until they became free by law, but it was especially
specified that " if boys [they be] put to some useful
trade."1 The poor law of Connecticut provided
that poor children whose parents allowed them to
" live idly or misspend their time in loitering '
were to be bound out, a " man child until he shall
come to the age of twenty-one years; and a woman
child to the age of eighteen years, or time of mar-
riage."

The girl's indenture seems to have been for the
most part a mere binding out to service. She was
trained doubtless to perform the domestic tasks of
the housewife, and sometimes it was agreed that
she was to be taught " the trade, art, or mystery of
spinning woollen and linen " or knitting and sewing
as well. Her indenture might require, too, that she

1 Capen, " Historical Development of the F w of Con-

necticut," p. 55.

THE COLONIAL PERIOD

was to be " learned to read," which was again un-
like that of the boy, who was also to be taught writing
and occasionally even " cypering." The Province
Laws of Massachusetts which provided that poor
girls as well as boys were to be bound out contain
the provision that " males [be taught] to read and
write, females to read as they shall respectively be
capable. " It is of further interest with regard to the
training of girls and boys that the General Court of
Massachusetts desired that boys as well as girls be
taught how to spin and that both girls and boys who
were set to keep cattle in the various towns,1 should
" bee set to some other impliment withall, as spinning
up on the rock, kniting, weveing tape.2

It seems clear, however, that although girls were
called apprentices during the colonial period, this did
not mean that they were consciously given any indus-
trial training.2 But it should, perhaps, be repeated
that the ordinary experience of the girl in the colonial

1 See "Massachusetts Colonial Records," i, 294; ii, 9.

2 Attention may be called in passing to the fact that after two
hundred and fifty years the opportunity of an apprenticed girl
has increased very slightly. An industrial census to-day shows
a very considerable number of girl apprentices, but the great pro-
portion of them are in dressmaking or millinery shops where they
are general service girls, learning only what will make them tem-
porarily useful in the shop and not what is necessary to make
them skilled workers in the trade. See, for example, the Bulle-
tin "Sex and Industry," issued by the Massachusetts Bureau of
Labor in 1903, which showed (p. 210) that only eighty-seven
girls were serving any apprenticeship except in dressmakers' and
milliners' shops. The number of apprenticed boys was 5,320.

WOMEN m INDUSTRY

household tended to make her skillful in spinning and
probably in weaving as well, so that she received
preparation for the two most important occupations
of that time without any specialized training or the
serving of a formal apprenticeship.

In concluding this discussion f the employment of
women during the colonial period, some reference
must be made to the attitude of the public opinion
of that day toward their work. The early court
orders providing for the employment of women and
children were not prompted solely by a desire to pro-
mote the manufacture of cloth. There was, in the
spirit of them, the Puritan belief in the virtue of
industry and the sin of idleness. Industry by com-
pulsion, if not by faith, was the gospel of the seven-
teenth century and not only court orders but Puritan
ministers warned the women of that day of the dan-
gers of idle living.1 Summary measures were some-
times taken to punish those who were idle. Thus
the " Salem Town Records " show (December 5,
1643) "It is ordered that Margarett Page shall [be
sent] to Boston Goale as a lazy, idle, loytering person
where she may be sett to work for her liveinge. ' ' In
1645 and 1646 different persons were paid " for Mar-
garett Page to keep her at worke." Among the
charges against Mary Boutwell in tl "'"sex Rec-

ords," 1640, is one " for her exorbitancy not working
but liveinge idly."

1 See Winthrop's reference to the sermon of a Boston minister
in 1636 in "History of New England," i, 186.

THE COLOXIAL PERIOD

Perhaps the best expression of the prevailing atti-
tude toward the employment of women at that time
is to be found in one of the Province Laws of Massa-
chusetts Bay for the session of 1692-93. The law
ordered that every single person under twenty-one
must live " under some orderly family government,"
but added the proviso that " this act shall not be
construed to extend to hinder any single woman of
good repute from the exercise of any lawful trade or
employment for a livelihood, whereunto she shall have
the allowance and approbation of the selectmen . . .
any law, usage or custom to the contrary notwith-
standing. ' '

It is not, therefore, surprising to find that, in 1695,
an act was passed which required single women who
were self-supporting to pay a polltax as well as men.1
That this attitude was preserved during the eighteenth
century, the establishment of the spinning schools
bears witness. There was, however, the further point
that providing employment for poor women and chil-
dren lessened the poor rates, and the first factories
were welcomed because they offered a means of
support to the women and children who might
otherwise be " useless, if not burdensome, to soci-
ety."

'"Province Laws," i, 213: "All single women that live at
their own hand, at two shillings each, except such as through
age, or extream poverty . . . are unable to contribute towards the
publick charge." Men, however, of sixteen years or upwards
were rated "at four shillings per poll."

WOMEN m INDUSTEY

The colonial attitude toward women's work was
in brief one of rigid insistence on their employment.
Court orders, laws, and public subscriptions were re-
sorted to in order tha> poor women might be saved
from the sin of idleness and taught to be self-sup-
porting.

CHAPTER III

THE PERIOD OP TRANSITION

The effort to establish manufacturing industries in
this country made little progress until after the year
1808, when the restrictive effects of the Embargo and
Non-Intercourse Acts began to be felt, and, as a re-
sult of the exclusion of imported goods, our own
manufactures began to assume considerable propor-
tions. Some necessary preliminary steps, without
which this industrial expansion would have been dif-
ficult, had already been taken ; and during the period
which covered roughly the years from 1760 to 1808,
there had been an unmistakable advance in industrial
organization. This period is, therefore, one of dis-
tinct interest in our economic history as marking the
transition from the old domestic system of produc-
tion to the modern factory system.

During this time, the so-called " industrial revo-
lution " was taking place in England. Machines
for carding and spinning had been invented and the
old hand processes in the making of cloth had been
superseded. More wonderful, however, than any of
the inventions, was the steam engine of Watts, which,

WOMEN IN INDUSTRY

together with the new labor-saving machinery, rapidly
transformed the textile industries. Great factory
towns grew up in the industrial districts, and wom-
en and children went to the factories to tend the ma-
chines instead of carrying on the processes in their
own homes.

Although we attempted to introduce the new ma-
chine system in this country, our progress was slow
and laborious. England's ambition was to become the
' ' workshop of the world ' ' and her way to accomplish
this seemed clear if a monopoly of these inventions
could be secured. The exportation of any of the ma-
chinery used in manufacturing and the emigration of
work people who had learned to operate the machines
were alike prohibited. We were, therefore, cut off
from profiting by the work of English inventors and
we were greatly handicapped in making similar ex-
periments for ourselves because of the lack of capital
and the scarcity of skilled workmen here. After
1775, persistent attempts were made to build machines
like those in use in England, but it was not until
1789, when Samuel Slater's first cotton mill was es-
tablished in Rhode Island, that all of the machinery
necessary for spinning was successfully installed and
operated in this country.

But for nearly a quarter of a century before this

•.ill of Slater's was established, attempts were being

le to organize and extend the cloth-making indus-

■ '■ the old methods. Societies " for Encouraging

-•'.factures " were formed in Boston, New York,

THE PERIOD OF TRANSITION"

Philadelphia, and Baltimore; and so-called " manu-
factories " were established, which, although not very
numerous, were useful in stimulating public interest
in our industrial development. In them, how-
ever, neither the new machinery nor power was used
and they are, on that account, to be carefully dis-
tinguished from the factories of the later period.

Most of these " manufactories " were merely rooms
where several looms were gathered and where a place
of business could be maintained. The spinning was
done by women in their own homes, and they deliv-
ered the yarn at the establishments and were paid
there for their work. Sometimes the yarn which was
returned was woven in the home and the finished
cloth was then returned as the yarn had been. Some
establishments seem to have marketed the yarn as a
finished product without having it woven and they
were, therefore, merely commercial agencies.

While the great bulk of the cloth making was still
carried on, as it had been, without any connection
with the " manufactories," yet they must altogether
have employed a considerable number of women.
Thus it was said that in 1764 a Philadelphia estab-
lishment for the manufacture of linen employed more
than one hundred persons in spinning and weaving,
and certainly a large proportion, if not all, of the
spinners were employed at home. The New York
" Society for the Promotion of Arts, Agriculture
and Economy " whose linen " manufactory " was
commended because it had relieved " numbers of dis-

WOMEN m INDUSTRY

tressed women now in the poor house," employed, in
1767-68, " above three hundred poor and necessitous
persons " spinning and weaving. In Philadelphia,
in 1775, the first joint stock manufacturing company
was established in this country. This " United Com-
pany of Philadelphia for Promoting American Man-
ufactures ' employed some four hundred women,
most of whom seem to have worked in their own
homes. In an interesting advertisement x this com-
pany offered to " employ every good spinner that
can apply, however remote from the factory, and,
as many women in the country may supply them-
selves with the materials there and may have leisure
to spin in considerable quantities, they are hereby in-
formed that ready money will be given at the factory,
up Market Street, for any parcel, either great or
small, of hemp, flax, or woolen yarn. The managers
return their thanks to all those industrious women
who are now employed in spinning for the factory."
In 1777 a Rhode Island paper noted that " one
gentleman at Barnstable has set up a woolen manufac-
tory and receives from the spinners 500 skeins of
yarn one day with another. ' ' 2 The cotton ' ' manufac-
tory ' ' at Bethlehem, Connecticut, advertised for good
linen yarn " from three to seven runs to the pound,

1 Pennsylvania Packet and Gazette, quoted in Bagnall's " Tex-
tile Industries of the United States," i, 70, 71; and see pages 52,
53-54, and 63-70, 78, in regard to the other companies mentioned.

2 Recopied in the Boston Newsletter and City Record, Decem-
ber 31, 1825.

THE PEEIOD OF TRANSITION

for which merchant's price will be paid from 9 pence
to one shilling per run." *

The Pennsylvania ' ' Society for the Encouragement
of Manufactures and the useful Arts" in 1787 also
kept two to three -hnjidred women at work spinning
linen yarn, and the New York " Society for Encour-
aging American Manufactures " was employing one
hundred and thirty spinners in 1789.

In some of the " manufactories " part of the wom-
en and girls worked on the premises instead of in
their own homes. One of the best examples of such an
establishment is the sail duck manufactory, established
in Boston in 1788. In that year the Boston Centinel
noted that the " manufactory of sail cloth and glass "
would soon be completed and " give employment to
a great number of persons especially females who now
eat the bread of idleness." In 1789, a New York
paper,2 the Gazette of the United States, in describ-
ing the same factory, referred to the fact that " six-
teen young women and as many girls under the direc-
tion of a steady matron are here employed ' ' ; and
later in the year, when "Washington visited the es-
tablishment, he recorded in his diary that he saw
there " girls spinning with both hands " and with
smaller girls to turn the wheels for them. In con-
trast "with the arrangements of this factory, he noted
on the same trip that, at Haverhill, he found a simi-
lar establishment, where " one small person " turned

1 Bagnall, i, 197.

2 Ibid., 113-114.

WOMEN IN INDUSTEY

a wheel which employed eight spinners ; ' ' whereas
at the Boston manufactory of this article each spin-
ner " he said, " had a small girl to turn the wheel."

This Boston factory was a large and unique estab-
lishment, and it is not surprising that it attracted
Washington's attention. A two-story building, one
hundred and eighty feet long, had been erected on
Frog Lane by the company, and it was said that in
1792 there were four hundred persons employed.
Many of the spinners must have worked in their own
homes, but there was an unusual feeling of solidar-
ity among the work people wherever they were em-
ployed. Mutual aid societies were formed both among
the weavers and the spinners. " The spinners ad-
mitted none into their company except by vote ' ' ; and
it was said that " their measures to promote industry
and self-government were very successful." Presi-
dent Washington at the time of his visit said of them :
" They are daughters of decayed families, and are
girls of character — none others are admitted. ' ' x

Another interesting example of an early " manu-
factory " with a large number of employees, was an
establishment also situated in Boston, which made
the ' ' cards ' ' used for combing wool and cotton. The
making of these cards had become a well-organized
industry toward the close of the eighteenth century,
but even after the establishment of ' ' manufactories ' '
the most tedious part of the work continued to be

'Quoted in Bishop, "History of Ameriean Manufactures,"
i, 419, 420.

THE PERIOD OF TRANSITION"

done by women at home. New machinery had been
introduced for cutting the leather and making, even
cutting and bending, the wire for the teeth, which
were inserted separately by hand. The materials
were then distributed, and the women and children
in the neighborhood worked at " setting teeth." In
some places whole families were dependent on this
work as their only means of support. The Boston
card factory, however, was the largest one in ex-
istence and it was considered of great value to the
community, because it employed ' ' not less than twelve
hundred persons, chiefly women and children. ' ' x
When the cards were returned to the factory the
women were paid at a fixed rate for every dozen they
made. A few women were employed in the factory,
too, examining the cards that were returned and cor-
recting the imperfect work.

Records of careful descriptions of these early
" manufactories " are extremely difficult to find, but
it is evident that they were conducted according to
a variety of methods. Some of them were equipped
only with looms, while others carried on all of the
processes of cloth making, and, in these, women seem
to have been employed in various capacities. In gen-

1 " Topographical and Historical Description of Boston,"
Massachusetts Historical Society Collections, First Series, ii,
279. Professor Levasseur in a reference to this establishment
("The American Workman," Adams's translation, p. 337) seems
to magnify the importance of the industry and to assume that
because these women were employed by the factory they were
employed in the factory.

WOMEN IN INDUSTRY

oral, however, a small number of women worked on
the premises of the employer and a very much larger
number were employed to work in their own homes.
After the introduction of the machine system and the
substitution of the modern factory for the primitive
manufactory, the situation was reversed. Women
continued in the same occupations, but the great ma-
jority of them worked away from home. It should
be noticed, however, that the factory system was in-
troduced much more slowly into some industries than
others. The application of labor-saving machinery
to the manufacture of shoes, for example, was made
nearly three quarters of a century after the revolu-
tion in the textile industries.

It should be noted here that throughout the nine-
teenth century and even at the present time, large
numbers of women have continued to work very much
as they did in the days of the ' ' manufactories. ' ' The
tenement workers in the so-called " sweated trades '
to-day are, so far as the method of their employment
is concerned, the direct descendants of the women who
were employed in weaving, or in making cards for
the ' ' manufactory ' ' of the eighteenth century. Al-
though the women of the earlier period did their work
at home, their materials were often furnished and
they were employed by a manufacturer to whom
they returned the product when finished and by whom
they were paid for what they had done. It should
be said too that while the primitive manufactories
which have been described had little in common with

THE PERIOD OF TRANSITION"

the factory system of the succeeding century, yet the
factory and the " manufactory " were alike depend-
ent on women's labor.

In the earliest mills in which successful experi-
ments were made with the new machines, women were
among the operatives and the establishments were in
part encouraged for this reason. In 1789, a petition
in behalf of the first cotton factory of Massachusetts,
that of Beverly, stated that it would " afford em-
ployment to a great number of women and children,
many of whom will be otherwise useless, if not bur-
densome to society." In this earliest prototype of
the modern cotton mill there were forty employees —
both men and women. In a letter written in 1790
by one of the proprietors,1 complaint was made that
both the Worcester and the Rhode Island " under-
takers " had bribed the Beverly women that had
been taught to use the machines to leave at a time
when they were most needed, — an interesting letter,
because it indicates that Beverly was not the only
place where women were employed as operatives.

It has already been pointed out that in Rhode
Island, Samuel Slater, the " father of American
manufactures," established the first mill in which a
complete set of the new machinery was used. An in-
teresting story is told of his method of obtaining the
labor which he needed. A man by the name of Ar-

l" George Cabot to Benjamin Goodhue," in Rantoul, "The
First Cotton Mill," Collections of Essex Institute, xxxiii, 37, and
see also p. 40.

6 43

WOMEN IN INDUSTRY

nold was living with his wife and ten or twelve chil-
dren, a few miles away in the woods, in a den formed
by two rocks and some rough slabs of wood. When
the woman was asked by Mr. Slater if she would come
and work with her children in his new mill she con-
sented upon the express condition that she should be
provided with as good a house as the one in which she
then lived. The first time lists for the mill, for the
winter 1790-91, which have fortunately been pre-
served, contained the names, therefore, of Ann, Tor-
pen, Charles, and Eunice Arnold.1 Smith Wilkinson's
account of this mill, which was published many years
later, describes all of Slater's operatives as being be-
tween seven and twelve years of age. ' ' I was then, ' '
he says, ' ' in my tenth year and went to work for him
tending the breaker. ' ' 2

Another interesting factory of the period was Dick-
son's, at Hell Gates, near New York. When Henry
Wansey, an English manufacturer, visited it in 1794,
he found a good equipment in the way of machinery,
and noted in his " Journal of an Excursion to the
United States," " they are training up women and

1 White, " Memoir of Samuel Slater" (1836), p. 99. In the early
factory with which Moses Brown experimented before Slater's
arrival, the billies and jennies were driven by men, but "cotton
for this experiment was carded by hand and roped on a wooden
wheel by a female." Batchelder, "Introduction and Early
Progress of the Cotton Manufacture in the United States" (1863),
p. 19).

2 See Bagnall, " Samuel Slater and the Early Development of
Manufactures," pp. 44, 45.

THE PEBIOD OF TRANSITION

children to the business, of whom I saw twenty or
thirty at work." The same factory advertised in
1793 for " apprentices either boys or girls " who
" will be found in everything during their appren-
ticeship and taught the different branches of the cot-
ton business."

With regard to all of these early establishments,
it should be clearly understood that they were only
spinning mills and that their product was not cloth,
but yarn. This yarn was put out in webs and woven
by hand-loom weavers for the factory, or sold in coun-
try stores for purposes of household manufacture.
The processes carried on in the first factories were
those of carding and spinning, and the women and
girls, therefore, who went into the factories to operate
the new machines, were doing what had always been
women's work. They had taken over no new em-
ployment, but the manner of carrying on the old had
been changed.

"Weaving did not become a factory occupation in this
country until after 1814, when the power loom was
first used here.1 But the flying shuttle, which was
used in Providence, Rhode Island, as early as 1788,
and which greatly facilitated hand weaving, had come

1 See Appleton, " The Introduction of the Power Loom and
the Origin of Lowell," (1S5S). The power loom had been in-
vented in 1785 by the Rev. Dr. Edmund Cartwright, but it
was a long time before it was perfected and its superiority to
the hand loom proved. See Taylor, "The Modern Factory
System," pp. 431, 433.

WOMEN m INDUSTRY

into common use long before this time.1 The im-
provements in spinning which greatly increased the
supply of yarn, created a new demand for weaving
and as a result of the fact that this had become an
occupation requiring less physical strength than for-
merly, women were more and more frequently em-
ployed as weavers. In 1814, the year in which the
power loom was introduced, Trench Coxe, called at-
tention to this fact in his " Digest of Manufactures."
" Women," he said, " relieved in a considerable de-
gree from their former employments as carders,
spinners, and feeders by hand, occasionally turn to
the occupation of the weaver writh improved machin-
ery and instruments, while the male weavers employ
themselves in superintendence, instruction, superior
or other operations and promote their health by occa-
sional attentions to gardening, agriculture and the
clearing and improvements of their farms."

An incident which occurred in the town of Leices-
ter, Massachusetts, in the same year, is of interest as
an illustration of the extent to which weaving was
then considered ' ' women 's work. ' ' One of the early
clothiers of the town enlarged his business in 1814
and began to manufacture woolen cloth. The weav-
ing was done by men in his shop, on hand looms, but
' ' the employment of men in what had been before re-
garded as within the peculiar province of females "

1 Bishop, i, 333, 401, 410; for the use of the flying shuttle in
England, see Cunningham, " History of English Industry and
Commerce" (1(J03), ii, 502, 503.

THE PERIOD OF TRANSITION"

created an unusual degree of comment and these men
weavers were said to be regarded in much the same
light as were the first men milliners and dressmakers
of ft later day.

The history of the employment of women in the
cotton mills of this country will be traced in some
detail in a later chapter and a more extended account
will be given of the relative numbers of men and
women employed in weaving and in other depart-
ments. In conclusion, however, it should be empha-
sized that the earliest factories did not open any new
occupations to women. So long as they were only
" spinning-mills " there was merely a transferring of
women 's work from the home to the factory, and by
the time that the establishment of the power loom
had made weaving also a profitable factory operation,
women had become so largely employed as weavers
that they were only following this occupation, too,
as it left the home. It may, in brief, be said that the
result of the introduction of the factory system in the
textile industries was that the work which women
had been doing in the home could be done more ef-
ficiently outside of the home, but women were carry-
ing on the same processes in the making of yarn or
cloth. The place and conditions of labor had been
changed, but women's work continued to be an im-
portant factor in the industry.

CHAPTER IV

THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE FACTORY SYSTEM

The relation of women and children to the early
factory system can be understood only in connection
with the whole labor situation as it existed at the
close of the eighteenth and the beginning of the nine-
teenth century. The labor problem of that period
was fundamentally different from ours of to-day.
The ease with which any man could become a free-
holder and the superior chances of success in agricul-
ture made it difficult to find men who were willing
to work in manufacturing establishments and it was
questionable whether sufficient labor could be found
to run the new mills when they were constructed.
Moreover, as a question of national economy, fear
was expressed regarding the possible injury to
our agricultural interests if much labor were
diverted from the land. Manufactures, if they
were to be established, must not, it was emphati-
cally said, be built up at the expense of agricul-
ture.

It has already been pointed out that, in many re-
spects, the situation in England was quite different

ESTABLISHMENT OF FACTORY SYSTEM

from our own. There the manufacture of cloth had
become an industry of large proportions before the
industrial revolution ; and the establishment of the
factory system created a disaffected class of unem-
ployed workmen who were jealous of the new ma-
chinery which could be easily managed by women
and children and which was taking the work away
from them. In this country, however, a compara-
tively small number of persons were employed, and
because of the absorption of our male laborers in
agriculture, in so far as there was such an industry,
it was for the most part in the hands of women and
girls.

The establishment of the factory system, therefore,]
substantially meant, with us, the creation of new
work, and made imperative a large increase in our
wage-earning population. Moreover, this new work
was identical with the work which women had long
been doing in their own homes, and it was inevitable
that the difficulties caused by the scarcity and high
cost of male labor should be met by the employment
of women. So long as land remained cheap and
agriculture profitable, it was taken for granted that
men could not be induced to work in the new mills
and factories ; and just as confidently it was expected
that women could be counted on to continue, in
the mills, the work they had formerly done at
home.

The economic ideals of our early statesmen must
also be taken into account as a factor of importance.

WOMEN IN INDUSTRY

Hamilton and his followers had visions of the com-
plete development of the virgin resources of the new
republic ; and they hoped to formulate a policy for
obtaining the maximum utility, not only from our
territory, but from our population. It was logical,
therefore, that Hamilton, in his famous " Report
on Manufactures," should argue that one great
advantage of the establishment of manufactures
was " the employment of persons who would other-
wise be idle. ... In general," he said, " women
and children are rendered more useful by manu-
facturing establishments than they otherwise would
be." He also pointed out that " the husband-
man himself [would experience] a new source of
profit and support from the increased industry
of his wife and daughters, invited and stimulated
by the demands of the neighboring manufac-
tories."

In 1794, when Trench Coxe found it necessary to
reply to the argument that labor was so dear as to
make it impossible for us to succeed as a manufactur-
ing nation and that the pursuit of agriculture should
occupy all our citizens, he at once called attention to
the fact that the importance of women's labor must
not be overlooked, since manufactures furnished the
most profitable field for its employment. And in the
early part of the last century, a new factory was
called a " blessing to the community," x among other

1 " History of Dorchester " by a Committee of the Dorchester
Antiquarian and Historical Society (1859), p. 632.

ESTABLISHMENT OF FACTOEY SYSTEM

reasons, because it would furnish employment for the
women of the neighborhood. Later it was said that
women were " kept out of vice simply by be-
ing employed and instead of being destitute pro-
vided with an abundance for a comfortable sub-
sistence. ' '

The availability of women's labor to meet the de-
mand for hands to police the new machines was one
of the arguments with which the early protectionists
most frequently met their opponents. The objection
tbat American labor was more profitably employed in
agriculture than in manufactures and that to " ab-
stract ' ' this labor from the soil would be unwise and
unprofitable, was answered by pointing to the women
and children. In the pages of Niles's Register this is
done again and again. The work of manufactures
does not demand able-bodied men, it is claimed, but
" is now better done by little girls from six to twelve
years old." To the " Friends of Industry " as the
early protectionists loved to call themselves, it was,
therefore, a useful argument to be able to say that
of all the employees in our manufacturing establish-
ments not one fourth were able-bodied men fit for
farming ; x and the question was raised, Would agri-
culture be benefited if "on the stopping of the cot-

1 M. Carey, "Address of the Philadelphia Society," "Essays in
Political Economy," p. 69. The "Report on Protection to the
Manufactures of Cotton Fabrics " said, "not one-ninth or perhaps
one-tenth are able-bodied men," "American State Papers:
Finance," hi, 34. See also Niles's Register, ix, 365.

WOMEN IN INDUSTRY

ton and woolen manufactures, these women returned
to idleness? Ml

During the period following the close of the War
of 1812, when the tariff was, for a time, the most
important subject of public discussion, the fact that
women formed so large a proportion of the employees
in the ' ' infant industries ' ' proved a valuable pro-
tectionist argument, Niles and Matthew Carey fre-
quently made use of it, and memorials to Congress
during the period called attention to the additions to
the national wealth and prosperity made possible by
the utilization in factories of women's labor which
had hitherto been less advantageously employed.2 In
1815, a group of manufacturers, in a petition to Con-
gress urging the prohibition of the importation of
coarse cottons, pointed out that their establishments
had afforded " the means of employment to thou-
sands of poor women and children for whom the or-
dinary business of agriculture [supplied] no oppor-
tunities for earning a livelihood," and that any loss

1 Niles's Register, xi, 367. In x, 99, manufactures are lauded
because of their "subserviency to the public defense; their em-
ployment of women and children, machinery, cattle, fire, fuel,
steam, water, and even wind — instead of our ploughmen and
male laborers."

2 See, for example, a petition from Connecticut citizens, 1S20,
"American State Papers: Finance," hi, 453; "Address of the
American Society," 1816, p. 11; "Philadelphia Memorial," Niles's
Register, xlii, 177; "Address of the New York Convention,"
1831, p. 13S; "Petition from Citizens of the United States En-
gaged in Manufactories on Brandywine" (pamphlet, 1815), pp.

4,5.

ESTABLISHMENT OF FACTORY SYSTEM

to manufacturing interests would mean that hundreds
of poor women would be " thrown back on the com-
munity for support." Thus the charge that manu-
factures would produce pauperism had already been
met and it was only necessary to repeat that the num-
ber of those unable to earn their own subsistence was
decreased when new or more remunerative occupa-
tions for women were provided.1

During the tariff controversy of the early thirties,
free traders and protectionists alike agreed in com-
mending the manufacturing industries which had
furnished employment for women. It was no new
thing for the " Friends of Industry " to argue that
the decline of our manufacturing interests would
mean that the women employees would become " the
tenants of charitable institutions or be consigned to
prisons and penitentiaries by the vices contracted dur-
ing idleness." But to have their opponents obliged
to yield this point, was, in its way, a considerable
victory.

Precisely this happened, however, in 1831, when in
the " Memorial for the Free-Trade Convention " of
that year, Gallatin frankly admitted that although
labor generally was less productive in manufactures
than if applied to other pursuits, there was one ex-
ception which seemed ' ' to alleviate the evil. ' ' Wom-
en's work in the cotton and woolen industries was, he
said, " much more productive than if applied to the

1 "Report of the Committee on Commerce and Manufactures,
1821," "American State Papers: Finance," iii, 601.

WOMEN m INDUSTEY

ordinary occupations of women." And, he added,
that with the fund out of which they had been pre-
viously supported thus set free, large accumulations
might be annually added to the wealth and capital of
the country. Gallatin even proceeded to make a
precise computation as to the additional quantity of
productive labor put in motion, and concluded that
the surplus product obtained by the employment of
women in a single cotton mill of two hundred em-
ployees was $14,000 annually.1

That the convention, in its official memorial, should
be obliged to make an exception which included so
large a proportion of the total number of employees,
was a distinct concession to the protectionists.

The committee on cotton of the " Convention of
the Friends of Industry " which was held in New
York in 1831, reported similarly that " thirty-nine
thousand females " were employed in the various

1 Gallatin made his estimate on the following basis: "Their
wages vary from $2 to $3 a week; and to estimate the difference
between this and what might be earned in their usual occupations
at $1.50 a week, or $78 a year, is certainly a large allowance. . . .
In a flourishing cotton factory at Lowell, Massachusetts, where
annual sales amount to $210,000, there are 20 men and 180
women employed. The surplus product obtained by the labor of
[the women] beyond what it would otherwise have been, amounts
therefore, to $1-4,000, or 6J per cent, upon the annual amount of
sales. The ratio, as deduced in the same manner from the Com-
mittee on Manufactures, of the amount of the annual sales and
the number and wages of women employees in the Taft, Shep-
herd, Wolcott, and Pierce's woolen manufactories is 6J per cent.
on the annual sales." (Gallatin in Taussig, "State Papers and
Speeches on the Tariff," p. 130).

ESTABLISHMENT OF FACTORY SYSTEM

cotton factories of the United States, their aggregate
wages amounting to " upwards of four million dol-
lars annually. ' ' In the words of the committee :
" This immense sum paid for the wages of females
may be considered so much clear gain to the country.
Before the establishment of these and other domestic
manufactures, this labor was almost without employ-
ment. Daughters are now emphatically a blessing to
the farmer. Many instances have occurred within
the personal knowledge of individuals of this com-
mittee in which the earnings of daughters have been
scrupulously hoarded to enable them to pay off mort-
gages on the parental farm."1

It was in short, easy to point out that there was \
a clear economic gain to the community in the es-
tablishment of factories in which women's labor,
which was very unproductive in agriculture, could be
advantageously employed. Thus a writer in the Bos- '
ton Ccntincl attempted to summarize the situation.
" In Europe as in America," he said, " machinery
not only facilitates labor in a tenfold ratio, but en-
ables women and children who are unable to culti-
vate the earth to make us independent of foreign

1 "Address and Proceedings of the Convention of the Friends
of Domestic Industry," 1831, p. 110. One of the resolutions
passed at a Philadelphia tariff meeting declared that any injury
to " the manufacture of hats, caps and bonnets destroys a large
amount of labor generally considered a clear gain to the country,
viz., that of females which in these articles alone produces an
annual value of nearly three million dollars." Niles's Register,
xliii, 277.

WOMEN IN INDUSTRY

supplies." Matthew Carey argued si nilarly : " The
services of females of the specified a^es (10-16-25)
employed in agriculture, for which above one half of
them are too young or too delicate, are very unproduc-
tive. At manufactures they are far more valuable
and command higher wages."

In brief, it was claimed that " thousands of per-
sons were turned from the consuming to the produc-
ing class "; that a maximum return was more nearly
obtained from the country's labor force; that the
national prosperity was increased by making women
' ' a source of wealth, rather than an incumbrance ' ' ;
and that their work represented so much clear gain
to society, an argument to which, as we have seen,
even so able a free-trader as Gallatin could not
reply.

Another point of interest in connection with the
employment of women in the early mills and fac-
tories is that their work in these establishments was
approved on social as well as on economic grounds.
It has already been pointed out that in the colonial
period great apprehension existed lest women and
children, particularly those who were poor and in
danger of becoming a public charge, should fall into
the sin of idleness. This old Puritan fetich of the
virtue of industry survived long into the nineteenth
century and in some quarters the introduction of cot-
ton machinery was regarded with disfavor ' ' from the
fear that the female part of the population by the dis-
use of the distaff should become idle."

ESTABLISHMENT OF FACTORY SYSTEM

Public attention was, therefore, frequently called
to the fact that women found increased rather than
diminished opportunities for employment as a result
of the introduction of machinery and the establish-
ment of factories. The new system, it was thought,
not only gave women a chance of earning their liveli-
hood, but educated them in habits of honest industry.
The rise of manufactures was said to have " elevated
the females belonging to the families of the cultiva-
tors of the soil in their vicinity from a state of pen-
ury and idleness to competence and industry." It
was pointed out that young women who, before the
introduction of the factory system, were " with their
parents in a state of poverty and idleness, bare-footed
and living in wretched hovels," had " since that
period been comfortably fed and clothed, their habits
and manners and dwellings greatly improved ' ' ; and
they had in general become " useful members of so-
ciety. ' '

In the same spirit of unreasoning exaggeration the
women in villages remote from manufacturing cen-
ters were described as " doomed to idleness and its
inseparable attendants, vice and guilt. " 1 A picture
of a village where " free, independent and happy
workmen with their wives and children were em-
ployed, ' ' 2 was a sign of prosperity that seemed to

1 "Petition from Citizens of Pennsylvania (1820)," in "Ameri-
can State Papers: Finance," iii, 456.

2 " Address of the Philadelphia Society for the Promotion of
Domestic Industry," 1S19, p. 27.

WOMEN m INDUSTEY

arouse no misgivings in the first quarter of the last
century.

Matthew Carey, one of the well-known philan-
thropists of his day, declared in a public address, in
1824, before the Philadelphia ' ' Society for Promoting
Agriculture ' ' that one half of the ' ' young females '
in the cotton mills, " would be absolutely or wholly
idle but for this branch of business," and although
his account of the beneficial effects of their work
there was absurdly extravagant, it is an interesting
illustration of the point of view of the times. ' ' They
contract," he said, "habits of order, regularity and
industry, which lay a broad and deep foundation of
public and private future usefulness. They become
eligible partners for life for young men, to whom
they will be able to afford substantial aid in the sup-
port of families. Thus," his crowning argument was,
" the inducement to early marriages ... is greatly
increased . . . and immensely important effects pro-
duced on the welfare of society."

The employment of children in the early factories
was regarded from much the same point of view
as the employment of women. Philanthropists, who
still cherished colonial traditions of the value of
an industrious childhood, supported statesmen and
economists in warmly praising the establishment of
manufactures because of the new opportunities of
employment for children. They pointed out the
additional value that could be got from the six hun-
dred thousand girls in the country, between the ages

ESTABLISHMENT OP FACTORY SYSTEM

of ten and sixteen, most of whom were ' ' too young or
too delicate for agriculture," and in contrast called
attention to the " vice and immorality ' to which
children were " exposed by a career of idleness."

The approval of child labor was, in short, met
with on all sides. Early inventors worked to dis-
cover possible means of using the labor of children
as well as women. Commendation was solicited for
Baxter's machines on the ground that they could be
turned, one sort by children from five to ten years
and the other by girls from ten to twenty years.1

Governor Davis of Massachusetts called attention,
in a message in 1835, to the fact that not only
machines in the textile manufactures but " thousands
of others equally important, were managed and
worked easily by females and children." Mr. E. B.
Bigelow of Boston, in 1842, patented a series of de-
vices ' for making the carpet loom automatic, so
that the costly labor of man might be dispensed with,
and the whole process of weaving be conducted by
women and boys. "

Tariff arguments, too, made use of the fact that
children as well as women were employed in large
numbers in the new mills. One protectionist care-
fully worked out in the pages of Niles's Register the

1 See Niles's Register, vi, 16, where it is claimed as a great advan-
tage that the carding, roving and spinning machines are separate
and distinct machines; "the first (carding), worked by a girl or
woman and fed by a child; the second (roving), worked by a
child; the third worked by a child or girl."
6 59

WOMEN IN INDUSTRY

exact gain that came to a typical village from the
fact that its children could find work in neighboring
textile factories. He came to the conclusion that ' ' if
we suppose that before the establishment of these
factories, there were two hundred children between
seven and sixteen years of age, that contributed noth-
ing toward their maintenance and that they are
now employed, it makes an immediate difference of
$13,500 a year to the value produced in the town ! " *
Now and then an interesting document is found
which throws light on conditions which prevailed at
this time. The memorandum from the " Poignaud
and Plant Papers " showing the wages paid to Dennis
Rier for himself and his family of children and to
Abigail Smith and " her daughter Sally, 8 years of
age and son, Samuel, 13 years of age," which is quoted
in a later chapter dealing with wages, is of interest
from this point of view. Of similar interest is a wages
book for the year 1821, still in the possession
of the agent of the Waltham cotton mills, which
shows that one Gideon Haynes in that year, came
regularly to collect the wages of his children ; for
Cynthia Haynes, who worked in the cloth room, two
dollars and a quarter a week; for the three chil-
dren who were employed in the card room, Ann,
one dollar and a half a week, Sabre, two dollars, and

1 Niles's Register, xi, 86. Children under seven are carefully
excluded from the computation on the ground that, at this age,
they are " incapable of any employment other than the little ser-
vices they can render in domestic affairs!"

ESTABLISHMENT OF FACTORY SYSTEM

Sophia, two dollars and eight cents. Samuel Long-
ley also came to collect the three dollars and a half,
which represented the joint weekly earnings of his
daughters Sarah and Rebecca.

In general, however, it should be said that a rela-
tively larger number of women and fewer children
were employed in the mills of eastern Massachusetts
and in New Hampshire than in Rhode Island and
Connecticut, where the so-called " family system "
prevailed. This point, however, will be dealt with in
some detail in a later chapter dealing with the early
mill towns.

A brief summary of the industrial situation dur-
ing the first part of the last century so far as it
concerned the employment of women may be useful,
even at the risk of repetition. The introduction of
machinery had created new and great industrial pos-
sibilities, but we were confronted with the problem of
establishing manufactures in a country where labor
was scarce and dear and where there was a strong
national prejudice against " diverting labor from
the land." This problem was solved by the employ-
ment of women and children to police the new ma-
chines, a natural solution since the machines were
doing work which women had been doing in their own
homes. Moreover, to have the women of the country
fully employed meant the more complete utilization

of the country's labor force, which was a clear eco-
nomic gain to the nation and in line with the policy
of achieving the maximum utility not only from our

WOMEN IN INDUSTRY

boundless and unexplored territory, but from our
population. It should be noted, too, that in addition
to the fact that an economic justification was found
for the employment of women in the new mills and
factories, there was no social prejudice against it.
Following in the wake of Puritan tradition which
loathed idleness as a vice and cherished ideals of in-
dustry and thrift, anything which offered new op-
portunities of employment for either women or chil-
dren was eagerly welcomed.

CHAPTER V

THE EARLY FIELD OF EMPLOYMENT

Although the first factories in which labor-saving
machinery was used in this country were established
in the closing decade of the eighteenth century, these
early establishments were crude and experimental,
and employed very few hands, and it has been pointed
out tbat it was not until the year 1808 that any real
impetus was given to the ' ' infant industries ' ' of this
country.

The years from 1808 to 1840 have been well de-
scribed as the period of the domestication of the fac-
tory system.1 Machinery was gradually applied to
a large number of different industries. The Patent
Office registered from year to year a constantly in-
creasing series of new inventions; the number of our
manufacturing establishments grew with equal rapid-
ity; and the value of our manufactured products,
which was estimated in 1834 to be equal to three hun-
dred and twenty-five million dollars a year, bore wit-
ness to our industrial progress.

But we are concerned here only with one phase of

1 See the very interesting chapter with this title in Bogart,
"Economic History of the United States," pp. 142-154.

WOMEN" IN" INDUSTRY

the economic history of this period, — the effect of the
development of the factory system upon the position
of women in industry. Succeeding chapters will
trace in detail the history of the most important
changes in several different industries in so far as
they have affected women's work, and, as a prepara-
tion for these special studies, a general survey will be
attempted of the field of employment for women at
this time, together with some account of the occupa-
tions in which they were engaged and some discussion
of the extent to which factory work had superseded
employment in the home.

No list of the industries in which women were em-
ployed during the period following the industrial
revolution that can lay the smallest claim to com-
pleteness has been heretofore accessible, and it has
been easy to be misled into believing that we are un-
able to obtain any such information for a period
earlier than 1860. A prize monograph of the Ameri-
can Economic Association, published in 1891, con-
fessed " defeat and discouragement " with regard to

' well-nigh every step of the attempt to reach any
conclusions regarding women workers in the early
years of the century ' ' ; and announced that it was

' to the United States Census of 1860 that we must
look for the first really definite statement as to the
occupations of women and children."1

1 Helen Campbell, "Women Wage Earners," pp. 95, 96. For
a similar statement, see Mabel Hurd Willett, " Women in the
Clothing Trades," p. 24.

THE EAELY FIELD OF EMPLOYMENT

One statement, however, regarding the early em-
ployment of women which is frequently met with,
is misquoted from Harriet Martineau's " Society in
America, ' ' to the effect that, when she visited America
in 1836, but seven occupations were open to women.
This alleged enumeration contains teaching, needle-
work, keeping boarders, work in the cotton mills,
typesetting, bookbinding, and domestic service.1 Miss
Martineau's statement, however, was that for the
poor woman, " before the opening of the factories,
there were but three resources— teaching needle-work
and keeping boarding-houses or hotels. Now," she
said, " there are the mills; and women are employed
in printing offices as compositors as well as folders
and stitchers. ' ' 2

There can, clearly, be no doubt of the fact that
this was merely a casual obiter dictum on the part of
Miss Martineau, and that she had no thought of mak-
ing a careful enumeration of women's occupations.
She did not, for example, include domestic service
in the list, although she so often refers to it in other
parts of the book, and she also omitted shoe binding,
which she mentions in a chapter on manufacturing
labor, and which she must have known to be an occu-
pation much more important than bookbinding or
typesetting.

1 See Wright, " Industrial Evolution of the United States,"
p. 202; and Levasseur, "The American Workman," p. 337.

2 Harriet Martineau, "Society in America" (1837), fourth edi-
tion, ii, 257.

WOMEN IN INDUSTEY

But this casual statement of the meager op-
portunities of employment for working women in 1836
has come in recent years to be treated as a final word
on the subject of the early employment of women and
has lent convenient color to vague and comforting
generalizations regarding the multiplication of indus-
trial openings for women that has come with our
years of progress.

Fortunately it is not so impossible to secure in-
formation regarding occupations for women in this
early period as it has been represented to be, and, in
particular, some of the official reports on manufac-
turing industries are useful for this purpose. From
a study of three such reports belonging to the period
from 1820 to 1840 it appears that, instead of seven,
there were more than one hundred industrial occupa-
tions open to women at this time. One of these re-
ports is the United States industrial census x of 1822 ;
another is a series of " Documents Relative to the
Manufactures of the United States," collected in 1832,
by the Secretary of the Treasury ; 2 the third is the
industrial census of Massachusetts for 1836-37.3

1 " Digest of the Manufacturing Establishments in the United
States," issued as an additional volume of the "Fourth Census"
1823, conveniently available in "American State Papers: Fi-
nance," iv, 28-224.

2 "House Executive Documents," Twenty-second Congress,
First Session, i and ii.

3 " Statistical Tables Exhibiting the Condition and Products
of Certain Branches of Industry in Massachusetts for the Year
Ending April 1, 1837. "

THE EARLY FIELD OF EMPLOYMENT

Both the " Digest " of 1822, and the " Docu-
ments " of 1832 were disappointing as attempts at
a census of manufactures,1 but from the three reports
together, however unsatisfactory each may be alone,
it is possible to obtain some interesting information
relating to the employment of women during these
years. The total number of women employed in all
of our industrial establishments, or even in any one
industry, cannot be ascertained; neither can a com-
plete list of occupations be compiled; but the data
furnished by these documents affords abundant evi-
dence of the fact that the employment of women in
such industries as had been established at that time,
was common enough.

1 Of these the 1832 collection is unquestionably the most im-
portant. As a census of manufacturing industries it was a fail-
ure, and no attempt was made to tabulate the data or prepare a
summary of the results. Save in the New England States, little
information is given, except for a few leading industries like
cotton, wool, glass, and iron, and even for these the returns are
fragmentary; but for the New England States some valuable and
detailed information is given. In 1822, the attempt to prepare
a "digest" of the manufacturing industries had been similarly
disappointing. Niles called it a "miserable exhibit" (Niles's
Register, May 3, 1823), and said that "to bring forth a summary
for general purposes of reference and remark we esteem as an
impossibility and were not, therefore, surprised that none is
given." For our purpose, however, these reports are extremely
valuable, because of the fact that the schedules called for the
number of "men, women and children" instead of the baffling
" number of persons " employed. Frequently the designation in
the schedules was disregarded and only the fact that the number
of employees" returned; but in a large proportion of cases it was
faithfully observed.

WOMEN IN INDUSTRY

For example, the " Digest " of 1822 shows that in
that year women were employed in the manufacture
of anchors, heer, brass nails, books, barrels, boats,
button molds, buttons, brushes, bagging (hemp),
bakery products, beds, boots and shoes, candles and
soap, coaches, cheese, combs, cigars, cotton cloth, cor:
dage and twine, chairs, clocks, cards, cooper's ware,
clothing, carts, earthenware, furniture, flour, floor
cloth, gloves, goldleaf, gunpowder, gun stocks, fur
and wool hats, hardware, leather, lace, lumber, ma-
chinery, maple sugar, morocco leather, medicines,
millstones, oil (flaxseed), paper, rope, salt, saddles,
saddletrees, stoves, straw hats, shovels, silver and gold
ware, saltpeter, tinware, tobacco and snuff, types,
woolen goods, yarn, whips, whisky and gin. While a
list of this sort is tedious, it does, perhaps, enable one
to realize more vividly in how large a variety of in-
dustries women worked in the first quarter of the
nineteenth century.

In the " Documents " of 1832, the New Hampshire
returns show that they were employed in the manu-
facture of brushes, bobbins, books, batting, cigars and
snuff, gum, garden seeds, glass bottles, fur and wool
hats, leather and morocco leather, musical instru-
ments, paper, starch, straw hats, roots and herbs, tin-
plating, wire, wheelheads, whips; as well as in print-
ing, tailoring, and cloth dressing, and of course in
cotton and woolen mills and in the manufacture of
boots and shoes.

The Connecticut investigation found women also

THE EARLY FIELD OF EMPLOYMENT

employed in brass foundries, in silversmith work, in
the manufacture of buttons and combs, cabinetware,
coaches and wagons, caps, clocks, cotton webbing
and cotton wicks, iron nails, jewelry, line twine,
metal clasps, razor strops, stoneware, suspenders, and
pocketbooks.

Putting together such returns for Massachusetts as
are included in the " Documents " and the state in-
dustrial census of 1837, the list of industries may be
extended to include the manufacture of boxes, bed-
cords and clothes lines, blacking, children's carriages,
cards, chocolate, cordage and twine, candles and soap,
cork cutters, cigars and tobacco, chairs, chair stuff,
crackers, carpets, curtains, cheese and butter, cop-
peras, furs, furniture, flax, flint glass, fishing nets,
gimlets, hair cloth and hair beds, hosiery, hooks and
eyes, india rubber, lead, lead pencils, lace, letter boxes,
locks, looking glasses, paper hangings, pails, rakes,
stocks, tacks, types, thread and sewing silk, umbrellas,
window blinds ; and women were also engaged in mil-
linery, tailoring, and mantua-making, making of in-
struments, wool-pulling, gold-beating, silk and wool
dyeing, lithographing, bed-binding and upholstering ;
and they were also employed as silversmiths, and in
publishing houses.

Returns from other States were not detailed enough
to add any other industries to this list, which would
have been greatly extended if the documents relat-
ing to New York had even approached in complete-
ness those of Massachusetts.

WOMEN IN INDUSTEY

The exact number of industries given in all of these
lists cannot be accurately estimated, for some of the
expressions used are clearly redundant and the same
industry may be counted more than once. On the
other hand, it is clear that with such very incom-
plete returns from important manufacturing states
like New York and Pennsylvania, any estimate will
be under the correct number. The lists, too, might
have been considerably extended, if, instead of keep-
ing within the limits of these official reports, contem-
porary newspapers had been resorted to for supple-
mentary information. It may, therefore, be repeated
there were more than one hundred different indus-
tries which had women employees at this time, and that
the field of employment for women in industry was
much wider than has been generally supposed.

The reports from which this enumeration of indus-
tries was compiled included returns from industries
in various stages of development, and it is of interest
that women were employed not only in a large num-
ber of industries, but in industries carried on accord-
ing to a variety of methods.

Some of them were still hand trades in which much
of the work was done in the homes or in small shops
and was probably " given out " by manufacturers in
the larger towns; others were carried on in small
factories, which had little or no machinery, and em-
ployed very few hands. This is evident from the
fact that in answer to the schedule inquiry regarding
the " value of tools, machinery, etc.," as apart from

THE EARLY FIELD OF EMPLOYMENT

real estate, buildings, and fixtures, sums under fifty
dollars were frequently reported and in other cases
their value was merely described as ' ' inconsiderable. ' '
There were, of course, some large establishments, but
save in the cotton and woolen industries the number
of these was relatively small.

As late as the decade 1830-40 several large wom-
en's industries were carried on very much as cloth-
making had been before the introduction of the fac-
tory system. The most important of these were the
various branches of the clothing industry, especially
the manufacture of men's shirts and trousers, the
work done in connection with boot and shoe making,
and the making of straw hats and bonnets — the last
an industry which flourished in Massachusetts. Spe-
cial chapters will deal later with the manufacture of
clothing, and of boots and shoes, so that it has seemed
worth while to select straw hat making as an illustra-
tion of the extent and importance of home work at
this period.

The manufacture of straw braid for hats and bon-
nets was begun as early as 1798, in Dedham, Massa-
chusetts, where a twelve-year-old girl by the name of
Betsey Metcalf discovered a method of making braid
for bonnets " from oat straw, smoothed with her
scissors and split Avith her thumbnail." A bonnet of
seven braids " with bobbin inserted like open work,
... in imitation of the English straw bonnets,
then fashionable and of high price," was much
admired and many duplicates were demanded,

WOMEN IN INDUSTRY

since a bonnet like Betsey's could be sold at half the
price of a similar imported one. Young women came
from neighboring towns to be " instructed in the art '
of straw braiding and the foundation of a flourishing
industry was laid, not only in Massachusetts but in
other New England States, and at the close of the first
quarter of the nineteenth century making straw braid
and bonnets and palm-leaf hats, had become an occu-
pation numerically very important for women.

In 1821, a Connecticut woman received from the
London Society of Arts, a silver medal and twenty
guineas " on condition that she would put the society
in possession of some of the seed and the process of
bleaching with a description of the whole treatment of
culm." In 1827, the " Report of the Harrisburg
Convention in the Interests of Domestic Industry '
contained the statement that " 25,000 persons (nearly
all females) make straw hats and braid in Massachu-
setts." The statement was probably an exaggerated
one, but there can be no question of the fact that the
industry had grown prosperous. In 1830, the annual
value of the product was said to be more than a mil-
lion and a half dollars.

Some New Hampshire women claimed the secret
of making leghorn bonnets, and one of their samples
sold in Boston at auction for fifty dollars. The fine
bonnets were generally expensive. Those which were
made from rye in Boxford, Massachusetts, sold regu-
larly in the large cities at from ten to fourteen dollars
each, although the cost was but two or three ; and fine

THE EARLY FIELD OF EMPLOYMENT

straw and grass bonnets in imitation of leghorn often
sold for thirty or forty dollars each.

The industry was given some attention in other
parts of the country. In 1824 a school was estab-
lished at Baltimore " for the instruction of poor
girls in the various branches of straw-plaiting from
simple braid to finished bonnets "; but it was in New
England, and particularly in Massachusetts, that the
industry centered. The " Documents " of 1832 con-
tain many reports with regard to straw hat making
in Massachusetts towns. Foxborough reported that
" as to straw and palm leaf hats, they say that a large
proportion of the braid is collected from the neighbor-
ing towns, and probably 8,000 females are employed
in the business." Dealers in Franklin were said to
employ " 1,333 females in various places "; Wren-
tham reported 4,000 women engaged in this work,
Medfield 500, Milford 500, Upton 400, Ware 500.1

1 Many of the towns in which a considerable amount of work
was done, did not attempt to estimate the number employed lie-
cause of the irregularity with which many of the women worked.
Thus the town of Enfield reported : " There are brought annually
to three traders in this town by females in this or the adjoining
towns, 50,000 palm leaf hats, which manufacture, like that of
covered buttons, has sprung up within about six years; in which
time it has driven the foreign article from our market and sup-
plied us with a substitute of greater beauty and value for less
than one-third the price formerly paid. The hats are made in
private families, the coarser kind by quite small children. It
is impossible to estimate, with perfect accuracy, the extent of
this manufacture. . . . The number of females employed in this
and the adjacent towns amount to about two hundred."

WOMEN IN INDUSTRY

Other towns made no attempt to estimate the num-
ber of persons employed and there are many such
returns as the following: " Made by females eight
years of age and upward for eighteen cents a hat ";
or, " Braided in families at seventeen cents each ";
or, perhaps, ' ' Made by women and children for goods
at retail price." This latter form of payment seems
to have been common enough when the manufacturer
or contractor also kept a retail store.1

Straw hat making was, however, by no means ex-
clusively home work, although the number of wom-
en employed in factories was small compared with
the number who worked at home. The largest es-
tablishment of the time was probably that of the
Messrs. Montague in Boston, who had from 150 to
200 looms and kept about 300 women constantly em-
ployed in the weaving of silk warp with filling of im-
ported Tuscan straw.2 In 1837 the value of the palm

1 Some towns reported not the actual number of women who
did this work but the number who would have worked if the
employment had been regular and constant, and sometimes more
detailed reports are given. North Bridgewater, for example,
added the following explanatory note regarding the industry:
" Considerable straw is braided in this town, say to the amount
of fifteen thousand dollars, which is done by women and young
girls; and it is very difficult to obtain any very accurate account
of it, or of the number of persons employed in it. . . . It is done
in almost every family occasionally, and by part only of the day,
week, month or year, when not occupied in household and
family cares."

2 Bishop, ii, 393. These were probably hand looms in which
the straw was woven after the Tuscan fashion. In the issue of

THE EARLY FIELD OF EMPLOYMENT

leaf hats and straw bonnets made in Massachusetts
was estimated at nearly two thousand dollars.1 In
1846, in an account of the industry in Fisher's Na-
tional Magazine and Industrial Record, it was said
that " the best workwomen " could not earn more
than fifty cents a day and that the average was only
twenty-five cents; and it was added, " the braid is
generally made by children varying in age from six
to twelve years."

The estimate then made was that Massachusetts
alone employed 13,311 hands in the manufacture of
straw bonnets, braid, and palm leaf hats, and that the
total value of the product was $1,659,496.2 It was
not long, however, before it became customary to im-
port straw braids so that a considerable amount of the
work done by women and children was no longer
necessary, and the industry gradually came to
be a much less important one for women, numeric-
ally.

Another interesting local industry which was car-
ried on as " home work " at this time was the manu-
facture of buttons. The molds were made by ma-
chinery " carried by water power and tended by
females," the lasting was imported from Eng-

May 17, 1834, Niles's Register, p. 191, describes an interest-
ing factory near Boston employing "between 150 and 200 per-
sons, chiefly females, in weaving straw by hand looms"; but
this may be the same factory as the one described above.

1 "Tables of Industry, 1837," p. 181.

2 Fisher's National Magazine and Industrial Record, ii, 1152>
1153.

7 75

WOMEN IN INDUSTRY

land and the silk from France. The women who did
the covering received all of their materials from the
manufacturers to whom they returned the finished
product; and they were paid by the gross for the
work. The industry began in 1827 and centered about
Easthampton, Massachusetts, where as many as a
thousand families were employed.1 In 1833-34, the
manufacture of buttons by machinery was attempted
and in the summer of 1834 the first covering machine
was in operation. Local historians report that Miss
Elvira Clapp of Southampton was the person who
covered the first buttons by machinery.2

While it is not possible to make any exact state-
ment of the number of women who worked either in
their own homes, or in factories, before 1850, it is
clear that women's labor was an important factor in
a large number of industries. It is of further interest

1 Lyman, "History of Easthampton," p. 56.

2 Other button factories were also in existence at this time,
according to the "Documents" of 1832. Three establishments
in Waterbury, Connecticut, which made gilt buttons, employed
140 men at $1.00 a day and 100 women at $2.25 a week in 1831.
Sometimes buttons and combs were made in the same factory.
Four such establishments in Connecticut employed 207 men and
104 women. Comb making as a separate industry, however,
employed about a thousand women in Connecticut and Massa-
chusetts. In Leominster, in the latter state, there were 17 comb
factories which had together 150 men at work for 75 cents a day
and 75 women employees at 40 cents; the same industry in New-
buryport employed 85 men at 80 cents, 20 boys at 30 cents, and
85 women at 35 cents ; in Haverhill 25 men at 70 cents, 3 boys at
21 cents, and 23 women at 25 cents; at Lancaster, 55 men at 75
cents and 17 women at "two shillings and sixpence."

THE EAELY FIELD OF EMPLOYMENT

that the demand for women " hands " was frequently
greater than the supply. In 1827 a prominent manu-
facturer said, in writing to a friend: " I have no
doubt that it would be more profitable to employ
young women in our factories generally, except for
overseers, if they could be obtained. ' ' x And the scar-
city of women operatives which is implied here is
also referred to in one of the ' ' Documents ' ' of 1832,
and is interesting evidence of the great demand for
women employees. Among the replies from manu-
facturers published in the " Documents " is a letter
from Smith Wilkinson, written, as he said, out of his
twenty-five years of experience as a manufacturer:
" Our greatest difficulty at present," he declared,
" is a want of females — women and children — and
from the great number of factories now building,
[I] have my fears that we shall not be able to operate
all our machinery another year. ' ' 2

1 White, "Memoir of Slater," p. 129.

2 This complaint of the scarcity of women operatives is an in-
teresting one since the familiar situation to-day is that of great
competition within the relatively restricted field of employment
open to women. But there were, of course, overcrowded trades
then as now, and there were many difficulties in the way of wom-
en who wished to be self-supporting. One of the comments of
Miss Martineau at the time of her visit in 1836, is a statement of
the other side of the situation: "One consequence, mournful and
injurious, of the 'chivalrous' taste and temper of a country with
regard to its women is that it is difficult, where it is not impos-
sible, for women to earn their bread. Where it is a boast that
women do not labor, the encouragement and rewards of labor
are not provided. It is so in America. In some parts there are

WOMEN IN" INDUSTRY

Another interesting statement made in the same
decade regarding the employment of women is that
of the economist, Henry Carey, who said in 1835, in
his Essay on Wages, ' ' The improvements of the pres-
ent times tend very much to reducing the demand
for children and men and increasing that for young
women, a change that cannot be otherwise than ad-
vantageous." Carey also called attention in another
connection to the fact that in the cotton manufacture
a very much larger proportion of the employees were
women in this country than was the case in England.
' ' At first sight, ' ' he said, ' ' it might be supposed that
this should cause wages to be lower here, the labor
of men being generally more productive than that
of women. . . . Such is not, however, the case, wom-
en being employed here because everything is done
to render labour productive, while there a large
portion of the power of the male operatives is
wasted. ' '

In the year 1842, another economist, Amasa
Walker, presided over a convention of the " manu-
facturers, dealers and operatives ' ' in the shoe and
leather trade of the State of Massachusetts. An ad-
dress was issued by the convention protesting against
possible changes in the tariff which, it was claimed,
would affect a large number of prosperous industries.
" There is one class," the address declared, " upon

now so many women dependent on their exertions that the evil
will give way before the force of circumstances. In the mean-
time the lot of the poor woman is sad."

THE EABLY FIELD OF EMPLOYMENT

which the weight of this calamity will fall with pecu-
liar severity. That class is the women of our country
who get their living as many hundreds and thousands
now do with great comfort and respectability, by the
work of their own hands. This large and interesting
class, heretofore not overpaid for their services, must
not only experience a great falling off in price, but
in many instances an absolute annihilation of de-
mand for their labor. ' ' * While this statement may
not seem to be of special interest, it is signifi-
cant that so important a convention at that time
should have demanded protection not merely for
the workingman, but for the workingwoman as
well.

Comparisons between the field of employment to-
day and that of the first half of the last century must
be made with caution. The data for the earlier period
which have been the subject of this discussion are
obviously too fragmentary for this purpose. The
first national industrial census that is in the least com-
plete is that of 1850 and such information as has been

1 " Proceedings of the Convention of the Manufacturers,
Dealers and Operatives in the Shoe and Leather Trade in the
State of Massachusetts" (Boston, March 2, 1842, p. 70). The
convention address added with regard to the women employed:
"They cannot subsist if compelled to work in competition with
the laboring females of Europe, who receive from four to six
cents a day for their services . . . what an amount of privation and
suffering must be involved in the turning out of employ or in
employment at half price, of this immense number of industrious
women."

WOMEN IN INDTTSTKY

collected for the earlier years relates chiefly to Massa-
chusetts. Moreover, since so many of the women were
employed in their own homes, the total number
of women employees would inevitably include a
large number who worked only a portion of the
time.

It should be noted, too, that a large proportion of
the industries enumerated in the lists which were
given employed only a very few women and were,
therefore, relatively insignificant. But the same com-
ment may be made upon the long list of industries in
which women are employed to-day. In 1900 women
were found in 295 out of the 303 employments enu-
merated in the census.1 Women were, for example,
reported to be carpenters, masons, blacksmiths, ' ' quar-
rymen," plasterers, well borers, coal and gold and
silver miners, and the like, but it is clear that such
work for women is the rare exception and that such
occupations have no significance when the real field of
employment for women is considered. There is, how-
ever, little doubt that the field of employment for
women has been widened in the last half century, and
there is great need that this should be so. The female
population over ten years of age has increased from
4,265,812 in 1830 to 28,246,384 in 1900, nearly seven-
fold. No positive statement can be made as to
whether the number of women who are competing for
industrial employment, out of every one hundred of

1 For a list of these occupations, see Appendix E.

THE EAELY FIELD OF EMPLOYMENT

this population has increased or not. But even had
there been no change, which is, of course, highly im-
probable, the need of new occupations would still
exist, unless the old bad become seven times as
important; and this, as succeeding chapters will
show, is not what has happened; on the contrary,
some of them have become very much less impor-
tant.

The census of manufactures which was taken in
1850, which, as has been said, is our first reasonably
complete industrial census, showed 225,922 women
and 731,137 men employed in manufacturing indus-
tries in establishments whose annual product was
valued at five hundred dollars. In 1850, then, 24 per
cent of the total number of employees reported were
women. The last census of manufactures does not
furnish statistics which are exactly comparable with
these earlier data. The total number of persons, how-
ever, reported employed in manufactures in 1905 was
6,157,751. Of these, 4,801,096 were men over sixteen,
1,194,083 were women over sixteen, and 167,066 were
children, boys and girls under sixteen. That is, in
1905, 78 per cent of the total number of employees
were men, 19 per cent were women, and 3 per cent
were children. These percentages seem to indicate that
relatively fewer women in proportion to the number
of men (19 per cent in 1900 in comparison with 24
per cent in 1850) are now employed, but these census
data, although superior to the statistics for the period
before 1850, are not sufficiently accurate to warrant

WOMEN IN INDUSTRY

an exact comparison and any conclusions based on
them are, therefore, likely to be unsafe.1

Some of the difficulties in the way of compar-
ing these statistics are discussed in Appendix B,
but the fact that there has been no substantial
change in the proportion of women employed in the
last few decades is significant and should be noted
here.

It is, however, to be emphasized that the proportion
of both men and women employed in manufacturing

1 The following table showing the relative numbers of men and
women employees reported by each succeeding census since 1S50
is given in the 1905 "Census of Manufactures" and is here re-
printed. The percentage which women formed of the total
number of employees at each decade has been computed and is
added to the table. The data for 1850, which are omitted
from the 1905 census, are also added here:

Comparative Summary op All Industries (Factory, Me-
chanical, and Neighborhood). From 1905 Census op
Manufactures, I, XXXVI.

1905. 1900.

1890.

1880.

1870.

1860.

1850.

Men ....
Women

Child'n*

4,801,096 4,110,527

1,194,083 1,029,296

167,066 j 168.5S3

3,327,042
803,086
120,885

2,019,035
531,639
181,921

1,615.598
323,770
114,628

1,040,349
270,897

731,137
225,922

Total. ..

6,162,245'5,308,406

4,251,613

2,732,595

2.053,996

1,311,246

957.059

%of

women
em-
ployed t

* Not reported separately for 1850 and 1860.

t In 1870 and after, the percentage of women means percentage of women
over sixteen ( or fifteen). See Appendix B.

THE EAKLY FIELD OF EMPLOYMENT

industries is larger than formerly. In 1850 eighty-
seven men and twenty-eight women out of every one
thousand persons of each sex in the population over
ten years of age were employed in manufacturing in-
dustries ; in 1900 one hundred and forty-two men
and thirty-nine women were so employed.1 That is,
within fifty years the number of men in " manufac-
turing and mechanical pursuits " increased relative-
ly much faster than the number of women. There is,
then, a very evident fallacy at the bottom of the popu-
lar superstition that the increase in the number of
women employed in factories has meant ' ' driving out
the men." Against an increase of eleven in every.
one thousand women must be set an increase of fifty-
five in every one thousand men.

But the question of greatest interest is not whether
there has been a general displacement of women by
men, or of men by women, in industrial occupations,
but what specific changes have occurred in specific
trades and why these changes have taken place. Such
questions, however, cannot be answered in a general
discussion of the whole field of industrial employment,
and it has seemed best, therefore, in the succeeding

1 According to the "Census of Occupations," these figures
would have been, for 1900, 194 out of every thousand men, and
46 out of every thousand women. The figures for 1900, which
are given above in the text, were obtained from the 1900 sta-
tistics given in the preceding table, with the number of children
apportioned as indicated in Appendix B. In any case the num-
bers are only approximate, since there are no statistics for 1S50
which are properly comparable with those for 1900.

WOMEN IN INDUSTRY

chapters to treat separately the history of each of the
important industries in this country which employ
large numbers of women. In the most recent cen-
sus of manufactures, which was taken in 1905, the
" hand trades " (which, of course, included millinery
and dressmaking) were omitted, hut more than a mil-
lion women were reported to be employed in estab-
lishments conducted under what is known as the fac-
tory system. The table on page 85 shows the total
number of women employed and the number in each
of the industries employing the largest number of
women. Along with the number of women employed,
the number of"men and of children are given in order
that the importance of women in the industry may
be more correctly understood.

According to this table, five industries or groups
of industries, textiles, cigarmaking, " boots and
shoes," the clothing trades, and printing and publish-
ing,1 employed half of the one million women ; and,
in the succeeding chapters, an attempt will be made
to follow in detail the history of each of these indus-
tries in relation to the problem of women's work.

1 The next largest number of women found in any one industry-
is very much smaller than the smallest number given in the table
above, viz., 14,844, the number employed in the manufacturing
of "bread and bakery products." It should be noted that along
with the 14,844 women, 64,580 men are employed, an interesting
example of the way in which women's work has been taken over
by men. The explanation of the displacement of women is the
fact that the work is extremely heavy and that much of it is
night work.

THE EARLY FIELD OF EMPLOYMENT

Table Showing the Total Number of Persons in Manu-
facturing Industries in 1905, and the Number in the
Five Industries Employing the Largest Number of
Women.

M en .

WoMKN.

Children.

1. The Textile Indus-
tries.
Total

273,822

101,373

72,970
95,257

142,110

147,283

25,167
27,037
44,452
29,883

58,759
42,614

65,293
76.817

298,910

147,710

57,174
49,535

37,503

128,163

68,867
45,198
24,552
32,130

7.5.468
72,242

19,975

17,528

68,456

3,812

5,274
5,132

5,001

Cotton Manufac-

40,428

Hosiery and Knit

9,681

Silk and Silk Goods

Worsted Goods. . . .

2. The Clothing In-
dustry.
Total

7,366
3,743
7,238

Men's Clothing ....
Women's Clothing .

3. Tobacco and Cigars.

4. Boots and Shoes.

5. Printing and Pub-

lishing.
Total

2,963
849

"Book and Job" . .

"Newspapers and

Periodicals"

2,478
2,523

Total Number of Per-
sons Employed in Five
Industrial Groups

685,532

590,832

87,675

Total Number of Per-
sons Employed in all
Industries

4,801,096

1,194,083

167,066

Fortunately these five industries are not only those
which employ the largest numbers of women, but they
have been, at the same time, quite different in their
technique and method of development ; and they pre-
sent, therefore, in their several histories, various
phases of the adjustment made necessary by the in-
troduction of machinery and the establishment of the

WOMEN IN INDUSTRY

factory system. Studies will, therefore, successively
be made of the cotton manufacture as the most im-
portant representative of the textile industries which
belonged historically to women, but in which women
are now being displaced by men ; of the manufacture
of boots and shoes, historically a trade for men, but
one in which women's labor has for a hundred years
been an important factor; of cigar making, which is
not a historic industry at all, but which began early
in the nineteenth century in a small way as a by-
employment for farmer's wives, and then became a
trade for immigrant men and later for immigrant
women. Somewhat briefer accounts will be given of
the sewing trades, which have always been numeric-
ally the most important women's industry; and of
printing, the latter of special interest because it is a
skilled trade in which women have long been em-
ployed, but in which they have been so largely out-
numbered by the men that they have with difficulty
held their own.

CHAPTER VI

THE COTTON INDUSTRY

An account has been given in an earlier chapter of
the establishment, in the closing decade of the eight-
eenth century, of the first cotton mills in which the
new spinning machinery was used in this country. An
attempt has also been made to give a sufficient account
of the early labor situation to explain the great de-
mand for women operatives and, in some measure, per-
haps, the public approval of their work. It remains,
therefore, for this chapter to deal with the effect on
the employment of women of the development of the
cotton manufacture in the nineteenth century.

The rapid growth of the industry between 1800
and 1815 is indicated by the increased consumption
of raw cotton; in 1800, only five hundred bales were
used in our American mills, one thousand bales were
used in 1805, ten thousand in 1810 and ninety thou-
sand in 1815. 1 The number of spindles in use was
only 4,500 in 1805, but there were 8,000 in 1807, 31,-
000 in 1809, 87,000 in 1810, and 130,000 in 1815.2

1 See " Report of the Committee on Protection of Manufac-
tures," "American State Papers: Finance," III, 82.

2 Taussig, "Tariff History of the United States," p. 28, note.

WOMEN IN INDUSTRY

This expansion meant the employment of increased
numbers of women and children in the new and
enlarged mills. In 1810, returns from eighty-seven
mills were received by Secretary Gallatin before he
published his ' ' Report on Manufactures, ' ' and, on the
basis of the data furnished, he estimated that in 1811
the cotton mills of this country would employ 500
men and 3,500 women and children.1 According to
this official estimate, which, although made on the
basis of very imperfect data, is undoubtedly a valu-
able one, women and children formed eighty-seven
per cent of the total number of persons employed in
the cotton mills in the second decade of the last cen-
tury. That this was not considered an unusually
high percentage for that period is indicated by other
similar estimates which were made a few years later.
In 1814 Trench Coxe, in the " Digest of Manufac-
tures," prepared for the Secretary of the Treasury,
said, in discussing possibilities for the industry,
that about 58,000 persons would produce 50,000,000
pounds of yarn, and " of these not more than one
eighth part ought to be adult males; the remaining
seven eighths might be women and children." He
estimated also that 100,000 women, " less than one
sixth of our adult females, ' ' might with perfect ease
weave all of this yarn with the fly shuttle. But a more
satisfactory statement of the employment of women is

1 Gallatin's estimate was based on a theory that S00 spindles
employed 40 persons, 5 men and 35 women and children ("Amer-
ican State Papers: Finance," ii, 427).

THE COTTON INDUSTRY

found in a report of a congressional committee * in
1816 showing, in the form of the following table, the
number of persons employed in the cotton mills in
that year:

Males from seventeen up 10,000

Women and female children 66,000

Boys under seventeen 24,000

Total 100,000

No other estimate for the whole country was made
until 1831, but some records showing the number of
operatives in various isolated mills are preserved, and
these indicate for the most part a very high percen-
tage of women operatives.

At the Waltham factory in 1819 there were 14
men and 286 women and children. In the same mill
in 1821 there were 353 employees, 299 women and 51
men ; all of the overseers were men as well as the
painters, machinists, teamsters, card coverers, general
laborers and the like. A factory at Fishkill on North
River had from seventy to eighty employees, five
sixths of whom were women and girls. The Poignaud
and Plant factory at Lancaster had, in 1825, 39
women, 7 men, and an overseer, and in 1833, 35 wom-
en, 5 men, and an overseer. In the factories at New
Market, New Hampshire, 250 girls, 5 boys, and 20
overseers and assistants formed the working force in
1827. In the same year, Kirk Boott prepared a state-

1 "American State Papers: Finance," iii, 82.

WOMEN IN INDUSTKY

ment showing that six Lowell mills employed 1,200
persons, " nine tenths of those females, and twenty
from twelve to fourteen years of age."

A summary of these statements showing the per-
centage which women formed of the total number of
employees in the different mills is given in the follow-
ing table :

Date.

Place.

Per Cent which Women
Formed of Total Num-
ber of Operatives.

1818

Lancaster

Waltham

Fishkill

Lancaster

New Market

Lowell

Lancaster

1819

1821

1822 (probably)....

1825

1827

83
83
90
90

1833

It is also of interest to know that the proportion
of women employed in our cotton mills was not only
very large, but that it was considerably larger in this
I country than in England. Henry C. Carey estimated
on the basis of statistics for 1831 that there the num-
ber of women was about 9 per cent greater than the
number of men employed, while in this country it
was about 110 per cent greater. " The great dispro-
portion," he said, " between the two countries in the
employment of male and female labor cannot fail
to strike the reader." A manufacturer of the same
period said with regard to this point: " The perfec-

THE COTTON INDUSTRY

tion to which machinery is brought enables the pro-
prietor to avail himself more extensively of female
labor than is the case in Europe. The labor of the
females is much more productive [here] and they
consequently receive higher wages."

Much more interesting, however, than the number
of women employed in the new mills is the work
which they did and the question of the division of
occupations, in so far as there was any at this time,
between women and men.

Then, as now, the two chief occupations in the
mills were spinning and weaving. Spinning, as has
been pointed out, had always been women's work in
the home, and the early spinning frames in the fac-
tories were exclusively tended by women. It was
undoubtedly due, in part, to the scarcity of male
labor and to the fact that women were willing to
work in the mills that the spinning machinery in
this country was adapted to their use. Thus frame
spinning was the rule and mule spinning the excep-
tion here, although the mule was extensively used
in England.

Mule spinning has always been awkward work for
women because their movements in following the mule
are so much impeded by their skirts^ and the scarcity
of male labor in this country was probably one rea-
son why mule spinning came so slowly into use. There
is reason to believe that the mule was introduced in
Rhode Island as early as 1817, but it was not adopted
in Lowell nor in Massachusetts generally until much
8 91

WOMEN IN INDUSTRY

later, and as late as 1840 was little used. Henry C.
Carey, writing in the thirties, said the mule was not
used in any of the Lowell factories, " and the conse-
quence is that female labor here takes the place of
male labor in England." And the comment of James
Montgomery was that " in neither [Waltham nor
Lowell] nor in any of the mills that followed their
system was mule spinning introduced until after
1830." There is reason to believe that attempts were
made to employ women as tenders when the mules
were first being adopted in this country, but it was
found to be more suitable work for men. An old
Waltham operative who tells of seeing mule spinning
for the first time in the early forties, remembers a
woman spinner and girl piecers working in the mule
room at Lawrence when he was employed there.
Later the same woman with her girls came to Wal-
tham where mules were introduced later, but she was
obliged to leave. " The men made unpleasant re-
marks and it was too hard for her, being the only
woman " !

It has already been explained that, while weaving
was not so exclusively women's work before the in-
troduction of machinery, yet after the fly shuttle had
come into use and the " spinning mills " had greatly
increased the demand for weavers, large numbers of
women were employed in weaving, not only for their
households but for factories and local dealers; and
the sign " weaving given out " was common over
shops at this time. A manuscript volume which was

THE COTTON INDUSTRY

used to record the quantity of yarn given oat,
cloth returned, and the payments made to the per-
sons who wove in their own homes for the Poignaud
and Plant factory in Lancaster, is still preserved;
and on the pages of this old " Weaver's Book " ap-
pear the names of Ivory Wildes, Nabby Fife, Patty
"Wilder, Polly Barker, Prudence Buttrick, Consider
Studley, Dolly Maynard, together with those of some
forty other women who wove for the factory from
1S12 to 1816. The number of men weavers was
larger than the number of women but in many cases
the men undoubtedly acted as agents for their wives
who did the weaving, but who left to their husbands
the work of calling for the yarn and returning the
cloth.

Later in 1818, an English traveler in another part
of New England noted the large number of ' ' female
weavers " and was astonished at their independence
in dealing with their employers. " Some of them,"
he said, " who have no other means of support ex-
cept service (which is unpopular in America) lodge
with farmers, and give half the produce of their labor
for their board and lodging. ' ' x

In the year 1811 the power loom was first success-
fully used in the Waltham factory and the modern
cotton mill which converted the raw cotton through
all the processes of manufacture to cotton cloth was
at last constructed. Power loom weaving became at

1Fearon, "Sketches of America," 1818, p. 101.

WOMEN" IN INDUSTRY

once the most profitable occupation for women in the
mills. The old wages book for the year 1821, which is
preserved in the Waltham mills, shows that all of the
138 weavers were women, although the six overseers
were men. The first power loom weaving at Lowell
was done by Deborah Skinner,1 who, according to the
old Waltham book had been the best weaver there
before she was brought to Lowell by the Merrimack
Corporation to teach their girl weavers the use of
the new loom. In Fall River, where three of the
looms were started in 1817, all of the weavers were
women or girls, and one of the latter was Hannah
Borden, the daughter of a large stockholder in Fall
River's first cotton mill, and the best weaver of her
day.

A further word may be said here about Hannah
Borden who is one of the most interesting of the
remarkable women who worked in our early cotton
mills. She learned to weave on the hand loom when
she was eight years old, and at fourteen, when she
went into the mill to work, she was an excellent
weaver. After the power loom was introduced she
ran two looms, and wove thirty yards of cloth a day.
She worked from five in the morning to seven in
the evening in a weaving room which was rough and
unplastered, very cold and with only one small stove
for heat. Part of the time she did " custom weav-
ing," running only one loom, with extra care, so that

1 " Contributions to Old Residents' Historical Association "
(Lowell), vi, 71.

THE COTTON" INDUSTRY

a finer cloth was produced ; but for this, of course, she
received extra pay.1

The tending of power looms continued to be done
almost exclusively by women for a period of nearly
fifty years. In Henry Carey's " Essay on "Wages,"
written in 1835, power loom weaving is discussed as a
women's occupation and from James Montgomery's
account of the industry written a few years later, it
seems clear that the custom of having girl weavers
was universal here. Some of the oldest employees in
the New England mills to-day say they can remember
when weaving was so universally considered women's
Work that a " man weaver " was held up to public
ridicule for holding a " woman's job." As late as
1860, in the discussions of the New England Cotton
Manufacturers' Association, a weaver is uniformly
referred to as " she. ' ' 2 An interesting old employee
of the Waltham mills, a man who has worked continu-
ously there since the forties, says he cannot remember
having seen any " men weavers " until about the time
of the Civil War. He believes that the first men to
work in the weaving rooms in Waltham were immi-
grant English weavers.

Mechanical improvements, however, have gradually
led to the substitution of men for women until at the

1 Other details of Hannah Borden's life are to be found in an
address by Miss S. H. Wixon winch was published in the Fall
River Evening News, May 28, 1903.

2 "Reports of New England Cotton Manufacturers' Associa-
tion," October 21, 1860, pp. 28, 29.

WOMEN IN INDUSTEY

present time weaving threatens to become " men's
work." The number of looms which a single opera-
tive can tend has constantly increased, and the ten-
dency has been all along to a higher and higher rate
of speed. When the power loom was first introduced,
a weaver tended only a single loom and that loom
ran from 80 to 100 picks a minute. It was not long
before the invention of the rotary temple made it
possible for an operative to tend two looms instead
of one and those looms ran at a higher speed so that
the result was about 260 picks a minute. In 1850
four looms with a total of about 600 picks a minute
could be watched by a single weaver. In 1895 one
operative could tend eight looms which ran a total
of about 1,500 picksi a minute. The invention of the
automatic loom enormously increased the number of
looms to an operative until to-day a single weaver
may tend as many as twenty looms running more
than 4,500 picks per minute.1

The effect of the introduction of these new looms
has been to reduce still further the number of women
employed. The statement in the census of 1900 that
the " improved high-speed and automatic looms,
many of which are put under the charge of one
weaver, can be operated most efficiently by men,"2

1 On this point see a little volume called " Labor-Saving
Looms," 1905, published by the Draper Company, which manu-
factures these looms. See also the 1905 "Census of Manufac-
tures," hi, p. 50.

2 "Twelfth Census (1900): Manufactures," Pt. in, 32.

THE COTTON INDUSTRY

is borne out by the following table, showing the
n umber of men and women employed as weavers in
1905. Data are given separately for Massachusetts,
the state in which the industry has had the longest
history because the situation there is of special inter-
est.

COTTON-MILL WEAVERS1

Number of
Weavers in the
United States.

Number of
Weavers in the

State of
Massachusetts.

Men over sixteen

48,248

48,325

2,238

14,554

16,473

531

Children under sixteen. . . .

This table is of very great interest since it shows
that the number of men and of women weavers is
now substantially equal. In 1900 the " Census of
Manufactures ' ' said with regard to this point : " It is
well known to those conversant with the industry
that only a few years ago the weaving of cotton
goods was regarded as peculiarly the work of
women. The introduction of improved and fast
looms has led more and more to the employment
of men as weavers. The tendency is so marked that
the next enumeration should show the men in a
majority. ' '

The number of men, however, has been increasing
not only in the weaving rooms but in the spinning

1 Data for this and following table are from the 1905 " Census
of Manufactures," iii, 50.

WOMEN IN INDUSTRY

department as well. The number of mule spinners
in this country has never become very large, but mule
spinning has remained exclusively an occupation for
men. On the other hand, the spinning frame is now
tended by men as well as by women, and the result
has been, as the following table indicates, that a
very considerable number of men are now employed
as spinners.

COTTON-MILL

'SPINNERS" IN THE UNITED STATES
IN 1905

Frame
Spinners.

Mule
Spinners.

Total.

Men over sixteen

10,709
25,701
19,078

4,866

15,575

Women over sixteen

25,701

Children under sixteen

19,078

Total

55,488

4,866

60,354

There are now, then, more than fifteen thousand
men employed in the cotton mills at spinning, an oc-
cupation which belonged historically to women in
the home and an occupation which in the early days
of the machine system was equally their own in the
factory. While it is not possible to follow in detail
all of the changes in the technique of an industry so
elaborate in its mechanical processes, the changes in
another important occupation, that of " dressing " or
sizing the yarn, may be noticed as a further illustra-
tion of the way in which improvements in machinery

THE COTTON INDUSTRY

have tended to displace women in favor of men oper-
atives.

" Dressing " was long one of the best paid occu-
pations for women in the mills but in the year 1866
a new machine for sizing yarn, known as the slasher,
was imported. Before this time the work had been
done by the dressing machines worked by women.
The slasher was found to be very successful as a
means of saving labor and was rapidly installed.
When the New England Cotton Manufacturers' As-
sociation met in 1869, the new machine was discussed
and the question was raised by one member, " Do
ladies or gentlemen tend the slashers?" The answer
was, " My impression is that we can use girls, in
part, but we have not tried them."1 But the work
proved to be physically exhausting and the substitu-
tion of men slasher-tenders for women who had worked
at the dressing machines was inevitable. In an in-
teresting book of reminiscences, Mrs. Robinson, one
of the early mill girls of Lowell, reports as one of
the changes which she found in going back to the
old mill where she worked nearly half a century be-
fore, that the room in which the girls of her day
had tended the dressing machines was filled with
men, who were, of course, operating slashers.

The tendency toward a decrease in the proportion
of women employed in the mills is also indicated by
the census statistics for the industry as a whole. It

1 " Transactions New England Cotton Manufacturers' Associa-
tion," 1869, p. 14.

99.

WOMEN IN INDUSTKY

has already been pointed out that early statistics of
employment are extremely incomplete. It is impossible
to obtain any statement, even approximately accurate,
of the absolute number of women employed until the
close of the third decade of the nineteenth century.
But a failure to obtain the total number of employees
does not necessarily mean that it is impossible to find
a basis for estimating the percentage which women
formed of that total. For if a census gives the rela-
tive numbers of men and women operatives for the
factories reporting, then even if a great many estab-
lishments fail to report and make the totals so incor-
rect as to be useless, still the percentage of women
is likely to be very much the same in the establish-
merits that do not report as in those that do. That
is, the percentage which women form of the total
number of employees, is not likely to change much,
even with a great change in the totals themselves. It
is important to note, too, that so far as errors may
exist in the reports sent in, they are likely to be in
the direction of an underestimate rather than in an
overestimate of the number of women; for factories
sending in careless returns after the manner of cen-
sus-taking in the early years, often reported only
the " number of employees " without indicating the
number of each sex. Such returns would invariably
be entered as " men employed " and the percentage
of women operatives be made to appear smaller than
it really was.

Some of the estimates of the number of men and

100

THE COTTON INDUSTRY

women employed in the mills before 1831 have al-
ready been given. In 1831, when the convention of
the ' ' Friends of Industry ' ' met in New York, a
Committee on the Cotton Industry was appointed,
which returned some interesting statistics, a part of
which, those relating to the number of employees,
are reproduced in the table on the following page.
For the period between 1831 and 1850 no data re-
lating to the number of men and women operatives
in the whole country have been found; but from
1850 to the present time the federal census has fur-
nished statistics which are fairly reliable; and for
convenience, these data from the census, with the
two most useful of the earlier estimates, have been
incorporated in the table on page 102. In order to
show not only the change in the proportion of men
and women employed, but the relative importance of
the cotton industry at different periods as furnishing
an occupation either for men or women, the number
of employees out of every ten thousand persons in
the population over ten years of age has also been
computed.

To accompany these statistics for the country as a
whole, a table has been prepared from data for Massa-
chusetts, showing the number of employees for each
decade since 1831, which has been throughout
the whole period the most important cotton manu-
facturing state. A study of statistics for the state
where the industry has the longest history and where
it is most concentrated is, in some respects, more il-

101

WOMEN IN INDTTSTEY

TABLE I

Statistics of Employment for the American Cotton In-
dustry in the Last Century

Number

Cotton Mill Em-

ployees OUT OF

Per-
centage
Women
Formed
of All Em-

Number of

Employees.

Every 10,000
in Population

Date.

over Ten Years
of Age.

ployees.

Men.

Women.

Men.

Women.

1811 1

500*

3,500*

1816 2

34,000*

66,000*

. .

1831 3

18,538

38,937

Ill

1850*

33,150

59,136

I8605

46,859

75,169

1870 o

54,031

81,337

1880

75,081

99,579

1890

100,319

118,557

1900

154,642

148,219

1905

166,284

149,590

* Estimates only.

1 From Secretary Gallatin's "Report on Manufactures,"
"American State Papers: Finance," ii, 427.

2 From " Report of the Committee on Commerce and Manu-
factures," idem, iii, 82.

3 From "Report of the Committee on Cotton," "Address and
Proceedings of the Convention of the Friends of Industry at
New York" (1831), p. 112.

i Statistics from "U. S. Seventh Census (1850): Manufac-
tures."

6 Statistics from "U. S. Eighth Census (1S60): Manufac-
tures."

8 From 1870-1905, statistics from the " U. S. Census of Manu-
factures" for different decades, with the number of children
eliminated. For the method used in obtaining these statistics,
see Appendix B.

102

THE COTTON INDUSTRY

luminating for a historical study of this kind than
statistics for the country at large.

TABLE II

Statistics of Employment in the Cotton Industry-
Massachusetts

Date.

Number of Employees.

Percentage of

Men.

Women.

1831 l

1837

1845

1855 2

1865

1875

1885

1895 3

1905

2,665
4,997
6,303

9,102
24,814
27,033
41,184
46,186

10,678
14,757
14,507

15,024
35,362
33,099
41,925
41,847

75
70

62
59
55
50

A study of these tables points to some interesting
conclusions : ( 1 ) That for three quarters of a century,
the period for which data for a comparison are avail-

1 Data for 1831 from the " Report of the Committee on Cotton,"
" Address and Proceedings of the Convention of Friends of Indus-
try at New York" (1831), p. 112. Other data are from the
State Industrial Census from decade to decade until 1905; the
1905 industrial census is not yet available and statistics for that
year are from the Federal, 1905, "Census of Manufactures,"
children eliminated as in the former table.

2 The census taken in 1855 does not furnish these data.

3 An enumeration taken on the day when the greatest number
of operatives were employed counted more men than women,
i. e., men, 43,705; women, 43,247 — women forming only 40 per
cent of the total. "Massachusetts State Census: Manufactures,"
1895, p. 537.

103

WOMEN IN INDUSTRY

able, the proportion of men in the cotton mills has
been steadily increasing while the proportion of wom-
en has been as steadily decreasing. In this, the most
important women's industry, the women are being
slowly displaced by men. Women formed, in round
numbers, from two thirds to three fourths, and in
some districts as high as nine tenths, of the total
number of operatives in the first half of the century ;
but this proportion has been declining until, in the
twentieth century, the men outnumber the women.

This relatively greater increase in the proportion
of men has, moreover, been officially recognized for
some years ; and the census has more than once stated
emphatically that there is a decreasing proportion of
women employed in the cotton mills. Thus in 1900 the
' ' Twelfth Census, ' ' after discussing various statistics
relating to the cotton industry, pointed out that one
important fact resulting from their examination was
" that the tendency is more and more to the employ-
ment of men." *

The more recent 1905 " Census of Manufactures "
makes the interesting comment that " the ratio of
the number of men employed [in the cotton industry]
to the total number of wage earners has been con-
stantly increasing since 1870. The increase in this
ratio, amounting to 15 per cent, was made largely
at the expense of the women wage earners, whose ratio
has decreased 10.8 per cent during the thirty-five

1 "Twelfth Census (1900): Manufactures," Ptt iii, 32.

104

THE COTTON INDUSTRY

years." The census also calls attention to the fact
that " without any concert of action— perhaps uncon-
sciously to the general body of manufacturers— there
is a slow but steady displacement of women by men.
In the New England States in twenty-five years the
proportion of women employed has dropped from
49.7 per cent to 45 per cent; that of men has
risen from 36.2 per cent to 49 per cent."1 Had
a longer period been selected for a comparison,
these differences would have been even more
marked.

The second conclusion of interest is that the cotton
manufacture now employs a relatively smaller pro-
portion of the total number of women in the country
than formerly. It is clear that the men have not
only gained numerically from the expansion of the
industry, but they have gained at the expense of the
women. But since this has been such a rapidly ex- r-
panding industry, it would not necessarily follow
that work in the cotton mills had become a relatively
less important occupation for women merely because
women formed a smaller proportion of the total num-
ber of persons employed. Table I would seem, how-
ever, to indicate that this has been the case. While
in 1831 about one hundred out of every ten thousand
women over ten years of age, and in 1850 about
seventy out of the same number worked in the cotton
mills, when the last census was taken but fifty women

'1905 "Census of Manufactures," Pt. iii, 30, and Pt. i,
lxxxii.

105

WOMEN IN INDUSTKY

were so employed.1 It will appear in the chapter
dealing with conditions of life and work, that a
marked change in the employment of women began
to be noted toward the close of the decade 1840-50,
and it is probable that the decline has been constant
since that time. Percentage increases for each
decade since 1850 in the number of cotton-mill opera-
tives and in the population have also been computed
and are given in the table below.

TABLE III

Percentage Increases for Each Decade from 1850 to 1900
in the Number of Cotton-Mill Employees and in
the Population over Ten Years 2

Women.

EN.

Decade.

Cotton Mill

Operatives.

Per Cent

Population

over 10 Years.

Pe/ Cent

Cotton Mill

Operatives.

Per Cent

Population

Over 10 Years.

Per Cent

Increase.

1S50-1S60

1860-1870

1870-1880

1880-1890

1890^1900

It is clear from this table that the rate of increase
in the number of women cotton operatives has been

1 Round numbers, instead of those indicated in the table, are
purposely used because it is desired to emphasize the fact that
absolute accuracy cannot be obtained from such data as exists.

2 Percentages computed from statistics of employment in
Table I and statistics of population from federal census.

106

THE COTTON INDUSTRY

smaller than the rate of increase in the female popu-
lation over ten years of age until the last decade,
when the statistics seem to point to a slightly greater
increase. Even during the last decade it should be
noted that the rate of increase is fifty-four per cent
for men operatives and but twenty-five per cent for
women operatives, while the male and female popula-
tion increased at the same rate.

It is true that these census data, when carefully
examined,1 are seen to be in may respects faulty and
unsatisfactory for purposes of comparison over a long
term of years. They do not, therefore, furnish any
exact statistical expression of the decrease in the pro-
portion of women employees ; and, indeed, it must be
recognized that no accurate percentage measure of
this change can ever be obtained. But these data
are, with all their imperfections, of very great inter-
est and significance; and they have been used because
they are sufficiently trustworthy to indicate a general
tendency, and the tendency to which they point un-
mistakably is the growing preponderance of men in
the mills.

In general it may be said that there are two im-
portant reasons explaining the displacement of the
woman operative. The first, which has already been
discussed, is the fact that in the progress of mechani-
cal invention in the industry cotton machinery has
tended constantly to become heavier and to be oper-

1 See Appendix B, which discusses the census statistics in
greater detail.

9 107

WOMEN m INDUSTKY

ated at an increased speed, demanding, therefore,
greater strength and more nervous energy on the part
of the employee. To quote the census again: " The
number of places in which women can profitably be
employed in a cotton mill in preference to men, or on
an equality with them, steadily decreases as the speed
of the machinery increases, and as the requirement
that one hand shall tend a greater number of machines
is extended." The second explanation, which will
be dealt with in the succeeding chapter, is the change
in the available labor supply, the increase in the
number of men wanting work as a result of immigra-
tion, and the decrease in the relative number of
\ women desiring work in the mills, due to the widen-
ing of the field of employment for educated women.
This is, obviously, the more important of the two
reasons, for if male labor had remained as scarce as
is was in the first twenty-five years during which our
mills were operated, the machinery would, of neces-
sity, have been adapted to the employment of women.
But the men who are in the cotton mills to-day are
almost exclusively of the immigrant class — either
foreign born or of foreign parentage — a class that
scarcely existed in the first quarter of the nineteenth
century, when women first followed their work from
the home to the mill.

CHAPTER VII

EARLY MILL OPERATIVES : CONDITIONS OP LIFE AND WORK

Turning from the more technical questions con-
nected with the employment of women in the mills
to the social aspects of their work, some interesting
changes are to be noted. There is a traditional be-
lief that the early cotton industry was carried on
under idyllic conditions in this country, particularly
in New England. Lowell, the famous " City of
Spindles " of the period from 1825 to 1850, when
Lucy Larcom and her friends worked in the mills and
published the Lowell Offering, is frequently com-
pared with the Lowell of the twentieth century,
where only eight per cent of the inhabitants are of
native parentage, and where the mills are filled with
Irish, French Canadians, Armenians, Portuguese, and
Poles; and as a result it is charged that the factory
population of New England has deteriorated. In
attempting, however, to trace the history of the
changes that have been brought about, it is necessary
to consider conditions of life and work apart from
the character and nationality of the operatives. With
regard to the former, we find so many unmistakable

109

WOMEN IN INDUSTRY

improvements, such as shorter hours, and more sani-
tary conditions in mills and towns alike, that if the
same class of operatives had remained, we should re-
cord a large measure of progress.

But the most striking feature in the evolution of
the New England factory town is the change in the
character of the operatives — the fact that the women
in the mills to-day are not the deteriorated descend-
ants of the girls who formed Improvement Circles
and attended Emerson's Lyceum lectures. The
granddaughters of the first mill girls are now to be
found in the women's colleges, while the women who
have taken their places in the mills are immigrants
or the children of immigrants — in the terms of the
well-known census classification " foreign-born or of
foreign parentage."

Lucy Larcom once said that " there was, indeed,
nothing peculiar about the Lowell mill girls, except
that they were New England girls of the older and
hardier stock." This one point of difference, how-
ever, is so fundamental that it made the mill town
of that time a different world from the immigrant
factory city of to-day. And it is further sympto-
matic of the line of delimitation that is now drawn
between occupations for middle-class and occupa-
tions for working-class women. Before 1850 this
line was scarcely discernible in New England, and
work in the mills involved no social degradation.
There was, indeed, no " field of employment "
for educated women, and opportunities for train-

110

EARLY MILL OPERATIVES

ing practically did not exist, A few months' term
as a schoolmistress was a very unremnnerative
occupation, and as will be pointed out, this was fre-
quently combined with mill work as a sort of by-
employment.

Then, too, the old respectable domestic occupations
had been taken away from the household. Spinning
and weaving were no longer a source of income except
as factory work. Tailoring was still left, and a few
minor employments, but to be self-supporting in the
home was difficult.1 It was these daughters of New
England farmers — girls with energy, perseverance,
and ambition to do not only for themselves but for
others, who for a period of nearly half a century
(roughly from 1810 to 1860) formed the great body
of cotton-mill employees in certain parts of New
England.

These girls were the sisters of the young men who
were " going West " to the great states of the prairie
country, and they had something of the pioneer spirit
themselves — a willingness to venture into a new in-
dustrial world, and confidence in their ability to
make it a world in which they could live with dignity
and self-respect. They had attended the common
schools, and some of them were saving their hard-
wen earnings to enter the well-known women's acad-
emies or seminaries of the day. Lucy Larcom wrote

1 The Lowell Offering, v, 279, contains an interesting ac-
count of the occupations of well-to-do farmers' daughters in the
thirties.

Ill

WOMEN IN" INDUSTRY

that " for twenty years or more Lowell might have
been looked upon as a rather select industrial school
for young people. The girls there," she said, " were
just such girls as are knocking at the doors of
young women's colleges to-day. They had come
to work with their hands, but that could not
hinder the working of their minds also." Some
of them were able to attend such schools as Brad-
ford Academy half the year, by working in the
mills the other half and " Mt. Holyoke Seminary
broke upon the thoughts of many of them as a vision
of hope."

In short, the underlying cause which made the first
great " City of Spindles " so exceptional was the
presence in the mills of young women of character
and ability, to whom at that time few other employ-
ments were open. When an opportunity suddenly
came to them to satisfy their desire for pecuniary in-
dependence and their longing for educational advan-
tages by engaging in factory work, there was no
reason for hesitation, save a vague prejudice against
factory labor which had grown up out of stories of
English mill towns. This did, for a time, perhaps,
act as a deterrent, and many girls preferred to go on
working at some more " genteel ' employment at
seventy-five cents a week and board ; but the influence
of the bolder spirits was soon felt, and steady work
at high wages became an attraction too great to re-
sist. There was, after all, no reason why they should
not do together work which their mothers had been

112

EARLY MILL OPERATIVES

doing in their own homes. They went eagerly, there-
fore, long distances to Lowell,1 to Waltham, to Man-
chester, and other early mill cities. Statistics for
1840 showed that of 6,320 women in the Lowell mills,
only one eighth Avere from Massachusetts, while the
great majority were from Maine, New Hampshire, and
Vermont. This association with girls from different
places, in a period when traveling was almost un-
known, was considered one of the delightful features
of factory life in Lowell.

Since their operatives were for the most part young
women from good families living temporarily away
from their homes, the corporations, if they wished to
keep this highly desirable body of employees, were
obliged to provide suitable living accommodations for
them in the new factory towns. To meet this need
the corporation boarding house was devised. Rows
of brick tenements to be used as boarding houses
were built near the mills of the corporation, and
women of known respectability and even of gen-
uine refinement were put in charge of them. The
Merrimack corporation at Lowell in 1849 owned
178 houses, 35 boarding houses for women opera-

1 Special attention is given to Lowell in this discussion because
it was the most conspicuous of the early mill towns, and through-
out the history of the cotton industry, and still at the present
time, an important and typical one. Other towns in the " Lowell
district," which included Maine and New Hampshire, were
modeled after it. In Rhode Island and the district about
Providence, the " family system " prevailed, and conditions were
much less satisfactory. See Appendix B.

113

WOMEN m INDUSTRY

tives, 10 for men, and a large number of company-
tenements.

Perhaps the most typical head of a " company
boarding-house " was a widow who was left with a
family to provide for, and whose own daughters
could work in the mills. Lucy Larcom's mother pro-
vided for her eight children by moving to Lowell and
taking mill-girl boarders in a corporation tenement;
and Harriet Hanson 's * aunt and mother are other ex-
amples of these notable " house-mothers," or " board-
ing-women ' as they were often called. Such women
were, of course, likely to be very much interested in
everything connected with the welfare of the girls
under their care. But the corporations themselves
were not lax in the matter, and had rules drawn up
regarding the conduct of the girls in their boarding
houses. Thus they not only regulated the dwelling
places and food of their operatives, but dictated the
time of going to bed and the rules of social inter-
course.2 For the most part, the operatives in the
early days seemed to have made few objections to
the system but occasionally a considerable measure
of opposition is found. In one of the early factory-
tracts, issued by the Female Labor Reform Associa-

1 Harriet Hanson, later Mrs. Robinson, afterwards became
distinguished in the woman suffrage movement, and is the author
of the book of Lowell reminiscences, "Loom and Spindle," which
is frequently referred to in this chapter.

2 Appendix D contains copies of the rules used in Lowell and
in the Poignaud and Plant boarding houses at Lancaster.

EARLY MILL OPERATIVES

tion of Lowell,1 complaint is made of the wearisome
extent of corporation control. At the close of the
day's work, the operative was said to be watched to
see that her footsteps did not " drag beyond the cor-
poration limits " and whether she wished it or not
she was subjected to the manifold inconveniences of
a large crowded boarding house, where, too, it was
said that the price paid for her accommodation was
so utterly insignificant that it would not insure to her
the common comforts of life.

This was the high tide of corporation paternalism
in New England, when the girls not only slept in
company houses, but went to company churches and
frecpiently spent their earnings at company stores.2
When a girl entered a Lowell mill, she was required
to sign what was known as a " regulation paper,"
binding herself to attend regularly some place of pub-
lic worship. On the Merrimack corporation, during
the period known as " Kirk Boott's reign," every
person employed was obliged to pay a regular
monthly fee for the support of St. Anne's, an Episco-
palian church established by Mr. Boott without re-
gard to the different religious beliefs of his opera-
tives, who, of course, greatly resented this " company

1 This " association " is interesting as an example of an early
labor organization among women. It presented a written ad-
dress at the first Industrial Congress of the United States (New
York, 1845).

2 Company stores were not a feature of the Lowell system,
but they were common enough in the early factory days through-
out New England. See Chapter XII, p. 272.

115

WOMEN IN INDUSTRY

church." The agent of the corporation let the pews
to persons who were employed in the mills or who
occupied company houses; he also made the contract
with the rector and paid his salary and the other
expenses of the church, and in return reserved from
the wages of each operative a fixed sum for " pur-
poses of public worship, no matter whether they at-
tended this church or not. ' ' 1

, There had grown up, in short, a thoroughgoing
system of corporation control, and it was in harmony
with that system that boarding-house keepers, as well
as overseers, were to be directly responsible to the
agent for the moral as well as the physical welfare
of those in their care. It was a rule that no immoral
person should be employed in any capacity in the
mills, and there is every reason to believe that it was
rigidly enforced. Indeed, abundant evidence exists
to show that ' ' from the beginning, Lowell had a high
reputation for good order, morality, piety, and all
that was dear to the old-fashioned New Englander's
heart. ' '

It followed as a matter of course that these capable,
ambitious girls did not stay long in the mills. James
Montgomery described them as farmers' daughters
who came into the factory for " perhaps a year or

1 See Justice Hoar's opinion in the case of the Attorney-
General ex. rel. the Rector, etc., of St. Anne's Church vs. the
Merrimack Corporation, 14 Gray (Mass.) 586. See also Robin-
son, pp. 78 and 21, Larcom in Atlantic Monthly, xlviii, 599, and
the rules of the Lowell Manufacturing Company, in Appendix
D of this volume.

116

EARLY MILL OPERATIVES

two, and frequently for but a few months," and
then went home. " There were," he said, " great
numbers of inexperienced hands in every factory."
Many of them were working to get money for some
cherished purpose; to send a brother to college or to
prepare him for the ministry; to pay off a mortgage
on the paternal farm, or to earn money for their own
education that they might become superior school-
mistresses or even missionaries.

Girls of this latter class were, moreover, often
eager to avail themselves of the " opportunities "
which a city like Lowell offered, and from which
they were quite shut off in lonely farmhouses and
country villages. In Lowell there was the Lyceum,
which brought John Quincy Adams and Edward
Everett and Ealph Waldo Emerson there to lecture,
and which was said to be " more patronized by the
mill people than any mere entertainment " of that
day; indeed, the women operatives formed two thirds
of the Lyceum audiences. There were " lending-
libraries," too, and as a further means of culture a
' ' debating club ' ' ; and the churches with their female
benevolent societies, female charitable societies, fe-
male education societies, female missionary societies,
indeed, " female " circles of every kind, furnished
an outlet for activities of many sorts.1

1 See, for example, the list in Benjamin Floyd's "Supplement
to the Lowell Directory of 1836, Containing Names of the Fe-
males Employed and Places of Employment in the Various
Manufacturing Establishments in this City, etc." (Lowell, 1S36).

117

WOMEN IN INDUSTRY

More definitely their own were the French or Ger-
man classes which some of the girls maintained in
their factory boarding house, and the famous " Im-
provement Circle," of whose work the columns of the
Lowell Offering bear lasting testimony.1 Sympto-
matic, too, of the intellectual interests of the opera-
tives is the fact that rules were needed to prevent
reading in the mills. Bringing books with them
when they came to work was strictly forbidden, and
among an old list of discharges the following, evi-
dently typical, case appears :

" March 14, 1839. Ann , No. 2 spinning

room ; discharged for reading in the mill ; gave her
a line stating the facts."

With real Puritan zeal the girls tried to evade the
rule by refusing to believe that the Bible could be
among the forbidden books, and so persistently were
the Scriptures taken into the mill that an overseer

1 The Lowell Offering: A Repository of Original Articles Written
Exclusively by Females Actively Employed in the Mills, 1841-
1S45, 5 vols., and the New England Offering: A Magazine of In-
dustry Written by Females Who are or Who Have Been Factory
Operatives, Harriet Farley, editor, 1845-50, 3 vols., were preced-
ed by an ealier periodical, The Operatives' Magazine, 1840-41,
edited by Lydia S. Hall and Abby A. Goddard. The magazine
was published by "an Association of Females," but contribu-
tions were solicited from "operatives of both sexes." See Lucy
Larcom, "Mill Girls' Magazines," Atlantic Monthly, xlviii, and
Robinson, "Loom and Spindle," Chapters VI, VII. A famous
collection of extracts f rom The Lowell Offering, " Mind Among
the Spindles," was published in London and contained an intro-
ductory tribute by Harriet Martineau.

118

EAELY MILL OPERATIVES

who " eared more for law than for gospel " reaped
a harvest of confiscated bibles. To large numbers of
earnest and ambitions New England girls in the
second quarter of the last century, the cotton mill
spelled opportunity and opened for them paths of
knowledge and independence of which in the past
they had only vaguely dreamed.

Work in the mills competed as an alternative em-
ployment with teaching, and it was very common to
find the schoolmistress in the mill during part of the
year at least.1 On the Merrimack corporation alone
there were at one period more than one hundred and
fifty women operatives who had been at some time
engaged in teaching school.2 Some of them still
taught in the summer and returned to factory work

1 In Lucy Larcom's "An Idyl of Work," one of the characters
thus described herself and her associates:

" In plain words,
I am a schoolma'am in the summer time
As now I" am a Lady of the Loom.
. . . inside those factory walls
The daughters of our honest yeomanry,
Children of tradesmen, teachers, clergymen,
Their own condition make in mingling."

2 Statement of superintendent of the Merrimack Mills, quoted
in "Fifth Annual Report of Massachusetts State Board of Edu-
cation," p. 98. The Superintendent added: " The average wages
of these ex-teachers I find to be 17f per cent above the general ^
average of our mills, and about 40 per cent above the wages of
the twenty-six who cannot write their names." A similar state-
ment in "Massachusetts House Document No. 98," p. 14, esti-
mates the number of teachers at 180.

119

WOMEN IN INDUSTRY

for the winter months. Miss Larcom tells us that
an agent who came from the west for school teachers
was told by her own pastor that five hundred could
easily be furnished from among the Lowell mill
girls.1 And the ranks of the primary and grammar
school teachers in Lowell were frequently replenished
from among the mill operatives.

Teaching was far from being a satisfactory em-
ployment for women in the first half of the century.
The expediency of employing more women teachers
was urged upon the various towns in Massachusetts
in 1837, but a decade later, when Horace Mann is-
sued his final report, he was obliged to call attention
to the fact that schoolmistresses were still so inade-
quately paid that women in many occupations in
mills and factories earned six or seven times as
much as women teachers. Higher salaries and more
permanent employment would be necessary, he said,
before school committees could " escape the mortifica-
tion which they now sometimes suffer, of being over-
bid by a capitalist who wants them for his factory
and who can afford to pay them more for superin-
tending a loom or a spinning frame."

The mills offered not only regular employment and
higher wages, but educational advantages which
many of the operatives prized even more highly.
Moreover, the girl who had worked in Lowell was

1 "New England Girlhood," p. 256. It is scarcely necessary
to add that many did go, and that this and similar " openings "
operated to withdraw girls of this class into superior occupations.

120

EARLY MILL OPERATIVES

looked upon with respect as a person of importance
when she returned to her rural neighborhood. Her
fashionable dress and manners and her general air
of independence were greatly envied by those who
had not been to the metropolis and enjoyed its ad-
vantages.1

The women operatives were pretty uniformly of
the same age at this period, few of them being
younger than sixteen or older than twenty-five, and -
the great majority in the early twenties. Although '
the practice of employing very young children in
cotton mills was common enough at this time, yet in
Lowell, Waltham, and similar places where the com-
pany boarding-house system was maintained, the em-
ployment of children was unprofitable, since the cost >
of board was more than a child could earn. In
Rhode Island and the adjoining parts of Massachu-
setts and Connecticut, the " English " or " family
system " of hiring operatives was the rule, and it
meant, of course, a much larger number of children
among the employees than were to be found where
the system of hiring individual operatives prevailed.2
Kirk Boott's estimate for Lowell, it may be remem-
bered, was that in 1827, in six mills employing twelve
hundred persons, nine tenths of the operatives were
females, and only twenty were from twelve to four-

1 See, for example, the Lowell Offering, passim, and Seoresby,
" American Factories and their Female Operatives, " 1845, Chap-
ter III, Sec. 2.

2 See Appendix A.

121

WOMEN IX INDUSTRY

teen years of age. Certainly there must have been
some children under twelve, for Mrs. Robinson was
only ten years old when she began work in the Lowell
mills, and Lucy Larcom was just eleven.

Extreme youth, however, was no more rare than
age. Out of a thousand women employed by the
vLawrence corporation, there were only thirty who
were either married or widowed. In striking contrast
is the Lowell of to-day, where thirty per cent of all the
women in the cotton mills are married, widowed, or
divorced, and where fewer than half fall within the
age group of sixteen to twenty-four, which contained
practically all of the women of the early period.1
Census statistics do not show, for cities like Lowell,
how large a proportion of the married women opera-

1 See statistics from the "Twelfth Census (1900): Occupa-
tions," p. 600, which contains the following data regarding the
age and conjugal condition of the women cotton-mill operatives
of Lowell in 1900:

Married 1,112 Age 10-15 206

Widowed 364 Age 16-24 2,049

Divorced 14 Age 25-44 2,144

Age 45-64 482

1,490 Age 65 up 36

Single 3,441

Total 4,931

Total 4,917

Age groups in the same industry for the United States as a whole
show a much larger percentage of women operatives under
twenty-five. This is of course due to the wide extent of child
labor in some sections.

EARLY MILL OPERATIVES

tives are foreign-born or of foreign parentage; but
such statistics are given for the United States, and
are of interest in this connection. The following
tables show the conjugal condition of women in the
cotton mills of the United States :

TABLE I «

Conjugal Condition op Women in Cotton Mills, 1900

Married 19,688

Widowed 5,381

Divorced 485

25,554
Single or unknown 95,049

Total 120,603

TABLE II2

Parentage of Married Women in Cotton Mills

Native white, native parents '. 6,610

Native white, foreign parents 2,337

Foreign white 10,680

Negroes 61

Total 19,688

From these data, which show that, of the 19,688
married women, 13,017 were either foreign-born or
of foreign parentage, it is clear that the presence of
married women in the mills and a great numerical
increase in the higher-age groups are unquestionably
a result of the employment of immigrant women.

1 "Twelfth Census (1900): Occupations," p. ccxxii.

2 Ibid., p. ccxxiv.

10 123

WOMEN IN INDUSTRY

Since so large a proportion of the inhabitants of
Lowell in its first decades were mill hands, early
census data which show the distribution of the whole
population in age groups supply to some extent the
lack of data showing the ages of those employed.
For 1830 and 1840 we have the following age dis-
tribution of its inhabitants:

POPULATION OF LOWELL »

Under 10 years. . . .

10-20 years..

20-30 years

30-40 years

40-50 years

50-60 years

More than 60 years

Total

In ]

830

In 1

Men.

Women.

Men.

495

504

1,865

405

1,182

1,369

958

1,792

2,143

358

353

1,128

111

164

520

224

29
4,081

2,385

7,341

Women.

1,865

3,464

5,568

1,605

650

318

170

13,640

In the decade 1830-40, therefore, women formed
nearly two thirds of the population of Lowell, and
from eighty to eighty-five per cent of all the women
were under thirty years of age. Undoubtedly the
fact that so large a proportion of the inhabitants
were young and vigorous recruits from New England
farms explained the low death rate of Lowell. By
contemporary supporters of the system, however, the

1 Data from Table XXXV, in "Brief Remarks on the Hygiene
of Massachusetts, but More Particularly of the Cities of Boston
and Lowell," 1849, p. 681.

124

EARLY MILL OPERATIVES

satisfactory condition of her bills of mortality was
pointed to with pride as an evidence of the healthful-
ness of factory work and the superior conditions un-
der which the operatives lived. As a matter of fact, it
does not seem as if the conditions either in the mills
or in the boarding houses could have been healthful,
but the girls stayed so short a time, and brought such
good constitutions with them from the farms, that
they seemingly escaped ill health as a result; or, if
they became ill, they at once went back to their
homes, and Lowell's bill of health was left clean.1
Many of them, too, worked only eight or ten months
of the year and spent the rest of the time in their
country homes.

Conditions of work in the cotton mills of the first
half of the nineteenth century were, in fact, far from
being as superior as the early body of operatives. •
The mills of this period were badly constructed, from
the point of view of sanitation, or safety, or comfort.
They were for the most part narrow and extremely
high buildings, sometimes with seven stories; they
were low-studded, heated by stoves, badly ventilated,

1 An extract from the Offering, which was inclined to be most
optimistic, is of interest: "The daughter leaves the farm, it is
said, a plump, rosy-cheeked, strong, and laughing girl, and in
one year comes back to them — better clad, 'tis true, and with
refined manners, and money for the discharge of their little debts
and for the supply of their little wants — but alas, how changed!
. . , This is a dark picture, but there are even darker realities,
and these in no inconsiderable numbers." — New England Offer-
ing, April, 1848, p. 4.

125

WOMEN IN INDUSTBY

and badly lighted; weavers depended on the old
' petticoat lamps, ' ' as they were called, which were
fastened to the loom and filled with whale oil, to be
ready when the light failed. Moreover, slight at-
tention was given to apparatus for removing the fine
dust which is so unhealthful in cotton mills, or to
any artificial means of ventilation.1 Dr. Josiah
Curtis, in his very able study of hygienic conditions
in Lowell in 1849, said quite emphatically that bad
ventilation in the mills was ' ' the most prolific source
of deteriorated health " among the mill hands of
Lowell and the neighboring factory towns. " In
winter," he said, " for four months, when the win-
dows are closed and generally double, each room has
fifty solar lamps burning morning and evening,
which assist not only in impairing the confined air,
but also in raising the temperature frequently to 90°
F. before closing work at night."

The hours were notoriously long, often from five
in the morning till seven at night. In Lowell, ex-
cept during very brief periods in the year, the girls
went in for two hours' work before breakfast and
returned to the mills again in the evening after sup-
per. The meager half hour allowed for breakfast at
seven o'clock and for dinner at noon was much com-
plained of by the operatives and by physicians in
their behalf. While fourteen hours was sometimes
the period of work, twelve and three quarters was

1 Edward Atkinson writes very forcibly as to most of these
points in the "Tenth Census" (1880), ii, 953.

126

EAELY MILL OPERATIVES

probably the average length of the working day be-
fore May 1, 1847. " Overtime," too, was not un-
known, and the lamps were sometimes kept burning
until nine or ten o'clock; but it was claimed as a
justification that ' ' overtime was always voluntary. ' ' 1

In Fall River the hours must have been even long-
er. For example, Hannah Borden's day, which, how-
ever, belongs to an earlier period, seems to have been
as follows : she rose at four, took her breakfast with
her to the mills, and at five had her two looms under
way. From seven-thirty to eight-thirty she had an
hour for breakfast, at noon half an hour, and the
looms did not stop again until half past seven at
night. It was eight o'clock before the Fall River
girls of this period reached their homes, and they
were said to be so tired that it was not unusual for
one to fall asleep at the supper table.

In some Lowell mills the working day varied with
the season of the year from twelve hours in the win-
ter to fourteen in the summer. It is an evidence of
the temporary character of their employment that
some of the girls who were on piece-work rates pre-
ferred the longer hours since their object was to gain
a certain fixed sum of money and then leave the mills,
and the higher earnings that were the result of the

1 Miles, "Lowell as It Was and as It Is," 1847, p. 108. He
adds: "The young woman, who is able, is generally willing to
engage in it, as she draws the pay, to the extent of the extra
work, of two girls, while she incurs the expense of the board of
but one."

127

WOMEN IN INDUSTEY

longer hours meant an earlier release. One skilled
and intelligent girl, in answering charges made in a
political speech about the abuses of the mills, said:
" We never work more than twelve and a half hours
a day; the majority would not be willing to work
less, if their earnings were less, as they only intend
working a few years, and they wish to make all they
can while here." It is significant, too, that an edi-
torial in the New England Offering said with regard
to this point : ' ' Every overseer and girl in the New
England mills knows perfectly well, or may know,
that the majority, if not the whole body of the
weavers and spinners, prefer to work as long as they
can. . . . They enter the factories to make money. ' ' 1
Conditions in the corporation boarding houses var-
ied much with the character of the woman in charge,
but in any case the bedrooms were crowded and un-
comfortable, and little, if any, better ventilated than
the mills. The comment of Dr. Curtis was that the
condition of the sleeping apartments would not be
endured so passively if the occupants had not first
become habituated to such unwholesome air while at
work. Another physician, Dr. Gilman Kimball of the

Lowell Hospital, made an official complaint, not only

. ^

1 See also the New England Offering, pp. 48, 79: "One overseer
said that the girls would rather work more hours than less. When
Mr. G. gave them three quarters of an hour for breakfast, they
shut the gates to keep the girls out; and ... in twenty minutes
from the time they came out, one hundred were there on the
bridge waiting — and not very patiently either — for the gates to
open."

128

EARLY MILL OPERATIVES

of the lack of ventilation, but of the V manifest dis-
regard of cleanliness " and of the overcrowding in
some of the corporation boarding houses.1 Often six
or eight girls occupied a single bedchamber, and the
descriptions in the Operatives' Magazine? of rooms
so " absolutely choked with beds, trunks, bandboxes,
clothes, umbrellas, and people, that one finds it diffi-
cult to stir, even to breathe freely," were probably
not exaggerated. This was particularly trying when
the girls were not congenial, and stories in the Offer-
ing indicate that this was frequently enough the case.
But it was easier to bear patiently with unsatisfac-
tory conditions, when one was to have only a very
temporary connection with them, than to take either
the time or trouble to remedy them. Complaints of
the " long hours, the close workrooms, the crowded
chambers, ' ' were not wanting, but it was following the
line of least resistance to treat these as„the inevitable
discomforts of an occupation which was to be followed
for a very short time at most. Thus, Miss Larcom,
writing many years later, says emphatically: " Cer-
tainly we mill girls did not regard our own lot as an
easy one, but we had accepted its fatigues and dis-
comforts as unavoidable, and could forget them in

1 "Report of the Lowell Hospital from 1840-1849," made to
the Trustees, June 12, 1849, by Gilman Kimball, M.D., 1849,
p. 14. For further statement as to unwholesome conditions
in sleeping rooms of corporation boarding houses, see "Bill of
Mortality of City of Lowell for 1854," p. 22.

2 Vol. ii, p. 100; and see Curtis, p. 33, and Scoresby, p. 57.

129

WOMEN m INDUSTRY

struggling forward to what was before us."1 They
even took pride in the fact that they were above com-
plaining about the physical discomforts of their work.
The editor of the Offering says of the contributors:
" They have done honor to their heads and hearts.
They have shown that their first and absorbing
thought was not for an advance of wages, or a reduc-
tion of labor hours. They have given the impression
that they were contented even with their humble lot.
. . . They have striven for improvement of head and
heart before that of situation. They have attended
more to self-reformation than to the reformation of
society."

When it was charged that the editorial policy of
the magazine was to present only the bright side of
factory life and therefore to convey an essentially
false impression, the answer of the editor was:
" Happy indeed are we, if our eyes can turn invol-
untarily to the sunny side of the objects which arrest
our gaze. ' ' 2

1 Larcom, in Atlantic Monthly, xlviii, 610. She says further:
"The mistaken impression went abroad that a paradise of work
had at last been found. Romantic young women came from a
distance with rose-colored pictures in their minds of labor turned
to pastime, which were doomed to be sadly blurred by disap-
pointment."

2 See the closing editorial, New England Offering, i, 376: "We
have been accused by those who seem to wish us no ill . . . of
unfaithfulness to ourselves as exponents of the general character
and state of feeling among the female population of this city.
They say the Offering . . . does not expose all the evils and
miseries and mortifications attendant upon a factory life. It

130

EAELY MILL OPERATIVES

All of this is, of course, an illustration of the
familiar fact that a labor movement is horn only when
a definite wage-earning class is created which is con-
cerned with the permanent improvement in the con-
dition of that class and is willing to make sacrifices in
its behalf. To quote Miss Larcom again : ' ' This feel-
ing, that they were at work in the mills for a little
while, only to accomplish some special purpose, gave
them contentment without any sacrifice of independ-
ence. Reductions of wages would often bring rumors
of intended ' strikes, ' * but the quiet, steady-going

speaks, they say, on only one side of the question ; and they com-
pare us to poor caged birds, singing of the flowers which surround
our prison bars, and apparently unconscious that those bars
exist."

1 Occasionally there was more than a rumor of a strike, and
"turn-outs" or "flare-ups," as they were called, occurred. See,
e.g., Condy Raguet's old Journal of Political Economy, i, 73,
for note of a "turn-out" in 1829, and Robinson, "Loom and
Spindle," for a Lowell "turn-out" in the thirties against a re-
duction of wages. The Boston Evening Transcript of March 25,
1836, contains the following interesting paragraph: "The fac-
tory girls of Amesbury have had a flare-up, and turned out. . . .
The girls were told they must tend two looms in the future, by
which they would weave double the number of yards that they
now weave on one loom, and this without any advance of wages.
. . . They proceeded to the Baptist vestry, chose officers, and
passed resolutions, pledging themselves under a forfeiture of
five dollars, that they would not go back without all. The agent,
finding them determined to persevere, sent a written notice that
they might come back!" Mention has already been made of an
early strike against the first reduction of wages in Lowell ; and in
1836-37, in Dover, N. H., a proposed reduction of wages caused
a "turn-out" in which all of the women seem to have partici-

131

WOMEN m INDUSTKY

ones formed a large majority who gave no aid or sym-
pathy to violent measures, and the murmur of dis-
affection soon died away. What reason had these
young girls for nursing a sense of injustice, with all
New England beckoning them back to their native
hills, to the homes that were missing them, and would
overflow with rejoicing when the absent sister or
daughter should see for herself that it was no longer
worth while for her to stay away. ' '

Moreover, these girls were compensated in some
measure by the sense of being pioneers, and successful
pioneers. Tbey had a clear vision of the future, and
saw that pecuniary independence with the opening of
a large and remunerative field of employment for
women held for them the promise of a new world.
They had a conscious pride, too, in upholding the dig-
nity of labor, in demonstrating that in a republic
' work with the hands is no disgrace," and, above
all, perhaps, in ' ' clearing away a few weeds from the,
overgrown track of independent labor for other wom-
en. They practically said by numbering themselves
among factory girls that in our country no real
odium could be attached to any honest toil that any
self-respecting woman might undertake."

The poet Whittier, who saw many evils connected
with the early cotton industry, found compensation

pated. This strike lasted but three or four days, during which
the girls "placarded the fence of the mill-yard and door of the
office with rhymes composed for the occasion" (McNeill, p. 89;
see also pp. 103, 104).

132

EARLY MILL OPERATIVES

for the hardships suffered in the mills in the fact that
there, more than in any other mechanical employ-
ment, woman's labor was placed essentially upon an
equality with man's. Writing from Lowell, he said:
' Here, at least, one of the many social disabilities
under which woman, as a distinct individual uncon-
nected with the other sex, had labored in all times,
is removed; the work of her hands is adequately re-
warded ; and she goes to her daily task with the con-
sciousness that she is not spending her strength for
naught." x

On the whole, then, it seems fair to say that con-
ditions in early Lowell,

That wonderful city of spindles and looms,
And thousands of factory folk,

as it appeared to many girls at that time, were far
from being so idyllic as those who are prone to idealize
the past would have us believe. Long hours, unsani-
tary mills, crowded boarding houses, compulsorily
supported corporation churches, all of these things
are forgotten, and the young factory town seems to
us, as it seemed to Dickens and other early visitors,
sufficiently justified because of the remarkable in-
telligence and refinement of its operatives. But their
presence there was not symptomatic of ideal condi-
tions in the mills, but rather of the lack of alterna-

See the description of Lowell, "The City of a Day," in
Whittier, "Prose Works," i, 351-384.

133

WOMEN IN INDTTSTBY

tive occupations for women of education or superior
abilities at that time. Harriet Martineau, with her
keen powers of observation, saw the situation truly
when she wrote : ' ' Twice the wages and half the toil
would not have made the girls I saw happy and
healthy, without that cultivation of mind which af-
forded them perpetual support, entertainment, and
motive for activity. Their minds were so open to
fresh ideas as to be drawn off from thoughts of them-
selves and their own concerns."

It should, perhaps, be asked at this point: How
far were the girls of the Improvement Circle typical
of the whole body of Lowell operatives? And how
far was Lowell a typical example of the mill towns
of the period? The first question is raised by the
editor of the Lowell Offering herself. Have these fac-
tory " blues," as they loved to call themselves, rep-
resented the factory operatives as a class? she asks;
and replies : ' ' In truth it is such a promiscuous class
that it would be impossible for any one magazine or
paper, ... to represent them. It is generally con-
ceded that they represent the more intelligent por-
tion of them."

But certainly Emeline and Lucy Larcom, Margaret
Foley and Harriet Farley would have been excep-
tional in any group of women; Miss Larcom, writing
later of her early associates, says in her quiet, truth-
ful way that hundreds of the thousands of girls that
were employed there did not care at all for either
books or study, but worked at Lowell just as they

134

EARLY MILL OPERATIVES

would have worked earlier " at the family sewing or
at any household toil at home."

It has already been pointed out that conditions in
the mill towns in southern New England, particularly
in Rhode Island, were essentially different from those
which prevailed in towns of the Lowell type. The
" family system " made the corporation boarding
houses unnecessary, and the operatives were clearly
drawn from a lower social stratum.1 That Lowell
itself was an ordinary mill town, except for its size,
and was much like a large number of other towns in
the district which followed more or less the same sys-
tem, is probably true. Waltham was the ' ' Parent of
Lowell " and cherished as high a reputation for
morality.2 The " Rumford Institute " of Waltham,
a system of popular lectures, founded in the interest
of the factory operatives and much patronized by
them, was the first lyceuin in the country. And not
only Waltham, but Lancaster, Chicopee, Manchester
in New Hampshire, and Newmarket, Exeter, Ports-
mouth and Dover in the same state, and many other

1 Many points of contrast between Lowell and these mill towns
of the south might be found. For example, Seth Luther's rather
inflammatory "Address to the Workingmen of New England,"
1836, contains an account of the corporal punishment of one
of the women operatives in a Rhode Island mill by an overseer
in a spinning room — an incident which resulted in the prosecu-
tion and conviction of the man in the Court of Common Pleas.
Such an incident could not possibly have happened in Lowell.

2 See, for example, the section in Miles, pp. 21-24, on " Waltham,
the Parent of Lowell."

135

WOMEN IN INDUSTRY

mill towns, seem to have cared for their operatives
in carefully supervised corporation boarding houses
like those of Lowell. The rules of the Lancaster
boarding house, which have been preserved, are not
unlike those prescribed by Kirk Boott for Lowell.1
The Lowell Offering opened its pages to operatives
from other factory villages, and contributions were
printed that came from various towns, not only in
Massachusetts, but in New Hampshire, Maine and
even Rhode Island ; 2 but in the south of New Eng-
land the mill towns were far inferior to those of the
Lowell and Waltham type.

But since the exceptional fame of early Lowell and
the towns like it was due to their having a unique
body of operatives and not to any superiority of their
mills or boarding houses, so the withdrawal of the
girls who represented the best of the older New Eng-
land farm life meant the close of a remarkable period
in the history of the American cotton manufacture.

1 See Appendix D for a reprint of these rules.

2 It is an interesting instance of "community of interest" that
the Lowell Circulating Library, which was so lavishly patron-
ized by the mill girls, seems to have been transplanted almost in
its entirety, with its two thousand volumes, from Dover, one of
the well-known New Hampshire mill towns. (See the note on
the title-page of the old catalogue which is still preserved in the
Boston Public Library.) Attention might also be called to the
fact that bathing rooms had been established by corporations in
Manchester, New Hampshire, before they were instituted in
Lowell. There are, in fact, many little points which seem to
show that the other towns of the same type were not unlike
Lowell except that they were smaller.

136

EARLY MILL OPERATIVES

By the year 1850 the old order was quite obviously
passing away. The days when printed regulations
were necessary to prevent the bringing of books into
the mills, when young girls pasted their spinning
frames with verses to train their memories to work
with their hands, when mathematical problems were
pinned up in the " dressing room "—these were 'the
days which Lowell was soon to know no more. The
new body of operatives were not like these daughters
of the Puritans, who debated earnestly with their
consciences as to whether it was ' ' right to be at work
upon material so entirely the product of slave labor
as cotton," and cheerfully paid out of their own
hard earnings not only their pew rents, but liberal
subscriptions to missions and charities of many
sorts.

The women who came over in the earliest wave of
Irish immigration did not compete directly with the
girls in the better-paid factory occupations. Domes-
tic service was the first great field of employment for
immigrant women, though some of them found places
at very low-grade work in the mills. Lucy Larcom
tells of an Irish woman who was employed as a waste
picker on the corporation where she worked as a child,
and who was regarded as a great curiosity by the
other operatives.

But the moving of the New England girls of the
old stock out of the mills into higher-grade occupa-
tions, and the filling of the vacant posts by Irish
women, had become common enough in the latter half

137

WOMEN" m INDTTSTEY

of the forties. As early as 1845, several of Lucy Lar-
com's friends had emigrated to the West as teachers
or missionaries, and the New England Offering was
obliged to call for support not only from " those who
are, ' ' bnt from ' ' those who have been factory opera-
tives ' ' ; references to the mill girls who had perma-
nently given up factory work for teaching became
frequent; and letters were published in the Offering
from former mill girls who had found positions in
Missouri, Arkansas, and Illinois.

The crisis of 1848-49, with its accompanying re-
duction of wages, gave a quickening impulse to the
changing order. Changes which were already in
progress came more rapidly in the wake of an indus-
trial depression. High wages had been the chief at-
traction of the mills, and without this the most intelli-
gent of the women operatives, who now saw other
opportunities for work opening to them, found noth-
ing to keep them in Lowell.1 As early as 1851 an
English traveler noted that the great demand for
operatives had " gradually introduced black sheep
into the workshops, and disreputable neighbors in the
crowded streets. ' ' 2 Irish women who would have
entered domestic service during the first decade after

'An article in the Offering, December, 1848, on "The Rights
and Duties of Mill Girls," makes the following reference to their
departure: "New England cotton mills are, and for the last six
months have been, running at a positive loss, and therefore
lowering speed and lessening wages . . . the girls are leaving the
mills by the thousand here and elsewhere."

2 Johnston, "Notes on North America," 1851, p. 423.

138

EAELY MILL OPERATIVES

Irish immigration began, gradually drifted into the
mills during the forties, and in the early fifties, when
James Robertson visited Lowell he found that half
of the operatives were Irish and that the former high/
tone of the place had been lowered. " In conse-
quence," he said, " the reputation of the employ-
ment has suffered in the estimation of those whose
daughters, under more favorable circumstances, would
have become workers in the place."

Miss Farley, in the pages of the New England
Offering, lamented this exodus of her New England
sisters and foreshadowed the permanence of the
change in the body of operatives. She saw the
" great West open for our girls away there, with all
this clamor for teachers, missionaries, and wives,"
and she felt that with only " the Irish and low-class
New England girls " remaining, a great and deplor-
able change of conditions in Lowell would result.1

Later in the year the evidences of the substitution ,
of low-grade Irish help had become more marked,
and the Offering complained that so many of the best
operatives had either gone west or settled perma-
nently into some other kind of work, that ' ' now the
good old times will not return even if the good old

1 Wages, she thought, would come down as a result of the
comparative unprofitableness of the new employees, and "they
will submit, since they have little energy, few aspirations to be
ministered unto by their gains, and having poor homes, or little
of the home sentiment, they will stay, and wages may be reduced
again and again. "

11 139

WOMEN" IN INDUSTRY

wages are again held out as an inducement. ' ' 1 Other
signs of change appeared. An overseer noted that
there was an increasing number of illiterate opera-
tives who " made their mark " because they could
not sign their own names. Shopkeepers and board-
ing-house managers declared that they found them-
selves dealing with a new mill population.

The reduction of wages was not, of course, wholly
responsible for this " downward tendency," as it
was called in Lowell. It was inevitable that the open-
ing of occupations for educated women should mean
their withdrawal fronl mechanical employments of
a lower grade. The reduction of wages hastened, but
did not cause the movement. The fact that there were
. increasing opportunities for women as teachers was
also in part responsible for the change. From 1838
to 1847 the increase in the number of women teaching
in Massachusetts was 1,647, while during the same
time the number of men in the profession increased
but 67. In 1850 the number of women teachers in
the State was more than twice the number of men
teachers. Moreover, there had been three normal
schools established, which made it easier for a woman

1 Article by Miss Farley on "The Present Crisis," in the New
England Offering. Miss Farley adds in her editorial that other
causes than the reduction of wages have brought about the
" downward tendency " — among these, less watchfulness over
the morals of the operatives by superintendents and boarding-
house keepers and less care as to the morals of the male sub-
ordinates in the mills. She felt that there was, in general, much
immorality hi the city.

14G

EARLY MILL OPERATIVES

to fit herself for teaching. By the close of the first
half of the nineteenth century the cotton mill had
ceased to be the preparatory school for the women
teachers of Massachusetts, and during the ten years
preceding the Civil War, the proportion of educated/
women among the operatives constantly decreased.

In the following decade, 1860-70, the effect of the
war was to hasten the withdrawal of educated wom-
en from the mills. In many directions there was an
increased demand for the work of women of this class.
They were wanted as nurses and for teaching posts
left vacant by men who had gone to the front, and
for clerical positions of many kinds. Moreover, the
prosperity of the farming population, particularly in
New England, diminished the necessity for the em- *
ployment of the daughters. Immediately after the
war, the lure of the West, of the vast riches of its un-
exploited mines and prairies, was felt; and energetic
and ambitious women pushed out to earn the high
wages that were being offered to teachers.

This outward movement of New England women
into new professions and into new sections of the
country was further stimulated by the prolonged de-
pression in the cotton industry which was caused by
the war. The Merrimack, the oldest and largest of
the great Lowell corporations, dismissed its operatives
and discontinued its purchases of cotton. Many other
companies followed the same policy and allowed their
mills to stand idle while they waited for peace. Ex-
periments were made in some cases with other

141

WOMEN IN INDUSTRY

branches of manufacture. In Lowell, the Suffolk and
Tremont corporations attempted, unsuccessfully, to
manufacture cassimeres, the Lawrence turned to the
hosiery industry, the Hamilton threw out part of its
cotton machinery and prepared for the manufacture
of woolen goods. Thousands of cotton operatives were
dismissed, and the position of those who remained
was less desirable since there was not a sufficient in-
crease in wages to correspond with the sharp up-
ward movement of prices. As a result, when the
war ceased, the most capable and intelligent of
the old body of operatives had entered other occu-
pations, and, with the reopening of the mills, such
difficulty was found in obtaining competent women
employees that lower-grade immigrant labor was re-
sorted to.1

At a meeting of the New England Cotton Manu-
facturers' Association, in 1869, complaint was made
of the scarcity of skilled labor, although " ordinary

1 The following comments of a local historian, written soon
after the war, are of interest : " . . . nine of the great corpora-
tions of Lowell, under a mistaken belief that they could not run
their mills to a profit during the war, unanimously, in cold
blood, dismissed ten thousand operatives penniless into the
streets. . . . When these companies resumed operations, their
former skilled operatives were dispersed, and could no more be re-
called than the ten lost tribes of Israel. Their places were poorly
filled by the less skilled operatives whom the companies now had
to employ." — Cowley, "History of Lowell," revised edition,
1868, pp. 60, 61. For another criticism of the mills for shut-
ting down, see J. C. Ayer, "Some of the Usages and Abuses in
the Management of Our Manufacturing Corporations," 1S63, p. 22.

142

EARLY MILL OPEEATIVES

help " seemed to be abundant.1 Many manufacturers
testified to a decrease in the efficiency of labor after
the war. It was estimated by Commissioner David
A. AYells,2 in the summer of 1866, that the produce of
the cotton mills of New England was variously re-
duced from five to twenty-five per cent, because of the
impossibility of finding women operatives; " an un-
usual scarcity of female operatives . . . particularly
in the manufacturing districts of New England . . .
has not been remedied by a large advance in wages."
Wages of course had risen during the wrar, but cost
of living had increased so disproportionately that
real wages were much less, and the attraction of the
mills was correspondingly decreased.

Not only the native-born, but the immigrant Irish
operatives were seeking higher-grade employments,
and a new wave of immigration was beginning to fill
their places with less skilled and less efficient hands
from the French-Canadian provinces. In 1872, when
Mr. Harris-Gastrell made his report 3 to the English
Government, he found the labor chiefly Irish, but the
French-Canadian operatives conspicuous enough to
be mentioned. The report of the Massachusetts Bu-

1 Transactions of the Association (1869), p. 5. See also the
testimony in the " Weeks Report, " "Tenth Census," (1SS0) xx,
346, 361.

2 Report of the special commissioner of revenue, " Senate Docu-
ments, Second Session, Thirty-ninth Congress," i, 21 ff.

3 In " Reports on the Condition of the Industrial Classes in
Foreign Countries and the Purchase Power of Money," etc., 3
parts, 1870-72.

143

WOMEN IN INDUSTKY

reau of Labor in 1870 speaks of the Irish element in
the mills as ' ' falling off ' ' and of a new class, ' ' the
French-Canadians who are coming into New England
and New York by thousands of families and making
permanent settlement among us." Some overseers,
it appeared, preferred " foreigners," who, instead of
coming from country homes, lived in the town as the
Irish did, and could be relied on to work in the mills
the year round ' ' without bothering about vacations. ' '
In 1873 attention was called to the fact that there was
clearly being created " what the founders of Lowell
never looked for — a permanent body of factory em-
ployees, composed in part of American stock, but more
largely of Irish and French-Canadian elements."

Complaint was made of more and more crowded
boarding houses; twelve persons were reported by a
woman operative to be sleeping in one room in the
boarding house where she lived, and the room was un-
comfortable in other respects. But with the decrease
in the number of operatives who came from the coun-
try to reside temporarily in Lowell and a correspond-
ing increase in the number of those who resided per-
manently, in many cases with their families, the need
for corporation boarding houses largely disappeared.
Many of them have now been entirely given up and
turned into storehouses. The immigrant woman x has
no interest in operatives' magazines, improvement
circles, or lending libraries. She has no theories about

1 The following percentages computed from statistics in the
"Twelfth Census (1900): Occupations," Table 43, show the per-
il!

EARLY MILL OPEEATIVES

making labor or laborers alike self-respecting and
respected. And it must not be forgotten that the op-
eratives have changed not only in nationality but in
age. The fact that there are more of the old and of
the very young in the mills, more married women and
more children, is in itself symptomatic of the exist-
ence of an inferior factory population. Moreover, as
has been pointed out in the preceding chapter, the
men are now outnumbering the women.

With the formation of a fairly permanent body of
factory operatives, other changes have come. At-
tempts have been made gradually to bring about im-
provements in working conditions which did not seem
worth the struggle to the early operatives who were
there only for a brief term of service.1 Thus the or-

centage of foreign born and those "foreign born or of foreign
parentage" among cotton mill operatives:

Massa-
chu-
setts.

Lowell.

Fall
River.

Law-
rence.

New
Bed-
ford.

Percentage of foreign-
born operatives:

Men

Women

Percentage of operatives
"foreign born or of for-
eign parentage " :

Men

72
68

95
95

73
6S

91
92

71
74

96
97

70
62

93
94

78
73

1 In contrast, for example, with the little " flare-ups " and
" turn-outs " of an earlier day which have already been described,
was the part played by women in the strike of the Fall River
weavers in 1S75. In 1874 the men weavers had met without the
women and voted to accept a marked reduction of wages; but

1-15

WOMEN IN INDTTSTKY

ganized movement for a shorter working day, which
the superior transient factory population refused to
undertake, has long been in progress and has achieved
some notable results. Trade-unionism has been slowly
taking root as a growing class consciousness has recog-
nized the need of fostering a permanent organization
to protect class interests as such.

The community, too, has awakened to a greater
sense of its responsibility for unhealthful industrial
and social conditions, as it has come face to face with
the fact that large numbers of people will always
live and work in them. The law has compelled mill
owners to improve ventilation in the mills, to fence
machinery, to shorten the hours of labor for women
and children ; and the law and scientific progress have
improved the sanitary conditions not only of the mills
but of the towns.

In conclusion, it should perhaps be emphasized that
while it is unquestionably true that the Lowell of
the twentieth century impresses the visitor more un-
favorably than did the Lowell of fifty or seventy
years ago, yet the changes are due primarily to one
fact : the substitution of immigrant operatives for

the women at a meeting of their own, at which no men except
reporters were admitted, decided to strike, beginning with three
mills only, so that some could go on working and support those
striking. This was a very bold step, for they were acting in
opposition to the decision of the men weavers and they did not
know whether they would receive any support from the men.
Their action, however, was indorsed by the men's committee
and the great strike of 1875 began.

116

EARLY MILL OPERATIVES

the educated New England women who first filled
the mills. The educated woman has passed from me-
chanical occupations into various professional employ-
ments, and the number of these which have been
opened to her in the last half century is the measure
of the new opportunity that the world has offered her.

CHAPTER VIII

THE MANUFACTURE OF BOOTS AND SHOES

Unlike the manufacture of cloth, the making of
boots and shoes was not historically a woman's indus-
try. Shoemaking or cobbling had always been consid-
ered ' ' men 's work ' ' almost as universally as spinning
was looked upon as work for women. Yet in this
country throughout the nineteenth century, women
found one of their most important occupations in the
manufacture of boots and shoes, and according to the
1905 " Census of Manufactures," it ranks second
after the textile industries in the number of its women
employees. Women, however, were never " shoe-
makers " in any proper sense of that term, and their
relation to the industry only begins with the intro-
duction of a system of division of labor which was in
use for more than half a century before machinery
and the factory system revolutionized the industry.

The application of labor-saving machinery to the
manufacture of boots and shoes belongs to a compara-
tively recent chapter in our industrial history. There
is no other of our important manufacturing industries
in which machinery has so recently displaced hand

148

MANUFACTURE OF BOOTS AND SHOES

methods and in which the displacement has hecn so
swiftly successful and complete. Although for more
than fifty years after the establishment of the first
cotton mill in Massachusetts, shoes continued to be
made after primitive hand methods, at the present
time even the smallest details of the process of manu-
facture are done by machinery.

The history of the manufacture of boots and shoes
in this country divides itself into three different
periods: (1) The colonial period, in which the work
was done entirely by men — village shoemakers, or cob-
blers, or cordwainers; (2) a period which extended,
roughly, from the latter part of the eighteenth cen-
tury through the first half of the nineteenth, and in
which, under a system of division of labor, women be-
came an important factor in the industry; (3) the
modern period, which has witnessed the introduction
of machinery and the establishment of the factory sys-
tem, and in which women's labor has become increas-
ingly important.1

Of the first period little need be said. Boots and

. ' In Mr. H. P. Fairchild's article on shoemaking in Shaler,
"United States of America," ii, 178, these periods are more ex-
actly denned. The first period, the period of the cordwainer, is
said to extend from 1629 to 1752; the second period, "from a
trade to a manufacturing industry," from 1750 to 1S50; the
third period, "the steam-power factory," from 1S50 to 1892.
See also the "Thirteenth Annual Report of the Commissioner of
Labor" on "Hand and Machine Labor," i, 13, for a somewhat
different account of the periods through which the industry has
passed.

149

WOMEN IN INDUSTRY

shoes were made by the village shoemaker, who kept
a shop or went from house to house repairing and
making shoes for the family once a year. Sometimes
he procured a little leather and made it into shoes
which were bartered at a neighboring store, and it
gradually became customary for storekeepers to carry
a few ready-made shoes for sale.1

In the latter half of the eighteenth century more
of this ready-made work was done and a considerable
wholesale trade developed. During the Revolutionary
War the domestic industry was able to furnish shoes
for the Continental army ; and it was not long before
Southern planters began to depend on Massachusetts
to supply the brogans which were worn by the ne-
groes. By 1795, 300,000 pairs of ladies' shoes were
produced in Lynn, and it was estimated that 200
master workmen and 600 journeymen were employed
there.2 From 1800 to 1810 the population of Lynn
was reported to have increased 50 per cent, an in-
crease attributed to the growing opportunity for em-
ployment in the boot and shoe industry.

This large and prosperous trade, however, could not
have been worked out on the village cobbler system
alone. Along with the expansion of the industry, a
system of division of labor was developed, which
greatly increased the possible output. This system

1 See Kingman, " History of North Bridgewater, " 1866, pp.
402, 403.

2 " One Hundred Years of American Commerce," ii, 567. The
article on the " Boot and Shoe Trade " is by William B. Rice.

150

MANUFACTURE OF BOOTS AND SHOES

came into existence very gradually, and the latter half
of the eighteenth century was a time of transition
from the period of the individual shoemaker making
the whole boot or shoe to the period of the " team,"
when the work was subdivided and one man carried
on only a single process.

During the first period and, for the most part, dur-
ing the experimental time of transition, the industry
was exclusively in the hands of men. Journeymen
and master workmen alike were men, and no women
were employed at any part of the work. Shoe shops
large enough to accommodate the three or four mem-
bers of a team soon became common in the more
enterprising shoe towns. Prosperous shoemakers be-
came manufacturers in a small way by hiring a few
neighbors to work with them in the shop. It was
natural, under the circumstances, to make some di-
vision of labor, and it became customary to have the
cutting of the leather clone by one man, the work of
fitting and sewing the uppers done by another, and
to have still another exclusively employed in fastening
the uppers to the soles. This system, in which each
workman carried on a single process, was found to
be vastly superior to the more primitive method of
having the whole shoe made by a single workman.

Shoemakers were not slow in discovering that under
the new system the labor of the women and children
in the family could be utilized by giving them the
uppers to be stitched and bound in the home and then
returned to the shop to have the soles put on by the

151

WOMEN W INDUSTEY

men. ' Stitching and binding " thus came to be ex-
clusively women's work during the first half of the
nineteenth century. Work in the shops was confined
to cutting, bottoming, finishing, and packing to send
to market; and all through eastern Massachusetts,
women in or near the " shoe towns " became in a
measure self-supporting by getting shoes to bind. As
early as 1810 it was reported that the women binders
of Lynn alone had earned $50,000 in the course of
that year.1 From the beginning, Lynn made a spe-
cialty of the manufacture of ladies' shoes,2 and this
perhaps accounts in part for the large proportion of
women always employed there; for the work of
these Lynn shoemakers was much lighter and less
fatiguing than the heavy work of the old cobblers or
of the makers of men's shoes.

A change of some importance followed the invention
of the wooden shoe peg in 1811. The new peg filled
a great need. Premiums had been offered for the in-
vention of machines which would enable shoemakers
to work standing and thus relieve the pressure upon
the breast which came from holding the shoe and the
fatigue caused by the stooping position which was
necessary while sewing;3 but improvements came

1 Hurd, "History of Essex County," i, 284.

2 The work of making ladies' shoes is still kept more or less
segregated. Just as Lynn has always been the center of the
manufacture of ladies' shoes, Brockton makes a specialty of
manufacturing men's shoes.

3 1905 "Census of Manufactures," hi, 242.

152

MANUFACTURE OF BOOTS AND SHOES

slowly. After the introduction of the pegging ma-
chine, however, the work of " bottoming " became
much easier, so that boys and even women could peg
shoes, although they could not be advantageously em-
ployed on the heavy-sewed work.

With the impetus given by the success of the at-
tempts at a division of labor, the industry grew
rapidly, and many so-called " factories " were estab-
lished in the large centers. These factories, however,
were merely small buildings where the large dealers or
manufacturers, as they were called, accumulated ma-
terials, had the different kinds of leather cut into
" uppers and understock," and given out to be made
up all through the surrounding country in shoe-
makers' shops or binders' homes. The finished shoes
were then returned to the factory, and, after being
packed in boxes, were distributed to the various mar-
kets throughout the country.

But it is clear that very little, if any, of the work
was done in the so-called factory. Shoes were still
made in the little " eight-by-ten " shops, where the
shoemaker and his sons, or a few neighbors, made a
team; and in the home, where the women and girls
did the stitching and binding and, for fancy slippers,
the trimming and ornamenting. In the shop, al-
though cutters were not needed when the stock was
received from the factory ready to be made up, work
was still found for a team. One man did the lasting,
the necessary stretching and fitting of the upper to the
sole, another did the pegging, " the boys, and some-

153

WOMEN IN INDUSTRY

times the girls, were taught this branch, and still an-
other the eye setting, but all was done by hand." 1

"While much of the work was given out by " fac-
tories ' which employed a large number of work
people and marketed the product on a large scale,
there were many petty employers in the trade at this
time. The men who were known as " bag-bosses "
were of this class, and their name originated from
their custom of taking one or two dozen pairs of shoes
in a bag to Boston to be traded off for whatever could
be got in exchange.2

With the increased efficiency which followed as a
result of the improved methods of production, the
manufacture of boots and shoes became a large and
prosperous industry in spite of the lack of labor-sav-
ing machinery. The work continued to be done al-
most exclusively by hand until after the close of the
first half of the nineteenth century, and during this
time shoemaking was still regarded as a skilled trade,
a craft to which boys were regularly apprenticed for
a term of seven years.

This fact of the boy's long apprenticeship illus-
trates the difference between the relation of men and
women to the trade. Although the labor of women

1 " One Hundred Years of American Commerce," ii, 567. Other
accounts of the industry at this period are to be found in the
"Twelfth Census (1900): Manufactures," iii, 754-755, and in
the "Thirteenth Annual Report of the Commissioner of Labor,"
i, 113.

2 Johnson, " Sketches of Lynn, " 1SS0, p. 14. The " bag-bosses "
belonged to the period about 1830.

151

MANTJFACTUBE OF BOOTS AND SHOES

was au important factor in the development of the
industry, they were almost exclusively employed in
sewing or binding, and their position was very dif-
ferent from that of the men who had learned all the
processes. The women carried on a single, narrowly
defined part of the work, for which little or no skill
was required and for which they were never appren-
ticed ; the men knew the whole trade and had been
rigidly held down to a long period of training.

Since the women did the work in their own homes,
much of it was done only at times when they were not
engaged in household duties. Any statements, there-
fore, of the total number of women employed in the
industry must have included a large number who did
not give full time to the work, but such early statistics
of the number of women shoebinders and stitchers as
are available are of interest, even if they are only esti-
mates. In 1829 the city of Lynn contained sixty -two
factories, which were said to employ 1,500 " mechan-
ics ' ' and about the same number of women. The
latter, said a local historian, ' ' are engaged in binding
and trimming, and by their industry and economy
contribute to the support and respectability of their
families. ' '

The factories of Lynn, however, gave out a great
deal of work to the women of the neighboring towns
and villages as well as to those within the city. In
the fishing villages of the coast, where shoemaking
was a winter occupation for fishermen, their wives
and daughters found employment at shoebinding
12 155

WOMEN" IN INDUSTRY

through a great part of the year. The village of
Marblehead in 1831 reported 51 men, 134 women, and
a considerable number of boys engaged in the boot
and shoe industry. Lucy Larcom in an early poem,
" Hannah at the Window Binding Shoes," describes
one of these shoebinders forever watching for the
return of the lover who has been lost at sea:

Poor lone Hannah
Sitting at the window binding shoes;

Faded, wrinkled,
Sitting stitching in a mournful muse,

• • • • •

Spring and winter,
Night and morning,
Hannah's at the window, binding shoes.

Further information regarding the extent to which
women were employed in the manufacture of shoes
is found in the collection of data in the " Docu-
ments Relative to the Manufactures of the United
States," 1 which were gathered in 1832 by the Secre-
tary of the Treasury. The industry at this time was
largely confined to the towns of eastern Massachu-
setts, and some interesting statements of the number
of men and women working at the trade and the
wages they were receiving are given for tbese
shoemaking centers. While it must be recognized

'"House Executive Documents, " Twenty-second Congress,
First Session, i and ii.

156

MANUFACTURE OF BOOTS AND SHOES

that these statistics are for the most part very
crude estimates, the enumeration of some of them
may be useful as a means of giving a more concrete
idea of the extent to which women were engaged in
this work.

At Haverhill, one of the oldest shoe manufacturing
towns in the State, 586 men, 130 boys, and 265 women
were employed ; and it is of interest that most of the
women earned twenty cents a day, while the men
earned seventy cents; at Salem, there were 300 men
at " five shillings and sixpence " a day, and 250
women at " two shillings " a day; at Maiden, 275
men at one dollar a day, 200 women at twenty-five
cents, and 25 boys at fifty cents; at Randolph, 470
men at eighty cents, 300 women at forty cents, and
200 boys at the same wages as the women ; at New-
bury and Newbury port, 155 men were getting from
seventy to eighty-four cents a day, and 120 women
from fifteen to twenty-five cents ; x at Marblehead,
where more than 130 women were reported employed,
many of them earned only eight or nine cents a day,

1 Similar statements are reported for a large number of other
towns; thus at Stoneham 200 men were employed at 75 cents,
120 women at 33 cents, and 50 boys at the latter wage; at South
Reading 350 men at 75 cents, 100 women at 25 cents, and 50
boys at 30 cents; at Stoughton, 160 men at 83 cents and 100
women at 40 cents; at Abington, 300 men at 75 cents, 150
women at 25 cents, and 200 boys at 33 cents; at Weymouth, 300
men at SI, 100 women at 50 cents, and 50 boys at the same
wage; at Reading, 238 men at 65 cents, 150 women at 25 cents,
and 72 boys at the same wage.

157

WOMEN IN INDUSTRY

though the majority got as much as twelve cents
a day.

More than 1,600 women and girls were reported
employed in Lynn, and their wages ranged from
twelve cents to fifty cents a day, although very few
were employed either at the highest or at the lowest
wage ; about the same number of men were employed
for wages ranging from thirty-five cents to $1.83, but
few received less than seventy cents or more than a
dollar a day. From Boston it was reported that the
industry there was so intimately connected with that
of the neighboring counties, Essex and Norfolk par-
ticularly, that it could not very well be separated.
Many of the principal establishments in Boston also
had shops in the country to which they furnished the
stock and from which they received the manufactured
product.

For the state as a whole the most reliable estimate
of the number of persons employed in the industry is
found in the industrial census of 1837. According to
rthe " Tables of Industry " for that year, 15,000 wom-
en were engaged in the manufacture of boots and
shoes, and in the same year there were 14,757 women
employed in the cotton factories. While it might
appear from this census that shoebinding had be-
come numerically a more important occupation for
women than work in the cotton mills, it was really
much less important when considered from other
points of view. Binding shoes, like other kinds of
home work, was done irregularly. This was due in

158

MANUFACTURE OP BOOTS AND SHOES

part to the fact that many women binders worked only
in the intervals of household duties, and in part be-
cause work was not always furnished regularly by the
factories and " bosses." It is of course true that em-
ployers make a much greater effort to provide work
constantly for factory employees than for home
workers, since the latter are not paid for any of the
time which is unemployed.

A large proportion, therefore, of the 15,000 women
reported to be engaged in the manufacture of boots
and shoes worked only in the intervals of other duties,
and their earnings were correspondingly small. The
data for 1832 which have been given show that some
of these women binders did not average more than
eight or nine cents a day, and, while many more
earned from thirty to forty cents, very few earned as
much as fifty or sixty cents. "Women cotton opera-
tives, on the other hand, worked in factories and were
regularly employed at what were considered very good
wages for women. Moreover, in the cotton mills some
women were employed at highly skilled work, so that
a capable, ambitious girl could make very good wages
indeed. In general, it would not be far wrong to say
that what were regarded as " high " earnings for
shoebinders corresponded roughly with the " low "
earnings of women in the cotton mills.

The class of women who worked in the two indus-
tries seems to have been, on the whole, pretty care-
fully differentiated, although they were all alike
Americans of " good New England stock." Young,

159

WOMEN IN" INDUSTKY

ambitious, unmarried women who could leave home
preferred the cotton mills, which offered to those who
were industrious, skilled work, steady employment,
and high wages. Married women and widows, on the
other hand, preferred work which could be done in
their own homes and could be neglected when house-
hold cares were pressing. Other women who could
not ' ' be spared ' ' at home or those who still cherished
a social prejudice against ' ' factory hands ' ' also pre-
ferred home work to mill work.

Social conditions in the towns and villages in which
the making of boots and shoes had become an impor-
tant industry, were on the whole very favorable dur-
ing this period. The trade had centered in eastern
Massachusetts, and much of what has been said re-
garding the factory operatives of this region is also
true of the men and women who were shoemakers
and binders. In these " shoe villages," most of the
workmen owned their own homes and had quite a
little adjoining land for vegetable gardens and fruit.
There were said to be three times as many freehold-
ers among the operatives in the boot and shoe indus-
try as among the employees in the cotton, wool, or
iron manufacture.1 How far this statement is trust-
worthy it is not possible to say, but it is certainly
true that the textile industries employed a larger
proportion of women and offered much better oppor-

1 " Proceedings of the Convention of the Manufacturers,
Dealers, and Operatives in the Shoe and Leather Trade in the
State of Massachusetts " (Boston, 1842), p. 30.

160

MANUFACTURE OF BOOTS AND SHOES

tunities to women than did the manufacture of boots
and shoes. The latter was much more a men's indus-
try, demanding skilled men employees, and offering
practically no skilled work for women. It was only
natural, therefore, that the largest proportion of
freeholders should be found in this industry, which
employed the largest proportion of skilled men. That
both the men and women, however, formed a superior
class of work people, native born of good stock, intel-
ligent and reliable, there can be no question.

Amasa Walker in an address before the Conven-
tion of Manufacturers in the Shoe and Leather Busi-
ness in 1842, said emphatically, that no villages
" stood higher than the shoe villages of New England
in the moral, social, and intellectual condition of their
inhabitants. The population engaged in the trade
was," he thought, " distinguished for general intelli-
gence. The business was a social business, the people
were not crowded together in factory buildings ; their
conversation was not drowned by the noise of machin-
ery ; they had many and great opportunities for read-
ing and instruction and mutual improvement."

The women binders unfortunately did not have the
advantages that came from working in groups as the
men did. Every shoemaker's shop at that period was
said to be a center of instruction and a place where
political questions were threshed out. A statement
frequently repeated at the time that " every shoe-
maker in Lynn was fit to be a United States senator '
illustrates contemporary opinion of the craft.

161

WOMEN IN INDUSTRY

Both shoemakers and shoebinders suffered in com-
mon with most of the working people of that day from
the truck system.1 Some ' ' bosses ' ' paid their binders
exclusively in orders on dry goods stores where they
were mercilessly overcharged for what they bought,
and a man who would advertise to " pay cash " had
no difficulty in getting work people at any season. In
general, however, higher rates were paid when orders
were given.

In striking contrast to these New England women
and the conditions under which they were employed
were the poor shoebinders of the larger cities, who
worked in wretched tenement homes and who were
really the victims of an early sweating system. Mat-
thew Carey, the early philanthropist and publicist, in
an open letter of remonstrance regarding " the inade-
quate payment which females receive for their labor, ' '
said that the work for which women were notoriously
underpaid both in New York and in Philadelphia in-
cluded the folding and stitching of books, the sewing
of carpet rags, the work done for the army and navy,
and the binding of shoes.2 These were what one
might call the " sweated trades " of the first half of
the nineteenth century, and it is clear that, so far as
working conditions were concerned, there was little in
common between the shoebinders of the Massachusetts

1 See later for an account of this system in the cotton in-
dustry.

2 M. Carey, "Essays on the Public Charities of Philadelphia,"
1830.

162

MANUFACTURE OF BOOTS AM) SHOES

towns and villages and the shoebinders of the cities.
The condition of the latter was pictured as one
of extreme wretchedness, and the " garret bosses "
under whom they worked were undoubtedly heavy
taskmasters.1

But the work of women shoebinders everywhere, to-
gether with the work of the shoemakers, was destined
to be completely revolutionized. In the year 1845 the
first important labor-saving machine to be used in the
manufacture of boots and shoes was introduced, and
the third period in the history of the industry may
be said to have begun. This period has been marked
by a long series of remarkable mechanical inventions,
the long-delayed establishment of the factory system,
and the bringing to an end of the old primitive
methods of work in the shoemakers' shops and the
binders' homes.

The machine which was invented in 1845 was for
leather rolling, and was therefore not directly con-
nected with the making of shoes and did not in any
way affect the work which women were doing. But
within a few years the invention of the sewing ma-
chine brought about the most radical change in the
industry which has affected their work. It was soon
discovered that the sewing machine could be success-
fully used with dry thread for the work of binding
and stitching which women had been doing by hand,

1 For an account of the system to which the " garret bosses "
belonged, see Freedley, "Philadelphia and Its Manufactures,"
1867, p. 178.

163

WOMEX IN IKDUSTEY

and in 1852 the first machine for stitching shoe-uppers
was used in Lynn. The machine was a " Singer
patent," and a woman operator was employed to run
it. When its superiority to the old method of closing
and binding uppers by hand had been demonstrated,
the machine soon came into very general use. The
amount of work which a binder could do in a given
period of time was, of course, vastly increased, and
other changes necessarily followed. In Lynn, stitch-
ing shops were started in various parts of the city;
and everywhere, as steam power was substituted for
foot power in the running of the machines, it became
inevitable that the work should be transferred from
the home to the factory.

Just before the introduction of the machine an in-
crease not only in the number but in the proportion
of women employees in the industry had been noted.
Tb is is indicated in the table given below, which
shows the number of women employed in the manu-
facture of shoes in the State of Massachusetts and in

City of Lynn.

State of
Massachusetts.

18451

1855=

18451

18502

Men

Women

2,719

::,_•! in

5,928

4,545
6,476

11,021 i

Men

Women

Total

27,199

18,678

45,877

29,252
22,310

Total

51,562

1 Data for 1845 from Massachusetts "Tables of Industry."

2 From Hunt's Merchants' Magazine, xxx, 126,

3 From census data for 1850.

164

MANUFACTURE OF BOOTS AND SHOES

the city of Lynn at the beginning and at the end of
the decade.

No very great, weight can be attached to conclusions
drawn from this table, since the data are probably
none of them very accurate. It is nevertheless inter-
esting that the proportion of women employed in the
industry increased from fifty-four to fifty-nine per
cent for the city of Lynn and from forty to forty-three
per cent for the state as a whole. This slight increase
in the proportion of women can perhaps be explained
as the result of the introduction of the leather-rolling
machine in 1845. With this machine it was said that
" a man could do in a minute what would require half
an hour's hard work with a lapstone and hammer."
The increase in the proportion of women, therefore,
probably did not mean that the kind or the quantity
of work done by women had been changed, but merely
that one of the processes carried on by men required
fewer hands than formerly.1 There had been no
change up to this point in the division of labor be-
tween men and women.

In comparing the statistics given in the census of
1850 with those from the census of 1860, the results
of the introduction of the sewing machine are seen

1 A writer in Hunt's Merchants' Magazine, xxxiii, 126, said, in
commenting on this increase in the number of women employed :
" Increased skill and intelligence have been brought to bear upon
the manufacture, by which female now accomplishes results
greatly surpassing those of male industry in the former period,
and also that in the face of a very important rise in hides and
other raw materials, and of a large advance in wages."

165

WOMEN IN IKDUSTKY

in the decrease both in the number and in the pro-
portion of women employed. Data are not available
for Lynn, but they are given for the United States
and for the State of Massachusetts.

United States.

M ASSACHUSETTS.

1850.

1860.

1850.

1SC0.

Men

72,305
32,949

105,254

94,515
28,515

Men

29,252
22,310

43,068

Women

Total

19,215

Total

123,030

51,562

62,283

The percentage which women formed of all em-
ployees decreased, for the country as a whole, from
thirty-one per cent in 1850 to twenty-three per cent in
1860, and the census of 1860, in commenting upon
this change, attributed it correctly enough to the use
of the sewing machine.

The year 1860 was a significant one in the industry
because of the great shoemakers' strike in Lynn dur-
ing that year. It was charged that the whole trade
was "in an unhealthy condition," probably in part
because of the necessity of rapidly adjusting it to
new conditions. The object of the strike was higher
wages, and, while no attempt can be made here to
follow the various labor difficulties in the industry,
this one is of special interest because the shoebinders
were also on strike. A contemporary account relates
that in several instances, at one time during a snow-

166

MANUFACTURE OF BOOTS AND SHOES

storm, " large bodies of females appeared in the
ranks." On one occasion hundreds of women " in
grand procession ' with the striking shoemakers
formed " an imposing spectacle."1

Other labor-saving inventions had been introduced
in the industry in the years between 1845 and 1860,
" rolling," " buffing," " splitting," and " racing '
machines for preparing sole leather, the machines for
cutting soles, tips, and heels, cable-wire nailers, sand-
papering, heel-making, burnishing, and pegging ma-
chines; and with all of these the general substitution
of steam for hand power.2 No invention, however,
changed the work of men so completely as the sewing
machine had changed the work of women. For
binding and stitching had ceased to be a by-em-
ployment which women could carry on in as leisurely
a fashion as they wished and earn a few cents a
day in their own homes. Women who worked at
the sewing of uppers were suddenly obliged to go to
a factory and work regularly during a long working
day.

An account of a Haverhill factory in 1860, after
the introduction of the pegging machine, describes
the various processes by which a shoe was then manu-
factured, all of which were carried on under one
roof. The fourth story of one of the buildings

1 See the account in Lewis and Newhall, " History of Lynn, "
1865, p. 459.

2 These inventions and others are enumerated in the 1905
"Census of Manufactures," iii, 242.

167

WOMEN IN INDUSTRY

was used as a stitching room " occupied by ladies
who tend the stitching machines, which are also
run by steam, thus saving them from what other-
wise must prove a laborious and fatiguing opera-
tion."1

As the machine came to be more and more generally
used, the piece-work rates for work done at home
must have been greatly reduced, and binders who
could not go into factories and continued to do hand
work must have found their lot a very hard one.
A Philadelphia shoebinder complained in 1862 that
she was receiving only thirty-seven cents for work
for which she had formerly been paid seventy-five
cents.

The old system was not, of course, swept out of
existence all at once, and the introduction in 1862 of
the wonderful McKay machine for sewing uppers to
soles greatly accelerated the movement toward the
concentration of the industry in factories, and other
inventions and improvements between 1860 and 1870
gave it a further impetus.

The McKay machine was introduced at a time when
the industry was losing men on account of the war,
and was said to do the work of the shoemakers who
had gone to the front. This work of sewing uppers
and soles together had always been done by men, but
in the early experiments with the machine, women
seem to have been tried as operators. One instance is

1 Hunt's Merchants' Magazine, liii, 471.
168

MANITFACTUEE OF BOOTS AND SHOES

given of a woman in Haverhill who for three years
earned about eighteen dollars a week at the McKay
machine shortly after its introduction.1 The machine
was, however, at first run by foot power, and operat-
ing it must have been heavy work. But the installa-
tion of power was not long delayed, and during this
same decade, other improvements and inventions
added new machines driven by power to those already
in use.2

The factory system found its earliest and most com-
plete development in Lynn. The report of the Mass-
achusetts Bureau of Labor issued in 1872, said, in
giving an account of the shoe operatives, that in
Lynn, work in all departments was largely done by
machinery and that each workman carried on one spe-
cial process. At this time the work was confined to
two seasons, each lasting about seventeen weeks.
Women were given two to four days' work a week as
the season began, with a gradual increase to full time
during the rush season, which was followed again by
a decrease. Wages during the busy season were very
high for women, but it must not be forgotten that
this was during the period of greenback inflation
when everything was high. Wages were reported for
1,026 women in Lynn, and out of this number nearly
half were earning more than ten dollars a week, 135

1 See a pamphlet, " In the Matter of the Application of Lyman
R. Blake, " 1874, p. 42.

2 For a full account of this period 1860-70, see Shaler,
"United States of America," ii, 1855-57.

169

WOMEN IN INDUSTEY

were earning from twelve to fifteen dollars, and 68
from fifteen to eighteen dollars.1

Two important strikes occurred in the industry dur-
ing this year both of them " women's strikes." In
Stoneham, three hundred of the " Daughters of Cris-
pin Lodge, ' ' - employed as machine operators in three
different factories, struck for higher rates on a certain
kind of piece work; they' were out of work for about
two weeks, when it became evident that their places
could probably be filled without much difficulty, and
the strike was declared off. The two leaders in the
strike, however, according to a contemporary account,
were not afterwards admitted to any of the shops, and
were only able to obtain work of an inferior kind,
which they were obliged to do at home.

The Lynn strike of the same year was a much more
important one. It began at first in one or two shoe-
stitching shops, but finally extended throughout the

1 "Third Annual Report of Massachusetts Bureau of Labor,"
p. 104. Under the shoemaking industry a report is given of
women's wages in 1867 in the form of a classified wage table,
with the following totals: 563 women at $8 a week, 408 at
$9, 514 at from $10 to $12, 247 at from $12 to $15, 135 at from
$15 to $18.

2 Although no attempt is made in this or in any of these
chapters to write the history of trade-unionism among women,
strikes and labor difficulties are occasionally noted when they
seem to throw light upon the relation of women to the industry.
Early labor organizations among the shoemakers were called
Lodges of the Knights of St. Crispin, and women, who often had
lodges of their own, were "Daughters" or "Ladies of St.
Crispin."

170

MANUFACTURE OF BOOTS AND SHOES

city. It was caused by "an attempt of the boss
stitchers [employers] to reduce the wages of those
receiving tlie highest wages one seventh per cent and
increasing the lowest paid as much, to establish more
uniform prices." The women protested with great
spirit " against any reduction of wages on any pre-
text whatever." The " boss stitchers " then agreed
among themselves to compel every woman employed
by one of their number to sign an agreement to
give two weeks' notice before stopping, or to forfeit
five dollars. The women shoe stitchers again acted
with promptness and courage. At a meeting which
was attended by about nine hundred of the women
who were affected by the order, it was unanimously
voted " that they would not comply with the resolu-
tion, nor submit to any rule or regulation binding
them that did not likewise affect their employers."
The resolutions which were passed at that meeting
are of sufficient interest to be quoted at length, since
they throw a good deal of light upon -the character
of the woman shoe operatives of this period.

" We, the Workingwomen, in convention assembled, do
accept the following resolutions, as an earnest expres-
sion of our sentiments;

" Whereas, we have long been sensible of the need of
protecting our rights and privileges, as free-born women,
and are determined to defend them and our interests as
workingwomen, to the fullest extent of our ability; there-
fore, be it

" Resolved, That we, the workingwomen of Lynn,
13 171

WOMEN IN INDUSTEY

known as Upper Fitters and Finishers of Boots and Shoes,
do enter a most solemn protest against any reduction of
wages, on any pretext whatever; and that we will not
submit to any rules binding us that do not equally affect
our employers.

"Resolved, That we feel grateful to the shoemakers of
Lynn for their interest and determination to stand by
us in our time of need.

"Resolved, That we, the free women of Lynn, will sub-
mit to no rules or set of rules that tend to degrade and
enslave us.

"Resolved, That we will accept no terms whatever,
either with regard to a reduction of prices, notices to
quit, or forfeiture of wages. That while we utterly
ignore the spirit of selfishness and illiberality which
prompted the late action of our would-be oppressors, we
will not hesitate to resist, in a proper manner, the un-
just encroachments upon our rights.

"Resolved, That a copy of these resolutions be given
to each one of the committee, to be by them presented
to each girl in every shop, and her signature thereon ob-
tained, that ^he will adhere to the terms of the resolu-
tions; and should anyone of the employees of the shop
be reduced in her wages, or ill treated, we will desist
from our work until she has obtained her rights.

"Resolved, That a copy of the above be inserted in the
Lynn papers, and a large surplus number be provided for
distribution among the girls."

These resolutions were not only distributed in every
shop in Lynn, but published in two of the leading
newspapers as well. The " bosses " were afraid to
carry on the contest in the face of such vigorous united
action, and the shoe stitchers won the day. Their

172

MANUFACTURE OF BOOTS AND SHOES

wages were unmolested, and the obnoxious certificates
were never issued.1

Looking at the work done by women in the early-
seventies, after the application of machinery and the
removal of the industry from shops and homes to the
factories, it appears that the division of labor between
men and women was altered very little if at all by
these revolutionary changes. Men still did the cut-
ting,- earning about three dollars a day in Lynn, and
they continued to do the work of sewing uppers to
soles, using the McKay machines instead of the old
laborious hand sewing or pegging. For operating
the new machine they received from twenty-five to
forty dollars a week.3 Women and girls were
still almost exclusively engaged in fitting and sew-
ing shoe uppers, earning at this time from seven
to fourteen dollars a week. An employer from
Stoughton reported that as fitters " girls and wom-
en of all ages from thirteen up " were employed,
and were paid from fifty cents to three dollars
a day.

The work of these fitters, however, was only a part
of the work which the old binders had done, for the

1 An account of these strikes is given in the " Third Annual
Report of the Massachusetts Bureau of Labor," pp. 434-437.

2 The following statements regarding work and wages are from
re Blake; pp. 40-48. The quotations of wages are all from Lynn
and Stoughton.

3 The caution should be repeated with regard to quotations
of wages that from 1S61-79 we were on a "greenback" basis.

173

WOMEN" IN" INDUSTRY

i c

fitter, ' ' as the name indicates, merely fitted or pasted
linings to uppers and got the work ready to be
stitched on the machine. " Lasting " in preparation
for the sewing together of soles and uppers by the
McKay machine was done by both men and women,
the women earning from twelve to twenty dollars a
week, the men from thirty-six to forty.1 ' ' Heeling '
and " finishing " was done by men as it always had
been,2 and, at that time, for wages of three or four
dollars a day.

It would seem, therefore, that in this early period
immediately following the establishment of the ma-
chine system both men and women were doing much
the same work as they had done before. The method
of working had been radically changed, but this
had not altered the line of delimitation which had
of old been drawn between the work of the shoe-
maker and that of the shoebinder. Women were
making uppers, stitching and binding by machine,
and men were " bottoming," putting on soles, by
machine. If either had encroached upon a field be-
longing to the other, it was not apparent at this
time.

1 Just how the work of men and women differed in this occu-
pation, if there was a difference, it has not been possible to
discover.

2 There had been no heels on ladies' shoes from about 1S30
to 1855, but after this time heels came back into fashion, and
journeymen were employed to "heel" shoes, and "heeling"
became a special process. See Johnson, p. 340.

174

MANUFACTURE OF BOOTS AND SHOES

Attention should be called here, perhaps, to the
fact that although the industry had become so gener-
ally a factory industry by 1870 the old hand proc-
esses had not altogether disappeared. In 1875 the
state census of Massachusetts still reported 1,518
women in the boot and shoe manufacture employed
in their own homes, and although 1,500 is quite
insignificant compared with the 22,000 women who
had been employed in this manner in 1850, just
before the introduction of the sewing machine, it
indicates that the hand industry had not altogether
died out. There remained even after the introduction
of machinery a considerable trade in hand-made
goods, women's " buskins " and slippers and ankle
ties for children. A manufacturer who produced
such goods reported in 1872 that the work was
done by both men and women. The women did
the binding with leather, and the rest of the work
was done by men, who were usually small farmers
and who worked at shoemaking only part of the
time. He found it impossible to estimate the earn-
ings of either shoemakers or binders, because, he
said, " they work at home and as and when they
please. ' '

The further question which concerns us is whether
in the period of more than a quarter of a century
which has followed the establishment of the machine
system in the industry the further mechanical im-
provements which have taken place have resulted
in changing the wrork done by women or in in-

175

WOMEN IN INDUSTRY

creasing the proportion of women employed. A
very interesting general statement on this point
which is found in the report of the Commissioner
of Labor, on " Hand and Machine Labor,"1 is as
follows :

' ' As regards the displacement of males by females,
it should also be noted that in the New England
States there are comparatively few factories in the
shoe industry where this has taken place, though
in the shoe factories in other sections of the coun-
try it is not uncommon to find women and girls
operating machines and doing work that was for-
merly done by men. On the other hand, in states
west and south of New England, men and boys
have for years been largely employed in the upper-
stitching department, while in New England, and
particularly in the province of women's shoes, this
part of the work has always been done by fe-
males. ' '

The census has commented upon this point from
time to time. In 1880 the report of a manufacturer
who had stated that the introduction of the sewing
machine had greatly increased the number of women
employed was declared to be perhaps ' ' a correct state-
ment so far as it applies to the manufactories directly,
but . . . hardly a correct one if all the women em-
ployed under the old system are considered. Under
the system in vogue before the introduction of the

1 "Thirteenth Annual Report" (1898), i, 122.
176

MANUFACTURE OF BOOTS AXD SHOES

sewing machine, employment was given to large num-
bers of women at their homes. This method has al-
most entirely ceased with the introduction of machin-
ery. More women are employed in the works than
formerly, but many less outside."1

In 1900 the " twelfth census " called attention to
the fact that in the industry of boots and shoes from
1890 to 1900 there had been a remarkable increase
in the number of women and children employed, while
the number of men showed an actual decrease from
91,406 to 91,215. The explanation given by the cen-
sus was that " women are largely taking the places
of men in this industry in the operation of the lighter
kind of machinery, and children are, to a consider-
able extent, succeeding to the places made vacant
by women."2 Part of this increase, however, was
probably due to some changes in the preparation
of leather which it seems fair to regard as in-
directly connected with the industry. The census
pointed out that in the tanning of leather, by reason
of improved machinery, there had been a con-
stantly decreasing demand for skilled workmen.
" Women and girls are now performing the work of
men. ' ' 3

The census statistics showing the increase in the
number of women employed during the last twenty-
five years are presented in the following table below.

1 "Tenth Census" (1SS0), xx, 15.

'"Twelfth Census (1900): Manufactures," i, exxvii.

3 Ibid., cxiv.

177

WOMEN IN INDUSTRY

BOOTS AND SHOES,1 FACTORY PRODUCT. NUMBER
OF PERSONS EMPLOYED 1880-1905

Year.

Men.

Women.

Children

under
Sixteen.

Per Cent of

Women
Employed.

Total
Number

of Em-
ployees.

1SS0
1890
1900
1905

82,547
91,406
90,415
95,257

25,122
39,849
46,894
49,535

3,483
2,435
4,521
5,132

23
30
33
33

111,152
133,690
141,830
149,924

Such statistical evidence as we have in this
table shows quite plainly that, while there was a
striking increase in the proportion of women em-
ployed from 1880 to 1890, since that time the move-
ment, if it may be so called, has gradually died
out. The increase was only three per cent from 1890
to 1900, and since 1900 there has been no change
at all.

Perhaps the most satisfactory method of finding out
how far the old lines of demarcation between men's
work and women's work have been eliminated is to
ascertain from the records of some individual fac-
tories the actual number of men and women employed
to-day in the different processes. Such factory rec-
ords are furnished us, without prejudice of choice, in

1 Statistics from the earlier censuses are excluded from this
table as not properly comparable with the data which are given.
These data are for "boots and shoes — factory product," while
in the census reports prior to 1880 data for " boots and shoes —
factory product" and "boots and shoes — custom work and re-
pairing" were so combined that the data cannot be correctly
segregated. See the 1905 "Census of Manufactures," iii, 229.

178

MANUFACTURE OF BOOTS AND SHOES

one of the special reports of the Commissioner of
Labor. While collected for another purpose, they
show clearly what the division of labor between men
and women is at the present time.

TABLE SHOWING NUMBER OF MEN AND WOMEN
EMPLOYED IN TWO SHOE FACTORIES IN 1904 «

Union Factory.

Non-Union Factory.

Males.

Females.

Males.

Females.

Cutting Room, upper
stock and trimming. . . .

Cutting Room, sole stock .

Fitting and Stitching
Room

239
148

101

620

141

5
15

351
' 35

205
176

117

807
132
110

10
25

309

Gang or Bottoming

Rooms

Finishing Rooms

Total

1,347

406

1,547

400

An examination of these factory records shows that
the large proportion of women employees, eighty-six
per cent in one establishment and seventy-seven per
cent in the other, are still engaged in the work of
sewing uppers, which, although done with power
machines, is essentially the same process that was car-
ried on in the old days in fishermen's cottages and in
country homes.

1 From " Eleventh Special Report Commissioner of Labor
I :. ilioa and Restriction of Output" (1904), pp. 592, 593.

179

WOMEN IN INDTTSTKY

Moreover, it should be noted that work which was
so exclusively done by women in the period preceding
the establishment of the factory system is now shared
with men. In one establishment twenty-seven per
cent of the employees in the fitting and stitching
room were men, and in the other twenty-two per
cent were men. It is, of course, also significant that
fourteen per cent of the women in one factory
and twenty-three per cent in the other are en-
gaged in other processes which were formerly carried
on almost wholly by men. It seems clear, however,
that the radical changes of the last twenty-five years
in the place and in the method of work have altered
only very slightly the old line of division between
u men's work " and " women's work.." The line is
less distinct, possibly, but it is still drawn in much
the same way.

Attention should be called to the fact that the fac-
tory records given above are very greatly simplified.
The displacement of hand methods by machinery has
resulted in the most elaborate division of processes
within the six large groups which are indicated in the
table. This can best be illustrated by giving as a
concrete example, an account of the way in which the
work in the stitching room, which corresponds to
the " binding and sewing " done by women in the
earlier period, is now subdivided. There are now
forty-eight different occupations carried on in this
room, and while an enumeration of them may be
tedious, nothing short of this can indicate how

180

MANUFACTURE OF BOOTS AND SHOES

minute this division of labor has become. The
volume of the last census dealing with " Employees
and Wages " gives the following list of the various
classes of operatives employed in the stitching
rooms : 1

Skivers, cementers, pasters, folders (these all em-
ployed in the work of preparation), upper stitchers,
eyelet row stitchers, closers, seam rubbers, seam
pounders, gore stitchers, gusset stitchers, lining stitch-
ers, lining makers, liners, closers on, inseamers, vamp
liners, facing stitchers, headers, top stitchers, corders,
button-hole machine operators, button-hole finishers,
button sewers, punchers (of holes for eyelets), gang
punch operators, eyeleters, fastener setters, hookers,
markers (of vamp tips), tip markers, tip stitchers,
tippers, tip pasters, perforators, tip fixers, vamp
closers, vampers, barrers, stayers, heel-stay stitchers,
eyelet stay stitchers, fancy stitchers, foxing stitchers,
tongue binders, tongue stitchers, strap makers, table
workers and table hands.

It should be emphasized that this list includes only
the operatives in one single department, the stitching
room, and that the work which has been subdivided
into these forty-nine processes was formerly a single
process done by one woman in the days before the in-
vention of the sewing machine. The same census
volume from which this list was taken gives

1 "Twelfth Census (1900). Special Report on Employees and
Wages," by Davis R. Dewey, pp. 119S-1201.

181

WOMEN IN INDUSTRY

for the whole industry one hundred and twenty-
six different classes of operatives. There is prob-
ably no industry to-day in which the subdivision
of labor is more minute or in which the sub-
stitution of machine for hand labor has been more
complete.

In the first part of this chapter certain points of
contrast were noted between the manufacture of boots
and shoes and the cotton industry, and it may be
well to summarize these briefly: shoemaking had al-
ways been historically men's work, while the making
of cloth had in large part been done by women; in
the first half of the nineteenth century the industrial
revolution was taking place in the cotton industry
while boots and shoes continued to be made by the old
hand processes ; of the two industries, the cotton mills
during this period offered greater inducements to
women, while " boots and shoes," with heavy skilled
work demanding a regular apprenticeship, and offer-
ing high wages and independent conditions of employ-
ment, was more attractive to men. The cotton mills,
therefore, continued through the first half of the
nineteenth century to be a women's industry; shoe-
making remained a men's trade although a system of
division of labor had made it possible to employ large
numbers of women for one of the intermediate proc-
esses.

In conclusion a further point of contrast between
the two industries may be noted. Since 1850 one of
the most striking changes that has occurred in the

183

MANUFACTURE OF BOOTS AND SHOES

cotton industry lias been the increase in the proportion
of men employed. The number of men operatives
has increased so rapidly that they now outnumber
the women, and the last census has called attention
to the fact that men are displacing women in
the cotton mills. Moreover, few of the men who
have been driving the women out of the mills
are Americans. In round numbers, 28,000 of
the 39,000 men employed as cotton operatives in
Massachusetts during the taking of the most recent
census were foreign born and nearly 9,000 more
were the native-born sons of foreign-born parents.1
The foreign element among the women operatives
is cpuite as large. In brief, then, the tendency
during the last half century has been toward the
displacement of women operatives by men and
toward the substitution of immigrant for American
labor.

In the manufacture of boots and shoes, on the other
hand, there has been an increase in the proportion of
women employees, although not a large enough in-
crease to indicate any tendency toward the driving
out of the men operatives. Shoemaking remains a
men's industry; and it remains at the same time pre-
dominantly American, with a large majority of both
men and women operatives native born. A compari-
son of the data from the last census, showing the

'These data are from the "Twelfth Census (1900): Occupa-
tions." The census of manufactures does not give statistics re-
lating to nationality.

183

WOMEN IN INDUSTRY

general nativity of the operatives of both industries,
is of interest. Statistics are given for Massachusetts,
the State which, historically, took the lead in both
industries.

STATE OF MASSACHUSETTS1

Men.

Women.

Boots and
Shoes.

Cotton Mill
Operatives.

Boots and
Shoes.

Cotton Mill
Operatives.

Native Born:
Native parents.
Foreign parents

Foreign Born..

20,512
13,941

14,016
48,469

1,925
8,849

28,092

5,761

8,028

3,1S1

2,045
10,024

25,843

Total

38,866

16,970

37,912

These data show very clearly that while the great
majority of cotton mill employees, both men and
women, are foreign born, in the boot and shoe indus-
try seventy-two per cent of the men and eighty-one
per cent of the women are native born. There are,
perhaps, two rather obvious reasons why immigrant
labor has not been introduced to any great extent in
the shoe factories. Tn spite of the fact that machin-
ery has been applied to practically every minute
process into which the making of shoes has been
divided, the work continues to demand skilled and
responsible operatives, and the level of wages has
been kept so high that the industry continues to

statistics from "Twelfth Census (1900): Occupations."

184

MANUFACTURE OF BOOTS AND SHOES

attract the more intelligent native-born working
people.1

It is, of course, quite obvious that by the payment
of high wages the boot and shoe industry has been
able to hold its American working people as the cotton
industry has not. There is, however, another possible
explanation of this point in the fact that the shoe
manufacture is one of the industries in which America
has pioneered. In the cotton industry, immigrant op-
eratives were quite likely to be equal or even superior
to the native born in skill and training, but American
methods in the making of shoes have been unique, and
immigrant labor therefore has meant for this industry
unskilled labor, only a limited amount of which could
be utilized.

1 The tables in Chapter XII, pp. 305, 307, make it clear that
wages are in general much higher in the shoe factories than in
the cotton mills. As long ago as 1S72, an operative from a
Massachusetts town which contained both cotton mills and
shoe factories, in his testimony before the State Bureau of Labor,
said, with regard to the frequent changes in the working force
of the cotton mills: "There is shoemaking in town, for boys, and
a great deal of stitching on machines, for girls. Their wages in
the mill are very low — some ten to sixteen dollars a month —
and as soon as the children are old enough they leave, the girls
going to the stitching machines, the boys to shoemaking." —
"Third Annual Report Massachusetts Bureau of Labor," p. 389.

CHAPTER IX

CIGARMAKING

The increased employment of women in cigarmak-
ing seems to indicate its tendency to develop into a
"women's industry' and furnishes an interesting
example of the industrial displacement of men hy
women. The history of the industry makes it of pe-
culiar interest, because originally the women were dis-
placed by the men, and they may perhaps in these
later years be said to have come into their own again.

The manufacture of cigars in this country is an in-
dustry of nearly a century's growth,1 but it has not
continuously throughout its history employed a large
proportion of women. This is at first not easy to
understand, for it has always been a trade for which
women are seemingly better qualified than men. No
part of the making of cigars is heavy work,2 nor does

1 It is not mentioned in Hamilton's " Report on Manufac-
tures," nor in Gallatin's later "Report on Manufactures " (1S10).

2 " Therefore the work of women is a more serious competitor
than it is in the manufacture of clothing." — "Reports of the In-
dustrial Commission," xv, 388. See also the "Eighth Annual
Report of New York Bureau of Labor," p. 1024, where it is said
that the trade has become open to the competition of young

186

CIGAKMAKING

it, like the manufacture of clothing;, require great
endurance. Skill depends upon manual dexterity,
upon delicacy and sensitiveness of touch. A brief de-
scription of the three important processes in a cigar
factory—" stripping," " making," and " packing "
• — will serve to make this quite clear.

The preliminary process of " stripping," which
includes " booking," is the preparation of the leaf
for the hands of the cigarmaker. The large midrib
is stripped out, and, if the tobacco is of the quality
for making wrappers, the leaves are also ' ' booked ' ' —
smoothed tightly across the knee and rolled into a
compact pad ready for the cigarmaker 's table. Even
in the stripping room there are different grades of
work. Thus the stripping of the ' ' filler ' ' leaf for the
inner " bunch " of the cigar is usually piece work,
but the stripping of the wrapper and binder is likely
to be time work, to avoid such haste as might tear the
more expensive leaf. If a woman " books " her own
wrappers, she gets higher pay than one who merely
■ ' strips ' ' ; and one who only ' ' books ' ' gets more
than either, for this is much harder work and keeps
the whole body in motion.1 All of this work, how-
women "who find in cigarmaking a trade readily learned and
with easier work than most other trades adopted by women";
and for a similar comment see the "Fifth Annual Report," p.
524.

1 The scale of wages in a large union factory in Boston fur-
nishes a measure of the supposed differences in these occupa-
tions: binder stripper, $6 a week; wrapper stripper who
"books," $7 a week; filler-stripper, $6 to $10 a week. The
14 187

WOMEN IN INDUSTRY

ever, is unskilled and all practically monopolized by
women and girls.

Division of labor has been slow in making its way
into cigar factories. The best cigar is still made by
a single workman, who shapes his own bunch in his
hand, binds it, and puts on the wrapper himself.
The whole process demands a high degree of skill.
Slightly inferior cigars, however, can be made by
less skilled workmen, with " molds," which are
blocks of wood in which a series of cigar-shaped hol-
lows are carved. The bunches are placed in these and
shaped under pressure. This makes it possible for
inferior workmen to put on the wrapper.1

Packing cigars is called a " trade by itself."
Those of like color must be packed together, and only
the experienced eye can detect the varying shades of
the leaf. Packers are the aristocrats of the trade in
most places, and get better pay even than cigar-
makers, though it is difficult to see that their work

lack of skill in any of this work is indicated by the fact that
in places where the union requires a three years' apprenticeship
for cigarmaking, two weeks is the rule for stripping, and com-
petent forewomen say that "a bright girl can learn in a day."
In England the situation in this occupation is rather different.
" The work is well adapted for female hands; and in provincial
factories they are largely employed in this department. In
London, on the contrary, there seem to be not more than thirty
women engaged as strippers." — Booth, "Life and Labour of the
People," iv, 224.

1 Machines which are now in use, and will be described later,
and "team-work," have simplified the process so that a still
lower grade of labor has been made available.

188

CIGARMAKING

really requires more skill or more training than
' ' making. ' ' x The packer stands at his work, while
the maker seldom leaves his seat.

Cigarmaking clearly seems to be a trade for which
women are peculiarly adapted, and for a long time
they have been very largely employed in the factories
of Germany and England,2 and almost exclusively
employed in Austria and France,3 where the tobacco
industry is a government monopoly. The history of
their employment in this country is of interest; for,
on the hypothesis that women's labor is cheaper, and

1 In an article in Tobacco, iii, No. 19, on " The Boston Lock-
out," it is claimed that "too much pay is given cigar packers
anyway. It is simply a matter of sharp eyesight, and men can
make from $25 to $30 a week if they are able to detect the
difference between a Madura, Colorado Madura, Colorado,
Colorado Claro, or Claro cigar." Packing is the branch of the
trade into which women have worked their way most slowly.
There were, for example, in Boston a few years ago only two
women packers. The wages of one averaged through the year
about $31 a week (piece work). Her foreman said she was as
good a workman as the men, who, however, objected "to
having a woman around. The men smoke all the time, and they
can't talk as free as if she weren't here."

2 For the employment of women in Germany, see Frisch,
" Die Organisationsbestrebungen der Arbeiter in der deutschen
Tabak-Industrie," pp. 10, 264, 265; and E. Jaffe, " Hausindustrie
und Fabrikbetrieb in der deutschen Cigarrenfabrikation,"
Schriften des Vereins fur Socialpolitik, lxxxvi, 286-299.

3 The monopoly of the industry in Austria by women is evident
from statistics in the "Bericht der K. K. Gewerbe-Inspektorne
liber ihre Amstatigkeit," 1900, pp. 507-538. For French statis-
tics, see Mannheim, "De la condition dans les manufactures de
l'etat (tabacs-allumettes)," especially pp. 17, 18, 33-38.

189

WOMEN IN INDUSTRY

therefore will be substituted for men's wherever it
can be profitably employed, the woman cigarmaker
would alwaj^s have controlled the trade.

The history of cigarmaking has received less atten-
tion than the industries which were of greater impor-
tance in the first part of the century ; it is, for exam-
ple, entirely neglected by Bishop in his " History of
Manufactures," and, indeed, trustworthy accounts of
it are difficult to trace. It is clear, however, that orig-
inally cigarmaking was one of the household indus-
tries,1 and there is an interesting tradition to the
effect that the first domestic cigars were made in
1801 by a woman, the wife of a Connecticut tobacco
grower. In the early years of the century nearly the
whole of the Connecticut tobacco crop was made by
the farmers' wives and daughters into cigars known
to the trade as ' ' supers, " " long nines, ' ' and ' ' short
sixes." These cigars were sometimes peddled by the
women, but more frequently they were bartered at
the country stores, where they served as a substitute
for currency. All of the groceries and dry goods used
by the family during the year were often paid for
in this way and represented the exchange value of
the leisure hours of the farmer's wife. Although
these were very inferior cigars, they were sold pretty

1 Trumbull, " Memorial History of Hartford County, Con-
necticut," i, 218 ff.; Morgan, "Connecticut as a Colony and a
State," iii, 274; "Report of the New York Bureau of Labor,"
1902, on "The Growth of Industry in New York," p. 153; special
century edition of the United States Tobacco Journal (1900).

190

CIGAKMAKING

generally throughout New England. The passing of
this early " homestead industry," which existed in
Pennsylvania and other tobacco-growing states as well
as in Connecticut, was very gradual ; for the transition
to the factory system did not, in cigarmaking, involve
the substitution of machine for hand work, and farm-
ers' wives continued to roll cigars until the imposi-
tion of the internal revenue tax, — and even after that.
Indeed, the making of cigars on the farm has lingered
on even to the present day in Pennsylvania. In to-
bacco counties like York and Lancaster " the tobacco
growers themselves with their families, occupy winter
months and rainy days in making cigars."1

The early country cigars, however, did not com-
pare favorably with the finer factory-made product,
and as Connecticut tobacco grew in favor it became
unprofitable to use it for the cheaper grades of work.
Household industry, therefore, furnished a gradually
decreasing proportion of the total manufactured
product. But, unlike most work that left the home,
cigarmaking had not finally passed into the factory;
for it was to be established as a domestic industry
on a much larger scale in the tenements of New York.
Two questions are of interest at this point with re-

1 "Reports of the Industrial Commission," xv, 387. See also
United States Tobacco Journal, century edition, p. 38. When
the New York law was passed (18S3) prohibiting tenement-
house cigar factories, one of the New York manufacturers said:
" It will benefit the trade of New Jersey and Pennsylvania, where
the farmers and their families can sit at home and make cigars." —
New York Tribune, March 14, 1883.

191

WOMEN IN" INDUSTRY

gard to the history of the employment of women : Did
they follow their work from the home to the factory ?
and, What was their part in the establishment of
cigarmaking as one of the early tenement industries?

Women undoubtedly worked in the earliest fac-
tories. What was possibly the first cigar factory in
this country was established at Suffield, Connecticut,
in 1810, and employed only women. In 1832, the
" Documents Relative to the Manufactures of the
United States ' contained returns from ten cigar
factories in Massachusetts which together reported
two hundred and thirty-eight women, forty-eight men
and nine children employed. The usual wages for
women were forty or fifty cents a day, for men from
a dollar to a dollar and a half a. day. It was ex-
plained with reference to some of the tobacco fac-
tories that, in addition to the factory work, " many
cigars " were made in families by women and boys.
While there are few data showing the extent to which
women worked as cigarmakers at this time, it is clear
that this was not an uncommon occupation.

Just what their relation to the men in the trade
was, it is not possible to say. The women were paid
very much lower wages, but whether this means that
they did a lower grade of work is not clear. In this
connection, however, the following resolution, which
was one of several passed in 1835 by the ' ' Journeymen
Segar Makers of Philadelphia, " is of interest : ' ' Re-
solved, that the present low wages hitherto received by
the females engaged in segar making is far below a

192

CIGARMAKING

fair compensation for the labor rendered. Therefore,
Resolved, that we recommend them in a body to strike
with ns and thereby make it a mutual interest with
both parties to sustain each other in their rights."

It was estimated that one third of the persons em-
ployed at the trade in Connecticut in 1856 were wom-
en,1 and the census of 1860 showed that seven hun-
dred and forty women were employed in the country
as a whole in that year. This was, however, but one
ninth of the total number of employees and included
the unskilled " strippers," so that the number of
bona fide women cigarmakers in factories was prob-
ably very small, although it is impossible to say pre-
cisely what that number was. Mr. Adolph Strasser,
for many years president of the International Union,
said, in testifying before the Senate Committee
on Labor and Capital, that there were not more
than three hundred women in the whole trade at this
time.

But if the displacement of the women cigarmaker
is not easy to express statistically, the reason for it
is not difficult to find. Cigarmaking, as has been
pointed out, is a highly skilled trade, and it was early
discovered that among our immigrants were men able
to make cigars that could compete with those imported
from Germany and Spain. These immigrant cigar-
makers who proved to have the superior workmanship
that was indispensable to the development of the in-

1 United States Tobacco Journal, century edition, p. 34.

193

WOMEN IN INDUSTRY

dustry took the places of the American women who
had been formerly employed. The Cuban is said to
have been the first male cigarmaker employed in this
country, and as Spanish tobacco and Spanish-made
cigars were in high favor, a large market was found
for the Spanish cigars made here by Cuban workmen.
Later, expert workmen among immigrants from other
countries became competitors of the Cuban, and among
German immigrants especially were men of excep-
tional skill and experience in the trade. The woman
cigarmaker almost disappeared during this time, and
there are men, both cigarmakers and manufacturers,
in New York, who say that there was ' ' not a woman
in the trade," except in the unskilled work of
stripping, ' ' back of the seventies ' ' ; and a recent
report of the Commissioner of Labor 1 confirms this
statement.

Before the close of the decade following 1860 there
was a marked increase in the proportion of women
employed. Statistics showing this increase and the
increase for later decades are given in the census, and
the table below has been prepared from these census
data, and indicates also the percentage which women

^'Eleventh Special Report of the Commissioner of Labor,"
p. 575. " Formerly men only were engaged in cigarmaking, but
since the introduction of machinery the proportion of female
employees has become very large." This is obviously a super-
ficial statement, for it disregards the employment of women in
the early history of the industry, and is at variance with Presi-
dent Strasser's statement quoted supra.

191

CIGAE MAKING

have formed of the total number of employees and
the percentage increase during each decade.1

CIGARS AND CIGARETTES: NUMBER OF EMPLOYEES,

1860-1905

1860.

1870.

1880.

1890.

1900.

1905.

Men

7,266
731

21,409
2,615
2,025

40,099
9,108
4,090

59,452

24,214

3,334

62,004

37,740

3,531

72,970
57,174

Women

Children under 16.. . .

5,274

Total number of em-
ployees

7,997
9

26,049
10

53,297
17

87,000 103.275

135,418

Percentage of women
employed

The number of women employed not only increased
very rapidly after 1870, but the increase was greater
proportionately than the increase in the number of
men, and, indeed, since 1880 the percentage increase
in the male population has been greater than the per-
centage increase in the number of men employed.

1 The table is compiled from statistics given for " cigars and
cigarettes" in "Twelfth Census (1900): Manufactures," Pt. iii,
556. The numbers unfortunately do not form a basis for exact
comparison. It appears that the enumeration included only
cigars in 1860 and 1870, while for the other three years cigars
and cigarettes are represented. It has already been pointed out
that statistics for 1850 cannot be used because they refer to
"tobacconists." Statistics in the "Twelfth Census: Occupa-
tions," p. Iii, for "cigars and tobacco," are, of course, unlike
these data in the census of manufactures. See Appendix B for
a discussion of general differences between the census of occupa-
tions and the census of manufactures.

195

WOME:\t IN" INDUSTKY

In the light, however, of the statistics in this table,
which show that in 1905 the women constituted only
forty-two per cent of all the employees, it may seem
like hazarding a large guess to say that cigarmaking is
becoming a " woman's industry." But it is not alone
on the basis of the census statistics that this assertion
is made. It will be shown later that there is a very
great difference between the proportion of women
among the employees in large factories where machin-
ery is used and in those smaller or country estab-
lishments where it has not been introduced. Since the
large machine factory is the factory of the future,
the fact that it is being monopolized by women af-
fords stronger evidence of the displacement of men
than statistics for the industry as a whole would indi-
cate. Testimony on this point will be given later;
in the meantime an effort will be made to analyze
the causes that have led to this displacement.

The year 1869 begins a new period in the history
of the industry. Since then three factors seem to
have worked together to bring about a very rapid in-
crease in the employment of women: (1) increased
immigration from Bohemia, where women are exclu-
sively employed in cigar factories; (2) the invention
of machinery which has made the skilled workman
b'ss necessary; (3) a feeling on the part of employers
that women are more docile than men, and that a
large proportion of women among the employees
would mean fewer strikes.

The immigration of Bohemian women cigarmakers

196

CIGAEMAKING

began in I860,1 and meant the reestablishment of
eigarmaking as a household industry— but this time
under the commission rather than under the handi-
craft system. The home work which occupied the
leisure of the Connecticut farmer's thrifty wife is
clearly not to be compared with the home work of the
Bohemian immigrant in the .New York tenements.
The New England women were independent pro-
ducers. They owned their raw material, the homes
in which they worked, and the finished product, which
they disposed of at their own convenience; the tene-
ment women were helplessly dependent upon an em-
ployer who furnished the raw material, owned and
marketed the product, and frequently charged them
exorbitant rentals for the rooms in which they both
lived and worked ; they were merely hired wage
earners working for a single employer in their own

1 Testimony in the " Report of the Ford Immigration Com-
mittee," p. 364. President Gompers, of the American Federa-
tion of Labor, who was at that time in the trade in New York,
told me in 1906 that they were first brought over by employers
to break the cigarmakers' strike of 1869. This is intimated
also in the testimony referred to above. The Bohemian immi-
gration movement was greatly furthered at this time by the
effects of the disastrous Austro-Prussian War and the granting
of the legal right to emigrate. See the account given by Jos~fa
Humpal-Zeman in "Reports of the Industrial Commission,"
xv, 507, which makes special note of the settlement of cigar-
makers in New York; and Balch, "Sources of Slav Immigration,"
Cliarities, xv, 598. It is noted in the latter article that a minor
cause of immigration was a strike in the Bohemian tobacco
factories in the seventies.

197

WOMEN IN INDUSTKY

homes instead of in his factory. The explanation of
the home work in both cases is found in the fact that
cigarmaking is peculiarly adapted for household
manufacture, and for this reason it still exists, not
only as a domestic industry but as a lingering survival
of handicraft.1 When the only machine required is a
pair of wooden molds, it is possible for the workman
to own his own tools and a pair of molds, purchase his
tobacco in small quantities, and, by disposing of the
product quickly, carry on his trade as his own master
and without having any capital.

By 1877, the year of the " great strike " which
was meant to abolish it, cigarmaking as a tenement
industry had become firmly established. It grew
rapidly after 1869 and led to the first determined
protest against unsanitary home work. The Cigar-
makers Union in 1873 first called public attention to
the dangers involved in carrying on the industry in
tenements, and began a vigorous campaign against it.
President Gompers, in testimony before the Ford
Immigration Committee, said the effort to abolish
tenement cigarmaking had been one of their " con-
stant struggles."

The development of the tenement industry was due
to Bohemian women who had worked in cigar factories

1 See, for example, Mrs. Kelley's account of the tenement
worker in Chicago, who buys his own tobacco and disposes of
his own product, and is in no way connected with a middleman
or manufacturer ("Reports of the Industrial Commission," vii,
251).

198

CIGARMAKING

in their own country. It is said that the customary
method of Bohemian immigration was for the women
to come first, leaving the men to work in the fields.
Five or six wives would come over together, work at
cigarmaking as they did in Bohemia, and send money
back for their husbands' passage, and then " the en-
tire united family would take up the manufacture of
cigars, emulating the industry of the mother."1
These women cigarmakers were said to be more in-
telligent than their husbands, because of the fact that
in Bohemia while the men worked alone in the fields,
their wives were employed in factories. At this time,
too, came the introduction of the team system — a divi-
sion of labor by which one person prepares the bun-
dles and another rolls them. In Bohemia the men had
worked only in the fields, and their wives taught them
cigarmaking at home after they came over. It was
much easier, of course, for these men to learn the
relatively unskilled work of " bunchmaking " while
their wives did the rolling, than to learn how to
make the whole cigar. " Team work ' ultimately
became an important means of furthering the em-
ployment of women, employers finding it easy to train
young girls for the single process of bunchmaking

1 New York Tribune, November 6, 1877, and see an article in
the New York Sun, October 20, 1877. The testimony in the
"Report of the Ford Immigration Committee," 18S7, p. 381, was
to the effect that the trade had been demoralized by the Bo-
hemians who came over in large numbers, worked in tenement
rooms, gradually brought over all their relations, and taught
them the trade.

199

WOMEN" IN INDTTSTKY

or rolling, and cheaper to substitute them for skilled
workmen who could make a complete cigar.

This decade, during which cigarmaking established
itself as a tenement industry, was also the decade of
greatest prosperity in the history of the trade. It
was surely a decade of extraordinary exploitation
of immigrant labor. Large manufacturers acquired
blocks of tenements, for which they charged excessive
rentals to their employees, who frequently, too, found
themselves obliged to pay high prices for groceries
and beer at stores owned by the employer. The ex-
pense of maintaining a factory, moreover, was thus
made part of the employees' burden; and the wages
of " strippers and bookers " were also saved to the
manufacturer, for the tobacco was prepared in the
homes by the workers themselves, or more often by
their children.1 The system also proved an effective
coercive measure, and the eviction of the tenement
strikers by the landlord manufacturers in 1877 was
one of the distressing features of the strike.

It is difficult to make an exact statement either as
to the extent of home work or as to the number of
women employed. Writers in the New York Sun
estimated that a majority of the cigars made in New
York in 1877 were the product of tenement-house fac-

1 There were numerous accounts of this system in the New
York papers at the time of the strike in the fall of 1S77. See,
for example, the New York Tribune, July 10th, and the New York
Sun, December 3d, of that year. See also " Report of the Ford
Committee," pp. 396, 397, 370, 368.

200

CIGAKMAKING

tories and some estimates placed the proportion of
tenement-made cigars as high as four fifths of the en-
tire New York product. So large was the proportion
of women employed in this work that the newspapers
and manufacturers referred to the strike, which was
directed largely against the home-work system, as an
attack on the employment of women and children.
The manufacturers claimed that the strike was " a
movement on the part of the cigarmakers to throw
out of business many women who could or would not
work in shops." In 1882, a circular issued by the
union estimated that between 3,500 and 3,750 persons
were employed at cigarmaking in tenement houses,
and it seems a fair estimate to say that during the
decade from 1870 to 1880 between two and three
thousand women had engaged in cigarmaking in their
own homes.1 Not only in tenement work, however,
but in factories as well, the number of women was
increasing. Mr. Adolph Strasser, then president of
the union, said in 1883, in testimony before the Sen-

1 While it is not necessary in the present study to continue the
history of cigarmaking in tenements, it may be added, to make
the accounts somewhat more complete, that the law passed in
1883 abolishing this work was declared unconstitutional in 18S5
(98 New York Appeals, p. 98). The union, however, con-
tinued its opposition and, owing in part to the use of its label
and in part to general public sentiment against tenement work,
and more perhaps to the development of the large machine
factory, tenement cigarmaking has almost disappeared. In
1901 there were in New York only 775 persons authorized to
make cigars in tenements, while 23,329 family workrooms were
licensed in the clothing industry.

201

WOMEN IN INDUSTRY

ate Committee on Labor and Capital, that the gradual
introduction of women into the industry was one of
the evils cigarmakers were facing, and he estimated
that throughout the country there were 10,000 women
in the trade and the number, he said, was increasing
very rapidly, " increasing every year almost at the
rate of a thousand or more."

The increased employment of women as a result of
the introduction of machinery belongs to the most
recent stage in the history of the industry. ' ' Molds, ' '
which have already been described, and which are
more like tools than machines, were introduced from
Germany in 1869, — the year in which production was
also cheapened by the coming of Bohemian women
and the introduction of the team system. Long after
the mold came the long-filler bunching machine and
the suction table, both hand machines, the machines
for stripping and booking, and the short-filler bunch-
ing machine operated by power.

So many unsuccessful machines were tried from
time to time that it is not easy to fix any exact date
as the period when machinery was first considered suc-
cessful enough to be adopted on any scale worthy of
note. By 1887, however, several of the large factories
had begun to use machines, and in 1888 machines with
women operators took the places of skilled cigar-
makers who were on a strike in Philadelphia.1

In 1895 a New York cigarmaker said, in describing

1 Cigarmakers' Official Journal, May, 1S88.
202

CIGAEMAKING

the situation, " Colleagues that left New York ten
or more years ago would be astonished if they returned
now, to find that hand work has almost entirely dis-
appeared. . . . The suction tables, which are in
reality nothing else than wrapper-cutting machines,
are used ... as price cutters. More so, because
there are only girls employed on them. . . . There
are a few thousand of these tables in operation in
this city, with the prospect of increasing the number
daily."

In a recent report of the Commissioner of Labor,1
it was pointed out that ' ' for both machine operators,
bunchmaking and rolling, a cheaper grade of labor
may be employed. Formerly men only were engaged
in cigarmaking, but since the introduction of machin-
ery the proportion of female employees has been very
large. In many factories only women and girls are
employed on the bunchmaking machines and suction
tables, and the number of females is as high as eighty
per cent of the total number of employees." Statis-
tics obtained in the investigation upon which this
report was based show that in nine open or nonunion
factories, which had more than 4,000 employees, and
in all but one of which machinery was used, 73.1 per
cent of the employees were women, while in eight
union shops, which used no machinery and employed
only 527 persons, the proportion of women employed
was only 36.1 per cent. It is important to note that

1 "Eleventh Special Report of the Commissioner of Labor,"
p. 575.

15 203

WOMEX m INDUSTEY

the machine, the large factory, and the increased em-
ployment of women go together. It is also significant
that machinery is coming to be almost exclusively
used in the manufacture of cheap cigars, and that the
market for these cheap machine-made cigars is rap-
idly growing.1

Other available statistics add further testimony to
show that there is a greater proportion of women em-
ployed in the large factories. In Professor Dewey's
report on " Employees and Wages " for the last cen-
sus, most of the data for cigarmaking are from rela
tively small factories, but in one of the larger ones
74.6 per cent, and in another 98 per cent of the em-
ployees were women ; and in several others, where
men are still more exclusively employed, it is noted
among the changes in the establishment between 1890
and 1900 that " no females were employed in 1890." -
In recent factory inspectors' reports there is some
further evidence on this point. Statistics for the
seven large factories in New York City, each of which
employs more than two hundred men, show that 55.5
per cent, 60.5 per cent, 70.2 per cent, 73.3 per cent,

1 " Eleventh Special Report of the Commissioner of Labor,"
pp. 574, 575.

2 "Twelfth Census (1900): Employees and Wages." These
data are from the establishment comparison, not from the tables
of totals; see pp. 1048, 1037, 1050, 1044, 1042, for the data
from which these percentages were computed. It is noted as a
" special feature " of one establishment that " in 1900 the wrapper
classer was a woman receiving $6 per week. In 1S90 the wrapper
classer was a man receiving $12 a week" (p. 1046).

201

CIGARMAKING

86.2 per cent, 88.3 per cent, and 91.3 per cent, re-
spectively, of all the employees are women.1 In Bing-
liamton, an important cigarmaking center, reports
from four factories, each of which employed more
than one hundred women, showed that they consti-
tuted respectively 62.6 per cent, 62.9 per cent, 75.9
per cent, and 68.7 per cent of all employees. The
report of the factory inspector of the State of Penn-
sylvania for 1902 showed that in the largest cigar
factory in Philadelphia the 996 women who were
employed were 97.3 per cent of the entire working
force, and in a large Harrisburg factory the 993
women were 95 per cent of all the persons em-
ployed.

Similar factors that have helped to increase the em-
ployment of women have been the formation of the
trust,2 which has greatly furthered the movement to-
ward large scale production ; and the introduction of
the " team system," which has already been described,
and which, it is acknowledged, is used, not as a method

1 " Fifteenth Annual Pteport of the Factory Inspector of the
State of New York " (1900). See especially report of the Second
District, Boroughs of Manhattan and Bronx.

2 The union brings a bitter indictment against what it calls
the "child-labor-employing trust." "The tobacco trust is its
bitter foe and is probably the largest employer in the country of
tenement-house sweatshops and child labor." — Cigarmakers'
Official Journal, February 15, 1904. " We estimate that ninety per
cent of the employees of the trust are females, and positively
state that the great majority are minors." — Ibid., November 15,
1902.

205

WOMEN IN INDUSTKY

of increasing the output, but because cheaper labor
can be employed.

In discussing the tendency toward the increased em-
ployment of women as a means of avoiding or end-
ing strikes, some account should also be given of the
relation of the women to the Cigarmakers' Interna-
tional Union. It should perhaps be explained that
the union admits only cigarmakers proper, bunch-
makers and rollers, and packers, and that the latter
are organized in separate " locals." Strippers and
other unskilled and miscellaneous help are excluded,
but in some cities the strippers have unions of their
own. The union was organized in 1851, and in 1867
the constitution was so altered that women and
negroes, hitherto excluded, became eligible to mem-
bership.1

In 1877 women were employed in large numbers to
break the strike of that year. Several hundred girls
were taught the trade, and employers went so far
as to call the strike ' ' a blessing in disguise ' ' since it
" offered a new employment for women and secured
workers whose services may be depended on at low
wages."2 According to an account in one of the
New York papers, employers claimed an unusual sale
for the bad cigars made by these untrained " strike
breakers ' ' because the boxes bore the legend : ' ' These
cigars were made by American girls. " It is of inter-

1 Strasser, "History of the Cigarmakers' Union," in McNeill,
"The Labor Movement," p. 600.

2 The New York Sun, November 26, 1S77.

206

CIGARMAKING

est that in this same year, the Cincinnati cigarmakers
struck successfully for the removal of all women from
the workshops,1 and in some other cities similar strikes
were inaugurated but failed.

In 1879 the president of the union announced that
one of its aims would be " the regulation of female
labor "; and in 1881 he strongly advised the unions,
in view of the fact that the employment of women
was constantly increasing, ' ' to extend the right hand
of brotherhood to them"; and added: "Better to
have them with us than against us. . . . They can ef-
fect a vast amount of mischief outside of our ranks as
tools in the hands of the employer against us. ' ' The
president of the New York local in 1886 complained
that Bohemian women were doing work " that men
were formerly employed to do. They have driven
the American workmen from our trade altogether.
They work for a price that an American could not
work for. ' ' In 1894 the president of the international
union said : ' ' We are confronted with child and fe-
male labor to an alarming extent "; and in 1901, at a
meeting of the American Federation of Labor, the
cigarmakers asked for the passage of resolutions ex-
pressing opposition to the use of machinery in their
trade and to the employment of women and children.
The hostility of the union to women is not difficult tc

1 Cincinnati Daily Inquirer, August 29, 30, and September 30,
1877. The Inquirer, in commenting on the situation, said:
"The men say the women are killing the industry. It would
seem that they hope to retaliate by killing the women."

207

WOMEN m INDUSTRY

understand. The women seemed to be lowering a
standard wage that the men, through organization,
were trying to uphold. They had, moreover, the work-
ingman's belief in the old " lump of labor " fallacy,
and for every woman who was employed they saw ' ' a
man without a job."

As in other industries, a much smaller proportion
of the women than of the men in the trade are mem-
bers of the union,1 and the women seldom attend the
meetings, and take small part in the proceedings when
they do.2 The union has, however, stood squarely for
the same wage scale for both men and women, while
in England the union maintains a women's scale that
is twenty-five per cent lower than the men's. It is
of interest too, that in England the women had a
separate union for many years, and when they joined
tbe men's union the question of how to reconcile the
wage scales that had prevailed in the two unions
caused great difficulty. To have raised the women's
scale to the men's level would, it was felt, " have
meant to drive the women from the trade and to
alienate public sympathy."

1 President Perkins, in a letter to the writer, estimated that
less than fifteen per cent of the members of the union were women
— obviously a very small percentage in view of the fact that women
form so large a proportion of the total number of employees.

2 This is almost invariably the rule when men and women are
in one organization. It was said in the " Report of the Senate
Committee on Education and Labor," ii, 809, that the women
allowed the men to take the position of superiority that belonged
to them.

208

CIGAKMAKING

Leaving- the subject of labor displacement, it may
be well to notice briefly certain other questions con-
nected with the employment of women, which are of
special interest with regard to women's work in the
manufacture of cigars. These are: the effect of the
work upon the health of women, the nationality
and conjugal condition of the women employed,
and their relative efficiency in comparison with
men.

Conflicting testimony is found as to the effect of
cigarmaking upon the health of women. Like all
confining sedentary work, it must be to some extent
unhygienic ; but much depends upon conditions in the
factories themselves, which, of course, vary widely in
regard to light, cleanliness, and ventilation. It has
been pointed out that the work is for the most part
very light, and certainly the strain on the nervous
system is far less than in factories where there is the
constant noise of heavy machinery. Although some
physicians have claimed that all tobacco work is in-
jurious to the women engaged in it,1 a recent investi-
gation in London, showed that the trade was not an
unhealthful one for women,2 and Dr. Oliver, after
carefully weighing the testimony that has been given

1 See Oliver, "Dangerous Trades," p. 793, and for a somewhat
lengthy discussion of the whole subject see " Report of the New
York Bureau of Labor," 1SS4, pp. 224-236. See also the testi-
mony of Mr. Gompers and Mr. Strasser in " Report of the Senate
Committee on Education and Labor," pp. 273, 274, 453.

2 Economic Journal, x, 567.

209

WOMEN IN INDUSTRY

on both sides for the last twenty years, confirmed this
conclusion. The annual report of the international
union for 1901 showed that in 1890 forty-nine per
cent, and in 1900 thirty-three per cent of their de-
ceased members died of tuberculosis. The average
age of deceased members had been raised during the
same time from thirty-seven and one half to forty-
three and one half years.1 Aside from any question
as to the effect of tobacco on the system of the worker,
it is clear that shorter hours and improved conditions
can do much to make the industry a more healthful
one.

Statistics in the last census regarding the nationality
of the women employed in cigar and tobacco factories
show that 53.4 per cent are either foreign born or of
foreign parentage ; of these, 29.2 per cent are German
and 20.8 per cent Austro-Hungarian. In New York
the great factories are in the " Bohemian district,"
and Bohemian women are largely employed. The of-
ficial journal of the union regularly contains articles
and important notices in German and Bohemian as
well as in English.

The percentage of married women employed in the
manufacture of cigars and tobacco is larger than in
any other industry in the list given under the manu-
facturing group, with the single exception of seam-
stresses ; 11.8 per cent of the women in the whole
group and 16.4 per cent of those in " cigars and to-

1 Cigarmakers' Official Journal, September, 1901.

210

CIGAKMAKIFG

bacco " were married.1 There are several reasons for
this: Among the Bohemians there is less prejudice
against the work of married women than among most
other nationalities.2 There is also the fact that cigar-
making is to some extent a home industry ; and fur-
ther, it is a skilled trade at which competent women
can earn higher wages than they can in most other
industries that are open to women. This is so true
that many of them say it " pays " to go on with their
work and " hire a cheaper woman " to do part of
their housework and look after the children. A fore-
woman once said, as if there were a superstition about
the work : " It 's a trade you always come back to. I
don 't know why, but it is ! " 3

1 "Twelfth Census (1900): Occupations," p. ccxxii. This
seems to contradict the statement that the average life of girls at
the trade is five years (see " Eleventh Special Report of the Com-
missioner of Labor," p. 569). Census statistics as to age show,
however, that 69 per cent of the women in "tobacco and
cigars" are below twenty-four, while only 54.1 per cent of
all of the women in manufacturing pursuits are below this age
(computations based on Table 4, "Twelfth Census, 1900, Occu-
pations"). Since these figures are not for cigars alone, they are
not largely significant. The same data show a very large in-
crease for the decade in the number of girls employed and a very
small increase in the number of boys.

2 Testimony before the (Reinhard) " Committee on Female
Labor," New York Assembly, 1S96, p. 817.

3 The employment of married women seems also to be com-
mon in other countries. In Germany there is in the union a con-
finement benefit for women (Cigarmakers' Official Journal, May
15, 1903), and in interesting contrast to this is Section 4 of the
sick-benefit clause which was adopted by the American union

211

WOMEN IN INDUSTRY

The constant reference to women asa " cheap grade
of labor " must not lead to the conclusion that women
do not become as skilled cigarmakers as men and do
not work on the higher grades of hand-made cigars.
Undoubtedly there is a larger proportion of men than
women among the most efficient workers in many fac-
tories, but some women who are ' ' equal to any man '
will be found in most of them, and foremen and manu-
facturers alike testify to the fact that the highest pos-
sible skill is often attained by their women employees.

In one of the reports of the Commissioner of Labor,1
returns are given from nine establishments regarding
the relative efficiency of men and women. In four, the
men were said to be more efficient than the women ; in
one the women were more efficient than the men; in
four, the men and women were equally efficient.2 A
London investigation showed that while there might

at the convention of 1880: "Female members of any local union
shall not be entitled to any sick benefit three weeks before or
five weeks after confinement" (Ibid., October, 1S88). It is a
curious bit of history that in Bremen as early as 1847 an excep-
tion to a law which prohibited women from working in cigar
factories was made in favor of the wives of the men employed
(Frisch, p. 12, n. 2).

1 "Eleventh Annual Report" on "Work and Wages of Men,
Women and Children," pp. 517-519.

2 Two minor advantages connected with the employment of
women are noted by employers in discussing this question of
relative efficiency. One is that the woman "is always here on
Monday morning," as one employer tersely put it; the other is
that a considerable saving is effected because the women do not
smoke, for it is an unwritten law of the trade that the cigarmaker
always "gets his smokes off the boss."

212

CIGARMAKIXG

be an exceptional woman who was " better than any
man," yet, on the average, the men were faster
workers than the women.

But in this as in all other trades, the ever-present
possibility of marriage militates strongly against the
woman worker's attaining her fullest efficiency. The
few years that the woman who ' ' marries and leaves '
spends at the bench cannot be expected to develop
the quality of workmanship that comes with life-long
service. In anticipation, too, of her shorter ' ' working
life," a girl is often unwilling to serve the real ap-
prenticeship so necessary in a skilled trade like cigar-
making, and more often still, her parents are not will-
ing to undergo the sacrifices this may entail. In cities
where the union is strong, and a long period of pre-
liminary training is made a condition precedent to
entering the trade, there are relatively fewer women
employed.1 The point must not be overlooked, how-
ever, that this condition is due in some measure to a
feeling on the part of employers that boys are more
profitable apprentices and that the work is not proper
for girls. It is said, for example, that girls cannot
carry tobacco and wait on the women and men at the
benches as the boys do, but in England only girls are
employed for this kind of work. Other employers say
it is not worth while teaching a girl who is likely to

1 In Boston, for example, where a three-years' apprenticeship
is required, there was, in 1906, one girl to nearly 200 boys regu-
larly apprenticed, and this one girl was serving in the small shop
of a relative.

213

WOMEN IN INDUSTRY

leave the trade soon.1 It is, however, clearly true that
if the " aristocracy of male workers at the head " con-
tinues the apprenticeship situation will be one of the
explanations.

It may be said, in conclusion, that while cigarmak-
ing has in more recent years come to be a trade of
lower grade employing less skilled workers at lower
wages, this change is not to be attributed solely to the
increasing importance of women in the industry. For
with women have come the mold, the team system,
and machinery, all tending to diminish the demand
for skilled workmen ; and distinct, too, from the in-
fluence of women 's work as such has been the deterio-
riating effect of cheap immigrant labor and the tene-
ment system.

1 Until recently a school has been conducted in New York to
teach cigarmaking. The manager said he had in six years taught
3,000 persons, of whom eighty per cent were women and girls.
There is no apprenticeship now in the New York trade, but in
Boston it is practically impossible now for a girl to obtain a
chance to "serve." In London, on the other hand, the large
majority of apprentices are girls.

CHAPTER X

THE CLOTHING INDUSTRY

Although the " sewing trades " are too impor-
tant numerically from the point of view of the em-
ployment of women to be entirely neglected,1 their
history can be given here only in outline, partly be-
cause the clothing industry has become too compli-
cated to make detailed treatment within the limits of
a single chapter possible - and partly because of the
fact that the employment of women in the making
of clothing is less interesting than in the other in-

1 According to the "Twelfth Census (1900) : Manufactures," Pt.
iii, 261, the clothing industry in 1900 employed 243,932 women,
138,654 men and 6,499 children.

2 It should be explained here that there is no adequate treat-
ment of the development of the clothing trades in this country.
Reference should be made, however, to two rather elaborate
special treatises on the subject, " The Employment of Women in
the Clothing Trades" 1902, by Dr. Mabel Hurd Willett, and
"The Clothing Industry in New York" 1905, by Prof. Jesse E.
Pope. Both of these volumes are confined to the making of
ready-made garments for men, except that Mr. Pope includes
women's cloaks. Mrs. Willetts's study deals almost exclusively
with conditions of employment to-day, and Mr. Pope's historical
account is on the whole unsatisfactory.

215

WOMEN" IN INDUSTRY

dustries which have been discussed. Sewing, needle-
work of any kind except, perhaps, the making of
men's garments, has always been regarded as within
woman's " peculiar sphere "; and the point of in-
terest is, therefore, not that so many women are em-
ployed in the sewing trade, but that so many men
have come into the industry as their competitors.

Moreover, the problem of women's work in the
making of clothing is much less interesting in itself
than various other problems with which the industry
is closely connected — the so-called " sweating system,"
restrictive legislation dealing with ' ' home work, ' ' in-
sanitary conditions of employment in homes, work-
shops, and factories, and finally the whole problem
of the competition of immigrant labor. And, there-
fore, although any attempt to discuss the history of
the employment of women in the clothing trades in
brief compass must appear a superficial discussion in
which the points of greatest interest are neglected, it
will be necessary to limit the scope of the chapter to
the history of women's work in connection with the
manufacture of men's and women's ready-made cloth-
ing, and to make no attempt to deal with the work of
the custom tailor, the dressmaker, or the household
seamstress.

For purposes of classification, the manufacture of
men's and of women's clothing may be called the two
large divisions of the industry ; each of these again
is divided into the " ready-made " and the custom
trade ; and in the manufacture of ready-made gar-

21G

THE CLOTHING INDUSTRY

ments for both men and women there are a large
number of subdivisions; for the manufacture of a
single kind of garment is often a distinct industry.
Thus the making of overalls and of collars and cuffs
are industries which are quite different in their
method of organization, in the kind of labor em-
ployed, and in the places where they are carried on,
from the making of men's outside garments; and
the manufacture of women's underwear, or of shirt-
waists, for example, is an industry quite distinct
from the making of women's tailored suits.

We have to deal, then, not with a single industry
but with a large and varied group of industries, in
which the problem of the employment of women pre-
sents many different phases, from the work of the
intelligent American-born women in the overall fac-
tories to the work of the Italian " pants " finisher
who evades the law in her insanitary tenement.

Although the making of ready-made garments for
men is as yet scarcely a century old, it has a much
longer history than the manufacture of women's
ready-made clothing. At the opening of the nine-
teenth century the finest and most expensive clothing
for men was the work of skilled tailors who had
served a long apprenticeship ; but only the wealthy
and fashionable could afford to wear garments made
in this way, and the majority of men wore clothing
which was made at home by their wives and daughters
or perhaps by the village tailoress.

The first ready-for-sale garments were poor in qual-

217

WOMEN IN INDUSTRY

ity and corresponded not to the fine work of the high-
grade custom tailor, but rather to the inferior coun-
try product which had been made largely by women.
It was only natural, therefore, for women to be em-
ployed in the early stages of the manufacture of the
" ready-made " clothing; and in the second decade
of the nineteenth century, when the making of such
clothing for men began,1 both men and women were
found in the trade. An " Emigrant's Directory," in
1820, advised tailors who might come to this country
that in New York their trade had been " much in-
jured by the employment of women and boys, who
work from twenty-five to fifty per cent cheaper than
the men. A man that can cut out," it was specified,
" will be occasionally very well paid, the women not
being clever in this branch of the business, makes
more men necessary. Trousers are all made by
women. ' ' 2 Custom work and the making of ready-
made garments were at first carried on together, for
custom tailors found that during the slack seasons
they could profitably employ their time making up
a stock of clothing for the ' ' ready-to-wear ' ' trade.
For this reason the women employed were most often
the wife and daughters of the tailor himself, who
found it profitable to give the lighter parts of the
work to the women members of his family. But other
women soon came into the trade in considerable num-

!See "Twelfth Census (1900): Manufactures," Pt. iii, 296.
2 "View of the United States of America: A Complete Emi-
grant's Directory" (London, 1820), p. 371.

218

THE CLOTHING INDUSTRY

bers, and the making of trousers and waistcoats
especially came to be quite exclusively women's
work.1

Under the tariff of 1816 the duty on manufactured
clothing was thirty per cent. This was raised to
fifty per cent in 1828, and the imports consequently
fell off nearly one third in the next six years.2 By
1832 the " ready-made " was being manufactured in
New York on a considerable scale, and in other large
cities as well. Some of the manufacturers had an
extensive business making clothing for shipment to
the southern states and to some foreign parts, and a
few establishments employed from 300 to 500 hands.
In 1832 the " Documents Relative to the Manufac-
tures of the United States " reported that 300 men,
100 boys, and 1,300 women were employed in the
tailor shops of Boston, and that the men were paid
two dollars a day and the women and boys fifty
cents. The comment upon these returns was: " The
estimate of the tailoring business is founded on
the best information which could be obtained. It
has become usual in late vears for most tailors
to keep on hand a large stock of ready-made
clothing."

The sewing machine was not invented until 1850
and ready-made garments of this early period were
therefore entirely hand sewed. Large quantities of

1 Pope, pp. 15, 16.

1 See the account of the clothing industry in the " Eighth
Census (1S60): Manufactures," p. lxiii.

16 219

WOMEN IN INDUSTKY

them, cut out at the dealer's place of business in the
city, were sent to the country towns in the neighbor-
hood of New York, Boston, and Philadelphia, where
the wives and daughters of farmers and sailors made
them in their own homes.

The Massachusetts " Tables of Industry " reported
in 1837 nearly 2,500 women engaged in making cloth-
ing in Boston, and as many of the dealers there fol-
lowed this custom of sending garments out to be
" made up " on farms and in country villages, the
total number of employees must have been much
greater. In Groton alone, 11,000 garments were made
annually and 245 women as well as three men
were engaged in this work.1 While none of the
statements of the number of persons in the trade
during this early period are more than approxi-
mately correct, they are interesting as evidence of
the continuous employment of women in very con-
siderable numbers from the time when the " ready-
made ' first began to be manufactured in this
country.

The invention of the sewing machine made possible
a much greater expansion of the industry than would

1 "Massachusetts Tables of Industry" (1837), p. 28. An in-
teresting example of the way in which more primitive methods
i.i the clothing industry have survived along with the evolution
of the factory system is the fact that large quantities of clothing
are still sent out to be made in the country districts of Pennsyl-
vania and New England. See the "Reports of the Industrial
Commission," vii, 194.

220

THE CLOTHING INDUSTRY

have been possible under the old method. The ma-
chine was not altogether satisfactory until it had
been perfected by the discovery of the lock stitch.
The first machine stitching was so likely to rip that it
was considered very unsafe, and hand-made gar-
ments were thought superior because they were firmer.
Women who could afford to purchase machines con-
tinued to work much as they had done before in their
own homes ; other women were obliged to seek em-
ployers who wanted " help ' to run machines in
their factories or workshops. Women had always
been less frequently employed on the making of coats
than in the manufacture of trousers and waistcoats,
and after the invention of the machine, which was
soon used with great success in the making of these
garments, this work came to be done almost entirely
by women.

Immigrants had already begun to come into the
industry in large numbers, but how far the employ-
ment of women may have been effected it is not easy
to say. English, Scotch, and, after 1840, large num-
bers of Irish immigrants were found in the trade. In
1848 and the years following, a great many Germans
came, and in some accounts of the organization of the
industry at this time the introduction of the ' ' family
home shop " and the first division of labor is attrib-
uted to them. " The German tailor took coats, vests,
and pants to his home and was there assisted by his
wife and daughters, the work being roughly divided
into machine sewing, basting, and finishing. The

WOMEN IN INDUSTKY

family home shop in the clothing trade appearing
among the Germans at that time is peculiar to
the German people."1 The employment of wom-
en as finishers and " foot-machine operators " on a
considerable scale is also attributed to the Ger-
mans.

A larger proportion of women, however, were said
to be employed in the inside shops - manufacturing
" pants, vests, and cloaks " than under the family
system, though the total number was large in either
case.

An interesting account of the family system be-
fore and after the machine came into use was given
by a German tailor in testimony before a Senate in-
vestigating committee. " Before we had sewing ma-
chines," he said, " we worked piece work with our
own wives, and very often our children. We had no
trouble with our neighbors, then, nor with the land-
lord, because it was a very still business, very quiet ;

1 Willett, p. 33. See also " Reports of the Industrial Com-
mission," xv, Chap. IX, in which the various modes of produc-
tion which the different nationalities have introduced are dis-
cussed.

2 The two prevailing systems of manufacture in the trade at
that time were known as the "inside" and the "outside." In
the former case, women were employed in the shop of the master
tailor or manufacturer; in the latter they worked at home or in
a room which they rented with fellow tailors or in some other
place which they provided (see Pope, p. 15). In order to avoid
as much as possible an account of technicalities relating to the
organization of the industry, these terms have not been used.

222

THE CLOTHING INDUSTRY

but in 1854 or 1855, and later, the sewing machine
was invented and introduced, and it stitched very
nicely — nicer than the tailor could do ; and the bosses
said, ' We want you to use a sewing machine ; you
have to buy one.' Many of the tailors had a few
dollars in the bank, and they took the money and
bought machines. Many others had no money, but
must help themselves; so they brought their stitch-
ing, the coat or vest, to the other tailors who had
sewing machines, and paid them a few cents for the
stitching. Later, when the money was given out for
the work, we found out that we could earn no more
than we could without the machine ; but the money
for the machine was gone now, and we found that
the machine was only for the profit of the bosses ; that
they got their work quicker and it was done nicer. ' ' x

A tailor's wages were then always the joint earn-
ings of a man and his wife. In the words of the
German witness again, " A tailor is nothing without
a wife and very often a child."

In general it may be said that there was a new
subdivision of occupations after the introduction of
the machine; " operating," the term commonly used
to describe the work of running the machine, became
specialized as "cutting" had been; "finishing"
and " pressing " also became distinct processes. A
table of wages for 1860 published in one of the later

1 "Report of Senate Committee on the Relations between
Labor and Capital," 1SS5, i, 414.

223

WOMEN IN INDUSTRY

reports of the Massachusetts Bureau of Labor fur-
nishes some interesting evidence of the way in which
these occupations were divided between women and
men. According to this table in 1860, basters, ma-
chine operators, " finishers at home," " finishers in
shop," custom finishers, and pantaloon and vest
makers (custom work) were women.1 Their wages
ranged approximately from five to six dollars a week,
while the men were paid from nine to nineteen
dollars as overseers, cutters, trimmers, and pressers.
These were, however, by no means exclusively men's
occupations, for women seem to have been quite fre-
quently employed as pressers 2 or " presswomen ' ' as

1 Average weekly wages, ready-made clothing, standard gold

("Tenth Annual Report of the Massachusetts Bureau of Labor,

1879," p. 70) :

1860.

Overseers $19.45

Cutters 13 . 92

Trimmers 11 . 06

Pressers 9.17

Basters (women) 6 . 32

Machine operators (women) 5 . 53

Finishers at home (women) 4 . 00

Finishers in shop (women) 4 . 56

Finishers, custom (women) 6 . 00

Pantaloon and vest makers, custom work

(women) 5 . 58

2 See the " Thirteenth Annual Report of the United States
Bureau of Labor" on "Hand and Machine Labor," p. 266, in
which it is said: "The ironing or pressing was done by hand
under both methods, hand and machine, but a much bet-
ter showing is made under the modern method. This is per-

224

THE CLOTHING INDUSTKY

they were then called and there is some reason to
think that they may have been cutters1 as well: al-
though it will he remembered that even in 1820 wom-
en were said " not to be very clever in this line of
business. ' '

In 1872 another schedule of wages paid to women
in the clothing industry was published by the same
Bureau of Labor. According to this later list, more
than a thousand women were employed in each of
the women's occupations given in the first list ex-
cept machine operatives, in which only 629 women
were found. In addition, the later list reported
sixty-two ' press women ' and seventy forewomen.
No women, however, were reported as cutters or
trimmers.2

A considerable expansion of the industry took

haps owing to the more skilled workmen (this work having
been done by women under the hand method) and to better
equipment as to appliances for heating under the modern
method."

1 With regard to this point, the statement is made in Pope, p.
28, that "in the early period of the industry women were often
employed as cutters, in the manufacture of both men's and
women's clothing." This statement, however, is not altogether
convincing, as no authority is given, and it contradicts the fol-
lowing statement from the "Report on Hand and Machine
Labor": "The cutting was done by males under both methods
(hand and machine), and the examining under the primitive
method was also done by males. Under the modern method a
number of girls were employed, and in most cases they worked
side by side with women, thus indicating that in the machine
work on these units they are as efficient as women."

2 The list in detail will be found at the bottom of page 226.

225

WOMEN" IN INDUSTEY

place after the first year of the war, owing to the de-
mand for army clothing, but no important changes in
methods of production occurred until after 1870. In
that year, knives which could cut a large number of
thicknesses of cloth at one time first came into use,
and since then a long series of mechanical improve-
ments have been made from time to time, such as the
invention of machines for cutting cloth, machines for
cutting and making buttonholes, machines for sewing
on buttons, pressing machines, and most important of
all, the substitution of steam and electricity for foot
power in running the sewing machine. How far
these changes have affected the employment of
women is an interesting question, but one difficult to
answer.

In general, it is true that the proportion of women
employed in the industry has declined in the last
twenty-five years, but it will be pointed out that

WOMEN IN THE CLOTHING INDUSTRY (WHOLESALE) IN 1871-72

From "Third Annual Report of Massachusetts Bureau of
Labor, 1872," p. 86.

Occupation.

Coat basters

Coat finishers

Pants basters

Pants finishers

Vest basters

Vest finishers

Forewomen

Machine operators.
Buttonhole makers.
Presswomen

Total Number
Employed.

Wages per

Week.
Average.

2,387

$5.84

2,447

5.80

1,665

5.31

1,777

5.53

11,783

5.44

1,571

5.50

8.72

629

8.27

7.68

7.35

226

THE CLOTHING INDUSTRY

there have been causes in addition to the introduc-
tion of new machines and other inventions and im-
provements to explain the change. It is clear that
women have not been extensively employed, unless
in the very early years, either as pressers or opera-
tors, and that basting and finishing are the occupa-
tions in which the largest numbers have been found.
Such inquires as have been made in the last decade
indicate that their position as pressers and operators
is much the same; they are found in both occupa-
tions, but it is the rare exception in the former
and not common in the latter. An investigator
in 1903 reported for New York: " There is per-
haps no branch of the trade in which women are
not to be found. Even in the pressing of coats,
which is extremely heavy work, the exhausting
effect of which is frequently noticeable on the
men engaged in it, I have found women em-
ployed. But it is possible to visit hundreds of
establishments without finding a woman doing this
work." x

With regard to operating, the same investigator
reported that if conditions in New York alone were
considered " it would be natural to conclude either
that machine operating and basting on men's cloth-
ing was, except in rare instances, beyond the phys-
ical strength of women, or that the skill demanded
was such as they could acquire only with difficulty."

1 Willett, p. 67,
227

WOMEN IN INDUSTRY

In other cities, however, women were found doing
this work except on the very heaviest grade of
goods.

With regard to the hasters, especially the basters
on coats, there is an interesting example of the sacri-
fice of the woman wage earner to the increase in
speed. Toward the close of the decade 1890-1900
men were gradually substituted for women basters
in shops in which the task system prevailed because
the women could not maintain the high speed de-
manded.

In one of the reports of the Industrial Commission
in 18S9, it was pointed out that the wages of women
edge basters on coats had declined one fifth since the
Jewish invasion and that women had been replaced
by immigrant men who received about fifty per cent
more a week than the women had formerly earned
at the same piece-work rates, because of ' ' the greater
speed and endurance of the men." Attention was
further called to the fact that the increased number
of coats per task probably explained why, in the evo-
lution of the trade, women could not hold their own
as edge basters and finishers. "About 15,000 to
25,000 girls," it is said, " have been driven out and
men have taken their places at wages fifty per cent
higher. This is because the hours and the speed
were increased continuously, so that women were
physically unable to perform the task."1

1 "Reports of the Industrial Commission," xv, 346, 36S.

228

THE CLOTHING INDUSTRY

Women are still employed, but chiefly by Germans,
in basting vests and to some extent as operators in
"pants and vest" shops. They are, however, ex-
clusively employed on all kinds of garments for men
in the lighter work of felling, tacking, and sewing on
buttons. The conclusion drawn from a New York
investigation is that " for this work no physical
strength is necessary and practically no training, and
consequently it is work readily resorted to by girls
and unskilled women. Any man of ordinary strength
finds day labor more remunerative than this work
would be, even if he were as accustomed to sewing
as a woman is. In this lightest grade of work, as in
the heaviest, there is practically no competition be-
tween the sexes. ' ' 1

The chief influence, however, which has tended to
diminish the proportion of women employed has been
the invasion of the industry by the Russian Jews,
which began shortly before 1880. While a discus-
sion of the effects of this movement on the industry
would lead far afield into the problems connected
with the sweating system and attempts to control it,
it must be pointed out that immigration in gen-
eral, and especially the coming of this particular
race, has been an important factor in reducing
the importance of the woman wage earner in the
industry.

The clothing industry has been more affected than

1 Willett, p. 68.
229

WOMEN m INDUSTEY

any other trade in this country by successive waves
of immigration, and on the whole the women have
felt keenly the pressure of immigrant competition in
the low-grade unskilled work of the trade. The pro-
portion of women employed is, therefore, noticeably
lower in the large cities than in the small towns, and
it seems reasonable to assume that more women are
employed in these towns because there are fewer
immigrants than in the cities.1 That the effect of
Russian Jewish immigration, in particular, has
meant a restriction of women's work in the trade is
unmistakable. There is a larger proportion of men
than women immigrants among the Russian Jews;
there is, too, a general racial opposition to the em-
ployment of women ; and, finally, the pace set by the

1 The following data from Pope, pp. 57-58, are of interest in
this connection.

" In the shops manufacturing pants, vests, coats, and cloaks in-
spected, the percentage of women to the total number employed
was, in 1888, 40.7 per cent; in 1891, 27.5 per cent; in 1896, 26
per cent; and in 1900, 25.3 per cent. The following table shows
the results of the Factory Inspector's investigations as to the
percentage of women employed in the manufacture of cloaks,
pants, coats, and vests, respectively, in New York City: "

YEAR.

Cloaks.

Pants.

Coats.

Vests.

1888

45.5
39.1
29.0
23.6
In men's

62.4
54.8
25.0
23.8
and boys' c

28.3
19.1
20.6
22.7
othing, 27.

63.6

1891

1896

55.4

42.8

1900

43.2

1902

S per cent.

230

THE CLOTHING INDUSTRY

Jews in some branches of the trade has meant a rate
of speed which it is said has been too great for women
to maintain. Moreover, the general tendency of
labor legislation since 1892 has been to aid in this
movement by forcing work from the home into the
outside shops. With the Jewish prejudice against
the employment of women outside of the home, this
has meant inevitably a proportionate decrease in the
number of women in the trade.1

It seems to be clear, then, that the tendency of the
last cpiarter century in the industry has been toward
an increase in the proportion of men and a cor-
responding decrease in the proportion of women em-
ployed. The census report on the clothing industry
in 1900 strangely enough implied that women were
taking the places of men,2 but the statistics of em-

1 In the shops connected with but technically separate from
living rooms, the percentage of women workers remained high.
"A condition was thus brought about just opposite to that
which we should expect, namely that the smaller the shop, the
higher the percentage of women." — Pope, p. 57.

2 See "Twelfth Census 1900" Manufactures, iii, 262. The
census says with regard to changes in employees and wages in
this industry: "The total number of wage earners reported in
1900 showed a decrease of 23,976 or 16.5 per cent, and their
wages decreased $5,570,059, or 10.9 per cent. The greatest de-
crease was in the number of men with 19,709, with a decrease in
their wages of $5,968,327. This is partly due to a transfer of
wages to ' contract ' work under miscellaneous expenses. Besides,
it can be explained partly by the substitution of women for men.
The average number of women wage earners decreased 5,759,
or 7.6 per cent, but the total wages paid to women increased
$131,649, or seven tenths of 1 per cent."

231

WOMEN m INDUSTEY

ployment for the industry, which are given in the
following table, do not seem to justify the statement.

MEN'S CLOTHING, FACTORY PRODUCT— NUMBER OF

EMPLOYEES "

1890.

1900.

1905.

Men

67,786

75,621

1,519

48,070

69,846

3,011

58,759

Women

75,468

Children

2,963

Total number of employees

Percentage of women employed... .

144,926
52

120,927

137,190
55

According to this table, fifty-two per cent of the
total number of persons employed in the manufacture
of men's clothing in the year 1890 were women; this
percentage had increased to fifty-eight in 1900, but
had decreased to fifty-five in 1905, when the last cen-
sus of manufactures was taken. All of the statistics
given in the census, however, are prefaced by a state-
ment showing how impossible it is to collect com-
plete and accurate data for the industry. Existing
conditions, particularly in the manufacture of men's
clothing made a complete canvas of the industry by
the census office impossible.2 Special agents and

1 The data for 1890-1900 are given in "Twelfth Census (1900):
Manufactures," Pt. iii, 261, and data for 1905 and again for
1900 are given in the 1905 "Census of Manufactures," i, lxxviii.

2 This is a statement condensed from the " Twelfth Census
(1900): Manufactures," Pt. iii, 261.

232

TIIE CLOTHING INDUSTKY

enumerators who collected the data could not ob-
tain information from a large number of places
where the manufacture was carried on. The ma-
jority of these places were in tenements and small
shops in the rear of dwellings and as a rule, the men
giving information were foreigners, without a knowl-
edge of the language and with " a prejudice against,
and suspicion of, any person making inquiries about
their business." Such men, it was said, were not
only not disposed to make any returns, but in gen-
eral, were not in the habit of keeping any books or
accounts, and, therefore, such information as they
gave was for the most part " guesswork." More-
over, it was added, " a part of the work is done by
women in their own homes ; but it was impracticable
to attempt to ascertain the number so employed."

It would seem, therefore, that conclusions of value
could not be based on an increase of six per cent be-
tween 1890 and 1900 and a decrease of three per cent
between 1900 and 1905, when the statistics upon
which the percentages are computed are acknowl-
edged to be incomplete and inaccurate. Moreover, it
should be pointed out that the tendency particularly
in the large cities toward a substitution of men for
women which has been indicated in the preceding dis-
cussion seems to be borne out by such data as are
available for a longer period of time. Thus, the fol-
lowing table seems to indicate that the decline in the
proportion of women employed has been going on for
more than half a century.

WOMEN" IN" INDUSTRY

Men's Clothing, Factory Product and Custom Work-

1850-1900 !

1850.

I860.

1870.

1880.

1890.

1900.

Men

Women

35,031
61,500

41,837
72,963

47,829

59,019

1,280

77,255

80,994

2,564

118,640

95,400

2,065

96,825

89,395

3,879

Total number
of employees. .

Percentage of
women em-
ployed

96,551
62

114,800
63

108,128
55

160,813
54

216,105
44

190,099
46

While this table may seem clearly to indicate a
decrease in the proportion of women employed, yet

1 This table with the exception of data for 1S90 and 1900,
which have been changed as indicated below, are given in the
"Twelfth Census (1900): Manufactures," Pt. hi, 261. The
census explains that " the only comparison of any value that can
be made is between the figures for 1890-1900," since the data
for the two latter years are for the "factory product" only,
while in the earlier census reports for the industry, statistics for
custom-made and for factory-made clothing were not separated.
If such a comparison is desired, however, the returns for custom
and factory product may be easily combined for the later years.
By adding the data for custom work which are given on p. 301
of the same volume to the data for the factory product which
are given in the original table, and substituting these results
for the factory product data in the table the objection to a com-
parison is, in part, done away with. In the table above, there-
fore, the data for 1890 and 1900 are not those given in the
original census table, but they represent instead the sum of
custom-made and factory-product data for each of these years.
Data for 1905 are not included in this table, as those given in
the 1905 "Census of Manufactures" are only for the factory
product, and are given later.

234

THE CLOTHING INDUSTRY

it must again be said that for an industry in which
reliable statistics cannot be gathered, the statistical
method obviously cannot be relied upon alone. No
conclusions, therefore, have been based solely upon
these data which have, indeed, been presented as
of interest in view of the fact that in the history of
the industry causes have been found promoting such
a decline.

There is another branch of the manufacture of
men 's clothing, the making of men 's furnishing goods,
which employs so many women that at least a brief ac-
count of it must be given. This is, indeed, no longer
a single branch of the trade, but rather an aggrega-
tion of several distinct branches, some of which, such
as, for example, the manufacture of shirts, of collars
and cuffs, of neckwear, or of underwear, are really
independent industries requiring specialized machin-
ery and special skill in the manufacture. The census
reported in 1900 a total of 56,357 women and 10,915
men engaged in making men 's shirts and other ' ' fur-
nishing goods." That so large a number of women
should be employed in this work is not astonishing ;
in fact it is rather a matter of surprise that even
one sixth of the employees are men. This is the
kind of sewing that has always been considered
' ' women 's work, ' ' and the manufacture of ' ' ready-
made " articles of this class has always been in the
hands of women. The industry of supplying ready-
made " furnishings " for men began in the decade
1820-30, and by 1832 the manufacture of " custom-
17 235

WOMEN IN INDUSTKY

made " shirts had hecome an organized industry in
New York, out of which the making of " stock
shirts " soon developed. All of this work was done
by seamstresses who worked in their own homes, and
the factories established were merely places where
the material was cut and the work given out and
returned.

The making of detachable collars also began as a
distinct industry before 1880. At one time shirts
were made with collars attached, and it was a great
innovation when a retired Methodist minister who
kept a small dry goods store in Troy, New York, be-
gan a wholesale business in separate collars. These
collars were at first all made by his wife and daughters
at home, but he soon began to give out work to the
women in the neighboring families, who received with
each lot of collars a card carefully specifying: " In
pay you buy my goods at my prices." The minister-
storekeeper was not long the only collar manufac-
turer in the field, and Troy became the center of a
great industry.1

The women who made collars, and later collars and
cuffs, in the neighborhood of Troy, worked in their
own comfortable homes, and were for the most part
the wives and daughters of well-to-do and prosperous
farmers and workingmen. In a striking contrast
were the shirtmakers in the large cities, who in these

1 For an interesting account of this industry, see " Twelfth
Census (1900): Manufactures," Pt. hi, 310.

236

THE CLOTHING INDUSTRY

early days were a notoriously oppressed class of
workingwomen. Prices for their work seem to have
been from six to twelve cents for a shirt, most
commonly eight or ten cents. . As the ordinary
steamstress working on coarse shirts could not make
more than nine a week, her earnings were de-
plorably low.1 These women often lived under
the most distressing conditions in garrets and cel-
lars. Indeed the life of the ordinary seamstress
who made shirts by hand in the days before the
invention of the sewing machine was one of great
misery.

Matthew Carey, in a vehement protest in behalf
of " those females who depend on their needles and
live in their own apartments, in a situation al-
most too trying for human nature," declared that
" neither skill, talent, nor industry [could] enable
those poor creatures to earn more than a dollar and
a quarter, or perhaps one out of ten a dollar and a
half per week." 2 There were said to be thousands of
women in Philadelphia earning these wages. It was
estimated on the most careful inquiries that the num-
ber of women in Boston, New York, Philadelphia, and
Baltimore who were self-supporting was from eighteen
to twenty thousand ; of these it was estimated that one
third were " tayleresses, milliners, mantua-makers,

'M. Carey, "A Plea for the Poor," No. II, Philadelphia,
December 26, 1831.

2 Ibid., "Essays on the Public Charities of Philadelphia,"
Preface, fourth edition.

237

WOMEN m INDUSTEY

colorists, attendants in shops, seamstresses in fam-
ilies, nurses, whitewashers and the like," who were
said to be in general fairly well paid, but the
other two thirds, seamstresses who worked in their
own lodgings, spoolers, and shoe binders,1 were
reported to be working under intolerable condi-
tions.

The federal government in its contracts for army
clothing engaged in an early, and what seems to have
been a very disgraceful, sweating system. The con-
ditions among the women who did government work
aroused so much indignation that, in the winter of
1829, a protest was sent to the Secretary of War,
signed by one hundred and thirty-one " respectable
citizens " of Philadelphia. It was claimed that the
wages paid by the Government for making shirts of
drilling were " utterly inadequate to enable the in-
dustrious females employed on them to pay rent and
to procure a sufficient supply of clothing and the
other necessaries of life. ' ' The Secretary replied that
the Government did not wish to oppress the " indi-
gent but meritorious females " employed in its service,
yet, he said, " the subject is found to be one of so
much delicacy and is so intimately connected with
the manufacturing interests and the general prices of
this kind of labor in the city of Philadelphia that the
Department has not felt at liberty to interfere fur-

1 An open letter "To the Ladies Who Have Undertaken to
Establish a House of Industry in New York," M. Carey, "Mis-
cellaneous Pamphlets."

238

THE CLOTHING INDUSTRY

ther than to address a letter to the Commissary Gen-
eral of Purchase. ' ' 1

Women were also employed on a rather large scale
during- this period in the manufacture of men's stocks,
tin1 proper neckwear of the period, and suspenders.

1 A copy of the letter sent to the Commissary General is of

sufficient interest to quote:

"Department of War,

"February 2, 1S29.

"Sir: — Communications, of which the enclosed are copies,
signed by some fifty or sixty persons, who, as far as their names
are known to this department, appear to be amongst the most
respectable citizens of Philadelphia, have been received, com-
plaining that the prices paid by you to the needy but industrious
females whom you employ in making up clothes for the army,
are too low — out of proportion to the compensation allowed to
other branches of industry, and inadequate for their sup-
port.

" While the Government highly commends the general spirit
of economy and zealous regard to the public interest, displayed
in your contracts, it cannot wish to impose terms that shall
operate oppressively on any class of its citizens, and more
especially on widows and other meritorious females employed
in its service.

"The difficulty, however, of correctly appreciating, at this
place, the merits of the several suggestions contained in the
communications of those gentlemen, and a want of sufficient
knowledge of the effects which would be produced by acceding
to their requests, not only on the particular interests of the
Government, but on the prices of this species of labor generally
throughout the large manufacturing city of Philadelphia, render
it a subject of too much delicacy for the Department to inter-
fere; and the whole must therefore be left, where it has been
properly placed, in your sound discretion.

" I have the honor, & etc.

"(Signed) P. B. Porter."

239

WOMEN" IN" INDUSTEY

In two of the New England states more than 700
women were employed in this industry, and in many
other parts of the country women were probably
doing similar work. A single firm in Boston em-
ployed two men at $1.25 a day, one boy at 50 cents
a day, and ninety women at 37^ cents a day. In two
establishments in Berlin, Connecticut, 225 women
were employed in the making of suspenders alone.
There is, however, as has already been pointed out,
nothing especially significant about the employment
of women in this work. Needlework, except the heavy,
highly skilled work of tailoring, was always ac-
cepted as peculiarly suitable for women. For the
same reason little need be said about the making of
women's ready-made garments, with perhaps the
single exception of cloaks. No other garments for
women were manufactured ready for sale, on any
scale worthy of note, before 1860, and even until
1880 the women's ready-made clothing industry was
pretty exclusively confined to cloakmaking. After
this time women's tailored suits came into the mar-
ket and formed a new branch of the industry which
expanded rapidly. Later the making of shirtwaists,
underwear, and similar products became another dis-
tinct trade within the industry, and at the present
time all kinds of women's garments are manufac-
tured ready for sale. Cloaks might, perhaps, because
of their weight, seem to belong more properly with
men's outside garments. They were, however, al-
ways made by women, and even the skilled work of

240

THE CLOTHING INDUSTRY

cutting was done by a woman, usually by a French

tailoress in the early days of the trade.1

In 1860, the first year when the census presented
statistics for the industry, the returns showed that
889 men and 4,850 women were engaged in the manu-
facture of women's clothing; in 1905 the same indus-
try employed more than 42,000 men and 72,000 wom-
en. Other data given by the census from decade to
decade, are found in the following table :

WOMEN'S CLOTHING, FACTORY PRODUCT

1860.

1870.

1880.

1890.

1900.

1905.

Men

889
4,850

1,105

10,247

344

2,594
22,253

345

12,963

25,913

273

26,109

56,866

764

42,614

Women

72,242

Children

849

Total number of

employees

Percentage of wom-

5,739

11,696

25,192

39,149
66

83,739

115,705
63

1 An interesting contrast between the employment of women
in cloakmaking and in other garmentmaking is found in Pope,
p. 17: "The traditions behind men's clothing in the custom trade
favored the skilled male workman, and the chief influence was
English. In women's garments the tradition was that of the
woman tailoress, and the chief influence was French. In the
early years of the cloak industry the retailer employed a French
tailoress to do the cutting and to have general supervision over
the workers, who were largely women. The fact that the cloak
industry had behind it a tradition of unskilled female labor, un-
prejudiced against the factory, coupled with the fact that many
of the workers were young women who could not easily furnish
their own workplace, accounts very largely for the making of
cloaks in the inside shops."

241

WOMEX m INDUSTRY

It is of interest that the census in presenting these
data speaks of them as " more approximately cor-
rect " than those given in the table for men's ready-
made clothing, and it is of interest that they show a
constant decline since 1880 in the proportion of women
employed and that the percentage of women employed
in 1900 or 1905 is apparently very much lower than
in I860.1

In commenting on the change that had taken place
between 1890 and 1900, the census pointed out that
the development of the industry during the decade
" was of such a nature that men were substituted for
women in the manufacture of certain of the better
grades of clothing, such as cloaks and ladies' suits,
while the greatest number of women were added in
the factories for shirtwaists and underwear."

But whatever changes may have taken place in the
last decade, it is clear that, if a longer period be con-
sidered, all of the men who are now employed in the
manufacture of ready-made clothing for women are
doing work that would have belonged to the dress-
makers and seamstresses of an earlier day, and the
organization and development of the industry, there-

1 The comment of the census on these data is as follows: "As
the manufacture of women's ready-made clothing is not dis-
tributed over as many places as is that of men's, and as a large
part of it is manufactured in large factories and in shops, the
collection of statistics could be more accurately done, and the
figures may be taken as more approximately correct." — "Twelfth
Census (1900): Manufactures," Pt. iii, 283. Data for 1905
from the " Census of Manufactures " for that year, i, 6.

212

THE CLOTHING INDUSTRY

fore, has meant, to a considerable extent, the substi-
tution of men for women.

In attempting- a general summary for the clothing
trades as a whole, it must again be pointed out that
Ave are dealing with a complicated group of separate
industries, some of which, such as the manufacture of
women's shirtwaists and men's overalls,1 are well-or-
ganized factory industries, while in others, like some
branches of the " pants and vest " trade, a great deal
of work is still done by the home finisher on the old
domestic or commission system.

It is therefore impossible to present in clear out-

1 The " overall " manufacture is a good example of one of the
several minor industries of which no special mention could be
made. The census does not report statistics for the overall
manufacture separately, but it is well known that the great ma-
jority of employees are women. In 1899, when the secretary of
the United Garment Workers was testifying before the Industrial
Commission, he said, in answer to the question " What part of
the trade are the women members employed in? " that they were
employed chiefly " in the overall branch and in the finishing work
of the clothing trade." The overall operatives, he said, were
largely American girls, who had had a common-school education
and who represented the better class of working girls. See " Re-
ports of the Industrial Commission," vii, 182 ,183, 194. Mrs.
Willett devotes one chapter to overalls in her book on the cloth-
ing trade, and her statement as to the origin of the trade (p. 134)
is of interest: "The manufacture of overalls and workingmen's
garments is the branch of the clothing industry into which the
factory system was first introduced, and in which it is now most
largely employed. As early as 1S71 there was in Wappinger's
Falls, New York, the nucleus of the establishment that claims to
have been the first overalls factory in the United States. By
1S76 this factory had 256 employees, largely women, engaged in
making overalls and workingmen's suits on machines run by
steam power."

243

WOMEN" IN INDUSTEY

line a simplified account of the development of the in-
dustry as a whole. While all of the various branches
had their origin alike in the work of the custom tailor,
the dressmaker, or the seamstress, they became, at
different stages in the evolution of the industry, dis-
tinct and unrelated trades.

A statistical outline of the industry in 1900 as pre-
sented in the census is given in the following table.
While this serves the purpose of giving an idea of the
relative numbers of persons engaged in the manufac-
ture of men's and of women's clothing, it fails to
show all the special subdivisions of the industry, such
as, for example, overalls, collars and cuffs, neckties,
women's suits, cloaks, wrappers, aprons, shirtwaists,
underwear, and other specialized branches of the
trade.

The Clothing Industry in 1900 1

Men.

Women.

Children.

Total

Number
of Em-
ployees.

Percent-
age of
Women.

Men's Clothing:
Factory product

48,077

48,748

6,604

4,311

426

108,166

26,109

4,379

30,488

41,961

69,862
19,533
31,074
25,283
479
146,231

56,866
40,835
97,701
66,118

3,011

868

814

622

5,354

764

381

1,145

9,145

120,950

69,149

38,492

30,216

944

259,751

83,739

45,595

129,334

117,224

Custom work and repairing
Shirts

28
81

Furnishing goods, men's.. .

84
51

Total men's

Women's Clothing:

Total miscellaneous

76
56

xFrom the "Twelfth Census (1900):
301, 302.

244

Manufactures," Pt. iii,

THE CLOTHING INDUSTRY

So far as the employment of women is concerned,
it may once more be pointed out that the line of
descent of ready-made clothing for men is in part
from the custom tailor and in part from the housewife
or the country tailoress. In the earliest stage of the
" ready-made " industry, however, the custom tailor
employed women in the work, and although it is not
possible to quote accurate statistics showing how far
the proportion of men and women employees may have
changed from time to time, there is evidence of the
continuous employment of large numbers of women
in the trade from the early twenties of the last century
down to the present day. And also it must be em-
phasized that in the manufacture of women 's clothing
nearly fifty thousand men are employed at work
which would, under the more primitive system of the
dressmaker and the seamstress, have been done entirely
by women.

CHAPTER XI

PRINTING

In 1905 more than 37,000 women were employed
in the printing trades in this country. The industry,
however, is important from the point of view of
women's work, not merely because so many women
are engaged in it, but because it is one of the old
skilled hand trades. Printing, like shoemaking, was
one of the historic crafts and one which machinery
has been very slow to change. As long as so many
of the industrial occupations in which women are
found are unskilled, their connection with a trade
which requires training and skill is of special in-
terest.

The employment of women in the industry known
as " printing and publishing " has a long history.
In the eighteenth century there were a great many
women printers. The States of Massachusetts, Con-
necticut, Rhode Island, Pennsylvania, New York,
Maryland, Virginia, and South Carolina each had
one or more of them. These women worked as com-
positors as well as at the press.1 Several colonial

1 That is, at setting type. See Isaiah Thomas, " History of
Printing in America," i, passim.

246

PRINTING

newspapers were published by women, and they
printed books and pamphlets as well.

Margaret Draper of Massachusetts " printed " for
the governor and council; in South Carolina a wom-
an was appointed printer to the State after the close
of the Revolutionary War; and Benjamin Franklin's
sister-in-law at Newport, in Rhode Island, printed
for the colony, supplied blanks for the public offices,
published pamphlets, and in 1745 printed for the
Government an edition of the laws, containing three
hundred and forty folio pages. Her two daughters
who assisted her in printing were said to have been
" correct and quick compositors at case."

Although the number of women printers has al-
ways been small compared with the number of men
in the trade, there has probably never been a time
for more than a hundred years when women have
not found employment in printing offices. Dr.
Thomas, writing in 1815, called attention to the fact
that women and girls were " not infrequently " em-
ployed as compositors ; and at the same time he cited
as an example of the kind of work they could do,
that two women who were then working in a printing
house in Philadelphia performed " their week's work
with as much fidelity as most of the journeymen."

Although there is a good deal of indirect evidence x

1 Much of this is found in the records of the early printers'
unions and will be discussed in connection with the attitude of
the union to women's work. There are, of course, other state-
ments, like the quotations from White, " Slater " {supra, p. 77)

217

WOMEN m INDUSTRY

to show that women worked steadily in printing
offices throughout the first half of the last century,
very few data can be found relating to the number
of women employed. Such statistics of employment
as were collected in the first half century were, for
the most part, got to show the progress our manufac-
turing industries were making and the need of pro-
tecting them ; and the printing and publishing trade
was at that time of too little importance even to
" foster." Some few data exist for 1832, but they
relate chiefly to other branches of the printing trades.
In Boston, for example, 15 bookbinders 1 in that
year employed 60 men at $1.25 a day, 90 women at
50 cents, and 30 boys at the same wage. Ten manu-
facturers of blank books had 40 men, 20 women, and
20 boys at work at the same rates that were paid for
bookbinding. Bookbinding, however, seems to have
employed a larger proportion of women than other
parts of the trade at this time. A few other data for

or the statement of Miss Martineau that typesetting was an occu-
pation open to women when she visited America. See Chapter
V, this volume, p. 77.

1 Just what processes women carried on in bookbinding is not
altogether clear, but miscellaneous wages statistics for the decade
1S30-40 in Massachusetts show that they were employed as
collectors, folders, pasters, and sewers. Other data relating to
wages in the following decade show that one establishment em-
ployed 21 women and 1 man as press feeders, and in the same
occupation in the same establishment 14 women and 12 men
were employed in 1891. See "Aldrich Report," II, 344. In
Establishment Six (New York) women were also employed as
press feeders and in Establishment Five (New York) as press-
room hands.

248

PRINTING

1831 bear out this statement. In Now Haven, Conn.,
16 men and 16 women were employed in bookbinding
and 50 men and only 20 women in " publishing."

Two lithographing and 15 engraving establish-
ments employed 16 men, 30 women, and 10 boys, the
last probably apprentices. The type and stereo-
type founders employed 83 men at $1.50 a day, 55
women at from 42 to 50 cents, and 29 boys at 45
cents. The copperplate printers had 50 employees,
all men and boys. Twenty publishers and book-
sellers employed a large number of hands, 400 men
at $1.50 a day, 200 women at 40 cents, and 80 boys
at 50 cents. No women were reported in the news-
paper offices, where, altogether, 48 men and 36 boys
were employed.1 By way of summary, it may be
said that the allied printing trades of Boston in 1831
together employed 687 men, most of whom were paid
$1.50 a day, 395 women, most of whom were paid
50 cents a day ; and 215 boys, who were paid in gen-
eral at the same rate as the women.2

Printing has, however, never been a trade which

1 In general, it may be pointed out here that women printers
have never been employed to any extent on the great city news-
papers where the work is, much of it, done under pressure and
at night. In smaller towns women frequently set type for local
papers, but in large cities their work is more strictly confined to
"book and job" offices.

2 The various data included in this summary were found in
"Documents Relative to Manufactures" House Executive Docu-
ments, 1st session, 22d Congress, i and ii, (1832), i, 436, 458,
464.

249

WOMEN IN INDUSTRY

women have made their own. There are several rea-
sons for this. It is, in the first place, a skilled trade
in which a regular apprenticeship has always been
required before a man could become a journeyman.
Women, with the expectation of marriage before
them, have not, as a general rule, entered trades
which require a considerable time to learn. More-
over, the scarcity of male labor which was one of the
reasons which led to the presence of women in large
numbers in the early mills, did not affect skilled
trades like printing, which offered inducements to
men to enter them.

Another important factor affecting the employ-
ment of women in the trade has been the jealousy of
the men. While women are sometimes excluded from
occupations by reason of physical limitations, it also
happens that a trade which is attractive to men and
which is not too heavy for women is often quite effec-
tually barred against them in other ways. It is
amusing to find that in the decade 1830-40 Slater's
biographer, a most zealous advocate of the employ-
ment of women in the mills, was publicly opposing
their entering other industrial occupations. After a
series of arguments to show the desirability of work
in the cotton mills for women, he adds: " The at-
tempt to introduce females into other employments,
and especially into the printing office, is very prop-
erly reprobated."

It is also of great importance that the union policy
in this trade, directed by the men, has always been

250

PRINTING

hostile to the employment of women. As early as
1832 the Typographical Society of Philadelphia took
action because it was rumored that a member of the
society was planning to employ women compositors
and to install a non-union printer as foreman over the
women. The society protested so vigorously " that
the member in question felt called upon to write a
letter to be spread upon the minutes of the society
denying that he had ever intended to employ wom-
en." This was by no means the last occasion upon
which organized printers were to express officially
their hostility to women in the trade. In 1835 a
similar society in Washington called a special meet-
ing to consider an alarming statement which had been
published in a local paper " that girls were being
employed as compositors in newspaper offices in
Philadelphia to break a strike." Resolutions were
adopted and embodied in a circular letter sent to the
typographical societies of Philadelphia, Boston, New
York, and Baltimore, asking if any girls were so em-
ployed, and if so, how many, and what action these
societies " proposed to take to prevent the further
progress of this evil." Unfortunately, if any replies
were received, no record of them has been pre-
served.1

1 These statements and some later statements with regard to
the relation of women to the vari'ous printers' societies are quoted
from Mr. Ethelbert Stewart's valuable study of "Early Organi-
zations of Printers," published in the "Bulletin of the U. S.
Bureau of Labor," xi, 884.

18 251

WOMEN IN INDUSTRY

The records of the Boston Typographical Union
give evidence of the same kind of hostility as late as
1856. In that year an unsuccessful attempt was
made to carry the following resolution : ' ' That this
society discountenances any member working in any
office that employs female compositors, and that any
member found doing so be discharged from the so-
ciety." Later, however, when the men had come to
see that the women could not be driven from the
trade and that their relation to the wage scale must
be squarely faced as a part of the problem with which
the union had to deal, another resolution was passed :
" Whereas, The impression has gone abroad that this
union discountenances the employment of female
compositors, Resolved, That we recommend to the
females employed in printing offices in this city
to organize in such a manner as shall seem best
to themselves, to prevent the present prices
paid to them from being lowered, and that in
doing so they shall receive the cooperation of this
union. ' ' 1

The National Typographical Union also took action
on the subject. " As early as 1851, the Union dis-
cussed the problem of the ' woman printer ' and
adopted a resolution that the Union would not ' en-
courage by its act the employment of female com-

1 See " Women Printers and the Typographical Union " in the
"History of Trade Unionism Among Women in Boston," pub-
lished by the Women's Trade Union League of Massachusetts,
Boston, 1906.

252

PEINTING

positors.' "* In 1855 the delegates to the national
convention from Philadelphia were given special in-
structions ' ' to oppose any recognition of the employ-
ment of females as compositors." After that year
the subject of the woman printer was debated quite
regularly at a long series of conventions, and most
local unions were obliged to formulate some policy on
the subject. The number of women printers was
constantly increasing, and as they seemed unwilling
to join the men's unions which were already formed
it seemed for a time as if the best policy might be the
formation of separate women's unions. In response
to the petition from some women printers in New
York the constitution of the union was so amended
at the time of the national convention of 1869 as to
permit " separate unions of female compositors." In
1870 " a union of women printers " was organized
in New York City, but, in general, separate unions
did not prove to be a success. A " committee on fe-
male labor " reported to the convention of 1872 that
the result of the policy of having two unions was
that the women were maintaining a lower wage scale.
This was, of course, to make them much more dan-
gerous as compositors, and in the following year,
therefore, the problem of the woman printer was
settled, so far as her relation to the union was con-

1 This comment on the " woman question " in the trade is
quoted from Professor Barnett's careful study of the union.
See Hollander a id Barnett, " Studies in American Trade Union-
ism" p. 22.

253

WOMEN" IN INDUSTRY

cerned, by arrangements " for admitting women to
full membership in local unions and demanding for
their labor the same price paid to men." Since that
time the union has made persistent efforts to estab-
lish everywhere the same scale for both men and
women. (

While women seem to have a secure position in the
trade to-day, it is a most unsatisfactory one. They
continue to be greatly handicapped by having no
way of learning the trade properly. Printing is still
a skilled trade, and while apprenticeships are nomi-
nally open to women, as a matter of fact no em-
ployer wants the trouble of having a girl apprentice
when he can get so many more " odd jobs " out of a
boy.; The girl, therefore, in the language of the
union, " steals the trade "; that is, she learns it with-
out undergoing the same course of instruction that
is prescribed for those who enter the trade properly,
and she is, in consequence, imperfectly equipped.
Few women are able to do any part of the work
except " setting up straight matter," and although
a woman may be quick and expert at this, she
is very far from being an all-around efficient
printer.

The president of the National Typographical
Union testified as a witness before the Industrial
Commission in 1899 that although, in Boston, the
master printers employed all the women they could
find, the tendency was to " keep a woman on straight
composition, to make as much as poss ble an auto-

25 i

FEINTING

maton of her," mid not to permit her to reach high
standards as a printer.1

In some localities there has been a special preju-
dice against the employment of women. For ex-
ample, in the testimony jnst referred to, it was said
that in Boston the master printers always claimed
that a woman was a great inconvenience ; that she
needed a great amount of attention and assistance.
She required boys to prepare her type, and a strong-
armed man to lift her cases, and that, in general, she
needed more supervision. It was charged, further,
that large numbers of women were employed at wages
from twenty to thirty per cent below the wages paid
to men for the same kind of work. They were, more-
over, prevented by their employers from joining the
printers' union by the threat of discharge if they de-
manded the " union scale " which was the standard
wage rate for men.2

In New York, on the other hand, women printers

1 "Reports of the Industrial Commission," vii, 277 (testimony
of Mr. Samuel B. Donnelly).

2 " The typographical unions in New England have spent
$5,000 in the last three years in endeavoring to secure a scale of
wages for organized women, but their work has been circum-
vented and rendered abortive from the fact that the instant they
secured any number of women in the establishment to join th^
organization, and it was known that they had attended the
meetings, that instant the women were met by the employers,
who said : ' If you folks organize and demand a scale of wages we
will discharge the whole of you and employ men; and to show
that we mean it we will lay three or four of you off.'" — Ibid.,
vii, 278.

255

WOMEN" IN" INDUSTRY

were said to be dealt with very justly. /Employers
there followed the policy of refusing to employ a
woman who was not able to ' ' perform the work just
as well as a man."' One representative printer was
quoted as saying that the women in his composing
room were considered by the establishment as men,
and that so long as they performed the work in all
its phases they would be employed; that he wanted
competent printers who could be employed in any
part of the composing room, and he would always
pay them the same wages that he paid men; and,
finally, that when he was compelled to reduce the
wages for women, he would not employ women
at all.

Printing is one of the trades in which the intro-
duction of machinery was long delayed. As late as
1887, " typesetting was essentially the same art as
in the sixteenth century. "While other branches of
the printing trade had been revolutionized, the com-
positor had not advanced in his processes beyond the
point he had reached four hundred years before. ' ' x
The invention of the linotype, however, meant that
type was in the future to be set, not by hand, but
by a machine, and for something more than a decade
after the introduction of the linotype in 1887 the
printers' union was actively engaged in trying to
save its members from the disastrous effects of ma-
chine competition.

1 See Professor Barnett's interesting study of the " Introduc-
tion of the Linotype," Yale Review, xiii, 251.

256

PKINTING

There was, of course, in the first stress of excite-
ment over the impending change a very reasonable
fear that unskilled labor might be successfully used
on the machines, and this meant the possible substi-
tution of women linotype operators for men printers.
But while women have, in fact, found work to sonic
extent as operators, their numbers have been small
in comparison with the large numbers of men em-
ployed. There are perhaps two different reasons
for this. President Donnelly of the Typographical
union said that women learned the machine more
readily than men but they had not the " endur-
ance to maintain for any length of time the speed
on a machine ' that could be maintained by a
man.

More important probably than the lack of endur-
ance on the part of the women has been the policy of
the union. With an unusual degree of intelligence
and foresight, the printers took steps, as soon as it
was realized that the machine had come to stay, to
prevent as many men as possible from being thrown
out of work. The union, therefore, demanded that
machines should be operated only by " journeymen
printers trained in the trade as a whole," and they
were strong enough to enforce this demand very gen-
erally.1 Since so few women were " journeymen
printers," their chances for work were very much
reduced.

1 Barnett, in Yale Review, xiii, 257.

257

WOMEN m INDUSTKY

Later the union established a requirement of a four
years' apprenticeship as a prerequisite to becoming a
linotype operator, a regulation which strengthened
a policy unfavorable to the employment of women.
But, from whatever cause, it is true that women
have never been formidable competitors in the work
of running the typesetting machines, and the per-
centage which women form of the total number of
machine operators is very much smaller than the cor-
responding percentage of hand compositors.1 The
machine would seem, therefore, rather to have dimin-
ished than to have increased the opportunities of the
woman printer.

How far the proportion of women in the trade as
a whole may be increasing, it is not possible to say.
Statistics for the industry, " printing and publish-
ing," are not comparable except for very recent
years. Such data, however, as are available for
this purpose, are interesting. The following tables
show (1) the number of men, women, and children
in the " book and job " branch of the trade, the
only branch for which statistics were collected be-
fore 1890; and (2) the. more recent data relating
to the industry as a whole, which includes news-
paper and periodical as well as book and job
work.

1 Women formed only about five per cent of the total number
of linotype operators in the United States and Canada in 1904.
See Barnett, in Yale Review, xiii, 272.

258

PBIXTING

Persons Employed in Book and Job Printing, 1880-1905 '

1880.

1890.

1900.

1905.

Men

45,890
6,777
5,839

40,010
9,439
1,412

52,311

13,950

2,127

65,748

20,086

2,489

Women

Children

Total number of em-
ployees

58,506
12

50,861
19

68,388
20

88,323
23

Percentage of women. . . .

Persons Employed in "Printing and Publishing"

Men

Women

Children

Total number of em-
ployees

Percentage of women . . .

1880.

1890.

1900.

110,434

19,026

7,736

125,964

28,765

8,263

....

137,196
14

162,992
18

1905.

142,555

37,614

5,011

185,180
20

These tables seem to indicate (1) that although
women have been for so long identified with the trade,
the men outnumber them four to one and printing
is still pretty exclusively men's work; (2) that the
proportion of women is increasing, but not at such
an alarming rate that the women can be said to be

'From Bulletin 70, 1905 "Census of Manufactures," p. 21;
the table relating to the "Printing and Publishing" trade as a
whole is from p. 10.

259

WOMEN IN INDUSTRY

" driving out the men ''; (3) that the proportion
of women is larger in the " book and job " branch
than in the trade as a whole, which includes news-
paper work.

In general it may be said, by way of summary,
that the history of the printing trade is of rather
special interest from the point of view of the employ-
ment of women. Although it is a skilled trade, the
work is light enough for it to be suitable for women.
In fact, an official of the American Federation of La-
bor in testimony before the Industrial Commission in
1899 characterized the work of the printing trade as
'' peculiarly women's work." Typesetting, moreover,
is work in which women were employed early in the
eighteenth century and in which they have been em-
ployed ever since, but all of the time the men have
treated it as a trade belonging especially to them-
selves. Officers of other trade unions frequently
refer to the policy of the printers as an example of
the way in which trade union control may be suc-
cessful in checking or preventing the employment of
women. The woman competitor, it is said, has been
a comparatively slight problem in the printing trade.

It is not surprising, therefore, in the light
of the organized hostility of the men, that while
the women have more than held their own in
the trade, their position remains a discouraging one.
They are not as efficient as men, and at present there
is no direct path to efficiency open to them. They
are now admitted to the unions on the same terms as

2G0

PRINTING

men, they pay the same dues, and receive the same
benefits ; but this is all done to protect the wage scale,
not to encourage women to enter the trade. As a
matter of fact, a comparatively small percentage of
the women who work in printing offices belong to the
union. A woman is not " worth as much " as a
man who works as an " all-around " printer, and to
join the union and demand the same rate of wages is
to invite discharge. Most women consider it safer,
therefore, to work in a nonunion shop where they
will be allowed to take lower wages than the men.
In the unions, the women form an insignificant
minority; they seldom hold an office, and they have
little influence in directing union policies.

CHAPTER XII

THE PROBLEM OP WOMEN 's WAGES

While some account of women's wages is needed
to complete this discussion of the employment of
women, no attempt will be made to write a history of
women's wages in this country. Sufficient data for
this purpose are not now available and it is doubtful
if any will be discovered which will make possible a
complete historical account. At the risk, however, of
seeming to present a somewhat fragmentary account,
an attempt will be made to give some idea (1) of what
women were paid for their work at an earlier period,
(2) of the relative rates of increase in women's wages
and in men's wages, and (3) of the range of women's
wages at the close of the last century in the five in-
dustries which have been specially studied, and in
all of the industries for which returns were given in
the special census report of 1900.

Women's wages during the colonial period may be
disposed of briefly. It has already been explained that
such industrial processes as were carried on by women
at this time were for the most part domestic occupa-
tions. The work was done at home, and was, on the

262

THE PROBLEM OF WOMEN'S WAGES

whole, so irregularly carried on as to make an estima! -
of wages, or regular earnings, impossible.

Examples have been given in an earlier chapter of
the rates of payment for knitting, sewing, tailoring,
spinning and weaving, and in particular the accounts
of Mrs. Mary Avery and of Theodora Orcutt, which
were quoted in detail, serve to show how considerable
were the earnings of some of the women of the seven-
teenth and eighteenth centuries in connection with
the cloth manufacture.

Some further information is available, however, re-
garding the wages of women who went into service,
or, in the language of the day, were employed as
" help." While this was not, strictly speaking, an
industrial occupation, it has been pointed out that
the girl in service was often expected to do spin-
ning, weaving, tailoring and similar work. The
work of women servants, moreover, was for a more
definite period and occupied a more regular portion
of time than the more desultory employments which
were carried on at home ; and their wages were, there-
fore, more easily estimated. The wages of servants
are further of interest as indicating the standard ac-
cording to which women's work was valued and the
earnings of women in service will, therefore, give
some clue to what they earned in other occupa-
tions.

One of the earliest statements regarding the wages
of women is found in Lechford's Notebook in 1639 to
the effect that Elizabeth Evans of Bridgfield in the

263

WOMEN IN INDUSTRY

County of Glamorgan was to serve John Wheelwright,
minister, for three years at ' ' £3 per annum and pas-
sage paid. ' ' 1 Lechf ord also records the claim of John
King and Mary, his wife, against the " worshipful
John Humphrey, Esq.," their services being valued at
the " rate of 6s. a weeke for the said John King and
3s. a weeke for his said wife. ' '

In the " New Haven Colonial Records " in the year
1643, it is ordered that " Sister Preston shall sweep
and dresse the meeting house every weeke, and have
Is. a weeke for her pains. ' '

Similarly, the town of Dorchester, in 1667, paid
" widow Mead " £3 for ringing the bell and keeping
the meetinghouse through the year. An old Newbury
account book shows that in 1667, a woman's wages
were estimated to be £4-5 per annum, and a man's
£10.2 The old steward's book of Harvard College
shows that the wages of a laundress between 1687-
1719 were ten shillings a quarter.3

Wages were much the same in the South. In Vir-
ginia a maid was engaged by Sir Edward Plowden in
1643 at the rate of £4 per annum; about 1680 Fitz-
hugh, in writing to his agent, requested a trained
housekeeper and offered to pay her passage and £3

^'Notebook kept by Thomas Lechford, Esq., Lawyer," in
"Transactions and Collections of the American Antiquarian
Society," vii, 107.

2 Coffin, " The History of Newbury, Newburyport, and West
Newbury," p. 120.

3 MS. records preserved in the library of Harvard University.

264

THE PROBLEM OF WOMEN'S WAGES

a year.1 At the close of the century, they were
nominally at least much higher in Pennsylvania
where £6 to £10 a year was said to be the rate
in 1689. Gabriel Thomas writing in that year
said of women's work in general: ' For the
women who get their livelihood by their own in-
dustry, their labor is very dear, for I can buy in
London a cheese cake for Two Pence bigger than
theirs at that price, when at the same time their milk
is as cheap as we can buy it in London, and their
Flour cheaper by one half . . . another Reason why
Women's Wages are so exorbitant; they are not yet
very numerous which makes them stand upon high
terms for their several services, in Sempstering, Wash-
ing, Spinning, Knitting and Sewing and in all other
parts of their Imployments; for they have for Spin-
ning either worsted or Linen, two shillings a pound,
and commonly for Knitting a very Course pair of
Yarn Stockings, they have half a Crown paid; more-
over they are usually marry 'd before they are twenty
years of age."2 Similarly in 1710, in an account of
Philadelphia it was said: " All Women's Work is
very dear there and that proceeds from the smallness
of the Number and the Scarcity of the Workers; for

1 Bruce, "Economic History of Virginia," ii, 48, 49.

2 "An Account of Philadelphia and West New York," by
Gabriel Thomas, pp. 43-45. Reprinted from the original edi-
tion of 1698 (Cleveland, 1903). "In general," he said, "Poor
People (both Men and Women) of all kinds, can here get three
times the Wages for Their Labour they can in England or Wales."

265

WOMEN IN INDUSTRY

even the meanest Single "Women marry well there,
and being above Want are above Work. ' ' x

In 1748 it was reported that a woman servant got
£8 to £10 and a man servant £16 to £20, but this was
in Philadelphia and wages were said to be less in the
country.2 During and immediately after the revolu-
tion, when prices were high as a result of the depreci-
ation of the currency, women were, of course, paid
more for their work, and in 1784, they earned £10 a
year.3

Although teaching is not an industrial occupation
and the wages of women who taught ' dame's
schools ' ' need not be considered here it may be noted
that such work was very much less remunerative than
domestic service or spinning and weaving,4 just as

1 See the narrative of " Richard Castelman, Gentleman," Hart,
"American History Told by Contemporaries," ii, 76.

2 Peter Kalm, "Travels into North America," i, 387. These
wages were in addition to food.

3 MacMaster, " History of the People of the United States," ii,
97; and see Willard, "History of Greenfield," p. 67, for an ex-
ample of very high wages paid to women during the war.

4 For wages of "school dames," see Sewall, "History of Wo-
burn," p. 51; Temple and Sheldon, "History of Northfield," pp.
162, 163; Barry, "History of Framingham," p. 76. In general,
ten shillings seemed to have been the usual payment for this
work. In 1686, when Widow Walker of Woburn was engaged
to be "school dame," it was specified that she was to have ten
shillings for her labor "as the other mistresses had before her."
In 1673, however, Allen Connar's wife and Joseph Wright's wife,
who together taught the school for Woburn, were given ten
shillings to be divided equally between them for their year's
work. Later, of course, wages were higher; see Samson, "His-

266

THE PROBLEM OF WOMEN'S WAGES

later, in the first quarter of the nineteenth century,
teaching was much less remunerative than work in
the cotton mills.1 This was, of course, partly due,
at both periods, to the fact that such schools as
women were permitted to teach were kept only
for a short time during the year while the other
occupations meant much more regular employ-
ment.

Of much greater interest, however, than the earn-
ings of women during the colonial period is the ques-
tion of their wages in the early mills and factories.
For those which were established in the eighteenth
century, information concerning wages is not only
difficult to obtain but of little value since so few per-
sons were employed. In the early paper mills of
Massachusetts, " ordinary workmen and girls were
said to be paid the equivalent of seventy-five cents
a week and their board " ; 2 and when Henry "Wansey

tory of Manchester" (p. 207), where it was noted on March 9,
1763, that one-half of the £50 for the support of a free school " be
expended to support four School Dames to keep a free Schoole";
Blake, " History of Warwick " (p. 38), where it was noted in June,
176S, that Hannah Hanson be employed to keep school, and it was
provided that "if the selectmen found any material objection
against her, they should dismiss her, and she is to have four
shillings and six pence per week for the time she keep, her father
finding her board." (These last two references were kindly sup-
plied by Dr. M. W. Jernegan of the University of Chicago).

1 See Chapter VII, above, p. 120, for extracts from Horace
Mann's report calling attention to this fact.

2E. B. Crane, "Early Paper Mills in Massachusetts," "Col-
lections Worcester Society of Antiquity," vii, 121, 127.
19 267

WOMEN IN INDUSTRY

visited Dickson's factory at " Hell Gates " in New
York, he said with regard to wages, " They give the
women two dollars and find them in board and lodg-
ing. ' ' x

For the early nineteenth-century mills few data
have ever been published, but some unique and inter-
esting manuscript records have been found for two
Massachusetts cotton mills which supply valuable
information for the period from 1815 to 1825. These
are a collection of books and papers which belonged
to a small cotton mill at Lancaster, Massachusetts,2
and an old wages book for the year 1821 which is
still preserved in the mills of Waltham in the same
state. While these data are all from Massachusetts,
the Waltham mills were so much larger than those
of Lancaster that the material relates to two different
types of factories.

One of the earliest of these records is a mem-
orandum made by the proprietor of the Lancas-
ter mills on the 27th of January, 1815, as fol-
lows :

" Dennis Rier of Newbury Port has this day en-
gaged to come with his family to work in our factory
on the following conditions. He is to be here about
the twentieth of next month and is to have the follow-
ing wages per week :

1 Henry Wansey, " Journal of an Excursion to the United
States" (1796), p. 107.

2 The Poignaud and Plant papers in the Lancaster Town
Library.

268

TIIE PROBLEM OF WOMEN'S WAGES

Himself $5 . 00

His son, Robert Rier, 10 years of age 0.83

Daughter Mary, 12 years of age 1 .25

Son William, 13 years of age 1 .50

Son Michael, 16 years of age 2 . 00

$10.58

His sister. Abigail Smith $2 .33

Her daughter, Sally, 8 years of age 0. 75

Son Samuel, 13 years of age 1 .50

$4.58

Reference has already been made to this document
as an interesting evidence of the employment of fami-
lies in the early mills. But it is further of interest
here as showing that the sister Abigail Smith was
paid only two dollars and thirty-three cents a week,
while the " son Michael, 16 years of age '' earned
almost as much, and the wages of Dennis Rier were
more than double that sum.

In the same collection of papers under date of
February 13, 1817, is another memorandum of inter-
est : " Aaron Jones has engaged that his daughter
Almira shall work in our factory. We are to allow
her one dollar per week and if she stays twelve
months she is to have a gift of a pair of shoes or
something equivalent." Almira 's age is not given,
but she was undoubtedly quite a young girl and it
is possible that board was given in addition to her
pay.

A more important item of information from these
papers regarding wages is found in some correspond-

269

WOMEN IX INDUSTRY

ence of the year 1823. In answer to an inquiry re-
garding positions for girl weavers, the reply was : " I
beg to inform you that our weavers average about
two dollars per week and the person who takes care
of our Dressing Machine can earn three dollars per
week exclusive of board ' ' ; and it was added : ' ' We
don't admit any person to the care of our looms un-
der twenty years of age."

In connection with their mill, the company main-
tained boarding houses both for men and girls.1 The
price of board for the girls was one dollar and eight-
een cents a week, but this seems to have been paid
for them by the company, so that the wages as indi-
cated were clear of board. In this connection a
memorandum of April 17, 1818, is of interest.

" This will serve to certify that I, Calvin Howe,
of West Boylston, have this day engaged to take
charge of Boarding the girls employed in the fac-
tory belonging to the Poignaud and Plant Company
in Lancaster, and I will provide suitable provisions
for such boarders and do their washing for seven
shillings or one dollar and seventeen cents per week.
This is to include board, washing, and lodging for
each girl."

1 The rules and regulations for the girls' boarding house are
given in Appendix C; and see Chapter VII of this book for an
account of the corporation boarding-house system. The opera-
tives in these early records are uniformly described as girls, never
as women. In a still earlier period, when the machines were
objects of wonder, the tenders were called "artists."

270

THE PROBLEM OF WOMEN'S WAGES

In 1819 the company paid one Willard Howe
twenty-nine dollars for " boarding twenty-five girls
one week at one dollar and sixteen cents "; and in
1820 the same Willard Howe engaged " to board the
girls for one dollar and eight cents " ; in 1827 one dol-
lar and eighteen cents was paid.1 There are other sim-
ilar records.

This payment of wages in addition to board was
in contrast to the system in Lowell where, although
the corporation owned the boarding houses, the oper-
atives paid their own board. Even in Lowell, how-
ever, the corporations had, at first, paid part of the
operatives' board directly to the boarding-house
keepers. Later they withdrew this sum and the girls
were obliged to pay an additional twenty-five cents a
week for board. This was a virtual reduction of

1 These memoranda are, of course, all from the Poignaud and
Plant papers. Another memorandum relating to this subject,
dated February 5, 1827 (Document 281), is long, but interesting
enough to quote:

" This will serve to certify that I, Isaac Whitney, of Harvard,
have this day engaged to take charge of the Girl Boarding House
belonging to the Lancaster Cotton Manufacturing Company's
spinning Factory on the first day of April next, or sooner if neces-
sary, and continue to manage the same for twelve months from
said day, and that I will provide suitable provisions well cooked
for all Boarders they may have occasion to send me and do their
washing for one dollar and eighteen cents per week for each
female Boarder. . . .

" The Beds and Bedding necessary for lodging the Boarders said
Corporation may send to me is to be furnished by them without
any charge, except for such damage as may arise to the same
from improper use."

271

WOMEN IN INDUSTRY

wages and caused the first strike among the Lowell
operatives.1

Another point not to be overlooked in connection
with wages is the fact that operatives were frequently
not paid in money but in orders on a company store
at which they were invariably overcharged for their
purchases and frequently defrauded in other ways.
Such a store was maintained by the Lancaster fac-
' tory, and items like the following in the accounts of
the proprietors seem to indicate that the operatives
were paid irregularly in goods at high prices.

Cash 2 Mary Brooks One Umberalla, one pair gloves. .$4.63

" One string beads 0.50

" Martha Bartlett . . One Umberalla 3 . 50

One Pocket-Book 0 . 50

Cash Betsey Raymond. One Bible 1.13

One Hymn Book 0.63

Company stores were not a feature of the Lowell
system but they were common enough in other parts
of New England. Perhaps the most interesting il-
lustration of the way in which the " store " was
managed to the profit of the stockholders is found
in the experience of Hannah Borden of Fall
River.

Wages in the Fall River mills were never paid in
money but always in goods from the company store.
Accounts so invariably showed a balance in favor of

1 Robinson, "Loom and Spindle," p. 17.

2 From Poignaud and Plant cash and time books, 1818.

272

THE PROBLEM OP WOMEN'S WAGES

the mill owners that the employees began to be much
dissatisfied. Hannah Borden's position was a pe-
culiarly independent one, not merely because she was
a daughter of a stockholder, but because she was the
best weaver in the city and the company could not
afford to lose her. She felt that it was unfair that
the operatives should not be allowed to see their ac-
counts, and felt so certain that her own were not
correct that she went to the agent and threatened to
leave unless he would let her see the books. He
ordered them sent up, and she feund articles like
suspenders and rum charged against her. She finally
demanded money wages as the only condition on
which she would remain in the mill, and the grant-
ing of her demand soon led the other hands to insist
on the same treatment, and money wages for every-
one became the rule.

To turn to the material referred to which was
found in the Waltham mills, it must be again point-
ed out that these mills were very much larger and of
much greater interest than those in Lancaster. Fortu-
nately the wages book for 1821 which is still preserved
at Waltham contains the most complete series of
wages paid to cotton-mill operatives in the first quar-
ter of the last century. In it are the signatures of the
girl spinners and weavers and carders of the day,
Everline Boutell, Joan Turner, Mindwell Smith, Hep-
sabeth Hunt, Roxy Shattuck, Prudence Barker, Re-
lief Love joy, Alanson and Patience Crane, Marah
Kimball, Asenath Haynes, Arbia Pratt, Arvilla Hop-

273

WOMEN IN" INDUSTRY

kins, who could only make her mark, and Polly May-
nard, Balinda Clark, and Rlmane Nickles, who were
similarly illiterate, and a host of Balindas, Clarindas,
Malindas, Lucindas, Nancys, Pattys, Mercys, Rox-
anas, Dollys, and other girls with their old-fashioned
New England names.1

Since an " average wage " fails to give any idea
of the range of wages paid or of the number em-
ployed at either the highest or the lowest rates, and
since the lists of actual rates are too long to be given
in full,2 it has seemed best to prepare some tables of
wage groups, showing the exact numbers of women
receiving wages within certain limits ; that is, to show
the number of women receiving less than $2 a week,
the number receiving between $2 and $2.50 and so
on up the scale; for it is just as interesting to know
that some women were paid less than $2 and some
more than $3.50 a week, as to know that the aver-
age wage was $2.25. Such tables have been pre-
pared, therefore, for each of the important depart-
ments of the mill, carding, spinning, weaving, and
dressing.

In the carding rooms of Waltham, sixty-two women
were employed at the following weekly wages:

1 In striking contrast are the wages lists of the same mill
to-day, where French-Canadian, Italian, Armenian, and other
equally foreign names are found.

2 Data for this period are so rare that it has seemed worth
while to reprint in full this unique record of the actual rates
which were paid to these 317 Waltham operatives in 1821, and
they have been collected, therefore, in Appendix.

274

THE PROBLEM OF WOMEN'S WAGES
Weekly Wages, Carding — Waltham Mills, 1821

Number of Women.

Under $2 4

$2 and under $2.50 45

$2.50 and under $3 7

$3 and under $3.50 5

$3.50 and under $4 1

$4 or over

Total number 62

Wages were evidently low in the carding depart-
ment since forty-nine out of sixty-two women were
paid less than $2.50 a week. A comparison with the
wages paid to men is interesting for twenty -two men
and boys were also employed in this department, and
although the wages of men were lower in this than in
the other departments in the mills because of the em-
ployment of boys, they were higher considerably than
the wages of the women. Thus the overseer was a man
who earned $12 a week ; the card coverer, who was also
a man, earned $10 a week; five of the other men
earned $6, five between $4 and $6, and ten, who were
probably boys, less than $4. In comparison with the
women's wages, it should be noted that eleven out
of twenty-nine men were paid more than the highest
wage given to any woman. No men or boys were
paid less than $2, although four girls were under
this wage, and while nearly three fourths of the
women earned less than $2.50, only three of the men
were paid so little.

Wages in the spinning rooms were higher, as the
following table indicates:

275

WOMEN IN" INDTTSTKY
Weekly Wages, Spinning — Waltham Mills, 1821

Number of Women.

Under $2

$2 and under $2.50 32

$2.50 and under $3 19

$3 and under $3.50 13

$3.50 and under $4 2

$4 or over 1

Total number 62

In the spinning room no one earned less than $2
a week, but one half of all the women in the depart-
ment earned less than $2.50. The three men who
were employed were, of course, paid higher wages
than the women, one received $10.50 a week, another
$10, and a third $7.

The rates for weaving, which are given below,
show that this was, for women, a distinctly more
profitable occupation.

Weekly Wages, Weaving — Waltham Mills, 1821

Number of Women.

Under $2 3

$2 and under $2.50 36

$2.50 and under $3 54

$3 and under $3.50 31

$3.50 and under $4 2

$4 or over

Total number 126

In contrast to the rate of wages in the carding
room where three fourths of the women and girls
earned less than $2.50 a week and to the rates in the
spinning rooms where one half received less than this

276

THE PROBLEM OF WOMEN'S WAGES

sum, not one third of the girl weavers received such
low wages. More than half of them, however, earned
less than $3 a week and none earned as much as $4.
The four men in the weaving room, who were prob-
ably overseers and assistant overseers, earned, of
course, very much more, the latter $6.60 a week and
the former $12.

In another important department of the mills, that
in which the work of dressing or sizing the work was
carried on, wages were still higher for women.

Weekly Wages, Dressing — Waltham Mills, 1821

Number of Women.
Under $2

$2 and under $2.50 7

$2.50 and under $3 2

$3 and under $3.50 9

$3.50 and under $4 2

$4 or over

Total number 20

More than half of the women employed in the
process of dressing earned more than three dollars
a week; but the men in this as in the other depart-
ments got higher wages than the women. The " siz-
ing " with which the yarn was " dressed " was made
by a man who earned $7.50 a week ; three other men
were employed in the department, one at $7 a week,
one at $9, and one at $10.

Of greater interest, perhaps, than the wages paid
in the different departments are the rates for all of
the occupations, that is, for the whole body of em-

277

WOMEN IN INDUSTRY

ployees. A table, therefore, has been prepared in
which are included not only the spinners, weavers,
carders, dressers, and overseers, whose wages have
already been given, but other employees such as
cloth-room hands, warpers, drawers, machinists, and
other operatives, of whom few were employed in the
same work.

Weekly Wages, All Occupations — Waltham Mills, 1821

Weekly Wages.

Under $2

$2 and under $2.50.
$2.50 and under $3.
$3 and under $3.50.
$3.50 and under $4.
$4 or over

Total number. .

2S4

Number

of Women.

of Men.

129

52 »

1 Of these 52 men, several were paid $12 a week, others
$10.50, $10, etc.

Of the 284 women and girls 136 were paid less than
$2.50 a week, and while only 11 of the 52 men em-
ployed were paid less than $4 a week, but one of all
the 284 women was paid as much as $4. These rates
were exclusive of board and it must be noted that
rates of board in the corporation boarding houses
were generally higher for men than women. It has
already been shown that the Poignaud and Plant
Company paid $1.16 a week for each girl boarder;
the rates for men in the boarding house kept by the

278

THE PBOBLEM OF WOMEN'S WAGES

same company were $2; and in Lowell, where the
women paid $1.25, the rate for men was $1.75.

Wages in Lowell, during this period, seem to have
corresponded quite closely to the Waltham rates.
Tables of wages for the Merrimack Mills, which were
established in 1823, show the following rates for the
year 1824:

Weekly Wages in the Merrimack Mills (Lowell), 1S24 '

Women.

Doffers.. $2.25

Drawers-in (card-room)... 2.25

Speeders 2.25

Dressers 2 . 25

Drawers-in (dressing).. . . 3 .00

Spinners 3 . 36

Weavers 4 . 00

Men.

Strippers, etc. (card-
room) $4.50

Grinders (card-room) ... 6 . 00

Second-hands (dressing) 6 . 00

Second-hands (carding) 7 . 50

Second-hands (spinning) 7 . 50

Second-hands (weaving) 7 . 50

Overseers (dressing).. . . 9.00

Overseers (spinning) ... 10.50

Overseers (carding) .... 12 . 00

Overseers (weaving)... . 12.00

This table is less interesting than those for Wal-
tham because average wages are quoted here instead
of actual rates, and because the number of employees
is not given. It is, however, significant that here the
lowest wage for men is higher than the highest wage

1 From the collection of wage statistics in the " Tenth Census "
(1880), xx, 349. The rates have been changed from daily to
weekly wages and the rates for the bleacheries, print works, etc.,
which employed no women, are omitted. The rates, therefore,
are only for the departments in which women were found, and
for those departments rates are given for both men and women.

279.

WOMEN IN INDUSTKY

for women. Moreover, this highest rate paid to
women, $4 a week for weaving, was probably
an accidental rate which does not represent the
normal wages for such work, since the same mills
reported $3 a week as the rate for the same occupa-
tion in 1840. Moreover a high rate in 1824 is easily
explained. An account has already been given of
the beginnings of power-loom weaving in Massachu-
setts and it need only be recalled here that when the
first power-loom weaving was done in Lowell, a
Deborah Skinner was induced to leave Waltham to
teach the Lowell girls how to run their looms. The
Waltham wages book for 1821 shows that Deborah
Skinner was one of the best weavers there, where
she was earning $3.12 a week. Undoubtedly higher
wages were offered in Lowell to induce her and per-
haps other experienced weavers, as well, to leave.

" Average wages ' for two other Massachusetts
mills for the year 1828, which were computed for a
later census report, show not only a very much lower
rate for weavers than that of the Merrimack mills,
but a lower rate for other occupations as well.
Women in the carding room were said to get on the
average $2.55 a week, in the spinning room $2.58,
for weaving $2.61, and for dressing $2.82. * Average
wages are not very illuminating, but the comment of
Colonel Wright, who computed these averages, that
the rates did not vary much for several years and

1 From Carroll D. Wright's "Report on the Factory System,"
in "Tenth Census" (1880), ii, 576.

280

THE PROBLEM OF WOMEN'S WAGES

that in 1836 the rates were below those of 1828 is of
interest. In both years, board for operatives was
$1.25 a week.1

For the decade 1 830-40, there are very few interest-
ing estimates of the rates of wages paid in the mills.
One statement which is found in the Poignaud and
Plant papers is that " girl spinners " were paid
$2.75 a week, girl carders $2.75, and warpers $3.75.
Unfortunately the rate for weavers is not given."

1 The rates quoted (Carroll D. Wright's " Report on the Fac-
tory System," ii, 576) for 1836 are as follows:

Drawers $1 . 87

Weavers 2 . 05

Filling spinners 2.13

Warp spinners 2.21

Warpers 2 . 43

Speeders 2 .44

Dressers 3.11

2 The table in the Poignaud and Plant papers, entitled " An
estimate of wages for 25 looms and preparation," is:

One overlooker, carding room $8 . 00

One stripper 5 . 00

One picker 5 . 00

Five girls @ $2.75 a week 13 .75

One overlooker, spinning, dressing and covering

room 6 . 00

Three girls, spinners, @ $2.75 a week 8.25

One girl warper @ $3.75 a week 3 . 75

One mule spinner — 500 spindles S.00

Two boy piecers 4 . 00

One spare man 5 . 00

One dresser 6 . 00

One picker 2 . 25

One measurer 2 . 50

281

WOMEN IN INDUSTEY

These rates, which seem to have been estimated on
the basis of the operatives paying their own board,
were certainly very low, especially low for carders
and spinners. The Poignaud and Plant factory, how-
ever, was typical of the small country mills and wages
were lower in them than in the larger manufacturing
centers. It is indicative, too, of the comparatively
low rates of wages paid in Lancaster that, after straw
braiding became an established industry and the
women and girls of the neighborhood could get work
to do at home, it was very hard to get operatives
enough to run the mill and the proprietors were
obliged to return to their earlier methods of getting
" help " from a distance by sending their agents up
into the states north " to hunt up girls." It is of
interest that this method of obtaining hands when
operatives were scarce was adopted by various cor-
porations. A long, low, black wagon was employed
in making regular trips to the northern part of
Massachusetts and around in Vermont and New
Hampshire ; and the man having the team in charge
was paid " a dollar a head " for all the girls he se-
cured. It was charged that these men frequently
misrepresented conditions to the girls whom they
engaged, that they said the wages were very high,
the work so neat that the " help " could dress in
silks and so light that they could spend half the time
reading !

Another interesting estimate of the rates of wages
paid to women operatives during this decade was

283

THE PROBLEM OF WOMEN'S WAGES

made by' James Montgomery in his treatise on the cot-
ton manufacture in this country. He reported in
1836 that the " average wages " of women in Lowell
were $2 a week besides their board and the average
wages of men in the same place $4.50 or $4.75 be-
sides board. Montgomery was a practical manufac-
turer himself with experience in operating mills in
this country as well as in England, so that his obser-
vations are on the whole valuable. He also gave in
addition to this general estimate, a statement regard-
ing wages in specific occupations as follows :

Women's Wages per Week in the Cotton Mills in 1836

Drawers-in $3 . 60

Drawing-frame tenders 2 . 50

Dressers 3 . 80

Speeders $3 and 3 . 60

Spinners 3 . 00

Spoolers 2 . 72

Warpers $2.97 and high 3.51

Weavers (two looms) 3 . 78

It is of interest that the rates given by Mont-
gomery are rather higher than those which have been
quoted from other sources, for Montgomery thought
that the general rate of wages was higher in the
United States than in Great Britain, and this was, he
believed, particularly true of " the wages of females
employed in the factories. The greater part of these, ' '
he said, " are farmers' daughters, who go into the
factories only for a short time until they make a
little money and then ' clear out,' as it is called; so
20 283

WOMEN IN INDUSTRY

that there is continual changing amongst them and in
all places I have visited, they are generally scarce.
On that account manufacturers are under the neces-
sity of paying high wages as an inducement for girls
to prefer working in the factories to home work ; and
while this state of things continues, it is not to be
expected that wages in this country will be so low
as in Great Britain." He added further: " The
price of living here is higher and the hours of labor
longer ; besides the greater part of the factory work-
ers being connected with farming whenever wages
become reduced so low as to cease to operate as
an inducement to prefer factory labor above any
other — then factories must stop. Stagnation sends
people back to farms." Attention was also called
to the fact that by these girls the financial crisis
of 1837 was not looked upon as a disaster be-
cause they regarded the time during which they
were unemployed as a period of needed recrea-
tion.

While there are no other estimates of wages for
this period prior to 1840 which are of sufficient in-
terest and value to quote/ some further comment

1 Some data were collected by the Massachusetts Bureau of
Labor for this period, but they seem to have been taken from a
considerable number of different mills; part of the quotations
are stated to be averages and part actual rates, so that the re-
sults are too confusing to be of value. For 1S31, a general
average wage for men, women, and children in each state and
in the country as a whole is given in the "Report of the Com-
mittee on Cotton," in the "Addresses of the Convention of the

281

THE PKOBLEM OF WOMEN'S WAGES

regarding Lowell wages is necessary. Mrs. Robinson,
who, it will be remembered, worked in the Lowell
mills during the decades 1830-40 and 1840-50, said
with regard to wages, that " the agents were paid
only fair salaries, the overseers generally $2 a day
and the help all earned good wages." Many of the
girls, she said, made from $6 to $10 a week. This
is, of course, much more than the rates which
have been quoted and while it is perhaps true that
occasionally wages of $6 and even of $10 were paid,
these must have been quite exceptional. That the
rate for the vast majority of girls was very much
lower than this is indicated not only by the quota-
tions of wages which have been given but by several
contemporary accounts of the Lowell mills and oper-
atives.

Scoresby, the English traveler, who was there in
1844 and whose description is a most favorable one,
estimated that $1.75 a week, " clear of board," at a
time when board was $1.25 a week, was the ordinary
rate for the girls employed there; and that $4.90 a
week, with board $1.75, was the common rate for
men.1

In 1846 Henry Miles, a Lowell minister, who pub-
lished a favorable account of the city of Lowell, made

Friends of Domestic Industry in New York," p. 112. Accord-
ing to this table "average wages" for women ranged from $1.58
estimated for Virginia to $2.60 for New Hampshire; for men,
$2.73 in Virginia to $7 in Massachusetts.

1 Scoresby, " American Factories and their Female Opera-
tives," p. 30.

285

WOMEN m INDUSTEY

some interesting comments regarding wages. Girls
who had just come in from the country, he said,
were first employed as spare hands and were paid 55
cents a week and board ; 1 but it was not long be-
fore they were earning $1.50 a week. The aver-
age pay of all women operatives, however, was
said to be "a little below two dollars a week,
clear of board, but if we include their earnings on
extra work, it would be more than that sum. ' ' 2 Oc-
casionally, he said, $3 or $4 a week might be earned
and on a single pay roll in the year 1846, there
were the names of twenty-four girls who had received
$4.75 and board without extra hours or extra work;
this, however, was mentioned " as an unusual
case. ' ' 3

As an example of what were considered unusual
earnings, a statement contributed by a Lowell girl
to one of the Boston papers in the autumn of 1844
may be quoted: " In May, 1842, the last month be-
fore the reduction of wages, I tended two looms, run-
ning at the rate of 140 beats of the lathe per minute.

1 Miles, "Lowell as It Was and as It Is," p. 112.

2 Ibid., p. 183. The "average pay" of male operatives was
estimated to be about 85 cents a day "clear of board."

3 Ibid., p. 113. The comment was added: "It will hereafter
be seen how frequently the prospect of greater gain draws young
women who have kept country schools to working in the mills
in Lowell. As another evidence of their great earnings, it may
be stated that it is estimated that the factory girls of this city
have, in round numbers, $100,000 in the Lowell Institution for
Savings."

286

THE PROBLEM OF WOMEN'S WAGES

In twenty-four days I earned $14.52. In the next
month, June, when speed and prices had both been
reduced, I tended forty-one looms at a speed of 100
and earned in twenty-four days $13.52 and I cer-
tainly, after the first few days, had a easier task
than with two looms, at the high rate of speed. I
increased my earnings every month a little, by the
gradual increase of the speed, as I grew accustomed
to it. In January, 1843, the speed was raised to
about 418 and the price reduced still lower. I earned
in that month in twenty-four days, on three looms,
$14.60 and my work was in no degree harder. The
speed was raised as fast as we could bear it, and
often almost always at our own request, because in
the increase of speed our pay increased. In June,
1843, I still tended three looms, and in twenty-four
days earned $15.40, and in June, 1844, feeling able
to tend four looms at a speed of about 120, I received
$16.92 in pay for twenty-four days' work. I affirm
that I have not in any of these, or other months,
overworked myself. I have kept gaining in ability
and skill and as fast as I did so I was allowed to
make more money, by the accommodation of the
speed of the looms to my capacity. ' '

This contribution is an interesting one, indicating
as it does that the maximum wage earned in a year
by this girl, who considered herself ' ' better than the
average [weaver] , but not better than the best, ' ' was
$4.23 a week.

Higher wages, however, were undoubtedly some-

287

WOMEN m INDUSTRY

times earned. Quotations in the original exhibits of
the " Aldrich Report " show that in one Massachu-
setts establishment in 1842, out of forty-one women
weavers, two earned $7.50 a week and five $5.40; in
the same establishment, during one month in 1843,
one woman earned $7.50, four $6.96, and three $6.
These were, however, very high rates, indeed, con-
siderably higher than any that were paid again in
those mills until after the Civil War.

This collection of wage statistics, known as the
' ' Aldrich Report, ' ' 1 contains some valuable data
relating to women's wages from 1842 to 1891. Un-
fortunately the report presents not separate wage
tables for men and women, but merely tables for all
employees averaged together. Rates of women's
wages must be sought, therefore, in the original data
from which the tables were computed. The old tables
must be discarded and new ones constructed.

The data in the report, however, relate only to two
of the five industries studied in this volume, the cot-
ton industry and printing and publishing; and for
the latter the data are too meager to be significant,
so that only the data relating to the cotton industry
have been used. Such tables as have been prepared
for this period, therefore, are for this one industry
only.2

1 Senate Report No. 1394 on " Wholesale Prices, Wages and
Transportation" (1893).

2 See Appendix C for a further note on the " Aldrich Report "
data and the tables prepared from them.

288

THE PEOBLEM OF WOMEN'S WAGES

The first of these, Table A, which is given on the
next page shows for each year from 1840 to 1891,
the number of women in each of sixteen different
wage groups in two establishments which had pre-
served continuous records throughout this period.

The method of reading this table is easily ex-
plained. In the year 1840, for example, only one
operative earned less than $2 a week, four earned
from $2 to $2.49, thirteen from $2.50 to $2.99, twelve
from $3 to $3.49, and only one from $3.50 to $3.99.
This table of classified wage groups is a good sub-
stitute for a list of actual rates, for it shows the
range of wages, and the exact number of operatives
in the lower as well as in the higher groups as an
average wage cannot show.

Some comments and explanations with regard to
this table are necessary. The comparatively small
number of operatives in the first two years is due to
the fact that the records for the second establish-
ment did not begin until 1842; the increases, there-
fore, in the rate of wages or in the total number
of persons employed should be calculated not from
1840 but from 1842. AVages for the period from
1861-79 are in greenbacks, not in gold, so the unusual
rise in wages during and after the war is explained
in large part by the depreciation of the currency. It
is clear, however, that although wages were reduced
somewhat after the return to a gold basis in 1879,.
there has been on the whole an unmistakable upward \
movement in women's wages.

289

Table Showing Rates of Wages for Women Operatives,
All Occupations, in Two Massachusetts Cotton Mills,

1840-1891

Weekly Wages.

« 6

' S3

OS
OS

c
c

0 -a

a e©

OJ.

■/.•

CO
G©

■■/.■

■*

•/.'

e©

0
m

1-
e©

«©

•■/.■

_ ■- c ^

.2 M

<
>-

J o

0 ©

» <M
J G©

e©

s
o

CO
6©

co
e©

-
«©

—
«©

10
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<■/.>

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0

6©

0
0

e©

1
0

r-
e©

06
e©

00
99

g)«©

Numl

Pen

Empl

■9 a

1840

1 4

82.91

1841

1 7

2.93

1842

1 26

142

2.84

1843

6 18

123

2.73

1844

4 39

129

2.63

1845 .

. 25

105

2.69

1846 .

. 42

129

2.66

1847

2 32

135

2.71

1848 .

. 23

9, \

133

2.79

1849 .

(.1

109

2.83

1850

2 24

2.76

1851

4 18

2.79

1852

.1 39

1!)

130

2.66

1853

5 17

2.88

1854

", 15

2.96

1855

8 20

2.87

1856 .

. 2

2.99

o
hi

1857

5 4

.. 1

3.09

1858

7 1!)

9 3

153

2.99

IS 50

3 20

9 4

140

3.11

1860

8 17

35 36

8 1

126

3.03

1861 1

1 23

6 5

131

3.09

1862

5 22

6 3

116

2.96

1863

7 14

6 2

3.06

1864

7 10

26 18

149

3.65

1S65

7 11

■It

29 31

187

3.70

1866 .

. 8

21 43

218

4.73

1867 .

. 4

23 45

• 7

231

4.69

1868 .

22 23 12 59

1 ..

222

4.82

1869 .

13,39 40

Ill 2

233

4.90

1870 .

21 '24 43

10 ..

291

5.11

1871 .

11 112 50

29 24,14

323

5.46

1872 .

. 1

6 9 43

153114

321

5.78

1873 .

. 3

13 29

13,19 4

293

5.49

1874

2 4

10| 1

261

5.07

1875 .

. 4

3| 5

259

4.57

1876

5 4

(V.\

6 17

246

4.52

1877

2 7

2 1

253

4.32

1878

4 7

276

4.34

1879 1118

54 56

290

4.42

1880 1 16

. . 26

33 55

318

4.93

1881' 1 30

. .19 42 47

354

5.09

1882 1J13

19 16'39 46

363

4.90

1883 1 21

16!22

376

5.27

1884 .

17 17

2 1

75! . .

317

5.05

1885 .

. 9

17114

:;y,

3f,

77 2

16 11

321

5.25

1886! .

. 3

9-22

2-1

56,11

15 25

326

5.16

1887 .

. 1

19 29

40 28

15 4

334

5.18

1888 .

. 2

19121

If,

40, 8

25,1621

298

5.18

1889;.

. 2

21 14

50, 6

29 11,12

301

5.24

1890, .

26ll0,33

45 6

36 161 8

313

5.21

^1891 .

. 1

2412134

If.

10j67|ll

37)26,10

355

5.48

290

THE PROBLEM OF WOMEN'S WAGES

During the whole of the decade 1840-50 and the
greater part of the decade 1850-60, half or more than
half of all the operatives earned less than three dollars
a week. In 1890 only two out of 313 women, and in
1891 only one out of 355 earned wages as low as this.
This advance is made more clear hy the following
list of medians. For in order to quote a single sig-
nificant term for each year the median wage was com-
puted as superior to an "average." The " median "
is the wage of the operative who stands just half-
way up the scale ; that is, half of the operatives are
paid more and half are paid less, and there are as
many earning more than the median rate as there
are earning less. The median for each year is given
with the table but, for convenience, the following
list is given of median rates for each five-year period
during the period from 1840 to 1890.

Median Weekly Wage for Women from Table A

1870 $5.11

1875 4.57

1880 4.93

1885 5.25

1890 5.21

1S40.

$2.91

1845

2.69

1850

2 . 76

1855

2.87

1860

3 . 03

1865

3.70

The increase indicated by median rates is also shown
in the advance in weekly wages for specific occupa-
tions. A series of tables of weighted averages has been
prepared showing weekly wages for the period 1840-
91, in each occupation in which women were employed,

291

WOMEN IN INDUSTRY

in three different establishments. These tables are
published in detail in the Appendix, but the rates in
the most important occupation for each five-year
period between these dates are given below.

Average Weekly Wage for Women, 1840-1890.
Establishment 39, Aldrich Report

Years.

Spinners.

Warpers.

Weavers.

1840

1845

$2.64

$3.00

$2.67

1850

2.61

3.51

2.58

1855

2.55

3.36

2.76

1860

2.85

3.57

2.85

1865

3.36

3.48

3.87

1870

6.42

5.49

5.91

1875

5.43

5.22

3.96

1880

6.06

5.25

6.39

1885

6.21

4.95

6.30

1890

7.05

6.39

6.36

Average Weekly Wage for Women, 1840-1890.
Establishment 40, Aldrich Report

Years.

Spinners.

Warpers.

Weavers.

1840

1845

$2.40

hme

rat

vers

1850

1855

1860

4.14

■sg*

1865

$4.65

4.50

2? Ji O

1870

4.95

5.97

V t>h

1875

4.97

8.10

3'H,g

1880

4.23

5.73

5 w?

1885

4.50

6.51

1890

4.68

6.00

(3 £
O «3

THE PROBLEM OF WOMKX'S WAOES

Average Weekly Wage for Women, 1840-1890.
Establishment 43, Aldrich Report

Years.

Spinners.

Wafpers.

Weavers.

1S40

1845

1850

$4.32

$5.40

$5 . 28

1855

3.36

4.98

4.05

1860

3.36

4.38

4.32

1865

4.80

5.79

1870

6.00

7.20

7.74

1875

6.30

9.48

7.80

1880

6.00

6.90

7.08

1885

4.20

5.76

6.30

1890

5.10

7.80

7.02

The movement of women's wages in the cotton
mills indicated by the table of classified wage groups
and by the list of medians is further confirmed by
these lists of wages in various occupations.

No attempt, however, can be made on the basis of
these tables to estimate the exact percentage increase
in women's wages. In table A, only two establish-
ments were considered ; in the lists just given, only
three; moreover, all of these mills were located in
Massachusetts, so that the data are not only meager
but extremely local in character. On the other hand,
they are in a sense unique, since they relate to the
same establishments for the whole period under con-
sideration. And it must not be forgotten that these
data relate to what was, throughout the entire period,
the most important industry in the country from the
view of women's work, and, although local, they also

293

WOMEN" IN INDUSTRY

relate to what was likewise, throughout the entire
period, the state in which this industry was carried
on most extensively.

Without computing a single statistical expression
of the rate of increase from 1840 to 1890, it may be
pointed out that a very considerable advance is un-
mistakable. It is clear, too, that, in general, women's
wages followed the trend of wages in general,
sharing, as one authority has described it, in
the great upward movement culminating in the
early '70 's, in the great downward movement cul-
minating in the late '70 's, advancing in 1880 and
ending with a considerably higher wage level in
1890.

Granting, however, that women's wages have in-
creased, the question that follows inevitably is how
this increase compares with the increase in the wages
of men.

Such a comparison between the rates of increase
for women and for men has fortunately been made
possible as one of the results of a remarkable at-
tempt 1 to make the valuable data in the exhibits of
the " Aldrich Report " of greater service. A great

1 See the elaborate collection of tables in " Gold Wages and
Prices, 1860-80," by Prof. Wesley C. Mitchell, of the Uni-
versity of California. In a chapter dealing with wages in
his earlier "History of the Greenbacks" (Chicago, 1904), Dr.
Mitchell began the re tabulation of the "Aldrich Report " data,
which he has carried on in this later volume to the year 18S0.
It is a pleasure to be able to put some of his tables to a new
service here.

294

THE PROBLEM OF WOMEN'S WAGES

deal of the material has been recently retabtdated
by Prof. Wesley C. Mitchell, in order to correct cer-
tain important errors of method which have thrown
doubt on the trustworthiness of the original tables
which were published with the report. In the re-
tabulation, the wages of men and women were kept
distinct, so that the new Mitchell tables show the dif-
ference between rates of increase for men and rates
of increase for women.

Four of these Mitchell tables, therefore, are re-
printed here in order that the change in the relative
wages of men and women may be followed from year
to year. It must, however, be explained that these
are tables, not of money wages, but so-called index
numbers or percentages, in which the wage for 1860
is taken as 100 and the wage for each following
year is represented as a percentage of the wage
in 1860.

Separate tables are given here for cotton goods and
ginghams, and a table is added for all of the indus-
tries in which both men and women were employed.
Although the original report presented data for twen-
ty-one industries, it was found that the majority of
these had no women employees, and that it was only in
the textile industries that the number of women was
large enough to be significant. But in Park III of the
table which follows, all of the industries which re-
ported any women employees are included ; these are
cotton goods, ginghams, and woolen goods, which
together had 43 series for women and 773 women em-

295

WOMEN m INDUSTKY

ployees, and " books and newspapers," leather, and
paper, which together had but seven series for women
and only 64 women employees.

Mitchell Tables of Relative Rates of Wages for Men
and Women Employees in Various Industries,1

1860-1880

(Data obtained from the exhibits of the Aldrich Report)

Relative Wages.

II.

III.

Year.

Cotton Goods.

Ginghams.

All Industries.

Men.

Women.

Men.

Women.

Men.

Women.

1860

100

1861

100

104

102

1862

109

100

104

1863

107

106

101

113

110

109

1864

127

115

104

109

120

112

1865

144

125

128

133

142

128

1866

159

158

161

156

1867

167

164

174

160

166

1868

166

160

176

160

164

1869

168

161

162

177

162

166

1870

166

167

164

176

161

168

1871

170

182

175

199

166

185

1872

178

190

183

210

170

193

1873

173

180

211

168

190

1874

162

165

172

201

159

178

1875

150

165

186

155

167

1876

142

146

165

185

152

165

1877

137

145

147

162

142

155

1878

134

157

149

168

142

162

1879

130

157

143

166

137

159

1880

135

171

139

167

137

164

Average No. of

Employees . . .

419

296

301

406

1,049

837

'From Mitchell, "Gold, Prices and Wages," p. 122. The
relative rates are computed from arithmetic means of the money
rates for the years specified. In the original tables rates are
given both for January and July, but only one rate a year is
quoted here, that for January. A table for woolen goods which
is also given with the other tables in the Mitchell volume and

296

THE PROBLEM OF WOMEN'S WAGES

Before discussing these tables, it must be empha-
sized that they afford a means of comparing, not
women's wages with men's wages, but the rate of in-
crease in women's wages with the rate of increase
in men 's wages in the same establishments over a con-
siderable period of years. The tables show, then, that
the median wage for women in the cotton industry
in 1880 was 172 as compared with 100 which repre-
sented the wage in 1860; for men the 1880 rate was
only 136 as compared with the 1860 rate of 100.
Similarly in ginghams which might properly be
classed with cotton goods, wages for women had ad-
vanced from 100 in 1860 to 167 in 1880, while the
wages of men had reached only 140 ; for all indus-
tries the relative wage for women was 165, for men
only 139. The percentage increase, therefore, in
women's wages between 1860 and 1880 was greater
than the percentage increase in men's wages during

omitted here, since it did not deal with one of the industries
specially studied in this volume, is of interest as confirming the
conclusions drawn.

RELATIVE RATES OF WAGES— WOOLEN GOODS

Number of Series: Men, 51; Women, 11.
Average No. Employees: Men, 212; Women, 71.

c
S

1860

100

1865

146

130

1870

146

150

1875

147

158

1861

106

108

1866

152

143

1871

146

154

1876

144

157

1862

107

112

1867

149

148

1872

146

156

1877

135

150

1863

121

117

ISliS

140

145

1873

146

155

1878

140

156

1864

122

120

1869

147

154

1874

142

153

1879
1880

137
139

156
153

297

WOMEN IN INDUSTRY

the same period; but again it must be said that this
does not mean that women's wages became higher
than men's. Women's wages were very much lower
than men's in the beginning, and they were very much
lower in the end ; the tables merely show that relative
wages for women in 1880 as compared with 1860 were
higher than relative wages for men in the later, as
compared with the earlier year.

Professor Mitchell's comment on these tables is
that " during the years of large enlistments in the
army, wages of men advanced more rapidly than
those of women — a rule to which one establishment
manufacturing gingham affords a doubtful excep-
tion. But after 1869 the relative wages of women
almost always stand higher, and by the end of that
period the differences in favor of women are wide
in all industries. ' ' x

The account which was given in an early chap-
ter of the difficulty of finding women operatives

1 Mitchell, p. 121; see also pp. 103-104, in which the following
comment is made regarding another table containing relative
wages for both men and women: "The columns for number of
series and of employees show that the data for males are much
more abundant. In the majority of the twenty-one industries,
indeed, no female employees are reported; it is only in the tex-
tile industries that their numbers are important. For the
present, it is sufficient to notice that from 1863 to 1805 men had
• their rates of pay increased decidedly faster. From 1S65 to
1870 the relations are irregular; sometimes men, sometimes
women are in the lead; sometimes the differences are small,
sometimes large. But after 1870 women uniformly have higher
relative wages."

298

THE PROBLEM OF WOMEN'S WAGES

for the New England mills in the latter part of
the war decade, undoubtedly throws some light
on the relatively higher rates of increase in wom-
en's wages at this time and very soon after. The
' ' unusual scarcity of female operatives ' ' which, it
was said, had not been remedied by a large advance
in wages, was without doubt the cause of the rela-
tively higher rate of increase in women's wages.
The tendency for educated women to leave the mills,
which had been noticeable before the war, became
more marked during its progress, when women were
wanted to fill teaching posts and other professional
positions left vacant by men who had " gone to the
front "; and after the war, when the westward ex-
pansion created new and attractive openings for
women in teaching and other occupations superior to
those in the mills, considerable inducements were
necessary to keep the more efficient operatives. This
point has already been discussed in greater de-
tail,1 but it seemed important here in connection

1 See Chapter VII of this volume. In the collection of
wage statistics in the "Tenth Census" (1880), xx, 361, a New
Hampshire cotton factory made the following report concerning
the decrease in the efficiency of labor after 1865: "The mills here
were formerly operated by native American labor, supplied
principally from the interior and surrounding farming com-
munities, and nearly all had the advantages of the New England
common schools. It was then thought no disgrace for a farmer's
daughter to run the loom and spindle. Since the late war other
and more congenial pursuits have attracted this class of labor,
and in their place we have the poorest of the European and
Canadian population with little or no education."

21 299

WOMEN IN INDUSTRY

with these tables as an explanation of the higher
relative rates for women which prevailed after the
war.

Attention has already been called to the fact that
women received very much lower wages than men
in all industries, both at the beginning and at the
end of the period under discussion. Interesting
proof of this fact is found in some of Professor Mitch-
ell's other tables. In attempting to classify wage
earners, not according to industries or occupations,
but on the basis of the rates of wages received, all
of the wage earners were arranged in five groups,
those who received less than a dollar a day in Janu-
ary, 1860, which meant from 25 cents to 99 cents a
day, those receiving from $1 to $1.49, from $1.50 to
$1.99, from $2 to $2.49, and $2.50 and over. It was
found' in arranging such a distribution that the low-
est group, that of persons earning 25 to 99 cents a
day, included all but two of the series given for
women in 1860 and, therefore, it was not necessary
to prepare separate tables for men and women ex-
cept for the lowest group ; 1 that is, substantially all
of the women but less than one fourth of the men
were in this lowest wage group.

A further investigation brought out the fact that
the women were not merely in the lowest group but
in the lowest half of the lowest group. All wage
earners, both men and women, who received less than

1 Mitchell, pp. 145 and 153.
300

THE PROBLEM OF WOMEN'S WAGES

a dollar a day were subdivided into three smaller
groups, (1) those receiving from 25 to 49 cents, (2)
those receiving from 50 to 74 cents, and (3) those re-
ceiving from 75 to 99 cents. The result of this re-
classification is seen in the table x below :

Number of Employees Receiving Less than a Dollar a

Day in 1860

Number of men
Numberof wom-
en

Group I.
25-49 cents.

195

Group II.
50-74 cents.

105

550

Group III.
75-99 cents.

1,600
17

Total Earning

Less than a
Dollar a Day.

1,801
762

On the basis of the classification into the five
groups which were first given, the tables of relative
wages which are given below were prepared for each
group for the period 1860-80.2 Although rates for
the three higher groups in which no women were
reported may not seem to be of special interest here,
they are given for purposes of comparison.

1 This table is prepared from data in Mitchell tables 44, 45,
pp. 166-168.

2 Professor Mitchell's explanation of his purpose in computing
such tables is of interest: "The classification of wage earners
according to the actual wages received at some period is less
common in making tables of relative wages than the classifica-
tion according to industries or occupations. But it has quite as
much significance as either of these other classifications; for
persons earning low wages form an economic group differing in
important respects from persons receiving high wages" (p. 145).

301

WOMEN IN INDUSTEY

Mitchell Tables of Relative Rates of Wages of All Em-
ployees in All Industries, Classified According to
Sex and Initial Wages 1: 1860-80

(Data obtained from the exhibits of the Aldrich Report.)

Relative Wages.

Year.

Daily Wages
Less than $1.

$1.00-
$1.49.
Men.

$1.50-
$1.99.
Men.

$2.00-
$2.49.
Men.

$2.50

ami

Over.

Men.

Women.

1860

100
101
102
114
120
150
166
173
169
179
184
180
179
178
172
160
157
142
143
137
138

1,039

100
102
104
110
112
130
159
169
168
170
172
191
201
197
184
170
169
156
162
162
165

762

100
102
101
119
140
161
167
170
169
181
188
187
181
183
183
177
169
150
143
138
138

2,358

100
102
105
116
127
150
157
161
165
166
167
176
166
169
164
157
154
141
137
135
135

990

100
100
99
103
117
142
150
161
169
186
188
181
181
182
181
166
165
144
138
137
140

423

100

1861

9*9

1862

10*0

1863

1864

106

1865

123

1866

126

1867

131

1868

133

1869

132

1870

131

1871...

131

1872

131

1873

132

1874

130

1875

131

1876

128

1877

130

1878

124

1879

119

1880

119

Average number of per-
sons

Two interesting conclusions are drawn from these
tables.2 The first is that in comparing the relative
rates for men and for women, here, as in the previous
tables, " men have higher relative wages during the

^rom Mitchell, "Gold, Prices and Wages," p. 166.
initial wage for these tables was that of January, 1860.
2 See Professor Mitchell's comments, ibid., pp. 165, 167.

302

The

THE PROBLEM OF WOMEN'S WAGES

war; the relations vary for the next few years;
women are always in the lead after 1870." The
second conclusion is a more general one relating to
the effect of the increase in prices during the war —
that " the lower the actual wages of a group, the
greater was the relative increase in the rates of pay. ' '
The single exception that the rates in the lowest
wage group, in which all of the women are found,
did not advance so rapidly as in the next group
above is explained by the supposition that ' ' the fam-
ily responsibilities of the lowest paid workers were
on the average less than those of men earning a dol-
lar or more a day," and for this reason they felt the
pressure of the increased cost of living less than those
in the group above.1 It is of special interest in this
connection that women's wages during the war in-
creased less rapidly than the wages of the men in any
of the groups. Professor Mitchell's explanation of
this fact was that workingwomen in general had
fewer family responsibilities than workingmen and
would, therefore, fall behind even the men in Group
I, as the men in Group I fell behind the men in
Group II.2 A further explanation, however, which
arises from the fact that all of the women were in
this group, would seem to be that the effect of the
war diminished very greatly the supply of men

1 A detailed explanation of this point is given in Mitchell,
"History of the Greenbacks," pp. 305, 306, and again more
briefly in "Gold, Wages and Prices," p. 165.

2 Mitchell, "History of the Greenbacks," p. 307.

303

WOMEN IN INDUSTRY

and caused a relatively greater increase in their
wages.1

The Mitchell tables, however, afford, finally, a com-
parison between relative rates for 1860 and for 1891,
although the detailed tables are not brought down
to the latter date. Relative rates for the two years
in the cotton industry, and in all industries in which
both men and women were employed, are given as
follows:

Mitchell Tables, Relative Wages in 1860 and 18912

Year.

All Industries.

Cotton Goods.

Cotton Goods
(Ginghams).

Woolen Goods.

Men.

Women.

Men.

Women.

Men.

Women.

Men.

Women.

1860... .
1891... .

100
155

100
173

100
161

100
181

100
150

100
174

100
158

100
164

More interesting, however, than the fact that
women's wages were higher in 1890 than during the

1 Professor Mitchell has also computed the relative wages for
the groups within the "less than one dollar" group. For men
in the group 25-49 cents, the rate was 171 compared with 163
for the women in the same group; for men in the group 50-74
cents, it was 155 for men and 159 for women. In 1880 the rate
for men in the 25-49 cent group was 168 and for women 177, in
the 50-74 cent group 135 for men and 160 for women. Although
Professor Mitchell believes that a fairer comparison results by-
taking the smaller wage groups, the 25-49 cent group can hardly
be considered significant in connection with women's wages, since
the employees in this group must have been quite young girls
and boys.

2 These are from Mitchell's weighted averages, " Gold, Prices
and Wages," p. 173.

304

THE PROBLEM OP WOMEN'S WAGES

fifty years preceding is the question of what women
really earned in the last decade of the nineteenth
century. To answer this question, resort must be
had to a different collection of data — the report on
" Employees and Wages' which was prepared by
Professor Davis R. Dewey for the Twelfth Census.
From this report it is possible to obtain tables show-

Weekly Median Wage in New England Cotton Mills,

1890-1900

(From the Dewey Report,

"Employees and Wages,"

p. xxxiii.)

Number op

Employees.

Wages per Week.

Occupations.

Men.

Women.

Men.

Women.

1890.

1900.

1890.

1900.

1890.

1900.

1890.

1900.

104

41
78
22
23

'50

108

75
83

224
1,668

187

49
90
29

'82

132

123

186

258
2,182

321
i46

'ei

245

399
1,083

285
2,640

296

ioi

'64

240

447
913

529
2,653

$3.50

9 . 50

4.50
6.00
4.50
4.50

9^00
20 . 00
11.00

11.00
9.50
8.50

7.00
8.00

$4.50

10.50

6.50
7.00
6.00
5.50

(L50
21.00
12.00

12.00

11.50

9.00

7.50
8.50

$5.00
4!66

s!66
6166

5^50
6.50

5.00
5.50

Beamers and slasher
Bobbin boys, banders.

•S5.50

5.50

Drawing-frame tenders. .

5!o6

Dye-house hands

Foremen and overseers . .

Roving-frame tenders. . .
Second and section

7.00

6.66

7.50

All other occupations
peculiar to cotton

5.00

All occupations C1)

6.00

1 In this and in the other tables from the Dewey Report, "all occupa-
tions" does not represent a series of totals for the lists as given here since
those occupations in the original list which were not peculiar to the indus-
tries selected have been omitted.

305

WOMEN IN INDITSTKY

ing the weekly median wage for women and for men,
not only in the cotton mills, but in each of the other
four industries studied. These tables, unlike those
which have just been given from the Mitchell collec-
tion, are tables of money wages, and, along with the
rates, the number of men and women employed is
given. The first of these tables for 1890-1900, that
for cotton mills, is given on page 305.

There are several comments to be made with re-
gard to this table. The rates are, in the first place,
slightly higher for New England than for the coun-
try as a whole, but since the earlier data related ex-
clusively to this section, it seemed best here to quote
the table for New England rates here. It is, in the
second place, to be noted that women's wages in
specific occupations and in the industry as a whole
are uniformly lower than men's wages. That is, in
1900 the median wage for 2,653 women was $6 a
week, for 2,182 men, $8.50 a week ; for beamers and
slasher tenders, the median wage for women was
$5.50 and for men $10.50. In other occupations, al-
though the difference is not so marked, it is, never-
theless, always there.

The next table, on the following page, is for the
manufacture of shoes, and the rates are for the coun-
try as a whole and not for any one section.

The same comment as to the difference between the
wages of women and men that was made with regard
to the preceding table can be made here. The me-
dian wage for women was uniformly $6 in 1890

306

THE PROBLEM OF WOMEN'S WAGES

and 1900. While the corresponding wage for men
was $11 in 1890 and $11.50 in 1900.

That the men so largely outnumber the women is
also a point of interest here since it adds further
testimony to that which has been given in an earlier
chapter to show that this still remains a men's in-
dustry.

Weekly Median Wage in the " Boots and Shoes " Industry,

1890-1900
(From the Dewey Report on "Employees and Wages," p. xcii.)

Occupations.

Bottomers

Bottom finishers

Cutters, sole leather . .

Cutters, upper

Edgers

Foremen

Lasters

Stitchers, upper

Stock fitters

All other occupations .

All occupations

Number of Employees. Wages per Week

Men.

1890.

101
41
142
378
62
90
85

'46

246

1,372

1900.

209
99

190

556
64

101
76

53
477

2,177

Women.

1890.

165

iis

362

1900.

Men.

1890.

106
252
421

$10.00
9.00
9.50
12.00
15.00
18.00
11.00

io!oo

12.50
11.00

1900.

Women.

1890.

S12.00
8.50
12.00
13.50
15.00
20.00
13.00

10^50
11.50

11.50

1900.

50
50

6.00 6.00

Wages in cigarmaking, according to the table on
the next page, show an even greater difference in
favor of men.

Cigarmaking is one of the few industries in which
men and women compete directly, and the difference
in their wages is, therefore, of special interest.

In the occupation of " packing " the wage for

307

WOMEN m INDUSTRY

women is $8, while it is $18.50 for men; in cigar-
making, $6 for women and $13 for men, but in
this occupation the women are described as " cigar-
rollers " so that their work is probably rolling or
wrapping machine-made bunches, and is not real-
ly like that of the men. That the women " strip-
pers ' earn more than the men is explained by
the fact that very capable women are found in
this occupation, but ordinarily none but very old
men who are no longer competent to earn a " man's
wage " at anything. In general, it is not, of course,
easy to say just how much of an injustice the wom-
en's lower wage may indicate, for the work is largely
" piece work," and the women may have been slower,
or they may not have worked at the same rate and
on the same kind of cigars. The difference, however,

Weekly Median Wage for Cigarmaking (1890-1900)
(From the Dewey Report on "Employes and Wages," p. lxxiv.)

Number of Employees.

Wages per Week.

Occupations.

Men.

Women.

Men.

Women.

1890.

1900.

1890.

1900.

1890.

1900.

1890.

1900.

Packers

Cigarmakers or rollers1

Strippers

All other occupations .

32
457

57
117

697

47
691

68
172

1,065

132

254

30
186
188

573

$16.50

13.00

5.00

7.50

11.00

$18.50

13.00

5.50

6.50

11.50

$7.50
5.50
5.50
5.50

6.00

$8.00
6.00
6.00
3.00

5.50

1 As the men are called " cigarmakers " instead of " rollers " it is probable
that (he wages given above do not represent the same work for women as
for men.

308

THE PEOBLEM OF WOMEN'S WAGES

between the median wage of $5.50 for women and
$11.50 for men seems quite too great not to contain
some measure of discrimination. It is, moreover, of in-
terest that in the report of the commissioner of labor
on " Work and Wages of Men, Women, and Chil-
dren," in which the efficiency and wages of the em-
ployees are both reported, the returns from all of the
cigar factories showed, with a single exception, that
women were receiving less pay than men for equally
efficient work. It has already been pointed out that
in union factories the women receive the same rate of
wages as the men.

In the clothing industry, the discrepancy between
the wages of women and men is even more marked
as the next table indicates.

This is an interesting table, not merely because the

Weekly Median Wage in the Clothing Industry, 1890-1900
(From the Dewey Report on " Employees and Wages," p. Ixxvii.)

Number of

Employees.

Wages per Week.

Occupations.

Men.

Women.

Men.

Women.

1890.

1900.

1890.

1900.

1890.

1900.

1890.

1900.

Basters

'71
248

108
121

737

'84
312

'■ii

185

166

1,094

'52
'55
863
119
1,263

'43

1,488

139
2,051

$io!66

18.00

24! 66

8.00
11.00
11.50

$io!66

17.00
25^00

7.00
11.00
10.00

$5.00

4!6o

5!50
4.00
6.00
4.50

$5.00

Bushelers

Cutters

Finishers

Foremen

4.50

Seamers

Sewing-machine oper-
ators

All other occupations
peculiar to clothing .

5.50
4.00
6.00
4.00

309

WOMEN IN INDUSTRY

median wage was $4.50 for women and, in contrast,
$11.50 for men in 1890, and $4 for women and
$10 for men in 1900, but because so good an exam-
ple is offered of the fact that men and women seldom
do the same work, and that the highly paid work is
invariably done by men. The cutters, earning $18
a week in 1890 and $17 in 1900, are all men ; the fin-
ishers, earning $4 in 1890 and $4.50 in 1900, are all
women; the bushelers, who earned $10 in both years,
are all men, and the basters who earned $5 in both
years, are all women. Machine operating is the only
occupation for which both men and women are re-
ported, and here the wages of men were $8 in 1890
and $7 in 1900, while women were paid but $6 in
both years.

Weekly Median Wage — Printing, 1890-1900
(From the Dewey Report on " Employees and Wages," p. Ixxxvii.)

Occupations.

Apprentices

Binders

Compositors hand....
Compositors, machine

Electrotypers

Engravers

Foremen

Foremen, assistant ,. .

Pressmen

Stereotypers

All other occupations .

All occupations 3,082 3,033

Number of Employees. Wages per Week

Men.

1890,

164

1,513

139

278

1900,

207

878

160

370

115

Women.

1890,

251

1900.

409

374 572

310

Men.

1890.

$4.00
14.00
19.00
25.00
15.00
18.00
25.00
22.00
15.00
15.00
12.00

16.00

1900.

$6.00
15.00
18.00
30.00
18.00
18.00
25.00
25.00
15.00
19.50
13.00

15.00

Women.

1S90.

1900.

50 $5.00

9.00

5.00

9.00
5.00

THE PROBLEM OF WOMEN'S WAGES

The table for the printing trade, on the opposite
page, is less satisfactory than any of the others, since
the wages of women are reported only for a single
occupation.

This table shows again that men's wages are very
much higher than women's. In all occupations, the
median wage was $16 for men in 1890 and $15
in 1900, and for women $5 in both years, and
again, in the number of employees returned there is
evidence of the fact that the trade still belongs to
men. In the one occupation for which both men and
women employees are given, it is quite impossible
that they can be doing the same work ; with the wages
of men binders at $11 in 1890 and $15 in 1900 and
the wages of women $4.50 and $5 in the same years,
so great a difference can be explained only on the
ground of different work.

Of greater interest, however, than the rates in any
of these special industries is the summary of all the
data published in the Dewey report for the year 1900.
From the returns published for 156,569 men 16 years
old and over, from 22 important manufacturing in-
dustries and from returns for 16,724 women, also
16 years or over, who were employed in 13 different
industries, certain rates of wages, found on the next
page, were computed.

The use of the terms upper and lower qnartile
needs some comment. The median has already been
explained as the wage received by the employee half
the way up the wage scale, the lower quartile is the

311

WOMEN m INDUSTRY

wage of the employee who is one quarter the way up,
the upper quartile, the wage of the employee who is
three fourths of the way up. That is, one fourth of
the men were below $8.31 a week, one fourth of the
women below $4.49 ; one half of the men below $10.55,
one half of the women below $5.64; three fourths
of the men below $13.93, three fourths of the women
below $6.86. The rates for women are, then, on the
whole slightly more than one half of the men's rates.

Rates of Wages for Men and Women over Sixteen Years

of Age in 1900

(Data from the Dewey Report, "Employees and Wages.") '

Lower Quartile.

Median.

Upper Quartile

Men

Women

$8.31
4.49

$10.55
5 64

$13.93
6 86

By way of summary, then, it may be pointed out
that the median rates given in the Dewey report
show that in " all industries " the median rate for
women is fifty-three per cent of the rate for men;
that in the tables which have been given for the dif-
ferent industries, the women's median wage is uni-
formly lower than the men's, varying, in fact, from
one third in the printing trade to approximately
three fourths (seventy per cent) in the cotton in-

1 This interesting computation was made in the statistical
laboratory of Columbia University under the direction of Prof.
Henry R. Seager, and the results were published in " Publica-
tions of the American Statistical Association," ix, 142, 143.

312

THE PEOBLEM OF WOMEN'S WAGES

dustry. In the manufacture of clothing, the median
wage for women is forty per cent of the wage for
men ; in cigarmaking forty -seven per cent ; in " boots
and shoes " fifty-two per cent.

No stress need be laid here, however, upon the fact
that women earn so much less than men. The general
inferiority of woman's wages has not only been ac-
quiesced in as a custom in England, and on the
Continent through six centuries of economic de-
velopment, but it has long been a subject of public
comment in this country.1

It is further of interest that not only the tables
which have been given here, but the discussion in the
preceding chapters contribute additional evidence
in support of the fact that, in general, the low wages
of women in industrial occupations is not unequal pay
for equal work, but unequal pay for different and
probably inferior work. As long ago as 1891 Mr.
Sidney Webb pointed out that, in manual work, it
is impossible to discover more than a very few in-
stances in which men and women do precisely simi-
lar work, in the same place and at the same epoch,2
and that the frequent inferiority of women's earn-
ings in manual work is due, in the main, to a gen-

1 For an interesting discussion of the history of women's
wages, see J. Shield Nicholson, " Principles of Political Economy,"
iii, 158-166.

2 See an article on " The Alleged Difference in the Wages Paid
to Men and to Women for Similar Work," Economic Journal,
i, 635.

313

WOMEN m INDUSTEY

eral but not invariable inferiority of productive
power, usually in quantity, sometimes in quality, and
nearly always in net advantageousness to tbe em-
ployer.

It has become apparent, in the preceding discus-
sion, that for the most part, women not only do the
low-paid, but the unskilled work. The work of
women in the cotton industry might seem to fur-
nish an exception, and that it does, to some ex-
tent, is evidenced by the fact that in this, more nearly
than in any other industry, women's wages approxi-
mate the wages of men. But even here, where at
one time women dressers and weavers were among
the skilled and well-paid operatives, the work of
dressing is now done by men, and mechanical im-
provements in the looms have tended to make men
weavers superior to women. In the discussion of the
manufacture of boots and shoes, it appeared that
there was a quite strongly marked line of delimita-
tion between women's work and men's work, and
that the cutters and the Goodyear and McKay stitch-
ers or bottomers, all highly skilled operatives, were
men, while the women did work which was in general
of a lower grade. In the manufacture of men's cloth-
ing, cutters, pressers, and power-machine operatives,
the most skilled workers in the trade are alike men ;
and quite recently the call for greater speed and
endurance has given the man an advantage over the
woman baster. With regard to cigarmaking, .it was
pointed out that a girl rarely obtains an apprentice-

314

THE PBOBLEM OF WOMEN'S WAGES

ship, and that the woman cigarmaker, who, occasion-
ally may be " more efficient than any man ' is, in
general, a less skilled worker. Similarly, in the print-
ing trades, the woman who is obliged to " steal the
trade ' becomes inferior to the all-around printer
who has not only had the chance to " serve his
time " but has been recpiired to do so.

All of this is, therefore, further testimony in sup-
port of Mr. Webb's theory that the woman is poorly
paid, in part at least, because she is inefficient and is
doing work which is less skilled than that done by
men.

To discuss the causes which lie back of the wom-
an's lack of efficiency,— how far it is due to her ex-
clusion from the occupations which demand higher
skill and in turn offer larger remuneration, or to a
restriction of opportunity by which she is denied
proper training for her trade, — would be of interest,
but such an inquiry is clearly beyond the scope of
this study. Nor can account be taken here of other
causes of low wages with which the economist might
be concerned. The influence of custom and tradition,
of the woman's " lower standard of life," of her ex-
pectation of marriage and her consequent " shorter
working life," of the lack of organization among
women, of the narrow field of employment open to
them and the resulting oversupply of labor within
that field,— of these and other causes of women's low
wages there can be no discussion here. Nor will it
be possible here to attempt to ascertain how far the
22 315

WOMEN IN INDUSTRY

wage of the workingwoman is really a subsistence
wage or whether " if the wages of virtue be dust,"
the community should not be called upon to make
some attempt at regulation.

It must not, however, be overlooked that there are
factors in the present industrial situation which will
ultimately lead to an improvement in women's wages.
The growing class consciousness among women which
is bringing them into the labor movement, the influ-
ence of the trade union which demands the same
wage scale for women as for men, the effect of the
piece-work system, by which women, in so far as they
work with men, are almost invariably paid at the
same rate, and, in the long future, the effects of the
" woman movement," which by the removal of their
political and social disabilities, should do away with
influence of custom and tradition which have had
so depressing an effect on their economic condition.

CHAPTER XIII

PUBLIC OPINION AND THE WORKINGWOMAN

An attempt has been made in the preceding chap-
ters to apply the historical rather than the statis-
tical method to the problem of the employment of
women. It is only within the last few decades that
statistics of employment have been comparable from
one decade to another and sufficiently complete to
make it possible to draw any conclusions of value
from them. To ascertain, therefore, how far women
have been employed in the work of manufacturing
in early years, evidence was collected which, if less
direct than statistics, is more reliable.

In a study of our economic development it becomes
clear that women have been from the beginning of
our history an important factor in American indus-
try. In the early days of the factory system they
were an indispensable factor. Any theory, therefore,
that women are a new element in our industrial life,
or that they are doing "men's work," or that they
have ' ' driven out the men, " is a theory unsupported
by facts.

In order to avoid the vagueness which might come

317

WOMEN IN INDUSTRY

from generalizations dealing with our industrial
system as a whole, an attempt has been made to re-
view the history of the employment of women in sev-
eral different industries. In this way, it has been
possible to ascertain what work women were doing
before and after the establishment of the factory
system, and to show in what occupations and in what
proportions women have been substituted for men,
or men for women. A study of the five industries
which employ to-day the largest numbers of women
has furnished some interesting illustrations of the
way in which the introduction of machinery and the
establishment of the factory system have made neces-
sary a readjustment of the work both of men and
of women, and in the long run it has meant the
breaking down of old customary lines of delimitation
between women's work and men's work.

In the cotton manufacture and in the clothing
trades, it was found that occupations such as spin-
ning, weaving, and sewing, which historically had
been pretty exclusively women's work in this coun-
try, are to-day not only shared with men but are in
process of being taken over by men. On the other
hand, printing and shoemaking are examples of
skilled trades which may be said on the whole to have
belonged to men in the colonial period, but which are
now employing large numbers of women. Printing
required every little physical strength, and women,
therefore, became printers long before they entered
the shoemaker's trade, which was too heavy to be

318

PUBLIC OPINION AND WORKINGWOMAN

carried on by women until a system of division of
labor made it possible to give them lighter portions
of the work. Cigarmaking, although it is an indus-
try which has no history in the seventeenth and
eighteenth centuries, has been carried on at different
times both by men and by women, and furnishes an
interesting example of the way in which work that
was done originally by women but later taken over
by men, may come to be women's work again.

In the cotton industry and in the clothing trades,
therefore, men are doing work which for the most
part was once done by women. In the printing
trade and in the manufacture of boots and shoes,
women are doing the work which would a century
ago have been done by men. It should, however, be
noted as a point of interest, that to-day the men's
share in the two women's industries is much greater
than the share of women in the two men's industries.
That is, nearly 250,000 men, approximately one half
of the total number of persons employed in the cot-
ton and clothing industries, are men, while the num-
ber of women in " printing ' and " boots and
shoes " is, in round numbers, but 70,000 or not quite
one third of the total number in those trades.1 It
would appear, therefore, that men have gained more
than women by this readjustment of work. But it
may be again repeated that in all of these five indus-
tries, women have been employed for more than a
hundred years, and it is now too late to look upon

1 See table in footnote on page 320.
319

WOMEN" IN INDUSTRY

them as entering a new field of employment in which
they have no right. It should be especially empha-
sized, too, that during all of these years, women not
only were industrially employed in large numbers,
but that they were liberally encouraged by the public
opinion of an earlier day to enter these occupations.
Throughout the colonial period, and for more than
half a century after the establishment of our Repub-
lic, the attitude not only of the statesman but of the
public moralist was that of rigid insistence on the
gainful employment of women, either in the home,
or as the household industries grew decreasingly
profitable, away from it. In the seventeenth and
eighteenth centuries court orders directed that the
women of the various towns should be kept employed,
and Puritan ministers warned them of the dangers
of idle living. Spinning schools were founded to as-
sist women in earning their own maintenance; and

Number of Persons Employed in 1905

Women.

Men.

In the cotton mills

128,163
147,710

275,873

49,535
19,975

147,283

In the clothing industry

101,373

Total

248,656

In " boots and shoes "

95,257

In printing and publishing

65,293

Total

69,510

160,550

320

PUBLIC OPINION AND WORKINGWOMAN

when the first cotton factories were established, they
were welcomed as a means of enriching the country
by women's labor. The same confident approval of
every means of providing gainful occupations for
women, particularly poor women, is to be found in
the discussion which centered about the policy of
encouraging and protecting our infant industries
after the present government had been established.

Looking back at the change in the domestic econ-
omy of the household which was being wrought at
this time, we see the carding, spinning, weaving, dye-
ing—the old historic occupations of women in the
home, being taken away from them ; a great demand
for hands to police the new machines ; and the women
quietly following their work from the home to the
factory. This was not only the natural thing for
them to do but it was demanded of them by the pub-
lic opinion of their day, and there was no voice lifted
then to remind them that woman's proper place was
at home.

It is clear that it was primarily as an economic
problem, and in relation to other economic problems
that Hamilton, Trench Coxe, Gallatin, Matthew
Carey, Hezekiah Niles, H. C. Carey, and the minor
pamphleteers Avho followed in their wake, concerned
themselves with women's work. Here was a fund of
labor from which a larger return could be obtained
if it were employed in manufacturing industries, and
they made precise computations as to just how much
that gain would be. More than that, here was also

321

WOMEN m INDUSTEY

a defensive argument sustaining an important meas-
ure of public policy and suggesting a solution for
one of the economic problems of the time. Unfor-
tunately the employment of women was not consid-
ered on its own merits, and how far it would have
met condemnation instead of encouragement if it
had not fitted into the scheme of a contemporary
policy it is impossible to say.

It has become something of a public habit to speak
of the women who work in factories to-day as if they
were invaders threatening to take over work which
belongs to men by custom and prior right of occu-
pation. This mistake is due to the fact that there
has been an increase in gainful employment among
women, and although attention is frequently called
to this fact, it is not pointed out that this increase
is not equally distributed in all groups of occu-
pations. Tables from the data furnished by the last
census, which have already been given, show that
this increase is disproportionate only in the group,
trade and transportation, and that in the manufac-
tures group men are increasing more rapidly than
women. In this connection, attention may be called
once more to the fact that the " woman movement "
of the last century belongs most exclusively to edu-
cated women. So far as industrial employments are
concerned, they were considered especially suited to
women at a time when men did not regard such work
as profitable enough for themselves. By prior right
of occupation, and by the invitation of early phil-

322

PUBLIC OPINION AND WORKINGWOMAN

anthropists and statesmen, the workingwoman holds
a place of her own in this field. In the days when
the earliest factories were calling for operatives the
public moralist denounced her for ' ' eating the bread
of idleness," if she refused to obey the call. Now
that there is some fear lest profuse immigration may
give us an oversupply of labor, and that there may
not be work enough for the men, it is the public
moralist again who finds that her proper place is at
home and that the world of industry was created for
men. The woman of the working classes was self-
supporting and was expected to be self-supporting
more than three quarters of a century ago, and even
long before that she was reproached for " eating the
bread of idleness." The efforts of the professional
woman to realize a new ideal of pecuniary independ-
ence, which have taken her out of the home and into
new and varied occupations, belong to recent, if not
contemporary history. But this history, for her,
covers a social revolution, and the world she faces
is a new one. The woman of the working classes
finds it, so far as her measure of opportunity goes,
very much as her great grandmother left it.

APPENDICES AND INDEX

APPENDIX A

CHILD LABOR IN AMERICA BEFORE 1870

It has been pointed out from time to time in the pre-
ceding chapters that the early conditions which led to
the employment of women led also to the employment of
children. The same economic necessity, — the scarcity and
high cost of male labor in this country, which caused
early manufacturers to rely upon women's labor, led them
also to depend on children. The social philosophy which
encouraged one, encouraged the other. The colonial tra-
dition which believed in the virtue of industry was
handed down to promote the employment of little chil-
dren as well as women.

The introduction of children into our early factories
was a natural consequence of the colonial attitude toward
child labor, of the provisions of the early poor laws and
of philanthropic efforts to prevent children from becom-
ing a public charge, and, above all, of the Puritan belief
in the virtue of industry and the sin of idleness. In-
dustry by compulsion, if not by faith, was the gospel
preached to the young as well as to the old, and quite
frequently to the children of the rich as well as the poor.

Thus we find Higginson rejoicing over the " New Eng-
land Plantation " because " little children here by setting
of corn may earne much more than their owne mainte-
nance " ; * and less than a decade later Johnson was com-

1 "Collections Massachusetts Historical Society," First Series,
i, 118 (1629).

327

APPENDIX A

mending the industrious people of Rowley who " built
a fulling mill and caused their little ones to be very dili-
gent in spinning cotton wool." *

Throughout the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries,
the court records and province laws give evidence of
the serious attempt made to prevent idleness among chil-
dren. In 1640 an order of the Great and General Court
of Massachusetts required the magistrates of the several
towns to see " what course may be taken for teaching the
boyes and girles in all towns the spinning of the yarne."
And in 1641 " it is desired and will be expected that all
masters of families should see that their children and
servants should be industriously implied so as the morn-
ings and evenings and other seasons may not bee lost as
formerly they have bene."

In the following year more definite orders are given.
For a child to " keep cattle " alone is not to be industrious
in the Puritan sense, and it is decreed that such children
as have this for their occupation shall also " bee set to
some other impliment withall as spinning upon the rock,
knitting, weveing tape, etc." In 1656 a consideration of
the advisability of promoting the manufacture of cloth
led to the order that " all hands not necessarily imployed
on other occasions, as woemen, girles, and boys, shall and
hereby are enjoyned to spin according to their skill and
abilitee and that the selectmen in every towne doe con-
sider the condition and capacitie of every family and
accordingly assess them as one or more spinners." In
the same year Hull recorded in his diary that " twenty
persons, or about such a number did agree to raise a stock
to procure a house and materials to improve the children
and youth of the town of Boston (which want employ-
ment) in the several manufactures." In short there is

1 " Wonder- Working Providence," "Collections Massachusetts
Historical Society," Second Series, vii, 13 (1638).

32S

CHILD LABOR BEFORE 1870

no lack of evidence to show that it was regarded as a
puhlic duty in the colony of Massachusetts to provide for
the training of children not only in learning but in " labor
and other employments which may bee profitable to the
Commonwealth."

The belief in the necessity and propriety of keeping
little children at work may also be read in the early poor
law provisions. In dealing with dependent children, as
in so many other methods of providing for the poor, the
colonies were much influenced by the practice of the
mother country. In England, the Elizabethan poor law
had provided for the apprenticing of the pauper child,
and in the eighteenth, and even in the latter part of the
seventeenth century, the " philanthropic device of employ-
ing cheap child labor" was much approved. Spinning
schools were established and houses of industry founded
in order to provide for the employment of children.1

Much the same policy was followed in the colonies
with regard to the children of the poor. In Plymouth,
in 1641, it was ordered " that those that have reliefe from
the townes and have children and doe not ymploy them
that then it shal be lawfull for the Towneship to take
order that those children shal be put to worke in fitting
ymployment according to their strength and abilities or
placed out by the Townes." The Town of Boston in 1672
notifies a list of persons to " dispose of their severall chil-

1 B. Kirkman Gray, "History of English Philanthropy," pp.
101-103. Mr. Gray notes the shifting of attention from the parent
to the child during the period subsequent to the Restoration, and
points out that "whereas in the early years of the seventeenth
century the philanthropic policy was to find employment for
adults, at the close this had given place to the working of little
children." This point is also discussed in Hutchins and Harrison,
"Factory Legislation," pp. 2, 3, and in Cunningham, "English
Industry and Commerce," ii, p. 52.

329

APPENDIX A

dren . . . abroad for servants, to serve by Indentures
accordinge to their ages and capacities," and if they neg-
lect this " the selectmen will take their said children from
them and place them with such masters as they shall
provide accordinge as the law directs." The children are
both girls and boys, for eight years old up. In 1682 the
rebuilding of an almshouse and workhouse in Boston was
recommended in order that children who " shamefully
spend their time in the streets " and other idlers might
be put to work " at ye charge of ye Town." The Province
Laws also provide for the binding out of the children of
the poor, and the records of many towns give evidence
that the practice was widespread. In some places where
the custom of bidding off the poor prevailed, children
were put to live " with some suitable person " until they
were fourteen; at that age they were to be bound until
they became free by law, with the special provision " if
boys, put ... to some useful trade." 1

In Connecticut the system of dealing with the children
of the poor was similar to that of Massachusetts. If their
parents allowed them " to live idly or misspend their time
in loitering," they were to be bound out, " a man child
until he shall come to the age of 21 years; and a woman
child to the age of 18 years or time of marriage."

Information as to the exact character of these early
apprenticeships is meager. That the work was in some

1 Marvin, "History of Winchenden, " p. 268.

2 E. W. Capen, " Historical Development of the Poor Law of
Connecticut," p. 55. See also pp. 94, 95, for later laws continu-
ing the same policy in 1750 and 1784. The law of 1750 expressly
provided that not only should the " children of paupers or poor
people who could not or did not ' provide competently ' for
them " be bound out, but also " any poor children in any town,
belonging to such town, that live idly or are exposed to want
and distress, provided there are none to care for them" (p. 95).

330

CHILD LABOR BEFORE 1870

cases very heavy, and the treatment severe and unkind,
there is little reason to doubt,1 although conditions varied
greatly according to the character of the master and his
home. It should be noted further, that the binding out
of poor children as apprentices did not necessarily mean
teaching them a trade, and it is often expressly staled
that the person who takes a child off the town shall have
him " to be his servant until he comes of age."

It is not to be assumed that the work of these appren-
ticed children was as great an evil as child labor in a
modern factory. In many cases they were employed in
the open air and their tasks were only properly disciplin-
ary.3 The point which is to be emphasized is that child

1 See, for example, the Connecticut case of the charges brought
against one Phineas Cook for his ill-treatment of "one Robert
Cromwell, a poor, helpless, decrepid boy, an apprentice to the
said Phineas for a term not yet expired," "New Haven Colonial
Records," xi, p. 138 (referred to in Capen, op. cit.). And this
law of the Great and General Court of Massachusetts in 1634 tells
its own story: "It is ordered that if any boy (that hath bene
whipt for running from his maister) be taken in any other
plantacon, not having a note from his maister to testifie his
business there, it sh(al be) lawfull for the constable of the said
plantacon to whip him and send him home" ("Massachusetts
Bay Records," i, 115). In 1653 a law is needed to provide that
"no apprentice or servant is in any way lyable to answer his
master's debts, or become servant to any other than his master,
but by assignment according to lawe, and that the said appren-
tice, being deserted by his master is thereby released from his
apprenticeship" (ibid., iv, Part i, 150).

2 See, for example, in "Dorchester Town Records," p. 150, the
binding of Francis Tree.

3 It is probably true that in this country as in England children
were very much overworked before the days of the factory sys-
tem. In domestic industries on isolated farms, much less would
be known about their condition than when they were gathered
23 331

APPENDIX A

labor was believed in as a righteous institution, and
when the transition to the factory system was made it
was almost inevitable that this attitude toward children's
work should be carried over without any question as to
whether circumstances might not have changed.

There are also records of the employment of children in
some colonies outside of New England. Like the Puri-
tan, the Quaker believed that children should be taught
to work at an early age, and the Great Law of the
Province of Pennsylvania provides that all children " of
the age of twelve years shall be taught some useful trade
or skill, to the end none may be idle, but the poor may
work to live and the rich if they become poor may not
want." * In Virginia the employment of children was as
distinctly for purposes of gain as it has been in the past
century. The London Company was not engaged in
teaching moral precepts and its records indicate that
child labor was accepted without any question as one way
of developing the colony. There is the record of the
acknowledgment of the General Court in 1819 of the
arrival of the one hundred children sent over, " save such
as dyed in the waie," and it is prayed that one hundred
more, twelve years old or over, may be sent the following
spring.2 In 1621 the adventurers of Martin's Hundred

together in large factories. The judgment of some very fair in-
vestigators as to England is probably true of America. " Wheth-
er children were really worked harder in the early factories than
under the domestic system, it is not easy to say" (Hutchins and
Harrison, "History of Factory Legislation," p. 5).

1,4 Duke of York's Book of Laws" (Harrisburg, 1879), pp.
102, 142.

3 " Our desire is that we may have them 12 yeares old and up-
ward. . . . They shall be apprentizes; the boyes till they come
to 21 years of age; the girles till like age or till they be marryed "
(Neill, "Extracts from Manuscript Transactions of the Virginia
Company of London").

CHILD LABOR BEFORE 1870

sent over " twelve lustie youths "; l a letter from England
in 1027 relates that " there are many ships going to Vir-
ginia and with them fourteen or fifteen hundred chil-
dren " ; 2 a few years later the City of London is requested
to send over " one hundred friendless boys and girls " ;
and it is held out as an inducement to the prospec-
tive immigrant laborer that " if he have a family, his
wife and children will be able to beare part in that
labor,

Virginia also looked after the employment of the chil-
dren of the poor. In 1646 two houses were erected in
Jamestown for manufacturing linen. The different coun-
ties were respectively requested to send two poor boys or
girls at least seven or eight years old " to be instructed in
the art of carding, knitting and spinning." 4

The Virginia emphasis on the commercial side of child
labor became pretty general in the other colonies in the
eighteenth century, particularly in the latter half of it
when attention began to be directed to the importance of
developing domestic manufactures; and we find that the
policy of keeping children at work becomes less and less
a question of moral principle, even in New England. It
is not so much the virtue of industry about which men
are concerned but the fact that child labor is a national
asset which may be used to further the material great-
ness of America.

The experiment in Boston, of which John Hull made
record in 1656, was the prototype of many attempts in

1 Neill, "Extracts from Manuscript Transactions of the Vir-
ginia Company of London," p. 23.

2 These children were "gathered up in divers places," the vic-
tims of the once dreaded "Spirits" (Neill, "Virginia Carolorum,"
p. 46. For the work of the "Spirits" see p. 277).

3 Ibid., p. 77.

i Bruce, "Economic History of Virginia," ii, p. 455.

OOO

APPENDIX A

the following century to make children useful in develop-
ing the cloth manufacture. In 1720 the same town ap-
pointed a committee to consider the establishment of
spinning schools " for the instruction of the children of
this Town in spinning," and one of the committee's rec-
ommendations is a suggestion that twenty spinning
wheels be provided " for such children as should be sent
from the almshouse " ; while a generous philanthropist of
the time erected at his own expense the " Spinning School
House " which ten years later he bequeathed to the town
" for the education of the children of the poor." l

In the latter half of the eighteenth century, when more
persistent efforts were made to further the cloth-making
industry, there is much interest in the possibility of
making children useful to this end. Two Boston news-
papers in 1750 announce that it is proposed " to open
several spinning schools in this Town where children may
be taught gratis." Reference has already been made to
the organization in the following year of the " Society for
Encouraging Industry and Employing the Poor," which
was formed with the double purpose of promoting the
manufacture of woolen and other cloth, and of employing
" our own women and children who are now in a great
measure idle." 3

The province laws of the session of 1753-54 provide
for a tax on carriages for the support of a linen manu-
factory which it is hoped will provide employment for
the poor — " especially women and children " and lessen the

1 Bagnall, "Textile Industries of the United States," i, 18, 19.

2 Boston Evening Post and Post Boy, quoted in Bagnall, p. 30.
The latter half of the advertisement adds, " and it is hoped that
all Well-wishers to their Country will send their children that
are suitable for such schools, to learn the useful and necessary
Art of Spinning."

3 Bagnall, p. 33.

334

CHILD LABOR BEFORE 1870

burden of caring for them.1 Although this scheme did
not realize all the hopes of its promoters, the policy was
not abandoned. In 1770 Mr. William Molineux, of Bos-
ton, petitions the legislature to assist him in his plan for
" manufacturing the children's labour into wearing ap-
parel " and " employing young females from eight years
old and upward in earning their own support " ; and pub-
lic opinion commends him because, owing to his efforts,
" the female children of this Town . . . are not only
useful to the community, but the poorer sort are able in
some measure to assist their parents in getting a liveli-
hood." 2

As domestic industries became increasingly important,
children were not only employed in the various processes
of manufacture carried on in the household but it was
considered a subject, for public congratulation that they
could be so employed. The report of the Governor of New
York declares that in his province " every home swarms
with children, who are set to spin and card."3 In 1789
the New York Linen " Manufactory " advertises that " the
Directors are disposed to take young boys as apprentices
to the linen and cotton branches " and notifies parents to
make application for their children.1 An account has
already been given of the sail duck manufactory in Boston
where Washington found fourteen girls " spinning with
both hands, the flax being fastened to the waist," and

1 The preamble recites that the " number of poor is greatly in-
creased . . . and many persons, especially women and children,
are destitute of employment and in danger of becoming a public
charge" ("Acts and Resolves," iii, pp. 680, 6S1).

2 Boston News Letter, March 1, 1770, quoted in Bagnall, p. 50.

3 Governor Moore to Lords of Trade, January 12, 1767, in
"Documentary History of New York," i.

4 Bagnall, p. 123. A cotton factory in Worcester, Mass.,
similarly advertised for "three or four healthy boys as appren-
tices," ibid., p. 129.

335

APPENDIX A

with children (girls) to turn the wheels for them; that
children should be employed at work of this kind seems
to have been regarded without any misgivings. Bagnall's
history of the textile industries in this country gives
many instances of the employment of children in these
early " manufactories." Thus an establishment in Beth-
lehem, Connecticut, advertised for boys and girls from
the age of ten to fourteen; and another in the same state
" having made and making additions to the factory "
wanted " a number of lively boys from eight to eight-
een " ; in the Globe Mills of Philadelphia at this time,
the labor was chiefly performed by boys; and other ex-
amples have already been given in the chapter dealing
with this period.

It has already been pointed out that with the establish-
ment of the factory system a new and pressing demand
for operatives was created which was met by the employ-
ment of women and children. The petition for the " first
cotton factory " in Massachusetts has been quoted and
Samuel Slater's first time list, which contained the names
of Ann and Eunice Arnold and other children, has been
referred to.

The reliance of early protectionists upon the argument
for employing women and children; the encouragement
given to such arguments by early philanthropists, and the
efforts of early inventors to discover new means of using
children's labor, have already been discussed.

It is true that the absolute number of children em-
ployed in our early mills was not appalling, but the ab-
solute number of all employees in our manufacturing in-
dustries was small. It seems clear, however, that children
formed a very large proportion of the total number of
employees and that the utilization of children's labor was
commended almost with unanimity. Such protests as
one meets come, for the most part, from foreigners. A

336

CHILD LABOR BEFORE 1870

French traveler before the close of the eighteenth century
writes that he finds " manufactures are much boasted of
because children are employed therein from their most
tender age."1 An Englishwoman in 1829 addressed an
American audience in terms of reproach : " In your man-
ufacturing districts you have children worked for twelve
hours a day and . . . you will soon have them as in
England, worked to death. . . ." ' Now and then a free-
trader comes in with a word of opposition. Condy Raguet,
finding it hard to deny that manufactures make it pos-
sible to get large profits out of children's labor, fell back
upon the argument that farm work was better for both
boys and girls than factory work, and that girls were
more likely to become good wives if they worked in
kitchens instead of factories.3

An American manufacturer called as a witness before
the English Factory Commission, was asked, "Have any
complaints been made in the United States as to the
propriety of such extent of labour for children?"* Hia
reply was : " There have been newspaper complaints origi-
nating probably from the workmen who came from this
country to the United States, but among our workmen

1 Brissot de Warville, " New Travels in U. S. A.," p. 126. He
adds, "that is to say, that men congratulate themselves upon
making early martyrs of these innocent creatures, for is it not a
torment to these poor little beings ... to be a whole day and
almost every day of their lives employed at the same work, in an
obscure and infected prison? "

2 Frances Wright, " Lecture on Existing Evils " (pamphlet,
New York, 1829), p. 13.

3 "Free Trade Advocate" (Philadelphia, 1829), i, p. 4.

4 He had pointed out that no difference was made on account
of age ("We have a great many between nine and twelve"), and
that children as well as adults worked from ten to fourteen hours
according to the season. Testimony of James Kempson, " First
Report of Factories Inquiry Commission" (1833), E, p. 21.

337

APPENDIX A

there is no desire to have the hours of lahor shortened,
since they see that it will necessarily be accompanied by
a reduction of wages."

Unfortunately there are no available statistics showing
the extent of child labor in the first half of the nineteenth
century. From time to time, however, estimates are
recorded which, in the absence of accurate data, are of
considerable interest. The Committee on Manufactures
in 1816 reports vaguely 24,000 " boys under seventeen "
and 66,000 " women and girls " out of an estimated 100,-
000 cotton mill employees. John Quincy Adams in his
Digest of Manufactures gives statistics which show that
in the various manufactures of cotton more than fifty per
cent of the total number of persons employed are chil-
dren, but again the age limit for " children " is not given
and the Digest itself was considered unreliable for many
reasons. There are other estimates for the first quarter
of the century for individual towns and mills, but all
alike give only the classification " women and children "
or " girls and boys," and although they uniformly show
an extremely small percentage of men employed, they
do not answer the question, How many children were at
work and of what age were they?

But documents like the memorandum which was quoted
in the chapter on wages of the hiring out of Dennis Rier
and his little children, and of his sister and her " daughter
Sally, 8 years of age " and " son Samuel 13 years of age,"
are of very great interest and significance.

The employment of children varied not only from
state to state but from district to district. Child labor
was much less extensive in Massachusetts than in Rhode
Island. Samuel Slater had established in Providence and
its vicinity the plan of employing families in his mills —
a transplanting of the system with which he had been
familiar in England. The factory village of the Rhode

338

CHILD LABOR BEFORE 1870

Island type, therefore, was composed of families entirely
dependent upon their labor in the mills, and the mill
children lived at home with their parents. On the other
hand, in towns like Lowell and Waltham in Massachu-
setts,1 the operatives were almost entirely farmers' daugh-
ters, who, being away from their own homes, were cared
for in corporation boarding houses. The result was,
that since the cost of their board was more than a child
could earn, the employment of children was not profitable.
Kirk Boott's estimate for Lowell in 1827 was that, in six
milk employing 1,200 persons, nine tenths of the opera-
tives were females and only twenty were from twelve to
fourteen years of age. But that children were often em-
ployed very young, even in so-called model places like
Waltham and Lowell, cannot be questioned. Mrs. Robin-
son, who gives us a delightful if somewhat optimistic
account of the early mill girls, was only ten years old
when she went to work in the Tremont Mills, and Lucy
Larcom was only eleven when she became a little doffer
on the Lawrence Corporation.

The New Hampshire factories were more like those of
Eastern Massachusetts,3 but Connecticut3 and the south-

1 Hon. H. R. Oliver, " Massachusetts Senate Document 21 "
(186S), points out that the "English or family system" of hiring
whole families was not so desirable as the Lowell system of hiring
individual operatives (pp. 24, 25).

2 See the account in White's "Slater," p. 134, of a New Hamp-
shire factory which employed 250 girls, 5 boys, and 20 overseers;
9 of the girls were under 15, 6 of the girls and 3 of the boys
under 14; the comment is, "the relative number of children
employed in this establishment, it is believed, will correspond
without much variation with the proportion to be found in most
of the factories east of Providence and its vicinity; in the latter
district, the manufactories were established at an earlier period,
and still give employment to a large proportion of children."

3 Smith Wilkinson's letter from Pomfret, Conn. (" Documents

339

APPENDIX A

era. and western parts of Massachusetts 1 were more like
Rhode Island, where the tendency was all along toward
the " family system."

Smith Wilkinson writes from Pomfret, Connecticut :

" In collecting our help, we are obliged to employ poor
families, and generally those having the greatest number
of children ; " and the company's real estate investments
are explained as an attempt " to give the men employ-
ment on the lands while the children are employed in
factory." 2

Relative to the Manufactures of the United States," 1832, i, p.
104G), contains an interesting statement regarding Connecticut:
" We usually hire poor families from the farming business of
from four to six children, and from a knowledge of their former
income, being only the labor of the man, say $lS0-$200, the
wages of the family is usually increased by the addition of the
children to from $450-$600."

1 The document relating to Dennis Rier which is referred to
supra is an illustration of this. And the situation in Fall River
was described by the superintendent of public schools as follows:
" The operatives are for the most part families, and do the work
in the mills by the piece, taking in their children to assist. . . .
The families are large . . . and the mill owners are not willing
to fill up their houses with families averaging perhaps ten mem-
bers and get no more than two of all the number in the mill.
The families are also, in most instances, so poor that the town
would have to aid them, if the children were taken from their
work. ... I do not think the English system of family help is
found in other places to any great extent. It gives a great num-
ber of children, compared with the whole number of operatives,
and their labor could not be dispensed with in the mills nor
could we accommodate them in our schools" ("Mass. Senate
Doc. 21" (1868), p. 46). By 1875 ("Mass. Senate Doc. 50," p. 27)
it was clearly stated that "men with growing families" is the
standard demand in many of our manufacturing centers.

2 White's "Memoir of Slater" (Philadelphia, 1836), p. 127.

340

CHILD LABOR BEFORE 1870

But Connecticut's point of view with regard to Rhode
Island was distinctly Pharisaical, and a Connecticut offi-
cial in 1842 gave the following account of the situation:

" The English factory system was introduced into
Rhode Island by Slater, and along with it, many of the
evils of that system as it was before a more enlightened
public opinion and beneficial legislation had improved it.
There is a much larger proportion of children among the
factory laborers in Rhode Island than in Connecticut or
Massachusetts." 1

The contrast between Rhode Island and the other cot-
ton manufacturing states in respect to child labor is made
clear by the table accompanying the " Report on Cotton "
at the Convention of the Friends of Industry in 1831.
The total number of children under twelve employed in
cotton factories in 1831 was 4,691 (excluding printeries
which employed 430 more). Of this number 3,472 were
from Rhode Island, 484 from New York, 439 from Con-
necticut, 217 from New Jersey, 60 from New Hampshire,
19 from Vermont, and none from Massachusetts.2

The Committee on Education of the Massachusetts
Senate reported in 1825 that there was no necessity for

1 Pamphlet on " Legal Provision Respecting the Education
and Employment of Children in Factories," etc. (Hartford, 1842).

2 "Report of the Committee on Cotton," "Proceedings of the
Friends of Domestic Industry at New York" (Baltimore, 1831),
p. 112. These figures are clearly the result of an underestimate
taken from special reports by employers, who, then as now, were
not overanxious to report the employment of young children.
It is shown, e. g., in "Documents Relating to Manufactures"
(1832), op. cit., ii, 59, that 323 boys twelve to sixteen, and 406
under twelve were employed in New York; i. e., nearly as many
boys under twelve according to this report as children under
twelve according to the above report.

341

APPENDIX A

legislative interference on the subject, and concluded that
" this is a subject always deserving the parental care of
a vigilant government. It appears, however, that the
time of employment is generally twelve or thirteen hours
each day, excepting the Sabbath." 1 But a report from
the House Committee on Education from the same state
in 1836 is of considerable length and of a somewhat dif-
ferent tenor, as the following extracts sufficiently indi-
cate:

" According to an estimate made by an intelligent
friend of manufactories . . . there were employed in
1830, in the various manufacturing establishments in the
United States, no less than 200,000 females. If the num-
ber has increased in other parts of the country since the
estimate was made, as it has in this state, it must at
the present time amount to more than half a million ! . . .
These are females alone, and most of them of young and
tender years. . . . Labor being dearer in this country
than it is in any other with which we are brought in com-
petition in manufacturing, operates as a constant induce-
ment to manufacturers to employ female labor, and the
labor of children, to the exclusion of men's labor, because
they can be had cheaper . . . [With the increase of nu-
merous and indigent families in manufacturing districts]
there is a strong interest and an urgent motive to seek
constant employment for their children at a very early
age, if the wages obtained can aid them even but little in

1 Archives, 8,074. Some documents appear with the report,
one containing statements from a considerable number of firms
as to the number of children under sixteen employed, their hours
of labor and their annual school attendance. As the statements
are so incomplete the report seems of slight value. A total of 978
children under sixteen is given, the number of hours varying
from ten to fourteen per day, the school privileges from none at
all to four months. I am indebted to Mr. C. E. Persons, of
Harvard University, for the use of notes on this report.

342

CHILD LABOR BEFORE 1870

bearing the burden of their support. . . . [Causes] are
operating, silently perhaps but steadily and powerfully,
to deprive young females particularly, and young children
of both sexes in a large and increasing class in the com-
munity, of those means and opportunities of mental and
moral improvement . . . essential to their becoming . . .
good citizens . . .

" In four large manufacturing towns, not however in-
cluding the largest, containing by the last census a popu-
lation of little less than 20,000, there appear to be 1,895
children between the ages of four and sixteen who do not
attend the common schools any portion of the year. ... If
full and accurate answers were given by all the towns in
this Commonwealth, ... it is believed there would be de-
veloped a state of facts which would at once arrest the at-
tention of the legislature and not only justify but loudly
demand legislative action upon the subject." *

Turning from the extent of child labor to the condi-
tions under which children . worked, there is also much
variation from state to state; but this variation is due
rather to standards set by different manufacturing centers
than to the interference of state laws. For child labor
was practically unregulated in this country until after
the Civil War. A few laws had been passed, but they
remained on the statute books as so many dead letters.
In Massachusetts a ten-hour law for children under twelve
years was ineffectual,2 and not only in Massachusetts but

1 Report of the Committee on Education on " Whether any or
what provision ought to be made for the better education of
children employed in manufacturing industries in Massachu-
setts" (1S3G), "House Document No. 49." The first para-
graph quoted is from p. S, the second from p. 10, the third, p. 11,
and the last, pp. 13, 14.

2 Act of 1842, chap. 60. The act was ineffective owing to a
clause which penalized only those who "knowingly" violated

313

APPENDIX A

in Connecticut and Rhode Island, laws which provided a
low minimum of " schooling " went unenforced.1 The in-
evitable result of this lack of regulation was not only that
very young children were worked, but that they were
worked long hours, overtime, and at night. Even in

it (Whittelsey, "Massachusetts Labor Legislation," pp. 113 and
9, 10).

1 Regarding the situation in Rhode Island, the superintendent
of public schools in Providence wrote: "But this law (requiring
some school attendance) is, so far as I can learn, a dead letter.
There has never been a complaint although it has been violated
constantly. The employment of minors now depends upon the
necessities and cupidity of parents and the interests of manu-
facturers. The manufacturing interests are now a controlling
power in the state, and it will be extremely difficult to enforce a
law against their wishes. " Quoted in " Mass. Senate Doc. (1SG9),
No. 44," p. 37. In Connecticut, the school report of 1S39
stated that "in the manufacturing villages . . . the precise
number of children of very tender age, who should have been in
school but are thus consigned to excessive and premature bodily
labor to the utter neglect of their moral and intellectual training,
I cannot give. But the returns from the districts in these vil-
lages show that nearly two thirds of those enumerated have not
been in school. The law which was passed many years since, to
secure a certain amount of instruction to this class of children is
a dead letter in nearly if not every town in the state " (" Second
Annual Report of Board of Commissioners of Common Schools
in Connecticut" [Hartford, 1839], p. 24; see also "Third Annual
Report," p. 21). As to the ineffectiveness of the Massachusetts
laws, see Whittelsey, op. cit., pp. 9, 10. A somewhat inflamma-
tory writer in the last state charged that the law which pro-
hibited a child under fifteen working more than nine months in
a factory without passing the other three in school "is evaded
by the cruel and mercenary owners of the children who keep
them nine months in one factory and then take them directly to
another with a lie in their mouths." Denied in Bartlett, "Vin-
dication of the Females in the Lowell Mills" (Lowell, 1841), p. 16.

344

CHILD LABOR BEFORE 1870

Lowell, where conditions were particularly favorable,
little mites of ten were on duty nearly fourteen hours a
day, and then did household tasks and went to evening
school.1 The testimony quoted in the special report of
the committee of the Massachusetts legislature in 1866 2
throws much light on all of these points. It was claimed
that at that time overseers in need of " small help " went
about and systematically canvassed for children.3 There

1 Robinson, "Loom and Spindle." pp. 36-40. Mrs. Robinson
says : " Except for the terribly long hours there was no great
hardship." Lucy Larcom's story is much the same, early rising
and long hours being the great grievances (" New England Girl-
hood," pp. 153, 154). The testimony of "an agent" in the "Re-
port of the Massachusetts Bureau of Labor" in 1871 contains
interesting information on this point (p. 500) : " We run our
mills sixty-six hours per week. When I began as a boy in a
mill, I worked fifteen hours a day. I used to go in at a quarter
past four in the morning and work till quarter to eight at night,
having thirty minutes for breakfast and the same for dinner,
drinking tea after ringing out at night. But I took breakfast
and dinner in the mill as the time was too short to go home, so
that I was sixteen hours in the mill. This I did for eleven years,
1837^18. The help was all American. ... In 1848 we
dropped to fourteen hours. In 1850 or '51 we went down to
twelve hours."

2 " House Document No. 98" (February, 1866), "Report of
the Special Committee on the Hours of Labor and the Condition
and Prospects of the Industrial Classes.''

3 " Small help is scarce; a great deal of the machinery has been
stopped for want of small help, so the overseers have been going
round to draw the small children from the schools into the mills;
the same as a draft in the army."

"Q. Do I understand that agents go about to take children out
of the schools and put them into the mills?

"A. They go round to the parents and canvass them. This
produces nothing but misery and crime. . . . The boys and
girls are mixed up together from seven years up to thirteen and

345

APPENDIX A

is an increasing amount of testimony that many were
employed very young. Witnesses from New Bedford and
Fall River testified that in both places children of seven
were employed. In answer to the question : " Is there
any limit on the part of the employers as to the age when
they take children ? " the reply was, " They'll take them
at any age they can get them, if they are old enough to
stand. ... I guess the youngest is about seven. There
are some that's younger, but very little.1 From Lawrence
it was reported that " a great number of children from
twelve to fifteen " were working at night. " The majority
of those who do night work are under eighteen years of
age." 2 There were no laws requiring the fencing of ma-
are entirely demoralized." (Testimony T. J. Kidd, of Fall
River, ibid., p. 6.)

1 " House Document No.9S." Rpt. Spec. Com. of Mass. Legis-
lature (1866), p. 7. Testimony of John Wild (Fall River). Other
parts of this testimony are also interesting:

" Q. How old are the children?

"A. Seven and eight.

"Q. Have you a child of seven working in the mills?

"A. Yes, I have. . . .

" Q. Does he get any schooling now?

"A. When he gets done the mill he is ready to go to bed.
He has to be in the mill ten minutes before we start up, to wind
spindles. Then he starts about his own work and keeps on till
dinner time. Then he goes home, starts again at one and works
till seven. When he's done he's tired enough to go to bed.
Some days he has to clean and help scour during dinner hour.
. . . Some days he has to clean spindles. Saturdays he's in all
day."

2 Ibid., p. 6. See also testimony of an overlooker of seventeen
years' experience in "Report Massachusetts Bureau of Labor"
(1870), p. 126: "Six years ago I ran night work from 6:45 p.m.
to 6 a.m. with forty-five minutes for meals, eating in the
room. The children were drowsy and sleepy; have known them
to fall asleep standing up at their work. I have had to sprinkle

346

CHILD LABOR BEFORE 1870

chinery nor prohibitions regarding trie care of danger-
ous machinery by children, and accidents were common
enough.1 While there seems to have been no such gross
and widespread brutality as the earlier English inves-
tigations revealed, cases of corporal chastisement were
not unknown.2

water in their faces to arouse them after having spoken to them
till hoarse; this was done gently without any intention of hurt-
ing them." It is recorded (pp. 155-158) that children worked
all night after working all day, but this seems to have been most
exceptional. See also "Senate Document No. 21" (1868), p.
14. In this report Mr. Oliver says that wherever children had
been kept at work during entire nights they were not the same
set that had been employed during the day, the day set resting
at night. "This night work, so far as I can learn, has been of
limited extent."

1 See "Report Massachusetts Bureau of Labor" (1871), p.
483; also p. 58.

2 " A witness described to us an instrument for whipping
children at a factory in Rhode Island, consisting of a leather
strap, eighteen inches long, with tacks driven through the strik-
ing end." "Report Massachusetts Bureau of Labor" (1870),
note, p. 107. See also ibid., Report for 1871, p. 489. Seth
Luther, an agitator of the early thirties, gave an inflammatory
account of cotton-mill children being driven " with the cow-hide
or the well-seasoned strap of 'American Manufacture.'" He
said he had seen "many females who have had corporal punish-
ment inflicted upon them; one girl of eleven years of age who
had a leg broken with a billet of wood; another who had a board
split over her head by a heartless monster in the shape of an
overseer." But he pointed out in a footnote that of course all
overseers are not so cruel. He added, however, that foreign
overseers were frequently placed over American women and
children. See "An Address to the Working Men of New Eng-
land," by Seth Luther (2d ed., New York, 1833), p. 20. See
also ibid., Appendix F, p. 35, for further illustrations of ill
treatment of factory children in America.

24 347

APPENDIX A

It may seem that much of this is the testimony of ex-
parte witnesses and to be discounted as such, but in the
absence of disinterested official investigations, no unim-
peachable evidence exists. Such information as is fur-
nished by the state reports has been utilized but few of
them are thorough or satisfactory. The old method of
sending out " questionnaires " to employers who found it
along the line of least resistance to disregard them, made
such inquiries so incomplete as to be fruitless. General
Oliver of Massachusetts in one of his reports explains
that he is obliged to qualify his statements by saying " ' so
far as I can learn,' because in some cases answers to
this query were not given, and such declining can have
only one cause; and that not unreasonably may be as-
sumed to be that children had been so employed but it
was thought preferable not to refer to it." * A further
difficulty in attempting to ascertain the extent of child
labor was that parents were allowed to take young chil-
dren into the mills as their assistants, and by this means
they were able to tend a larger number of looms. The
names of such children did not, of course, appear upon
the company's books and their work was paid for only
as an increase of their parents' earnings.2

In conclusion it may be said that although data do
not exist for accurately estimating the extent of child
labor before 1870, it has seemed worth while to bring to-
gether whatever available material on the subject there
may be, with the hope that, even if fragmentary, it may

1 "Massachusetts Senate Document No. 21" (1868), "Report
of Henry K. Oliver on the Enforcement of the Laws Regulating
the Employment of Children in Manufacturing and Mechanical
Establishments," pp. 14, 20, from which it appears that only
19 per cent of the establishments applied to sent replies; i. e.,
only 100 out of 519 circulars were returned.

" Ibid., p. 26.

348

CHILD LABOR BEFORE 1870

throw some light on the origin and growth of one of our
modern problems of poverty. It has been assumed by re-
formers both within and without the labor movement that
child labor is a social sin of the present day. Mrs. Kel-
ley dates its growth from 1ST0,1 and among labor agita-
tors it has been considered a result of deterioration in
working-class conditions which has necessitated an in-
crease in the family earnings by the employment of
children.2

These statements may be true in part. Child labor has
undoubtedly increased greatly since 1870 and the work- *
ingman may be right in thinking that this has been in
some measure due to a social injustice which has not
preserved a proper balance between his wages and the
cost of his standard of living. The late veteran labor
leader, George E. McNeill, in an argument before a
committee of the Massachusetts legislature, declared that
the poor man had been unable to subsist on the " pauper
wages " of the cotton industry, and as a result the wife,
mother, and child had been dragged " from the sanctity of
the home, and had become the prey of this devouring
monster [the cotton mill]." Mr. McNeill was probably

1 "Ethical Gains in Legislation," p. 33. Mrs. Kelley may bo
right in saying that although child labor existed before, it
"reached no large dimensions in the United States before 1870."
Absolutely the number may not have been large, but surely
evidence is not lacking to show that in the textile industries, a
relatively larger number of children were employed than are
employed to-day.

2 See " Report of Massachusetts Bureau of Labor" (1870), p.
108, where it is intimated that women and children have come
into factories because conditions have changed and " low pay
compels all to help."

3 "Argument of George E. McNeill" (pamphlet, n. d., but
probably 1871-75, Boston Public Library).

319

APPENDIX A

right as to the insufficiency of the man's wages, hut the
presence of women and children in the mills was certainly
as much cause as effect. Ample evidence certainly exists
to show that both women and children were employed in
the earliest factories, and in the early part of the nine-
teenth century they were the most numerous class of
operatives. '

The history of the employment of children in industry is
an interesting chapter in the story of our economic devel-
opment. Looked at through an historical perspective our
modern child-labor problem seems to have been inherited
from the industrial and social life of the colonies, as well
as from the industrial revolution and the establishment
of the factory system. The having " all hands employed "
was a part of the Puritan idea of virtue, and although the
employment of children tended to become more and more
for commercial purposes rather than for moral righteous-
ness, the old moral arguments were used and are still used
to support the commercialized system. It is clear and un-
mistakable that the colonial policy of promoting thrift
and industry was skillfully used in the early part of the
nineteenth century by the " friends of industry " who saw
in child labor a useful instrument for the development
of our national resources. Such documents as Samuel
Slater's time list for his first group of operatives, all chil-
dren, the memorandum of the hiring out of Dennis Pier
and his family of little children from Newburypoi't, or
Lucy Larcom's " strange story of a little child earning
its living " * all point to a general acceptance of the pro-

JLucy Larcom, "An Idyl of Work" (Boston, 1875), p. 50.
This poem of Miss Larcom's which she describes in her preface as
a " truthful sketch of factory life drawn from the memory of it
during the time about thirty years since, when the work of the
mills was done almost entirely by young girls from various parts
of New England," is very interesting. The words of one of the

350

CHILD LABOR BEFORE 1870

priety of children's labor in the early days of the factory
system. That so little interest was taken in the subject
until the last two decades is due, perhaps, to the fact that /'
our social reform movement belongs to recent, if not con-
temporary, history. A consciousness of our social sins to-
day does not mean that they are of sudden growth, but
rather that public opinion has slowly become enlightened
enough to take cognizance of them.

two little doffers (aged eleven and thirteen years) are worth
quoting as an illustration of Lucy Larcom's own attitude toward
the work:

" We must learn,
While we are children, how to do hard things,
And that will toughen us, so Mother says;
And she has worked hard always. When I first
Learned to doff bobbins, I just thought it play.
But when you do the same thing twenty times —
A hundred times a day, it is so dull." (P. 49.)

APPENDIX B

CONCERNING THE CENSUS STATISTICS OF THE INDUSTRIAL EM-
PLOYMENT OF WOMEN

Beginning with the " Seventh Census " (1850), statistics
showing the number of women employed in our manufac-
turing industries have been published for each succeeding
decade. But so many difficulties arise in attempting tc
make comparisons from one census to another that it has
seemed worth while to make a more detailed statement
regarding these statistics than could properly be made
within the limits of any one chapter.

It is necessary to explain, at the outset, that data re-
garding the number of persons employed in manufactur-
ing pursuits are collected through two different schedules:
first, in taking the population census, the occupation of
every person over ten years of age is reported and the
results tabulated from the population schedules and pub-
lished under the head of " Occupations " in a special sec-
tion or volume; second, another schedule which is used in
collecting information regarding our manufacturing in-
dustries reports the number of persons employed in them.
These two sets of returns present many seeming discrep-
ancies which result from the different methods of collec-
tion. In the " Twelfth Census," for example, tables in the
" Occupations " volume for " manufacturing and mechan-
ical pursuits " showed 120,788 women over ten years of age
employed in the cotton mills, while the " Census of Man-
ufactures " reported 120,882 women over sixteen years of

352

INDUSTRIAL EMPLOYMENT OF WOMEN

age in the same industry. In general, the statistics in the
"Occupations" tables should represent the maximum
number of persons employed, since the data for these
tables are, as has been said, from the population schedules
and in taking the population census, everyone is asked
for his occupation, trade, or profession, and many unem-
ployed are inevitably reported as having occupations.
The numbers in the " occupations " tables would there-
fore, in most cases, be larger than those in the " manufac-
tures " tables, which report only the average number of
persons actually employed during the year. (See on this
point General Walker's note accompanying the tables in
the "Industry and Wealth" volume of the "Ninth Cen-
sus," p. 801.)

But there are two reasons which seem to make the man-
ufactures returns more reliable than those in the occupa-
tions tables in an attempt to show the change in the
proportion of men and women employed in any of the
industries studied.

(1) The first of these is the more general reason. It
is well known that so far as the employment of women
and children is concerned, the occupations tables are less
complete than the manufactures tables. General Walker,
in discussing this point in 1870 (" Ninth Census: Wealth
and Industry," p. 375, note) said : " The reasons why the
occupations tables may be taken as substantially exact as
they respect the adult male labor of the country, b\it not
as they respect the employment of women and children,
are plain and simple. It is taken for granted that every
man lias an occupation, and the examination of tens of
thousands of pages of schedules returned in the present
census has satisfied the superintendent that only in rare
cases, too inconsiderable to be taken into account in such
a discussion, have assistant marshals failed to ask and ob-
tain the occupation of men, or boys old enough to work

353

APPENDIX B

with effect. It is precisely the other way with women and
young children. The assumption is, as the fact generally
is, that they are not engaged in remunerative employ-
ments. Those who are so engaged constitute the excep-
tion, and it follows from a plain principle of human
nature, that assistant marshals will not infrequently for-
get or neglect to ask the question." And again in the
same volume, General Walker makes the further comment
(p. 375) : " The Tables of Occupations have been as-
sumed to be authentic and to present the true standard
by which to criticise the statistics of manufactures; and,
in respect to the adult male labor of the country, they
are substantially complete and exact. But in respect to
the number of women and children employed in manu-
facturing industry, particularly in large mills and fac-
tories, the return of occupations is, for reasons to which
attention was called in the remark prefacing the occupa-
tions tables, decidedly deficient."

(2) The second reason which applies rather to the
specific industries studied than to the totals for all in-
dustries, is as follows : The manufactures returns include
persons in every occupation in an industry while, e. g.,
for the cotton mills, the occupations returns report a
great many employees whose occupation is not peculiar
to the mills, e. g., painters, carpenters, machinists, general
laborers, in other occupational groups. That is, in the
occupations returns, a machinist employed in the cotton
mills would be returned as a machinist, in the manufac-
tures schedule he would be a cotton-mill employee. The
manufactures statistics, therefore, represent more com-
plete returns of the number of persons actually employed
in the cotton manufacture. Moreover, in the occupations
returns of the population census, many occupations are
vaguely reported so that in the 1900 occupations tables
a large group called " Textiles not otherwise specified "

354

INDUSTRIAL EMPLOYMENT OF WOMEN

contained 78,312 operatives, many of whom must have
been cotton-mill employees.

Owing, therefore, to the fact that the " Census of Manu-
factures " is in general more complete so far as the employ-
ment of women is concerned, and that, for the special in-
dustries studied, the " Census of Manufactures " is more
complete for both men and women, the statistics from
the manufactures returns have seemed more useful for the
purpose in hand, and they have, therefore, been used
whenever possible.

Another point of importance is that the manufactures
schedules for each census (beginning with 1850) report
both the number of men and women employed; while the
occupations returns for 1850 report only the occupations
of men and those of 1860 only the total number of per-
sons engaged in various occupations without distinguish-
ing the sex of those employed. We have then the number
of women operatives reported from the manufactures re-
turns for each decade from 1850 to 1900; from the oc-
cupations returns only from 1870 to 1900.

When an attempt is made, however, to use these sta-
tistics of manufactures, it is discovered that the same
schedules were not used for each census and that the
returns therefore are not fairly comparable. When the
census of 1850 was taken, schedule No. 5, relating to the
products of industry, called for " the average number of
male and female hands " ; and this same schedule was used
in 1860. No specification was made as to age, so it may
be assumed that the terms " male and female hands " in-
cluded boys and girls.1 But in 1870 the schedule was so

1 See Carroll D. Wright, "History and Growth of the Census,"
pp. 45, 46, 50, 51, for the early schedules. Professor Levasseur
in his "L'ouvrier ame>icain," Vol. i, p. 390, has designated these
statistics for 1850 and 1860 as " men over fifteen " and " women
over fifteen"; but his so designating them seems to be quite un-

355

APPENDIX B

arranged as to call for the number of employees under a
new classification — men over sixteen, women over fifteen,
and children; instead of the "average number of male
and female hands " tbat had formerly been required. The
classification of 1870 has been used in each succeeding
census except that in 1900 " women over sixteen " was
substituted for " women over fifteen." The result is that
the data we have to compare are statistics for 1850-60 of
the number of men and women employed; and for 1870-
1900 the number of men over sixteen, and women over
fifteen (or sixteen).

To summarize briefly this information as to available
statistics : for 1850 and 1860 we have the number of wom-
en reported only from the manufactures schedules, and
the age of the women is not given ; for 1870-1900 we have
the number of women reported both from the population
(occupations) schedules and from the manufactures
schedules, the former giving the number of men and wom-
en over ten and the manufactures returns having been
changed in 1870 to give the number of men and women
over sixteen and the number of children, boys and girls
not distinguished, under sixteen. The number of chil-
dren was unimportant except in the cotton industry in
which 40,258 children were employed in 1900; and in the
total for all industries, in which 168,583 children were

warranted. Curiously enough, the population schedule during
these years did call only for the occupations of " men over fif-
teen," and in 1860 "men and women over fifteen," and it would
seem as if Professor Levasseur had confused the schedules used
for manufactures and occupations during these years. In the
"Manufactures Census of 1870" (volume on "Industry and
Wealth," pp. 392, 393 f.) the returns for 1850 and I860 are care-
fully distinguished as to this point from those for 1870; the latter
are marked "men over fifteen" and "women over fifteen," the
former only "men" and "women."

356

INDUSTRIAL EMPLOYMENT OP WOMEN

reported in 1900; and in the latter, although the abso-
lute number of children was large, it was small com-
pared with the total number of persons employed.

In general, three possible methods of using these statis-
tics suggest themselves :

1. The manufactures returns for 1850 and 1860 may
be compared with those for 1870-1900 (Table A below).
This would be the logical thing to do if the manufactures
schedules had been the same throughout the period; but
it has been pointed out that the schedules were not the
same and the result is an attempt to compare the number
of men and women for 1850-60 with the number of men
and women over sixteen for the later decades. In the
case of industries in which a relatively small number of

TABLE A, I: OPERATIVES IN COTTON INDUSTRY,

1850-1900
Data for 1850-1900 from "Census of Manufactures"

Year.

1850
1860
1870
1880
1890
1900

Men: After

1870. "Men

over 16."

33,150

46.859

42,790

61,760

88,837

135,721

Women:

After 1870.

"Women

over 16."

59,136
75,169
69,637
84,558
106,607
126,882

Children

under 16. '

No Data for

1850-60.

Not given
Not given
22,942
28,341
23,432
40,258

Percentage of

Women

Employed.

64
62

51 2
49 2
49 2

42 2

1 As pointed out before, "women above fifteen" is the correct designation
until 1900.

2 The percentage which women formed of the total number of men and
women over sixteen, instead of the total number of employees, if sub-
stituted for the above percentages 1870-1900, would give the following
result:

1850

1860

1870 1880

1890

1900

62 58

357

APPENDIX B

TABLE A, II: "ALL INDUSTRIES," 1850-1900
Comparative Summary of All, Industries (Factory, Me-
chanical and Neighborhood). From 1905 "Census op
Manufactures," I: XXXVI

Year.

Men: After

1870. "Men

over 16."

Women:

After 1870.

" Women

over 16."

Children

under 16.

No Data for

1850-60.

Percentage of

Women

Employed.

1850

1860

1870

731,137
1,040,349
1,615,598
2,019,035
3,327,042
4,110,527

225,922
270,897
323,770
531,639
803,606
1,029,296

Not given
Not given
114,628
181,921
120,885
168,583

24
21
16

1880

1890

19
19

1900

children under sixteen were employed, " boots and shoes,"
cigarmaking, clothing, and printing, this method was ex-
tremely satisfactory. But in the cotton industry and in
the total for all industries in which the number of girls
under sixteen was large, the number of women and there-
fore the percentage of women employed was reduced. The
tables given below show what the results of such a com-
parison would be for the cotton industry and for the
totals for " all industries."

TABLE B, I. OPERATIVES IN COTTON INDUSTRY,

1850-1900
Data for 1850 and 1860 from "Census of Manufactures"

for 1870-1900 from "Occupations" Returns of Census

of Population

Number of Employees.

Percentage of

Men.

Women.

Employed.

1850

33,150
46,859
47,208
78,292
80,177
125,788

59,136
75,169
64,398
91,479
92,965
120,603

1860

1870

1880

1890

1900

358

INDUSTRIAL EMPLOYMENT OF WOMEN

2. Another table lias been prepared comparing the
manufactures returns for 1850-60 with the occupations
returns for 1870-1900 (Table B below).

TABLE B, II. "ALL INDUSTRIES," 1850-1900

Year.

Number of Employees.

Percentage of

Women

Employed.

Men.

Women.

1850

1860

1870

731,137
1,040,349
2,353,471
3,153,692
4,650,540
5,772,641

225,922
270,897
353,950
631,034
1,027,928
1,312,668

24
21
13

1880

1890

17
18

1900

In this table, since the occupations returns for 1870-
1900, like the manufactures returns for 1850-60 used the
classification into two groups instead of three, the terms
" men " and " women " are correct designations through-
out the period. There is, however, the objection to any
comparison of manufactures and occupations returns that
there are differences in the method of obtaining them.

3. A third method — a method of overcoming the diffi-
culty pointed out in regard to Table A, was adopted in
preparing Table I, used in the article (supra, p. 356).
What was needed for Table A was a reclassification to
make the threefold division of 1870-1900 into " men,
women, and children " correspond with the twofold divis-
ion of 1850-60 into " men and women." To do this, it
is necessary to ascertain in what proportion " children "
in column three are divided into girls and boys. This
is, unfortunately, not reported in the manufactures cen-
sus but in turning to the occupations returns in which
" girls " and " boys " are reported separately, it is possible
to obtain there the percentage of girls in the total number

359

APPENDIX B

of children. For example, the occupations tables for 1900
report 21,005 boys and 23,442 girls in the industry, and
according to these data, therefore, 53 per cent of the chil-
dren in the cotton mills in 1900 were girls. Therefore,
using only this percentage and not the occupations totals,
53 per cent of the number of children employed in 1900
as given in Table A were added to the column- " women "
and the remaining 47 per cent to the " men " column.
For each of the other census years, 1870, 1880, 1890, the
proportion of girls to boys was ascertained in the same
way from the occupations tables for each census year,
and the resulting percentages of the total number of
children given in Table A were added to the " men "

TABLE C, I. OPERATIVES IN THE COTTON
INDUSTRY, 1850-1900

Year.

Number of

Employees.

Percentage of

Women

Employed.

Men.

Women.

1850

33,150
46,859
54,031
75,081
100,319
154,642

59,136
75,169
81,337
99,579
118,557
148,219

I860

1870

1880. .

1890

1900

TABLE C,

II. "ALL INDUSTRIES,"

1850-1900

Year.

Number of

Employees.

Percentage of

Men.

Women.

Employed.

1850

731,137
1,040,349
1,091,252
2,137,284
3,400,782
4,213,363

225,922
270,897
362,744
595,311
850,831
1,095,043

1860

1870

1880

1890

1900

360

INDUSTRIAL EMPLOYMENT OF WOMEN

and " women " columns. The result, Tables C, I and C,
II, were used in the text of the article, for it is be-
lieved that the statistics in these tables furnish a more
correct basis of comparison than those in Tables A
or B.

It is of the utmost importance, however, to note that
all of these tables point to the same conclusion, viz., a
constant decrease in the proportion of women operatives
in the last half century. It has already been pointed out
that in this, as in most attempts to make comparisons
over a long period of years, statistics that are accurately
comparable are not available. The census frankly says,
in discussing the data for employees and wages : " It is
obvious that comparisons between the results of any of
the censuses under these heads cannot be exact." (" 1900
Census Manufactures," i, p. lxii.)

It has seemed unnecessary to attempt here critically to
analyze the census returns of employment decade by
decade or to point out how far changes in the population
or the manufactures schedules or in the methods of census
taking may have affected the comparability of the returns
for the different years.

In conclusion, it should be said that this note has
seemed necessary lest there be any doubt as to the value
placed upon these tables ; for while they are believed to be
of very great interest and significance, it has not been
claimed that any table constructed from them can furnish
an accurate measure of the change in the number of wom-
en operatives. The essential fact is that, whichever table
is used, a decrease in the proportion of women employees
is indicated.

It need, moreover, scarcely be repeated, that an attempt
has been made in this volume, to study the subject of the
employment of women not merely as a statistical problem,
but as a chapter in our economic history in order that

361

APPENDIX B

such material as the census offers may be correctly inter-
preted and understood. The conclusions drawn, therefore,
do not rest alone on census statistics, but on statistics
explained and confirmed by the facts in our industrial
history.

APPENDIX C

TABLES OF WOMEN'S WAGES IN THE COTTON MILLS

The following are the tables of the actual rates of wages
taken from an old Waltham (Massachusetts) pay roll of
1821, from which the tables of classified wage groups in
Chapter XI were constructed.

WAGES IN THE WALTHAM COTTON MILLS IN 1821

(A Copy of What is Believed to Be a Complete Pay Roll

From an Old Wages Book Preserved in the Mill)

Carding.

Men.

Women.

1 at

$2.00

3 at

$1.50

$2.82

2 at

2.25

1 at

1.75

2.94

1 at

2.50

9 at

2.00

3.16

5 at

3.00

12 at

2.08

3.18

1 at

3.50

24 at

2.25

3.20

1 at

4.20

1 at

2.58

3.24

3 at

4.80

1 af

2.64

3.28

1 at

5.28

1 at

2.70

3.66

5 at

6.00

1 at

2.75

1 at

12.00

21 men.

Total number of women.

Spinning.

Men.

Women.

1 at $7.50

3 at $2.00

2 at $2.72

1 at

$3.03

1 at 10.00

2 at 2.17

1 at 2.82

1 at

3.06

1 at 10.50 ,

20 at 2.25

2 at 2.88

1 at

3.10

1 at 2.30

1 at 2.89

1 at

3.14

1 at 2.37

1 at 2.90

1 at

3.18

4 at 2.42

2 at 2.91

1 at

3.22

1 at 2.46

4 at 2.94

1 at

3.24

1 at 2.56

1 at 2.95

1 at

3.30

1 at N 2.58

1 at 2.97

2 at

3.53

1 at 2.64

4 at 3 00

1 at

4.00

1 at 2.68

1 at 3.02

3 men.

Total number o

. 67

363

APPENDIX C

Weavers.

Men.

Women.

2 at $12.00

3 at

$1.75

1 at $2.76

1 at

S2.98

2 at 6.60

4 at

2.00

1 at 2.77

5 at

3.00

1 at

2.10

8 at 2.78

1 at

3.02

29 at

2.25

1 at 2.80

1 at

3.04

1 at

2.38

1 at 2.81

3 at

3.05

1 at

2.40

4 at 2.82

6 at

3.10

1 at

2.50

6 at 2.83

1 at

3.12

2 at

2.57

1 at 2.85

1 at

3.16

1 at

2.60

1 at 2.86

4 at

3.18

1 at

2.62

2 at 2.88

4 at

3.20

1 at

2.65 '

1 at 2.89

2 at

3.25

2 at

2.68

5 at 2.90

1 at

3.26

4 at

2.70

2 at 2.93

1 at

3.30

1 at

2.71

4 at 2.94

1 at

3.37

1 at

2.75

1 at 2.97

1 at
1 at

3.80
3.92

4 men.

Total

number c

if women

126

Dressing

Room.

Men.

Women.

1 at $10.00 a week
1 at 9.00 a week
1 at 7.00 a week

51 at
1 at
1 at
1 at
1 at
1 at
1 at
1 at

$2.25
2.23
2.46
2.88
2.91
3.05
3.12
3.15

1 at $3.24

1 at 3.25

2 at 3.30
1 at 3.42
1 at 3.48
1 at 3.60
1 at 3.90

3 men.

Total number of women .

.20

1 Learners.
Cloth Room.

1 man at $7 . 50

9 women at $2.25

Other Men Employed.

4 watchmen at $6 . 60

1 repairer at ». . . 4.80

1 maker of sizing at 7 . 50

1 card coverer at 10 . 00

1 machinist at 3 . 90

1 teamster at 6 . 00

1 teamster at 7 . 50

Laborers, 4 at 4.80

1 at .'• 6.00

1 at 7.50

Painters, 2 at 6 . 60

1 at 7.00

1 at 7.50

364

WOMEN'S WAGES IN COTTON MILLS

Aldrich Report Tables

The tables of average money wages, 1840-90, used in
Chapter XI are taken from the more detailed tables
given below. The tables of money wages here given were
prepared from the original data in the Aldrich Report.
A description of these data and an account of the method
used here in obtaining these tables, are given in detail
in an article accompanying some tables which I prepared
four years ago for the wages of unskilled labor (Journal
of Political Economy, June, 1905). The difference be-
tween the method used there and here is that in the
former tables, the two quotations given for each year
were averaged, while here the January quotation alone
is used. The use of the two quotations for each year is
more laborious and since, in the cotton industry, there is
no substantial difference between the winter and summer
rates, the January quotations alone have been used.

A word must be added here as to the establishments
and occupations chosen. In the Aldrich Report, reports
are given for five " cotton goods " establishments includ-
ing one " ginghams." Tables have been prepared from the
data for each of these establishments, for those occupa-
tions in which the record begins as early as 1860. When-
ever men and women were both reported in an occupation,
separate tables were prepared for men in order that the
rates for men and for women might be compared.

The value of these tables, it is scarcely necessary to
say, is that they present a continuous record of the money
wages paid women in certain occupations in the same es-
tablishments for a period of approximately fifty years.1

1 It should be added that these tables and those in Chapter
XI have all been prepared by students under my direction.
They were begun by some of my students in Wellesley College
and completed with the assistance of some research students in
the Chicago School of Civics and Philanthropy. Although the
tables are the work of students, every effort has been made to
have them made exact through verification.

365

Establishment 38. Cotton Goods. Massachusetts.

Card

Strippers.
Women.

Spoolers.
Women. ,

Scrub-
bers.
Women.

Sweepers.
Women.

Doffers.

Women.

Men.

- ai

£>

2 M

£>

a m

3 £

w r

1840

1841

1842

1843

1844

1845

1846

1847

1848

1849

1850

1851

$3.27

S3 . 60 .

.....

$1.08

$1.62

1852

3.48

3.60 .

1.02

1.71

1853

4.17

3.60 .

$6.00

1.08

1.44

1854

4.17

3.60 .

6.00

1.08

1.44

1855

4.26

3.60 .

1.02

1.65

1856

4.26

3.60 .

4!26

1.02

1.74

1857

4.26

3.00 .

4.26

1.02

1.71

1858

4.02

2.76

4 '2i70

4.26

1 62

1859

4.26

3.00

4 2.70

4.26

1.89

1860

4.26

3.00

4 2.70

4.26

1.89

1861

4.08

2.52

1 2.25

3.00

1.74

1862

4.80

2.40

1 2.25

3.60

1.83

1863

6.00

3.15

1 3.00

4.14

i.ho

2.34

1864

6.90

2.85

1 3.48

4.35

1.50

2.58

1865

8.10

1 4.02

4.35

3.60

3.51

1866

7.10

'e.ob

7 4.44

4.41

3.00

3 45

1867

7.10

6.00

7 4.44

3.69

4.14

1868

7.74

5.76

7 4.32

3.63

4.32

1869

7.71

6.24

7 4.11

3.75

3.24:

4.20

1870

6.99

5.52

7 4.23

3.30

3.24

4.08

1871

8.13

6.00

7 4.56

3.33

3.51

4.08

1872

8.01

6.00

7 4.56

3.48

4.26

5 55

1873

7.98

6.00 '

7 4.56

3.51

4.26

5.55

1874

7.29

5.16 '

7 3.93

3.15

4.98

4.86

1875

5.70

4.83

7 3.42

2.73

3.24

3.75

1876

5.28

4.14 '

7 3.33

2.43

3.18

1877

4.41

3.90

7 2.67

2.40

2.46

3.21

1878

4.65

3.90 ■

i 3.12

2.46

2.91

3.15

1879

5.10

3.90 ,

i 3.12

2.40

2.46

3 12

1880

5.70

4.14

i 3.24

2.43

2.70

3.81

1881

5.70

4.56 .

I 3.45

2.55

2.70

3.81

1882

5.70

4.56 .

2.55

2.70

3.81

1883

5.70

4.56 .

2.64

2.46

3.45

1884

5.70

4.35 .

2.55

2.46

3.45

1885

5.70

4.35 .

2.61

2.52

3.60

1886

6.69

4.17 .

2.25

2.76

3.78

1887

9.27

4.47 .

2.34

2.76

3.93

1888

9.27

4.65 .

2.49

4.02

4.41

1889

9.27

4.26 .

2.43

4.02

4.41

1890

9.27

4.26 .

2.43

4.02

5.13

1891

7.86

4.38 .

3.96

4.50

5.31

1891

7.86

4.38 .

3.99

4 50

5.31

366

Establishment 39. Cotton Goods. Massachusetts.

Drawing- Dr

\WERS-

Speeders.

Spinners.

Warpers.

Weavers.

Hands.
Women.

IN.

OMEN.

Women.

■a

V
J3

1840

1841

1842

$2.61

$2.91

$2.73

$3 . 06

$3.66

1843

2.52

2.64

2.67

3.12

1843

2.55

2.73

2.70

3.81

1844

2.52

2.73

2.55

2.31

1845

2.52

'2!76

2.64

'3.6b

2.67

1846

2.52

2.85

'2i76

2.64

3.00

2.40

1847

2.52

2.67

2.73

2.67

3.18

2.55

1848

2.52

2.76

2.85

2.64

3.45

2.67

1849

2.52

2.67

2.64

2.70

3.45

2.52

1850

2.52

2.67

2.76

2.61

3.51

2.58

1851

2.52

2.76

2.88

2.49

3.15

2.79

1852

2.52

2.43

2.70

2.58

2.79

2.43

1853

2.49

2.67

3.12

2.46

2.88

2.76

1854

2.58

2.82

3.21

2.82

3.09

2.79

1855

2.52

3.00

3.36

2.55

3.36

2.76

1856

1857

1858

2.52

3.15

2.88

2.94

3.12

3.66

1859

2.52

2.76

2.88

2.70

3.48

3.06

1860

2.52

2.85

3.12

2.85

3.57

2.76

1861

3.00

2.40

3.24

2.76

3.87

3.03

1862

3.00

3.24

2.91

2.82

3.09

1863

2.40

3.24

2.88

2.76

2.40

3.24

1864

3.00

3.51

3.30

3.24

3.36

3.54

1865

3.00

4.02

3.42

3.36

3.48

3.87

1866

4.02

5.40

5.01

5.43

4.71

5.13

1867

4.02

6.06

5.01

5.46

6.00

5.22

1S6S

4.02

5.76

5.01

4.83

6.72

5.58

1869

4.02

5.88

5.01

5.10

5.46

4.83

1870

4.02

5.49

5.01

6.42

5.49

5.91

1871

4.02

4.92

6.39

6.18

6.48

6.54

1872

4.02

5.31

6.63

6.72

7.44

1873

3.75

5.49

7.02

5.55

6.18 43

7.05

1874

3.72

5.58

5.76

6.21

5.28

5.55

1875

3.75

5.79

5.40

5.43

5.22

3.96

1876

3.69

5.25

5.61

5.07

5.25

4.17

1877

3.18

5.25

4.53

5.25

5.10

4.71

1878

3.30

4.59

5.04

5.55

5.10

6.30

1879

2.88

5.16

5.22

6.03

4.77

6.00

1880

2.91

5.73

5.19

6.06

5.25 40

6.39

1881

2.79

6.09

5.13

6.09

5.49

6.24

1882

3.06

5.82

5.40

6.48

5.58

5.94

1883

2.82

5.61

5.43

6.24

5.40

5.88

1884

3.03

5.55

5.37

6.30

5.01

5.97

1885

3.00

5.70

5.28

6.21

4.95 i 58

6.30

1880

4.41

6.39

5.37

6.30

5.16 51

5.70

1887

io-

3.36

5.61

6.96

5.16 55

6.03

1888

3.36

5.70

5.58

7.02

5.16

5.70

1889

3.39

5.88

6.57

6.99

5.61

6.51

1890

3.36

5.94

6.45

7.05

6.39

6.36

1891

3.36

5.64

6.72

7.32

6.27

6.33

367

Establishment 40. Cotton Goods. Massachusetts

Back Hands.

Cloth Room
Hands.

DOFFERS.

Harness Hands.

Women.

Men.

Women.

Men.

Women.

Men.

Women.

Men.

8
60

6
3

$2.32

JZS

3
3
3

4
4
3

<u
Si

U
CJ

60
C9

41
bO
si

1840

$2.58

$2.40
2.40
2.40
2.43
2.31
2.37

1841

1842

2
1
3
2

2.64
2.46
2.28
2.36
2.28

3
3
3

2.40
2.28
1.82
1.82
2.28

1843

4
1

7
5
5
3
5
3
(i
8
9
5

$2.40
2.31
2.28
2.40
2.36
2.58
3.06
2.35
2.60
2.51
2.99
2.52
2.59

1844

1845

1846

1
1
1
2
2
1

$2.40
2.70
2.70
2.49
2.49
2.70

1847

$1.98

1848

2.52

5
5
4
2
5
6
7
6
7
4
4
6
6
4
1

2.91
3.02
2.83
2.97
2.80
2.88
2.85
2.88
2.85
3.12
3.36
3.24
3.60
3.18
3.00

1849

1850

1
2
2
2
1
4

2.28

1851

2.40

1852

1.77

1853

1
1
1

5
1

1.80
1.80
1.80
2.76
2.70

2
2
2
2
1
1
1
2
2
1
1

2.70
2.70
2.70
5.52
3.00
3.00
3.00
3.00
3.24
3.48
3.48

2.46

1854

2.40

1855

2
6

2.61
2.68

2.28

1856

12
9
111
11
13

9
5

4
5
2
8
11

$1.89
1.95
1.94
1.62
1.82
1.85
1.89
1.71
2.25
2.40
3.00
3.81
3.48
3.57
3.30
3.00
3.00
2.85
2.70
2.31
2.70
2.79
2.76
2.07
2.16
2.28
2.33
2.18
2.27
2.51
3.30
4.80
4.98
4.80
4.50
3.91

1857

1858

2
1
2
5
2
4

$1.98
1.98
1.89
2.06
1.98
1.86

1859

2.40

4
5
1
1
1
2
1
3
5
7
8
4
5
6
6
5
6
6
4
4
5
5
5
6
5
2
3
1
1
1
4
5
6

2.52
3.26
3.48
3.90
4.20
4.50
4.50
5.16
5.02
4.96
3.67
4.65
5.60
5.95
5.95
6.00
5.75
5.75
5.92
5.93
5.94
5.94
5.94
5.85
5.94
6.75
5.70
8.10
8.10
8.10
5.91
5.46
5.46

1860

2
2

2.22

1861

2.76

1862

2.88

1863

1864

2.45

2
1
2
3

2
1

2.28
3.00
3.00
3.84
3.00
3.24

3
3

1 1

3.63
4.74
4.98
5.22
5.34
5.43
5.88
5.34
6.00
5.71
5.07
4.89
4.44
4.31
4.33
4.11
4.40
4.38
4.32
4.50
4.50
4.50
4.50
4.50

"t'.ib

4.50

1865

6
6
14
9
9
5
2
5
5
1

2.40
3.00
3.15
3.69
3.64
3.24
3.00
3.00
3.00
3.00

1866

2
3
3
4
2
3
3
3
3
4
3
6
5
5
5
4
5
3
3
3
4
6
7
5

5.07
5.10
5.10
5.21
5.10
5.42
6.84
5.66
5.10
5.40
4.84
4.35
4.38
4.11
4.44
4.58
4.98
4.40
4.40
4.40
4.80
5.80
5.74
6.66

2
3
4
5
2
2
2
2
2
2
2
1
1

4.92

1867

5.22

1868

3.38

1869

5.27

1870

5.25

1871

5.70

1872

5.52

1873

5.55

1874

5.40

1875

3
1
3

3
4
3
4

4
6

2.40
2.10
2.31
2.61
2.70
2.79
2.73
2.73
2.55
2.70

3.05

5.10

1876

5.25

18-77

5.40

1878

5.40

1879

3
3

7
6
9
6
4
5
5
4
2
10
12

3.30
2.00
2.06
2.05
2.10
2.30
2.78
2.82
3.48
4.13
3.15
3.97
4.07

1880

1881

1882

1883

1
4
5
2
2
6
3
4
2

2.40
2.40
2.40
2.25
2.70
3.05
2 90

1884
1885
1886
1887
1888
1889

1
1
1
1
1

5.40
5.40
5.40
5.40
5.40

1890

3.15
3.30

1891

20 5 A"7

1.86

6.66

368

Establishment 40. — Continued

Spinners.

Spoolers.

Stretchers.

Warpers

Sweep-
ers.
Women.

Women.

Men.

Women.

Men.

Women.

Men.

Women.

Men.

) o

■A

$3.06

1840

$3.10

1841

1842

, 7

2.90
2.70
2.79

1
2

3.30
3.12

2.28

1843

1844

$2.52

184.")

2.78

2.64

2.40

1846

3.09

2.88

2.28

1847

3.01

3.04

2.70

1848

3.21

3.18

1849

. 11

3.28
3.22
3.02
3.00
3.24
3.24

4
6
3

1
3
3

3.18
3.42
3.80
3.00
3.36
3.36

1850

1851

1852

. 5
. 3

1
1

$1.98
1.98

1853

1854

1855

1
13

$3.90
2.28

f'l'.i

. 3
. 6

17 5

3.24
3.16
3.20

2
4

3.42
3.33
3.24

1856

1
1

2.28
2.28

1857

3.78

$3.12

1858

2.92

6 3

3.20

3.40

2.28

4.06

3.69

1859

$5.76

2.75

2.:

>9 6

3.22

3.36

2.28

3.74

3.90

1860

2.43

2.f

59 3

3.14

3.44

2.34

4.14

1861

2.04

3.(

IS) (i

3.53

3.90

2.40

3.51

1862

2.14

4.1

>0 8

3.61

3.99

3.54

1863

2.13

1.1

58 8

3.81

3.60

1864

$4.50

2.40

2.90

2.'

:6 6

3.75

3.00

4.80

1865

4.65

2.87

3.'

'4 6

3.90

3.60

4.50

1866

4.22

6.00

4.19

2 6

4.29

4.26

5.74

6.66

1867

3.75

3.30

4.26

5.,

59 6

4.65

4.50

6.78

6.00

ISt IS

3.57

3.76

4.:

28 9

4.98

4.77

6.00

6.72

1869

4.14

5.16

4.52

6.1

5 9

4.92

4.77

5.94

6.72

1870

4.95

5.49

5.01

4.'

18 9

5.19

4.86

5.97

1871

4.74

4.86

2.2

22 9

5.34

5.16

6.60

1872

4.92

4.59

. 9

5.37

4.83

6.84

1873

6.03

4.38

. 6

4.74

4.62

6.09

1874

4.90

4.80

3.90

. 6

3.99

4.38

6.45

1875

4.97

4.80

3.93

. 7

3.87

4.38

8.10

1876

3.65

3.90

4.26

. 6

3.99

4.68

6.51

1877

3.67

3.60

4.32

. 3

3.69

4.17

5.97

1878

3.80

3.90

3.69

. 2

3.30

4.11

6.21

1879

21)

4.20

3.42

. 1

4.50

3.60

5.10

1880

4.23

4.20

4.11

. 1

4.50

4.31

3.60

5.73

1881

4.83

4.55

6.1

)0 2

4.50

4.95

3.69

5.48

1882

4.83

4.69

6.1

)0 2

4.20

4.13

3.69

5.38

5.40

1883

4.77

2.",

4.68

. 3

5.49

4.11

5.82

1884

4>62

4.56

. 2

5.10

4.50

6.39

1885

4.50

4.74

. 8

4.24

3.90

4.50

6.51

1886

4.47

5.01

4..

50 8

4.23

4.50

6.18

1887

4.47

5.06

ft.

0 8

4.11

4.50

6.69

1888

4.56

4.83

. 11

4.35

4.50

6.90

1889

4.74

4.50

5.01

4.:

?5 10

4.47

4.50

6.60

1890

4.68

4.80

lit

5.11

4.i

JO 9

4.38

4.50

6.00

6.75

1891

4.95

5.16

5.00

5.(

)6| 5

5.82

4.11

6.00

6.84

369

Establishment 41. Cotton Goods. New York

Spoolers.
Women.

Warpers.
Women.

Weavers,

3 AND 4

Loom.
Women.

Weavers,
5 Loom.

Weavers,
6, 7, and 8 Loom.

Weavers,
Spare.

Women.

Men.

Women.

Wage.

d
v

Wage. ►

•1
° Wage.

Wage.

1840
1841
1842
1843
1844
1845
1846
1847
1848
1849
1850
1851
1852
1853
1854
1855
1856
1857
1858
1859
1860
1861
1862
1863
1864
1865
1866
1867
1868
1869
1870
1871
1872
1873
1874
1875
1876
1877
1878
1879
1880
1881
1882
1883
1884
1885
1886
1SS7
1888
1 SS9
1890
1891

10
10
10
10

1 1

$2.13
2.49
2.49
2.55
2.76
2.13
2.37
2.37
2.37
2.37

3.99
3.99
3.12
3.63
3.63
3.63
3.63
3.99
3.99
3.75
3.87
3.87
3.63
3.63
3.63
3.63
4.20
4.50
4.50
4.50
4.26
3.99
4.50
5.37
4.74
5.25
6.00

2
2
3
3
3
3
3
4
3
2

3
3
3
3
3
3
3
3
3
2
2
2
2
2
2
2
2
2
2
2
2
2
2
2
2
2
2

$3.00
3.75
3.12
4.11
4.56
3.60
4.20
4.35
4.68
4.20

5.01
6.03
6.00
6.99
6.30
6.30
6.99
7.20
7.29
6.09
6.30
5.88
5.25
5.25
5.25
5.25
5.76
5.76
5.01
5.01
4.89
4.95
4.95
5.49
5.49
5.49
5.49

8
3

3
5

11
11
s
7
7
5
6
7
5
6
'.i

15
9
6
3
6
9

22
8

20
8
6
6
7

$1.80
1.80
3.00
3.00
3.00
2.40
2.40
2.40
2.40

3.00
3.00
3.18
3.36
4.20
3.78
3.72
3.84
3.78
3.00
3.78
3.60
3.42
3.78
3.60
3.60
3.72
3.60
3.00
3.66
4.02
3.60
3.42
3.24
3.72
3.84
4.20

9
18
20
22
22
25
18
11
12

8
21
10
20
14
23
21

10
20
19
22
27
26
23
29
22
10
27
IS
8
24
15
21
15
13
12

$3.00
3.00
3.60
3.60
4.32
3.30
3.60
3.72
3.66
3.60

4.80
4.80
4.92
5.40
5.52
5.16
5.28
4.86
4.80
4.56
4.92
4.86
4.86
4.80
5.46
4.98
5.46
5.22
5.22
5.52
4.92
5.22
5.10
5.34
5.04
5.40
5.58

9
13

lit
18

$4.20 .
5.04 .
4.80
5.10
6.00
4.50 1
4.68 1
4.92 1
5.40 1
4.80

6.30
6.00
7.08
7.68
7.50
7.02
6.96
7.20
6.90
6.60
6.90
6.24
6.12
6.24 .
7.02 .
6.24 .
6.96 .
6.48 .
6.00 .
7.32 .
6.24 .
6.30 .
6.00 .
6.00 .
6.72 .
7.20 .
7.02 .

6$
6,

2
1
9

3
3
2
1
1
1
1
1
1
1

5.0

5. 1
6.3
1.8

5.4
6.0
6.3

1.0

6.0
6.0

7.7

8.0

T.r,

7.5

7..".

8.2

ti.l

7.1

7.0

6.0

4
6
0
0
0
0
0
2

0
0
4
4
0
6
6
8
8
2
4
8
0

6
6

6
5
6
7
7
3
6
5
3
6
6
6
9
9
8

15
6
7

11
8
7
7
7
7

$2.49
2.76
3.00
3.00
3.00
3.00
3.00
3.00
3.00

3.51
4.50
5.01
6.00
5.49
6.00
5.01
5.01
6.00
5.25
5.61
4.89
4.38
4.38
3.51
4.38
5.01
6.00
3.51
3.99
4.50
3.51
3.51
3.51
5.01
6.00
6.00

370

Establishment 41. — Continued

Doffers.
Women.

Drawers

-in.
Women.

Drawing-
frame
Tenders.
Women.

Slubber
Tenders.
Women.

Speeder
Tenders.
Women.

Spinners

Frame.

Women.

Wage.

6
S3

Wage.

i *

'age.

Wage.

1840

1841

1842

1843

1844

1845

1846

1847

1848

1849

1850

...

1851

. . >

1852 .

1853 2

$2.i3

$3.00

$2.49

$4.20

6 $

4.20

$2.34

1854 ! 2

3.00

4.80

2.49

4.80

4.20

2.49

1855 2

2.79

4.20

2.49

4.80

4.20

l.->

2.49

1856 3

3.24

3.90

2.49

4.32

4.20

2.49

1857 3

3.75

3.90

2.76

5.40

4.56

2.49

1858 ! 3

2.34

3.60

2.25

4.32

3.60

2.01

1859 3

3.00

3.90

2.61

4.26

3.90

2.28

1860

2.76

3.72

2.49

4.56

4.20

2.19

1861

2.76

3.60

2.49

4.68

4.38

2.19

1862

3.21

3.00

2.49

4.26

3.96

2.91

1863 . .

....

1864 1 . .

1865 3

3.99

6.66

3. si

6.36

5.46

3.66

1866 3

3.99

6.00

3.51

6.12

4.86

15 3.00

1867

4.62

7.20

3.99

7.20

6.24

15 3.12

1868

4.62

7.50

3.99

7.44

6.84

15 3.12

1869

4.62

7.80

3.99

7.92

7.20

3.12

1870

4.62

7.20

4.50

7.14

6.12

3.24

1871

5.01

6.60

4.50

7.02

6.48

3.99

1872

5.01

7.20

4.26

7.32

6.30

15' 3.99

1873

5.01

7.80

4.50

7.44

6.84

3.99

1874

5.25

6.48

3.99

6.78

5.04

4.26

1875

5.01

7.20

3.99

5.70

4.32

1.-)

4.50

1876

4.11

6.30

3.51

5.64

5.10

3.87

1877

3.99

4.80

3.24

5.16

4.62

3.63

1878

3.99

5.10

3.24

5.64

4.44

3.63

1879

4.11

5.16

3.24

5.22

4.38

3.99

1880

4.50 v

5.40

3.99

4.80

4.32

3.99

1881

4.38

6.30

4.38

5.88

4.80

3.99

1882

4.50

7.02

4.38

5.70

4.74

3.99

1883

4.26

5.40

3.99

4.80

4.32

3.99

1884

3.99

5.64

3.99

5.34

4.74

1.5

4.26

1885

3.63

4.80

3.63

4.26

4.08

3.99

1886

3.63

5.04

3.63

4.50

3.96

3 99

1887

4.50

4.80

3.63

4.62

4.08

4.74

1888

4.50

4.80

3.63

4.56

4.20

5.01

1889

5.01

5.10

3.99

4.92

4.20

5.37

1890

5.01

5.82

3.99

4.92

4.44

5.37

1891

5.37

5.58

4.26

5.16

4.80

6.00

371

Establishment 43. Ginghams. Massachusetts

Drawing-

frame E

•rawkhs-in.

QuiLLERS.

Rekler

s. Speeders.

Tenders.

WOM

EN.

WOM

EN.

Women

Women.

No.

Wage. t>

fo. "V

fage.

No. V

fage.

No. V

ge. No.

Wage.

1840

1841

1842

1843

1844

1845

1846

1847

1848

3 $'

1.92

21 $:

1 7

l'..

1849

$2.82

1.98

26 :

2 .70

L.S

20 4

£3. 4S

1850

2.82

5.10

6i :

2.70

28 :

5.<

)0 12

3.60

1851

2.S2

L80

66 :

2.58

27 ;

5.'

12 14

3.30

1852

2.82

5.10

32 :

5.00

24 ;

i 1

36 9

3.30

1853

2.70

5.04

34 ;

5.00

21 :

5.(

36 11

3.30

1854

2.70

1.32

31 :

J. 00

22 :

5.(

36 14

3.30

1855

2.70

5.10

34 :

2.82

33 :

5.(

36 14

3.12

1856

2.94

5.04

30 :

5.24

)2 14

3.24

1857

2.94

5.04

35 :

5.60

33 :

5.!

)6 11

3.30

1858

2.94

5.16

35 :

5.30

t.(

)8 12

3.42

1859

2.94

5.04

so :

5.30

t..

36 10

3.42

1860

2.94

1.80

30 ;

5.42

34 :

5.!

)6 12

3.60

1861

3.00

1.80

."7 :

5.42

n 10

3.60

T862

3.00

5.64

: 1

5.30

n 12

3.60

1863

3.00

5.16

'■ 3. i

5.42

76 6

3.60

1864

3.30

1.92

! > •

5.42

5.!

22 12

3.90

1865

3.90

1.92

1.38

16 11

4.80

1866

4.80

1.92

5.22

5.'

JO 17

5.70

IS' 17

5.10

1.92

5.64

j.i

38 20

6.00

1808

4.92

1.92

5.70

44 (

56 17

6.00

1869

4.92

1.92

5.88

46 <

56 21

6.00

1870

4.92

7.38

43 1

3.30

43 (

30 26

6.00

1671

4.92

3.90

47 1

3.30

39 i

i.'.

22 22

6.00

1872

4.92

r.86

49 1

3.36

35 !

1.'.

22 23

G.OO

1873

4.92

r.44

48 1

3.36

35 i

1.,

52 23

6.90

1874

4.92

r.74

49 1

3.54

{.'

n 23

6.90

1875

4.50

5 <

J. 33

3.15

34 (

78 23

6.30

1870

4.50

3.58

3.36

36 (

78 24

6.30

1877

4.02

3.22

5.76

47 (

L2 23

5.70

1878

4.02

3.16

3.00

49 (

50 25

5.70

1879

4.02

3.52

3.06

53 <

;!i

)6 31

5.70

1880

4.02

9.00

5.82

5.<

31 9

5.70

1881

4.80

3.10

5.76

51 (

12 7

5.40

1882

5.10

r.32

3.60

5!i

38 20

5.70

1883

5.10

3.58

5.70

57 1

3.(

30 25

5.70

1884

4.50

r.98

5.40

61 1

5.:

24 27

0.00

i sxr,

4.02

3 . 90 .

5.40

5.1

38 28

4.80

1886

4.56

7.44

5.34

5.(

37 27

4.80

1887

4.80 1

r.20

5.58

52 1

30 28

5.10

1888

4.80 1

3.72

5.64

62 1

12 35

5.10

1889

4.80 1

3.90

3.12

63 1

78 32

5.70

1890

4.80 1

3.72

3.96

r'.i

32 40

5.70

1891

4.80 1

3.30

20 45

6.30

372

Establishment 43. — Continued

Spinners.

W Wtl'KRS

Winder

Weavers.

Women.

Women

Men

No.

Wage.

No.

Wag

e. No.

ge. No.

ge. No. W

age.

1840

1841

18 1-'

1843

. .

1844

1845

1846

1847

1848

$3.78

$4.8(

) '4l

$4.:

?6 '.'.

1849

3.00

5.K

) 30

3.<

)0 83

$5.'

5.28

1850

4.32

5.4(

) 83

•2 199

5.:

28 11 (

5.30

185 1

2.82

4.6$

5 85

3.;

50 221

3.\

)6 6

5.58

1852

3.18

4.5(

) 75

3.1

L8 232

3.i

54 8

5.04

1853

3.18

4.5(

) 84

2.'

'0 240

3."

rs 17

1.98

1S54

3.36

4.9$

i 69

2.$

58 196

3.(

30 23

1.86

1855

3.36

4.9$

5 85

2.$

58 200

4.(

)5 30

5.34

185G

3.36

3.7$

5 105

3.1

L2 164

4.:

20 65 .

5.70

1S57

3.36

3.9(

) 97

3.:

50 144

4.:

58 73

5.76

1858

3.36

4.05

J 90

3.;

50 110

4.(

58 69 (

3.06

1350

3.36

4.8(

) 104

3.(

30 118

4.:

26 90

5.58

1860

3.36

4.3$

5 103

3.:

56 115

4..

52 85

5.58

1851

3.54

4.3$

5 99

3.(

50 98

4.:

26 108

5.58

1862

3.54

5.8:

I 61

4.(

)8 120

4..

58 82

5.40

1863

3.54

5.4(

) 43

4.(

)8 88

4.(

32 23

5.40

1804

3.90

4.5(

> 44

4.(

)8 115

4..

38 35

5.52

1865

ISO

4.8(

) 49

4.$

50 140

5.'

79 40

r.20

1806

26 5 . 70

6.3(

) 82

5.!

58 196

14 85

3.30

1867

6.00

6.3(

) 83

12 171

10 106

3.90

1868

6.00

7.8(

) 77

6.'

12 137

52 139

3.18

1869

6.00

8.K

) 85

6.-

18 152

7..

36 121

3.72

1870

6.00

7.2(

) 86

6.'

12 138

7 :

r4 136

3.48

1871

21 7 . 50

8.7(

5 85

7.'

(■4 '148

8.:

25 154 1

3.68

1872

7.50

9.3<

) 86

7.'

14 151

9..

36 142 1

1.46

1873

7.50

9.3(

) 86

10 150

8.<

34 159 1

1 .04

1874

6.90

9.5'

1 92

7.'

11 144

8.-

10 164 1

3.20

1875

6.30

9.4$

5 98

6.'

72 143

7.1

30 190

3.60

1876

6.30

10.3$

5 104

6.(

)0 148

16 199

3.90

1877

5.70

7.1'

! 137

5.'

76 183

r2 255

3.16

1878

5.70

7.2(

) 143

5.'

r6 172

26 272

3.52

1879

6.00

6.7!

2 137

5.'

76 175

14 298

3.04

1880

6.00

6.9(

) 141

5.1

38 172

7'.

38 303

7. £6

1881

6.60

6.3!

) 149

5.'

73 196

30 296

7.38

1882

5.70

6.4i

2 163

24 245

78 351

7.56

1883

6.00

7.2(

) 153

6.1

30 240

14 320

S.28

1884

5.10

6.1!

2 147

6.1

)0 246

54 316

7.56

1885

4.20

5.7(

i 148

58 258

30 303

7.14

1886

4.50

5.K

) 147

34 291

34 296

7.02

1887

4.80

6.1!

i 149

34 287

34 330

3.10

1888

5.40

5.7(

) 171

38 357

34 346

S.04

1889

5.40

6.0(

3 168

JO 393

36 388

7.86

1890

5.10

7.8(

) 158

18 359

32 372

3.34

1891

5.40

7.7'

1 169

30 384

26 372

3.52

373

APPENDIX D

EARLY CORPORATION RULES AND REGULATIONS

I. POIGNAUD AND PLANT BOAKDING HOUSE
AT LANCASTEK1

(Decade 1820-30)

Rules and Regulations to be attended to and followed
by the Young Persons who come to Board in this House :

Rule first : Each one to enter the house without unnec-
essary noise or confusion, and hang up their bonnet,
shawl, coat, etc., etc., in the entry.

Ride second : Each one to have their place at the table
during meals, the two which have worked the greatest
length of time in the Factory to sit on each side of the
head of the table, so that all new hands will of course take
their seats lower down, according to the length of time
they have been here.

Rule third : It is expected that order and good man-
ners will be preserved at table during meals — and at all
other times either upstairs or down.

Rule fourth : There is no unnecessary dirt to be brought
into the house by the Boarders, such as apple cores or
peels, or nut shells, etc.

Rule fifth : Each boarder is to take her turn in making
the bed and sweeping the chamber in which she sleeps.

1 From the collection of Poignaud and Plant papers in the
Lancaster Town Library. There is no date in this paper, but
it clearly belongs to the decade 1S20-30. For an account of
these boarding houses see Chapter VII, " Early Mill Operatives:
Conditions of Life and Work."

374

EARLY CORPORATION RULES

Rule sixth : Those who have worked the longest in the
Factory are to sleep in the North Chamber and the new
hands will sleep in the South Chamber.

Rule seventh : As a lamp will be lighted every night
upstairs and placed in a lanthorn, it is expected that no
boarder will take a light into the chambers.

Rule eighth : The doors will be closed at ten o'clock
at night, winter and summer, at which time each boarder
will be expected to retire to bed.

Rule ninth : Sunday being appointed by our Creator
as a Day of Rest and Religious Exercises, it is expected
that all boarders will have sufficient discretion as to pay
suitable attention to the day, and if they cannot attend
to some place of Public "Worship they will keep within
doors and improve their time in reading, writing, and
in other valuable and harmless employment.

II. THE LOWELL MANUFACTURING COM-
PANY'S RULES AND REGULATIONS

(Decade 1830-40) *

The overseers are to be punctually in their Rooms at
the starting of the Mill, and not to be absent unneces-
sarily during working hours. They are to see that all
/those employed in their Rooms are in their places in due
season ; they may grant leave of absence to those employed
under them, when there are spare hands in the Room to
supply their places; otherwise they are not to grant leave
of absence, except in cases of absolute necessity.

All persons in the employ of the Lowell Manufacturing
Company are required to observe the Regulations of the
overseer of the Room where they are employed; they are
not to be absent from work without his consent, except in

1 From the appendix to Seth Luther, " Address to the Working
Men of New England" (pamphlet, 3d ed., Philadelphia, 1S36).

375

APPENDIX D

cases of sickness, and then they are to send him word of
the cause of their absence.

They are to board in one of the Boarding-Houses be-
longing to the Company, and to conform to the regula-
tions of the House where they board; they are to give
information at the Counting-Room, of the place where
they board, when they begin ; and also give notice when-
ever they change their boarding-place.

The Company will not employ any one who is habitu-
ally absent from public worship on the Sabbath.

It is considered a part of the engagement that each
person remains twelve months if required ; and all persons
intending to leave the employment of the Company are to
give two weeks' notice of their intention to their Over-
seer, and their engagement is not considered as fulfilled
unless they comply with this Regulation.

The Pay Roll will be made up to the last Saturday of
every month, and the payment made to the Carpet Mill
the following Saturday, and the Cotton Mill the succeed-
ing Tuesday, when every person will be expected to pay
their board.

The Company will not continue to employ any person
who shall be wanting in proper respect to the females em-
ployed by the Company, or who shall smoke within the
Company's premises, or be guilty of inebriety, or other
improper conduct.

The Tenants of the Boarding-Houses are not to board
or permit any part of their houses to be occupied by any
person, except those in the employ of the Company.

They will be considered answerable for any improper
conduct in their Houses, and are not to permit their
Boarders to have company at unseasonable hours.

The doors must be closed at ten o'clock in the evening,
and no person admitted after that time without some
reasonable excuse.

376

EARLY CORPORATION RULES

The keepers of the Boarding-Houses must give an ac-
count of the number, names and employment of the
Boarders when required, and report the names of such as
are guilty of any improper conduct.

The Buildings, and yards about them, must be kept
clean and in good order, and if they are injured otherwise
than from ordinary use, all necessary repairs will be
made and charged to the occupant.

It is desirable that the families of those who live in
the Houses, as well as the Boarders, who have not had
the Kine Pox, should be vaccinated; which will be done
at the expense of the Company for such as wish it.

Some suitable chamber in the House must be reserved,
and appropriated for the use of the sick, so that others
may not be under the necessity of sleeping in the same
room.

No one will be continued as a Tenant who shall suffer
ashes to be put into any place other than the place made
to receive them, or shall, by any carelessness in the use
of fire, or lights, endanger the Company's property.

These regulations are considered a part of the contract
with the persons entering into the employment of the
Lowell Manufacturing Company.

ni. CONDITIONS ON WHICH THE OPERATIVES
OR " HELP " WERE HIRED BY THE COCHECO
MANUFACTURING COMPANY OF DOVER,
NEW HAMPSHIRE.

(Decade 1830-40) *

We, the subscribers, do hereby agree to enter the
service of the Cocheco Manufacturing Company, and
conform, in all respects, to the Regulations which are

1 From the appendix to Seth Luther, " Address to the Working
Men of New England, " 1836.

377

APPENDIX D

now, or may hereafter be adopted, for the good govern-
ment of the Institution.

We further agree to work for such wages per week,
and prices by the job, as the Company may see fit to pay,
and be subject to the fines as well as entitled to the
premiums paid by the Company.

We further agree to allow two cents each week to be
deducted from our wages, for the benefit of the sick fund.

We also agree not to leave the service of the Company,
without giving two weeks' notice of our intention, with-
out permission of an agent; and if we do, we agree to
forfeit to the use of the Company two weeks' pay.

We also agree not to be engaged in any combination,
whereby the work may be impeded; if we do, we agree to
forfeit to the use of the Company the amount of wages
that may be due to us at the time.

We also agree that in case we are discharged from the
service of the Company for any fault, we will not consider
ourselves entitled to be settled within less than two weeks
from the time of such discharge.

Payments for labor performed are to be made monthly.

APPENDIX E

LIST OF OCCUPATIONS IN WHICH WOMEN WERE REPORTED TO
BE EMPLOYED IN 1900

The list of occupations in the " Twelfth Census " con-
tained 303 separate employments; in 295 of which women
are found. These are as follows : 1

AGRICULTUKAL PURSUITS

Agricultural laborers.

Farm and plantation laborers.

Farm laborers (members of family).

Garden and nursery laborers.
Dairymen and dairywomen.
Farmers, planters and overseers.

Farmers and planters.

Farmers (members of family).

Farm and plantation overseers.

Milk farmers.
Gardeners, florists, nurserymen, etc.

Gardeners.

Florists, nurserymen, and vinegrowers.

Fruit growers.
Lumbermen and raftsmen.
Stock raisers, herders, and drovers.

Stock raisers.

Stock herders and drovers.

1 "Twelfth Census: Occupations," Table I, p. 8.
26 379

APPENDIX E

Turpentine farmers and laborers.

Woodchoppers.

Other agricultural pursuits.

Apiarists.

Not specified.

PROFESSIONAL SERVICE

Actors, professional showmen, etc.

Actors.

Professional showmen.

Theatrical managers, etc.
Architects, designers, draughtsmen, etc.

Architects.

Designers, draughtsmen, and inventors.
Artists and teachers of art.
Clergymen.
Dentists.
Electricians.
Engineers (civil, etc.) and surveyors.

Engineers (civil).

Engineers (mining).

Surveyors.
Journalists.
Lawyers.
Literary and scientific persons.

Authors and scientists.

Librarians and assistants.

Chemists, assayers, and metallurgists.
Musicians and teachers of music.
Officials (government).

Officials (National government).

Officials (state government).

Officials (county government).

Officials (city or town government).

380

LIST OF OCCUPATIONS

Physicians and surgeons.

Teachers and professors in colleges, etc

Teachers.

Professors in colleges and universities.
Other professional service.

Veterinary surgeons.

Not specified.

DOMESTIC AND PEKSONAL SERVICE

Barbers and hairdressers.

Bartenders.

Boarding and lodging-house keepers.

Hotel keepers.

Housekeepers and stewards.

Janitors and sextons.

Janitors.

Sextons.
Laborers (not specified).

Elevator tenders.

Laborers (coal yard).

Laborers (general).

Longshoremen.

Stevedores.
Launderers and laundresses.

Laundry work (hand).

Laundry work (steam).
Nurses and midwives.

Nurses (trained).

Nurses (not specified).

Midwives.
Restaurant keepers.
Saloon keepers.
Servants and waiters.

Servants.

Waiters.

381

APPENDIX E

Watchmen, policemen, firemen, etc.

Watchmen, policemen and detectives.
Other domestic and personal service.

Bootblacks.

Hunters, trappers, guides and scouts.

Not specified.

TRADE AND TRANSPORTATION

Agents.

Agents (insurance and real estate).

Agents (not specified).
Bankers and brokers.

Bankers and brokers (money and stocks).

Brokers (commercial).
Boatmen and sailors.

Boatmen and canalmen.

Pilots.

Sailors.
Bookkeepers and accountants.
Clerks and copyists.

Clerks and copyists.

Clerks (shipping).

Letter and mail carriers.
Commercial travelers.
Draymen, hackmen, teamsters, etc.

Draymen, teamsters, and expressmen.
Carriage and hack drivers.
Foremen and overseers.

Foremen and overseers (livery stable).

Foremen and overseers (steam railroad).

Foremen and overseers (street railway).

Foremen and overseers (not specified).
Hostlers.
Hucksters and peddlers.

383

LIST OF OCCUPATIONS

Livery-stable keepers.

Merchants and dealers (except wholesale).

Boots and shoes.

Cigars and tobacco.

Clothing and men's furnishings.

Coal and wood.

Drugs and medicines.

Dry goods, fancy goods and notions.

General store.

Groceries.

Liquors and wines.

Lumber.

Produce and provisions.

Not specified.
Merchants and dealers (wholesale).
Messengers and errand and office boys.

Bundle and cash boys.

Messengers.

Office boys.
Officials of banks and companies.

Bank officials and cashiers.

Officials (insurance and trust companies, etc.).

Officials (trade companies).

Officials (transportation companies).
Packers and shippers.
Porters and helpers (in stores, etc.).
Salesmen and saleswomen.
Steam railroad employees.

Baggagemen.

Brakemen.

Conductors.

Engineers and firemen.

Laborers.

Station agents and employees.

Switchmen, yardmen and flagmen.

383

APPENDIX E

Stenographers and typewriters.

Stenographers.

Typewriters.
Street-railway employees.

Conductors.

Laborers.

Motormen.

Station agents and employees.
Telegraph and telephone linemen.

Telegraph and telephone operators.

Telegraph operators.

Telephone operators.
Undertakers.

OTHEE PEESONS IN TEADE AND
TEANSPOETATION

Auctioneers.

Decorators, drapers, and window dressers.
Newspaper carriers and newsboys.
Weighers, gaugers and measurers.
Not specified.

MANUFACTUEING AND MECHANICAL
PUESUITS

Building Trades

Carpenters and joiners.

Ship carpenters.

Apprentices and helpers.
Masons (brick and stone).

Masons.

Masons' laborers.

Apprentices and helpers.

384

LIST OF OCCUPATIONS

Painters, glaziers and varnishers.

Painters (carriages and wagons).

Apprentices and helpers.

Paperhangers.
Plumbers and gas- and steamfitters.

Plumbers and gas- and steamfitters.

Apprentices and helpers.
Plasterers.

Plasterers.

Apprentices and helpers.
Roofers and slaters.

Roofers and slaters.
Mechanics (not otherwise specified).

Chemicals and Allied Products

Oil-well and oil-works employees

Oil-well employees.

Oil-works employees.
Other chemical workers.

Chemical works employees.

Fertilizer makers.

Powder and cartridge makers.

Salt-works employees.

Starch makers.

Clay, Glass, and Stone Products

Brick- and tilemakers.

Brickmakers.

Tilemakers.

Terra-cotta workers.
Glass workers.
Marble- and stonecutters.
Potters.

385

APPENDIX E

Fishing and Mining

Fishermen and oystermen.

Miners and quarrymen.
Miners (coal).
Miners (gold and silver).
Miners (not otherwise specified).
Quarrymen.

Food and Kindred Products

Bakers.

Butchers.

Butter- and cheesemakers.

Confectioners.

Millers.

Other food preparers.

Fish curers and packers.

Meat and fruit canners and preservers.

Meat packers, curers and picklers.

Sugarmakers and refiners.

Not specified.

Iron and Steel and Their Products

Blacksmiths.

Apprentices and helpers.
Iron and steel workers.

Iron and steel workers.

Molders.
Machinists.

Machinists.

Apprentices and helpers.
Steam-boiler makers.

Steam-boiler makers.
Stove-, furnace- and gratemakers.
Tool- and cutlerymakers.

386

LIST OF OCCUPATIONS

Wheelwrights.
Wireworkers.

Leather and its Finished Product

Boot- and shoemakers and repairers.

Boot and shoe factory operatives.

Shoemakers (not in shoe factory).

Apprentices.
Harness- and saddlemakers and repairers.
Leather curriers and tanners.

Curriers.

Tanners.

Apprentices.
Trunk- and leather-case makers, etc.

Trunkmakers.

Leather-case and pocketbook makers.

Liquors and Beverages

Bottlers and soda-water makers, etc.

Bottlers.

Mineral and soda-water makers.
Brewers and maltsters.
Distillers and rectifiers.

Lumber and its- Manufactures

Cabinetmakers.

Coopers.

Saw- and planing-mill employees.

Lumber-yard employees.
Other woodworkers.

Basketmakers.

Boxmakers (wood).

Furniture manufacture employees.

Piano- and organmakers.

Not specified.

387

APPENDIX E

Metal and Metal Products Other Than Iron and Steel

Brass workers.

Molders.
Clock- and watchmakers, and repairers.

Clock-factory operatives.

Watch-factory operatives.

Clock and watch repairers.
Gold and silver workers.

Gold and silver workers.

Jewelry manufactory employees.
Tinplate and tinware makers.

Tinplate makers.

Tinners and tinware makers.

Apprentices (tinsmiths).
Other metal workers.

Copper workers.

Electroplaters.
Gunsmiths, locksmiths, and bell hangers.
Lead and zinc workers.
Molders (metals).
Not specified.

Paper and Printing

Bookbinders.

Boxmakers (paper).

Engravers.

Paper and pulp-mill operatives.

Printers, lithographers, and pressmen.

Printers and pressmen.

Lithographers.

Compositors.

Electrotypers and stereotypers.

Apprentices (printers).

388

LIST OF OCCUPATIONS

Textiles

Bleachery and dye-works operatives.

Bleachery operatives.

Dye-works operatives.
Carpet-factory operatives.
Cotton-mill operatives.
Hosiery and knitting-mill operatives.
Silk-mill operatives.
Woolen-mill operatives.
Other textile-mill operatives.

Hemp and jute-mill operatives.

Linen-mill operatives.

Print-works operatives.

Rope and cordage-factory operatives.

Worsted-mill operatives.

Textile not specified.
Dressmakers.

Dressmakers.

Apprentices.
Hat- and capmakers.
Milliners.

Milliners.

Apprentices.
Seamstresses.

Shirt-, collar-, and cuff makers.
Tailors and tailoresses.

Tailors and tailoresses.

Apprentices.
Other textile workers.

Carpetmakers (rag).

Lace and embroidery makers.
Sail-, awning-, and tentmakers.
Sewing-machine operators.
Not specified.

389

APPENDIX E

Miscellaneous Industries

Broom- and Brushmakers.

Charcoal, coke, and lime burners.

Engineers and firemen (not locomotive).

Glovemakers.

Manufacturers and officials, etc.

Builders and contractors.

Publishers of books, maps and newspapers.

Officials of mining and quarrying companies.
Model and pattern makers.
Photographers.
Rubber-factory operatives.
Tobacco- and cigar-factory operatives.
Upholsterers.
Other miscellaneous industries.

Apprentices and helpers (not specified).

Artificial flowermakers.

Buttonmakers.

Candle-, soap-, and tallowmakers.

Corsetmakers.

Cotton ginners.

Electric light and power company employees.
Gasworks employees.
Piano and organ tuners.

Straw workers.

Turpentine distillers.

Umbrella- and parasolmakers.

Well borers.

Whitewashers.

Not specified.

Employments in which No Women are Reported

Soldiers (U. S.)
Sailors (U. S.)

390

LIST OF OCCUPATIONS

Marines (U. S.

Street-car drivers.

Foremen (fire department).

Apprentices and helpers to roofers and slaters.

Helpers to steam-boiler makers.

Helpers to brass workers.

APPENDIX F

Trial Bibliography of Books and Magazine Articles

Relating to the Industrial Employment of Women

est England and America

Abraham, May E. Report on the Conditions of Women's
Work in the Textile Trades for the Royal Commis-
sion on Labour, 1893. Lond. (Gt. Brit. Parliament.
C.-6894-xxiii.)

Adams, T. S., and Sumner, H. L. Labor Problems, Chap.

ii : " Woman and Child Labor." 4th ed. N. Y., 1907.
Abbott, Edith. " English Working- Woman and the

Franchise," Atlantic, cii : 343-6.

— " Municipal Employment of Unemployed Women in
London," Journal Political Economy, xv : 513-30.

Barmaids : Report of the Joint Committee on the Em-
ployment of Barmaids. Lond., 1905.

Bell, Lady. At the Works: A Study of a Manufactur-
ing Town. Lond., 1907.

Black, Clementina. " London's Tailoresses," Economic
Journal, xiv : 555-67.

— " Trade Schools for Girls in London," Economic Jour-
nal, xvi: 449-54.

— and Mrs. Carl Meyer. Makers of Our Clothes: A Case
for Trade Boards. Lond., 1909.

Bosanquet, Helen. " A Study in Women's Wages,"
Economic Journal, xii: 42-49.

— The Standard of Life, pp. 157-174, " Industrial Train-
ing of Women." Lond., 1898.

392

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Boucherett, Jessie and Blackburn, Helen. The Con-
dition of Working Women and the Factory Acts.
Lond., 1896.

Brandeis, Louis D. Curt Miller vs. State of Oregon.
Brief for Defendant. (Supreme Court of the United
States, October Term, 1907.) N. Y., 1908.

Breckinridge, Sophonisba P. " Legislative Control of
Women's Work," Journal of Political Economy, xiv:
107-9.

— Sophonisba P., and Abbott, Edith. " Employment of
Women in Industries: Twelfth Census," Journal Po-
litical Economy, xiv: 14-40.

Butler, Elizabeth B. " Working Women of Pitts-
burgh," Charities, xx: 433-49, 549-63, 648-54. xxi:
34^47, 570-80, 1117-42.

Cadbury, E., Matheson, G., and Shann, E. Women's
Work and Wages in Birmingham. Chicago, 1907.

Campbell, Helen. Prisoners of Poverty. Bost, 1889.

— Prisoners of Poverty Abroad. Bost., 1890.

— Women Wage-Earners. Bost., 1893.

Clark, V. S. " Woman and Child Wage-Earners in

Great Britain," United States Labor Bulletin, No. 80 :

1-85.
Collet, Clara E. " Women's Work in Leeds," Economic

Journal, i : 460-73. ■
— Report on Changes in the Employment of Women and

Girls in Industrial Centres. Pt. i. Flax and Jute

Mills. Lond., 1898. (Board of Trade, Labour Dept.

C. 8794.)
— Report on Conditions of Women's Labour in London,

Liverpool, Manchester, and other Provincial Towns

for the Royal Commission on Labour, 1893. Lond.

(Gt. Brit. Parliament. C.-6894-xxiii.)

393

APPENDIX F

Collet, Clara E. Report by Miss Collet on the Statis-
tics of Employment of Women and Girls. Lond., 1894.
(Board of Trade, Labour Department, C 7564.)

— Report on the Money Wages of Domestic Servants.
Lond., 1899. (Board of Trade, Labour Department.)
C. 9346.

— " Women's Work," in Booth, Life and Labour in Lon-
don, iv.

— " The Collection and Utilization of Official Statistics
bearing on the Extent and Effects of the Industrial
Employment of Women," Royal Statistical Society
Journal, lxi : 219-60.

— " The Social Status of Women Occupiers," Royal Sta-
tistical Society Journal, lxxi : 513-515.

— Educated Working Women. Lond., 1902.

Dendy, H. " The Position of Women in Industry," in
B. Bosanquet, Aspects of the Social Problem, pp. 82-
103. Lond., 1895.

Dbage, Geoffrey. The Labor Problem, Chap, v., " The
Employment of Women." Lond., 1896.

Eaton, Isabel. " Receipts and Expenditure of Certain
Wage-Earners in the Garment Trade," American Sta-
tistical Society Publications, iv: 135-80.

Gareaud, C. H. " Women as Telegraphists," Economic
Journal, xi : 251-61.

Goldmark, J. C, " Workingwomen and the Laws," Amer-
ican Academy Annals, xxviii : 261-76.

— " Labor Legislation for Women," American Journal of
Sociology, xi : 312-25.

Hammond, M. B. " Woman's Wages in Manual Work,"
Political Science Quarterly, xv : 508-35.

Harrison, Amy. Women's Work in Liverpool. Liverpool
University Press.

394

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Herron, Belva M. Progress of Labor Organization

Among Women. TJrbana, 1908. (Univ. of Illinois

studies, v. 1, No. 10.)
Hobhouse, Emily. " Dust Women," Economic Journal,

x: 411-20.
Hobson, John A. Evolution of Modern Capitalism,

Chap, xii, " Women in Modern Industry." Lond.,

1904.

— Problems of Poverty, Chap, viii, " Industrial Condition

of Women Workers." Lond., 1906.

Holyoake, Emilie B. " Need of Organization Among
Women," in F. W. Galton, Workers on their Indus-
tries.

Hutchins, B. L. " Salaries and Hours of Work of Typ-
ists and Shorthand Writers," Economic Journal, xvi:
445-49.

— " Note on The Distribution of Women in Occupa-
tions," Royal Statistical Society Journal, lxvii: 479-
490.

— " Statistics of Women's Life and Employment," Royal
Statistical Society Journal, lxxii : 205-48.

— " Employment of Women in Paper Mills," Economic
Journal, xiv : 235-48.

— and Harrison, A. A History of Factory Legislation.
Lond., 1903.

Irwin, Margaret H. Home Work Amongst Women.
Report of an Inquiry Conducted for the Glasgow
Council for Women's Trades, Pt. I, " Shirtmaking,
Shirt finishing and Kindred Trades," Pt. II, " Miscel-
laneous Minor Trades." Glasgow, 1897.

— Report on Women's Industries in Scotland, for the
Royal Commission on Labour, 1893. Lond. (Gt.
Brit. Parliament. C.-6894-xxiii.)
27 395

APPENDIX F

Irwin, Margaret II. Women's Employment in Shops.
Report of an Inquiry Conducted for the National Fed-
erated Council for Women's Trades. Lond., 1894.

Jevons, W. S. Methods of Social Reform, pp. 156-180,
" Married Women in Factories." Lond., 1883. •

Kelley, Florence. Some Ethical Gains through Legis-
lation. N. Y., 1906.

— " Women in Trade Unions," Outlook, lxxxiv : 926-31.
Layton, W. T. " Changes in the Wages of Domestic

Servants during Fifty Years," Royal Statistical So-
ciety Journal, lxxi : 515-24.

Levasseur, E. The American Workman (tr. by T. S.
Adams), Chap, vii, " Wages of Women and Children."
Baltimore, 1900.

Macdonald, J. Ramsey. Women in the Printing Trades.
Lond., 1904.

MacLean, Annie Marion. " With Oregon Hop Pickers,"
American Journal of Sociology, xv: 83-95.

— " Life in Pennsylvania Coal Fields, with Particular
Reference to Women." American Journal Sociology,
xiv : 329-51.

Meyer, Mrs. Carl, and Black, Clementina. Makers of
Our Clothes: a Case for Trade Boards. Lond., 1909.

Mies, F. P., " Statutory Regulation of Women's Employ-
ment— Codification of Statutes," Journal of Political
Economy, xiv : 109-18.

Mitchell, John. Organized Labor, Chap, xvi, " The
Work of Women and Children." Phil., 1903.

New York Assembly. Report and Testimony taken be-
fore the Special Committee of the Assembly Appointed
to Investigate the Condition of Female Labor in the
City of New York. Albany, 1896.

Oakeshott, Grace. " Women in the Cigar Trade in
London," Economic Journal, x: 562-72.

396

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Orme, Eliza. Report on Women's Industries in the
Black Country for Royal Commission on Labour,
1893. Lond. (Gt. Brit. Parliament. C.-6894-xxiii.)

Osgood, Irene. " Women Workers in Milwaukee Tan-
neries," in Wisconsin Bureau of Labor and Indus-
trial Statistics. 13th Biennial Report, Pt. vii. Mad-
ison, 1909.

Pearson, Karl. The Chances of Death, ii, Chap, vii,
"Woman and Labor." Lond., 1897.

Peixotto, Jessica B. " Women of California as Trade
Unionists," Association of Collegiate Alumna?, Dec.
'08, pp. 40-49.

Richardson, Dorothy. The Long Day, N. Y, 1905.

— " Report of Committee on the Economic Effect of Leg-
islation Regulating Women's Labour," British Asso-
ciation for the Advancement of Science, 1903.

Salmon, Lucy M. Domestic Service. New York,

1897.

Shackleton, D. J., Editor. Woman in Industry From
Seven Points of View. Lond., 1908.

Smart, William. Studies in Economics, Chap, iv,
" Women's Wages." Lond., 1S95.

Smith, Constance. The Case for Wage Boards. Lond.,
1908.

Thomas, William I. " Woman and the Occupations,"
American Magazine, lxviii : 463-70.

Tuckwell, Gertrude M., and Smith, Constance. The
Worker's Handbook. Lond., 1908.

United States. Bureau of Labor. Eleventh Annual
Report (1895), "Work and Wages of Men, Women
and Children."

397

APPENDIX F

United States. Bureau of Labor. Fourth Annual Re-
port (1888), " Working Women in Large Cities."

— Index of all Reports issued by the Bureaus of Labor
Statistics in the United States Prior to March 1,
1902. (Published by the Commissioner of Labor,
1902.)

Van Vorst, B. and M. The Woman Who Toils. N. Y.,
1903.

Webb, Beatrice. The Case for the Factory Acts. Lond.,
1901.

Webb, Sidney and Beatrice. History of Trade-Union-
ism. Lond., 1907.
— Industrial Democracy. Lond., 1902.
— Problems of Modern Industry. Lond., 1898.

Willett, Mabel Hurd. " Employment of Women in the
Clothing Trades," Columbia University Studies, xvi :
169-257.

Wilson, Mona. Our Industrial Laws. Working Women
in Factories, Workshops and Laundries, and How to
Help Them. Lond., 1899.

— and Walker, Mary L. Report on Housing and Indus-
trial Conditions in Dundee, Chap, iii, " Employment
and Wages " ; Chap, iv, " Women's Labour and In-
fant Mortality." Dundee, 1905.

Wood, George H. " An Outline of the History of
Women and Children in Industry." Cooperative
Wholesale Society Annual. Manchester, 1904.

— " Factory Legislation Considered with Reference to the
Wages of the Operatives Protected Thereby," Royal
Statistical Society Journal, lxv : 284-320.

Wright, Carroll D. Industrial Evolution of the United
States, Chap, xvi, " Women in Industry." N. Y.,
1895.

398

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Periodicals and Other Publications of Organizations Con-
cerned with Women's Work.

Annual Reports and Publications of the Women's Co-
operative Guild (Kirby Lonsdale, Westmoreland, Eng-
land.)

Annual Reports of the Women's Trade Union League
of America (275 LaSalle Street, Chicago.)
Reports of the Conferences, 1890 to date, and other
Publications of the National Union of Women
Workers. (Parliament Mansions, Victoria St., Lon-
don, S. W.)

Publications of the Scottish Council of Women's
Trades. (58 Renfield Street, Glasgow.)
Reports of Liverpool Women's Industrial Council (8,
Sandon Terrace, Liverpool.)

The Englishwoman's Social and Industrial Review.
The Women's Industrial News and other Publications
of the Women's Industrial Council (7 John Street,
Adelphi, London, W. C.)

The Women's Trade Union Review and other Publi-
cations of the Women's Trade Union League (Club
Union Buildings, Clerkenwell Road, London, E. C.)

INDEX

Accounts, colonial, 23-27.

Agriculture, more profitable
than early manufactur-
ing for men, 48, 51.

Aldrich Report, 394.

wage tables in, 288-294,
365-373.

America, early history of

child labor in, 327-351.

industrial situation in,

compared with that in

England, 36, 49.

Apprenticeship, 30-32, 44, 45,
154, 213, 214, 250, 254,
258, 328-335.

Armenian immigrants, 109.

Austro-Hungarian cigarmak-
ers, 210.

Automatic loom, 96, 97.

Avery, Mrs. Mary, 23-25.

"Bag-bosses," 154.

Baltimore, 73.

Bethlehem, Conn., 38.

Beverly, 43.

Bibliography, 392-399.

Boarding houses. See Cor-
poration Boarding
Houses.

Bohemian cigarmakera, 196,
198, 199, 210.

Boot and shoe industry, 86,
148-182.
contrast of, with cotton in-
dustry, 148, 159, 160,
182-185.
division of labor in, 151,
152, 153, 154.

Boot and shoe industry, elab-
orate subdivisions in,
180, 181.
median wage in, 307.
social aspects of, 160-103.
statistics of employment in,

155-159, 176-180.
striking effect of applica-
tion of machinery in,
148, 149, 152, 153,
163-169.
three periods of, 149.
Borden, Hannah, 94, 95, 127,

273.
Boston, 20, 21, 39, 40, 74,

248, 249, 255.
Boston Typographical Union,

252.
Button industrv, early stages
of, 75, 76.

Canadian immigrants, 109.
Carding, 40.

wages in, 274, 275.
Carey, Henry, 78, 90, 95.

Matthew, 52, 56, 58.
Census statistics, availability

of, 352-362.
Changes in character of mill
operatives, 137-147.
causes of, 137-147.
Child labor, 22, 44, 58-61, 121.
a social sin, 348-351.
early, conditions of, 343-

348.
extent of, 335-343.
in America, early history
of, 327-351.

401

INDEX

Cigarmakers, Austro-Hun-
garian, 210.
Bohemian, 196, 198, 199,

210.
German, 210.
Cigarmakers' International

Union, 206.
Cigarmaking, 86, 186-214.
division of labor in, 188.
home work in, 197-202.
median wage in, 308.
packing in, 188, 189.
statistics of employment
in, 192, 193, 194-196,
203-205.
stripping in, 187.
" team work " in, 199.
three important processes

in, 187.
wages in, 187, 188, 189.
relative, of men and
women, 192, 193.
Civil War, effect of, on
cotton industry, 141,
142.
Clapp, Elvira, 76.
Clerks, 2, 3.

Clothing industry, 215-245.
division of labor in, 223,

224.
effect of machinery on, 226,

227.
median wage in, 309.
statistics of employment
in, 219, 220, 231-235,
244.
wages in, 224, 225, 228.
Cocheco Manufacturing Com-
pany of Dover, N. H.,
377, 378.
Collar industry, 236.
Colonial period, 10-34.

earnings in, 18, 23-27, 262,

263.
unusual employments in,
16, 17.
Company stores, 272, 273.
Conjugal condition of women

in cotton mills, 122,
123.
Convention of the " Friends

of Industry," 54.
Corporation, Lawrence, 122.
Merrimack, 94, 113, 115,
119, 141.
Corporation boarding houses,
113, 114, 115, 144,
270, 271.
hygienic conditions of, 128,
129.
Corporation paternalism, 114,

115, 116.
Corporation rules and regula-
tions, early, 374-378.
Cotton industry, 86, 87-108.
contrast of, with boot and
shoe industry, 148, 159,
160, 182-185.
effect of Civil War on, 141,

142.
relative wages of men and
women in, 304, 363-
373.
statistics of employment
in, 88-91, 100-107.
inadequacy of, 100.
Cotton mill, first, 36, 43,44.
Cotton mills, conjugal condi-
tion of women in, 122,
123.
earliest, 43.

early, factory conditions
in, 125, 126.
hours of labor in, 126-
128.
New England, median wage

in, 305.
reason for displacement of
women operatives in,
107, 108.
statistics of employment in,

121-123.
Waltham, wages in, 363,
364.
Coxe, Trench, 46, 50, 88.
Cuban cigarmakers, 194.

402

INDEX

"Custom work," 27-28, 29,
94.

" Dame's school," 15, 1G, 26(5,
2G7.

" Dewey Report " on employ-
ees and wages, 305-
311.

Dickson's factory, 44, 45.

Displacement of women oper-
atives in cotton mills,
reason for, 107, 108.

Division of labor, in boot and
shoe industry, 151,
152, 153, 154.
elaborate subdivisions in,
180, 181.
in cigarmaking, 188.
in clothing industry, 223,
224.

Domestic industries. See
Household Industries.

Domestic service, 1, 16, 137.
transition from, to factory

system, 35-47.
wages in, 263-266.

Domestication of factory sys-
tem, 63.

Dover, N. H., Cocheco Manu-
facturing Company of,
377, 378.

Draper, Margaret, 247.

"Dressing," 98, 99.
wages in, 277.

Earnings in colonial period,
18, 23-27, 262, 263.

Easthampton, 76.

Economic ideals of Hamilton,
50.

Educational advantages of
early mill operatives,
116-121.

Efficiency, differences in, be-
tween men and women,
212.

Employees, " Dewey Report "
on, 305-311.

Employment, early, Harriet
Martineau's misstate-
ment regarding, 65.

field of, comparison be-
tween that of to-day
and that of first half
of nineteenth century,
79-81.
early, 63-86.
supposed inaccessibility
of information on, 64.
useful sources of infor-
mation on, 66-69.
in twentieth century,
379-391.

gainful, problem of in-
crease in, among
women, 1, 2.

in boot and shoe industry,
statistics of, 155-159,
176-180.

in cigarmaking, statistics
of, 192, 193, 194-196,
203-205.

in clothing industry, statis-
tics of, 219, 220, 231-
235, 244.

in cotton industry, statis-
tics of, 88-91, 100-107.
inadequacy of, 100.

in cotton mills, statistics
of, 121-123.

in manufacturing indus-
tries, statistics of, 81-
85.

in printing, statistics of,
247-249, 258-260.

in spinning, statistics of,
98.

in straw-hat industry, sta-
tistics of, 73.

in weaving, statistics of, 97.

in women's clothing indus-
try, statistics of, 241-
243.

of married women, 210,
211.

of women in America, his-

403

INDEX

tory and statistics of,
inquiry into, 6-8.

Employment, statistics of, 3-5.
census availability of,
352-362.

Employments, unusual, in the
colonial period, 16, 17.

England, industrial revolu-
tion in, 35, 36.
industrial situation in, com-
pared with that in
America, 36, 49.

English immigrants, 95, 221.

Establishment of factory sys-
tem, 169.

Factories and mills, early,

wages in, 267.
Factory conditions, 209, 210.
in early cotton mills, 125,
126.
Factory legislation, 146.
Factory system, domestica-
tion of, 63.
establishment of, 48-62,

169.
in its employment of wom-
en's labor, a great eco-
nomic gain, 50, 53.
productivity of women's la-
bor in, 53, 54, 55, 56.
transition from domestic
system to, 35-47.
Fall River, 94, 127.
"Family System," 61, 121,

135, 221-223.
Farley, Harriet, 134.
Farm work, 12, 13.
Field of employment, com-
parison between that
of to-day and that
of first half of nine-
teenth century, 79-81.
early, 63-86.

supposed inaccessibility

of information on, 64.
useful sources of informa-
tion on, 66-69.

Field of employment in twen-
tieth century, 379-391.
Fishkill, 89.
" Flare-ups," 131, 145.
FJying shuttle, 45, 92.
Foley, Margaret, 134.
Free Traders, 53.
French immigrants, 100.
French-Canadian immigrants,

143. 144.
"Friends of Industry," 51,
53, 54.
convention of, 54.

Gallatin, 53, 54, 56, 88.
" Garret bosses," 163.
German cigarmakers, 210.
German immigrants, 194.
Germans, 221, 222.

Hamilton, economic ideals of,
50.

Hat industry. See Straw Hat
Industry.

Health, 209, 210.

of mill operatives, 124, 125.

Home work, 71, 74, 75, 162,
236-238. See also
Household Industries,
in cigarmaking, 197-202.

Hours of labor in early cotton
mills, 126-128.

Household industries, 17-20,
23-29, 190. See also
Home Work.

Hull, John, 20, 21.

Hygienic conditions of cor-
poration boarding
houses, 128, 129.

Immigrant workers, 193, 194,
221. See also names of
different nationalities.
Immigrants, 110, 123, 184, 185.
Armenian, 109.
Canadian, 109.
French, 109.
French-Canadian, 143, 144.

404

INDEX

Immigrants, German, 194.
Irish. 109, 143, 144, 221.
Polish, 109.
Portuguese, 109.
Immigration, 108.
Irish, 137.

restriction of women's work
by, 146, 147, 229-231.
"Improvement circle," 118.
Indenture, 30.

Industrial condition, general,
of early mill opera-
tives, 129-135.
Industrial revolution, 35, 36.
Industries, household, 190.
range of. See Field of Em-
ployment, Early,
relative wages of men and
women in, 296.
Intellectual interests of early
mill operatives, 1 16—
119.
Inventions, mechanical. See
Machinery and also
particular inventions,
i. e., Power Looms.
Irish immigrants, 109, 138,

139, 143, 144, 221.
Irish immigration, 137.

Jealousy of men workers to-
ward women workers
in printing, 250.

"Kirk Boott's reign," 115.

Labor, in early cotton mills,
hours of, 126-128.
women's, and public opin-
ion, 1, 2, 6, 32-34, 56-
58, 61, 62.

employment of, in fac-
tory system a great
economic gain, 50, 53.

productivity of, in fac-
tory system, 53-56.

scarcity of, 298, 299.

Labor organizations, 146, 170,
206-208, 255, 257, 258.
hostility of, toward women
in printing, 250-254.

Lancaster, 89, 93, 268.

rules and regulations of
Poignaud and Plant
boarding house at, 374,
375.

Land allotments, 11, 12.

Larcom, Emeline, 134.

Lucy, 109, 110, 111, 114,
120, 129, 131, 134, 156.

Lawrence Corporation, 122.

Laws, Province, 22, 30, 33,
328, 332, 334.

Legislation, factory, 146.

Leicester, 46.

Linotype, 256.

Loom, automatic, 96, 97.
power, 45, 93, 94, 95, 96.

Lowell, 90, 91, 94, 279, 283.
"City of Spindles," 109-
147.

Lowell Manufacturing Com-
pany, rules and regu-
lations of, 375-377.

Lowell mills, 285-287.

Lowell Offering, 109, 118, 134,
136.

Lucas, Eliza, 11.

Lynn, 150, 152, 155, 164, 165,
169.

Machinery, effect of, on boot

and shoe industry, 148,

149, 152, 153, 163-

169.

on clothing industry, 226,

227.
on printing, 256, 257.
invention of, 35, 36, 63.
Manchester, 113.
" Manufactories," 37-43.
Manufacture, early, agricul-
ture more profitable
for men than, 48, 51.
Manufacturing industries,

405

INDEX

Median wage.

statistics of employ-
ment in, 81-85.
Married women, employment

of, 210, 211.
Martineau, Harriet, 134.

misstatement of, regard-
ing early employment,
65.
McKay machine, 168, 169,
173, 174.

See under
Wage, Median.
Men and women, differences in
efficiency between, 212.
Men's clothing industry, 216-

240.
Men's furnishing goods, 235,

236.
Merrimack corporation, 94,

113, 115, 119, 141.
Merrimack Mills, 279, 280.
Metcalf, Betsey, 71.
Mill operatives, changes in
character of, 110, 137—
147.
causes of, 137-147.
early, conditions of life and
work among, 109-147.
educational advantages

of, 116-121.
general industrial condi-
tions of, 129-135.
intellectual interests of,

116-119.
women of character and
ability among, 111.
health of, 124, 125.
old order of, passing away,
136, 137.
Mill work, early, social as-
pects of, 109-147.
Mills, Lowell, 285-287.
Merrimack, 279, 280.
Waltham, 268, 277.
Mills and factories, early,

wages in, 267.
Mitchell tables on wages,
294-298, 301-304.

MofTatt, Olive, 28.
Molineux, William, 22.
Montgomery, James, on rate

of wages, 283, 284.
.Mule spinning, 91, 92, 98.

National Typographical
Union, 252^ 253.

New Market, 89.

New York Society for the
Promotion of Arts,
Agriculture and Econ-
omy, 37.

Nineteenth Century, scarcity
of women workers in
early part of, 76, 77.

Occupations, list of, in
twelfth census, 379-
391.
range of. See Field of Em-
ployment, Early.

Old order of mill operatives,
passing away of, 136,
137.

Orcutt, Theodora, 25-27.

Organizations, labor, 146.

Packing in cigarmaking, 188,
189.

Paternalism, corporation, 114,
115, 116.

Philadelphia, 247.

Poignaud and Plant board-
ing house at Lancaster,
rules and regulations
of, 374, 375.

Poignaud and Plant factory,
89, 93, 281.

Polish immigrants, 109.

Poor Law, 329-331.

Portuguese immigrants, 109.

Power loom, 45, 93, 94, 95, 96.

Printing, 17, 86, 246-261.
effect of machinery on, 256,

257.
hostility of labor organiza-

406

INDEX

tions toward women in,
250-254.
Printing, jealousy of men
workers toward women
workers in, 250.
median wage in, 310.
relative wages of men and

women in, 248, 249.
statistics of employment in,

247-249, 258-260.
wages in, 255.
Productivity of women's labor
in factory system, 53,
54, 55, 56.
Professions, 1, 2, 8, 9.
Protectionists, early, 51, 52,

53.
Providence, 45.
Province Laws, 22, 30, 33,

328, 332, 334.
Public opinion and tbe work-
ing woman, 317-323.
and women's work, 1, 2, 6,
32-34, 56-58, 62.

Questions, general, of women
in industry, 1-9.

Rate of wages, James Mont-
gomery on, 283, 284.

Relative wages of men and
women in cigarmaking,
192, 193.

Resolutions. See Strike Reso-
lutions.

Restriction of women's work
by immigration, 146,
147.

Rules and regulations, cor-
poration, early, 374-
378.
of Lowell manufacturing

company, 375-377.
of Poignaud and Plant
Boarding House at
Lancaster, 374, 375.

Russian Jews, 229, 230.

Salem, 11. 12.

Scarcity of women workers,
143.
in early part of nineteenth
century, 7(i. 77.
Scarcity of women's labor,

298, 299.
School dames, wages of, 266,

267.
Schools, " Dames'," 15, 16.
spinning, 20-22, 22-23, 329,
333, 334.
Scotch immigrants, 221.
Sewing machine, 220, 221.
Sewing trades, 86. See also

Clothing Industry.
Shepard, Susannah. 27.
Shirt making, 236, 237.

wages in, 237, 239.
Shoe industry. See also Boot
and Shoe Industry,
wages in, 169, 170, 173,
174.
relative, of men and
women, 157, 158.
Shop-keeping, 14, 15.
'" Singer patent," 164.
" Slashers," 99.
Slater, Samuel, 36, 43, 44.
Social aspects of boot and
shoe industry, 160-163.
of early mill work, 109-147.
Speculation, 15.
Spinning, 91.
statistics of employment in,

98.
wages in, 275, 276.
Spinning and weaving, 18-32,

37-43.
Spinning frames, 91, 98.
Spinning schools, 20-22, 22-

23, 329, 333, 334.
Statistics of employment,
3-5.
census, availability of, 352-

362.
in boot and shoe industry,
155-159, 176-180.

407

INDEX

Statistics of employment in
cigarmaking, 192, 193,
194-196, 203-205.
in clothing industry, 219,

220, 231-235, 244.
in cotton industry, 88-91,
100-107.
inadequacy of, 100.
in cotton mills, 121-123.
in manufacturing indus-
tries, 81-85.
in printing, 247-249, 258-

260.
in spinning, 98.
in straw hat industry, 73.
in weaving, 97.
in women's clothing indus-
try, 241-243.
Stores, company, 272, 273.
Straw hat industry, early
stages of, 71-75.
statistics of employment in,
73.
Strike Resolutions, 171, 172.
Strikes, 131, 145, 146, 170-
172, 206, 207, 271,
272.
" Stripping " in cigarmaking,

187.
Sweating system. See Home
Work.

Tariff, 78, 79, 219.

Tariff controversy, 52, 53.

Tavern keeping, 13, 14.

Teaching, 110-113, 140, 141.

" Team work " in cigarmak-
ing, 199.

Tenement house industries.
See Home Work.

Trade schools, 73. See also
Spinning Schools.

Trade-Unionism. See Labor
Organizations.

Transition from domestic to
factory system, 35-47.

Truck system, 162, 272, 273.

Trusts, 205.

"Turn-outs," 131, 145.

Twelfth census, list of occu-
pations in, 379-391.

Twentieth century, field of
employment in, 379-391.

Typographical Society of Phil-
adelphia, 251.

United Company of Philadel-
phia for Promoting
American Manufac-
tures, 38.

Wage, median, 291-293, 305-
311, 312, 313.
in boot and shoe indus-
try, 307.
in cigarmaking, 308.
in clothing industry, 309.
in New England cotton

mills, 305.
in printing, 310.
Wages, 262-316. See also
Truck System and
Earnings.
Aldrich Report tables on,

288-294, 365-373.
Dewey Report tables on,

305-311.
in carding, 274, 275.
in cigarmaking, 187, 188,

189.
in clothing industry, 224,

225, 228.
in domestic service, 263-

266.
in " dressing," 277.
in early mills and factories,

267.
in printing, 255.
in shirt making, 237-239.
in shoe industry, 169, 170,

173, 174.
in spinning, 275, 276.
in Waltham cotton mills,
363, 364.

408

INDEX

Wages in weaving, 276, 277.
Mitchell tables on, 294-298,

301-304.
of school dames, 2G6, 207.
quartile, 312.
rate of, James Montgomery

on, 283, 284.
relative, of men and women,
302.
in cigarmaking, 192,

193.
in cotton industry, 304,

363-373.
in printing, 248, 249.
in shoe industry, 157,

158.
in various industries,
296.
Webb theory of, 313, 315.
Walker, Amasa, 78.
Waltham, 89, 92, 93, 95, 113,

135, 136.
Waltham cotton mills, wage

tables of, 363, 364.
Waltham mills, 268, 278.
Washington, George, 39, 40.
Weaving, 46, 47, 92-97.
statistics of employment in,

97.
wages in, 276, 277.
Weaving and spinning, 18-32,

37-43.
Webb theory of wages, 313,

315.
Whittier, 132.

Women, in America, history
and statistics of em-
ployment of, inquiry
into, 6-8.

Women in cotton mills, con-
jugal condition of, 122,
123.
in industry, general ques-
tions of, 1-9.
of character and ability
among early mill oper-
atives. 111.'
problem of increase in gain-
ful employment among,
1, 2.
Women operatives in cotton
mills, reason for dis-
placement of, 107, 108.
Women workers, jealousy of
men workers toward,
in printing, 250.
scarcity of, 143.

in early part of nine-
teenth century, 76, 77.
Women's clothing industry,
240-243.
statistics of employment in,
241-243.
Women's labor, employment
of, in factory system,
a great economic gain,
50, 53.
productivity of, in factory

system, 53-56.
scarcity of, 298, 299.
Women's work, and public
opinion, 1, 2, 6, 32-34,
56-58, 62.
restriction of, by immigra-
tion, 146, 147, 229-
231.
Working women and public
opinion, 317-323.

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1913

Abbott, Edith

Women in industry

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Full text of "Women in industry; a study in American economic history. With an introductory note by Sophonisba P. Breckinridge"

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