THE WOMEN OF THE SOUTH
IN WAR TIMES
-C-G^3 £
Hr- i
THE WOMEN OF THE SOUTH
IN WAR TIMES
COMPILED BY
MATTHEW PAGE ANDREWS
Editor: The Dixie Book o/Doy*,
Echoes from Dixie, or Old-time Southern
Song*, etc.
Second Printing
to,
BALTIMORE
THE NORMAN, REMINGTON CO.
1920
;<>
COPYRIGHT, 1920, BY
THE NORMAN, REMINGTON CO.
P ?
Published under the auspices of the
United Daughters of the Confederacy
COMMITTEE ON PUBLICATION
MRS. ROY W. MCKINNEY
Pres.-Gen. U. D. C.
Kentucky
MRS. CHARLES R. HYDE
Tennessee
Miss MARY 8. POPPBNHBIM
South Carolina
MRS. J. A. ROUNTREE
Alabama
PREFACE
A S a contribution to American history, the
following pages depict the life of the
Southern people within the lines of the Con-
federacy during the four years of its storm-
tossed existence.
The greater part of the material is given
in the words of those who were a part of the
times in which they lived ; but for the benefit
of others who would now, or in days to come,
have a clearer understanding of local hap-
penings, editorial notes are added. These
notes bear upon related events of larger his-
torical import, and it should be stated that
it is now being more and more generally rec-
ognized that the true history of any land or
its leaders cannot properly be presented
without entering into the life of the people
that make the one and create the other.
Too much of the experience of any in-
dividual or any group of individuals is apt
to weary the reader; similarly, a series of
disconnected incidents becomes both tiresome
and confusing. Hence, out of hundreds of
[v]
Preface
incidents of romance, adventure, and devo-
tion, comparatively few have been chosen. It
is not pretended that these are any better
than a great many which are not included,
but it is believed that the stories selected are
representative and that they serve to illus-
trate the history of the women of the South
during war times.
The compilation of this material into a
volume that should be brief, as far as printed
matter is concerned, yet comprehensive, in so
far as it may be a reflection of the thought,
feelings, and achievements of an heroic
people, is the outcome of a suggestion by a
distinguished soldier of the Union armies,
Charles Francis Adams, a liberal-minded
American of the best type and the lineal
descendant of two Presidents. Mr. Adams
stated that all of us need to know the story
of the Southern people, their true aims and
purposes, — that no good American would
condemn the publication of these truths of
history if presented without malice or ill in-
tent. On the one hand, it would broaden the
Northerner by instilling respect for and
sympathy with the sufferings of the South,
[vi]
Preface
On the other hand, it would help to heal the
wounds of the South, which much neglect,
considerable partisan history, with accom-
panying distortion of motives, have kept
open far too long.
North, East, West, or South, we are all
Americans, and no section can or should as-
sert it ever had, has, or may expect to have a
monopoly of the virtues of American citizen-
ship! It would seem clear, therefore, that
any American who should object to the pres-
entation of these simple narratives herein
disclosed, wittingly or unwittingly, lends him-
self to keeping alive the harmful spirit of
sectionalism; or else he is one who feels a
wholly unwarranted distrust of fellow- Amer-
icans who have shown themselves to be the
peers of any people in physical prowess,
mental calibre, and moral worth. The North
needs the South; the East needs the West,
and vice versa. Each section should rejoice
in the special merits of the others. Above
everything else, however, we all need to un-
derstand and know each other, in order the
better to work in harmony with each other
for the good of a common cause and country,
[vii]
CONTENTS
PAGE
I. FOKEWORD 3
Economic and political causes of sectional
strife — the balance of power — character of the
Southern people — universality of the doctrines
of nullification and secession — causes of seces-
sion— elimination of historical error.
II. GENIUS OF THE SOUTHERN WOMAN. ... 19
Necessity the mother of invention — courage
and cheer in the midst of hardship — salt as
contraband of war — under two nags — com-
parative war sacrifices.
IIL WARTIME EXPERIENCES OF ELIZABETH
WARING DUCKETT; INTERVIEWS WITH
LINCOLN AND ENCOUNTERS WITH
STANTON 31
Sentiment in Maryland in 1861 — arrest and
trial of Mrs. Duckett's father and brother —
first interview with President Lincoln — en-
counter with Secretary Stanton — saves her
brother's life — visit to Northern hospital —
visit to Fort Delaware — hardships of the pris-
oners there — a trip South — second visit to
President Lincoln — the Upper South on seces-
sion and coercion — cause of firing on Fort
Sumter — anecdote of Dr. Stuart — treatment of
prisoners of war — character of Secretary
Stanton.
IV. THE PUBLICATION AND SINGING OF "MY
MARYLAND" 66
"My Maryland" adapted to music — sung by
[ix]
Contents
PAGE
Miss Jennie Cary on the battlefield of Ma-
nassas.
V. EXCERPTS FROM THE DIARY OP JUDITH
BROCKENBROUGH McGUIRE 71
"The Land Where We Were Dreaming" —
preparations for war — "peaceful secession" —
fleeing from home — the first clash in Virginia
— refugeeing in Clarke County— the "elite"
in the ranks — comparison with the "spirit of
76" — "The Lord have mercy upon their souls!
Fire!" — an incident of the hospital — picture
of a Virginia household.
VI. CARING FOR WOUNDED FOES 105
Between two fires — prayer of "Uncle Bob" —
"Medical Grove" threatened and saved — con-
nection between the past and the present.
VII. MRS. BETSY SULLIVAN, " MOTHER OF
THE FIRST TENNESSEE REGIMENT" . . . 112
Life in campaign and camp — caring for the
wounded — voluntary surrender.
VIII. CAPTURE AND IMPRISONMENT OF MRS.
WILLIAM KIRBY 116
Smuggling supplies — military trial and sen-
tence— hardships and death.
IX. MRS. BETTY TAYLOR PHILIPS,
"MOTHER" OF THE "ORPHAN BRI-
GADE" 120
"The Bivouac of the Dead" — at Shiloh and
Donelson — trial and acquittal as spy — with
President and Mrs. Davis.
[x]
Contents
PAGI
X. CAPTAIN SALLY TOMPKINS, C.S.A 127
Equips private hospital — receives rank of Cap-
tain— "So might Joan of Arc have passed."
XI. THE FLOBENCE NIGHTINGALE OF THE
SOUTH 131
Mrs. Trader consecrates herself to the relief of
the wounded — lack of funds and medicines —
Tishomingo hospital — caring for a wounded
foe — a trip to Arkansas — hardships of the
journey— home at last.
XII. A NIGHT ON THE FIELD OF BATTLE . . 145
Saving the life of a wounded Confederate
soldier — "Woman's Devotion."
XIII. THE BIDE OF BOBEBTA POLLOCK .... 148
Pennsylvania ancestry of Miss Pollock — es-
cape through the lines— capture by a picket—-
the warning carried to Mosby's men.
XIV. THE DIABY OF MBS. JUDITH BBOCKEN-
BBOUGH McGUiRE (continued) 155
Federal and Confederate prayers "clashing" —
a heroine in homespun — "Nobody is like my
mother" — the first iron-clad in war — in Lynch-
burg — anecdote of General Stuart — negroes
complain of "Yankee" work — in Ashland —
war prices, 1862 — nursing without medicines —
homemade soap, gooseberry wine, and hats
— burning of the Stuart house— death of
"Stonewall" Jackson — anecdote of General
Lee — Mrs. Thornton entertains General Sigel
— experiences at Fredericksburg — a govern-
ment position in Richmond— black and white
theology — family servants and honorary titles.
[xi]
Rescue of family portraits — protest of Mrs.
Bedinger — an incident of the John I
Contents
PAGE
XV. A LAST SONG IN A BURNING HOME .... 196
Hunter's invasion of the Valley of Virginia
— burning of "Fountain Rock."
XVI. A WOMAN'S REBUKE — AND AN AMER-
ICAN CLASSIC 200
Burning of "Bedford"— -letter from Mrs. Hen-
rietta B. Lee to General Hunterrf
XVII. "GLEN WELBY" SAVED 205
Attempt to smoke Mosby out — determination
of Mrs. Scott — reply of Sophie Carter.
XVIII. "GOTT iss BLAYED OUDT" 207
f Mrs.
Brown
raid.
XIX. " CAPTURE " OF A VIRGINIA LADY... 211
Searching a Virginia home — discovering a
"ladies' convention" — a pantry saved — gal-
lantry of a Federal officer — a Southern wom-
an's apology — moral courage of Lieutenant
Page of Pennsylvania — testimony as to "True
Story of Andersonville Prison."
XX IN THE CAROLINAS 221
Timrod's "Carolina" — correspondence between
Generals Halleck and Sherman — two ways of
waging war — incidents of the invasion of
North Carolina — sufferings of the Murchisons
— courage of Mrs. Monroe.
XXI. DESPOLIATION AND PROTECTION 230
Aftermath of the battle of Bentonsville —
magnanimity of General Cox — camouflage
against raiders — skill in hiding food and valu-
[xii]
Contents
PACT
ables — an unexpectedly strenuous Federal pro-
tector— executive ability of Mrs. Pearsall.
XXII. REMINISCENCES OF MBS. C. C. POP-
PEltfHEIM 246
Flight from home — protection for "Liberty
Hill" — Federal raiders — "oil, feathers, and
molasses" — sorghum and black bread.
XXIII. BUENING OF COLUMBIA 257
Viewpoint of a foreigner — plans for burning
Columbia — fortitude of the women — negroes
misled and mistreated — a Federal soldier's
harangue — a gallant Federal officer — inter-
view with General Sherman — guarded by Irish
soldiers.
XXIV. THE BIDE OF EMMA SANSOM 278
Arrival of General Forrest — pointing out the
ford — capture of Streight and his command.
XXV. CAUGHT BETWEEN CONTENDING
ARMIES 284
Nursing friend and foe — Federal re-payment.
XXVI. NABBATIVE OF AN EABLY GBADUATE
OF THE FIBST COLLEGE FOB WOMEN . . 286
Wesleyan College — Mount Vernon and Arling-
ton— misconceptions of the South — setting
up the "Stars and Bars" — the Ladies' Gun-
boat Association — Federal raiders — taking the
last horse.
XXVII. IN SHEBMAN'S SWATH TO THE SEA 303
The people of Atlanta driven out into the
fields — the spirit of Dixie — facing starvation
— an adventure in the face of fortune — a,
[xiii]
Contents
PAGE
night in a negro cabin — gathering minie balls
on the battlefield — causes of desolation — wish-
ing themselves back in slavery — refusal of a
"free gift."
' XXVIII. THE ST. LOUIS PRISON FOB SOUTH-
ERN WOMEN 336
Imprisonment of Lewis McLure — banishment
from home — entertainment in the South.
XXTX. ACTION AND REACTION 344
A brothers' war — "Butler and his kind" —
bombardment of Baton Rouge — women and
•children under fire.
XXX. WAR TIMES IN NEW ORLEANS 353
Lincoln vs. the Abolitionists — Robert E. Lee
on emancipation — a young girl's philosophy —
chivalry of Colonel Clarke, U. S. A. — racial
characteristics — negroes under the new order.
XXXI. FINAL EXCERPTS FROM THE DIARY
OF MRS. McGUIRE 372
Occupations of the women — an incident of the
poorer people — raids around Richmond — death
of General Stuart — fate of the negroes — kind-
ness of Northern officers — General Lee's order
of invasion — a night of terror in lower Vir-
ginia— a wife's devotion — the hiring of skillets
-—starvation rations for the soldiers — its rela-
tion to the prison problem — surrender of Rich-
mond— "The old order changeth, yielding place
to new."
A A A II. REPRESENTATIVE WOMEN OF THE
LONE STAR STATE 413
The attitude of Texas — sending supplies to
distant armies — the life and work of Mrs.
[xiv]
Contents
PACK
Lucretia Hadley — recollections of Mrs. Cor-
nelia Branch Stone — the foot and horse ma-
rines of Texas — the defense of Sabine Pass —
sewing by hand.
XXXIII. MRS. ALGERNON SYDNEY SULLI-
VAN AND HER WAR EXPERIENCES IN
NEW YORK CITY 428
Trial of the "pirates" — caring for Confederate
prisoners — visit to John Yates Beall — the
draft riots — Mrs. Sullivan visits Virginia —
rescue of the wheat crop— relief work.
XXXIV. RELIEF WORK IN THE WORLD WAR 449
A comparison — early action of the United
Daughters of the Confederacy at Chattanooga
— endowment of hospital beds in France —
letters from Mrs. Robert Bacon and Mr. Rich-
ard E. Power — general relief work — sale of '<••,,
Liberty Bonds— establishment of "Our Hero >
Fund."
INDEX 459
[xv]
ILLUSTRATIONS
First White House of the Confederacy
Frontispiece
FACING
PAGE
The White House at Richmond 65
Robert Edward Lee 128
Sarah Dabney Eggleston 320
[xvii]
Man is so constituted — the immutable laws
of our being are such — that to stifle the
sentiment and extinguish the hallowed memo-
ries of a people is to destroy their man-
hood. — JOHN B. GORDON.
We had, I was satisfied, sacred principles
to maintain and rights to defend for which
we were in duty bound to do our best, even
if we perished in the endeavor.
— EGBERT E. LEE.
We must forevennore consecrate in our
hearts our old battle flag of the Southern
Cross — not now as a political symbol, but as
the consecrated emblem of an heroic epoch.
The people that forgets its heroic dead is
already dying at the heart, and we believe
we shall be truer and better citizens of the
United States if we are true to our past.
— RANDOLPH H. McKiM.
THE WOMEN OF THE SOUTH
IN WAR TIMES
FOREWORD
COUTHERN women have, in their own land,
7* suffered from a well-intended but some-
what doubt-provoking abundance of per-
fervid eloquence heaped upon them by a cer-
tain type of orator much given to flowery
speech! Nevertheless, it may truly be said
of the Southern women of 1861-1865 that the
simple narrative of their life and work un-
folds a record of achievement, endurance,
and self-sacrificing devotion that should be
revealed and recognized as a splendid in-
spiration to men and women everywhere.
Popular opinion as to the life and sacrifices
of these American women has been more or
less prejudiced, however, by reason of a wide-
spread misunderstanding of
A Popular ^Q issues involved in the sec-
Misapprehen- ,. , a. , . ,
sion tional conflict, a misapprehen-
sion which must be removed if
we are to appreciate the true worth and ser-
vice of these women. All too frequently the
Southern people of the "old regime " have
[3]
The Women of the South in War Times
been pictured as engaged primarily in a pro-
tracted struggle for the maintainance of
negro slavery, on account of which their lead-
ers provoked a bloody war ! Whereas, even a
cursory review of the correspondence of
Southern men and women prior to the out-
break of the War of Secession makes it quite
evident that the idea of fighting on behalf of
slavery was as far from the minds of these
Americans as going to war in order to free
the slaves was from the purpose of Abraham
Lincoln, whose sole object, frequently ex-
pressed by him, was to "preserve the Union, "
an objective sufficiently worthy without cor-
relating with it the somewhat Pharisaical
error that the war was waged as a moral cru-
sade for the liberation of the slave. Indeed,
Lincoln emphatically declared that, as Pres-
ident, he was contending for the preservation
of the Union "with or without slavery " and
that, if desirable or necessary, he favored ab-
solute guarantees for the perpetuation of the
institution, precisely as provided for in a
proposed Amendment to the Constitution
passed by Congress in 1861, reference to
which is made below.
[4]
Foreword
In this connection it is interesting to recall
the little-known fact that the first emancipa-
tion proclamation issued in America was pro-
mulgated in 1775 by Lord
The First Dunmore, the Royal Governor
famSrcT" of Virginia. This proclamation
Emancipation placed Patrick Henry, John
Marshall, and George Wash-
ington in the apparent position of fighting
for slavery; since, had the British won, the
slaves would have been freed. In that event,
it is conceivable that it might have been sub-
sequently represented, in British history,
that the abolition of slavery, an incidental
outcome of a war waged on other grounds,
was the principal matter of contention be-
tween the Colonies and the Mother Country !
In our histories of the sectional conflict, it
is but rarely mentioned that a considerable
number of Northern emancipationists went
to live in the South and that they worked in
complete sympathy with their fellow-eman-
cipationists in that section. When the war
broke out, these Northern emancipationists
battled as whole-heartedly on behalf of the
Confederacy as Lincoln and Farragut and
[5]
The Women of the South in War Times
Thomas, with thousands of other Southern-
born men, labored or fought on the other side
"to preserve the Union."
Faithful history must lay proper emphasis
upon a long sectional struggle for political
power, having its origin in opposing economic
policies, — a struggle between
The True Cause an agricultural people in the
of the Sectional gouth seeking free trade with
Conflict— the ,, , , ° , . ,
Balance of ^ne world, and a commercial
Political Power and manufacturing people in
the North who sought, and ob-
tained, high protective tariffs, under which
the North was able to buy cheaply the raw
material of the South, while the South was
compelled to pay high prices for the manu-
factured articles produced in the North. This
actually imposed upon the South a burden of
taxation far in excess of any even proposed
by the British government for the colonies
prior to the American Revolution.
On the other hand, the tremendous political
and economic issues at stake were obscured
by the problem of domestic slavery; for the
presence or the absence of slave labor helped
to maintain differences of political and eco-
[6]
Foreword
nomic interests. These differences resulted
in a continuous struggle to preserve the " bal-
ance of power," — in the Senate, at least, —
through the simultaneous admission from
North and South of new States into the
Union.*
It was with keen foresight that Thomas
Jefferson, the greatest of the early eman-
cipationists, predicted that the "moral issue"
of slavery would be put to good
Prediction use -fry partisans in order to
of Thomas . „ , . ,
Jefferson inflame party and sectional
passions and thereby secure
political and personal returns for them-
selves. The question of slavery did confuse
contemporary politics as Jefferson predicted
it would; and, ever since, it has, in even
greater measure, distorted the sense of per-
spective and proportion in the interpreta-
tion of American history.f
* Careful historians seek to avoid the once prevalent use
of the terms "free" and "slave" States. Not only is the
terminology subject to criticism on grammatical grounds,
but it helps to convey a wholly false impression relative
to the political and economic differences which resulted in
constant friction and final conflict.
fFrom 1830 to the close of the war, a number of books
published in the North by Northerners fairly and fully
[7]
The Women of the South in War Times
Under the emancipation proclamation of
1775, as under that of 1863, the women of the
threatened section, in the absence of their
natural protectors, faced the terrifying pos-
sibilities of a servile insurrection. Both
proclamations were professedly "war meas-
ures, " issued, in the first instance, several
weeks, and, in the other, nearly two years
after a state of war had begun. Had either
proclamation aroused the slaves in the rear
of the "rebel" forces, the result must have
put an immediate end to armed resistance.*
That there was no rising of the slaves in
either case, or the desire to rise in revolt, is
discussed these problems. Two of the most interesting and
instructive of these volumes are: "The Origin of the Late
War," by George Lunt, of Boston; and "Southern Wealth
and Northern Profits," by T. P. Kettel, of New York. In
a personal, letter, under date of November 25, 1913, the
distinguished scientist, Dr. Charles P. Steinmetz, from the
point of view of the latter day European observer, makes
the statement: "I wish to add that I consider the Civil
War as an economic war, just as most wars, and as the
result of the protective tariff, which was a necessity at that
time, for the North, and thus unavoidable." The famous
Frenchman, Alexis de Tocqueville, noted this clash of in-
terests in the second quarter of the nineteenth century, as
did the English writer, James Spence, some years later.
*In the Declaration of Independence, one of the com-
plaints made against George III reads: "He has excited
domestic insurrections against us."
[8]
Foreword
in itself a refutation of the pre-war accusa-
tions of barbarity heaped upon the Southern
people by thousands of intern-
Character of perate speakers and writers,
the Southern £., , . /, . , £ .,
People That, in the midst of war, there
were almost no instances of
arson, murder, or outrage committed by the
negroes of the South is an everlasting tribute
to the splendid character of the dominant race
and their moral uplift of a weaker one. This
is the negative side. On the positive side,
faithful history records the almost universal
respect and general affection manifested by
the tutored race for their tutors. It should
be remembered that these African negroes
had been brought to America wholly, or
almost wholly, by shippers of European or
of Northern origin, against the protests of
all the Southern colonies and States at one
time or another. It should be remembered
further that when these negroes were landed
on American shores, almost all were savages
taken from the lowest forms of jungle life. It
was largely the women of the South who
trained these heathen people, moulded their
characters, and, in the second and third gen-
[9]
The Women of the South in War Times
orations, lifted them up a thousand years in.
the scale of civilization.*
It is apparent that in war, and especially a
war of invasion, woman 's part is the harder
portion. What man physically endures in
the shock of battle is endured
Woman's Part m£my f ^ ^ ^ mindg and
thoughts of the women left at
home. The compensatory exhilaration of con-
flict is not vouchsafed to woman. In the
wounds and death of loved ones, she suffers
agonies that the soldier knows but indirectly.
*Because of their intemperate and incessant denuncia-
tions, the extreme Abolitionists not unnaturally aroused
a spirit of bitter resentment in the South, out of which
"fire-eaters" in that section, like their
., counterparts in the North, made po-
Abraham ntical capitai. TnU8 were the promis-
L,mcoln vs. j efforts of the Southern emancipa-
the Radical tionists hindered and held up. George
Abolitionists w Bagby, of Virginia, expressed the
more moderate view of Southern re-
sentment of this incessant abuse when he said, in effect:
"This cuff button upon my sleeve is valueless ; I would give
it to you for the asking; but if you attempt to take it
away from me by force, and spit in my face besides, why, I
will defend this cuff button with my life!" In the North,
Bishop Hopkins, of Vermont, wrote with great truth, and
not without a sense of humor. . . . '"Then the eloquent
preacher chooses it [slavery] for the favorite topic of his
oratory. The theme is well adapted to rouse the feelings,
and it is usually by no means difficult to interest and
gratify the audience when the supposed sins of others, which
[10]
Foreword
The soldiers of the Confederacy were half-
fed and half -clothed ; and they suffered long-
continued privations that were not equaled
by Washington's men at Valley Forge. Yet,
though even the great commander of the
Army of Northern Virginia was compelled,
on some occasions, to " borrow " corn from
his horse, many of the women of Georgia and
the Carolinas supported life on the scattered
grains which they were able to sweep up from
the abandoned feeding places left in the deso-
they are under no temptation to commit, are made the
object of censure."
Abraham Lincoln more forcefully represented the irre-
parable harm done by the ultra-Abolitionist to the cause
of emancipation, when, in a eulogy of Henry Clay, July 16,
1852, he passionately declared: "Those who would shiver
into fragments the Union of these States, tear to tatters
its now venerated Constitution, and even burn the last copy
of the Bible, rather than slavery should continue a single
hour, together with all their more halting sympathizers,
have received, and are receiving their just execration." On
account of these views, Lincoln was denounced by these
ultra-Abolitionist leaders as "the slave-hound of Illinois."
Many of the extreme Abolitionists were the most enthu-
siastic disunionists. For example, F. B. Sanborn, in writ-
ing to his associate and friend, Thomas Wentworth Higgin-
son, wrote approvingly of John Brown: "I believe that he
is the best Disunion champion you can find, and with his
hundred men, when he is put where he can raise them and
drill them, (for he has an expert drill officer with him)
he will do more to split the Union than a list of 50,000
namea for your convention, good as that is."
The Women of the South in War Times
late track of Sherman 's cavalry. Unless these
things be known, the world cannot possibly
understand the ardor of devotion and con-
tinued self-sacrifice by and through which
Southern women have sought to memorialize
an era of political thought together with a
social order, which was an inheritance of
colonial days, but which had, it is said, "ling-
ered overlong upon the advent of an all-en-
veloping, ever-changing era of modern eco-
nomic progress." During that elder era,
Southern men had led in providing for the
territorial expansion of the Federal Eepublic
their fathers had so abundantly helped to
create. Then, by an unexpected turn of
events, and by reason of the amazingly rapid
processes of evolution from which the South-
ern people were held back by the very struc-
ture of their social order, they were ulti-
mately crushed by the government that was.
so largely of their own creation !
In regard, however, to the principles once
involved in nullification and secession, the
women of the South have always repudiated,,
as wholly unjust, the teaching in a number of
textbooks and histories that the logic of the
[12]
Foreword
ante-bellum South was " absurd " or ^ridicu-
lous/' unless the previously expressed and
entirely similar views of rep-
The Universality resentative people of the North
2 NuiSr be set forth as e2««% <<ab-
and Secession surd " or " ridiculous. ' ' The
" whole truth" reveals the fact
that a number of the Founders of the Repub-
lic enunciated the doctrine of " State inter-
position" or nullification, at least in effect,
and that, prior to the war which also settled
the issue of secession, all the Northern
States practiced nullification with a degree of
success most astonishing to those who have
learned only the half truths of history.*
Again, if the South attempted secession,
the North first announced and most contin-
uously proclaimed the "alleged right" of
secession. That was when it seemed to Neiv
England statesmen that their section was in
political jeopardy on account of the expan-
*The legislatures of a number of the Northern States
openly proclaimed the nullification of at least part of
Article IV of the Constitution of the United States. In-
stances of practical nullification on various issues may
readily be cited, even during the administration of Andrew-
Jackson, notably in the action of Georgia, Maine, and
Massachusetts.
[131
The Women of the South in War Times
sion of the South and West under Southern
leadership. Had the North put its threats
into actual execution when it believed its
political power was imperilled, the Northern
people would have actively asserted the prin-
ciple of secession as a " State right. " South-
ern men, who were then in control of the Fed-
eral Government, might have used Federal
power to force "rebel" Northern States
back in the Union. Who knows? Charles
Francis Adams, aware of this phase of Amer-
ican history from the opinions of Presidents
John Adams and John Quincy Adams, ex-
pressed the idea that, in the War of Seces-
sion, '''both sides were right/' meaning that
both sides had right in their contentions, the
South chiefly through historical precedent or
a common heritage, and the North principally
through the processes of evolution.*
*In the 1864 edition of Webster's Dictionary, prepared
in New England as the great sectional conflict was being
waged on the basis of differing interpretations of political
doctrine, it is extremely interesting to note that, in contrast
with all previous editions of the same dictionary (1828,
1840, 1847, 1859), the definitions of constitutional terms
which relate to the earlier interpretation of the powers of
the "Federal compact" were reversed. It is further inter-
esting to note that no warning was given of these particular
changes in definition, although thq editors of the 1864 edi-
[14]
Foreword
Baldly to say or teach, therefore, that
"slavery was the cause of the Civil War/''
with its assumption of superior moral status
on the one side and obstinate
.True Causes of turpitude on the other, in-
the Secession ,. ,. .,
Movement dicates a failure to grasp
fundamental facts of American
history. It is a singular misrepresentation
to make it appear that emancipation, an in-
cidental outcome of the armed conflict, was
the principal point in contention either dur-
ing the war or in the decades before it. Un-
der Lincoln, the Federal Government was
ready to receive the Southern States back
into the Union "with or without slavery,"
as they themselves should determine, and the
tion had stated that in cases of changes of definition, the
obsolete or obsolescent definitions were also given in con-
nection with these changes. Elsewhere this purpose was
carried out, but it was not done in connection with the
definitions of those terms pertaining to the nature of the
Federal Union. The older interpretations, had they been
given in the edition of 1864 would have tended to sustain
the position taken by the South, then alleged to be "en-
gaged in rebellion." It may fairly be presumed that the
editors thought it best to leave the former definitions out.
To an intelligent and independent people, it must seem,
however, that in matters of history, it is a mistaken kind
of patriotism which deviates from the presentation of the
whole truth.
[15]
The Women of the South in War Times
newly-arisen Republican party had sought,
in 1861, to allay distrust of what was then
a wholly sectional organization, by guaran-
teeing the perpetuity of the institution of
slavery through a Constitutional Amend-
ment which passed both houses of Congress
by large majorities and which was ratified
by Ohio and Maryland before hostilities be-
gan. If, therefore, the New England States
had in previous times felt imperilled over the
political control of the old ' l Democratic-Re-
publican" party, which was widely repre-
sented in the North, how much more had the
South, — particularly the far South — to fear
for its economic and political interests when,
in 1860, the Federal Government fell into the
hands of an apparently hostile party which
had practically no representation in the * ' Cot-
ton States "f South Carolina had felt her-
self aggrieved to the point of nullification and
possible secession over the inequitable tariffs
or taxes of 1824-1830. A compromise staved
off the conflict, but the economic and political
grievances persisted. At last, in 1861, the
States of the Lower South were persuaded
to trust to the power of the cotton boll to
create a separate government under a Con-
[16]
Foreword
stitution, which, except for its anti-tariff pro-
visions, was essentially the same as that
adopted by the original thirteen States in
1789. Subsequently, it was on the issue of
" coercion, " directed, as it was thought,
against the fundamental American principle
of "the consent of the governed," that the
people of the Upper South cast their lot with
the Confederacy. Like their chosen leader,
Robert E. Lee, they had nothing to gain and
everything to lose in making such a choice,
and the majority of their Northern-born
brothers then in the South followed the State
of their adoption.
The greater part of the history of the
United States, as written in the second decade
of the twentieth century, is far freer
from sectional misunderstand-
C ™% than that written fr the
last half of the nineteenth.
Errors due to ignorance or to prejudice must
and will be eliminated; and when all the prin-
ciples involved in the War of Secession are
faithfully presented in their due proportion
and perspective, Americans of either section
may rejoice equally in the fulfillment of the
prophecy of the Southern poet, who, in the
[17]
The Women of the South in War Times
days of deepest misunderstanding, wrote :
"In the future some historian shall come forth both strong
and wise,
With a love of the Republic, and the truth, before his eyes.
He will show the subtle causes of the war between the
States,
He will go back in his studies far beyond our modern dates,
He will trace out hostile ideas as the miner does the lodes,
He will show the different habits born of different social
codes,
He will show the Union riven, and the picture will deplore,
He will show it reunited and made stronger than before.
Slow and patient, fair and truthful, must the coming
teacher be
To show how the knife was sharpened that was ground to
prune the tree.
He will hold the Scales of Justice, he will measure praise
and blame,
And the South will stand the verdict, and will stand it
without shame."
In the same "Wreath of Virginia Bay
Leaves" is also found this appeal, as the
closing words of the Yorktown Centennial
Poem recited in 1881 by its author, Captain
James Barron Hope, a Confederate veteran:
"Give us back the ties of Yorktown!
Perish all the modern hates!
Let us stand together, brothers,
In defiance of the Fates;
For the safety of the Union
Is the safety of the States!"
[18]
n
GENIUS OF THE SOUTHERN WOMAN
TIT ANY are the war-time diaries and per-
sonal letters that tell of the ingenuity of
the Southern people in devising substitutes
for three-fourths of the articles commonly in
use prior to the war. They devised substi-
tutes not only for almost every kind of manu-
factured article, but for accustomed foods,
drinks, and medicines. It often happened
that so common and essential an article as
salt could not be obtained.
No people of modern times were so ill-pre-
pared for war. The Southern Confederacy
began its existence without
any nav7 whatsoever, and
without vessels for purposes
of trade. With a few exceptions, such as
David G. Farragut, Southern-born naval of-
ficers in the Federal service turned over their
commissions to the Government against
which they were soon to be arrayed in war.
They then went south to await whatever
should take place. The issue of battle was
[19]
The Women of the South in War Times
by no means assured; for Horace Greeley
was one of many thousands in the North who
in one way or another expressed the thought,
based on the writings and sayings of the
founders of the Republic, that the Southern
States had a right to withdraw from the
Union and that they should be permitted to
depart in peace as they sought to do.
Except for a small number of cotton mills,
there were almost no factories in the South.
The Southern States depended upon the
North for household furnishings and agri-
cultural implements, and even for articles so
common as ordinary nails. The " Lower
South, " given almost wholly to the service
of "King Cotton," was dependent upon the
great northwest for staple foodstuffs. At the
very beginning, therefore, of a four years'
conflict, the Southern people were face to face
with food scarcity and economic ruin. As the
war went on, some manufacturing was devel-
oped, but all of it had to be done with the
crudest kind of machinery, improvised, or not
infrequently " invented, " for the purposes
required.
The women of the South and other non-
[20]
Genius of the Southern Woman
combatants had to provide, as best they
could, for themselves; and it must also
be remembered that nowhere
Necessity the then was womanj^'sphere^
invention widened beyond the domestic
field. Notwithstanding these
facts, the Southern women, suddenly and
violently plunged into the midst of an eco-
nomic cataclysm, rose equal to the occasion,
and showed that they were even more ingeni-
ous than the men ; for they were called upon
to establish new processes and to provide sub-
stitutes for a much greater variety of things.
Their adaptations and discoveries were not
so spectacular ; for these did not involve the
destruction of hostile forces, but they were
equally important in that they sustained and
conserved life at home and enabled the Con-
federate forces to keep the field.
A number of things took the places of cof-
fee, tea, and sugar. There could be no sub-
stitute for salt, so sea water had to be boiled,
or the floors of the smoke houses removed
and the dirt beneath dug up and washed in
order to procure even so limited a supply of
this human necessity. For ordinary common
[21]
The Women of the South in War Times
cooking soda, the Southern woman learned
to substitute the ashes of corn cobs. The
ashes were put into a jar, covered with water,
and allowed to stand until clear. In making
various breads and cakes, one part of ashes
was mixed with two of sour milk.
' ' Coffee " was made in several ways; by
boiling parched wheat and rye, and some-
times corn. In some localities, sweet potatoes
were cut into small squares, dried in the sun,
and afterwards parched, ground up, and
boiled. By way of variety, the seed of the
okra was also used. As sugar became scarce
or non-existent, the beverages thus made
were sweetened with sorghum. "Tea" was
manufactured from any leaf which seemed to
provide a distinctive flavor. For example, it
was made from the dried leaves of the black-
berry and the sassafras. In the lower South,
other leaves were used, such as those of the
cassena or yaupon plant. It is said that ' * the
care with which these substitutes for tea were
prepared made a decided difference in the
flavor, which was not a particularly happy
one at best!"
In those parts of the South overrun by
[22]
Genius of the Southern Woman
hostile forces, milk was scarcely to be had.
This was especially the case in Virginia. In
Eichmond it was quoted at $4.00 a quart. In
their diaries and in their letters to friends,
many women declared that they had had no
milk for months. This lack was especially
hard on children and the sick and wounded.
Moreover, the dearth of ice must have worked
untold hardships, yet this lack was men-
tioned almost exclusively in connection with
hospital work in the upper South.
Ingenious as the women were in planning
substitutes for accustomed foods, they ex-
celled themselves in the matter of providing
clothes and household necessities. The ap-
parently simple matter of lighting was, dur-
ing the war, a serious problem. There were
no oils to be had for the various lamps then
in use. The supply of ' ' store ' ' candles gave
out, so lard and greases were saved in pans,
and woolen rags were used as wicks. In some
parts of the South, myrtle berries were gath-
ered by the wagon-load. These were "boiled
and refined, " and from them was made a
translucent, green, and aromatic wax, "fit,"
as one lady described it, "for the candelabra
[23]
The Women of the South in War Times
of a king. ' ' Very many homes had to be con-
tent, however, with pine "lightwood" knots
and the grease tapers. These were even sent
off to the soldiers to "light the evening hour
while they wrote to sister, sweetheart, or
mother. ' '
The manufacture of soap appeared to of-
fer the greatest scope for the imagination
and resourcefulness of the housewife. Many
were the recipes independently
S1"!? ei°"S and worked out for the homemade
Cheerful in . , ^ , , .
Direst Need article. On the other hand,
when cooking implements gave
out, there was the direst distress. Suffice it
to mention the fact that metal pots and pans
were much handed about in a community
wherever distances did not make borrowing
an impossibility! One Southern heroine
hired an only skillet from a colored woman
at one dollar a month rental. That she
laughed over the incident helped to make the
circumstances more cheerful ; but, none the
less, it represented suffering and real dis-
tress. Other cooking utensils were often
"hired" on the same plan. In households
where there were many refugees from the
[24]
Genius of the Southern Woman
homes and farms laid waste, the hardships
hi matters of this kind increased greatly
throughout the duration of the war; yet these
women cheerfully sacrificed their carpets,
curtains, and household things for use in
camp and hospital.
In all history no people were universally
more unselfish, and no government was so
free from "profiteering" and corruption.
The Confederate Government
Public Honesty mav have ^een inefficient in
and Private ,. , , , ., «
Generosity some particulars, but its of-
ficials did not take private ad-
vantage of public position. Whatever may
have been the weaknesses of Southern men
in public life prior to the war, they had ever
maintained a singularly high standard in
their official relations. They had before them
the sterling examples of Washington, Madi-
son, Mason, Jefferson, Marshall, Monroe,
Tyler, the Pinckneys, Laurens, and a thou-
sand other such leaders of lesser fame but
equal honesty. Subsequently to the outbreak
of the War, outspoken partisans of the North
lamented the loss of the powerful influence
of the example and practice of these men of
[25]
The Women of the South in War Times
scrupulous honesty in public affairs. There-
fore, with Davis, Stephens, Lee, Jackson,
Stuart, Forrest, and the two Johnstons as the
successors of the founders and builders of the
first Union, the women of the South were
more than willing to suffer everything
humanly possible for a cause upheld by lead-
ers worthy of the confidence of their people.
^Supplies of clothing of all kinds rapidly
<<liminished as the war continued. Neatly
trimmed thorns were often used in place of
pins, and it was discovered that persimmon
seeds made excellent buttons when thoroughly
dried and pierced with the necessary holes
for needle and thread, which, in their turn,
became alarmingly scarce, so that the loss of
a sewing needle became a household calamity.
Buttons were also made out of gourds, cut
into moulds and covered with cloth of any
color or kind. Corn shucks, palmetto, and
many kinds of grasses were woven into hats
and bonnets. Every variety of dye was home-
made. When the dyes failed to hold their
respective colors, the articles were "re-
dipped" again and again. When hat trim-
[26]
Genius of the Southern Woma/n
mings were worn "too long a time," the hats
were reshaped and dyed another color.
All girls and women learned to card and
spin and knit, if not previously acquainted
with these arts. Every woven stocking was,
of especial value. When the feet were en-
tirely worn out, the upper part was carefully
unraveled and the thread first twisted on the*
spinning wheel and then knitted into new
stockings or into gloves or mitts. All woven,
wearing apparel was treated in the same way-
Leather became very scarce and the provid-
ing of shoes a big problem. Women learned,,
in time, to make their own uppers and all of
their bed-room and house slippers. Soles for
outdoor use proved to be the greatest diffi-
culty. Sometimes they were made of wood,
— and, again — well, there were times when
there were no shoes available !*
*The so-called "decisive battle" of the war was brought
on unexpectedly when barefooted Confederate soldiers
learned that shoes might be had in Gettysburg. The search
for shoes discovered Federal outposts, and the battle be-
gan there instead of at Cashtown, as the Confederate com-
mander had planned. It may also be noted here that the
gallant General "Pat" Cleburn "ordered" an unshod soldier
to put on his own boots, while he, in his stocking feet*,
rode into the fight in which he lost his life.
[27]
The Women of the South in War Times
The foregoing brief review may serve to
illustrate what the women of the South did
in the face of economic difficulties and even
destitution. The homespun dress of the
Southern girlT)ecame famous, giving expres-
sion to the popular war verses which were
sung to the tune of "The Bonnie Blue Flag*' :
Oh yes, I am a Southern girl, and glory in the name;
And boast it with far greater pride than glittering wealth
or fame.
I envy not the Northern girl, her robes of beauty rare,
Tho' diamonds grace her snowy neck, and pearls bedeck
her hair.
Hurrah! Hurrah! for the Sunny South so dear!
Three cheers for the home-spun dress that Southern ladies
wear!
NOTES AND SIDELIGHTS
Federal forces had orders to destroy salt and salt works
wherever found, for the Federal Government had declared
salt "contraband of war." These orders have been, at
times, attributed to President Lincoln,
Salt as Contra- but there is no certain evidence to show
band of War that he was even aware of their exis-
tence. On the other hand, such orders
were entirely in keeping with the character of Secretary
of War Stanton, who was offered the most important port-
folio in the President's Cabinet because of his energy and
recognized executive abilities. Curiously enough, this vin-
dictive official was of Quaker ancestry, of North Carolina
stock, and a Democrat whose mother came from Virginia.
[28]
Genius of the Southern Woman
Had war been certain from the first exercise of State
secession by South Carolina, possibly some of the vessels
of the Federal Navy would have found their way to South-
ern ports; but when their Southern -
Under Two born officers resigned they were not
Flags rated as "rebels." Ships plying between
Charleston and New York flew the Stars
and Stripes by the side of the new emblem of the Confed-
erate States. United States Army officers, also, with some
notable exceptions, such as Winfield Scott and George H.
Thomas, resigned and carried into the service of the Con-
federacy nothing but their personal effects. A few small
arsenals on Southern soil held some arms and ammunition.
Only one of these was seized, and such scant military
supplies furnished the entire basis for the defensive equip-
ment of a "new nation" about to engage in modern war-
fare. In short, there was neither army nor navy, almost
no ammunition, and no manufactories to make tear sup-
plies or articles of any kind or for any purpose.
It should be said in this connection that "history"
wholly false to the facts is sometimes compiled from real
or pseudo Southern sources. A good example is offered in
the writings of Henry Watterson, hailed in 1919 as the lead-
ing figure in American journalism on account of his long
experience and his ability as a "paragrapher." The former
editor stated in an interview, September, 1917, that, "The
South was far better prepared for war than the North"!
Mr. Watterson based this amazing statement on the asser-
tion that the South was "peopled by a fighting race
inured to the idea of war"! a statement that reflects
unhappily on the North at the same time that it misrepre-
sents the South. In his reminiscences, Mr. Watterson haa
stated that he went into the war feeling that he was doing
a "treasonable" thing, — the only Confederate who seems
[29]
The Women of the South in War Times
to have felt that way. He, therefore, entered the war
wrongly; and it would seem that he labored in it lightly,
and suffered hardly at all. He abandoned the cause at
an early opportunity and afterwards made an essentially
false comparison, offensive to all good Americans, between
alleged Southern arrogance on the one hand and the intoler-
able insolence of Prussian autocracy on the other.
In March, 1918, the New York World, in an editorial
article on the World War of the twentieth century, took
occasion to state: "It will do the country no harm to
note the reminder of Senator Williams
Comparative of Mississippi that its war sufferings in
0 a .- the matter of food have reached no very
Sacrifices ,
heroic stage as yet."
Senator Williams was then quoted as saying: "Men go
out and exploit themselves about wheatless days and the
lack of food. The Southern Confederacy had no wheat for
three years during the Civil War. I went from 1862 to
Lee's surrender without seeing anything made out of wheat
except an occasional Christmas or birthday cake, and that
was sweetened with molasses. What is the use of talking
about hardships? We are having no hardships in this
country.
"If you cannot stand hardships, then you are not worthy
of your ancestors. Let us send men, munitions, and food
to France and quit our patrioteering camouflage!"
[30
Ill
THE WAR TIME EXPERIENCES OF
ELIZABETH WARING DUCKETT
INTERVIEWS WITH PRESIDENT LINCOLN AND
ENCOUNTERS WITH SECRETARY STANTON
TN 1861, the eastern half of Maryland was
as strongly Southern in its sympathies as
any part of Virginia. Up to April 15th, the
people, like their Virginia neighbors, were
opposed to secession and were hoping for a
peaceful reunion with the secessionist States
of the Lower South. Also like the Virginians,
they were opposed to any invasion of the
South for the purpose of forcing the seceding
States back into the Union against the will
of their people. It was seriously proposed
by John P. Kennedy and other prominent
Marylanders, that, since the Federal Union
was " already broken, " Maryland and the
other middle States should form a separate
union to act as a mediator between the far
North and the far South, and thereby event-
ually to restore all to a common whole.
The newly-arisen Republican party, which,
[31]
The Women of the South in War Times
it must be remembered, had practically no
representation in the States then withdrawn
from the Union, had sponsored an Amend-
ment to the Constitution guaranteeing the
perpetuation of negro slavery wherever it
then existed. This was brought forward in
an endeavor to save the Union ; but the Re-
publicans responsible for this movement had
mistaken the real issue at stake; and their
political opponents, in Maryland and else-
where, were not interested in the movement.
On the other hand, tbfere was an element in
the Republican party working powerfully be-
neath the surface, and with ultimate success,
to cause the "Cotton State secessionists" to
commit an open act of aggression and thus
force a fight. This element was represented
by Senator Zachariah Chandler of Michigan,
who expressed the opinion in a letter to Gov-
ernor Blair, February 11, 1861, that "With-
out a little blood-letting this Union will not,
in my estimation, be worth a rush."
As peace-makers, however, Maryland could
not cope with the pace-makers of the impend-
ing war. On the one hand, South Carolina
was impatient over the delay in turning over
[321
Narrative of Mrs. Duckett
to her the property she demanded in Fort
Sumter which had been promised to her
through special commissioners ; on the other,
an element in the North, as above stated, was
advocating and, under the surface, working
for war, while the extreme Abolitionists con-
tinued to inflame sectional prejudices and
loudly expressed their joy over the prospect
of relief from further union with a people
whom they had persuaded themselves and
others to abominate as "altogether wicked "
and as the "upholders of the sum of all
villainies/'
Early in April, therefore, the leading citi-
zens of Maryland were opposed to secession ;
but when the call for troops to coerce the
South was sent out, these same
selves to invade the South. On
that issue alone they passed " over-night "
from Unionists to Secessionists. Thereafter,
it was almost impossible to find a single
descendant of the famous "Maryland Line"
of Revolutionary patriots who was not ready,
on that issue, to take up arms for the South-
ern cause; and, if need be, to lay down his
[331
The Women of the South in War Times
life for it. Those who were not immediately
arrested by special orders from Washington
left their homes and families, not for the sake
of gain, but for what they believed to be
right; and it has been estimated that over
twenty thousand Marylanders thus " expat-
riated " themselves, crossed the Potomac, and
joined the armies of the Confederacy.
The people of the counties in southeastern
Maryland were almost unanimous in their
sympathy with the Confederacy. Of this
number were the Warings, who
had owned prosperous farms
on the banks of the Patuxent
since the time of their original grant from
the Lords Baltimore. Elizabeth Waring was
the second of a family of eleven children. In
1856, she married Richard Duckett and
went to live in the northern part of Prince
George's County.
When the war broke out, Elizabeth War-
ing's two oldest brothers determined to offer
their services to the Confederacy. One
brother was nineteen, while the other was still
at school. After they had announced their
intention of joining the Confederacy, their
[34]
Narrative of Mrs. Duckett
father accompanied them at night to the
Potomac, over which they swam their horses
and with many of their friends and neighbors,
joined the Southern forces below Alexandria.
On Christmas Day, 1862, the oldest brother
died of typhoid fever and was buried at
Strasburg, Virginia. The younger brother,
however, was not strong and was sent home
with an honorable discharge from further
service. The departure of the Waring
brothers and their friends had attracted the
attention of Federal detectives. The Waring
house was secretly watched and the negro
coachman was bribed to act as informer.
Consequently, when the younger Waring
brother returned to his home, the house was
surrounded and he and his father were
arrested.
The writer had the privilege of hearing
the story of this arrest and of the events that
followed direct from the brave woman who
is the subject of this sketch. She also placed
at his disposal the notes she had made of all
her war-time adventures, from which she
never rested until she had seen Cabinet of-
ficials, President Lincoln, and staff officers of
[35]
The Women of the South in War Times
the Union army, in order to secure her
father's release from prison and to have re-
stored to him much of his confiscated prop-
erty. She was a typical Maryland woman of
Southern sympathies, who remained, for the
greater part of the war, within the Federal
lines. The story is continued very largely
in Mrs. Duckett's own words, except where
the exigences of space require some elimina-
tion of detail.
MBS. DUCKETT'S NARRATIVE
My brother, William W. Waring, came
home May 12, 1863, and with him came
Walter Bowie, a relative and a Confederate
soldier. At the time of their arrival, I was
visiting my old home, but my father was away
engaged in superintending the cultivation of
the crops on another place. When he came
home, he was arrested at his gate; but none
of his children knew of his arrest until the
following morning.
During the night, we were awakened by a
loud knocking at the front door, coupled with
the demand : ' ' Open in the name of the Gov-
ernment ! If you don't, we will burn the house
[36]
Narrative of Mrs. Duckett
over your heads 1" We looked out to find
all of the five doors guarded by Federal sol-
diers. In the dark, for fear
Arrest of lights would betray us, we hur-
Eseca^eaotgS; riedlF hid a lar£e Confederate
Walter Bowie mail, which was then waiting
to be sent South. My brother
put on his uniform and went down stairs to
open the door. To the statement that he was
"under arrest," he simply said, "I expected
that," and gave himself up.
In the meantime, we were concerned in get-
ting Walter Bowie out of the house. The
soldiers called for water, and our opportun-
ity came. Though the family had harbored a
betrayer in the coachman, there were other
servants who were faithful to the last. Un-
der hasty instructions, our waiter purposely
broke the house pump and declared that the
only way to get water was to send to the
spring at the bottom of the hill.
Walter was then in the kitchen and the sol-
diers were searching all the bed rooms in the
house, locking the doors of each as they
finished their search. I made use of this time
in coloring his face and hands with black
[37]
The Women of the South in War Times
cosmetic. I made him take off his military
boots and prepare to escape in his stockings,
which, fortunately, were brown. I then made
him put on a dress belonging to our tall,
black nurse, Peggy. I wrapped his head in a
red bandanna, took his revolver from him,
together with his plans of the fortifications at
Washington, which he, in some manner, had
secured. I put these in my dress, for I knew
if they were found upon him, that would mean
certain death.
The faithful Peggy balanced a tub on her
head and Walter put another under his arm.
Together they passed between two detectives
and set out for the spring. One of the detec-
tives, seeing a horse saddled, turned to the
negro man holding it and asked sharply:
"Whose horse is that?" The frightened
negro replied : * ' Mars 9 Walt Bowie 's, suh ! ' '
At this, the disguised tub-bearer dropped
"her" burden and set out at a high rate of
speed for the steep ravine below. The de-
tectives fired at him, but Walter knew every
step of the way and in the darkness easily
made his escape. The detectives now pro-
ceeded to lock up all in my mother's room,
[38]
Narrative of Mrs. Duckett
not knowing that there was an outlet from
there to Peggy's room above. There we
burned the Southern mail and Walter's
fortification plans.
In the morning, the plantation was aroused,
the negroes coming up from their quarters.
After my mother had directed a breakfast to
be prepared for thirty men, carriage was or-
dered, with the coachman, John, who had be-
trayed us, on the boot. My father was brought
up and made to sit by him. Two of my sisters,
my mother's niece, and I were inside, together
with the few things we were allowed to take
with us. My brother and a cousin were on
horses under guard of the Federal soldiers.
Mother, one sister, a little brother, my baby
daughter, and two guests were left behind.*
The carriage with my father and the rest of
us passed Old St. Paul's Church near
Marlboro on Whitsunday morning. Two
brothers named Perry rode up and asked the
soldiers what they were "going to do with the
*Mrs. Duckett added, by way of parenthesis, that after
the guard had left, Walter Bowie returned to the house,
got a comfortable breakfast, even if it was "second table,"
evaded another force sent from Point Lookout to capture
him, and crossed the Potomac in safety.
[39]
The Women of the South in War Times
old Colonel" (Colonel Waring). They were
promptly arrested for their pains and car-
ried to Washington with us. As we passed
the tavern kept by Mrs. Surratt at Surratts-
ville, the kindly old woman came to the door
and wanted my father to refresh himself.
Mint juleps were brought out to the " prison-
ers, " while the soldiers, at my father 's
request, were " treated " within the tavern,
two at a time, for fear of an attempted
rescue.
We reached Washington late in the after-
noon. The other women in the party were
taken to Willard's Hotel and placed under
guard. My father and I were taken to the
Old Capitol Prison. Our supper consisted of
some undrinkable coffee and coarse, dark
bread, — nothing else. The beds were covered
with blue calico, open in the middle, and filled
with straw, so that the straw could be re-
moved. Fortunately, after the first day, we
were not forced to eat this prison fare, be-
cause friends on the outside supplied us with
food.
Though a private citizen, my father was
tried by court martial on three charges : for
[40]
Narrative of Mrs. Duckett
harboring "rebels"; for harboring a spy;
and for having Southern mail in his house.
Colonel Joseph Holt was the
Trial of judge-advocate ; and Reverdy
Fa?hwUankdett'S J°hnson> perhaps the ablest
Brother Union man in Maryland, my
father's counsel. My brother
and I were solemnly sworn in on the Bible
as witnesses against our own father then in
jeopardy of his life. Furthermore, his own
slaves were called in and compelled to wit-
ness against him.
Although my brother was arrested in his
Confederate uniform, Judge Holt held him
as a spy, and he was put back in the Old
Capitol Prison, where I, too, was recommitted
by the court. My father was condemned and
sentenced to imprisonment at Fort Delaware
for the remainder of the war.
After I had been in the Old Capitol Prison
one month, Judge Turner sent for me from
the office of Secretary Stanton. Influential
friends had interested themselves in my
plight, among them General Martindale, the
military governor of Washington. They said
I should be released at once if I took the
[41]
The Women of the South in War Times
"iron bound" oath. This I refused to do and
was sent back to prison. The next day, how-
ever, Major Turner sent for me and released
me without forcing me to take the oath, tell-
ing me to go at once to General Martindale 's
office.
General Martindale told me he did not wish
to make war upon women and children, but
asked me to promise not to do anything to
get myself or family into trouble, and he
would forward letters to the members of my
family in the South. Lieutenant Montgomery
even furnished me with Confederate stamps.
I afterwards saw General Martindale on sev-
eral occasions and he proved to be a true
friend and a gentleman. In the meantime,,
my sisters had been sent South.
My brother, however, was still in prison,,
and General Martindale told me that he was
in great danger of being shot
Calls on Presi- or hanged. He urged me to go
S*S£y to see President Lincoln. Ac-
Stanton cordingly, I went to the White
House and was taken to Presi-
dent Lincoln 's office. I stood there some time
before he noticed me.
F421
Narrative of Mrs. Duckett
The President then said : ' ' Why don 't you
sit down?"
I replied: "Because you did not ask me."
Thereupon, he pushed a chair towards me,
took his long legs off the green baize-cov-
ered table where he had them, and asked me
what I wanted. I told him that my brother
was no spy and that he was arrested in his
uniform after an honorable discharge from
the Confederate army.
In the course of my talk with him, the
President said, "Mrs. Duckett, what are you
Bebelsfor?"
I replied, "Because, Mr. Lincoln, we can-
not help it. ' '
Mr. Lincoln was kind in his manner to me
and gave me a card to Secretary Stanton on
which was written: "The Honorable Secre-
tary will see Mrs. Duckett and hear her."
I went to the War Department and was
ushered past a long line of waiting people,
both men and women. I handed the card to
Stanton, and I can see him now. He took the
President's card between his thumbs and
forefingers, tore it in half, and threw the
pieces on the floor. He roughly refused my
[43]
The Women of the South in War Times
request to go to Fort Delaware to see my
father ; and I knew that it would be of no use
to talk to him about my brother. I was in-
dignant over his attitude toward me and his
contempt for the President's message; so I
said, "Mr. Stanton, I am going to Fort Dela-
ware!" He replied, "Very well, Mrs. Duck-
ett, ' ' and I left his office.
I immediately left Washington for Prince
George's County, Maryland. By means of
the "underground railroad," I communicated
with Walter Bowie. Walter went to Colonel
Robert Ould, Confederate Commissioner of
Exchange of Prisoners at City Point, Vir-
ginia, who was an old friend of the family.
Commissioner Ould at once notified Stanton
and Judge Holt, that if William Waring was
injured in any way, he would straightway
hang General Cochran, who was a friend of
Stanton.
My brother was put on the list of prison-
ers for exchange and sent to Point Lookout.
When the cold weather came,
Mrs. Duckett j^ an(j £ve Other young men
Brother's^Life built a hut of cracker boards
into which they crawled at
night. They had a small stove with a pipe
[44]
Narrative of Mrs. Duckett
running through the top of the hut. As time
passed and he saw he was not exchanged, he
gave his blanket, uniform, boots, and all he
had in return for the name of another
prisoner, who was physically a wreck, and
about to be sent South ; for this was the only
kind of men they were willing to exchange.
My brother served again in the South and
surrendered with General Johnston in 1865.
When I returned to Washington, I found
that my father had been sent to Fort Dela-
ware, and I was unable to get permission to
see him. From Washington, I
A Visit North „ TT ., , *
went to call on United States
Senator Wall at Burlington, New Jersey.
Senator Wall was good enough to become in-
terested in my efforts to free my father and
he introduced me to a number of people in
Philadelphia.
On one occasion Miss Mary Wall took me
to the Chester Hospital where were a num-
ber of the wounded from the battlefield of
Gettysburg. We saw a Northern woman
walking through the hospital. She carried a
bundle of tracts in her arms, and with her was
a negro carrying a large basket of delicacies.
The delicacies were given to the Federal
[45]
The Women of the South in War Times
wounded while the tracts were for distribu-
tion among the poor Confederates.
As we were watching her, she came upon
two young boys from the "hill country " of
Alabama. One had lost his right leg, the
other his left. She said to one of them :
"My friend, do you know whom Christ died
fort"
To which the wounded mountaineer re-
plied: "I ain't talking no conundrums now.
I want something to eat."
The lady evidently thought the case was
hopeless, both morally and physically, for she
passed on with both her food and religion.*
After her departure, the kind-hearted Miss
Wall asked one of the poor fellows if there
*The teachings of the lay abolitionists and their eloquent
assistants in the pulpit apparently gave many of the good
people in the North the impression that the Southern
people were heathen as well as barbarous. The story of
the lady with the tracts is typical; so, indeed, is that of
the kindness of Miss Wall as representing those Northern-
ers who knew better. Prior to the war, the Northern pul-
pits resounded with politico-moral harangues on the "in-
iamous" conduct of the Southern people. It is no wonder
the congregations got the idea that the Southern people
were heathen. As a matter of fact, however, the "Old
South" led the country in church membership and activities
in proportion to the population. The sermons of their
pastors preached "orthodox, old-fashioned" religion.
[46]
Narrative of Mrs. Duckett
was anything he wanted. He replied, " A pair
of slippers, ladies; you'll have to buy only
one pair for both of us, as I have but one foot
and my friend has the other. ' ' We got fruit
and food for these brave cripples and the de-
sired pair of slippers for both of them.
After supplying the wants of other wounded
soldiers, the money therefor being contrib-
uted by Senator Wall, I left for Baltimore
without having yet found a
Mrs. Duckett way to see my father. Gen-
Visits Fort icii, i •
Delaware era'- Schenck was in command,
and I discovered that a lieu-
tenant in Schenck's office was attentive to a
Baltimore girl. Through her, I met the
lieutenant, who told me he could not give me
permission to go to Fort Delaware, but he
would tell me how I could get there. Conse-
quently, through the influence of Unionist
friends, I got a pass, at least out of Balti-
more; and I set out for Fort Delaware at
night on a canal boat. Recaptured prisoners
on this boat told me that my father had been,
given the parole of the Island by General
Schoeph, and that the only way I could get
over was to wait for the milk-boat, which left
[471
The Women of the South in War Times
at five o'clock in the morning. The milk-boat
plan was accepted; but when I arrived at
Fort Delaware, the guards would not permit
me to land. My father, however, heard from
fellow prisoners of my arrival. He went to
General Schoeph, who told him I could re-
main two days only, for Secretary Stanton
was due on the day I must depart. Captain
Kessler gave up his rooms to my father and
myself. Captain Ord invited us to breakfast
with him. Afterwards, I saw the poor Vicks-
burg prisoners walked around the place.
Some of them, worn out with hunger, dropped
from exhaustion, and yet, as I say, the Fed-
eral officers had the best of food and could
get it in plenty.
The floor where the suffering prisoners
slept was flushed over with tubs of water but
not dried ; so when the wretched men were put
back on the wet boards in their ragged and
insufficient blankets, the dampness killed
them or caused fatal illnesses in the case of
men enfeebled through insufficient and bad
food.
On my return to Washington, I went to see
Major Turner. I asked him to tell Secretary
[48]
Narrative of Mrs. Duckett
Stanton that I had been to Fort Delaware,
and had seen my father. On hearing the
message, Stanton told Major Turner to tell
me "to go to hell!"
In the fall, I again succeeded in getting to
Fort Delaware. I took my little daughter
with me and we stayed at a lodging house
outside the Fort. My father was permitted
to come to see us. While there, my little
daughter wandered into the small-pox hos-
pital, not knowing what the yellow flag meant.
One of Morgan's Confederate surgeons
brought her back to me. On returning to
Baltimore, I prepared to go South to visit my
mother and I went to Dr. Nathan E. Smith
to get some vaccine. Dr. Smith gave me more
than I needed but asked me not to use any
until I arrived in Martinsburg. This he did
on account of the great need in the South for
medicines.*
When I started for Martinsburg, I was
turned back at the Belay House, Maryland,
*This incident is of interest as showing the variety
of schemes by which the people of the South "imported"
even the smallest contributions in supplies of any kind,
particularly medicines which, as before stated, were "con-
traband."
[49]
The Women of the South in War Times
because I had no pass. When I returned that
night to the station at Baltimore, McClintock,
the agent for the Baltimore
A Trip South J? . .. ...
and Ohio Railroad, although
a Union officer, secured for me a pass as the
wife of one of General Sigel's officers then
in the Valley of Virginia. Some soldiers at
the station tried to get Jane, my child's
colored nurse, to desert us. Jane was faith-
ful, however, and simply said: "I mus' go
wid Mis' Katie. "*
That night was an awful one. It was late
in the autumn of 1863, and a heavy rain
changed to sleet and snow as we neared our
destination. There was but one unoccupied
double seat in the car, so I was put in that
with my child on my lap. Jane sat beside
me with her old-fashioned carpet-bag, which
she would^ never let go out of her hand. I
* "Katie" was the name of Mrs. Duckett's little daughter.
It was a remarkable fact that in going South, from an
official Federal viewpoint, Jane was going from slavery into
freedom; for the Emancipation Proclamation offered manu-
mission to the slaves in the Confederacy only. Within the
Federal lines, therefore, Jane and the other slaves re-
mained in slavery by the very provisions of the Proclama-
tion, since the Proclamation was "a war measure" which
may have aroused the negroes behind the Confederate
armies and thus brought the war to an earlier end.
[50]
Narrative of Mrs. Duckett
was the only woman on the car. The men,
all soldiers, had been drinking, and I was
really afraid to sleep; but I had a revolver
in my belt which I intended to use if neces-
sary. Once I had to call for the protection of
the officer whom Mr. McClintock had asked
to guard me, who thereafter stayed in the car.
When we were within three miles of
Martinsburg, the train stopped with a violent
lurch. I looked up, and at each end of the
car stood a tall man in grey with revolvers
pointed. They ordered all hands up and de-
manded revolvers, boots, and money. Their
work was quickly done. In a few moments,
we heard the " Rebel yell" outside and the
Confederate cavalry raider, Harry Gilmor,
and his men were off to the mountains with
their plunder.
The greatest confusion followed. The of-
ficer in charge said that the "Rebels" had
torn up the track and that I should have to
walk the three miles to Martinsburg. He ap-
pointed a Sergeant with lighted lantern to go
with us. Our baggage was left piled up be-
side the track, and Jane with her carpet-bag,
my child, and myself set out. By turns we
[51]
The Women of the South in War Times
carried the child until, at last, she let the
Sergeant carry her for us. It was a dreary
walk and very cold. When we reached
Martinsburg and turned down the main street
across the bridge, the icy winds blowing
down from the mountains were terrible. We
went to Mrs. Buchanan's place, where my
mother was boarding; and we remained in
Martinsburg until the spring, but my sister
Julia went to Richmond to work in the Con-
federate Treasury Department.
Early in 1864, Archbishop Hughes, of New
York, wrote to President Lincoln, request-
ing the release of Colonel Waring, who was
a member of an old Eoman
President Lin- Catholic family of Maryland.
M«. Du^kett's The ArcnbislloP stated that ne
Father had good grounds to expect his
request to be granted since he
had sent 60,000 foreigners into the Federal
service, and that this was his first request of
the President. That letter, together with a
petition from the Court of Appeals and one
from prominent Marylanders induced Presi-
dent Lincoln to sign my father's release from
Fort Delaware.
[52]
Narrative of Mrs. Duckett
My father at once came to Martinsburg to
meet us. While he was there, my eldest sister,
Priscilla, let me know she was in Winchester
and that she was trying to get on to see us.
I went to General Averell of the Federal Cav-
alry, and he let one of his lieutenants give me
a pass, which I sent to Winchester. She came
in on Saturday. We were with father and
mother in church, six of us together, for the
first time in years, when we heard the clank-
ing of sabres, and two soldiers from Wells'
Infantry walked up and touched me on the
shoulder. I asked them to wait until church
was out, then went to headquarters with them.
Commandant Wells asked me how Miss War-
ing got into Martinsburg. I told him a cart,
a horse, and a colored man brought her in.
He asked what was the name of the man. I
did not know the man's name. Where did
she get her pass I From headquarters. Where
was the pass? She had destroyed it. Then
he said: "Prepare to send her right back
to-morrow. ' '
The next week, my father, with my mother,
his little son, and my little daughter, returned
to Baltimore. They would not allow me to go
[53]
The Women of the South in War Times
on account of the pass I had got for my sister ;
but on the way through Harper's Ferry,
my mother saw our kind friend, Captain
Baugher, who was on SigePs Staff. He
promised her to get a pass for me. In a few
days he sent it to me signed with General
Sigel's name; so I destroyed it as soon as I
reached Baltimore.
My father and mother went to Washing-
ton and saw President Lincoln, who said he
would do what he could to have their prop-
erty restored to them. My mother, however,
had endured so much and had gone through
so many hardships that her health broke
down ; and we were obliged to take her to a
house on Madison Street, Baltimore, where
our friends supplied us with everything we
needed.
The noted physicians of that day, Dr.
Nathan E. Smith and Dr. John Buckler, at-
tended my mother and told me
Mrs. Duckett i must let the family know how
pfetiden"8 i!1 she waS" Word WaS Sent
Lincoln through the lines to my young
sister Alice in Richmond and to
my brother William. The latter accompanied
[54]
Narrative of Mrs. Duckett
my sister to the Potomac. The " mosquito
fleet " captain refused to cross on account
of the Federal gunboats on the river; but
my brother could not afford to spend
time in fearful waiting for what might or
might not be a better opportunity to cross.
Pointing his pistol at the head of the Captain,
he told him he must take them across the
river that night. The night was dark and the
river was crossed in safety. My brother took
my sister as far as the nearest house and
returned to the Virginia shore. My sister was
sent on from house to house until she reached
Baltimore and stood before us. Upon her
arrival, we went to consult Mr. S. Teackle
Wallis, who told me to report to General
Schenck at once, and, if necessary, take the
oath, so I should be allowed to remain with
my ill mother. He advised us to see Presi-
dent Lincoln about a like provision for my
sister.
Accordingly, we set out for Washington to
see the President. Near the Annapolis road,
through some mistake of signals, our train
had a severe collision with another one bear-
ing a regiment of negro soldiers. Many of
[55]
The Women of the South in War Times
the negroes were killed. We were not hurt,
but we had a fearful time getting out of the
wreckage. From the scene of the wreck, we
went to Annapolis, where we took the oath.
The next morning, on our way to Washing-
ton, we passed the point of the wreck and
saw the broken cars piled up in great heaps.
On our arrival in Washington, we called
on Mr. Montgomery Blair, who took us to see
the President. During the conversation, Mr.
Blair told Mr. Lincoln how I had sent word
to Stanton that I had got to Fort Delaware
and of Stanton >s message to me 'Ho go to
hell ! ' ' Mr. Blair also told the President that
I had promptly sent a message (undelivered)
to the Secretary of War saying that "I did
not wish to go there for fear of finding him. ' '
I can even now see Mr. Lincoln throw his
head back and laugh heartily as Mr. Blair
told the story. He then wrote on a card :
"Miss Alice Maria Waring may remain at
home as long as she behaves herself.'9 —
A. Lincoln.
Hardly had I arrived at home before one of
the children ran in to say that the "house
was guarded." I went to the door and Lieu-
[56]
Narrative of Mrs. Duckett
tenant Cheesboro said that he was very sorry,
but Miss Alice Waring would have to return
through the lines that night. In reply, I
handed him the President's card and asked
him what he thought of that, whereupon he
took off his cap, waved it, and led his men
away.
We remained at the Baltimore house until
the Fall, when we moved to my home in
Prince George's County. There my mother
died in November. In the meantime, Presi-
dent Lincoln had directed that the Patuxent
farm should be restored to my father, to-
gether with what furniture and other prop-
erty he could swear to in a warehouse at
Alexandria. We returned to our ' ' old home ' '
in May, after the surrender of Lee and John-
ston in the Spring of 1865.
NOTES AND SIDELIGHTS
"There never was a house divided against itself in
sharper contrast than Maryland in 1861. Marylanders loved
the Union as it was, because Marylanders had so largely
made it what it was. With patriots of the Northern
States and of the Old Dominion, the inheritors of
Carroll's sacred trust" and of "Howard's warlike thrust"
were striving to awaken that spirit of conciliation
[57]
The Women of the South in War Times
toward the far South which had animated Burke toward
the protesting colonies of Great Britain.
.v "From the secession of South Caro-
The Stand of lina in December, 1860, to April, 1861,
Maryland and the efforts and hopes and prayers of the
the Upper begt citizens of Baltimore were directed
boutn on toward the saving of the Union. Vir-
Secession and . . __ ,. _. &..
Coercion gmia> North Carolina, Tennessee, and
Arkansas had not yet seceded. Mary-
land stood firmly with these probably with less secession
sentiment within her borders than any of them. Yet Mary-
land, certainly the more populous and influential Eastern
half with its stronger Revolutionary inheritance, was ever
-a Southern State, and she was linked with the South by
"the closest ties of commercial, social, and historical rela-
tionship. On the other hand, Baltimore was the single
city south of Mason and Dixon's line that had large
manufacturing interests. These interests tended to link
the city with the Congressional majorities of the North,
whose protective tariff policy was the burden of com-
plaint in the agricultural South from nullification in 1832
to secession in 1860.
"Such was the unique position of Baltimore in the begin-
ning of a crisis wherein the highest authorities of the
National Government had been standing confused and
irresolute for months. We read in history only of the out-
break of April against the Federal troops as represented
by the Massachusetts regiment, but strong expressions of
sentiment prior to this were exhibited against any public
manifestation of partiality for the Southern Confederacy.
The records show that prior to April, 1861, the appearance
of a Confederate emblem was frequently the signal for
attack, and up to the time of the Federal call for troops
of April 15 it seems that citizens of Baltimore had of them-
selves successfully prohibited the display of a secession
T581
Notes on Mrs. Duckett's Narrative
flag. This open hostility to Confederate emblems extended
even to the shipping of the harbor; and while in Northern
ports, ships for some time flew the Palmetto flag of South
Carolina with impunity, at Baltimore it was torn down,
with violence."* .„ \
There are many matters of interest and importance con-
nected with the firing upon Fort Sumter which are not
generally mentioned in our American his-
How Fort tories The&e are giyen in gome detail
f11?11^- 5mC in Dr. H- A- White's Life of Robert E.
to DC pireo, _ « « , * ,. . j • •» i
Lee. Such information is essential to an
understanding of the whole subject of
the beginnings of the sectional conflict.
..." 'It will be an advantage for the South to go off/'
said H. W. Beecher. After the inauguration of Mr. Lincoln
there was a strong current opinion in the North that the
Federal troops should be withdrawn from the Southern
forts. President Lincoln's 'organ,' the National Republican^
announced that the Cabinet meeting of March 9 had de-
termined to surrender both Sumter and Pickens. That
Anderson would be withdrawn from Sumter 'was the uni-
versal impression in Washington' (Rhodes, U. S., vol. iii.,
p. 332 ) . Welling, of the National Intelligencer, was re-
quested by Seward to communicate the Cabinet's purpose
to George W. Summers, member of the Virginia Conven-
introductory paragraphs of an article in the Maryland
Historical Magazine for March, 1919, on the "Passage of
the Sixth Massachusetts Regiment Through Baltimore,
April 19, 1861."
B. B. Munford's "Virginia's Attitude Towards Slavery
and Secession" is an invaluable work in exposition of
matters widely misunderstood in respect to the Upper
South. Professor Albert Bushnell Hart of Harvard Uni-
versity declared that upon reading the book he felt obliged
to modify or change the views of a lifetime.
[59]
The Women of the South in War Times
tion (The Nation, Dec. 4, 1879). March 15 Secretary
Seward unofficially notified the Confederate Commissioners,
through Justice Campbell of the Supreme Court, that Sum-
ter would be yielded at once to the Southern Confederacy."
. . . "March 24 brought Colonel Ward H. Lamon of
Washington to Fort Sumter. He obtained permission from
Governor Pickens to visit Major Anderson upon the repre-
sentation that he had come as 'confidential agent of the
President/ to make arrangements for the removal of the
garrison. "The impression produced upon Major Anderson
by Lamon, as well as upon the officers and men of the gar-
rison, was that the command was to be withdrawn.' Lam»n
informed Governor Pickens 'that the President professed a
desire to evacuate the work.' After Lamon's return to
Washington he sent a written message to Pickens, that he
'hoped to return in a very few days to withdraw the com-
mand.' "
The Mrs. Mary E. Surratt referred to by Mrs. Duckett
was afterwards convicted of complicity in the criminal
r,ttack upon President Lincoln. Another innocent person,
of the same general neighborhood, might have lost his life
on a charge of conspiracy, but for a fortunate incident.
This was Dr. Richard H. Stuart of Virginia. The story of
how Dr. Stuart saved himself from almost certain death
or imprisonment is an interesting one.
A few days after the death of the President, the crippled
assassin crossed the Potomac and appeared in Virginia on
the place of Dr. Stuart, who was fortu-
Mary E. Surratt nately ill at the time and would not
and Dr. Richard see Booth. Thereupon Booth wrote
H. Stuart some insulting remarks on a slip of
paper. When this was shown to Dr.
Stuart, the latter threw it at an open fire, but Major
[60]
Notes on Mrs. Duckett's Narrative
Hunter, suspecting something wrong, advised him to save
it and rescued it from the flames after its edges had been
scorched.
This fortunate interposition of his son-in-law probably
saved Dr. Stuart from the fate of Mrs. Surratt or that of
Dr. Samuel A. Mudd, who had innocently given assistance
to the fleeing assassin and who was exiled to the Dry
Tortugas. When Dr. Stuart was arrested and accused of
complicity in the assassination of the President, he pro-
duced the written evidence' of Booth's abuse, whereupon,
he was released.
The Colonel Ould mentioned in Mrs. Duckett's narrative
enjoyed the esteem of well-known and highly honored
Southern leaders. This is here noted because, during and
after the war, Colonel Ould was held up
to general opprobrium as an infamous
character. This view was actively cir-
culated by partisans whose aims were to conceal the reasons
for the failure of exchange of prisoners and the awful con-
ditions in many of the Federal prison camps. The suf-
ferings of the Northern prisoners in the South were ter-
rible; for the Confederate Commissary department broke
down in furnishing supplies for Confederate soldiers, who
were often barefooted and generally half clad; but it
should always be remembered that Commissioner Ould and
Confederate authorities offered, in desperation, to let the
Federal surgeons provide food and medicines for the North-
ern prisoners. They even offered to buy medicines, (de-
clared contraband of war by the Federal Government ) , with
cotton and gold. Finally, they offered to send thousands of
their prisoners North without requiring any equivalent,
if the Federal authorities would provide transportation.
Transportation was at last sent, after many months, but
[611
The Women of the South in War Times
too late to prevent the great mortality of the summer
of 1864.
President Lincoln did what he could or dared to lessen
the horrors of war, but Secretary Stanton seemed to take
a savage delight in brutality of attitude and action towards
prisoners and non-combatants. The building of the flimsy
huts referred to by young Waring was a customary thing
at Fort Delaware, at Point Lookout, and some of the other
prisons. The prisoners were not furnished with nails.
Sometimes the huts were blown down over their heads ; and
on at least one occasion a hut was "purloined" by less
fortunate or less skillful prisoners from over the heads of
the sleeping inmates, the "incident affording all considerable
amusement, except those who lost their home."
In reference to the matter of feeding the prisoners,
Thomson M. King, a Maryland Confederate, was one of a
number of exchanged prisoners who participated in the
following episode, which, briefly, is as follows: Not far
from Mason and Dixon's line, a train bearing exchanged
Federal prisoners on the way North stopped by the side
of a train bearing Confederate prisoners to the South. The
former had been provided with rations in the shape of corn
pones or crusts. These pones were very distasteful to
Federal prisoners who were not used to such fare, espe-
cially as they were made from "unbolted" meal. Not
infrequently this form of food proved fatal to those not
used to it, but the Southern commissary department often
supplied even less than this to Confederate soldiers, who,
at times, ate the raw corn in the field. The "Yanks,"
therefore, were carrying some of these cornbread crusts
North as souvenirs of "Rebel" hospitality. As the trains
stopped alongside of each other, the prisoners exchanged
banter, and a few of the "Yanks" threw the detested crusts
[62]
Notes on Mrs. Duckett's Narrative
into the car windows at the "Rebs." To the utter amaze-
ment of the former, the starving "Rebs" devoured the
crusts "and yelled for more."
"In regard to the treatment of prisoners, the sweeping
condemnation of James G. Blaine, delivered in an outburst
of partisan condemnation of the South, is still in a general
way believed by Americans who have echoed them in later
years, although in milder terms and in limitation of the
number of those held to have been guilty. Mr. Blaine
declared some ten years after the war: 'Mr. Davis, Presi-
dent of the Confederate States, was the author, knowingly,
deliberately, guiltily, and wilfully, of the gigantic murder
and crime at Andersonville. And I here before God, meas-
uring my words, knowing their full extent and import,
declare that neither the deeds of the Duke of Alva in the
low countries nor the massacre of St. Bartholomew nor
the thumbscrews and engines of torture of the Spanish In-
quisition begin to compare in atrocity with the hideous
crimes of Andersonville.'
"Historians do not now accept this statement as in any
way true, solemnly as it was made, by a man who a few
years later barely missed election to the highest office in
the gift of the people of the United States. Unfortunately,
they refer the student to a mass of matter the major part
of which is as false to-day as when James G. Blaine based
upon it his colossal libel of Jefferson Davis and the mili-
tary and civil authorities of the Southern Confederacy.
The so-called 'general historian' has dropped this matter in
detail, though Mr. Blaine exclaimed dramatically that it
would remain as the 'blackest page' recorded in the annals
of all time. On the other hand, innumerable monographs
have been written upon this subject, four-fifths of which
are either false per se or else based on false evidence such
[63]
The Women of the South in War Times
as that which has misled so many Americans from the
time of James G. Blaine and contemporary historians to
editors of and writers in magazines and newspapers of the
second decade in the twentieth century.
"'God knows we suffered there/ said one of the ex-
prisoners of Andersonville ; 'but we found out that the
Confederate soldier had our fare and often less, and he
was often as shoeless as we in time became.' " — From "The
Treatment of Prisoners in the Confederacy," Confederate
Veteran, April, 1918.
John T. Morse, Jr., a peculiarly biased and unreliable
writer on sectional issues, says of Stanton in his introduc-
tion to the Diary of Gideon Welles:
"Of course, not many pages can be turned without en-
countering the names of Seward, Chase, and Stanton. Of
these, Stanton, the friendless one, evidently affected Mr.
Welles as he affected pretty much every one else who came
much into contact with, him. No one liked him living j
scarcely any one has wished to say much for him dead. An
advocate biographer has indeed presented a sort of brief
for him, and Mr. Rhodes, kindliest of historians, has men-
tioned his virtues; for, in fact, he had virtues, — devotion
to the cause, a very greed for hard work, financial integrity,
and merciless energy against the rascal contractors. But
it cannot be forgotten that he had the odious faults of a
bully; he was violent and insolent, but only when violence
and insolence were safe; he was supposed to be personally
timid; he could be mean and unjust; above all, he repeat-
edly outraged the magnanimous forbearance of Mr. Lincoln
in a way which no American can forgive."
Incidentally, from time to time, Secretary Welles seems
to contradict the estimate given by Mr. Morse as to Stan-
ton's "financial integrity." Welles, on one occasion, wrote
of Stanton as follows:
[64]
Notes on Mrs. Duckett's Narrative
"In his dislike of Stanton, Blair is sincere and earnest.,
but in his detestation he may fail to allow Stanton quali-
ties that he really possesses. Stanton
Character of is no favorite Of mine. He has energy
and application, is industrious and
driving, but devises nothing, shuns re-
sponsibility, and I doubt his sincerity always. He wants
no general to overtop him, is jealous of others in any posi-
tion who have influence and popular regard; but he has
cunning and skill, dissembles his feelings, in short, is a
hypocrite, a moral coward, while affecting to be, and to a
certain extent being, brusque, overvaliant in words. Blair
says he is dishonest, that he has taken bribes, and that he
is a double-dealer; that he is now deceiving both Seward
and Chase; that Seward brought him into the Cabinet
after Chase stole Cameron and that Chase is now stealing
Stanton. Reminds me that he exposed Stanton 's corrupt
character, and stated an instance which had come to his
knowledge and where he has proof of a bribe having been
received; that he made this exposure when Stanton was a
candidate for Attorney for the District. Yet Seward,
knowing these facts, had induced and persuaded the Presi-
dent to bring this corrupt man into the War Department.
The country was now suffering from this mistaken act.
Seward wanted a creature of his own in the War Depart-
ment, that he might use, but Stanton was actually using
Seward."
65
IV
THE PUBLICATION AND SINGING OF
"MY MARYLAND"
Maryland," widely considered the
greatest of American war lyrics, was
written in April, 1861, by James Eyder Ran-
dall, who was then an "exile" in Louisiana.
The verses appeared on a "broadside" in
Baltimore, the poet's native city, on May 31st.
The poem became immediately popular and
the words were soon adapted by the Misses
Gary to the music of "Lauriger Horatius."
The new song was taken up at once by the
"Monument Street Girls," an enthusiastic
group of Southern sympathizers. By a curi-
ous coincidence, one of these young women,
Rebecca Lloyd Nicholson, was the grand-
daughter of Judge Joseph Hopper Nicholson,
who helped to adapt the words of "The
Star-Spangled Banner" to the music of
"Anacreon in Heaven" forty-seven years be-
fore, also in Baltimore.
After "My Maryland" had been sung with
the utmost enthusiasm, to the great danger
[661
Publication of "My Maryland"
of the arrest and imprisonment of all con-
cerned, Rebecca Nicholson suggested to her
friend, Eozier Dulany, that he have the
words and music published. Dulany, how-
ever, recalling the fact that General Butler
had ordered even the arrest of women and
children for wearing Southern colors, and
that "Rebel" songs were under the ban, dis-
creetly declined the undertaking. The spir-
ited American girl at once replied that she
herself would assume the risk. This she
did at once, and "My Maryland" appeared
in musical form within a few days there-
after/
On the fourth of July, 1861, Misses Hettie
and Jennie Gary, who first sang "My Mary-
land" in Baltimore, "ran the blockade"
from that city to Orange Court House, Vir-
ginia. A few days after their arrival at
Orange, the battle of Manassas took place.
At the instance of some of the Maryland
volunteers, General Beauregard sent passes
and an escort so that the Carys and their
friends might visit their relatives and ac-
*"Poems of James Ryder Randall."
[671
The Women of the South in War Times
quaintances in the camp. A relative, Captain
Sterrett, who had been in charge of the
Manassas fortifications, was appointed to
provide shelter and entertainment.
The visitors received a royal welcome from
the homesick soldiers. On the evening of
their arrival, they were given a serenade by
the "Washington Artillery Band/' aided by
the best voices of the camp. When the seren-
ade was over, Captain Sterrett expressed the
thanks of the ladies, asking, for them, if there
were any service they might render in return.
At once a shout went up: "Let us hear a
woman's voice."
In response, Miss Jennie Cary came for-
ward and, standing in the door of the tent,
sang "Maryland, My Maryland." The en-
thusiasm of the soldiers was unbounded. The
refrain was caught up and carried by hun-
dreds of voices, until, * ' as the last note died
away," wrote Miss Hettie Cary, years later,
as the wife of Professor H. Newell Martin,
"there surged from the throng a wild shout,
'We will break her chains — she shall be free!
Three cheers for Maryland ! ' There was not
a dry eye in the tent, and, we were told the
[68]
Publication of "My Maryland"
next day, not a cap with a rim on it in
camp."*
Miss He t tie Gary was afterwards described
by Mrs. D. Girawd Wright as the most beauti-
ful woman she had ever met. "Her hair,"
wrote Mrs. Wright, "was titian tinted; her
complexion was lilies and roses ; and her fig-
ure magnificent." In Baltimore she had
been arrested and imprisoned at Fort
McHenry for wearing Confederate colors, —
in the form of a white apron with red rib-
bons. This arrest was under the rule of Gen-
eral B. F. Butler. On another occasion, how-
ever, she stood at the open window of her
home and waved a Confederate flag over the
heads of some Federal troops. One of the
officers asked the Colonel in command if he
should have her arrested. The Colonel
looked up and replied with marked emphasis :
"No, she is beautiful enough to do as she
pleases!"
*"Song8 of the Civil War," The Century^ August, 1886.
[69]
The Women of the South in War Times
THE LAND WHERE WE WERE DREAMING
Fair were our nation's visions, and as grand
As ever floated out of fancy-land;
Children were we in simple faith,
But god-like children, who nor death,
Nor threat of danger drove from honor's path —
In the land where we were dreaming!
A figure came among us as we slept —
At first he knelt, then slowly rose and wept;
Then gathering up a thousand spears,
He swept across the fields of Mars,
Then bowed farewell, and walked behind the stars,
From the land where we were dreaming!
As wakes the soldier when the alarum calls —
As wakes the mother when her infant falls —
As starts the traveler when around
His sleepy couch the fire-bells sound —
So woke our nation with a single bound —
In the land where we were dreaming!
DANIEL BEDINGER LUCAS
70]
EXCERPTS FEOM THE DIARY OF
JUDITH BROCKENBROUGH
McGUIRE 1861-1865
In 1861, after all open expression of South-
ern sentiment in the eastern half of Mary-
land had been checked by Federal power,
the tide of Northern invasion crossed the
Potomac and rolled past " Mount Vernon"
the former home of Washington, and
"Arlington," the home of Robert E. Lee.
It is fitting, therefore, that the second narra-
tive of this volume be taken from the "Diary
of a Refugee" from Alexandria, which lies
between the estates of Virginia's greatest
sons.
The diary opens on May 4, 1861 ; it closes
May 4, 1865, with the news of the surrender
of General Joseph E. Johnston's army at
Greensboro, North Carolina. The writer was
Mrs. Judith Brockenbrough McGuire, wife of
Reverend John P. McGuire, Principal of the
Episcopal High School, near Alexandria.
Her story is the simple record of a courage-
[71]
The Women of the South in War Times
ous, self-sacrificing wife and mother who en-
dured privations without complaint, encour-
aged Southern soldiers on the way to battle,
and comforted the sick and wounded sent
back to homes or to hospitals.
May 4, 1861 .V . I am too nervous,
too wretched to-day to write in my diary, but
that the employment will while away a few
moments of this trying time.
Preparations Our friends and neighbors
for Possible , , „, -^ , , .
War have left us. Everything is
broken up. The Theological
Seminary is closed; the High School dis-
missed. Scarcely any one is left of the many
families which surrounded us. The homes all
look desolate ; and yet this beautiful country
is looking more peaceful, more lovely than
ever, as if to rebuke the tumult of passion
and the fanaticism of man. "We are left lonely
indeed; our children are all gone — the girls
to Clarke, where they may be safer, and
farther from the exciting scenes which may
too soon surround us ; and the boys, the dear,
dear boys, to the camp to be drilled and pre-
pared to meet any emergency.
Can it be that our country is to be carried
[72]
Diary of Mrs. McGuire
on and on to the horrors of civil war? I pray,
oh, how fervently do I pray, that our Heav-
enly Father may yet avert it. I shut my eyes
and hold my breath when the thought of what
may come upon us obtrudes itself ; and yet I
cannot believe it. It will, I know the breach
will be healed without the effusion of blood.
The taking of Sumter without bloodshed has
somewhat soothed my fears, though I am told
by those who are wiser than I, that men must
fall on both sides by the score, by the hun-
dred, and even by the thousand. But it is
not my habit to look on the dark side, so I
try hard to employ myself, and hope for the
best.
To-day our house seems so deserted, that
I feel more sad than usual, for on this morn-
ing we took leave of our whole household.
Mr. McGuire and myself are now the sole
occupants of the house, which usually teems
with life. I go from room to room, looking at
first one thing and then another, so full of
sad associations. The closed piano, the locked
bookcase, the nicely-arranged tables, the
formally-placed chairs, ottomans and sofas in
the parlor! Oh for some one to put them
[73]
The Women of the South in War Times
out of order! And then the dinner-table,,
which has always been so well surrounded,
so social, so cheerful, looked so cheerless to-
day, as we seated ourselves one at the head,
the other at the foot, with one friend, — but
one — at the side. I could scarcely restrain my
tears, and but for the presence of that one
friend, I believe I should have cried outright.
After dinner, I did not mean to do it, but I
could not help going into the girls ' room, and
then into C's. I heard my own footsteps so
plainly, that I was startled by the absence of
all other sounds. There the furniture looked
so quiet, the beds so fixed and smooth, the
wardrobes and bureau so tightly locked, and
the whole so lifeless ! But the writing-desks,
work-boxes, and the numberless things so
familiar to my eyes! Where were they? I
paused, to ask myself what it all meant.
Why did we think it necessary to send off all
that was so dear to us from our own home?
I threw open the shutters, and the answer
came at once, so mournfully! I heard dis-
tinctly the drums beating in Washington.
The evening was so still that I seemed to
hear nothing else.
[74]
Diary of Mrs. McGuire
May 10. — War seems inevitable, and while
I am trying to employ the passing hour, a
cloud still hangs over us and all that sur-
rounds us. For a long time be-
the* 'women0 ^ore our society was so com-
pletely broken up, the ladies of
Alexandria and all the surrounding country
were busily employed sewing for our soldiers.
Shirts, pants, jackets, and beds, of the heav-
iest material, have been made by the most
delicate fingers. All ages, all conditions, meet
now on one common platform. We must all
work for our country. Our soldiers must be
equipped. Our parlor was the rendezvous for
the neighborhood, and our sewing-machine
was in requisition for weeks. Scissors and
needles were plied by all. The daily scene
was most animated. The fires of our enthu-
siasm and patriotism were burning all the
while to a degree which might have been con-
suming, but that our tongues served as
safety-valves. Oh, how we worked and talked
and excited each other! One common senti-
ment animated us all; no doubts, no fears
were felt. We all have such entire reliance
in the justice of our cause and the valor of
F751
The Women of the South in War Times
our men, and, above all, on the blessing of
Heaven !
These meetings have necessarily ceased
with us, as so few of any age or degree re-
main at home; but in Alexandria they are
still kept up with great interest. We who are
left here are trying to give the soldiers who
are quartered in town comfort, by carrying
them milk, butter, pies, cakes, etc. I went in
yesterday to the barracks, with the carriage
well filled with such things, and found many
young friends quartered there. All are tak-
ing up arms ; the first young men in the coun-
try are the most zealous. Alexandria is do-
ing her duty nobly ; so is Fairfax ; and so, I
hope, is the whole South.
We are very weak in resources, but strong
in stout hearts, zeal for the cause, and enthu-
siastic devotion to our beloved South; and
while men are making a f ree-
wil1 offerinS of their Hfe's
blood on the altar of their
country, women must not be idle. We must
do what we can for the comfort of our brave
men. We must sew for them, knit for them,
nurse the sick, keep up the faint-hearted, give
[761
Diary of Mrs. McGuire
them a word of encouragement in season and
out of season. There is much for us to do,
and we must do it. The embattled hosts of
the North will have the whole world from
which to draw their supplies; but if, as it
seems but too probable, our ports are block-
aded, we shall indeed be dependent on our
own exertions, and great must those exer-
tions be.*
The Confederate flag waves from several
points in Alexandria; from the Marshall
House, the Market-house and the several bar-
racks. The peaceful, quiet old town looks
quite warlike. I feel sometimes, when walk-
ing on King's Street, meeting men in uni-
form, passing companies of cavalry, hearing
martial music, etc., that I must be in a dream.
Oh that it were a dream, and that the last
ten years of our country's history were
blotted out ! Some of our old men are a lit-
tle nervous, look doubtful, and talk of the
impotency of the South. Oh, I feel utter
scorn for such remarks. We must not admit
*The "Sea Power of the North," aa Charles Francis
Adams has shown, was the force which was chiefly respon-
sible for the overthrow of "King Cotton" and the Southern
Confederacy.
[77]
The Women of the South in War Times
weakness. Our soldiers do not think of weak-
ness ; they know that their hearts are strong,
and their hands well skilled in the use of the
rifle. Our country boys have been brought
up on horseback, and hunting has ever been
their holiday sport. Then why shall they feel
weak? Their hearts feel strong when they
think of the justice of their cause. In that
is our hope.
. Walked down this evening to see .
The road looked lonely and deserted. Busy
life has departed from our midst. We found
Mrs. packing up val-
"The Servants" *\ 8 .
uables. I have been doing the
same; but after they are packed, where are
they to be sent? Silver may be buried, but
what is to be done with books, pictures, etc. ?
We have determined, if we are obliged to go
from home, to leave everything in the care
of the servants.* They have promised to
be faithful, and I believe they will be; but
my hope becomes stronger and stronger that
we may remain here, or may soon return if
we go away. Everything is so sad around us !
*See page 194. The negroes were not called slaves and
the older ones were given titles of respect and special honor.
[78]
Diary of Mrs. McGuire
We went to the Chapel on Sunday as usual,
but it was grievous to see the change — the
organ mute, the organist gone; the seats of
the students of both institutions empty;
Tucker Conrad, one of the few students who
is still here, raised the tunes; his voice
seemed unusually sweet, because so sad. He
was feebly supported by all who were not in
tears. There was night service, but it rained
and I was not sorry that I could not go.*
May 15. — The first roses of the season are
just appearing and the peonies are splendid ;
but the horrors of war, with which we are so
seriously threatened, prevent
"Peaceful ,, . , £ \ £. T
Secession" the enjoyment of anything. I
feel so much for the Southern-
ers of Maryland; I am afraid they are
doomed to persecution, but it does seem so
absurd in Maryland and Kentucky to talk of
armed neutrality in the present state of the
country! Let States, like individuals, be in-
dependent— be something or nothing. I be-
*Tucker Conrad was killed at Manassas, less than three
months after he had thus ' 'raised the tunes" at the service.
This Seminary had recently graduated Phillips Brooks on
the one side and Alfred Magill Randolph on the other,
future Bishops of Massachusetts and Virginia.
[79]
The Women of the South in War Times
lieve that the very best people of both States
are with us, but are held back by stern neces-
sity. Oh that they could burst the bonds
that bind them and speak and act like free-
men! The Lord reigneth; to Him only can
we turn and humbly pray that he may see fit
to say to the troubled waves, " Peace, be
still!"
May 16. — To-day I am alone. Mr. McGuire
has gone to Richmond to the Convention,
and so have Bishop Johns and Dr. Stuart.
I have promised to spend my nights with Mrs.
Johns. All is quiet around us. Federal
troops quartered in Baltimore. Poor Mary-
land ! The North has its heel upon her, and
how it grinds her ! I pray that we may have
peaceful secession.*
Fairfax Court House, May 25. — The day
*In every part of the Union, from the foundation of the
Federal Government in 1861, "peaceful secession" was dis-
cussed as perhaps the best method of settling sectional dif-
ferences. At one period, it would be heard in Massachu-
setts; at another, in South Carolina or Georgia. In 1861,
it was heard everywhere, yet the open advocacy of seces-
sion was on every occasion accompanied by the thought of
possible armed objection by some force, — generally that of
a party or the section in control of the Federal Government.
In Mrs. McGuire's diary, names are, as a rule, indicated
by an initial only. The editor has taken the liberty of
[80]
Diary of Mrs. McGuire
of suspense is at an end. Alexandria and its
environs, including, I greatly fear, our home,
is in the hands of the enemy.
Yesterday morning, at an
early hour, as I was in my
pantry, putting up refreshments for the bar-
racks preparatory to a ride to Alexandria,
the door was suddenly thrown open by a
servant, looking wild with excitement, ex-
claiming, "Oh, ma'am, do you know?"
"Know what, Henry ?" "Alexandria is
filled with Yankees. " "Are you sure,
Henry f" said I, trembling in every limb.
"Sure, ma'am! I saw them myself. Before
I got up I heard soldiers rushing by the door ;
went out, and saw our men going to the cars."
"Did they get off!" I asked, afraid to hear
the answer. "Oh, yes, the cars went off full
of them, and some marched out; and then I
went to King Street, and saw such crowds of
Yankees coming in! They came down the
turnpike, and some came down the river ; and
presently I heard such noise and confusion,
filling in these blanks in order to give the narrative greater
interest and value. He gratefully acknowledges the as-
sistance of the relatives of Mrs. McGuire, who made this
course possible.
[81]
The Women of the South in War Times
and they said they were fighting, so I came
home as fast as I could."
The question with us was, what was next
to be done? Mr. McGuire had voted for se-
cession, and there were Union people enough
around us to communicate everything of the
sort to the Federals ; the few neighbors who
were left were preparing to be off, and we
thought it most prudent to come off too.
Pickets were already thrown out beyond
Shuter's Hill, and they were threatening to
arrest all secessionists. . . .
... . . When we got to Baily's Cross
Roads, Mr. McGuire said to me that we were
obliged to leave our home, and as far as we
have a right to any other, it
makes not the s%htest differ"
ence which road we take — we
might as well drive to the right as to the left.
It was a sorrowful thought ; but we have kind
relations and friends whose doors are open to
us, and we hope to get home again before
very long. The South did not bring on the
war, and I believe that God will provide for
the homeless.
About sunset we drove up to the door of
[82]
Diary of Mrs. McGuire
this, the house of our relative, the Rev. Mr.
Brown, and were received with the warmest
welcome. As we drove through the village we
saw the carriage of Commodore Forrest,
standing at the hotel door, and we were soon
followed by the C's* of our neighborhood
and many others. They told us that the
Union men of the town were pointing out the
houses of the Secessionists, and that some of
them had already been taken by Federal of-
ficers. When I think of all this, my heart
quails within me. Our future is so dark and
shadowy, so much may, nay must, happen be-
fore we again become quiet, and get back,
that I feel sad and dreary.
This little village has two or three com-
panies quartered in it. It seems thoroughly
aroused from the quiescent state which it was
wont to indulge. Drums are beating, colors
flying, and ever and anon we are startled by
the sound of a gun. At Fairfax Station there
are a good many troops, a South Carolina
regiment at Centreville, and quite an army is
collecting at Manassas Station. We shall be
greatly outnumbered, I know, but numbers
*Casenoves.
[83]
The Women of the South in War Times
cannot make up for the zeal and patriotism
of our Southern men fighting for home and
liberty.
Chantilly, June 1. — We came here (the
house of our friend Mrs. Stuart,) this morn-
ing, after some hours of feverish excitement.
About three o'clock in the
Clash l night we were aroused by a
volley of musketry not far
from our windows. Every human being in
the house sprang up at once. We soon saw
by the moonlight a body of cavalry moving
up the street, and as they passed below our
window (we were in the upper end of the vil-
lage) we distinctly heard the commander's
order, * ' Halt ! ' ' They again proceeded a few
paces, turned and approached slowly, and as
though every horse were shod with velvet. In
a few moments there was another volley, the
firing rapid, and to my unpracticed ear there
seemed a discharge of a thousand muskets.
Then came the same body of cavalry rushing
by in wild disorder. Oaths loud and deep
were heard from the commander. They again
formed, and rode quite rapidly into the vil-
lage. Another volley, and another, then such
[84]
Diary of Mrs. McGuire
a rushing as I never witnessed. The cavalry
strained by, the commander calling out
"Halt, halt!" with curses and imprecations.
On, on they went, nor did they stop. While
the balls were flying, I stood riveted to the
window, unconscious of danger. When I was
forced away, I took refuge in the front yard.
Mrs. B. was there before me, and we wit-
nessed the disorderly retreat of eighty-five of
the Second United States Cavalry (regulars)
before a much smaller body of our raw re-
cruits. They had been sent from Arlington,
we suppose to reconnoitre. They advanced
on the village at full speed, into the cross-
street by the hotel and courthouse, then
wheeled to the right, down by the Episcopal
church. We could only oppose them with the
Warrenton Rifles, as for some reason the cav-
alry could not be rendered effective. Colonel
Ewell, who happened to be there, arranged
the Rifles, and I think a few dismounted cav-
alry, on either side of the street, behind the
fence, so as to make it a kind of breastwork,
whence they returned the enemy's fire most
effectively. Then came the terrible suspense ;
all was confusion on the street, and it was not
[85]
The Women of the South in War Times
yet quite light. One of our gentlemen soon
came in with the sad report that Captain
Marr of the Warrenton Rifles, a young of-
ficer of great promise, was found dead. The
gallant Rifles were exulting in their success,
until it was whispered that their captain was
missing. Had he been captured? Too soon
the uncertainty was ended, and their exultant
shouts hushed. His body was found in the
high grass — dead, quite dead. Two of our
men received slight flesh wounds. The enemy
carried off their dead and wounded. We cap-
tured four men and three horses. Seven of
their horses were left dead on the roadside.
They also dropped a number of arms, which
were picked up by our men. After having
talked the matter over, we were getting quite
composed, and thought we had nothing more
to fear, when we observed them placing senti-
nels on Mr. B. 's porch, saying that it was a
high point, and another raid was expected.
The gentlemen immediately ordered the car-
riages, and in half an hour Mr. B.'s family
and ourselves were on our way to this
place.
June 6.— Still at Chantilly. Everything
[861
Diary of Mrs. McGuire
quiet, nothing particularly exciting; yet we
are so restless. Mrs. Casenove and myself
"A More r0(^e ^° ^e camP a^ Fairfax
Important Court-House a day or two ago
to see many friends; but my
particular object was to see my nephew, W. B.
Newton, first lieutenant in the Hanover troop.
He looks well and cheerful, full of enthusiasm
and zeal; but he feels that we have a great
work before us, and that we have entered
upon a more important revolution than our
ancestors did in 1775. How my heart yearned
over him, when I thought of his dear wife and
children, and his sweet home, and how cheer-
fully he had left all for the sake of his coun-
try. His bright political prospects, his suc-
cessful career at the bar, which for one so
young was so remarkable, his future in every
respect so full of hope and promise — all, all
laid aside. But it is all right, and when he
returns to enjoy his unfettered country, his
hardships will be all forgotten, in joy for his
country's triumphs. The number in camp
there has greatly increased since we came
away. We came home, and made havelocks
and haversacks for the men. The camp at
[87]
The Women of the South in War Times
Harper's Ferry is said to be strong and
strengthening.
Mrs. Robert E. Lee has been with us for
several days. She is on her way to the lower
country, and feels that she has left Arlington
for an indefinite period. They removed their
valuables, silver, etc., but the furniture is left
behind. I never saw her more cheerful, and
she seems to have no doubt of our success.
We are looking to her husband as our leader
with implicit confidence ; for besides his great
military abilities, he is a God-fearing man,
and looks for help where alone it is to be
found. Letters from Richmond are very
cheering. It is one great barracks. Troops
are assembling there from every part of the
Confederacy, all determined to do their duty.
Ladies assemble daily, by hundreds, at the
various churches, for the purpose of sewing
for the soldiers. They are fitting out com-
pany after company. The large stuccoed
house at the corner of Clay and Twelfth
streets, so long occupied by Dr. John Brock-
enbrough, has been purchased as a residence
for the President. I am glad that it has been
thus appropriated. We expect to leave this
[88]
Diary of Mrs. McGuire
place in a day or two for Clarke County for
the summer, and we part with this dear fam-
ily with a sad feeling that they may soon have
to leave it too.
The Briars, June 12. — We are now in the
beautiful Valley of Virginia, having left
Chantilly on the 8th. The ride through the
Piedmont country was delight-
ft*; " looked S0 PeaCeM and
calm that we almost forgot the
din of war we had left behind us. The road
through Loudoun and Fauquier was pic-
turesque and beautiful. We passed through
the villages of Aldie, Middleburg, and Upper-
ville. At Middleburg we stopped for an hour,
and regaled ourselves on strawberries and
cream at the house of our excellent brother,
the Rev. Mr. K. At Upperville we spent the
night. Early next morning we went on
through the village of Paris, and then began
to ascend the Blue Eidge, wound around the
fine turnpike, paused a moment at the top to
"view the landscape o'er," and then de-
scended into the " Valley. " The wheat,
which is almost ready for the reaper, is rich
and luxuriant, foreshadowing an abundant
[89]
The Women of the South in War Times
commissariat for our army. After driving-
some miles over the delightful turnpike, we
found ourselves at this door, receiving the
warmhearted welcome of the kindest of rela-
tives and the most pleasant hosts. Our daugh-
ters were here before us, all well, and full of
questions about "home." . . .«
Yesterday we went to Winchester to see
my dear S.,* and found her house full of ref-
ugees; my sister, Mrs. Colston, and her
daughter Mrs. Leigh from Berkeley County.
Mrs. C.'s sons are in the army; her eldest,
having been educated at the Virginia Mili-
tary Institute, drilled a company of his own
county men during the John Brown raid ; he
has now taken it to the field, and is its com-
mander ; and Mr. L. is in the army, with the
rank of major. Of course the ladies of the
family were active in fitting out the soldiers,
and when an encampment was near them, they
did everything in their power to contribute
to the comfort of the soldiers ; for which sins
the Union people around them have thought
proper to persecute them, until they were
obliged to leave home — Mrs. L. with two sick
*Mrs. Sally Smith.
[90
Diary of Mrs. McGuire
children. Her house has been searched, fur-
niture broken, and many depredations com-
mitted since she left home ; books thrown out
of the windows during a rain; nothing es-
caped their fury. '4
Winchester is filled with hospitals, and the
ladies are devoting their energies to nursing
the soldiers. The sick from the camp at
Harper's Ferry are brought
the Ranks" there. Our climate seems not
to suit the men from the far
South. I hope they will soon become ac-
climated. It rejoices my heart to see how
much everybody is willing to do for the poor
fellows. The ladies there think no effort,
however self-sacrificing, is too great to be
made for the soldiers. Nice food for the sick
is constantly being prepared by old and
young. Those who are very sick are taken
to the private houses, and the best chambers
in town are occupied by them. The poorest
private and the officer of high degree meet
with the same treatment. The truth is, the
elite of the land is in the ranks. I heard a
young soldier say, a few nights ago, that his
captain was perhaps the plainest man, so-
[911
The Women of the South in War Times
cially, in the company, but that he was an
admirable officer.
June 15. — Yesterday was set apart by the
President as a day of prayer and fasting, and
I trust that throughout the Confederacy the
blessing of God was invoked
Another Com- R the ar and country.
panson with the t. ' "I
Spirit of 76 We went to church at Millwood,
and heard Bishop Meade. His
sermon was full of wisdom and love; he
urged us to individual piety in all things,
particularly to love and charity to our ene-
mies. He is full of enthusiasm and zeal for
our cause. His whole heart is in it, and from
the abundance of the heart the mouth speak-
eth, for he talks most delightfully and en-
couragingly on the subject. He says that if
our ancestors had good reason for taking up
arms in 1775, surely we had much better, for
the oppression they suffered from the mother-
country was not a tithe of the provocation we
have received from the Government at Wash-
ington.*
*Such a statement may sound strange to some of later
times; but, on examination, our so-called standard his-
tories do not, as a rule, reveal certain facts, even though
the historians are rapidly overcoming the prejudices of the
[92]
Diary of Mrs. McGuire
June 18. — The day was passed delight-
fully; the Bishop, his son, and daughter-in-
law, all so kind, hospitable and agreeable. It
amused me to see with what avidity the old
gentleman watches the progress of events,
particularly when I remember how much op-
posed he was to secession only a few months
past. As already referred to in the foreword, the taxation
actually imposed for years upon the then wholly agricul-
tural South by the commercial Northern majority was sev-
eral times more oppressive than any scheme of taxation
ever proposed by Great Britain prior to the Revolution.
This sectional legislation was accompanied by efforts at
interferences with the principle of local self-government,
the basic issue of the American Revolution.
In the very natural excitement of the War of Secession,
such books as Kettell's "Southern Wealth and Northern
Profits," published in New York in 1860, were cast aside
or discredited. Unhappily, such statistical compilations
are still forgotten. Again, such valuable postbellum con-
tributions as Ingle's "Southern Sidelights," among the pub-
lications of the Johns Hopkins University, are not made
use of as they should be.
It should be added, in regard to the foregoing references,
that Bishop Meade was the son of Colonel Richard Kidder
Meade, of George Washington's staff. The latter was
affectionately known to Washington as "Friend Dick."
Curiously enough, a descendant of this Meade, another
Richard Kidder Meade, was with Major Anderson at Fort
Sumter, and is said to have restrained Anderson from
firing on the South Carolina batteries when these fired
upon and turned back the United States Steamer "Star
of the West," on January 9, 1861. Had Anderson returned
this fire, the War of Secession might have started three
months sooner, under President Buchanan instead of
Lincoln.
[93]
The Women of the South in War Times
ago. He clung to the Union with a whole-
souled love for all that he had been educated
to revere, as long as he could do it ; but when
every proposal for peace made by us was
spurned, and when the President's proclama-
tion came out, calling for 75,000 troops, and
claiming Virginia's quota to assist in fighting
her Southern brethren, he could stand it no
longer, and I only hope that the revolution
may be as thorough throughout the land as
it is in his great mind.
July 3. — A real fight has occurred near
Williamsport, but on the Virginia side of the
Potomac. General Cadwallader crossed the
river with, it is said, 14,000
"The Lord men, to attack our force of
So^Their07 4,000 stationed there under
Souls— Fire!" Colonel Jackson. Colonel J.
thought it folly to meet such
an army with so small a force, and therefore
ordered a retreat; but quite a body of artil-
lery remained to keep the enemy at bay. They
retained with them but one gun, a six-
pounder. The Rev. Dr. Pendleton, now cap-
tain of artillery, commanded this gun, and
whenever he ordered its discharge, he was
[94]
Diary of Mrs. McGuire
heard to say reverently, "The Lord have
mercy upon their souls — fire!" The result
was almost miraculous ; but four of our men
were missing, two of whom were killed;
twenty were wounded, and have been brought
to the Winchester hospitals; sixty-five pris-
oners were taken and are now in Winchester.
Many of their men were seen to fall. Our
men, who did this deadly firing, retreated in
perfect order. I heard this from one who
was on the field at the time. It is said that in
Dr. Pendleton the soldier and the chaplain
are blended most harmoniously. A gentle-
man who went to the camp to visit his sons,
who belong to the "Rockbridge Battery, "
told me that he arose before daylight, and
was walking about the encampment, and when
near a dense wood his attention was arrested
by the voice of prayer; he found it was the
sonorous voice of Dr. P., who was surrounded
by his company, invoking for them and for
the country, the blessing of Heaven. What a
blessing it is for those young men, away from
the influences of home, and exposed to the
baneful associations of the camp, to have
such a guide ! It has almost reconciled me to
[95]
The Women of the South in War Times
the clergy going upon the field as soldiers.
The Bishop of Louisiana has been to Moun-
tain View, to consult Bishop Meade on the
subject of his taking the field. I do not know
what advice was given. These reverend
gentlemen, who were educated at West Point,
are perfectly conscientious, and think it their
duty to give their military knowledge to their
country, and their presence may do much for
the spiritual good of the army.
July 4. — This day General Scott promised
himself and his Northern friends to dine in
Richmond. Poor old renegade, I trust he has
eaten his last dinner in Eichmond, the place
of his marriage, the birthplace of his chil-
dren, the home of his early friendships, and
so near the place of his nativity and early
years.
How can he wish to enter Eichmond but as
a friend? But it is enough for us to know
that he is disappointed in his amiable and
patriotic wish to-day. So may it be.
I have seen W. H., who has just returned
from Fairfax. Last week he scouted near
our house, and gives no very encouraging re-
port for us. Our hills are being fortified,
[96]
Diary of Mrs. McGuire
and Alexandria and the neighborhood have
become one vast barracks. The large trees are
being felled, and even houses
are fallin& *? °rder °f the in'
vader! Our prospect of get-
ting home becomes more and more dim; my
heart sinks within me, and hope is almost
gone. What shall we do, if the war continues
until next winter, without a certain resting-
place? Our friends are kind and hospitable,
open-hearted and generous to a wonderful
degree. In this house we are made to feel
not only welcome, but that our society gives
them heartfelt pleasure. Other friends, too,
are most kind in giving invitations "for the
war" — "as long as we find it agreeable to
stay, ' ' etc. ; but we must get some place, how-
ever small and humble, to call home. Our
friends here amuse themselves at my fears;
but should the war continue, I do not think
that they have any guarantee that they will
not be surrounded by an unfriendly host.
They think that they will not leave their
homes under any circumstances ; perhaps not,
because they are surrounded by so much
property that they must protect ; but the sit-
[97]
The Women of the South in War Times
nation will be very trying. Whenever I ex-
press a feeling of despondency, Mr. McGuire
meets it with the calm reply, that the "Lord
will provide, " so that I am really ashamed to
give place to fear. The situation of the people
of Hampton is far worse than ours — their
homes reduced to ashes ; their church in ruins.
That venerable colonial church, in which for
generations they have been baptized, received
the Holy Communion, been married, and
around which their dead now lie.
July 18. — I have just returned from a small
hospital which has recently been established
in a meeting-house near us. The convalescent
are sent down to recruit for
An Incident of • T . ., .
Hospital Life service, and to recover their
strength in the country, and
also to relieve the Winchester hospitals. The
ladies of the neighborhood are doing all they
can to make them comfortable. They are full
of enthusiasm, and seem to be very cheerful,
except when they speak of home. They are
hundreds of miles from wife, children and
friends. Will they ever see them again?
I have been particularly interested in one
who is just recovering from typhoid fever.
[981
Diary of Mrs. McGuire
I said to him as I sat fanning him : ' ' Are you
married ? ' '
His eyes filled with tears as he replied,
' ' Not now ; I have been and my little children,
away in Alabama, are always in my mind. At
first I thought I could not leave the little
motherless things, but then our boys were all
coming, and mother said, ' Go, Jack, the coun-
try must have men, and you must bear your
part, and I will take care of the children ; ' and
then I went and 'listed, and when I went back
home for my things and saw my children, I
'most died like. i Mother, ' says I, 'I am go-
ing, and father must take my corn, my hogs,
and everything else he likes, and keep my
children; but if I never get back, I know it
will be a mighty burden in your old age ; but
I know you will do your best. '
" 'Jack,' says she, 'I will do a mother's
part by them ; but you must not talk that way.
Why should you get killed more than another?
You will get back, and then we shall be so
happy. God will take care of you, I know
He will.' "
He then took a wallet from under his pil-
low, and took out two locks of hair : ' ' This is,
[99]
The Women of the South in War Times
Peter's, he is three years old; and this is
Mary's, she is a little more than one, and
named after her mother, and was just step-
ping about when I left home. ' '
At that recollection, tears poured down his
bronzed cheeks, and I could not restrain my
own. I looked at the warm-hearted soldier,
and felt that he was not the less brave for
shedding tears at the recollection of his dead
wife, his motherless children, and his brave
old mother. I find that the best way to nurse
them, when they are not too sick to bear it,
is to talk to them of home. They then cease
to feel to you as a stranger, and finding that
you take interest in their " short and simple
annals, ' ' their natural reserve gives way, and
they at once feel themselves among friends.
It is delightful to be with Bishop Meade.
There is so much genuine hospitality and
kindness in his manner of entertaining, which
we perhaps appreciate more
Picture of a highly now than we ever did
Household before. His simple, self-deny-
ing habits are more conspicu-
ous at home than anywhere else. We sit a
great deal in his study, where he loves to en-
[100]
Diary of Mrs. McGuire
tertain his friends. Nothing can be more
simple than its furniture and arrange-
ments, but he gives you so cordial a welcome
to it, and is so agreeable, that you forget that
the chair on which you sit is not cushioned.
He delights in walking over the grounds with
his friends, and as you stop to admire a
beautiful tree or shrub, he will give you the
history of it. Many of them he brought with
him from Europe; but whether native or
foreign, each has its association. This he
brought in his trunk when a mere scion, from
the tidewater section of Virginia; that from
the "Eastern Shore " ; another from the Alle-
gheny mountains ; another still, from the Cat-
skill mountains. Here is the oak of old Eng-
land; there the cedar of Lebanon; there the
willow from St. Helena, raised from a slip
which had absolutely waved over the grave of
Napoleon. Here is another, and prettier wil-
low, native of our own Virginia soil. Then he
points out his eight varieties of Arbor Vitae,
and the splendid yews, hemlocks, spruces, and
firs of every kind, which have attained an im-
mense size. Our own forest trees are by no
means forgotten, and we find oaks, poplars,
[101]
The Women of the South in War Times
^elms, etc., without number. He tells me that
he has more than a hundred varieties of trees
in his yard. His flowers, too, are objects of
great interest to him, particularly the old-
fashioned damask rose. But his grape-vines
are now his pets. He understands the cul-
tivation of them perfectly, and I never saw
them so luxuriant. It has been somewhat the
fashion to call him stern, but I wish that those
who call him so could see him among his chil-
dren, grandchildren, and servants. Here he
is indeed a patriarch. All are affectionately
respectful, but none of them seem at all afraid
of him. The grandchildren are never so
happy as when in "grandpapa's room;" and
the little colored children frequently come to
the porch, where he spends a great deal of
his time, to inquire after "old master 's
health," and to receive bread and butter or
fruit from his hands.
Norwood, near Berryville, August 26. — My
old friend, Mrs. Dickens, is sometimes in
their lines, sometimes in ours. When our
men are near her, they are fed from her table,
and receive ail manner of kindness from her
hands. Some of my nephews have been in-
[102]
Diary of Mrs. McGuire
vited to her table, and treated as her rela-
tions. When they entered her house she
advanced towards them with outstretched
hands. l * You don 't know me, but I knew your
mother, father, and all your relations; and
besides I am connected with you, and you
must come to my house while near me, as to
that of an old friend. " Nothing could be
more grateful to a soldier far away from
home and friends.
At church yesterday ; the services interest-
ing; the Communion administered. Rev. Dr.
A. delivered an address, perhaps a little too
political for the occasion.
The "Dr. A." referred to here was Dr.
Charles W. Andrews, a Northern-born clergy-
man, brought up on politico-moral sermons.
He married a near relative of Bishop Meade
and made his home in Virginia. He was heart
and soul for the Confederacy. The fact that
he was an ardent emancipationist helps to re-
fute the peculiar but popular idea that he and
the whole Confederacy fought for the perpet-
uation of slavery. Of this widely prevalent
misconception, the great soldier-scholar, Basil
[103]
The Women of the South in War Times
L. Gildersleeve, wrote in his " Creed of the
Old South."
" And if the secrets of all hearts could have
been revealed, our enemies would have been
astounded to see how many thousands and
tens of thousands in the Southern States felt
the crushing burden and the awful respon-
sibility of the institution which we were sup-
posed to be defending with the melodramatic
fury of pirate kings. We were born to this
social order, we had to do our duty in it ac-
cording to our lights, and this duty was made
infinitely more difficult by the interference
of those who, as we thought, could not under-
stand the conditions of the problem, and who
did not have to bear the expense of the experi-
ments they proposed."
Mrs. McGuire's diary is continued for the second year
of the war on page 155.
[104
VI
CABING FOB WOUNDED FOES
"TMTEDICAL Grove, " near Blountville,
Tennessee, was the first brick house
built in Sullivan County. It was erected in
1799 by Dr. Elkanah Dulaney of Culpeper
County, Virginia, from bricks made on the
place. Dr. Dulaney brought his bride out
from Virginia with him and they spent their
lives at " Medical Grove, " the place then
passing to their son, Dr. William B. Dulaney,
who married Mary Taylor, daughter of Gen-
eral Nathaniel Taylor, a Brigadier General of
the War of 1812.
Dr. William B. Dulaney died in 1860, and,
during the War between the States, the old
home was occupied by Mrs. Dulaney and her
daughters, her two sons being surgeons in the
Confederate army, and the husbands of her
daughters, then married, being also in the ser-
vice. Before the War closed, seven officers
had gone out from "Medical Grove. "
To Evalina Dulaney, one of the elder
[105]
The Women of the South in War Times
daughters, fell much of the care of the place
and the servants, which was no slight task in
such troublous times, as the old house lay be-
tween the lines of the opposing Union and
Confederate forces, which fought back and
forth across Tennessee.
In the early autumn of 1863 it was known
that a battle was impending and the family
had been warned to secrete the valuables and
vacate the place, but no one realized that
there was immediate danger.
Evalina Dulaney was in the house hiding
the silver and two younger sisters were in the
garden burying their love letters (regarded
as chief treasures), in a tin box. Some ser-
vants were in the rear making apple butter.
Suddenly the shells began whistling over the
old home. Several shells fell in the flower
garden and one lodged in the hay in the barn.
It soon became apparent that the battery
of Colonel James Carter, C. S. A., who was
stationed east of Blountville, had become en-
gaged with that of Colonel John W. Foster,
U. S. A., whose guns were on the opposite
side of the town, so that "Medical Grove "
was in direct line with the firing.
[106]
Caring for Wounded Foes
Quickly realizing that it was not known
that the house was still occupied, Evalina
Dulaney fastened a sheet to a broom handle
and waved it out of a dormer window at one
end of the garret, and Mary Dulaney, leav-
ing her love letters unburied, rushed through
the backyard, seized the apple butter stirrer,
and picking up a table cloth as she ran, she
wrapped it around the end of the pole and
waved her "flag" also.
Both commanders saw instantly that the
house had not been abandoned as supposed,
and Colonel Carter, who was an old friend
of the family, changed the position of his guns
and the firing went on.
The frightened negroes, with the exception
of old "Uncle Bob," hid in the potato cellar
until the firing ceased. "Uncle Bob" was on
his knees behind the barn engaged in very
earnest prayer until he had assured himself
that the shell lodged in his neighborhood had
failed to burst.
The battle of Blountville, which was fought
September 22, 1863, began at noon and lasted
till four o'clock in the afternoon. The Con-
federate forces numbered 1,257, while the
[107]
The Women of the South in War Times
Federals had twice that number of men. The
women and children had not been removed
and their lives were in the greatest jeopardy.
A shell from the Federal guns entered
the courthouse, setting it on fire, and soon
all the best part of the town was de-
stroyed, the women and children fleeing for
their lives through a storm of bullets and
shells, while cavalrymen dashed across their
path.
Dr. Nathaniel T. Dulaney, a brother of
Evalina Dulaney, and a surgeon in the Con-
federate army, assisted the Federal surgeons
in caring for the wounded in the temporary
hospitals which had been fitted up in the In-
stitute and the Methodist church.
While the town was burning, Dr. Dulaney
discovered that two sick Union soldiers, who
had been abandoned by their officers, were in
a building already on fire. He rescued them
and sent them out to "Medical Grove" in his
own conveyance under the care of his colored
servant.
There was an old office out in the yard, un-
der the catalpa trees, which had been used by
the Dulaney physicians of three generations.
[1081
Caring for Wounded Foes
This was hastily fitted up as a hospital ; and
for three weeks, Evalina Dulaney, assisted by
her younger sisters, nursed the two soldiers,
who, while they were the invaders of her
country, were also human beings in great dis-
tress who needed her aid.
For a while, both rallied and gave promise
of recovery, but the fire and shock of removal
proved too much for their enfeebled condition
and both died.
One was a fair-haired young boy from Illi-
nois, who seemed greatly to appreciate the
kindness shown to him and not long before
his death asked Evalina to pray with him,
which she did, and then drawing a ring from
his finger asked her to send it to his mother
and write her that he had been tenderly cared
for in -his last hours. She wrote the letter and
sent it, with the ring and a lock of his hair,
to the address given, but no response ever
came.
After the death of these two men, and when
the Confederate forces had withdrawn, a
Union officer, with a pronounced German ac-
cent, came by and threatened to burn "Med-
ical Grove" because two of his men had died
[109]
The Women of the South in War Times
there, saying that he knew that they had been
poisoned or they would not have died.
Evalina Dulaney drew herself to her full
height, looked him in the face and said:
'"You left them to perish miserably amid the
flames of Blountville, and my brother rescued
them. My sisters and I, by watching day and
night, prolonged their lives a few weeks and
they died with words of gratitude on their
lips."
" Medical Grove" was spared, and shortly
afterward, within its old walls, Evalina
Dulaney became the war bride of Captain
Jonathan Waverly Bachman, C. S. A., a
prisoner on parole after Vicksburg. Captain
Bachman wore his Confederate uniform, and
videttes were stationed around to prevent the
ceremony being interrupted by unwelcome
>enemy visitations.
His bride shared with him the vicissitudes
of the rest of the war, and when peaceful days
came, made her children little cloaks from the
gray uniform and used his sabre ground down
for a kitchen knife, (literally fulfilling Scrip-
[110]
Caring for Wounded Foes
ture), and his old army blanket lay across the
foot of the trundle bed.*
*It is interesting to note that a grandson of this noble
Southern girl, Evalina Dulaney, John Bachman Hyde, vol-
unteered as a private in the World War of the Twentieth-
Century. As Lieutenant and special Adjutant to superior
officers he served in the fierce fighting in the Argonne
Forest. In the fall of 1918, he was assigned to duty with
the famous unit that became known in the annals of the war
as the Lost Battalion. Lieutenant Hyde was not among
those surrounded by the Germans, but was one of those
who fought their way to the rescue of the men so sur-
rounded.
North from Chattanooga, the home of Lieutenant Hyde,
lies the "hill-country" home of Sergeant Alvin C. York,
to whom Marshal Foch said: "What you did was the
greatest thing accomplished by any soldier of any of the
armies in Europe."
[Ill]
vn
MBS. BETSY SULLIVAN, "MOTHER TO
FIRST TENNESSEE REGIMENT "
r\N the first of May, 1861, the little town of
Pulaski, Tennessee, afterwards famous
as the birthplace of the Ku Klux Klan, sent
forth a company of volunteers for Confed-
erate service. One of the men was John
Sullivan, and, when he went to the front, his
wife, Mrs. Betsy Sullivan, accompanied him.
The couple had no children, so Mrs. Sullivan
determined not only to go to the war but also
to " mother " the entire company as well.
From the time that she helped to nurse the
first sick or wounded soldier to the surrender
of the Confederate forces, this noble Irish
woman was known as "Mother Sullivan."
There was nothing the men would not dare
for her and for what her presence repre-
sented to them — their wives, their mothers,
and their homes. In turn, Mrs. Sullivan held,
in her long years of hardship with the army,
that no trial was too severe, no sacrifice too
[112]
Mrs. Betsy Sullivan
great, if made on behalf of her "boys." In
1917, the story of Mrs. Sullivan 's war experi-
ences was set forth by Mrs. Grace Meredith
Newbill in the following brief narrative:
Tenderly and lovingly as a real mother,
she ministered to the soldiers in sickness and
closed their eyes in death. She mended and
darned for them, cooked dainty food for the
sick, and in many instances washed the
clothes of the sick and wounded. Mrs. Sulli-
van went with the First Regiment to West
Virginia in General Lee's campaign against
General Rosecrans, and thence to Northern
Virginia when the regiment was under Stone-
wall Jackson. She marched on foot with her
knapsack on her back through the mountains
of West Virginia, slept on the frozen ground,
under the cold skies, a blanket her only cov-
ering,— her knapsack, her pillow.
In a slight skirmish at Cheat Mountain,
West Virginia, one member of Company K
was killed. Mrs. Sullivan brought the body
of the dead soldier in a rude wagon to
the nearest railway station, where it was pre-
pared for burial, then on to his home in
Pulaski, and gave into the hands of his loved
[113]
The Women of the South in War Times
ones their precious dead. When importuned
to remain at home with friends, and receive
the care she so much needed, she replied, i ' No,
my boys need me, I must go to them. ' '
With sublime self-sacrifice, she shared
every hardship endured by the men of the
First Eegiment. In return, the soldiers loved
and reverenced her, treating her at all times
with the same courtesy they would have
shown their own mothers. No rude speech
or improper word was ever uttered in her
presence by her devoted ' l boys. ' ' Only a few
days ago I heard a Veteran of the First Ten-
nessee affirm that not one single man in the
entire regiment would have hesitated to spill
the last drop of blood for ' ' Mother Sullivan. ' '
Early in the spring of 1862, the First Regi-
ment was ordered back to Tennessee. Mrs.
Sullivan went with the regiment and, in 1862,
was with her "boys" on the battlefields of
Shiloh and Corinth, Mississippi. Not in the
rear, working in a hospital, but on the battle
ground with her boys, carrying bandages and
with canteens of water suspended from her
shoulders, she bound up wounds and stanched
the life blood of many soldiers, moistened the
[114]
Mrs. Betsy Sullivan
lips of the dying, and closed the eyes of the
dead.
At Perryville, Kentucky, October, 1862,
Mrs. Sullivan was on the battlefield, in one
of the bloodiest and most hotly contested of
any during the War. Here, her husband sus-
tained a severe head wound and Lieutenant
John H. Wooldridge of the same company
suffered the loss of both eyes. When General
Bragg retreated from Kentucky, these
wounded men were left at Harrodsburg, and
became prisoners. Mrs. Sullivan went with
them to prison, where she continued to serve
her husband and the other members of the
company as long as she was able.
[115]
vni
THE CAPTURE AND IMPRISONMENT
OF MRS. WILLIAM KIRBY
preceding story of the life of
"Mother" Sullivan closes with her trip
to prison to nurse her wounded husband. The
story of Mrs. William Kirby, an equally
brave Irish woman of Louisiana, is a story
of her own capture, imprisonment, and death.
The particulars were secured by General
John McGrath, President of the Historical
Society of East and West Baton Rouge. Gen-
eral McGrath wrote:
For many years before the secession of
Louisiana, there dwelt among us an Irish
family composed of father, mother, and one
son. William Kirby, husband and father,
was a wheelwright by trade and as honest a
man and as worthy a citizen as was to be
found in the whole country. At the outbreak
of the war, father and son, the latter a lad
of tender age, joined the Confederate army
of northern Virginia to die finally upon the
[116]
Mrs. William Kirby
hillside at Gettysburg. From the day of the
enlistment of her husband and son, the old
lady devoted every hour of her life to the
cause of the South. She begged and shamed
young men slow to join the colors to do so;
she gathered clothing, medicine, and other
supplies necessary to the welfare of the sol-
diers and sent them through the lines; and,
after the occupation of Baton Eouge by the
Federals, she became one of the most success-
ful "blockade runners," supplying many a
hospital with quinine, a rare article and a
very necessary one to the sick.*
Emboldened by success, the good and pa-
triotic woman finally began taking out arms
and ammunition, a most dangerous under-
taking, as all roads leading from the city
were closely watched by cavalry pickets and
scouts. However, Mrs. Kirby, making her
trips on foot, seldom traveled the public
roads, but instead took to fields and woods,
until a safe distance beyond the enemy's lines,
nor did she travel a great distance as she de-
posited her contraband goods with one or an-
*See narrative of Mrs. Duckett above for methods of
smuggling quinine and other medicines into the South,
[117]
The Women of the South in War Times
other of the farmers nearby, all of whom
were loyal to the Confederacy; or, at the
point of delivery, army scouts would meet her
and relieve her of her burden when she would
return to town to prepare for another trip.
After accomplishing the feat of evading or
outwitting Federal authorities for a long
lime, she fell under suspicion and was finally
detected. When arrested, she had just se-
cured two cavalry rifles which she had placed
under her top dress. The butts reached
nearly to her arm pits, but she started out
Main street to her home. The guns were long
enough, however, to reach to the soles of her
shoes, and at each step struck the brick pave-
ment, with a loud metallic sound. Two sol-
diers, evidently watching her movements,
hearing the tap, tap, tap, halted her, and
searching her person, discovered the hidden
rifles.
"What are you doing with these guns!
What did you intend doing with them?"
asked a soldier.
Knowing full well no excuse she could of-
fer would save her, the brave old woman re-
plied: "What do you suppose I was going
[118]
Mrs. William Kirby
to do with them? I intended to send them to
the boys out yonder to shoot Yankees with!"
Taken before a military tribunal, Mrs.
Kirby was convicted as a spy and sentenced
to serve during the continuance of the war in
close confinement on Ship Island, where she
was sent and closely guarded by negro sol-
diers. To the credit of the Federals, let it
be said they never executed a female spy,
although some were captured. This cruel
punishment was left to the enlightened na-
tions of Europe, as late events have proved.
Male spies were executed by both Confed-
erates and Federals, but women, never !
Closely confined, with poor and insufficient
food, insulted and reviled by guards of a low
order or class of men, and with the news of
her son's death communicated to her, the
heroic woman's health finally gave way and
she was claimed by death about the time the
war closed. Mr. Kirby lived some four or five
years longer and then his brave spirit went
forth to join the souls of his loved wife and
son.
[119]
IX
MBS. BETTIE TAYLOR PHILIPS,
" MOTHER" OF THE "ORPHAN
BRIGADE"
As a rule, the memorial inscriptions of Fed-
eral cemeteries are taken from stanzas writ-
ten by a "rebel" soldier-poet. These uses
are unconscious but eloquent tributes to the
natural genius of Southern expression. —
"The Dixie Book of Days/' for July 20.
THE BIVOUAC OF THE DEAD
The muffled drum's sad roll has beat
The soldier's last tattoo;
No more on life's parade shall meet
The brave and fallen few.
On Fame's eternal camping-ground
Their silent tents are spread,
But Glory guards, with solemn round,
The bivouac of the dead.
* # #
Sons of the Dark and Bloody Ground,
Ye must not slumber there,
Where stranger steps and tongues resound
Along the heedless air.
Your own proud land's heroic soil
Shall be your fitter grave;
She claims from War his richest spoil —
The ashes of her brave.
[120]
Mother Philips
Yon marble minstrel's voiceless stone
In deathless song shall tell,
When many a vanquished age hath flown,
The story how ye fell;
Nor wreck, nor change, nor winter's blight,
Nor Time's remorseless doom,
Shall dim one ray of glory's light
That gilds your deathless tomb.
— THEODORE
Individual deeds of daring and endurance
by the women of the South may be given
almost indefinitely. In the West some of the
wives of the soldiers accompanied their hus-
bands on the march and to the battlefield.
This was noticeable in the case of those who
had no children to care for at home. The
story of "Mother" Sullivan of Tennessee is
duplicated by that of Bettie Taylor Philips
of Kentucky.
Those who knew Mrs. Philips in person
prepared the story of her eventful "army
life." This was condensed by Mrs. Louise
Winston Maxwell, of Paducah, whose narra-
tive follows :
*Theodore O'Hara was a son of Kentucky and these quo-
tations are taken from his famous poem in memory of those
who fell in the war with Mexico.
r 1211
The Women of the South in War Times
Mrs. Philips was born in Morganfield,
Kentucky, April 6, 1830. She was the daugh-
ter of Mary Eives and Dr. Gibson Berry
Taylor, both natives of Virginia. In 1847 she
was married to W. D. Philips, who, at the
rory beginning of the war, entered the South-
ern army. In the fall of 1861, Mrs. Philips
Joined her husband at Bowling Green, Ken-
tucky, where he had received the appoint-
ment of quartermaster to the Fourth Ken-
tucky Regiment, Hanson's Brigade, Breck-
inridge's Division. Later, after the death of
the heroic Hanson, it was commanded by
General Joe Lewis, and has come down to
fame as the "Orphan Brigade. "
Mrs. Philips, having no children, deter-
mined to follow the fortunes of her husband
through weal or woe. She remained at his
side through all the stern vicissitudes of war,
in camp, on long marches, often under shot
and shell of the enemy, but ever at hand as
an angel of mercy, ministering to the sick,
wounded, and dying of her beloved brigade,
each man of whom she seemed to love as if
bound by ties of blood, and each, in return,
giving her the affection and reverence due a
[122]
Mother Philips
mother. At Shiloh, at Donelson, and many
other hard-fought fields of the South, her
slender form might have been seen bending
over the cots of the wounded and dying, re-
ceiving their last words, writing down their
last messages, faintly whispered by dying
lips — messages of love to the far-away dear
ones at home.
Then, after two years of the hardships in-
cident to camp life, her health, which had
never been robust, failed, but not the daunt-
less spirit of this brave woman. She was ad-
vised to rest ; so she started from a point in
Tennessee for her home in Kentucky. At;
Nashville, she was arrested, and two rough:
soldiers were commissioned to search her per-
son for weapons and concealed papers. They
told her their mission and started to execute
the order.
* * Stop where you are ! ' ' she cried, and drew
her pistol, "I will never submit to the humil-
iation of being searched by men. Send a
woman to me. ' '
Awed by her courage, they retreated, and
returned with a woman, who made the most
rigid search of her person. She was then
[123]
The Women of the South in War Times
sent to Louisville and tried as a spy; but,
as there was no evidence to convict her,
she was finally acquitted and sent back
through the lines and left in a lonely forest in
Tennessee. After wandering for many miles,
this frail and delicate little woman reached a
road and was mercifully taken up by a
passing countryman in a wagon and con-
veyed to the nearest railroad station. She
soon reached the shelter of the camp, her
home, and never was there any more joyful
homecoming. Words fail me to describe the
enthusiasm of the welcome that awaited her
there. Every man in the command begged
the honor of shaking her hand; the band
played * * Home Again, ' ' and strong men wept.
At last, this sorely tried but dauntless little
woman felt herself under the protecting care
of the grand old " Orphan Brigade, " than
whom braver men never fought or fell. With
them Mrs. Philips remained until the end of
the war. At the close of those four fateful
years, she returned to her home in Uniontown,
and devoted the few remaining years of her
life to the cause of the South, and was in-
strumental in erecting the soldiers' monu-
[124]
Mother Philips
ment at Morganfield. She was ever ready
with untiring energy to aid in every work for
the betterment of the returned soldier, or in
the vindication of the cause she loved so well.
I still have vivid memories of a day spent
with this lovely woman, when Johnston 's
army, in retreat before Sherman's advancing
forces, was encamped at Peach Tree creek,
near Atlanta. A few other women and myself
(accompanied by a courier furnished by my
husband for protection), rode through the
green, flower-scented Georgia woods from At-
lanta to the camp, seven miles distant. It was
an experience never to be forgotten, the sight
of this war-worn, weary, half-starved, but
still valiant army, scattered — many of them
without tents — along the banks of this his-
toric stream. Soon we were met by an orderly,
who, bowing most courteously before us, said
he had been sent by the commanding officer
to escort us to the command we wished to
visit. The announcement of our mission (to
see Mrs. Philips) was all that was necessary,
if anything had been needed among Southern
soldiers, to insure us the most courteous and
enthusiastic welcome.
[125]
The Women of the South in War Times
That day spent, surrounded as we were by
those battle-scarred veterans, and the warm
welcome and good cheer furnished by Major
and Mrs. Philips, will ever be among my most
cherished memories of the war. This was the
last time I ever saw Mrs. Philips and many
of those brave heroes whose names have since
come down to us in song and story. She was
with President and Mrs. Davis in Georgia
just before their capture when Mr. Davis
divided his camp outfit among its occupants.
To her fell his mess cup, a valued relic.
[126]
CAPTAIN SALLY TOMPKINS, C. S. A.
In doing what thousands of Southern
women did on behalf of the sick and wounded,
one Virginia woman achieved success in a
unique manner and received a commission
in the Confederate army with the title of
Captain. At the outbreak of the war, women
in every station in life vied with one another
in giving to their cause and country. If the
individual were wealthy, she gave all she had,
her services, and herself; if she were in
humbler circumstances, the sacrifice was the
same.
After the first battle of Manassas it was
found that the Confederate Government had
not provided sufficient hospital accommoda-
tions, and a call was made upon private in-
dividuals. Miss Sally L. Tompkins volun-
teered to help, and secured the use of Judge
John Robertson's house on Main and Third
Streets, Richmond. She immediately estab-
lished a hospital there for sick and wounded
[127]
The Women of the South in War Times
soldiers. In the course of time, the civil au-
thorities regarded this as an irregular pro-
ceeding, for other private hospitals had been
placed under the direct supervision of the
Confederate Government. Miss Tompkins,
however, wanted to maintain her own hos-
pital and seriously objected to giving up what
she had so carefully planned at her personal
charge and expense. Moreover, as she had
already earned the gratitude of so many sol-
diers and their families, she was powerfully
seconded in her struggle for local indepen-
dence,— in what may be termed a feminine
phase of State Rights!
Since, therefore, Miss Tompkins, though
small and frail, was determined to continue
as superintendent of her private hospital;
and, since in the "Old South " it was un-
heard of to use force to compel a lady to com-
ply with the law, the civil and military powers
finally hit upon the happy compromise of let-
ting the lady have her own way! Accord-
ingly, they granted Miss Tompkins a special
commission in the Confederate army with
the rank of Captain; so that as "Captain"
Sally L. Tompkins, the superintendent of the
r 128]
ROBERT E. LEE
From an unusual photograph, copies of which were pre-
sented by General Lee to his intimate friends. It would
seem, therefore, that General Lee preferred this likeness to
any taken after the close of the war. A similar pose, with
a more formal expression, has been widely published.
Captain Sally Tompkins
Robertson Hospital might give herself au-
thority not only to go ahead with her work
but to commandeer the services of others,
together with what official medicines and
supplies the Confederate Government could
afford as her legal and proper apportion-
ment.
The Robertson residence was none too large
or well adapted for hospital purposes. Never-
theless, Captain Sally Tompkins was enabled
to ease the suffering of over 1,300 sick and
wounded soldiers from the date of the first
battle of Manassas to the thirteenth of June,
1865, when the hospital finally closed its
doors.
Miss Tompkins was once wealthy, as old-
time fortunes were reckoned. When she died,
over fifty years after Appomattox, she was
the " guest " of the Home for Confederate
Women at Richmond. From a contemporary
newspaper account of her death and the semi-
military honors accorded her, the following
is quoted:
"She was more than eighty years of age,
and she was shrunken and bent and piteously
feeble; she died, too, in a Home for Needy
[129]
The Women of the South in War Times
Confederate Women. But to those who knew
her history, she passed with fluttering ban-
ner, still lifted high, all armored and pano-
plied in bravery and beauty. So might a Joan
of Arc have passed/'
[130]
XI
"THE FLORENCE NIGHTINGALE OF
THE SOUTH "
Who bade us go with smiling tears?
Who scorned the renegade,
Who, silencing their trembling fears,
Watched, cheered, then wept and prayed?
Who nursed our wounds with tender care,
And then, when all was lost,
Who lifted us from our despair
And counted not the cost
THE WOMEN OF THE SOUTH.
— ALBERT SIDNEY MORTON
For many good reasons, the title given
above has been most frequently bestowed
upon Mrs. Ella K. Trader of Mississippi and
Arkansas. Probably the title would not be
questioned until the works of mercy and re-
lief of Southern women everywhere be re-
viewed. Then the wonder is why the title
should be given to any one of a great number
of women rather than another.
Like "Captain" Sally Tompkins, Mrs.
Trader, who was Mrs. Newsome at the time
of the War, had a comfortable fortune which
she could devote to forwarding her work.
[131]
The Women of the South in War Times
She sacrificed all for the "boys in grey";
and, like Miss Tompkins, was reduced to real
need in later life. Mrs. Trader 's first hus-
band, Dr. Frank Newsome, died before the
war began, leaving her in charge of large
property interests in the southwest. She was
the daughter of Rev. T. S. N. King, and was
born at Brandon, Mississippi. Her father
was a Baptist minister of prominence and
ability who, prior to the war, moved to
Arkansas.
When the war broke out, Mrs. Newsome
was superintending the education of her
younger sisters, who were attending a school
at Winchester, Tennessee. She immediately
had her sisters sent to their home at Arkansas
and volunteered her services in the cause of
the Confederacy. At Memphis, she began
the period of her consecration to the relief
of suffering humanity. Having unusual
executive ability, she went from the organiza-
tion of the hospitals at Memphis to Bowling
Green, Kentucky; to Nashville and Chatta-
nooga, Tennessee; to Corinth, Mississippi;
and even as far east as Marietta and Atlanta,
Georgia.
[1321
Mrs. Ella K. Trader
It seems, from an examination of the
records, that although the hospitals in Vir-
ginia and the Eastern States lacked sup-
plies, delicacies, and, at times, even the plain-
est food, those in the West lacked more, and
severer suffering ensued. The western hos-
pitals were farther removed from supply
centres for surgical appliances and instru-
ments.
At Memphis, Mrs. Newsome heard stories
of suffering at Bowling Green that defied de-
scription in horror and sheer hopelessness.
In December, 1861, this deter-
Lack of Food mined woman set out for this
and Medicines new fieM with her own servants
Throughout the , , „ _. 4 ,_
South and a car load of supplies. All
was done at her own expense.
She found a lack of everything that was
needed for sick and wounded soldiers, from
buildings, fuel, and blankets, to the most ordi-
nary medicines and plain food. Here Mrs.
Newsome labored from four o'clock in the
morning until evening and often until twelve
at night. She was given charge of all the hos-
pitals and had obtained the best possible re-
sults under the distressing conditions when
[133]
The Women of the South in War Times
the surrender of Forts Henry and Donelson
compelled her to move to Nashville.
The Confederates were soon forced to
evacuate Nashville, and the problem of mov-
ing the wounded fell upon Mrs. Newsome.
These were ordered to Winchester, Tennes-
see. The trip took several days and involved
the most wearisome, and, for the badly
wounded, often fatal delays. At Decherd,
within a few miles of Winchester, the engineer
detached the locomotive at ten o'clock at
night, leaving the long train of helpless
wounded stranded on the track. Ella New-
some, however, could not allow the suffering
of that terrible journey to continue, if by
any sacrifice, it could be shortened. She her-
self searched through the railroad yards until
she had secured another engine, with which
she brought her train to Winchester that
night.
In a few weeks, because of another Con-
federate retreat, Mrs. Newsome was obliged
to leave Winchester for Corinth, Mississippi.
Here she looked after great numbers of
wounded from the battlefields of Shiloh,
where Albert Sidney Johnston's death in
[134]
Mrs. Ella K. Trader
the moment of victory probably saved the
military destiny of General U. S. Grant.
A letter from Mrs. Newsome tells some-
thing of the life and trials at Corinth:
"The scenes in the Tishomingo Hotel Hos-
pital after the battle of Shiloh beggar descrip-
tion. Every yard of space on the floors, as
well as all the beds, bunks, and cots were
covered with the mangled forms of badly
wounded soldiers. All had come from the bat-
tle-fields several miles distant, many having
been conveyed in rough wagons over muddy
roads.
"When they arrived at any of the hospital
buildings, the first thing one of the women
attendants had to do was to get some coffee
and bread to revive the body a little so that
the wounds could be dressed as soon as pos-
sible. Next, was to find a hospital suit in
order to rid them of the muddy and bloody
clothes in which they had fallen.
' ' I Left the Tishomingo Hotel in charge of
Mrs. Gilmore and Miss Cummings and took
the Corinth House Hospital where there was
not a corner in which a woman could lay her
head for rest or sleep. I was forced to go to
[135]
The Women of the South in War Times
the private residence of a Mr. Inge which was
at that time the Army headquarters. I was
allowed to occupy, with my faithful servant,
Carrie, a small room in which we put two
cots and one or two boxes for seats. Every
morning at daylight we went to the Hospital,
remaining there until eleven or twelve every
night that we did not stay all through the
night to sit up with some poor fellow shot in
the lungs and who had to be fanned every
moment to enable him to breathe at all.
Among this number I remember a soldier
from the enemy's ranks who was a prisoner
with many others. He was a splendid look-
ing man with great brown eyes.
Finding a jj^g name was never given to
Wounded T , ,, „ c ,,
Prisoner me- * shall never lorget the
agony of that suffering counte-
nance as he tossed his head from side to side
to try to breathe. When he learned that we
were about to leave on a retreat, he begged
so hard to be taken along that I persuaded
some of the nurses and soldiers to take up
his bunk and carry it to the car platform
and, if it were possible, I promised him he
should be put on the train with our wounded.
[136]
Mrs. Etta K. Trader
Carrie, my maid, walked beside the bunk fan-
ning him every step of the way; yet we
pleaded but vainly to have him go with our
wounded. The Yankees were then shelling
the town and I had to tell him that his friends
would soon take charge of him and see that
he was well cared for. Carrie and I bade
him farewell, at the same time placing a fan
in his hand; then we boarded the train — I
never heard of or saw him again. "*
It was not Mrs. Newsome's fate to remain
long in one place in her unselfish devotion to
the cause of the stricken soldiers. She was
forced to move from one point to another
with each retirement of the Confederate
armies in the west. The hospitals of Georgia
occupied her best energies in 1864. In the
fall of that year, vague reports from her
father's home in distant Arkansas made her
feel, almost intuitively, that she was needed
there. She was urged not to go, as the jour-
*0ne of the tragedies of history is that so many millions
of Americans should have been taught false views of in-
tentional cruelty to Federal prisoners of war. For refer-
ences to the true state of affairs in the South, see especially
the narrative of Mrs. Duckett and Mrs. McGuire, also
"Capture of a Virginia Lady," and the "sidelight" at close
of that narrative.
[137]
The Women of the South in War Times
ney was declared impossible for a woman to
undertake. For a while, she set aside her
intention; but in February, 1865, she set out
for Arkansas. The undertaking is best de-
scribed in her own words:
"Leaving my hospital and servants in
charge of Miss Monroe, in February, 1865,
having heard nothing from my dear old father
and mother for two years except of their bad
treatment at the hands of the rabble of both
armies, I thought I would summon courage
and strength to undertake a journey from
Atlanta, Georgia, to Helena, Arkansas, where
I had last heard of my family.
"I had for a companion a Mrs. Buckley,
whose husband was in the Southern army
but whose relatives were in the North. She
thought we could get through
A Hazardous ^ Union lineg near Memphis
Journey *\
from her acquaintance with
many of the Union officers there. We got
along pretty well as far as Jackson, Missis-
sippi, but from there the trip was perilous
from the condition of the country and from
the intense cold weather. Railroads had been
destroyed, bridges burned, provisions con-
[138]
Mrs. Ella K. Trader
-sumed. We slept one night in a bare room
in what was once a fine hotel in Jackson. In
the morning we got a one-mule wagon and an
old negro to take us half a day's journey
when we found a bit of railroad track which
had not been torn up. We paid the old fellow
and entered the dilapidated car with joy, en-
joyed a rough lunch and soon the car gave
a jerk and a start. Alas, it was only for a
mile or two. We came to a dead stop. The
truck was frozen, the wheels would not turn.
We sat there shivering until about sundown,
when some men said that every one who was
not afraid to walk a trestle and cross a river
in a boat would find lodging just across the
river and perhaps something to eat. Mrs.
Buckley and myself took up our handbags
and risked the trip, feeling it was death to
stay where we were, as Federal scouts were
going through the country.
"We got safely over the bridge and to the
bank of a cold, almost frozen-over river. We
yelled and yelled and yelled for the ferry-
man. It seemed hours before he came. Our
hands were nearly frozen. The same boat-
man had to pilot us to the house of a Mr.
[139]
The Women of the South in War Times
Barbee. The ground was like rocky clods
frozen so hard it took us an hour to reach
the dwelling. A big, old-fashioned roaring
fire was shining through the windows. A
lady pulled us in cordially, but we could not
speak for pain in our hands and feet. She
hastily led us to a bowl of water and plunged
our hands into it. After a few moments we
began to recover. We partook of a frugal
meal for supper. The good-hearted people
said we had to rest under their roof for many
days and then they would devise some way to
get us on to Memphis.
"I think we were 18 to 20 miles from that
city, with General Forrest's command be-
tween. When we did leave the Barbees' it
was in a four-mule open wagon. About noon
we came up with some of Forrest's scouts.
Upon learning who we were and our determi-
nation to reach the city, they ordered an am-
bulance to come for us. So we sent our mule
team and wagon back. The ride was so rough
we had to stand up and hold to the wagon
body all the way.
"When we got to Memphis the 'blue coats'
began to appear. After much parleying they
[140]
Mrs. Ella K. Trader
did let us in; but when I reached the home
of an old friend, I was hardly greeted before
I was told I must not stay in the city that
night but go outside five or six miles. My
friend said he would secure a pass and send
it to me, so I got on a train and went to
Buntin's Station. I waited there two days
for that pass, but it finally came and also
permission to go down the river to Helena,
Arkansas.
"My companion, Mrs. Buckley, did not take
the precaution to go out of the city the night
we arrived and stay until she got a pass.
She was, accordingly, arrested, sent to Fort-
ress Monroe, and was there or somewhere
until the war closed.
"I got to Helena safely; but oh, the whole
place and country seemed alive with the 'blue
coats. ' My wits, my courage, my good looks
all failed me. I was taken into the Provost 's
office, requested to take the oath, which I
would not do, threatening to make the matter
known to the Commander at Memphis. My
home where I expected to find my family was
in the country. When, after a day or so, I
got there, I found everything in a delapidated
[141]
The Women of the South in War Times
condition and that my father and mother
had moved to Pine Bluff, some 150 miles
further on.
" A brother, who was not allowed to go into
the army owing to imperfect vision, and who
was in charge of my property, what little
there was left, said if I could ride a mule on a
man's saddle for 150 miles through black mud
swamps and over prairies he would go with
me and my sister to see my father and mother.
After a search among the neighbors we ob-
tained an old broken-down war-horse, a pony,
and the mule. My brother rode the mule.
We started on that lonely, lonely trip, carry-
ing some coffee and sugar to the dear old
people. It took us many days to make the
trip.
" After a journey which was perilous in-
deed, on account of the swimming of bayous
and rivers and the going through dense for-
ests and swamps where might be in hiding
'Rebel' guerrillas and Yankee bushwhackers
or jayhawkers, we came in sight of the King
place ; could see the tops of the trees and hear
the bark of the watch dog. But the home
was located on a muddy bayou, and between
[142]
Mrs. Ella K. Trader
us and the house there was a deep, sluggish
stream which seemed to have no crossing and
yet looked deep and dangerous.
" 'It is getting twilight/ my brother said,
' Sister, what shall we do. Shall we risk
sticking to our horses and swimming across?'
"While we were debating the question I
rode around among the trees, immense cy-
press monsters of that swampy country. I
saw something white clinging to one. I pulled
it down and found it to be a notice in my
father's clear, bold hand: t Any one coming
to the banks of this bayou will find a large
log across. Horses can be gotten over by
swimming them by the side of the log.'
"We looked at each other with tears flow-
ing down our cheeks. I said: 'Is that not
just like father, always planning for the good
and comfort of the public and having no
thought that the first to find that notice would
be his long absent children whom he had not
heard from in three years!'
"We crossed over safe, went splashing
along ankle deep in water almost to the door.
My parents and two sisters were in the home ;
men, black and white, were in the army or
[143]
The Women of the South in War Times
away from home. My father came trembling
down to the gate. His astonishment was so
great he was speechless. He waved back to
mother. Soon we were all taken bodily down
from our horses and held in the arms of first
one, then the other amid tears and shouts of
delight and surprise. All the colored people
from the field ; everything and everybody was
surrounding us."
It should be added to this brief narrative
from the eventful life of Mrs. Trader that
not only courage, determination, and endur-
ance, but fighting blood also was in the veins
of the King sisters. When the Reverend Mr.
King was brutally shot by stragglers near
Pine Bluff, the men who did the dastardly
deed were pursued by his daughter Josie for
a distance of thirty miles. She then reported
the outrage to General Steele, who had the
men arrested and punished for their crime.
144]
XII
A NIGHT ON THE FIELD OF BATTLE
TYTEAR Winchester, Virginia, on the after-
noon of July 20,* 1864, a Confederate
force under General Ramseur was defeated
by Federal troops under General Averell.
The Confederates were compelled to beat a
rapid retreat and left their dead and wounded
on the battlefield.
As night came on, anumber of women of
Winchester arrived on the scene to give aid
and comfort to the wounded. Among the
young girls who had thus volunteered was
Miss Tillie Russell. In passing among the
dead and wounded, visible by the light of the
moon and the lanterns of the Federal sur-
geons, Miss Russell came upon a youth suffer-
ing the greatest agony. He was Randolph
Ridgely of Maryland, although she then knew
only that he was a Confederate soldier. His
clothing was soaked in the blood from his
*The day after the burning of "Fountain Rock" and "Bed-
ford" some thirty miles distant from the scenes of this
narrative. See pp. 196-204.
[145]
fhe Women of the South in War Times
wound, which, some time before, had been
hastily dressed by the Federal surgeon. Miss
Bussell raised Ridgely's head to give him, if
possible, some ease, whereupon the wounded
man gave a sigh of relief and his head sank
back into her arms as she sat down beside him.
Almost at once, his low moans gave place to
regular breathing as he fell into a sleep of
exhaustion.
After some time, Miss Russell found herself
and her charge alone on that portion of the
field among the dead and wounded. She at-
tempted to change the position of the
wounded man and free herself from a severely
cramped position, which, all the while, grew
more and more painful. Whenever she at-
tempted to move, however, the soldier moaned
and awoke. The Federal surgeon who had
dressed young Ridgely's wound came by and
told her that the case was critical, but that
if the wounded man could sleep until morn-
ing, he might live. On the other hand, his
fever was at its most dangerous point, and if
his sleep were broken, he would die. Then
and there, regardless of her own suffering,
Tillie Russell resolved to make no further
[146]
A Niglit On the Field of Battle
effort to lay Ridgely's head on the grass, but
would support his head until his life should
be assured by the rest he needed.
Hour after hour went slowly by. The moon
passed through the heavens, and there was
no sound on the battleground except that of
a fitful breeze in the nearby woods. The girl
was suffering agony, but she never faltered!
and, at the first touch of dawn, she saw the
soldier awake with a faint smile on his lips.
Forgetful of self, her feeling was one of
thankfulness that she had saved the life of a
Confederate soldier.
Miss Eussell was made seriously ill by her
experience, and she could not lift her hand
for some days. The story of her deed was
eagerly sought for publication but she re-
fused permission to have her name used in
connection with it. Artists visited the scene
and portrayed the incident with brush and
pencil. One of these pictures, by Oregon
Wilson, is entitled "Woman's Devotion. " It
should always be associated with the memory
of one of the most unselfish and self-sacrific-
ing deeds of endurance during the War be-
tween the States.
[147]
XIII
THE EIDE OF ROBERTA POLLOCK
OOUTHERN women, like the men, were
skilled in riding horses. During the War
between the States, it was natural that they
should turn this accomplishment to good pur-
pose and sometimes to daring adventure. No
Southern State lacks its special heroine, and
some States offer several. There were rides
made during the Revolution, such as the
famous one of Paul Revere, and the less
known rides of William Dawes, of Massa-
chusetts, together with those of John Jouett,
of Virginia; and Tench Tilghman, of Mary-
land. In the very nature of the case, how-
ever, a ride undertaken by a woman in time
of war and in an invaded country, involves
special dangers and endurance calling for
the highest type of courage and devotion.*
*William Dawes, setting out at the same time from
Boston, completed the ride of warning to Hancock and
Adams. Revere did not finish his ride because of his
capture by the British. Jouett's ride, later in the war,
saved Thomas Jefferson, Patrick Henry, and the Virginia
Legislature. Tench Tilghman's ride was the longest; and,
[148]
Ride of Roberta Pollock
At Warrington, Virginia, December 22,
1864, dawned bitterly cold. Both Federals
and Confederates were thinking of Christmas
cheer. On the one hand, the Unionists could
count on a far greater supply of good things
in their commissary department; but on the
other, many of the Confederates in that
neighborhood were Mosby's men, and they,
at least, had the sentimental advantage of
being near home and family.
On the outskirts of Warrenton lived the
Reverend Dr. Abram David Pollock, by birth
a Pennsylvanian, but a Virginian by adop-
tion. The elder of his two sons had fallen at
Gettysburg in the famous charge under Petti-
grew and Pickett. On this December 22nd,
his youngest daughter Roberta walked into
town and was promptly informed by one of
her friends that the latter had just seen a
negro who had gone with some Federal sol-
diers to the provost marshal's office.
Eoberta Pollock immediately concluded
that the negro had information in regard to
it may be said to have closed the Revolution, as the rides
of Dawes and Revere began it. Dawes, Jouett, and
Tilghman are rarely mentioned by historians.
[149]
The Women of the South in War Times
the movements of Mosby's men. She then
approached the sentinel before the office and
on pretense of wishing to conduct some busi-
ness with the negroes there, bribed him to
let her enter the building. Once inside, Miss
Pollock avoided the room where the negroes
were and entered an adjoining one. It was
empty, damp, and dark, and it was under
the provost marshal's office, where she could
hear what was said. To the great delight of
the Federal officers, the negro was telling
them how and when they could capture some
of Mosby's men and a large supply of corn.
Accordingly, a "raid" was planned for that
night or the next one, with the negro as a
guide.
Miss Pollock had heard enough. She left
the building, walked through Warrenton to a
picket post, and, with what remained of her
funds, succeeded in persuading the Union sol-
dier to let her pass through the lines. Two
miles more of walking and she came to the
house of a friend, from whom she was able to
borrow a horse.
It was late in the afternoon of the shortest
winter day. The cold had steadily increased,
[ISO]
Ride of Roberta Pollock
a high wind was blowing, and the sky was
covered with rapidly moving masses of black
clouds. The girl's friends wrapped her up
as best they could and she rode to a neigh-
bor's house, three miles away. Here, she
took behind her a small boy for escort, and
set out in the general direction of "Confed-
erate scout country " to find and warn whom
she could. For two hours she rode appar-
ently onward when she suddenly found her-
self near the "View Tree," which was but
four miles from Warrenton, although she
had ridden twice that distance, At this point,
the moon appeared; and, at the same time,
her small escort called her attention to the
figures of a number of men on the right of
the road, who were advancing in the form of
a V with carbines pointed. She did not, how-
ever, change her pace, the moon went under^
and she passed on in the shelter of the dark-
ness. That they did not fire appeared almost
a miracle — a mystery which was to be ex-
plained on the following day. She set her
horse's head again in the right direction, but
whether the shrewd old animal she had bor-
rowed was deliberately taking advantage of
The Women of the South in War Times
her or not, she found herself, a half hour
later, even nearer to Warrenton than before,
on a different route.
The temptation to give up was indeed great.
She ached terribly from the cold; and, al-
though her young escort did not complain,
even offering to lend her his overcoat, she
knew that he too must be suffering. She could
not, however, fail, even if that night she per-
ished for her country. The following verses
occurred to her to uphold her courage :
"God shall charge his angel legions
Watch and ward o'er thee to keep,
Tho' thou walk thro' hostile regions,
Tho' in desert wilds thou sleep."
The remembrance of these lines seemed to
point the way to success. Once more turning
her back to the few dim lights of Warrenton,
she rode on. In the next few hundred yards,
however, she came across a horse and its dis-
mounted rider. The picket seized the bridle
of " Kitty Grey" and said firmly:
"Stop, lady, you can go no farther.
Where were you going f"
"I was trying to go to the neighborhood of
Salem to see a sick friend," replied the girl.
11 It was later than I thought when I set out.
[152]
Ride of Roberta Pollock
My poor old borrowed horse traveled very
slowly; night overtook me suddenly and I
have lost my way. ' '
"It is my painful duty to take you to the
reserves, where you will be detained all
night, and then to headquarters in the morn-
ing. "
"You can shoot me on this spot, but I will
not spend the night unprotected among your
soldiers. I cannot consent that you perform
your duty," replied Miss Pollock.
' ' Nor am I willing to perform it, ' ' the kind-
hearted "Yankee" soldier exclaimed; and,
after a pause, he said: "Go to that house
where you see the light; no one will be so
cruel as to turn you away on such a night."
Leading her horse into the right path, he
added: "Good-bye, I shall be three hours
on picket duty to think of a freezing lady."
On reaching the house, the visitors were,
not without some suspicion, given lodging for
the night, but Roberta Pollock, chilled to the
bone, lay and shivered and wept throughout
the night. She was compelled to bide her
time for the warning. Perhaps, she thought,
she might be too late.
The next morning six Federal soldiers rode
[1S3]
The Women of the South in War Times
up. She greatly feared arrest and went down
to meet them ; but, to her great surprise, their
leader said to her:
"We had an alarm last night."
"How was that!"
"Why the rebels wanted to attack our men
and thought to fool us by sending one of them
on ahead as if he were alone. They thought
we 'd all fire on him and not be ready for the
rest of them as they came up; but we were
too sharp for them. We did not fire, and the
rascals were afraid to try it."
This information was very interesting to
Miss Pollock, and she also learned from them
that no raiding party had been sent out that
night to catch the "rebels."
During the day, by skillful manoeuvering
through the woods, Miss Pollock delivered her
warning to some of the Confederates, who
spread the news as rapidly as possible. By
sundown, the brave girl was at home and
saw, with no little secret pleasure, great
preparations in the camp £or the raid which
was planned that night to capture Mosby and
most of his men,
XIV
THE DIAEY OF MRS. JUDITH BEOCK-
ENBEOUGH McGUIEE— 1862-1863*
"It is remarkable that the best loved mel-
ody in the South and the one instantly and
always associated with that section was given
to the South, in words and music, by a
1 Yankee ' minstrel, although he was of Mary-
land and Virginia ancestry. ' Dixie's Land'
was the production of Dan Emmett of Ohio.
But Emmett 's words, never more than min-
strel nonsense, were, in addition, a poor imita-
tion of negro dialect. Hence, throughout the
country, there arose a strong desire to use
Emmett 's melody in connection with verses
of some degree of dignity indicative of the
sentiment and ideals of the South. This de-
mand is probably best met in the lines of
'Dixie Land' as written by the Reverend
M. B. Wharton." — From Foreword Echoes
from Dixie, or Old-time Southern Songs.
"Continued from page 104.
[155]
The Women of the South in War Times
"DIXIE LAND"
Oh! Dixie Land is the land of Glory,
The land of cherished song and story,
Look away, Look away, Look away, Dixie Land,
'Tis the land patriots love to dwell in,
The land our fathers fought and fell in,
Look away, Look away, Look away, Dixie Land.
CHORUS :
I'm glad I live in Dixie,
Hurrah ! Hurrah !
In Dixie Land
I'll take my stand
To live and die in Dixie.
Away, Away, Away down South in Dixie,
Away, Away, Away down South in Dixie.
The Blue and Gray went out to battle,
Loud they made war's thunder rattle,
Look away, Look away, Look away, Dixie Land,
The fight we lost, but won a glory
Which will last till time is hoary,
Look away, Look away, Look away, Dixie Land.
CHORUS, ETC.
Still Dixie Land is the land of freemen,
Of soldiers brave and gallant seamen,
Look away, Look away, Look away, Dixie Land,
The land where rules the Anglo-Saxon,
The land of Davis, Lee, and Jackson,
Look away, Look away, Look away, Dixie Land.
CHORUS, ETC.
And Dixie's Sons will stand together,
In sunshine and in stormy weather,
Look away, Look away, Look away, Dixie Land,
Tho' lightnings flash, and mountains sever,
Count on the gallant South forever,
Look away, Look away, Look away, Dixie Land.
CHORUS, ETC.
[156]
Diary of Mrs. McGuire
March 7 [1862].— Just returned from the
hospital. Several severe cases of typhoid
fever require constant attention. Our little
Alabamian seems better, but so
SoTdtnrf t0 ^ weak! I left them for a few
moments to go to see Bishop
Meade; he sent for me to his room. I was
glad to see him looking better, and quite
cheerful. Bishops Wilmer and Elliott came
in, and my visit was very pleasant. Some of
them are very fond of hearing the Bible read ;
and I am yet to see the first soldier who has
not received with apparent interest any
proposition of being read to from the Bible.
To-day, while reading, an elderly man of
strong, intelligent face sat on the side of the
bed, listening with interest. I read of the
wars of the Israelites and Philistines.
He presently said, "I know why you read
that chapter; it is to encourage us, because
the Yankee armies are so much bigger than
ours; do you believe that God will help us
because we are weak?"
' ' No ' ', said I, ' 'but I believe that if we pray
in faith, as the Israelites did, that God will
hear us."
[157]
The Women of the South in War Times
"Yes," he replied, "but the Philistines
didn't pray, and the Yankees do; and though
I can't bear the Yankees, I believe some of
them are Christians, and pray as hard as we
do ("Monstrous few of 'em!" grunted out a
man lying near him) ; and if we, pray for one
thing, and they pray for another, I don't
know what to think of our prayers clash-
ing!"
"Well, but what do you think of the justice
of our cause! Don't you believe that God
will hear us for the justice of our cause 1 ' '
"Our cause," he exclaimed. "Yes, it is
just; God knows it is just. I never thought
of looking at it that way before, and I was
mighty uneasy about the Yankee prayers.
I am mightily obleeged to you for telling
me."
"Where are you from?" I asked.
"From Georgia."
* ' Are you not over forty-five 1 ' '
* l Oh, yes, I am turned of fifty, but you see
I am monstrous strong and well ; nobody can
beat me with a rifle, and my four boys were
a-coming. My wife is dead, and my girls are
married; and so I rented out my land and
[158]
Diary of Mrs. McGuire
came too ; the country hasn't got men enough,
and we musn't stand back on account of age
if we are hearty. ' '
He reminds me of having met a very plain
looking woman in a store the other day. She
was buying Confederate gray cloth, at what
seemed a high price.
"They Shan't I asked her why she did not
Get to Rich- apply to the quartermaster,
mond"; A n , .. ,
Heroine in and get it cheaper.
Homespun "Well," she replied, "I
knows all about that, for my
three sons is in the army; they gets their
clothes thcw; but you see this is for my old
man, and I don't think it would be fair to
get his clothes from thar, because he ain't
never done nothing for the country as yet —
he 's just gwine in the army. ' '
"Is he not very old to go into the army?"
"Well, he's fifty-four years old, but he's
well and hearty like, and ought to do some-
thing for his country. So he says to me, says
he, 'The country wants men; I wonder if I
could stand marching; I've a great mind to
try.' Says I, 'Old man, I don't think you
could, you would break down*, but I tell you
The Women of the South in War Times
what you can do — you can drive a wagon in
the place of a young man that 's driving, and
the young man can fight. ' Says he, l So I will '
— and he's gwine just as soon as I gets these
clothes ready and that won't be long."
"But won't you be very uneasy about
him?" said I.
i l Yes, indeed ; but you know he ought to go
— them wretches must be drove away. ' '
"Did you want your sons to go?"
"Want 'em to go!" she exclaimed; "Yes;
if they hadn't agone, they shouldn't a-staid
whar I was. But they wanted to go, my sons
did."
Two days ago, I met her again in a baker's
shop; she was filling her basket with cakes
and pies.
' ' Well, ' ' said I, i l has your husband gone ? ' '
"No, but he's agwine to-morrow, and I'm
getting something for him now. ' '
"Don't you feel sorry as the time ap-
proaches for him to go?"
"Oh, yes, I shall miss him mightily; but I
ain't cried about it; I never shed a tear for
the old man, nor for the boys neither, and I
ain't gwine to. Them Yankees must not come
[160]
Diary of Mrs. McGuire
a-nigh to Richmond ; if they does I will fight
them myself. The women must fight, for they
shan't cross Mayo's Bridge; they shan't git
to Richmond. "
I said to her, "You are a patriot."
"Yes, honey — ain't you? Ain't every-
body?"
I was sorry to leave this heroine in home-
spun, but she was too busy buying cakes,
etc., for the "old man" to be interrupted any
longer.
April 10. — Spent yesterday in the hospital
by the bedside of Nathan Newton, our little
Alabamian. I closed his eyes last night at
ten o'clock, after an illness of
"Nobody Is gix weeks> His bod at his
Like My 7
Mother" own request, will be sent to his
mother. Poor little boy. He
was but fifteen, and should never have left
his home. It was sad to pack his knapsack,
with his little gray suit, and colored shirts,
so neatly stitched by his poor mother, of
whom he so often spoke, calling to us in de-
lirium, "Mother, mother," or "Mother, come
here. ' '
He so often called me mother that I said
[161]
The Women of the South in War Times
to him one day, when his mind was clear,
"Nathan, do I look like your mother?"
"No, ma'am, not a bit; nobody is like my
mother."
April 11. — The " Virginia " went out to-
day. The Federal ' * Monitor ' ' would not meet
her, but ran to Fortress Monroe, either for
protection or to tempt her un-
The First ~}er f-ne heavy guns of the fort-
Ironclad in , , , * , , , .. ,«
War ress ; but she contented herself
by taking three brigs and one
schooner, and carrying them to Norfolk, with
their cargoes.
Soldiers are constantly passing through
town. Everything seems to be in preparation
for the great battle which is anticipated on
the Peninsula.
Previously, on March llth, Mrs. McGuire
had recorded in her diary :
Yesterday we heard good news from the
mouth of James River. The ship ' ' Virginia, ' '
formerly the "Merrimac," having been com-
pletely incased with iron, steamed out into
Hampton Roads, ran into the Federal vessel
"Cumberland," and then destroyed the
"Congress," and ran the " Minnesota ."
[162]
Diary of Mrs. McGuire
ashore. Others were damaged. We have
heard nothing further; but this is glory
enough for one day, for which we will thank
God and take courage.
Later, under date of May 12th, Mrs. Mc-
Guire wrote:
Two hours ago we heard of the destruc-
tion of the " Virginia" by our own people.
It is a dreadful shock to the community. We
can only hope that it was wisely done. Poor
Norfolk must be given up.*
July 28. — A long letter from S. S., describ-
ing graphically their troubles when in Fed-
eral lines. Now they are breathing freely
again. A number of servants
Tries Freedom f™m W" and S' H't *** »-
deed from the whole Pamunky
Eiver, went off with their Northern friends.
*The belief is almost universal that the "Monitor" de-
feated the "Virginia" in the historic duel in Hampton
Roads. In that fight, however, the "Monitor," after a gal-
lant combat, retired to shallow water where the heavily
weighted "Virginia" could not follow. The "Monitor" there-
after always fled from the "Virginia," not because her
officers and men were afraid, but because they were under
orders not to risk another engagement.
f"W"— "Westwood"; "S. H."— "Summer Hill"; homes
of Dr. Brockenbrough and Captain Newton, in Hanover
County,
[163]
The Women of the South in War Times
I am sorry for them, taken from their com-
fortable homes to go they know not where,
and to be treated they know not how. Our
man Nat went, to whom I was very partial,
because his mother was the maid and humble
friend of my youth, and because I had brought
him up. He was a comfort to us as a driver
and hostler, but now that we have neither
home, carriage, nor horses, it makes but little
difference with us; but how, with his slow
habits, he is to support himself, I can't im-
agine. The wish for freedom is natural, and
if he prefers it, so far as I am concerned,
he is welcome to it. I shall be glad to hear
that he is doing well.
Mothers went off leaving children — in two
instances, infants. Lord have mercy upon
those poor misguided creatures !
Lynchburg, August 20. — Mr. McGuire and
myself arrived here last night, after a most
fatiguing trip, by Clarksville, Buffalo
Springs, then to Wolf's Trap Station on the
Danville road, and on to the Southside Bail-
road.
The cars were filled with soldiers on fur-
lough. It was pleasant to see how cheerful
[164]
Diary of Mrs. McGuire
they were. Poor fellows! it is wonderful
when we consider what the next battle may
bring forth. They were occu-
irg pied discussing the late battle
at Cedar Bun, between General Jackson and
a portion of Pope's army, commanded by
Banks. It was a very fierce fight, and many
casualties on both sides ; but we won the day
— the Lord be praised!
Lynchburg is full of hospitals, to which the
ladies are very attentive; and they are said
to be well kept. I have been to a very large
one to-day, in which our old home friends,
Mrs. R., and Miss E. M., are matrons.*
Everything looked beautifully neat and com-
fortable. As a stranger, and having so much
to do for my patient at home, I find I can
do nothing for the soldiers, but knit for them
all the time, and give them a kind word in
passing. I never see one without feeling dis-
posed to extend my hand and say, "God bless
you. ' '
September 5. — Our son J. arrived last night
with quite a party, his health greatly suffer-
*"Mrs. R."— Mrs. Rowland"; "E. M."— Emily Mason.
[165]
The Women of the South in War Times
ing from overwork in Richmond during these
exciting times. One of the party told me
an anecdote of General J. E.
Anecdote of B gtuart, which pleased me
General J. E. B. > . A_
Stuart greatly. Mrs. S. was in the
cars, and near her sat a youth
in all the pride of his first Confederate uni-
form, who had attended General S. during his
late raid as one of his guides through his na-
tive county of Hanover. At one of the water
stations he was interesting the passengers by
an animated account of their hair-breadth es-
capes by flood and field, and concluded by
saying, "In all the tight places we got into,
I never heard the General swear an oath, and
I never saw him drink a drop. ' ' Mrs. S. was
an amused auditor of the excited narrative,
and after the cars were in motion she leaned
forward, introduced herself to the boy, and
asked him if he knew the reason why General
S. never swears nor drinks; adding, "It is
because he is a Christian and loves God, and
nothing will induce him to do what he thinks
wrong, and I want you and all his soldiers to
follow his example. "
W., Hanover County, October 6th. — Me-
[166]
Diary of Mrs. McGuire
Clellan's troops were very well-behaved
while in this neighborhood ; they took nothing
but what they considered con-
Negroes traband, such as grain, horses,
^Ya^kei"°£ cattle,, sheep, etc., and induced
Work;6 "Uncle" tne servants to go off. Many
Nat Returns have gone — it is only wonder-
ful that more did not go, con-
sidering the inducements that were offered.
No houses were burned, and not much fencing.
The ladies' rooms were not entered except
when a house was searched, which always
occurred to unoccupied houses ; but I do not
think that much was stolen from them. Of
course, silver, jewelry, watches, etc., were
not put in their way.
Our man Nat, and some others who went
off, have returned — the reason they assign
is, that the Yankees made them work too
hard!
It is so hard to find both families without
carriage horses, and with only some mules
which happened to be in Richmond when the
place was surrounded. A wagon, drawn by
mules, was sent to the depot for us. So many
of us are now together that we feel more like
The Women of the South in War Times
quiet enjoyment that we have done for
months.
Ashland, October 19th. — We are now
snugly fixed in Ashland. Our mess consists
of Bishop Johns and family, Major J. and
wife, Lieutenant Johns and wife (our
daughter), Mrs. S., and daughter, of Chan-
tilly; Mr. McGuire, myself, and our two
young daughters — a goodly number for a cot-
tage with eight small rooms ; but we are very
comfortable. All from one
neighborhood, all refugees, and
none able to do better, we are determined
to take everything cheerfully. Many remarks
are jestingly made suggestive of unpleasant
collisions among so many families in one
house; but we anticipate no evils of that
kind; each has her own place, and her own
duties to perform; the young married ladies
of the establishment are by common consent
to have the housekeeping troubles ; their hus-
bands are to be masters, with the onerous
duties of caterers, treasurers, etc. We old
ladies have promised to give our sage advice
and experience, whenever it is desired. The
girls will assist their sisters, with their nim-
[168]
Diary of Mrs. McGwire
ble fingers, in cases of emergency; and the
clerical gentlemen are to have their own way,
and to do their own work without let or hin-
drance. All that is required of them is that
they shall be household chaplains, and that
Mr. McGuire shall have service every Sunday
at the neglected village church. With these
discreet regulations, we confidently expect a
most pleasant and harmonious establishment.
November 29th. — Nothing of importance
from the army. The people of Fredericks-
burg suffering greatly from the sudden move.
I know a family, accustomed to every luxury
at home, now in a damp basement room in
Eichmond. The mother and three young
daughters cooking, washing, etc. ; the father,
a merchant, is sick and cut off from busi-
ness, friends, and everything else. Another
family, consisting of mother and four daugh-
ters, in one room, supported by the work
of one of the daughters who has an office
in the Note-Signing Department. To keep
starvation from the house is all that they can
do ; their supplies in Fredericksburg can 't be
brought to them — no transportation.
I cannot mention the numbers who are simi-
[169]
The Women of the South in War Times
larly situated ; the country is filled with them.
Country houses, as usual, show a marvellous
degree of elasticity. A small house accommo-
dating any number who may apply ; pallets
spread on the floor; every sofa and couch
sheeted for visitors of whom they never heard
before. If the city people would do more in
this way, there would be less suffering. Every
cottage in this village is full ; and now fami-
lies are looking with wistful eyes at the ball-
room belonging to the hotel, which, it seems
to me, might be partitioned off to accommo-
date several families. The billiard-rooms are
taken, it is said, though not yet occupied. But
how everybody is to be supported is a diffi-
cult question to decide.
Luxuries have been given up long ago, by
many persons. Coffee is $4 per pound, and
good tea from $18 to $20 ; butter ranges from
$1.50 to $2 per pound ; lard, 50
War Prices in centg com ^ per j^re] ; an(}
Confederate , .. ' u T. i -rcr
Currency (1862) wneat $4'50 Per Bushel. We
can't get a muslin dress for less
than $6 or $8 per yard ; calico $1.75, etc. This
last is no great hardship, for we all resort to
homespun. We are knitting our own stock-
[170]
Diary of Mrs. McGuire
ings, and regret that we did not learn to spin
and weave. The North Carolina homespun
is exceptionally pretty, and makes a genteel
dress; the only difficulty is in the dye; the
colors are pretty, but we have not learned the
art of setting the wood colors ; but we are im-
proving in that are too, and when the first
dye fades, we can dip them again in the dye.
December 15th. — An exciting day. Trains
have been constantly passing with the
wounded for the Richmond hospitals. Every
lady, every child, every servant in the
village, has been engaged in preparing and
carrying food to the wounded as the cars
stopped at the depot — coffee, tea, soup, milk,
and everything we could obtain. With eager
eyes and beating hearts we watched for those
most dear to us. Sometimes they were so
slightly injured as to sit at the windows and
answer our questions, which they were eager
to do. They exult in the victory. I saw sev-
eral poor fellows shot through the mouth —
they only wanted milk; it was soothing and
cooling to their lacerated flesh. One, whom
I did not see, had both eyes shot out. But
I cannot write of the horrors of this day.
[171]
The Women of the South in War Times
Nothing but an undying effort to administer
to their comfort could have kept us up.
The Bishop was with us all day, and the
few gentlemen who remained in the village.
When our gentlemen came home at five
o'clock they joined us, and were enabled to
do what we could not — walk through each
car, giving comfort as they \vent. The grati-
tude of those who were able to express it was
so touching ! They said that the ladies were
at every depot with refreshments. As the
cars would move off, those who were able
would shout their blessings on the ladies of
Virginia : ' ' We will fight, we will protect the
ladies of Virginia. " Ah, poor fellows, what
can the ladies of Virginia ever do to compen-
sate them for all they have done and suffered
for us.
As a train approached late this evening,
we saw comparatively very few sitting up.
It was immediately surmised that it contained
the desperately wounded, — perhaps many of
the dead. With eager eyes we watched, and
before it stopped I saw Surgeon J. P. Smith
(my connection), spring from the platform,
and come towards me; my heart stood still:
[172]
Diary of Mrs. McGuire
"What is it, Doctor? Tell me at once."
"Your nephews, Major B. and Captain C.,*
are both on the train, dangerously wounded."
"Mortally?"
"We hope not. You will not be allowed to
enter the car; come to Richmond tomorrow
morning; B. will be there for you to nurse.
I shall carry W. C. on the morning cars to
his mother at the University. We will do
our best for both."
In a moment he was gone. Of course, I
shall go down in the early cars, and devote
my life to B. until his parents arrive. I am
writing now because I can't sleep, and must
be occupied. The cars passed on, and we
filled our pitchers, bowls and baskets, to be
ready for others. We cannot yield to private
feelings now; they may surge up and rush
through our hearts until they almost burst
them, but they must not overwhelm us. We
must do our duty to our country, and it can't
be done by nursing our own sorrows.
Jan. 19th, 1863. — Colonel Bradley Johnson
has been with us for some days. He is nephew
*Major Brockenbrough and Captain Colston.
[173]
The Women of the South in War Times
to Bishop J., and as bright and agreeable in
private as he is bold and dashing in the field.
Our little cottage has many pleasant visitors,
and I think we are as cheerful a family circle
as the Confederacy can boast. We are very
much occupied by our Sunday-schools — white
in the morning and colored in the after-
noon.*
February 11, 1863.— For ten days past I
have been at the bedside of my patient in
Richmond. The physicians for the third time
despaired of his life; by the
Hospital Nurs- goodness of God he is again
ing Without ~ -, f
Medicines convalescent. Our wounded are
suffering excessively for tonics,
and I believe that many valuable lives are
lost for the want of a few bottles of porter.
One day a surgeon standing by B.'s bedside
said to me, "He must sink in a day or two;
he retains neither brandy nor milk, and his
life is passing away for want of nourish-
ment."
In a state bordering on despair, I went out
to houses and stores, to beg or buy porter ; not
*See "Sidelight" on "Black-and- White Theology" at the
( id of this installment of Mrs. McGuire's diary.
[174]
Diary of Mrs. McGuire
a bottle was in town. At last a lady told me
that a blockade runner, it was said, had
brought ale, and it was at the medical pur-
veyor's. I went back to Mr. P.'s instantly,
and told my brother (B.'s father) of the
rumor. To get a surgeon's requisition and
go off to the purveyor's was the work of a
moment. In a short time he returned, with a
dozen bottles of India ale. It was adminis-
tered cautiously at first, and when I found
that he retained it, and feebly asked for more,
tears of joy and thankfulness ran down my
cheeks. "Give him as much as he will take
during the night, 9 ' was the order of the physi-
cian. The order was obeyed, and life seemed
to return to his system ; in twenty-four hours
he had drunk four bottles ; he began then to
take milk, and I never witnessed anything
like the reanimation of the whole man, physi-
cal and mental.
The hospitals are now supplied with this
life-giving beverage, and all have it who * * ab-
solutely require it." though great care is
taken of it, for the supply is limited. Oh, how
cruel it is that the Northern Government
should have made medicines and the neces-
[175]
The Women of the South in War Times
saries of life to the sick and wounded, con-
traband articles !
March 5th. — Spent last night in Richmond
with my friend Mrs. R. This morning we at-
tended Dr. Minnegerode's prayer meeting at
seven o'clock. It is a blessed
Homemade privilege enjoyed by people in
beny Wine*" town, that of attending re-
and Hats ligious services so often, par-
ticularly those social prayer-
meetings, now that we feel our dependence
on an Almighty arm, and our need of prayer
more than we ever did in our lives. The
President has issued another proclamation,
setting aside the 27th day of this month for
fasting and prayer.
Again I have applied for an office, which
seems necessary to the support of the family.
If I fail, I shall try to think that it is not
right for me to have it. Mr. McGuire's sal-
ary is not much more than is necessary to pay
our share of the expenses of the mess. Sev-
eral of us are engaged in making soap, and
selling it, to buy things which seem essential
to our wardrobes. A lady who has been per-
fectly independent in her circumstances, find-
[176]
Diary of Mrs. McGuire
ing it necessary to do something of the kind
for her support, has been very successful in
making pickles and catsups for the restau-
rants. Another, like Mrs. Primrose, rejoices
in her success in making gooseberry wine,
which sparkles like champagne, and is the
best domestic wine I ever drank; this is de-
signed for the highest bidder. The exercise
of this kind of industry works two ways:
it supplies our wants, and gives comfort to
the public.
Almost every girl plaits her own hat, and
that of her father, brother, and lover, if she
has the bad taste to have a lover out of the
army, which no girl of spirit would do unless
he is incapacitated by sickness or wounds.
But these hats are beautifully plaited of rye
straw, and the ladies' hats are shaped so be-
comingly that though a Parisian milliner
might pronounce them old fashioned, and
laugh them to scorn, yet our Confederate
girls look fresh and lovely in them, with their
gentle countenances and bright enthusiastic
eyes ; and what do we care for Parisian style,
particularly as it would have to come to us
through Yankeeland? The blockade has
[177]
The Women of the South in War Times
taught our people their own resources; but
I often think that when the great veil is re-
moved, and reveals us to the world, we will,
in some respects, be a precious set of antiques.
March 15th. — Richmond was greatly
shocked on Friday, by the blowing up of the
Laboratory, in which women, girls, and boys
were employed making cartridges ; ten women
and girls were killed on the spot, and many
more will probably die from their wounds.
May God have mercy upon them.
Our dear friend Mrs. Stuart had just heard
of the burning of her house at beautiful
Chantilly. The Yankee officers had occupied
it as head-quarters and, on
Burning of the leaving ft get fire to every
Stuart House !i i •• Ai
house on the land, except the
overseer 's house and one of the servants'
quarters. I expressed my surprise to Mrs.
S. that she was enabled to bear it so well.
She calmly replied, ' ' God has spared my sons
through so many battles, that I should be un-
grateful indeed to complain of anything
else."
This lovely spot had been her home from
her marriage, and the native place of her
[178]
Diary of Mrs. McGuire
many children, and when I remember it as I
saw it two years ago, I feel that it is too hard
for her to be thus deprived of it. An officer
(Federal) quartered there last winter, de-
scribing it in a letter to the New York Herald,
says the furniture had been "removed," ex-
cept a large old-fashioned sideboard; he had
been indulging his curiosity by reading the
many private letters which he found scattered
about the house ; some of which, he says, were
written by General Washington, "with whom
the family seems to have been connected."*
Tuesday Evening, May 12th. — How can I
*This reference to the Washington letters recalls the
fact that thousands of historic documents, letters, and
manuscripts were destroyed during the war. Other thou-
sands were carried North.
A few of these documents have been returned. The
most noted case was the return by Mr. J. P. Morgan, Jr.,
of Martha Washington's will. This was about to be de-
stroyed at Fairfax Court House by Blenker's troopers, but
was saved by a Federal officer. It was later purchased by
Mr. J. Pierpont Morgan, (Sr.). In April, 1915, the State
of Virginia instituted suit for possession of the will; but,
largely through the good offices of the Daughters of the
American Revolution, Mr. Morgan's son voluntarily agreed
to return the document to its original resting place at Fair-
fax Court House.
At about the time of the above-mentioned incident, this
will was taken from the records, possibly by the very officer
referred to in the diary, as Mrs. Stuart's house was not
far distant from the Court House of Fairfax County.
[1791
The Women of the South in War Times,
record the sorrow which has befallen our
country ! General T. J. Jackson is no more.
The good, the great, the glori-
Thc Death of oug stonewall Jackson is num-
"Stonewall" . ^ . _T
Jackson bered with the dead ! Humanly
speaking, we cannot do with-
out him; but the same God who raised him
up, took him from us, and He who has so
miraculously prospered our cause, can lead
us on without him. Perhaps we have trusted
too much to an arm of flesh ; for he was the
nation's idol. His soldiers almost worshipped
him, and it may be that God has therefore
removed him. We bow in meek submission
to the great Ruler of events. May his blessed
example be followed by officers and men, even
to the gates of heaven ! He died on Sunday
the 10th, at a quarter past three, P. M. His
body was carried by yesterday in a car, to
Richmond. Almost every lady in Ashland
visited the car, with a wreath or a cross of
the most beautiful flowers, as a tribute to the
illustrious dead. An immense concourse had
assembled in Richmond, as the solitary car
containing the body of the great soldier, ac-
companied by a suitable escort, slowly and
[180]
Diary of Mrs. McGuire
solemnly approached the depot. The body
lies in state to-day at the Capitol, wrapped
in the Confederate flag, and literally covered
with lilies of the valley and other beautiful
Spring flowers. To-morrow the sad cortege
will wend its way to Lexington, where he will
be buried, according to his dying request, in
the "Valley of Virginia. " As a warrior, we
may appropriately quote from Byron:
"His spirit wraps the dusky mountain,
His memory sparkles o'er the fountain,
The meanest rill, the mightiest river,
Rolls mingling with his name forever."
As a Christian, in the words of St. Paul, I
thank God to be able to say, ' ' He has fought
the good fight, he has finished his course, he
has kept the faith. Henceforth there is laid
up for him a crown of righteousness, which
the Lord, the righteous Judge, shall give him
at the last day."
Monday, May 18th. — This morning we had
the gratification of a short visit from Gen-
eral Lee. He called and breakfasted with us,
while the other passengers in
the cars Breakfasted at the
hotel. We were very glad to
see that great and good man look so well and
[181]
The Women of the South in War Times
so cheerful. His beard is very long, and pain-
fully gray, which makes him appear much
older than he really is. One of the ladies at
table, with whom he is closely connected,
rallied him on allowing his beard to grow,
saying, ' ' Cousin Eobert, it makes you look too
venerable for your years. " He was amused,
and pleaded as his excuse the inconvenience
of shaving in camp. ' ' Well, ' ' she replied, * * if
I were in Cousin Mary's place (Mrs. L's) I
would allow it to remain now, but I would
take it off as soon as the war is over. ' ' He an-
swered, while a shade passed over his bright
countenance, "When the war is over she may
take my beard off, and my head with it, if she
chooses. ' '
June 6th. — We have been greatly inter-
ested lately by a visit to the village of
our old friend, Mrs. Thornton of Eappahan-
nock County. She gives most
Mrs. Thorton graphic descriptions of her so-
Entertains journ of seven weeks among
General Franz J __
sigel the Yankees last summer.
Sixty thousand surrounded
her house, under command of General Sigel.
On one occasion, he and his staff rode up and
[182]
Diary of Mrs. McGuire
announced that they would take tea with her.
Entirely alone, that elegant old lady retained
her composure, and with unruffled counte-
nance rang her bell; when the servant ap-
peared, she said to him, " John, tea for four-
teen." She quietly retained her seat, con-
versing with them with dignified politeness,
and submitting as best she could to the Gen-
eral's very free manner of walking about
her beautiful establishment, pronouncing it
" baronial," and regretting, in her presence,
that he had not known of its elegancies and
comforts in time, that he might have brought
on Mrs. Sigel, and have made it his head-
quarters.
Tea being announced, Mrs. Thornton, be-
fore proceeding to the dining-room, requested
the servant to call a soldier in, who had
been guarding her house for weeks, and who
had sought occasion to do her many kind-
nesses.
When the man entered, the General de-
murred: "No, no, madam, he will not go to
table with us. ' '
Mrs. Thornton replied, "General, I must
beg that you will allow this gentleman to come
[183]
The Women of the South in War Times
to my table, for he has been a friend to me
when I have sadly wanted one."
The General objected no farther ; the man
took tea with the master. After tea, the Gen-
eral proposed music, asking Mrs. Thornton if
she had ever played; she replied that "such
was still her habit. " The piano being opened,
she said if she sang at all she must sing the
songs of her own land, and then, with her un-
commonly fine voice, she sang "The Bonnie
Blue Flag," "Dixie," and other Southern
songs, with fine spirit.
Mrs. G. D.,* of Fredericksburg, has been
giving some amusing incidents of her sud-
den departure from her home. She had de-
termined to remain, but when,
Amusing (!) on foe night Qf ^e bombard-
Experiences at i_ vi i
Fredericksburg ment> a she11 burst veiT near
her house, her husband aroused
her to say that she must go. They had no
means of conveyance, and her two children
were both under three years of age, and but
one servant, (the others having gone to the
Yankees), a girl twelve years old.
*Mrs. Greenhow Daniel.
[184]
Diary of Mrs. McGuire
It so happened that they had access to
three straw carriages, used by her own chil-
dren and those of her neighbors. They
quickly determined to put a child in each of
two carriages, and to bundle up as many
clothes as would fill the third. The father
drew the carriage containing one child, the
mother the other child, and the little girl drew
the bundle of clothes. They thus set out, to
go they knew not whither, only to get out of
the way of danger. It was about midnight,
a dark, cold night. They went on and on, to
the outskirts of the town, encountering a con-
fused multitude rushing pell-mell, with ever
and anon a shell bursting at no great dis-
tance, sent as a threat of what they might
expect on the morrow.
They were presently overtaken by a re-
spectable shoemaker whom they knew, rolling
a wheelbarrow containing a large bundle of
clothes, and the looby. They were attracted
by the poor little child rolling off from its,
elevated place on the bundle, and as Mrs. D.
stopped, with motherly solicitude for the
child, the poor man told his story. In the
darkness and confusion he had become sep-
[1851
The Women of the South in War Times
arated from his wife and other children, and
knew not where to find them; he thought he
might find them but for anxiety about the
baby. Mrs. D. then proposed that he should
take her bundle of clothes with his in the
wheelbarrow, and put his child into the third
straw carriage. This being agreed to, the
party passed on. When they came to our
encampment, a soldier ran out to offer to
draw one carriage, and thus rest the mother ;
having gone as far as he dared from his regi-
ment, then another soldier took his place at
the end of his line, and so on from one soldier
to another until our encampment was passed.
Then she drew on her little charge about two
miles farther, to the house of an acquaintance,
which was wide open to the homeless. Until
late the next day the shoemaker's baby was
under their care, but he at last came, bring-
ing the bundle in safety.
As the day progressed the cannon roared
and the shells whistled, and it was thought
advisable for them to go on to Chancellors-
ville. The journey of several miles was per-
formed on foot, still with the straw carriages,
for no horse nor vehicle could be found in
[186]
Diary of Mrs. McGuire
that desolated country. They remained at
Chancellorsville until the 2d or 3d of May,
when that house became within range of can-
non. Again she gathered up her little flock,
and came on to Ashland. Her little three-
year old boy explored the boarding-house as
soon as he got to it, and finding no cellar, he
became alarmed, and running to his mother,
exclaimed, "This house won't do, mother; we
all have no cellar to go into when they shell
it ! ' ' Thus our children are born and reared
amid war and bloodshed!*
July 3. — Spent yesterday in the hospital;
the wounded are getting on
News of the weU The cit wag t into ft
Advance on J f
Gettysburg blaze of excitement by the re-
port that General Dix was
marching on it from the White House. I dare
*A characteristic but less dangerously "amusing" inci-
dent was the journey, from Shepherdstown to Winchester,
Virginia, of two young girls and a boy, the latter being a
relative of General Lee and a son of Mrs. Henrietta B.
Lee, whose letter to General Hunter has become a classic
in war literature. (See p. 200.) This party consisted of
Miss Rosa Robinson, Miss Eliza Hamtramk, and young
Harry B. Lee, later a much-beloved clergyman in the Epis-
copal Church. These three traveled the thirty-two miles
from Shepherdstown to Winchester in an old "spring
wagon," a "contraption" supported by three very uncertain
wheels and a rail which dragged along the road the entire
F1871
The Women of the South in War Times
say they think that General Lee has left it un-
defended, in which surmise they are vastly
mistaken. Our troops seem to be walking
over Pennsylvania without let or hindrance.
They have taken possession of Chambers-
burg, Carlisle, and other smaller towns. They
surrendered without firing a gun. I am glad
to see that General Lee orders his soldiers to
respect private property; but it will be diffi-
cult to make an incensed soldiery, whose
houses have in many instances been burned,
crops wantonly destroyed, horses stolen,
negroes persuaded off, hogs and sheep shot
down and left in the field in warm weather —
it will be difficult to make such sufferers re-
member the Christian precept of returning
good for evil.
November 13th. — My appointment to a
distance in lieu of the fourth wheel. The borrowed "horse
power" of this strange vehicle was in keeping with the
wagon, and the party was much delayed by the animal's
determination to stop and lie down in every stream the
pilgrims crossed. The three "refugees" considered them-
selves fortunate to get even this conveyance, although they
had been all their lives accustomed to the best driving and
riding horses and carriages. Their unselfish devotion to
their cause was great; for their sole object in driving this
distance in such discomfort was to carry delicacies to the
Confederate soldiers in the Winchester hospitals.
[188]
Diary of Mrs. McGuire
clerkship in the Commissary Department has
been received, with a salary of $125 per
month. The rooms are not
Mrs. McGuire ready for us to begin our
GovUernmaent duties> and Colollel R' has Just
Position called to tell me one of the re-
quirements. As our duties are
those of accountants, we are to go through a
formal examination in arithmetic. If we do
not, as the University boys say, "pass," we
are considered incompetent, and of course are
dropped from the list of appointees. This
requirement may be right, but it certainly
seems to me both provoking and absurd that
I must be examined in arithmetic by a com-
missary major young enough to be my son.
If I could afford it, I would give up the ap-
pointment, but, as it is, must submit with
the best grace possible, particularly as other
ladies of my age have to submit to it.*
NOTES AND SIDELIGHTS
By way of historical comment, it may be
added here that the colored Sunday School
*Excerpts from Mrs. McGuire's diary continued on
page 372.
[189]
The Women of the South in War Times
was one of the most interesting features of
the old regime in the South. In some cases
the negro children's views of
Theology "religion" amusingly mixed
with the heathen ideas pre-
served in the modified traditions of their race.
On the other hand, the old black " mam-
mies " and "uncles" used to instruct their
youthful white charges in "sound" theology
as well as quaint but practical philosophy.
Mrs. Janet Weaver Eandolph, of Warren-
ton, Virginia, wrote down, shortly after the
war, the following sweet "teachings" of her
old "Mammy:"
"Mammy," she had asked as a child, "who
made you black?"
The little dimpled arms were crossed on
Mammy's knee and the inquiring face of
Mammy's darling looked lovingly up in
Mammy's face.
"Chile, who bin puttin' notions in your
little curly haid? Gawd made Mammy black
and he made you and your Ma
ofhHam Wren white> f or the reason that when
Noah come out'n de Ark, Ham
was disrespectful to his Pa and laughed
[190]
Black and White Theology
at him, and Gawd told Ham he and his chil-
dren should be always servants ; so He made
him black, and dat's where we all black
people come from.
"But, honey, de blessed Jesus says his
blood is going to make us washed white as
snow and somehow it allows to me dat in de
Judgment day dere is going to be folks with
white skins goin' to have black hearts, and
black skins goin' to have white hearts,
and Gawd is goin' to have places for dem
all.
"The only thing dat troubles your Mammy
is wheder her baby chile is going to know her
Mammy, if she ain't got a black face; but I
reckon Mammy ain't gwine to worry herself,
'cause your Ma will know her and will call :
* Mammy, come take your chile.' * Cause
Mammy is gwine to have her place up dere
and you jus' tell folks dat bother you 'bout
Mammy's black face dat Gawd made Mammy
black."
Another attractive story, also bearing
upon "the ultimate future," was given to the
writer by Mrs. Cordelia Powell Odenheimer,
of Leesburg, Virginia, whose father heard
[191]
The Women of the South in War Times
this version of salvation thus plainly ex-
pounded by his "Mammy:"
"Who says I'se free? I warn't neber no
slabe. I libed wid qual'ty an' was one ob de
fambly. Take dis bandanna off? No, 'deedy !
dats the las' semblance I'se got
°' ob de good ole times. S 'pose I
Gone To?** is brack, I cyan't he'p it. If
mah mammy and pappy chose
for me ter be brack, I ain't gwine ter be lak
some white folks I knows an' blame de Lord
for all de 'flictions dat comes 'pon 'em. I'se
put up wid dis brackness now, 'cordin' to oP
Mis's Bible, for nigh on ter ninety years, an'
t'ank de good Lord, dat eberlastin' day is
mos' come when I'll be white as Mis' Chloe
for eber mo'!
"Po' Mis' Chloe, she's been gone ter dat
sunny Ian' for a long, long time. De night
she was born was so long an' col', an' de
stars kep' hid in de brack sky, an' de trees
ben' til de branches snap an' break; an' when
the win' was roarin' mos,' I hyeard a li'l cry
dat went right to mah heart. Seems dat night
was a sign ob what she was to 'spec in life,
fer dat roarin' win' took de soul ob her Ma to
[192]
Black and White Theology
Heben. Dat was de only time I 'monstrated
'gainst mah brack 'fliction, deed tis, honey.
Den I prayed : ' Oh Marse Gord, please le 'me
go wid mah Missis; but if I mus' stay hyar,
for dis lamb's sake le'me turn white!'
"De Lord showed His wisdom and didn' do
needer, an' I took cyar ob Mis' Chloe til
Marse Jack an' I put her in de col' groun'
long side her Pa an' Ma.
"When she was li'l', she'd put her li'P
white arms 'roun' mah ol' brack neck an'
say: ' Mammy, you ain' brack, you's choco-
late, an' Mammy, I lub chocolate bes' in all
deworl'!'" . . .
. . ."I'se an ol' woman, an' nobody
wants me hyar, an' if it warn' dat I hab de
Scripters to lean on, I'd t'ink de good Lord
didn' wan' me needer. I'se mi'ty tired wait-
in'. What's dat honey? How I knows
I'se gwine ter be white? Why honey, I'se
'sprised! Do you spose 'cause Mammy's face
is brack, her soul is brack too? Whar's yo*
larnin' gone to?"
Mrs. Odenheimer writes :
"The Mammy who used these expressions
nursed all my Grandmother's children and all
[193]
The Women of the South in War Times
of our family. Up to the time I left home
for school I never recall going to sleep with-
out having her by my bed telling me old time
stories or crooning the old time songs. Many
of the stories were ghost horrors, usually
about my long departed relatives returning
for one purpose or another. When I opened
my eyes in the morning it was to see this same
bent, stock, bandanna-ed watch dog sitting by
the stove, smoking her corncob pipe and
wrapping her 'rheumatiz* legs up with red
flannel soaked in coal oil."
It is not generally realized that the
"titles" given to the older negroes provided
a method of teaching children to respect
them. Judge W. W. Moffett, of Eoanoke, ex-
plains this in a letter to the writer under date
of June 26, 1917:
"I was born in 1854, in Culpeper County,
Virginia, in the very heart of a * slave-hold-
ing' community. My father was a planter
and owned many * servants,'
Family Servants ag ^he colored people were
™ef0 ^ called on our farm- Neither
my father nor mother called
them negroes ; at that time it was objection-
[194]
Honorary Titles
able to the black race, and we were not
allowed to call them negroes or slaves.
"We were taught from our early infancy
to respect the older men and women by call-
ing them Uncle Jack, Uncle Abb, Uncle
French, Uncle Bob, etc., and Aunt Milly,
Aunt Edy, Aunt Betsy, etc., and to guard the
rights and feelings of the younger ones.
"No one knows how strong the attach-
ment was between the youth [of both races]
of the old South except the youth of the old
South, or of the devotion between master and
mistress and their servants except those of
this generation who witnessed that devotion.
The community in which I was reared was
nobly Christian ; the white people and colored
people all belonged to the same church, and
when the minister would visit the homes of
his members, the colored people would gather
at family prayers. The relationship which
existed on our farm was that which could
exist only between a strong manly moral
man and master and a noble Christian wife
and mistress, who looked upon their servants
as weaker beings that should be protected
and developed. "
[195]
XV
A LAST SONG IN A BURNING HOME
In all America, perhaps, but certainly in
the valley of the Shenandoah, a name which
will ever be held up to execration is that of
General David Hunter. This execration is
by no means sectional or partisan ; for Gen-
eral Hunter was secretly, and often openly,
scorned by many Federal soldiers who had
the misfortune to serve under him, while it
is said that not a few refused to obey his
orders.
On his invasion of the Shenandoah Valley
in 1864, the first victim to suffer under the
ruthless policy of General Hunter was his
first cousin, Hon. Andrew Hunter, of Charles
Town, Virginia, (West Virginia). Not con-
tent with directing that Mr. Hunter, an
elderly man, be placed in close confinement,
General Hunter gave orders that Mr. Hunt-
er's house be burned. His cousins, the
women of the household, were not permitted
to save either their clothing or their family
portraits from the flames. Thereafter, in
[196]
A Last Song
order to make the destruction complete, Gen-
eral Hunter camped his cavalry on the highly
cultivated ground surrounding the site of the
house until every vestige of lawn and garden
had been ruined beyond hope of repair.
This exploit having been brought to a close,
General Hunter sent out a force with orders
to destroy "Fountain Rock," the Boteler
residence near Shepherdstown. Colonel
Boteler was a member of the Confederate
Congress and was then in Richmond. At the
time of General Hunter 's invasion, the only
members of the family at home were Mrst
Davis Shepherd, Colonel Boteler 's widowed
daughter, who was an invalid ; her three chil-
dren, the oldest of whom was not six years
old; and Miss Helen Boteler.
On July 19, 1864, therefore, in pursuance of
instructions from General Hunter, Captain
William F. Martindale, with a detachment of
cavalry, rode up to the Boteler home.
Warned of their approach, Mrs. Shepherd
met the soldiers at the door. Captain Martin-
dale stated that he had come to burn her
house and its contents. Pleading was in vain,
and Mrs. Shepherd and Miss Boteler made
[1971
The Women of the South in War Times
preparations to save household and personal
effects; but Captain Martindale, in accord-
ance with the orders of General Hunter, di-
rected that everything be consigned to the
flames. The furniture was piled up on the
floor, straw was brought from the barn, and
the soldiers busied themselves scattering over
all kerosene oil, which they had brought with
them for the purpose. In the midst of this
work of destruction, Miss Boteler, a devoted
student of music, pleaded for her piano. This
was denied her and while the flames were
bursting out in other rooms, she went into the
parlor, and, seating herself for the last time
before the instrument, began to sing Char-
lotte Elliott's hymn:
My God, my Father, while I stray
Far from my home in life's rough way,
Oh, teach me from my heart to say,
"Thy will be done!"
A soldier seized her to lead her out of the
house, but she pulled away from him and sang
again :
Though dark my path, and sad my lot,
Let me be still and murmur not;
Or breathe the prayer divinely taught,
"Thy will be done!"
F1981
A Last Song
In amazement, the cavalrymen thought the
girl was crazed with grief ; but as the flames
came nearer, Miss Boteler calmly shut down
the lid of the piano, locked it, and went out
under the trees, — the only shelter left for her-
self, her sick sister, and the frightened little
children.*
*A few articles were saved by the very persistence of
Mrs. Shepherd, Miss Boteler, and some people who came
from Shepherdstown. This was in the face of great dis-
couragement; for even the baby's cradle, which the nurse
had brought out, was thrown back into the flames of the
burning house. At least one soldier, in disobedience to
orders, dared to help; but others, on the way to burn the
barn and outhouses, stopped to set fire to the little pile
of clothing belonging to Margaret Bunkins, a faithful
colored house servant. The frightened girl had endeavored
to hide her "belongings" behind a hedge,
199]
XVI
A WOMAN >S REBUKE— AND AN
AMERICAN CLASSIC
Although many of the women of the old
South had literary ability, there were few
who ever attempted to put it to account in
the writing of books. This natural ability
was not trained or developed ; but it is shown
in the form of letters, diaries, and chance un-
signed sketches.
At the time of the burning of "Fountain
Rock," General Hunter 's destroying bands
went south of Shepherdstown and set fire to
"Bedford," the home of Edmund J. Lee.
Mr. Lee was away; but his wife, Henrietta
Bedinger Lee, was at home, together with her
two young children. Captain Martindale
greeted Mrs. Lee with the same kind of mess-
age he had delivered to Mrs. Shepherd. Mrs.
Lee, in reply, told him that the house was her
own, an inheritance from her father, Daniel
Bedinger, a soldier of the American Revolu-
tion; that "surely the Union army was not
warring on women and children." Captain
[200]
A Woman's Rebuke
Martindale was not to be moved, however,
and declared that irrespective of property
rights, the house was at least the home of
Edmund J. Lee and that was " enough " for
him.*
The day after the destruction of her house,
Mrs. Lee's outraged spirit compelled her to
write to General Hunter, whose own niece she
had sheltered and protected during the war.
Her letter deserves recognition in American
literature as a classic expression of richly
merited excoriation. No other, in any of our
wars, equals it in its force, directness, and un-
escapable challenge to an accounting at the
bar of history.
Shepherdstown, W. Va., July 20, 1864.
General Hunter:
Yesterday your underling, Captain Martindale, of the
First New York Veteran Cavalry, executed your infamous
order and burned my house. You have had the satisfaction
ere this oi receiving from him the information that your
orders were fulfilled to the letter, the dwelling and every
outbuilding, seven in number, with their contents, being
*Mrs Lee's indignant query as to "making war upon
women and children" recalls the magnanimous spirit and
acts of General John H. Martindale (p. 42), who was
efficient in his duties and yet won many Southern hearts
by his kindness.
[201]
The Women of the South in War Times
burned. I, therefore, a helpless woman whom you have
cruelly wronged, address you, a Major-General of the
United States Army, and demand why this was done?
What was my offence? My husband was absent, — an exile.
He has never been a politician or in any way engaged in
the struggle now going on, his age preventing. This fact
your chief-of-staff, David Strother, would have told you.
The house was built by my father, a Revolutionary
soldier, who served the whole seven years for your inde-
pendence. There was I born; there the sacred dead repose.
It was my house and my home, and there has your niece,
Miss Griffith, who lived among us all this horrid war up
to the present moment, met with all kindness and hospi-
tality at my hands. Was it for this that you turned me,
my young daughter, and little son out upon the world
without shelter? Or was it because my husband is the
grandson of the Revolutionary patriot and "rebel," Richard
Henry Lee, and the near kinsman of the noblest of Chris-
tian warriors, and greatest of generals, Robert E. Lee?
Heaven's blessing be upon his head forever! You and
your Government have failed to conquer, subdue, or match
him; and disappointed rage and malice find vent on the
helpless and inoffensive.
Hyena-like, you have torn my heart to pieces! for all
hallowed memories clustered around that homestead; and
demonlike, you have done it without even the pretext of
revenge, for I never saw or harmed you. Your office is
not to lead, like a brave man and soldier, your men to
fight in the ranks of war, but your work has been to
separate yourself from all danger, and with your incen-
diary band steal unaware upon helpless women and chil-
dren, to insult and destroy. Two fair homes did you yes-
terday ruthlessly lay in ashes, giving not a moment's
[202]
A Woman's Rebuke
warning to the startled inmates of your wicked purpose;
turning mothers and children out of doors, your very
name is execrated by your own men for the cruel work
you give them to do.
In the case of Mr. A. R. Boteler, both father and mother
were far away. Any heart but that of Captain Martindale
(and yours) would have been touched by that little circle,
comprising a widowed daughter just risen from her bed
of illness, her three fatherless babies, — the eldest five years
old — and her heroic sister. I repeat, any man would have
been touched at that sight but Captain Martindale! One
might as well hope to find mercy and feeling in the heart
of a wolf bent on his prey of young lambs, as to search
for such qualities in his bosom. You have chosen well your
Agent for such deeds, and doubtless will promote him.
A colonel of the Federal Army has stated that you
deprived forty of your officers of their commands because
they refused to carry out your malignant mischief. All
honor to their names for this, at least! They are men,
and have human hearts and blush for such a commander!
I ask who that does not wish infamy and disgrace attached
to him forever would serve under you? Your name will
stand on history's pages as the Hunter of weak women,
and innocent children; the Hunter to destroy defenceless
villages and beautiful homes — to torture afresh the agonized
hearts of widows; the Hunter of Africa's poor sons and
daughters, to lure them on to ruin and death of soul and
body; the Hunter with the relentless heart of a wild
beast, the face of a fiend, and the form of a man. Oh,
Earth, behold the monster ! Can I say "God forgive you" ?
No prayer can be offered for you! Were it possible for
human lips to raise your name heavenward, angels would
thrust the foul thing back again, and demons claim their
own. The curse of thousands, the scorn of the manly and
[203]
The Women of the South in War Times
upright, and the hatrtd of the true and honorable, will
follow you and yours through all time, and brand your
name infamy! infamy!
Again, I demand why have you burned my house;
Answer as you must answer before the Searcher of all
hearts; why have you added this cruel, wicked deed to your
many crimes?
HENRIETTA B. LEE
Mrs. Lee lived long after the war. She saw
sons and grandsons enter the ministry or be-
come missionaries in foreign lands. In later
years, she said she regretted the expression
of her belief that "no prayer" could be of-
fered for General Hunter, but that otherwise
she would let the letter stand as written.
204]
xvn
"GLEN WELBY" SAVED
By way of comparison with the above inci-
dents, there were instances when a woman's
determination won against direct orders to
burn her home. A single illustration may be
given in the case of Mrs. Taylor Scott, of
Fauquier County, Virginia.
Enraged after a severe brush with Mosby's
men, Federal troops under Colonel Gallop
rode to "Glen Welby," where Mrs. Scott was
living with her mother, Mrs. Richard H.
Carter. Throwing out sentinels on every
side, some of the soldiers entered the house.
"We have come," said the officer in charge,
"to burn the house and every building at-
tached to the grounds," to which he added:
"I know, madam, you are in the habit of har-
boring those miserable cut-throats, Mosby's
rangers, and you shall suffer for it."
At their request, five minutes were given
to the family to save some household effects,
chiefly clothing; for it was well into autumn
and the weather was chilly. Thereupon, Mrs.
[205]
The Women of the South in War Times
Carter, her unmarried daughters, a niece, and
a child left the building. Mrs. Scott, however,
"went into the house with her young son. Seat-
ing herself, she declared: "My son, if they
will burn this dear old home, we will perish
in the flames. ' '
At this point, a corporal was seen to ap-
proach his commanding officer. Apparently,
as the result of the conference, Colonel Gallop
sent for Mrs. Carter. With her was her
daughter, Sophie. To Mrs. Carter, Colonel
Gallop said:
"I have determined, Madam, to spare your
home this time ; but if I ever catch or hear of
one of these cut-throats here again, nothing
will save the house or any building on the
place. "
To this Sophie Carter at once replied :
"We cannot make any such promise. If
we did, it would be impossible for us to keep
it ; for, when soldiers come, we cannot, if we
would, order them away."
"Glen Welby" was saved, and the chair in
which Mrs. Scott made her heroic resolution
became an object of especial value in at least
one Virginia family.
[206]
XVIII
"GOTT ISS BLAYED OTJDT"
The story of the saving of "Glen Welby"
may be supplemented by the experience of
Mrs. Daniel Bedinger Lucas, who was Miss
Lena Brooke. Mrs. Lucas had been a brides-
maid for Fanny Carter, of "Glen Welby. "
Miss Brooke married Judge Daniel Bedinger
Lucas, author of the beautiful Southern lyric,
"The Land Where We Were Dreaming,"
(see p. 70). His home, "Eion Hall," was in
the Shenandoah Valley within a few miles of
"Bedford" and "Fountain Rock." "Eion
Hall" survived the ruthlessness of Hunter,
Martindale, and Strother. For a time, Gen-
eral Sheridan made this house his headquar-
ters ; and on the walls of the bedrooms there
may still be seen (1919) the names of some
of the Federal officers. The marks of their
sabres on doors and other woodwork are like-
wise in evidence.
At this time, a woman living in the neigh-
borhood made daily visits to the Federal
[207]
The Women of the South in War Times
headquarters at "Bion Hall" to sell cakes to
the soldiers. She thereby was the means of
saving the family portraits; for, on one of
these visits, she found that some of the offi-
cers had cut the pictures from their frames,
which were ready to be shipped North. The
portraits had been thrown on the floor. Sur-
reptitiously, the woman rolled up the latter,
carried them to her home, and hid them under
a mattress until the Lucas family returned to
their homestead after the war.
At another time, the place was overrun by
a regiment composed largely of foreigners in
the Federal service. Among those then at
"Bion Hall" was the Beverend E. B. Bed-
inger and his family, consisting of his wife
and several small children. Begardless of the
protests of Mr. Bedinger, the soldiers burst
into the room of his wife, who was ill.
As one of the men was rifling the contents
of the bureau, Mrs. Bedinger, with her young
baby beside her, and her other terror-stricken
children around her bedside, called to the
man in the midst of looting:
"Don't you know that God sees you and
that he will punish you for this I "
[208]
"Gott Iss Blayed Oudt"
"Ach!" was the gruff response, after a
moment's silence, "Gott iss blayed oudtl"
# * *
' ' Rion Hall is within five miles of the scene
of John Brown 's raid. Above a door near the
stairway may be seen one of the murderous-
looking iron pikes with which
An Incident of Brown hoped to arm the slaves
the John . ., . , . m.
Brown Raid m a seryile insurrection. The
two-bladed iron head is set
upon a pole about six feet in length. For
some time prior to the raid, John Brown
and his emissaries had carried on propaganda
among the negroes of that section. The ne-
groes, however, had) been elevated so far
above their savage instincts by the kindly
Christian influences of the Southern people
that they had little or no inclination "to rise
up and slay. ' ' They represented at that time
the only people in the world who could re-
main content in a condition of bondage.
After the capture of John Brown, "Uncle
Charles," the trusted coachman of "Rion
Hall," brought this particular pike to Mr.
Lucas, saying:
"Dis here spike is what dey done gimme
[209]
The Women of the South in War Times
ter cut you-all haids off wid; but, deed I
warn't gwine to use it fer no sich thing! no
sahl"
Hovenden's picture of John Brown's execu-
tion was long "one of the six most notable
historical paintings" on exhibition at the
Metropolitan Museum in New York City.
This painting is intended to illustrate Whit-
tier's poem on the death of John Brown. As
he is being led out to execution, Brown is
represented, in poem and in picture, as lean-
ing over to bless and kiss a negro child.
The painting is no more "historical" than
this poem of Whittier's or his other verses
on the wholly imaginary incident of Barbara
Fritchie and "Stonewall" Jackson. There
were no negroes present at the execution of
John Brown and his accomplices. The first
person killed by John Brown's men was a
negro employee of the Baltimore and Ohio
Railroad, who refused to join this band "bent
on pillage and bloodshed" in the name of
liberty and humanity. Incidentally it may be
mentioned that the fullest and most accurate
biography of Brown is that by H. Peebles
Wilson, of Kansas (1913).
[210]
XIX
" CAPTURED OF A VIRGINIA LADY
The most grateful task of a narrator of
war life in an invaded country is that of re-
cording deeds of kindness on the part of the
victors toward the vanquished. Unfortu-
nately, deeds of kindness are too often over-
looked, as "not making history/7 There are
many such in the narratives of soldiers of
either side, and they should be collected and
published as an invaluable contribution to
American history.
One of the most attractive of these stories
is given by Lieutenant James Madison Page
in his book, "The True Story of Anderson-
ville Prison. " By the author's permission,
the following selection is taken from his in-
teresting narrative and presented here be-
cause it relates closely to the events and lo-
calities above mentioned. Lieutenant Page
writes of this experience:
It was about the first of May, 1863, that
Colonel Gray ordered the regiment ready to
march light. Early the next morning we
[211]
The Women of the South in War Times
started in the direction of Winchester. It
was understood that we were this time really
to bag Mosby and his men, and the ambitious
commissary-sergeant temporarily took leave
of his accounts and supplies and rode with
the fighting detachment. We picked up two
or three of Mosby 's " raiders, " and toward
noon we circled to the left and immediately
passed through a small hamlet on the Win-
chester pike. In the edge of the town the
regiment halted and dismounted for noon
rest, when Colonel Gray called me and said,
"Sergeant, did you notice that large man-
sion standing well back of a magnificent
lawn, on our right a short distance back?"
"Yes, sir."
"Well, you take two non-commissioned offi-
cers and twelve men, ride back there, station
your men around that house and adjacent
buildings, and give them instruction to shoot
any one attempting to escape that will not
halt at a command, and then go through that
mansion from cellar to garret and seize any-
thing contraband that you find."
Of all my duties as a soldier this was the
one I most detested.
[212]
"Capture" of a Virginia Lady
I was soon on the ground and stationed my
men. I felt like a trespasser when I ap-
proached the door in company with Sergeant
Parshall, whom I asked to go with me in
case of trouble. (Dick Parshall was after-
ward one of Ouster's best scouts.) When I
rang the bell the door was opened by a fine-
looking, middle-aged woman, who, upon hear-
ing my business, was not slow in conveying
to me in language of scintillating scorn what
she thought of me and the whole Yankee na-
tion.
In my placid answer to her furious arraign-
ment I said, ' ' Madam, I am very sorry to dis-
turb you and I do not wonder that you are
greatly distressed at this action, but I am
acting under orders, and if you knew how
very disagreeable this task is to me you would
deliver to me at once the key to every room in
the house and facilitate the enjoined search
as much as possible. " Thereupon she reluc-
tantly handed me a bunch of keys, and ac-
companied us to the third floor, where I made
short work of my search, and returned to the
second floor. In the second room I entered
I found three women, an unlocked for find,
[213]
The Women of the South in War Times
and after a hasty search of the apartment I
excused myself as gracefully as I could and
retreated in good order.
Passing to another room on the same floor I
was surprised anew to find five ladies as un-
concerned as though taking an afternoon tea
and indulging in gossip.
My curiosity was piqued. It was not prob-
able that these women all belonged to one
household. What common purpose, I queried,
had drawn them together?
I retreated again, and soon reached what
seemed to be a front-room parlor on the
same floor. The room was large, and well
filled with some fifteen or twenty women. As
soon as I recovered from this, another shock
of surprise, I said "Ladies, I ask your par-
don. I was not aware that there was a con-
vention of women assembled here to-day, or
I should have suffered arrest sooner than to
have disturbed you." They did not seem to
be in a humor to accept my apology, and the
lady of the house, who was with me from
the first, was joined by others of her pro-
nounced opinions, and from this group of
representative women I learned some things
[214]
"Capture" of a Virginia Lady
about myself and the Yankee army that I
never knew before.
The sense of gallantry again overcame me,
and I fell back before a superior force and
was glad to retire from the unequal conflict.
I completed my search of the lower floor
of the house as rapidly as possible. When I
reached the front door, in taking my leave of
the premises, I handed the keys back to the
mistress of the mansion and said, " Madam,
I am very sorry that in obeying orders I have
been the cause of so much annoyance to you,
especially considering the unusual condition
of your household. "
I was about to bid her a respectful adieu,
when I noticed a door at my right leading
into a room some twelve by fifteen enclos-
ing a portion of the porch. It had the ap-
pearance of having been built for a special
secret reason. Of course my duty required
me to examine this room, and on finding it
locked, I asked for the key.
I shall never forget the look of conster-
nation on the mistress's face upon my mak-
ing this demand. This spirited woman, who
during this short interview had steadily mani-
[215]
The Women of the South in War Times
f ested a spirit of proud defiance, expressed in
her entire disparagement of the Yankee army
and myself in particular, was now overcome
with apprehension and alarm, which were
manifest in her suddenly changed bearing.
She very reluctantly handed me the keys
and turned away. During this time Parshall
had gone to the opposite end of the porch and
was talking to the guard. I finally unlocked
the door, feeling sure that I should find some
of Mosby's men, and, revolver in hand, I was
prepared to meet them. What met my gaze
was the climax of the day's surprises and
explained those before encountered.
The room was filled to the height of six feet
or more with choice articles of food, such as
baked turkey, chicken, hams, bread, pastry
and the like, disposed tastefully in tiers, one
above another.
For a brief moment I wistfully surveyed
this tempting array of choice food, so powerful
in its appeal to a soldier's usually ravenous
appetite. But as I reflected upon the choice
treat prepared at great pains by the women,
and upon the disappointment that would re-
sult from not being allowed to serve it, and
[216]
"Capture" of a Virginia Lady
hearing Parshall returning, I hastily locked
the door and handed the key to madam, who
meanwhile had been anxiously watching me.
I now bade her good-by, and signaled the
guards to withdraw, and started down the
walk. Almost immediately she was by my
side, and said in a trembling voice: "I owe
you an apology. I have often said there was
not a gentleman in the Yankee army, but I
must except one. You have placed me, with
my neighbors and friends, many of whom you
have just seen, under great obligation. My
heart sank when you insisted on going into
that room. I fully expected you and your
men would despoil us of the necessary food,
prepared at great pains from our meagre re-
sources. Imagine, then, my surprise when
you locked the door so hastily for fear
your comrade would see the contents of the
room. ' '
" Madam, " I replied, "I thank you, but I
have only done my duty as I understand it.
I am not in the army to increase the hard-
ships of defenseless women. I assure you
that I would gladly protect every one of them
from the unnecessary hardships of this un-
[217]
The Women of the South in War Times
fortunate strife. Their suffering is great, —
greater indeed than that of the men at the
front, and is likely to increase as the war
goes on."*
The writer became deeply interested in
Lieutenant Page's narrative; correspondence
was begun with him, and testimony as to his
standing and character was secured from
prominent citizens of Montana, who had
known Lieutenant Page intimately for almost
& life time. Mr. M. J. Haley, who helped with
the compiling of Lieutenant Page's data on
Andersonville Prison and his defense of the
memory of Captain Henry Wirz, wrote in
1917:
"In 1865, when a boy, I read Albert D.
*Lieutenant Page was born in Crawford County, Penn-
sylvania, of the Massachusetts family of that name. His
narrative should be widely read, not only because of its in-
nate interest, but because of its exceptional value as a
contribution to American history. It was, moreover, writ-
ten largely because the author considered it a sacred duty
to refute certain falsehoods about his former foemen. Sub-
sequently to the publication of his volume, a deliberate
attempt was made to discredit both the narrative and the
author. It was begun through interested motives by men
who profited politically or personally in keeping alive sec-
tional animosities and .misunderstandings. It was remarked
that his bitterest detractors "never saw much of the smoke
of battle; or if they did, they saw it well in the rear."
[218]
"Capture" of a Virginia Lady
Richardson 's book on Andersonville. I asked
my brother, who had a few months previously
returned from the army. He told me the
Confederate guards at Andersonville were on
'starvation rations/ and that Richardson's
account was grossly exaggerated. In 1871 or
1872, I met a man named Yates at Syracuse,
New York, who had been a prisoner at Ander-
sonville. He told me that Wirz did the very
best that he could under the circumstances
and that his death was an outrage and a na-
tion's disgrace.
" There isn't a person in the State of Mon-
tana who knows Colonel Page that would
doubt his word. His word is ' as good as his
bond'."
Also in 1917, Judge Lew L. Calloway, of
Montana, wrote that Lieutenant Page re-
gretted that a few of his comrades took the
attitude they did, but nevertheless, "he had
not stated anything but the truth in his book,
and he did not regret doing justice to a man
to whom he thought grave injustice had been
done." This was true chivalry, in keeping
with his gallant protection of the Southern
woman above mentioned, even though at first
[2191
The Women of the South in War Times
she had most unhappily misjudged and
wronged him.
Among other tokens Major Wirz was the
recipient of a gold watch presented to him
by prisoners at Andersonville in appreciation
of his personal efforts to relieve their suffer-
ings. This watch was taken from him when
he himself became a prisoner and was made
the scapegoat for the policy of non-exchange
that was doubtless instituted by Secretary
Stanton.
[220]
XX
IN THE CAROLINAS
Hold up the glories of thy dead;
Say how thy elder children bled,
And point to Eutaw's battle-bed,
Carolina !
Tell how the patriot's soul was tried,
And what his dauntless breast defied;
How Rutledge ruled and Laurens died,
Carolina!
Cry! till thy summons, heard at last,
Shall fall like Marion's bugle-blast
Re-echoed from the haunted Past,
Carolina!
— HENRY TIMBOD.
Travellers, visitors, and others have some-
times made more or less good-natured com-
ment upon the slowness of material develop-
ment shown in some parts of the South. When
these critics, however, live with the people
and learn what the latter suffered for twenty
years and more after 1860, they as cheer-
fully bear witness rather to what has been
accomplished than to that which remains to be
done. As they become better acquainted with
F2211
The Women of the South in War Times
Southern history, they recognize that none
but a wonderful race could, through four
years of war and ten years of "reconstruc-
tion," have preserved their capacity for self-
government. This last is what they fought
for and this, in time, was returned to them.*
On the eighteenth of December, 1864, Gen-
eral Halleck wrote to General Sherman:
"Should you capture Charleston, I hope
that by some accident the place may be de-
stroyed and if a little salt should be sown
upon its site, it may prevent the growth of
future crops of nullification and secession. ' '
*"More than ever, in this Nation, there must be fra-
ternity, sympathy, and clear understanding of differing
points of view, if Union and Liberty are to abide together.
Above all else, we of the North must open our minds to
the ante bellum Southern point of view; and while we
gladly 'let the dead past bury its dead,' we' must not
strangle that living veracity that has descended to our own
day. We must come to realize that it was to maintain
principles fundamental to human liberty that the South
resorted to arms in 1861 ; and thereby, probably, prevented
this Nation from becoming overwhelmingly and unalterably
imperialistic . . .
". . . No people of any true spirit will submit to
the invasion of their homes and institutions; nor should
they be expected to do so! Charles Francis Adams, speak-
ing in Lee Memorial Chapel, at Lexington, Virginia, on
the occasion of the Centenary of the birth of Robert Edward
Lee, said, 'Had I been circumstanced as Lee was, in 1861,
I should have done precisely as he did.' " — A. W. LITTLE-
FIELD, of Massachusetts.
[222]
In the Carolinas
To this General Sherman replied on Christ-
mas Eve:
"This war differs from European wars in
this particular — we are not only fighting hos-
tile armies, but a hostile people and must
make old and young, rich and poor, feel the
hard hand of war, as well as their organized
armies. I will bear in mind your hint as to
Charleston, and don't think salt will be neces-
sary. When I move, the Fifteenth corps will
be on the right of the right wing, and their
position will bring them naturally into
Charleston first and, if you have studied the
history of that corps, you will have remarked
that they generally do their work up pretty
well. The truth is the whole army is burning
with insatiable desire to wreak vengeance
upon South Carolina. I almost tremble for
her fate, but she deserves all that seems in
store for her."
It may readily be seen from the military
dispatches that it was the intention of the
Federal commander to bring
UP°n the P60?16 °f the invaded
country every possible hard-
ship by depriving them of food, shelter, cloth-
[223]
The Women of the South in War Times
ing, medical supplies, and property of every
kind. This policy was the reverse of the
sentiments expressed by General Martin-
dale* and nearly all of those who either felt
similar sentiments naturally, or who were in-
spired by the attitude of President Lincoln,
Generals McClellan, McDowell, Schofield,
Thomas, Warren, Sedgwick, Hancock, and
many other high officers in the Union Army.f
The inherent humanity and true Ameri-
can ideals of certain officers and soldiers
saved something for the Southern people to
*See p. 42.
f At Gettysburg, General Louis A. Armistead, who fell
at the forefront of the great Confederate charge, and who
was the real hero of that charge, fell mortally wounded into
the hands of the Federals. On this occasion, General
Hancock dismounted, grasped Ar mi stead's hand, and ex-
pressed his sympathy. He promised, also, to send messages
to his friends in Virginia and attempted to cheer him
with the hope that his wounds would not be fatal. Gen-
eral Armistead lingered a day, despite his many wounds,
and said at last: "Lay me down along side of General
Hancock; we are old friends." General Armistead was a
nephew of Colonel George Armistead, the commander at
Fort McHenry, the successful defense of which inspired
Francis Scott Key to write "The Star-Spangled Banner."
It should be added that this story of Hancock and Arm-
istead is taken from Luther W. Hopkins' "From Bull Run
to Appomattox; A Boy's View," one of the most attractive
volumes written in connection with the war between the
States. Mr. Hopkins was a Confederate soldier and refers
feelingly to the magnanimous among his former foes.
[224]
In the Carolinas
build upon through the even more terrible
days of a period of ' * Reconstruction. ' ' It was
in the wake of the worst element of Sherman 's
army that, along with their prayers for Lee
and the Southern Confederacy, the blessings
of Southern women and children went up to
Heaven for the merciful among the con-
querors,— their fellow-Americans.*
Charleston, happily, was spared, and the
dreaded Fifteenth Corps did not immediately
visit and "by some accident " destroy that
beautiful city. From Columbia, Sherman
*It is most unfortunate that the name of Grant cannot
be added to this list of those of the greater leaders who
sought to lessen the horrors of war. It seems clear, how-
ever, that while ultimately displaying a splendid magnan-
imity at Appomattox that must evermore be a tribute to
him, General Grant must have known of the terrible suf-
ferings of the prisoners of war and of the desolation cre-
ated by Sherman and Sheridan, if, indeed, he did not sanc-
tion and encourage the forces of destruction. Let us be-
lieve that he could not have fully realized the extent of
this suffering, and that he conscientiously thought that
final victory would be hastened by these processes, ignoring
the present terror and the aftermath of bitterness. Such
has been the cold philosophy of some commanders at other
times and places. Because of his simple greatness at Ap-
pomattox, therefore, it must be assumed that Grant did
not realize what was being done, just as, during his eight
years, as President, he refrained from checking the hor-
rors of Reconstruction — now generally recognized to have
been a process of despoliation and ruin carried on in times
of peace under the guise of law and order.
[225]
The Women of the South in War Times
marched northward to Fayetteville on the
way to Goldsboro, where he was to unite with
General Schofield.
On the tenth of March, less than a month
after the burning of Columbia, Kilpatrick's
cavalry overran Fayetteville, North Carolina,
and the surrounding country.
Incidents of the At Manchester, these troopers
Invasion of , * .
North Carolina came upon the estate of the
aged Mr. Duncan Murchison.
Here Miss Kate P. Goodridge and her sister
were "refugeeing" from Norfolk. The Good-
ridge family was originally from New Eng-
land; but, like practically all New England
settlers in the South, they were heart and
soul with the cause of the Confederacy, and
they bore privations with a heroism no less
than the native Southerners. Five of the
Goodridge family had enlisted in the Con-
federate service.*
As in the case of thousands of other pri-
vate houses, the Murchison mansion was
•General Albert Pike, of Arkansas, was of this num-
ber of Northerners fighting with the South. Although born
in Boston and educated at Harvard, there was no more
[226]
In the Carolinas
thoroughly ransacked ; but many of the family
valuables had been hidden so successfully
that some of the soldiers became enraged at
not securing greater booty; in spite of pro-
tests, they burst into the room of a young girl
who was in the last stages of typhoid fever.
The child was taken from the bed in which
she lay and died while the bed and the room
were being searched for money and jewelry.
An officer, whose name indicated foreign
birth or extraction, was appealed to; but
his answer to the Goodridge ladies was:
"Go ahead, boys, do all the mischief you,
can."
Although over seventy years old, Mr.
Murchison, a kinsman of Sir Roderick Murch-
ardent champion of the Confederacy. He was the author
of the verses:
"What, what is the true Southern Symbol,
The Symbol of Honor and Right,
The Emblem that suits a brave people
In arms against number and might;
'Tis the ever green stately Magnolia,
Its pearl-flowers pure as the Truth,
Defiant of tempest and lightning,
Its life a perpetual youth."
Several members of the Northern branch of the Good-
ridge (or Goodrich) family fought for the Union, but not
in the way of the uncontrolled element under Sherman,,
Hunter, and, at times, Sheridan and Pope.
[227]
The Women of the South in War Times
ison, was threatened with death; but Miss
Phoebe Goodridge fell on her knees and
begged for his life. Consequently, the soldiers
refrained from carrying out their threat, but
dragged Mr. Murchison, half -clad, into the
nearby swamps, where he was compelled to
stay until the raiders had gone away. The
troopers slashed the family portraits with
their swords, broke up much of the furniture,
and poured molasses into the piano. Every-
thing in the nature of food was destroyed.
Cattle and poultry were driven off or shot.
All granaries of corn and wheat were torn
open and the contents carried off or ruined.
Consequently, the members of the family
were, like many of the women of Georgia and
South Carolina, compelled to live on scattered
grains left by the cavalry horses, which they
washed and made over into what they called
"big hominy."
In this carnival of destruction, it should be
noted that not one act of vandalism was re-
corded against the happy record of over five
hundred negroes of this and adjoining es-
tates, although they were given every incen-
tive to rise up and pillage and possess
[228]
In the Carolinas
the property of the helpless women. The
Murchison plantation was twelve miles from
the town of Fayetteville.
In connection with the story of this cav-
alry raid, it may be added that Mrs. Monroe,
a woman of Scotch blood and a dependent of
the Murchison family, was given a very val-
uable watch for safe-keeping. In some man-
ner, the raiders heard of it. They visited Mrs.
Monroe and although they choked her into
insensibility, they failed to get the watch.
After the raid, the faithful woman returned
the watch to Miss Ooodridge, trimphantly
exclaiming: "They nae got it! they nae got
it I" When complimented on her bravery,
she replied: "There is but one time to die
and it might as well be now."*
*There is an interesting anecdote of a Miss Tillinghast
of the town of Fayetteville. Miss Tillinghast, like the
Goodridges, was of New England parentage. While her
house was being ransacked, she stood on the steps and,
with true Puritan fervor, read, for the benefit of her un-
welcome visitors, the 109th Psalm, wherein the Psalmist
commends the thought that the days of the unmerciful "be
few" and that their names "be blotted out."
[229]
XXI
DESPOLIATION AND PROTECTION
As illustrating some form of contrast to
the story given above, a grateful tribute to
a Federal officer is paid at the close of the
following story by Mrs. J. Henry Smith, who
has given her reminiscences to the editor and
who was happy in thus voluntarily paying a
tribute to a true type of American officer
ivho held evil forces in check and did what he
could to mitigate the horrors of invasion con-
nected with an element of mercenaries
licensed to outrage by General Sherman.
Mrs. Smith writes from Greensboro, the
scene of one of the great Revolutionary bat-
tles, which had tested the courage and endur-
ance of her ancestors only less than her own
courage and that of her associates was tested
in the war which burst upon them nearly one
hundred years later. Mrs. Smith writes:
Looking back through the mists of more
than fifty years it is hard to catch and keep
the trend of events in their ceaseless and
rapid march; but the years of the terrible
[230]
Despoliation and Protection
tragedy of the War between the States are
indelibly graven upon our hearts, homes, and
country.
In 1861, Greensboro was a peaceful ham-
let of about 2,000 souls, but when the tocsin
of war sounded at Sumter, the Revolutionary
blood in the veins of our people leaped into
instant action. In the dark time of infinite
endurance that followed, the women suffered
and shared the fears and hopes of the im-
pending battles, the harrowing days, the hope-
less nights, the dread to-morrows.
The noble army of the Bed Cross had not
then unfurled its banner to the world, and
the unspeakable blessing of hospitals and
trained nurses was as yet unknown. More
pitiful than all was the absence of anesthetics.
Yet in this painful lack of equipment, the
self-sacrifice, the ingenuity, and faithful ser-
vice of our women made what amends were
possible. A central room was established
where quilting and sewing were daily and
diligently done. Every piece of old linen was
scraped and cherished, bandages made,
carpets taken up ; and all blankets, clothing,
food, and whatever could be given up for the
[231]
The Women of the South in War Time*
•comfort of the boys were sent to the camps.
A little amateur band of canteen workers met
the trains bearing the wounded, often in the
darkness of the night, with such refresh-
ments as they could provide for the weary
men, and in these fleeting moments of loving
ministry precious items of news from home
and camp and friends were eagerly sought
and given ere the train sped onward. Weary,
footsore, and needy soldiers were daily pass-
ing through to be clothed, fed, and com-
forted; and whenever the Danville train
came in with grey-coats on board, it was a
signal to broil bacon, bake cornbread, and set
out all the milk one could lay hands on — the
only delicacies we could then afford. In this
labor of love all our hearts were sore with
suspense and foreboding for husbands, sons,
and brothers on the firing line, not knowing
what a day or even an hour might bring
forth ; and many homes were darkened as the
casualties fell pitilessly here and there.
I recall that on one occasion an ambulance
stopped at our gate and the driver asked if
we could take in a very sick man. He proved
to be the young son of Rev. Dr. Goulding,
F2321
Despoliation and Protection
author of "The Young Marooners," a book
so dear to every boy's heart. His condition
was pitiable and unspeakable. For weeks he
had been confined on a prison ship on the
coast, and fed on sour corn bread and pickles
until life was almost extinct. But he was
young, and nourishing food and care began
at length to tell on his emaciated body. Be-
fore six weeks had passed, he was sitting up
and planning how to get to his home in
Georgia.
One afternoon as he sat on the porch, a
company of cavalry passed down the street;
a man leaped from his horse, quickly tied it,
and came clanking up the walk ; in a moment,
long parted brothers were clasped in each
other's arms.
But it was on March 19, 1865, the date of
the battle of Bentonsville, that the war in its
stern and startling reality came to our very
doors. On that memorable night, without
warning or preparation, the wounded were
brought to Greensboro in such numbers as to
fill the churches, court house, and every avail-
able space in the town. To that clarion call,
the women of Greensboro responded with one
[2331
The Women of the South in War Times
accord. All else was forgotten as with, tender
hearts and eager hands they sought to make
the poor fellows comfortable in their hastily
improvised beds and comfortless quarters.
That night in the old Presbyterian Church
and Lecture Eoom, I saw the first wounded
tod dying and witnessed the grief of their
comrades. When I went back the next morn-
ing, death had settled its seal on many a
noble form as they lay in a semi-circle around
the pulpit in the last long sleep that knows no
waking nor the rude alarms of war.
In this great emergency, the town was at
once divided into districts and the women of
each neighborhood fed from their own tables
the body of soldiers nearest them. Daily
their waiters threaded the town, and daily the
interest in these dear boys grew, as out of
their own poverty they ministered to their
needs. But supplies of every kind in the
South were getting alarmingly low, and none
coming in, and all unawares to these devoted
workers, the Confederacy of their love was
nearing its end. Then, like a thunderbolt out
of a clear sky, came the news of Lee's sur-
render at Appomattox.
[234]
Despoliation and Protection
On April 26, 1865, the Federal troops took
possession of Greensboro, 30,000 strong, Gen-
eral Cox commanding. The Confederate sol-
diers were all transferred to Edge worth Sem-
inary, and our occupation was gone; but we
were allowed to visit them there, and the old
historic mansion with its beautiful grounds
witnessed many a glad greeting and sorrow-
ful parting, for these were times that tried
alike the souls of men and women.
On Sunday morning a mounted official from
headquarters called early, bringing orders to
my husband to preach at the usual hour in
the little Baptist church near the station. As
we passed along, every corner, doorway, and
street was crowded with Federal troops, and
the whole world looked blue in unison with
our feelings that bitter morning. I sat
through the service in blinding tears, not only
because of our humiliation, but lest in sermon
or prayer some word might be spoken from
the turbulent heart of the speaker to cause
his arrest.
Greensboro, however, was fortunate in hav-
ing at the helm a Christian gentleman and
Presbyterian elder. General Cox ruled wisely
[235]
The Women of the South in War Times
and well. In all cases of trespass and com-
plaint he was reasonable and just. Guards,
were furnished to any family on request, and
indispensable they were when spring vege-
tables ventured to lift their heads ; as that, in
field and town, some semblance of the old life
again began. Our old Southern songs kept
alive the precious heritage of the past, while
all braced themselves for coming terrors of
which we then had little conception.
CAMOUFLAGE AGAINST BAIDEBS
The reminiscences of Mrs. Eachel Pearsall,.
while they cannot be here given in full, fur-
nish an admirable illustration of the ingen-
uity of the women and the faithfulness of the
greater number of the slaves, or, as they were
usually called, servants.
Mrs. Pearsall lived on a farm near Ken-
ansville, Dublin County, the site of one of
the most important factories for the making
of swords or sabres in the South. Mrs.
Pearsall writes :
When our soldiers were off, we began to
prepare to make a living. The old men man-
aged most of the affairs, and in our part of
[236]
Despoliation and Protection
the County we got along fairly well until the
Yankees began to come up from the eastern
part of the State and make raids on us. Then
what a time we poor women had !
The first thing they did was to demand the
keys of the jailer at Kenansville. They then
liberated the prisoners and burned the sword
factory; they surprised some soldiers in
camp there and took prisoners. They then
went from Kenansville to Warsaw, taking all
the horses along the way, cutting the tele-
graph wire, and destroying everything
possible.
* * *
Of the close of the war, Mrs. Pearsall
writes :
I remember that near the close of the war,
we heard of Sherman being on his march.
Fearing that he might come our way, we be-
gan* preparing for it by hiding our valuables.
Our first thought was for our silver and
jewels. These we hid ourselves, not even our
servants knew their hiding place, — then we
hid most of the meat.
I had two faithful old servants in whom I
confided ; I had. them get the largest box they
[237]
The Women of the South in War Times
could find and bury it in the garden. We
picked out the choicest sides of meat and
packed it full. The darkies said, " Missus, de
sides will do us so much mo* good dan de
hams and shoulders, fur dey will do ter cook
de cabbage and greens fur er long time."
We nailed up the box, covered up the hole,
and planted the garden over it. When the
Yankees came, our vegetables were several
inches high. They dug in the ground every-
where else in their wild hunt for valuables,
but they never suspected the garden. Be-
sides the " rescue " of the sides, I saved twen-
ty-seven hams without any assistance. I hid
them under the landing of the staircase lead-
ing to the garret. I had Mr. PearsalPs gun
hidden in there too, but took it out later,
wrapped it in a buggy robe, and old " Uncle
Bobin," my most trusted servant, hid it in a
hollow tree. We had a nice new set of double
harness which I saved by carrying it in the
night to the house of our faithful black
mammy, Phyllis. We took up some planks of
the floor, put it under, and nailed them back.
I hid my watch, chain, and jewels in a tin box
that was wrapped in cloth that I had dipped
[238]
Despoliation and Protection
in wax. My silver knives, forks, and spoons,
I put in a stone jar and tied the waxed cloth
over the mouth, then dug a hole in the middle
of a large hen house and buried it. I tried to
pick out places to hide my things where I
knew I could find them when it was all over.
All of our servants remained faithful ex-
cept the cook. She declined to take any part
in the hiding of our things, her excuse for not
helping was fear of the Yankees. I was
afraid she would prove disloyal. Sure
enough, when the Yankees came, she de-
manded the smoke house key of me and gave
them all the meat we had not hidden, then
emptied the pantries.
I had just made up all our tallow into four-
teen dozen candles. The men took them, but
as they were carrying them out of the house,
the nurse grabbed one out of the box. This
was the only thing left to light my house ex-
cept the pine from woods.
The raid lasted for three weeks, and the
cook fed the Yankees on the best she could
find at my house and cooked for them what
they brought in from other homes in the
neighborhood.
[239]
The Women of the South in War Times
They pillaged the house from cellar to at-
tic, opened every drawer, closet, and trunk,
taking such things as suited them.
They treated my father-in-law worse than
they did me, and took all the ladies ' best
clothes and what silver they could find. My
Aunt, who had been brought to my father-in-
law's for protection, was sick in bed. The
Yankees thought she was playing sick and
that something was hidden in that bed. They
snatched her off and threw her down on the
floor so they could tumble the bed upside
down. They found father's best suit which
had been hidden there. All the beautiful
quilts which had been made by the older mem-
bers of the family and were highly prized
were put on the old sore back mules and
horses and carried off. They brought out
father's nice carriage, filled it full of meat,
made the servants dress chickens and turkeys,
which they hung all around the carriage, then
hitched two mules to it and drove away. They
had taken the beautiful carriage horses off on
the previous day.
After the first lot of Yankees came, my
cook informed me that she could not work for
[240]
Despoliation and Protection
me any longer, that they had threatened to
kill her if she continued to do so. I told her
that I wouldn't have her cook foi anything
as I didn't want any harm to come to her.
There was a good, free negro woman liv-
ing on the place and I said to her, "Matilda,
will you cook for me?"
"Dat I will, Miss Rachel, I'll be glad ter
git sumpin' to cook."
This made the old cook furious with me, for
she thought she would have the pleasure of
seeing me cook. She made many threats on
our lives, including Matilda, the new cook,
who for protection had asked to sleep in my
house.
After the Yankees quit coming, I felt we
must be doing something toward making a
crop. Part of the land had been prepared
for planting before the Yankees had taken
the horses off. One day I told Matilda that
if I only knew how to do it, we would go out
and plant the field of corn near the house.
She said that she knew how and would be
glad to help me. So with the help of a white
girl, Betsy, who lived with me, we planted
the corn. Matilda dug the holes, I dropped
[241]
The Women of the South in War Times
the corn, and Betsy covered it with a hoe. I
thought that if I went to work, it would stim-
ulate the negro men to take up their duties
again. The people of Kenansville hired Fed-
eral guards to protect their homes during the
raid and after it was over some of them went
out through the country to see how the people
had fared. They had heard of the awful
threats of a few of the negroes.
One had heard of the threats of my old
cook. He came to see her about.it and she
acknowledged she had said all he had heard,
but that she didn't intend to
An Unex- burn up ' ' Miss Rachel ' ' and do
pectedly ^he things she had threatened.
Federal ^ plead f or ner f°r I thought he
Protector intended to give her a good
whipping, and I knew it would
be worse for me after that. He told me to
go into the house. I went, and tried to take
her with me, but the guard ordered her to go
behind the barn. Just then I heard one of
my neighbors coming down the road and I
ran out to the front gate and plead with him
to interfere. While I was talking to him I
heard a gun fire and he said, "It's too late,
[242]
Despoliation and Protection
he has killed her." The guard sent to the
field for the negro men to come to the house
and ordered them to bury her on the spot
where she had been killed. When he had left,
they, obeying my instructions, made a coffin,
dressed her in her best clothes, and gave her
a decent burial.
He told me he wasn't going to leave me
there at the mercy of the negroes and asked
me where I wanted to go. My father-in-law
lived about a mile and a half away, so I de-
cided to go there. He ordered the men to
hitch up a horse to a buggy to take me. They
told him the Yankees had taken all the horses
and every vehicle. So he offered to take me
on his fine saddle horse. I had old ' ' Mammy
Phyllis ' ' to get together a few clothes for my
two little children. When I was ready, my
neighbor saw that I hesitated about getting
on the guard's horse, so he said, "Mrs. Pear-
sail, my horse is gentle, you get on, and I'll
lead him to your father's." I mounted the
horse and took the baby in my lap. My little
boy, David, expected to ride on the horse with
me, but the guard said, ' ' Come and ride with
me, little man," to which David replied, "I'm
[243]
The Women of the South m War Times
afraid, you're a Yankee/' The guard an-
swering said, "I wouldn't harm you for any-
thing. Come and I'll take you to your grand-
father's." We went and stayed until things
were settled. I left my home in the hands of
my faithful servants and when I returned, I
found everything all right.
I reasoned with the negroes about going to
work and told them if they would plant and
work the crop, I'd pay them for their ser-
vices. They then went to work without the
aid of horses or mules.
One morning they informed me that they
had heard that the Yankees had left some
old mules and horses at a deserted camp near
Faison, so I advised them to try to get some.
They were lucky in finding a horse apiece
and an old sore back mule for me. They were
awful looking but improved with good treat-
ment and made a fine crop.
The negroes were working very well and
were loyal to me when Mr. Pearsall came
home in the early part of the summer of 1865.
We were all so happy to have our loved ones
back ! Very few from our neighborhood were
killed, but a good many were in prison at the
[244]
Despoliation and Protection
surrender and these did not get home for
sometime afterwards. Notwithstanding our
poverty, after the crops were laid by, we had
a big picnic, to which all the soldiers and
their families were invited. In the fall, when
harvest time came, Mr. Pearsall divided the
crops with the faithful negroes and gave
each one some hogs, so they were able to start
life for themselves.
[245]
XXII
EXCERPTS FROM REMINISCENCES
OF MRS. C. C. POPPENHEIM
We shall not shrink, my brothers, but go forth
To meet them, marshaled by the Lord of Hosts,
And overshadowed by the mighty ghosts
Of Moultrie and of Eutaw — who shall foil
Auxiliars such as these? Nor these alone,
But every stock and stone
Shall help us; but the very soil,
And all the generous wealth it gives to toil,
And all for which we love our noble land,
Shall fight beside, and through us ; sea and strand,
The heart of woman, and her hand,
Tree, fruit, and flower, and every influence,
Gentle, or grave, or grand;
The winds in our defence
Shall seem to blow; to us the hills shall lend
Their firmness and their calm;
And in our stiffened sinews we shall blend
The strength of pine and palm!
— HENRY TIMBOD.
In that which follows, the editor has elimi-
nated the more personal parts of Mrs. Pop-
penheim's reminiscences in order best to
present and preserve the historical. The ex-
cerpts begin, therefore, subsequently to the
news of the approach of the Federal Army
[246]
Reminiscences of Mrs. Poppenheim
and when Mrs. Poppenheim and those de-
pendent upon her had begun their flight from
the neighborhood of Charleston in the face
of the threat that the city would be razed and
its site sown with salt.
. . . At Florence, the confusion and
crowd was terrible; conflicting rumors flying
everywhere; trains running all night; sol-
diers hurried from place to place. When we
reached Kingville, there was a long wait, and
we did not realize the condition or the cause
until we saw a great red glare in the sky
towards Columbia. Sherman had reached
Columbia, and the city was burning.
The railroad was all torn up between King-
ville and Columbia, and we must find a way
to get around and above Columbia before
Sherman and his army left.
Miss Fann^ De Saussure and
father, and the two Misses
Drayton, were with me in the depot at King-
ville. We all looked in dismay on the fire of
burning Columbia, and felt a horror at the
thought of Sherman and his army being
there. The railroad being torn up, we could
go no farther in that direction, but must find
[247]
The Women of the South in War Times
a way to get above Columbia and strike the
C. C. and A. E. E. at Blackstock, and cross the
country to reach the home of your Grand-
father Bouknight's, which I had left not
less than three months before as a bride.
We took the train for Camden, and saw
one of the most gorgeous sunsets on the
way; once there, we found a small hotel
that could barely feed the hungry people
on the piazzas. We all sat around a table
in the small parlor, with dimly lighted
tallow candles on it, and asked each other
what was best to do. When we went to our
room, fatigue and anxiety struggled, until
finally we fell asleep under difficulties, and
awoke early in the morning to make hurried
preparations for the day 's journey, not know-
ing where it would end. A two-horse wagon
was secured (all other vehicles, carriages,
buggies, and everything on wheels, had been
driven out of town by people seeking places
of safety), for the baggage — my six trunks
and a few others belonging to the men of the
party, who were wounded soldiers on fur-
lough, and trying to reach their families in
the up-country. . . .
[248]
Reminiscences of Mrs. Poppenheim
. . . The trunks were piled on the
wagon, and I was seated on one of the trunks,
and Rachel, the maid near me. How queer I
felt, riding through the streets
of Camden> seated on a trunk
in a wagon! We traveled
all day, cheering each other as best we could,
the men walking and taking turns to rest
themselves in the wagon. At night, we came
to a deserted plantation house, with comforts
and conveniences enough to give us a good
night's rest. The family had hastily taken
their flight, on hearing Sherman was burn-
ing Columbia. Here we made ourselves com-
fortable for the night. One of the party, a
blockade runner, presented me with a five-
pound package of green tea, which made a
deep and lasting impression, as I had not
tasted a cup of "bought tea'9 for a year. . .
. . . As we approached the old planta-
tion home, a grand and glorious sunset spread
out before us, giving pleasure and a topic of
conversation to the thoughts of many; to me
it seemed a harbinger of joy and protection,
a promise of safety; and I slept sweetly,
dreaming the Everlasting Arms were still
[2491
The Women of the South in War Times
around us. The morning came, bright,
balmy and beautiful. I was happy, full of
hope, and confident all would be well. I
mounted my seat in the wagon as if I were
going on a drive with a gay party in a coach,
with four-in-hand. I had my world, my joy,
my protector, by my side ; and there was no
fear of danger, no dread of fatigue. . . .
From here on Mrs. Poppenheim narrates
her experiences from her diary of the times,
from which quotations are here given :
Feb. 19, 1815 — Sunday morning, ride
through the place and lose our way for two
miles ; but it surely gives us a splendid view
of the Hill; return and cross at Peay's ferry;
a miserable road, a tiresome jolting in the
wagon, and excitement grows greater every
mile. Stop a few minutes at Mr. James Cald-
welPs. Dr. Kinloch kindly invites us in; his
wife sends us a hot lunch, and we conclude to
go on as far as possible, though every one is
wild with excitement and hourly looking for
the Yankees. Arrive at General Clayton's
headquarters at dark; have a beautiful view
of campfires ; all stop and doubt the safety of
going on to Blackstock; Christie goes in to
T2501
Reminiscences of Mrs. Poppenheim
see General Clayton, who advises him not to
go on, as the Yankees are very near, and Kil-
patrick's raiders all through the woods. All
hopes are disappointed; with heavy hearts
and tired limbs, we turn our course back to
Liberty Hill as the only place of safety, there
to remain until the Yankees pass through and
we have a safe road. In the wagon until 10
p. m. Stop at a large brick house — Dr. Hall's
— and there we find two lunatics from the
lunatic asylum in Columbia, placed there to
preserve the house from destruction by the
Yankees. It was a night of horrors ; the crazy
woman walked into my room with a candle in
her hand, after I was in bed, drew the cur-
tains aside, and peered into my face to see if
I was asleep, I suppose ; which I did pretend
to be. We left the place bright and early, and
felt that our escape from danger had been
very narrow. A long tiresome day's ride;
recross Peay's ferry; much excitement all the
way; met many of Butler's men, and do not
feel safe until we cross the ferry; joy that
we have crossed the river. Arrive at Lib-
erty Hill at 4 p. m., put up at Mr. John
Brown's; very kind people; large house, and
[251]
The Women of the South in War Times
every appearance of abundant means; large
grounds, and hundreds of poultry around-
Tuesday, February 21st. — The excitement
has even reached here, and the place that we
thought, of all others, safest, seems to fear
the Yankees; so we calmly resign ourselves
to our fate of meeting them.
February 22d. — Great anxiety ; many of the
citizens send off trunks and bury all their val-
uables. Mrs. Brown feeds a great many of
our soldiers. Several scouts
Raiders come in, and Christie wants to
go to Columbia with one " Or-
chard, " who lives in Columbia. At 4 p. m.
several horsemen came dashing in; we are
eager for the news ; I beg Christie to go and
hear; he had not left me five minutes before
I saw the bluecoats and realized I had sent
him to meet the Yankees. I ran to the front
door and down the steps ; saw them halt him,
then pass and seize a negro boy, take his
horse and made him lead them to the lot. In
a few moments, a band of ruffians, a wild,
savage looking set, dashed in the house, into
the dining-room, and swept all the silver from
the table, that was set for dinner; ran up-
[252]
Reminiscences of Mrs. Poppenheim
stairs, broke open doors, locks and drawers,
and the utmost confusion prevailed ; the ham-
mering sounded like one dozen carpenters
at work, and soon all the floors were cov-
ered with scattered papers, in their search
for money and valuables. I go to the com-
manding officer and ask for assistance; he
promises protection. Christie and myself go
upstairs ; my trunks broken open, and every-
thing scattered in confusion over the floor.
Oh ! what a scene, impossible to describe !
Money, jewelry and clothing of every descrip-
tion taken by these demons ! Lieut. B. Ulrich
gives us a guard, and stays himself in the
house to protect us ; but little sleep for any of
us this night.
February 23d. — Thousands of Yankees
coming in; one command follows another in
quick succession ; poor Mrs. Brown is robbed
of provisions, silver, and
fnd Motes' «Jmo8t. everything; they go
down in the cellar and pour
kerosene oil, molasses and feathers all to-
gether, then stir them up with their bayonets.
Mrs. Brown and myself go out to meet Gen-
eral Logan. What an awful feeling to come
[253]
The Women of the South in War Times
so close to hundreds of Yankees who are burn-
ing and destroying everything on the face of
the land! Several staff officers tell us Gen-
eral Logan has just passed; but if we wait
long enough, another corps will pass, and we
can see General Wood. While waiting for
the Yankees to pass, and looking on their fine
horses, and hundreds of stolen cattle, the
refugees from Columbia who followed Sher-
man's army began to pass; among them, I
recognized Mary Boozer and her mother in a
carriage, she in a lively conversation with a
gay looking officer riding by the carriage ; the
scene is so sickening, I beg Mrs. Brown to let
us return; waiting for the general won't pay.
Friday, February 24th. — To-day, Yankees
throng the house, search and take what others
left. They ask Christie repeatedly how he
keeps out of the army. Mrs. Brown and my-
self again go out and wait to see the general,
but again he has just passed; the staff offi-
cers whom we meet look and speak as heart-
less as stones. Another sleepless night of
suspense.
Saturday, February 25th. — Still they go
through — hundreds and thousands — all gay-
F2541
Reminiscences of Mrs. Poppenheim
ety, with bands of music, and burning houses
light their march; last night we could count
twelve burning residences; and imagine the
horror of those who dwelt in them. Mr.
Brown's large mill burnt.*
Tuesday, February 28th. — Still harrassed
by the Yankees, and spend sleepless nights,
seeing the skies lit by burning fires ; at mid-
night, the Academy is in flames,
and we expect every moment
to see the flames burst out
from the house we are in ; once a vile Yankee
was caught with the torch applied ; the flames
were put out, and I appealed to an officer to
give us a guard for the night.
Wednesday, March 1st. — Dr. Robert Kin-
loch and Lieutenant Swinton Bissell come in
quite early and tell us of their escape from
the Yankees, after having marched several
days through mud knee deep. The Yankees
*Parts of Mrs. Poppenheim's diary are here and later
omitted for the reason that the sufferings and privations
are too harrowing for present publication and because the
conditions described may too easily be misinterpreted as
an indictment of all the Federal forces. Some of the
writer's relatives then serving in the Union army en-
deavored to prevent the terrible excesses of certain ele-
ments vrhich General Sherman at times encouraged rather
than restrained.
[255]
The Women of the South in War Times
were pushing rapidly for Camden. We are
starving here; have nothing left to eat but
sorghum molasses and black shorts bread.
Sherman's army has left no living thing on
their route; nothing but blackened chimneys
and smoking ruins mark his path from Co-
lumbia here; pillage, robbery, fire, and ruin
marked their footsteps; a sigh of relief
and a prayer of thankfulness that our lives
were spared was breathed as we saw the last
Yankee soldier disappear from the devastated
little village.
[256]
XXIII
THE BURNING OF COLUMBIA*
The advance of Sherman, and the imper-
fect breastworks along the Congaree River,
drove a large number of people from that
locality, seeking shelter in other parts. They
came like a heavy tide upon us. We gave
them the large drawing room and several
other adjoining places for a night 's rest. The
feeling of terror and distress seemed to wear
off as they found themselves sheltered in
these comfortable quarters ; and, as the even-
ing advanced, we were amused by the noise
and merriment of these refugees. The near
approach of shells and the incessant cannon-
ading drove them, however, at the dawn
of day, to more distant places, while we
remained.
I must recur now to the earlier part of
Thursday, when Captain Strawinski, one of
the exiles of the Polish revolution of 1830,
*Told by Madame S. Sosnowski, a lady of Poland and
a noted teacher at Barhamville College, two miles north,
of Columbia.
[257]
The Women of the South in War Times
wished to speak to me; lie was our near
neighbor, and for several years a teacher in
our institutions at Barhamville and Colum-
bia. He informed me that Captain A — *
the son of an honored Governor of South
Carolina, had charged him with the protec-
tion of Mrs. A — , his lady, and his widowed
sister. This surprised me considerably, as
Captain Strawinski had a large family of his
own to care for. But I presently learned that
this was at the command of a superior Free
Mason to a brother Mason. He requested that
these ladies should find a refuge with us, and
I assented, of course, most cheerfully — trust-
ing, nay, even certain, that we should not be
much molested. This was my opinion as a
European lady, who relied upon the honor of
the military profession in respecting women
and private property.
In asking for our friend's own family, he
confessed that he felt great anxiety regard-
ing his daughter; the boys, quite a number,
would take care of their mother. We begged
he would send Miss Bell to us, also ; and with
her our number became larger, and we found
•Captain Adams.
[258]
Burning of Columbia
her a true Polish woman in courage and de-
termination.
Sherman had now taken his position op-
posite Columbia, and the shelling and can-
nonading were incessant.
Like a man who catches at any appearance
of help, we followed the advice of Mr. Straw-
inski, to have a Free Mason 's flag (very
hastily manufactured) on the front door and
rear passages ; and they received soon after
the curses of several troops of soldiers, say-
ing but for those "rags" the house would be
burnt to ashes at any moment.
We who for the first time witnessed a de-
feated army, and the distress of the men flee-
ing from the enemy, felt great sympathy for
them. A number of our most respected citi-
zens gave us, in passage, affectionate mes-
sages for their friends, and to us a kind fare-
well, whilst we already heard the drum and
the din of the entering enemy ; and the work
of the incendiary had already begun.
How prearranged the burning of Columbia
must have been was proved by the scatter-
ing of Sherman's soldiers in every direction.
These soldiers were led by negroes, who not
[259]
The Women of the South in War Times
only guided them, but by whom they must
have been already informed of the residences
of "prominent Rebels." The
^ness and confidence by
which these creatures, who
called themselves soldiers, were animated,
was astonishing. They flew about inquiring,
"Is this the home of Mr. Rhett?" pointing in
the right direction; or "Is that the dwelling
of Mr. Middleton?" also indicating exactly
the locality, with many other like questions.
It was surprising to see the readiness with
which these incendiaries succeeded in their
work of destruction. They had hardly passed
out of sight when columns of smoke and
flames arose to bring the sad news that an-
other home had been sacrificed to the demon
of malice and arrogance. It was in the mid-
dle of the day which witnessed the Federal
entrance into it, when Columbia was already
enveloped in an overshadowing cloud of
smoke, and the flames were already rising
like columns of fire from a volcano. The ter-
rible spectacle grew more harrowing as night
set in, and although we lived over one mile
from that city, yet from the roof of the Bar-
[260]
Burning of Columbia
hamville building the whole town of Colum-
bia could be plainly and distinctly discerned.
Through the exertions of Dr. Marks, the
proprietor of Barhamville, who had re-
mained in the town, guards were procured,
who, during the day, barely
succeeded in protecting us
from the many attemps of the
soldiery to rifle and burn the female college.
Our protectors proved of unequal tempera-
ments and dispositions, as soldiers. Only one
may be said to have been active in the dis-
charge of his duty, and, if my readers will
pardon a slight digression from the main
narrative, this was owing to a concurrence of
circumstances at once touching and amusing.
The sight was very grand, for it was a
large mansion, and quite near to Barham-
ville; but grander and more impressive was
the heroic calmness with which the ladies of
this mansion contemplated the destruction
of the old homestead of their family, with all
that wealth and desire for comfort had been
enabled to accumulate. These ladies stood
perfectly composed upon the rear of our
piazza.
[261]
The Women of the South in War Times
Finding the guard to whom I refer pleas-
ant and kindly inclined (the other two were
dogged, mean-looking men), we entered into
conversation with him about his political
views, his native State, and found that he
was a Tennessean, and resided at Knoxville.
This brought to our mind the recollection
of the Rev. Mr. H — , whose acquaintance we
had made some years since — a gentleman who
combined with genuine piety high cultivation
and refinement. We made inquiries regard-
ing our friend, and were informed by our
new protector that Mr. H — had died before
the war, and that his father (the guard's)
had furnished the coffin on the sad occasion.
Owing to that simple connection of facts
we found a sympathizing protector and
friend, without whom we should have been
that night subjected to who knows what suf-
fering?— certainly to the loss of all we
possessed.
Columbia was then enveloped in one sheet
of flame ; we could hear the cries and lamenta-
tions of the people, even at this great dis-
tance. It was a terrible night! Soon the
building of Captain A — , whose wife and
[262]
Burning of Columbia
sister had taken refuge with us, was set on
fire by the soldiers ; they watched the flames
as they rose ; but there was a deeper anxiety
in their hearts ; their minds followed the re-
treat of their husband and brother, and the
flight of their daughters, who were subse-
quently overtaken by the invaders and sub-
jected to great hardship and mortification.
Whilst with horror and indignation we
watched all these scenes, Mr. Strawinski
rushed towards us, in a greatly excited state
of mind. He had remained at
rndgMtsStr«tSedd his P°st at Captain A-'s resi-
dence until convinced that
nothing could be saved by his intervention.
No appeals on his part could divert the fury
of the soldiery. The scenes enacted at that
dwelling in connection with the negro ser-
vants are not fit for female pen to dwell
upon. . . .
. . . The negroes informing the sol-
diers of some valuable wines stored away,
thus was given the signal for general bac-
chanalia. When the intoxicated servants
disclosed to the reveling soldiery the hiding
place of the family silverware and other val-
[263]
The Women of the South in War Times
uables, the tumult reached its height. Sus-
picion seemed to have taken hold of the
minds of the soldiers that poison might be
mixed with the tempting bottles. Before they
tasted, Mr. Strawinski was first compelled
to drink of each kind. Being a temperate
man, and totally averse to low associations,
he resisted, but with threats and blows, he
was compelled to yield. At last, the negroes
themselves became thoroughly disgusted, and
although enriched by the booty the soldiers
could not carry off — which was generously
given them by the robbers — they vowed
vengeance for the base treatment their
women had been subjected to.
Now, a wave of that corrupted mass, in-
flamed by liquor and every other excess,
moved towards our home, Barhamville.
There were about eighty men.
An^Anxious They were led by & tall negro
— one of those towering in-
dividuals we meet sometimes. He held in one
hand a torch; in the other a large cowhide;
and he demanded of me to examine the base-
ment, partly open, as they knew Captain
A — *s lady had hidden some valuables here.
[264]
Burning of Columbia
The ladies being too much frightened, only
one of my daughters could come to my assist-
ance. The other had to guard the front door
of the building, whilst some of the ladies en-
deavored to wake up the guards, who had
gone to sleep (it was then eleven o'clock.)
This attempt we resisted — by what power
I do not now understand, for we were in a
vast crowd of, shall I say men, or furious
beasts? — until our Tennessean friend came
to our assistance. The other guards pre-
tended to be still asleep.
It was some time before that rabble could
be made to understand that there was a Fed-
eral soldier present ; and only after he struck
his bayonet violently upon the ground, threat-
ening to report them for contempt of military
orders, did they slink away. Still, party
after party came upon the grounds, looking
with malicious eyes upon the large building,
so tempting to their cupidity.
Toward two o'clock in the morning, we
heard the blows of axes, and seeing lights in
the direction of our stables, a considerable
distance from the main bulding, I hastened to
the spot. Under ordinary circumstances such
F2651
The Women of the South in War Times
an undertaking would have caused great
hesitation of mind; but we were aroused to
such a degree of energy and indignation that
we had become unmindful of our personal
safety. I found at the stables more than
twenty men, with torches, axes, and their
muskets. They were partly intoxicated, and
seemed to look fagged out after their day's
work of destruction. When I appeared, they
looked with astonishment at the coming of a
single lady, and really seemed then ashamed
of themselves, as well they might be. I
asked them, "What are you, thieves or sol-
diers ?" and told them, furthermore, that
every person of honor must consider them a
disgrace to the military profession ; although
I felt in my heart that they had not the slight-
est conception of such a sentiment. I still
remember with considerable amusement the
attitude of that crowd, and the reply of the
chief leader: "Yes, ma'am; yes, ma'am,"
to all I said. When our East Tennessean
came to my assistance, the axes of the assail-
ants were already at rest.
The following morning, an individual en-
tered the house with the air of a conqueror.
[266]
Burning of Columbia
It was a Mr. McDowell, a bloated, lymphatic-
looking man. He had nothing of manly polite-
ness about him ; he was either destitute of that
natural deference which a gentleman pays to
ladies, or, in the style of General Butler, he
considered ladies in sympathy with the South-
ern cause unworthy of his urbanity. What-
ever, though, his views or feelings were, he
behaved very rudely.
It was that very officer who afterwards ex-
pressed his opinion at his headquarters that
he did not know why these European ladies
should have that place left standing, when
every other building in the neighborhood had
been destroyed ; and we believed that our re-
newed troubles were caused by that same
individual.
During Saturday and Sunday the Char-
lotte railroad was broken up, and we were
continually molested. Drunken and in-
furiated soldiers, some with
Harangue8 saber in hand, endeavored to
open the side doors. Another
hour brougnt a party of soldiers who were in-
clined to harangue us on political questions.
One among them, evidently not very fanat-
[2671
The Women of the South in War Times
ical on the negro question, made a regular
stump speech, in which he endeavored to
demonstrate that this country was destined
only for the white man, and that the Indian,
as well as the negro, had to be, or in the course
of events would be, exterminated; further-
more, he expressed his own wish to have the
entire negro race on an immense platform
and power sufficient to blow them all to atoms.
This latter remark was received with repeated
cheers by his companions-in-arms. . . .
**&••' . . We were soon contending with a
half-drunken set of men at the main entrance
of the building, using arguments and display-
ing firmness in preventing them from enter-
ing the house, when our faithful shepherd
dog, Cora, was seen running through the
house, and testified by whining and anxious
ways that there must be something wrong at
the rear of the building. Some of us fol-
lowed our friend, and, to our astonishment,
found that some party had thrown fire brands-
under the stairs, which had already caught
fire. With the assistance of our servants, we
were enabled to extinguish the fire; but we
then despaired of success in resisting these
[268]
Burning of Columbia
incendiaries, and were expecting every mo-
ment to be compelled to leave the home we
had no power to save. These marauders
threatened to kill the cook should she not tell
them where valuables or provisions were
hidden. Others went into the houses of the
poor negro women, cut and tore their bundles,
and even cut their clothes wantonly to pieces ;
and thus, unfortunately, our box with silver,
containing many old family relics, fell into
the hands of these vandals.
Towards evening there arrived directly
from Columbia a number of officers ; and see-
ing one of them wearing a Mason's breastpin,
told him that, being a Mason's
-idow I held it to be his duty
Protection to protect us from the maraud-
ers of his army. He seemed to
hesitate ; but, having for such an emergency
Mr. Sosnowski's papers in hand, establish-
ing his former connection with an American
lodge, I placed them in his hands, again de-
manding protection. The party, however, left
without giving us a glimmer of hope, and we
looked with terror upon the declining day,
when, to our joy and relief, a young gentle-
[269]
The Women of the South in War Times
man came on a horse, telling us that a squad
of men would presently arrive, and that we
should not be disturbed that night.
Words could not express our relief and
gratitude. The young man, evidently of re-
finement, received with great satisfaction the
demonstrations of relief our little party ex-
pressed. We gave him full leave to walk
through the building, and being young, his
imagination perhaps depicted to him all the
lovely Southern young ladies who only a short
time since made these halls resound with their
musical exercises and cheerfulness. The
promised guard arriving, they prepared their
supper, to which we loaned all the assistance
we could. Feeling comparatively at ease, we
watched with interest the regular lights which
lit up the entire horizon (as far as our view
permitted) with the campfires of Sherman's
army.
With the dawn of day, the reveille called
our guards away ; and we were reminded by
the remarks of passing sol-
A Visit diers that the house was still
to Columbia , T n , n ,,
in danger. I determined, there-
fore, to walk to Columbia (Sunday morning)
[270]
Burning of Columbia
at an early hour to obtain a guard ; and soon
after breakfast, accompanied by a few serv-
ants, left Barhamville. The appearance of
the citizens was despondent and weary. On
reaching the Preston property, long the resi-
dence of the father of General Wade Hamp-
ton, I felt that I was in the midst of mili-
tary life ; but I must here remark that it was
not like meeting the martial bearing of
trained soldiers, such as I have seen during
grand reviews in Europe. They appeared to
me rather a kind of shambling set of men,
squatting on the sidewalks, or in the squares
made by the burned streets. It was difficult
to pass, as these cavaliers had no idea of
giving way to a lady.*
The outer gate of General Preston's house
was guarded by a soldier holding the United
States flag. To my question if General How-
ard or General Blair was in, the man could
give me no satisfactory answer ... I passed
*This was, of course, the baser element of the army,
many of whom were doubtless camp followers, licensed
for a time to despoil the "rebels." Some parts of Madame
Sosnowski's narrative have been eliminated as perhaps
likely to convey a wrong impression of the Federal forces
as a whole.
[271]
The Women of the South in War Times
in, however, under another United States
flag of immense size, floating over the front
of the building.
v . . The sitting-room which I entered
was enlivened by various passing scenes. It
was crowded with women of the lowest sort,
arranging to go North with the army. Sev-
eral officers came in with books and statuettes
in their hands, evidently considering what to
pack up among their booty. These were their
war trophies. I wonder whether they are not
now ashamed to possess them.
Seeing no prospect of attaining what I
came for, I left the place ; and now advancing
through the city, the work of destruction met
my eyes.
It would have struck the most careless ob-
servers that all around the localities where
headquarters were established (these ar-
rangements were made through loyal whites,
before Sherman entered) no buildings were
destroyed, nor were any attempts made to
disturb the quiet enjoyment of Sherman and
his officers during their stay in Columbia.
The headquarters of General Wood being
at the old family residence of Mrs. Lucy Pride
[272]
Burning of Columbia
Green, we had only a few steps to reach it.
We found the general surrounded by a motley
crowd. Owing to some mistake of my friend,
my object to obtain a guard was defeated.
Although in manner the general was much of
a gentleman, I was sorry to learn afterward
that he stripped the old mansion of its paint-
ings and many other valuables.
Unsuccessful so far in obtaining a guard,
I resolved to go to headquarters. Beaching
that locality — Mr. Myers ' property, corner
of Gervais and Pickens streets
Interview with _j found the gtreet virtually
General , , , , -. -
Sherman obstructed by soldiers of every
grade; every one brimful of
importance. It would have been interesting,
had time permitted, to study the various
characters of that crowd. That guard, a
stately Western man, held with great pride
the often displayed flag of the Stars and
Stripes; and being, no doubt, a good Union
man, it was natural that he should uphold
with considerable satisfaction the emblem of
his country, as it was natural that I should
at the time with deep regret look upon the
same standard of the founders of this re-
[2731
The Women of the South in War Times
public, then waving in triumph over one of
the blackest scenes of crime and desolation
in the history of mankind. On being in-
formed that General Sherman was in, I
mounted the steps and found that gentleman
giving directions to a soldier. My friend,
Mr. W— , having left me, I introduced my-
self, and he politely led me into the apart-
ment where already a number of persons had
assembled.
I stated to him my errand, which had so
far been unsuccessful, the troubles which we
had already passed through, at the same time
expressing my surprise, even more, my in-
dignation— at the course the army had pur-
sued towards a conquered, unresisting, and
surrendered city. I told him further that
previous to the surrender of Columbia I had
always expressed the opinion that we had
nothing to fear except the accidents of war,
(of which, though, I did not consider the de-
liberate burning of a city) ; that in a civilized
country battles would be fought, but private
property and women would be protected, but
instead of this a warfare was waged which
would make it a disgrace to our present his-
[274]
Burning of Columbia
tory. He showed great temper, and said,
"What do you mean by that, madam? " to
which I merely replied that I meant exactly
what I had said. He then spoke in strong
terms of the responsibility of Columbia, of
South Carolina, of the sufferings caused by
secession; indeed, as he only advocated one
side of the question, he spoke well. In con-
clusion, he said, "You have suffered much al-
ready, but if I have to come back again — "
leaving his threat unfinished.
To my request for a guard, General Sher-
man assured me there would be no need, as
he expected to leave the following morning,
and therefore required the whole army to
be at their posts. At this, I rose, saying that
I would detain him no longer. He escorted
me to the steps.
On my return home, I met Dr. Fair. His
looks were those of supreme suffering; and
he gave me an account of the destruction of
his property, a large block of tenement
houses, the corner of which had been his own
residence. In that home everything had been
collected which refinement and comfort might
desire. A long and successful practice had
[275]
The Women of the South in War Times
placed Dr. Fair in the rank of influential and
wealthy citizens. His wife being, during the
fire, surrounded by a rude soldiery, en-
deavored to save but one valuable article,
and that was a portrait of a beloved mother.
With this in her arms, she tried to make her
escape from the flames and from the robbers,
but she was not allowed to save even this, as
a soldier cut the picture in pieces and only
then allowed her to gain the street.
I again entered General Preston's resi-
dence, the headquarters of General Howard.
At length, a young officer promised to send
out a guard; but none came.
My. mission had been totally
fruitless. With the advancing
night, however, we found an unexpected pro-
tection, namely, a number of Irishmen, a part
of those of Sherman's troops he would not
allow to enter Columbia; and this, as the
men assured us, was to prevent them from
protecting Roman Catholic property.
The men had lost their way, and fearing
to fall into an ambush, they entreated us not
to expose them to danger. This unexpected
arrival was a great relief, and we assured
[276]
Burning of Columbia
them of perfect safety. We requested our
faithful friend and housekeeper, Hannah, to
give to them as substantial a supper as the
stores permitted. The accounts of these men
were really interesting, and as in such un-
common scenes of life the susceptibility of
men finds ample scope, there was a declara-
tion of love, of love at first sight, before sup-
per was over — the subject of which was, of
course, Miss Hannah.
Towards eleven we heard yells from the
direction of Columbia, and through the woods
advanced a crowd of soldiers towards our
residence. We immediately called our new
friends to our assistance. This startled the
marauders, and they gradually slunk back
in the shade of the forest.
This was the end of our dangers from Sher-
man's troops. We owed our safety, at least,
to these warm-hearted Irishmen, and I think
now without them our home would have
shared that night the fate of all the residences
for miles around us.
[277]
XXIV
THE RIDE OF EMMA SANSOM
In the spring of 1863, a great drive by
Union Cavalry into the heart of the South
was brought to naught largely by the cour-
ageous act of a girl of sixteen. This young
girl rode with General Nathan Bedford For-
rest and braved the fire of Federal forces in
order to show the Confederate cavalryman a
little-known ford by which he could cross a
stream that separated him from the Federal
command he finally captured.
This Federal expedition was the concep-
tion of Colonel Abel D. Streight of the 51st
Indiana Regiment. Major General W. S.
Rosecrans pronounced it ' l a great enterprise
fraught with great consequences. ' ' It aroused
the enthusiasm of Brigadier General James
A. Garfield, afterward President of the
United States. When it got under way in
April, 1863, it not only excited the hopes of
other high Federal officers, but, in equal meas-
ure, alarmed the Confederates.
Briefly, the object of the drive was to de~
[278]
Ride of Emma Sansom
stroy Confederate supplies and to cut the
Confederate communications between Chatta-
nooga on the one side and Atlanta and Knox-
ville on the other. Streight 's raid and the
night and day pursuit of him led by Forrest
covered the last days of April and the first
of May, 1863. Finally, on the second of May,
Streight was in sight of one of his goals and
possible safety. It was on this day that
Emma Sansom wrote her name in American
history.
Streight and his men had crossed the Chat-
tanooga river, the bridge was on fire, and
Federal cannon faced the oncoming Confed-
erates. Emma Sansom 's home was near the
burning bridge and it was she and her mother
who told the Confederate leader that the
bridge was burning and that the nearest
bridge he could use was two miles away.
Bullets were flying across the river and the
two Sansom girls and their mother sought
shelter in the house. Forrest, however,
dashed up and asked if there were any way
he and his men could cross the stream. Emma
Sansom at once told him of a "lost ford"
above, known to the members of the Sansom
[279]
The Women of the South in War Times
family, and that if he would have her saddle
put on a horse, she would lead the way to it.
Forrest replied l i There is no time to saddle
a horse, get up here behind me. ' '
As Emma obeyed, her mother cried out to
her "Emma, what do you mean!" But as
Forrest rode away, he called back:
"She is going to show me a ford where
I can get my men over in time to catch those
Yankees before they get to Rome. Don't be
uneasy ; I will bring her back safe. ' '
Emma Sansom has told the rest of the story
in her own words, as published in Dr. John
A. Wyeth's "Life of General Nathan Bedford
Forrest."
"We rode out into a field through which
ran a small ravine and along which there was
a thick undergrowth that protected us for a
while from being seen by the Yankees at the
bridge and on the other side of the creek.
This branch emptied into the creek just above
the ford. When we got close to the creek, I
said : ' General Forrest, I think we had better
get off the horse, as we are now where we
may be seen.' We both got down and crept
through the bushes, and when we were right
[280]
Ride of Emma Sansom
at the ford I happened to be in front. He
stepped quickly between me and the Yankees,
saying: 'I am glad to have you for a pilot,
but I am not going to make breastworks of
you. ' The cannon and the other guns were fir-
ing fast by this time, as I pointed out to him
where to go into the water and out on the
other bank, and then went back towards the
house. He asked me my name, and asked me
to give him a lock of my hair. The cannon-
balls were screaming over us so loud we were
told to leave and hide in some place out of
danger, which we did. Soon all the firing
stopped, and I started back home. On the
way I met General Forrest again, and he told
me that he had written a note for me and left
it on the bureau. He asked me again for a
lock of my hair, and as we went into the
house he said : ' One of my bravest men has
been killed, and he is laid out in the house.
His name is Robert Turner. I want you to
see that he is buried in some graveyard near
here. ' He then told me good-bye and got on
his horse, and he and his men rode away and
left us all alone. My sister and I sat up all
night watching over the dead soldier, who
[281]
The Women of the South in War Times
had lost his life fighting for our rights, in
which we were overpowered, but never con-
quered. General Forrest and his men en-
deared themselves to us forever. * '
Dr. Wyeth adds:
"In less than thirty minutes from the time
of Forrest's arrival at Black Creek, the artil-
lery was up, and the Federals were driven
away from the opposite bank. The * lost ford '
was soon cleared and made passable. The
cavalry went over, carrying by hand the am-
munition from the caissons. The guns and
empty caissons, with long ropes tied to the
poles, were then rolled by hand to the water's
edge, one end of the rope taken to the top of
the opposite bank and hitched to a double
team of horses. In this original manner the
artillery soon made a subaqueous passage to
the east bank. The advance-guard had al-
ready hurried on after the raiders, who, to
their great surprise, were hustled out of
Gadsden, less than four miles distant from
Black Creek bridge, before they could do
much damage to the small commissary sup-
plies there. Another all-night march now
became necessary for General Streight, al-
[282]
Ride of Emma Sansom
though he says ' The command was in no con-
dition to do so. I only halted at Gadsden
sufficiently long to destroy a quantity of arms
and stores found there, and proceeded. Many
of our animals and men were entirely worn
out and unable to keep up, and were captured.
It now became evident to me that our only
hope was in crossing the river at Eome and
destroying the bridge, which would delay For-
rest a day or two and allow the command a
little time to sleep, without which it would
be impossible to proceed. "
Such was the service rendered by Emma
Sansom that Forrest was enabled to over-
take the Streight command before they had
accomplished their objects, and the diary of
Sergeant Briedenthal, U. S. A., records under
date of May 5 :
"We have been treated well since our sur-
render, by Forrest's men, who have used us
as a true soldier would treat a prisoner. ' '
283
XXV
CAUGHT BETWEEN CONTENDING
AEMIES
TN September, 1864, the Confederate Gen-
eral Hardee, with 22,000 men, was as-
signed the desperate task of stopping a Fed-
eral flank movement directed against Atlanta
and led by Major General Schofield with a
force of 40,000 picked troops.
The two armies confronted each other
northwest of Jonesboro, Georgia; and, when
the battle began, it happened that the house
and farm of Mrs. Allie McPeek, a widow, lay
between them. The Federal lines advanced
first, and Mrs. McPeek 's house soon became
a Federal hospital ; but, as the tide of battle
surged backwards and forwards, her home
was now in the Federal lines, now in Con-
federate possession, or, again, between the
armies, thus receiving shot and shell from
both sides.
During the whole day, however, Mrs. Mc-
Peek moved fearlessly about among the
wounded and dying, impartial in her efforts
[284]
Between Contending Armies
to help both friend and foe. Finally, night
came on with the Federal army in possession
of the battle-ground; but, when the morning
dawned, the brave widow was at her self-ap-
pointed post doing what she could to help
the suffering soldiers of either side.
All she had left was a ruined house and a
farm laid waste, but, happily for her, Gen-
eral Schofield himself learned of her noble
work and of her need. He ordered that a
large wagon of provisions and supplies be
sent her with a letter of appreciation for her
bravery and self-sacrifice. He told her to
keep the letter, and, after the war, to pre-
sent it to the United States Government,
which would make good her losses.*
*In the course of time, Mrs. McPeek sent to Washing-
ton General Schofield's letter and a claim for damages,
which was paid her. She received all she claimed, $600.00,
although, according to those nearest to her or present at
the time, that amount did not cover her actual losses.
285]
XXVI
NARRATIVE OF AN EAELY GRAD-
UATE OF THE FIRST COLLEGE
FOR WOMEN
/COMPARATIVELY few Americans are
aware that Georgia, the youngest of
the original thirteen colonies, was the first
State to charter a college for the education
of women. "New ideas flourish best," it is
said, ' ' in new soil, ' ' and this may help to ac-
count for the creation of the Board of Trus-
tees of "Wesleyan Female College " at
Macon, in 1836, to be followed by its first
session, with 168 young women enrolled, in
1839.
It is peculiarly appropriate that a part of
the experiences of Mrs. Loulaj Kendall
Rogers, one of Wesleyan's early graduates,
be given in this volume on the women of the
South in war times. Under the head of
"Reminiscences of a War-time Girl," Mrs.
Rogers wrote:
' ' I had been appointed, soon after my grad-
uation at Wesleyan College, Macon, by Miss
[286]
Narrative of a Wesleyan Graduate
Eve of Augusta, as Lady Manager of the
Mount Vernon Association in my county,
and felt no little pride in the thought of what
a young girl could do toward preserving the
beautiful home of Washington as a precious
heirloom of our very own, never to be dese-
crated for other purposes but to be kept
sacred to the memory of the * Father of our
Country.' No section contributed more than
the Southern States, and as he was a true-
hearted son of the South, we still value above
gold our interest in his lovely home, and its
twin sister * Arlington, the Beautiful/ which
should have been held sacred in like manner,
as the home of General Robert E. Lee and
his bride.
"The purchase of Mount Vernon having
been accomplished, there was soon a rum-
bling sound of dissension upon the northern
hills, where there should have been peace
and brotherly love. Emissaries were sent to
incite the servants against their owners.
Strange stories were whispered in their ears,
and promises if they should rise in arms,
the property and homes of the Southern peo-
ple should be divided among them, and even
[287]
The Women of the South in War Times
the poorest should own ' forty acres and a
mule. ' These things, which were not noticed
at first, began to alarm us, and although we
trusted our own servants, there were rumors
that our own dear home was chosen as a
favorite point of division among those of
other plantations. "*
After discussing the Presidential campaign
of 1860, Mrs. Rogers states that when the
startling news spread through the South that
the representatives of a wholly sectional
party had elected a President of the United
States " there was a pall of consternation
draped over every fond hope, and as 'coming
events cast their shadows before, ' we instinc-
*Mrs. Rogers then made a statement not unlike others
to which reference has been made in other parts of this
volume: "We were never allowed among the cultured
people of the South to speak of our dependents as 'slaves,'
but as 'house servants and field hands/ and my father never
failed to dismiss an overseer who was unkind to them.
Owning a large number, it was quite a heavy expense to
furnish all of their clothing, shoes, blankets, hats, fuel,
and provisions, yet he not only did this, but being a
physician, provided needful medicines and careful atten-
tion in cases of sickness.
"Happiness and peace reigned over their homes, cheered v
each night by gleeful melodies, and songs of praise char-
acteristic of their race. Their contentment was in evidence
by the 'never-a-care' expression, and their faithful devotion
to their own white people."
[288]
Narrative of a Wesleyan Graduate
lively felt that something was ahead of us.
The young people gathered here and there,
wondering what they could do to inspire hope
and cheerfulness among the older ones.
" There were violent abolitionists in the
Cabinet who openly avowed a hatred of the
South and its institutions. Even Whittier
and Lowell, to whom God had granted the
divine gift of poesy, saw not the beautiful,
holy, and true, in this part of their own
country, but published it to the world as 'A
land of the scorpion and the lash!'*
*01iver Wendell Holmes had written of the "soft-handed
race, who eat not their bread in the sweat of their face" ;
and because Massachusetts had not taken the action en-
dorsed by Whittier, the poet wrote of his own State:
And they have spurned thy word,
Thou of the old Thirteen!
Whose soil, where Freedom's blood first pour'd,
Hath yet a darker green?
Tread the weak Southron's pride and lust
Thy name and councils in the dust?
And have they closed thy mouth,
And fix'd the padlock fast;
Slave of the mean and tyrant South!
Is this thy fate at last?
Old Massachusetts! can it be
That thus thy sons must speak of thee?
Reference has been made to Whittier's unsparing con-
demnation of Daniel Webster who undertook to uphold
the thought that there was some justice and right on the
side of the South.
[289]
The Women of the South in War Times
" Harriet Beecher Stowe, Garrison, and
Hoar, besides many others, wrote defamatory
accusations against the South and scattered
them broadcast over the waters to incite other
nations, and causing them to look upon us as
barbarians, devoid of humanity.
"Had they known the attachment of serv-
ants to their owners on the large plantations,
and their devotion to the young people of the
family, conscience might have awakened them
to appreciate the situation. Every true
Southern mistress was a Florence Nightin-
gale on her premises, waiting on the sick,
looking after their clothing, and teaching
them industrial occupations in every line
that would make them useful throughout
life.
"It was a pleasant task with me to hold a
Bible class for them every Sabbath morning,
before I attended my own class. The Com-
mandments were made a special study with
grown-ups as well as the children. Our 'old
black mammy ' was a most important factor
on the place, and would sacrifice body and
soul to protect 'her babies/ my two brothers,
sister and myself, from harm. But there
[290]
Narrative of a Wesleyan Graduate
were rumors of war and fearful things that
might and did happen. . . .*
. . . "The most conservative of our
great men were opposed to secession and the
probability of war, so they sent commission-
ers three times to Washington for the special
purpose of arranging honorable terms of
peace without bloodshed. Twice they failed,
as the bitterest men of Lincoln's cabinet were
determined to use coercion and force the
South to submit only to their terms. This
they would not do. A third time our commis-
sioners were sent to hold a council of peace,
but Lincoln would not see them! Then the
whole solid South arose and stood like the
grand old Grecian heroes for the defense of
home and native land.
"Never will I forget my feelings when we
heard that War had really begun. Tears,
bitter tears, fell in silence, for although on a
visit to gay young folks we knew not what
to say or do.
"I was in Augusta a few days afterward at
the marriage of 'the Empire and Palmetto
190 for recollections of Mrs. Janet Weaver-
[ 291 ]
The Women of the South in War Times
States/ A vast crowd was assembled to wit-
ness the scene while a band of music pealed
forth harmonious strains. Old Glory was to
be placed at the top of a lofty pole riveted on
the bridge across the Savannah Eiver, but
who was brave enough to climb that pole!
No one ventured, until 'a tar who ploughed
the water,' ran up and taking the flag rope
in his teeth climbed safely to the top amid
the cheers of the crowd, and the roar of fifteen
guns for the Southern States. Triumphantly
the old Revolutionary Flag waved over both
States, while the people filled the sailor's
pockets with bills as he came down.
"On the 4th of February, 1861, the Con-
federate Congress assembled in Montgom-
ery, Alabama, and was presided over by Gen-
eral Howell Cobb. The Constitution of the
Confederacy was drawn up, and Colonel Jef-
ferson Davis, the hero of Buena Vista, Sec-
retary of War in President Pierce 's admin-
istration, and afterward Senator from Mis-
sissippi, was nominated President of the
Southern Confederacy. He was a son-in-law
of General Zachary Taylor, a brave soldier
who saved the day in one of the battles of
[292]
Narrative of a Wesleyan Graduate
Mexico, refined, cultured, and withal a noble,
upright, Christian gentleman, who held the
respect and esteem of the whole of the United
States, until difference of opinion clouded
their minds with hatred.
"During this convention many designs of
flags were sent in as models for the new Con-
federacy. Among them the most beautiful
chosen was one that emanated from the pa-
triotism of Colonel Orren Smith of North
Carolina, known as "The Stars and Bars.'
The three bars were emblems of the Trinity,
the white for Love and stainless charac-
ter, while the blue was for the great Heaven
spangled with stars to watch over us, and
the red for the vesper light that should never
die out.
"Col. P. W. Alexander, one of the signers
of Secession (afterward War Correspondent
of the Confederate Army) , was present at this
first conference, and as soon as the design
was chosen, drew one at the head of a letter
and sent it to me, knowing my interest in
everything that concerned the welfare of our
beloved Southland. In his description he
dwelt particularly on the stars being placed
[2931
The Women of the South in War Times
in a circle instead of broadcast as in the
United States flag. I made one the very hour
that description arrived so I had the honor of
making the first Confederate Flag ever made
in Georgia.
"Our first company, the Upson Guards,
was ordered into service the seventh of May,
1861. Several young ladies of Thomaston
accompanied their brothers and friends to
Macon, where they saw the whole of the Fifth
Georgia Regiment, a splendid body of soldiers
from different cities on dress parade at Cen-
tral Park. That was our first glimpse of over
a thousand soldiers at once. The first little
Georgia flag had been presented (by vote of
the girls) to one of the handsomest, noblest,
bravest officers in that regiment, and watched
like a ministering spirit over his tent at Pen-
sacola, Cumberland Gap, Corinth, and the
battle of Kentucky. As that young Captain
afterwards became my husband, the honored
relic of many loving memories came back
to me.
"It was a singular coincidence that while
in Macon on the 7th day of May, 1861, 1 wrote
a song for the Fifth Regiment, which they
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Narrative of a Wesleycm Graduate
sang in Camp at Central Park and on the way
to Pensacola. Fifty years from that time on
the 7th of May, 1912, at the Great Eeunion in
Macon, some of the same company assembled
at the same spot, and sang the same song I
"Very soon after Lincoln ordered out his
75,000, the services of women were needed in
work for the hospitals. The first hospital for
wounded soldiers in Atlanta was organized
by Mrs. Isaac Winship.
* ' Her daughter was one of my schoolmates
of Wesley an College and often during my
visits to her we assisted in arranging supplies
for the sick and wounded soldiers. On the
4th of July she gave them a bountiful dinner
at one of the hospitals over which she pre-
sided and appointed our young ladies ' Belief
Corps to wait on them.
' * Their encampment was near her beautiful
home (on an elevated situation, which two
years afterwards by Sherman 's order was
burnt to the ground) , so we visited their head-
quarters with her, to ascertain if there was
anything we could do for them. Governor
'Joe Brown's Boys', of the North Georgia
mountains, asked us to cover canteens for
[295]
The Women of the South ^n War Times
them, which occupation we greatly enjoyed,
and the poor fellows who were homesick
called in the evening and requested us to
play 'Home, Sweet Home/ * Annie Laurie/
and 'The Girl I left Behind Me.'
"During the Winter we knit 'Arabs' for
the head, and long wool comforts for the
throat, besides making fatigue jackets, knit-
ting socks, displaying our taste on pretty little
silk and velvet tobacco pouches, hemstitched
handkerchiefs and everything kind thought
could suggest for their comfort and pleasure.
"From 1861 to the close of the War be-
tween the States, our busy hands were never
idle. Carpets and piano covers were cut
up and sent to the tents to sleep on, having al-
ready given up blankets and quilts in abun-
dance. Boxes of eatables were sent to our
brothers and friends whenever an opportunity
was found, as many of the railroads and
bridges were destroyed, which prevented com-
munication.
. . . "In April of 1862, there originated
in Georgia (where so many patriotic deeds
had a beginning), a movement that was called
'The Ladies' Gunboat Association.' Imme-
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Narrative of a Wesleyam Graduate
diately after hearing of this (although it was
a sad duty), I collected the first funds in
our part of the State, to which amount was
added $350 subscribed by the Holloway Grays
of Upson County, through their brave, gen-
erous Captain, A. J. White, who sent it to
me from Beans Station, Tenn.
"A fine little iron-clad boat was fitted up,
and there never was a vessel before this,
that was christened by woman's tears, and
sent out upon the deep, underneath the con-
secrated incense of woman's prayers for her
country ! How many fond hopes sailed over
the seas under that beautiful flag, the 'Stars
and Bars!'
"But these fond hopes were fleeting, for
as soon as the gallant crew heard that Sher-
man had invaded Savannah, rather than allow
this little shrine of woman's patriotism to
fall into his hands, they sorrowfully placed
a torch upon the helm and bade it farewell
forever.
"In the meantime the Confederate Cabinet
had moved to Richmond, but with a party of
friends I visited afterward the Capitol at
Montgomery, and stood on the star-marked
[2971
The Women of the South in War Times
spot where the President of the Confederacy
had made his inaugural address. From there
we went to Selma on the gallant steamer
* Coquette/ where we saw the manufacture
of guns and cannon balls of all sizes, which
was a novel sight and saddening to think our
Southland had come to this ! As we returned
to Montgomery, an immense cargo of cotton
was rolled down the embankment to the boat,
and a rarer sight to us were the two hundred
and fifty Federal prisoners captured and,
placed on the lower deck.
' ' During the bombardment of Savannah, a,
family of dear friends from that city sought
refuge in our dear old country home, and;
were made welcome for several months, en-
joying rides over the 'red old hills of Geor-
gia, ' and fishing parties on the Tobler. Even
during our carriage drives, we took our
crochet and knitting along so as to keep sup-
plied with needful comforts for our soldiers.
' ' At length the fearful days t)f horror came,
which we never really believed would happen
in such a civilized country as ours.
" We had just returned from our plantation
in Wilcox County on the Ocmulgee River,.
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Narrative of a Wesleyan Graduate
that we might spend the Summer at my beau-
tiful childhood's home, ' Sweet Bellwood,'
which stood on the crest of one of the grand
old hills of Upson County.
"It was a lovely spring day on the 18th
of April, 1865. A rumor came that the Fed-
eral Army was in Columbus, fifty miles away,
and was marching toward Macon, by way of
Thomaston and Culloden. Immediately our
family silver and jewels were deposited in
-security, the horses and mules were sent to a
remote part of the plantation and provisions
such as hams, jars of lard, sacks of flour,
coffee, sugar and syrup were buried away
from prying eyes by my nurse and her hus-
band, who we knew would be faithful unto
death.
' ' The white wings of Hope were then folded
about our hearts and bade us cast out all
fear. There was no one at home but my
dear old grandmother, my mother, and my-
self, and we had always heard that a Mason's
family would be protected in the time of dan-
ger, so we hung a Masonic Apron in the broad
hall where it could be seen.
"In a few moments fires were seen in every
[299]
The Women of the South in War Times
direction, from, the second-story windows.
Beyond Thomaston, Rogers Factory, a large
four-storied building, with the Grist Mill and
many cottages were all in flames.
"Nearer and nearer columns of thick black
smoke were seen which showed that the Way-
manville Mills also were under the relentless
torch. These splendid mills were owned by
Colonel George Swift, formerly of New York,
a man of sterling worth, culture, and refine-
ment, whose family were among our most ap-
preciated neighbors.
"To add to our horror, a troop of little
negroes, with eyes like a full moon, came
rushing in with a shout, * Yankees cominM'
Very soon about fifty on horseback sur-
rounded our homes. Bureau drawers were
ransacked, locks cut out of trunks, jewels ab-
stracted, closets searched, long-treasured
heirlooms removed, finally leaving every room
in wild disorder.
"As the first troop took leave, another
came in, and this kind of visitation lasted
three days. About one hundred bales of
ginned cotton and thirty bales of lint cotton
were destroyed. My mother, with the assis-
[300]
Narrative of a Wesleyan Graduate
tance of our servants, who nobly stood by
us, poured water on some of the bales, and
had them rolled to the horse lot into a stream
of water, saving seven out of the number.
' l On the 19th of April, 1865, we were horri-
fied by seeing that these men had found our
horses and mules! As I had been married
only a few months, there was among my most
valuable bridal presents two splendid bays-
and a handsome Victoria. What were my
feelings then when two rough-looking soldiers
rode up to the gate on these beautiful horses
that were associated with the happiest hours
of my life? Hitherto I had been too indig-
nant to weep, but how could I stand this?
Tears then began to flow not silently, but I
actually wept aloud, and begged those hard-
hearted men to spare these two horses, and
they might have some of the others. But the
dashing bays were the very ones they wanted
most, so out of the gate they passed, the dear
fleet-footed, graceful friends, who had
brought to me amid the clouds of war so much
joy and brightness, but never to cheer our
desolate home again!
' ' My little pony ' Joe Brown, ' mother 's fine
[301]
The Women of the South in War Times
buggy horse, and thirty other horses and
mules shared the same fate. How was the
plowing to be done?
" These incidents are only as one among
many, during Sherman's March through
Georgia, and Wilson's Raid, which left ruin
and desolation in their track.
" 'But a land without ruins is a land with-
out memories.
'A land without memories is a land with-
out history.'
"Had it not been for the midnight shadows
that enshrouded our country we should never
have known the brilliant stars who illumi-
nated the Southern Cross with their radiance,
and have emblazoned their glory in undying
light over the whole world."
[302]
XXVII
IN SHERMAN'S SWATH TO THE SEA
HPHE utter destitution of the women and
children of Georgia in the wake of Sher-
man's army is well illustrated by the narra-
tive of one of them — Mary A. H. Gay. The
authenticity of her narrative has been
vouched for by Joel Chandler Harris, of
" Uncle Remus" fame.
From her home near Decatur, Georgia,
Miss Gay set out for Atlanta, in 1864, on an
errand of mercy. She arrived at the latter
city after Sherman had entered, and she saw
the despoiling of the houses not already de-
stroyed. Having obtained a pass, she went
from Atlanta southward to Jonesboro, tak-
ing with her carefully secreted and much
needed clothing for the Confederate soldiers.
On the way she saw and afterwards graphi-
cally described the appearance of "the en-
tire Southern population of Atlanta, and
that of miles around as they were dumped out
upon the cold ground without shelter." In
her description of the scene as she passed
[303]
The Women of the South in War Times
through, she wrote: "An autumnal mist or
drizzle was slowly but surely saturating every
article of clothing upon them. Aged grand-
mothers upon the verge of the grave, tender
girls in the first bloom of young womanhood,
and little babes not three days old in the arms
of sick mothers, were driven from their homes
and all thrown out upon the cold charity of
the world. ' '
This dismal scene at the village of Jones-
boro was lightened for a moment when, upon
the platform of one of the Atlanta trains,
there appeared a girl "in a pretty but plain
debeige dress, trimmed with Confederate but-
tons and corresponding ribbon. " Her whole
air and manner, wrote Miss Gay, ' ' conspired
to make her appear, even to a casual observer,
just what she was — a typical Southern girl
who gloried in that honor. . . .
6 ' She stood up for a moment, and then, as
if moved by some divine inspiration, she
stepped from the car, and falling upon her
knees, bent forward and kissed
the ground- This silent demon-
stration of affection for the
land of Dixie touched a vibrant chord, and
[304]
In Sherman's Path
a score or more of beautiful girlish voices
blended in sweetest harmony while they told
in song their love for Dixie. I listened spell-
bound, and was not the only one thus en-
chanted. A United States officer listened and
was touched to tears. Approaching me, he
asked if I would do him the favor to tell him
the name of the young lady who kissed the
ground.
" 'I do not think she would approve of my
telling you her name, and I decline to do so, *
I said in reply. Not in the least daunted by
this rebuff, he responded:
" 'I shall learn it; and if she has not al-
ready become the wife or the fiancee of an-
other, I shall offer her the devotion of my
life.' "
From the neighborhood of the broken-down
railroad, Miss Gay, on her return set out
again for her home in Decatur. She walked
alone from Stone Mountain. In
Home CtUrr ker own words : t ' The solitude
was terrifying, and the feeling
of awe was so intense that I was startled by
the breaking of a twig, or the sound of my
own footsteps. I had entered a war-stricken
[305]
The Women of the South in War Times
section of country where stood chimneys only,
standing amid ruins. No wonder they were
called ' Sherman 's sentinels/ as they seemed
to be keeping guard over those scenes of
desolation. The very birds of the air and
the beasts of the field had fled.*
Much of Miss Gay's notes on war-times illus-
trates the extreme difficulty which unpro-
tected women faced in getting the barest
necessities to sustain life. Some time after
she had returned from her trip to Jonesboro,
she wrote, late in 1864 :
"We had spent the preceding day in picking
out grains of corn from cracks and crevices
in bureau drawers, and other
Station improvised troughs for Fed-
eral horses, as well as in gath-
ering up what was scattered upon the ground.
*Miss Gay had obtained permission to go South through
the Federal lines by means of a letter of recommenda-
tion from Major J. W. Campbell, U. S. A., who was sta-
tioned in her neighborhood. The following letter from
him is of special interest:
"Decatur, Ga., September 1, 1864.
"Tomorrow I leave for my own home in the 'frozen
North,' and when I return it will be to fight for my coun-
try, and against your friends, so that I suppose I shall
not have the pleasure of again meeting you.
"Very respectfully,
J. W. CAMPBELL."
[306]
In Sherman's Path
In this way by diligent and persevering work,
about a half bushel was obtained from the
now deserted camping ground of Garrard's
cavalry, and this corn was thoroughly washed
and dried, and carried by me and Telitha to
a poor little mill (which had escaped confla-
gration, because too humble to attract atten-
tion), and ground into coarse meal."
Eeturning from the mill one day, Miss Gay
saw her mother running to meet her to tell
her that Mrs. Benedict, one of her neighbors,
and the latter ?s little children were in an ac-
tual state of starvation. Mrs. Benedict's hus-
band was in the Confederate Army and she
and her children had been supported by
refugees driven from their own section by the
further invasion of the Federal Armies. Miss
Gay at once cooked what little food she had
and prepared to divide it with the starving
family.
"On the doorsteps," she wrote, "sat the
young mother, beautiful in desolation, with a
baby in her arms, and on either side of her a
little one, piteously crying for something to
eat. 'Oh, mamma, I want something to eat,
so bad. Oh, mamma, I am so hungry — give
[307]
The Women of the South in War Times
me something to eat/ Thus the children
were begging for what the mother had not
to give. She could only give them soothing
words. "
Miss Gay was determined, however, to
solve the problem and she decided that this
involved taking the mother and children to
a village some fifty miles distant and putting
them in the care of relatives of Mrs. Bene-
dict's husband.
" Without any positive plan in view, I took
leave of Maggie and her children, ' ' continues
Miss Gay's narrative. "I was working by
faith and God directed my steps. On my
way home I hunted up ' Uncle Mack, ' a faith-
ful old negro man who preferred freedom in
the midst of privation with his own white peo-
ple, to following the Federal Army around on
* Uncle Sam's' pay roll. I got from him a
promise that he would construct a wagon out
of the odds and ends left upon the streets of
Decatur.
The next thing to be done was to provide
a horse, and not being a magician, nor pos-
sessed of Aladdin's lamp, this undertaking
must have seemed chimerical to those who
[308]
In Sherman's Path
had not known how often and how singularly
these scarcely formulated plans had devel-
oped into success. This day
An Adventure ^a(j been one of constant and
"in the Face . . . , ,
of Fortune" active service, and was only
one of many that furnished
from sixteen to eighteen working hours.
Next morning, before the sun rose, accom-
panied by the Morton girls, I was on my way
to "the cane-breaks. ' ' I had seen many
horses, whose places had been taken by others
captured from farmers, abandoned and sent
out to the cane-brakes to recuperate or die,
the latter being the more probable. With-
out any definite knowledge of the locality, I
went direct to the cane-brake, and there soon
made a selection of a horse, which, from the
assortment at hand, could not have been im-
proved upon. By a dextrous throw of a lasso,
constructed and managed by the young
friends already mentioned, he was soon cap-
tured and on his way to Decatur to enter
"rebel" service. His most conspicuous fea-
ture was a pair of fine eyes that were large,
brown, and lustrous. There were other con-
spicuous things about him, too j for instance,
[309;
The Women of the South in War Times
branded upon each of his sides were the tell-
tale letters, "IT. S.," and on his back was an
immense sore, which also told tales. By
twelve o'clock, noon, " Uncle Mack" appeared
upon the scene, pulling something which he
had improvised and which baffled description.
Suffice it to say that as it carried living
freight in safety over many a bridge, and,
in honor of this, I will call it a wagon. ' ' Uncle
Mack" soon had the horse secured to this
vehicle by ropes and pieces of crocus sack,
for harness was as scarce a commodity as
wagons and horses.
I surveyed the equipage from center to
circumference with emotions pathetic and
amusing. Thus equipped and with a benedic-
tion from my mother, expressed more by
looks and acts than by words, I gathered the
ropes and started like Bayard Taylor to take
" Views Afoot," and at the same time accom-
plish an errand of mercy which would lead
me, as I led the horse, over a portion of
country that in dreariness and utter desola-
tion baffles description — enough to know that
Sherman's foraging trains had been over
it. Leading the horse, which was already
[310]
In Sherman's Path
christened "Yankee," to Dr. Holmes' door,
I called Maggie to come on with her
children.
[With the help of "Uncle Mack," Miss Gay
managed to load the wagon with Mrs. Bene-
dict and her three small children, together
with three large trunks.]
Poor Yankee seemed to feel the importance
of this mission, and jogged along at a pretty
fair speed, and I, who walked by his side
and held the ropes, found myself more than
once obliged to strike a trot in order to main-
tain control of him. Paradoxical as it may
seem, I enjoyed this new phase of my service
to the Confederacy — none but a patriot could
render it, and the whole thing seemed in-
vested with the glamour of romance. While
Maggie hummed a sweet little lullaby to her
children, I contemplated the devastation and
ruin on every side. Not a vestige of anything
remained to mark the sites of the pretty
homes which had dotted this fair country be-
fore the destroyer came, except, perhaps, a
standing chimney now and then. And all this
struck me as the willing sacrifice of a peerless
people for a great principle, and looking
[3111
The Women of the South in War Times
through the dark vista I saw light ahead — I
saw white-robed peace proclaiming that the
end of carnage had come.
Maggie and the children became restive in
their pent-up limits, and the latter clamored
for something to eat, but there was nothing
to give them. Night was upon us, and we had
come only about eight miles, and not an ani-
mate thing had we seen since we left Decatur,
not even a bird, and the silence was unbroken
save by the sound of the horse's feet as he
trod upon the rocks, and the soft, sweet hum-
ming of the young mother to her dear little
ones. Step by step we seemed to descend into
the caverns of darkness and my heart began
to falter. The children, awe-struck, had
ceased their appeal for bread, and nestled
closer to their mother, and that they might
all the more feel her protecting presence, she
kept up a constant crooning sound, pathetic
and sad. Step by step we penetrated the
blackness of night — a night without a moon,
starless and murky. The unerring instinct of
an animal was all we had to guide us in the
beaten road, which had ceased to be visible to
human ken.
[312]
In Sherman's Path
A faint glimmer of light, at apparently no
very great distance, gave hope that our day's
journey was almost ended. Yankee also
caught the inspiration and walked a little
faster. Though the time seemed long, the
cabin, for such it proved to be, was finally
reached. I dropped the ropes, and, guided
by the glimmer of light through the cracks,
went to the door and knocked, at the same
time announcing my name. The door was
quickly opened. Imagine my surprise when
recognized and cordially welcomed by a sweet
friend, whose most humble plantation cabin
was a pretty residence in comparison with
the one she now occupied. Maggie, too, as
the daughter of a well-known physician, re-
ceived cordial welcome for herself and chil-
dren. And thus a kind Providence provided
a safe lodging for the night.
Nature again asserted itself, and the chil-
dren asked for something to eat. The good
lady of the house kissed them, and told them
that supper would soon be ready. The larger
one of her little sons drew from a bed of
ashes, which had been covered by glowing
coals, some large yam potatoes which he took
[313]
The Women of the South in War Times
to a table and peeled. He then went outside
the cabin and drew from a keg an earthen-
ware pitcher full of sparkling persimmon
beer, which he dispensed to us in cups, and
then handed around the potatoes. And how
much this repast was enjoyed! Good sweet
yams thoroughly cooked, and the zestful per-
simmon beer! And I thought of the lonely
mother at a desolated home, whose only sup-
per had been made of coarse meal, ground
from corn which her own hands helped to pick
from crevices and cracks in improvised
troughs, where Garrard's cavalry had fed
their horses. After a while the sweet
womanly spirit that presided over this little
group got a quilt and a shawl or two, and
made a pallet for the children. The boys
put more wood upon the fire, and some in
the jambs of the fireplace, to be used during
the night ; and then they went behind us and
lay down upon the floor, with seed cotton for
pillows, and the roof for covering. Our kind
hostess placed additional wraps over the
the shoulders of Maggie and myself, and we
three sat up in our chairs and slept until the
dawn.
[314]
In Sherman's Path
[Miss Gay's narrative reports nothing
eventful for the second day of her trip and
she and her charges arrived at the little vil-
lage of Social Circle. She continues :]
So far as Maggie and her children were
concerned I now felt that I had done all that
I could, and that I must hasten back to my
lonely mother at Decatur ; but Maggie 's tear-
ful entreaties not to be left among strangers
prevailed upon me, and I got aboard the
train with her, and never left her until I had
placed her and her children in the care of
good Mr. Thrasher at Madison, to be con-
veyed by him to the home of Mrs. Beeves,
her husband's sister.
In Madison, I, too, had dear friends and
relatives, with whom I spent the night, and
the morning's train bore me back to Social
Circle, then the terminus of the Georgia Rail-
road. Arriving there, imagine my surprise
and indignation when I learned that Mr. R, — ,.
whom I had paid in advance to care for Yan-
kee while I was gone to Madison, had sent
him out to his sorghum mill and put him to
grinding cane ; and it was with much difficulty
and delay that I got him to start on my home-
[3151
The Women of the South in War Times
ward journey that afternoon. Instead of his
being rested, he was literally broken down,
and my pity for him constrained me to walk
every step of the way back to Decatur. While
waiting for the horse, I purchased such arti-
cles of food as I could find. For instance, a
sack of flour, for which I paid a hundred dol-
lars, Confederate money; a bushel of pota-
toes; several gallons of sorghum; a few
pounds of butter, and a few pounds of meat.
Even this was a heavy load for the poor
jaded horse. Starting so late I could only
get to the hospitable home of Mr. Crew, dis-
tant only three miles from "The Circle."
Before leaving Mr. Crew's, the next morn-
ing, I learned that an immense Yankee raid
had come out from Atlanta, and had burned
the bridge which I had crossed only two days
ago. This information caused me to take
another route to Decatur, and my heart lost
much of its hope, and my step its alacrity.
Yet the Lord sustained me in the discharge of
duty. I never wavered when there was a
principle to be guarded, or a duty to be per-
formed. Those were praying days with me,
and how I fervently invoked God's aid and
[316]
Tn Sherman 's Path
protection in my perilous undertaking, and I
believed that He would grant aid and protec-
tion. .
In the early part of the day, during this
solitary drive, I came to a cottage by the
wayside that was a perfect gem — an oasis,
and everything that could thrill the heart by
its loveliness. Flowers of every hue beauti-
fied the grounds and sweetened the air, and
peace and plenty seemed to hold undisputed
sway. The Fiend of Destruction had not yet
reached this little Eden. Two gentlemen
were in the yard conversing. I perceived at
a glance that they were of the clerical order,
and would have spoken to them; but not
wishing to disturb them, or attract attention
to myself, I was passing by as unobtrusively
as possible, when I was espied and recognized
by one of them, who proved to be that saintly
man, Eev. Walter Branham. He introduced
me tox his friend, Professor Shaw of Oxford.
Their sympathy for me was plainly expressed,
and they gave much needed instruction re-
garding the route, and suggested that I would
about get to Rev. Henry Clark's to put up for
the night. With a hearty shake of the hand,
[317]
The Women of the South in War Times
and ' ' God bless you, noble woman, ' I pursued
my lonely way and they went theirs. No
other adventure enlivened the day, and poor
patient Yankee did the best he could, and so
did I. It was obvious that he had done about
all he could. Grinding sorghum under a hard
task-master, with an empty stomach, had told
on him, and he could no longer quicken his
pace at the sound of a friendly voice.
At length we came in sight of the Clark
place. I stood amazed, bewildered. I felt
as if I would sink to the ground, yea, through
it. I was riveted to the spot
Cabin on which I stood. I could not
move. At length I cried —
cried like a woman in despair. Elegant rose-
wood and mahogany furniture, broken into a
thousand fragments, covered the face of the
ground as far as I could see; and china and
glass looked as if it had been sown. And the
house, what of that ? Alas ! it too had been
scattered to the four winds of heaven in
the form of smoke and ashes. Not even a
chimney stood to mark its site. Near by
stood a row of negro cabins, intact, showing
that while the conflagration was going on,
[318]
In Sherman's Path
they had been sedulously guarded. And these
cabins were occupied by the slaves of the
plantation. Men, women, and children
stalked about in restless uncertainty, and in
surly indifference. They had been led to
believe that the country would be apportioned
to them, but they had sense enough to know
that such a mighty revolution involved trou-
ble and delay, and they were supinely waiting
developments. No man, woman, or child ap-
proached me. There was mutual distrust
and mutual avoidance.
It took less time to take in this situation
than to describe it. The sun was almost
down, and as he turned his large red face
upon me, I fancied he fain would have stopped
in his course to see me out of this dilemma.
What was I to do! The next nearest place
that I could remember that would perhaps
give protection for the night, was Mr.
Fowler's and this was my only hope. "With
one hand upon Yankee's shoulder, and the
ropes in the other, I moved on, and not until
my expiring breath will I forget the pleading
look which that dumb animal turned upon
me when I started. Utterly helpless, and in
[319]
The Women of the South in War Times
my hands, he wondered how I could exact
more of him. I wondered myself. But what
was I to do but to move on I And with con-
tinuous supplication for the Lord to have
mercy upon me, I moved on. More than once
the poor horse turned that look, beseeching
and pathetic, upon me. It frightened me.
I did not understand it, and still moved on.
At last the hope of making himself under-
stood forsook him, and he deliberately laid
himself down in the road. He did not move,
and his large, lustrous brown eyes seemed to
say for him: "I have done all I can, and
can do no more."
What could I do but rise from my implor-
ing attitude and face my perilous situation?
"Lord, have mercy upon me," was my oft-
repeated invocation. The first thing which
greeted my vision when I rose to my feet
was a very distant but evidently an advancing
object. I watched it with bated breath, and
soon had the satisfaction of seeing a man
on mule-back. I told him of my trouble, and
received most cordial sympathy from one who
had been a Confederate soldier, but who was
now at home in consequence of wounds that
[320]
SARAH DABNEY EGGLESTON
This picture of Mrs. Eggleston was originally taken
for the New York Times early in 1918, as an illustration
of patriotic industry during the World War. As de-
scribed in the Times, Mrs. Eggleston is shown ' 'in her
eightieth year, between heel and toe of her six-hundredth
sock knitted since the World War began."
Of Virginia parentage, Mrs. Eggleston was born in
Hinds County, Mississippi. During the first year of the
war between the States, she married Lieutenant John
Randolph Eggleston who had resigned from the United
States Navy to enter the service of the Confederacy. On
the decks of the Virginia (Merrimac), Lieutenant Eggles-
ton took part in the famous right with the Monitor in
1862, in which the Monitor, after a gallant struggle, was
forced to retire from the combat (p. 182). It is stated
that Mrs. Eggleston' s life, after the furling of the flag of
the Confederacy, has been devoted to "teaching the
young that her cause, never a 'lost' one, was a just cause
and a glorious one." Let no one teach otherwise! Dur-
ing the World War, Mrs. Eggleston knitted her "pair of
socks a day" for the boys in khaki just as she had
knitted them over fifty years before for the gallant
Americans who then wore the Gray.
In Sherman's Path
incapacitated him for further service. When
he heard all, he said:
"I would take you home with me, but I
have to cross a swimming creek before get-
ting there, and I am afraid to undertake to
carry you. Wait here until I see these ne-
groes. They are a good set, and whatever
they promise, they will, I think, carry out
faithfully"
The time seemed interminable before he
came back, and night, black night, had set
in ; and yet a quiet resignation sustained me.
When my benefactor returned, two negro
men came with him, one of whom brought a
lantern, bright and cheery. "I have ar-
ranged for you to be cared for here," said
he. "Several of the old house servants of
Mrs. Clark know you, and they will prove
themselves worthy of the trust we repose in
them." I accepted the arrangement made
by this good man, and entrusted myself to
the care of the negroes for the night. This
I did with great trepidation, but as soon as
I entered the cabin an assurance of safety
filled my mind with p^ace, and reconciled
me to my surroundings. The ' ' mammy ' ' that
[321]
The Women of the South in War Times
presided over it met me with a cordial wel-
come and assured me that no trouble would
befall me under her roof. An easy chair
was placed for me in one corner in comfort-
able proximity to a large plantation fire.
In a few minutes the men came in bringing
my flour, potatoes, syrup, bacon, etc. The
sight gave me real satisfaction, as I thought
of my poor patient mother at home and hoped
that in some way I should yet be able to
convey to her this much needed freight. I
soon espied a table on which was piled many
books and magazines; Mr. Clark's theologi-
cal books were well represented. I proposed
reading to the women, if they would like to
hear me, and soon had their undivided atten-
tion, as well as that of several of the men,
who sat on the doorsteps.
In this way several hours passed, and then
"mammy" said, "You must be getting
sleepy." "Oh, no," I replied, "I frequently
sit up all night reading." But this did not
satisfy her ; she had devised in her own mind
something more hospitable for her guest, and
she wanted to see it carried out. Calling
into requisition the assistance of the men, she
[322]
In Sherman's Path
had two large cedar chests placed side by
side, and out of these chests were taken nice
clean quilts, and snow-white counterpanes,
and sheets, and pillows — Mrs. Clark's beau-
tiful bed-clothing — and upon those chests was
made a pallet upon which a queen might have
reposed with comfort. It was so tempting in
its cleanliness that I consented to lie down.
The sole occupants of that room that night
v/ere myself and my hostess — the aforesaid
black "mammy." Best, not sleep, came to
my relief. The tramping of feet, and now
and then the muffled sound of human voices,
kept me in a listening attitude, and it must
be confessed, in a state of painful appre-
hension. Thus the night passed.
With the first dawn of day, I was up,
and ready to meet the day's requirements.
"Mammy's" first greeting was, "What's
your hurry?" "I am accustomed to early
rising. May I open the door?" The first
thing I saw was Yankee, and he was standing
eating ; but he was evidently too weak to at-
tempt the task of getting that cumbersome
vehicle and its freight to Decatur. So I ar-
ranged with one of the men to put a steer to
[323]
The Women of the South in War Times
the wagon and carry them home. This he
was to do for the sum of one hundred dollars.
After an appetizing breakfast, I started
homeward, leading Yankee in the rear of
this turnout. Be it remembered, I did not
leave without making ample compensation
for my night 's entertainment.
No event of particular interest occurred on
the way to Decatur. Yankee walked surpris-
ingly well, and the little steer acquitted him-
self nobly. In due time Decatur appeared in
sight, and then there ensued a scene which
for pathos defies description. Matron and
maiden, mother and child, each with a tin can
picked up off the enemy's camping ground,
ran after me and begged for just a little some-
thing to eat — just enough to keep them from
starving. Not an applicant was refused, and
by the time the poor, rickety, cumbersome
wagon reached its destination, its contents
had been greatly diminished. But there was
yet enough left to last for some time the
patient, loving mother, the faithful Telitha,
and myself.
[Later, after Sherman's departure north-
ward, Miss Gay's narrative tells of the gath-
[324]
In Sherman's Path
ering of minie balls and other metal on the
battlefields around Atlanta. Miss Gay
writes :]
With a basket in either hand, and accom-
panied by Telitha who carried one that would
hold about a peck, and two old dull case-
knives, I started to the battlefields around
Atlanta to pick up the former missiles of
death to exchange for food to keep us from
starving.
I made it a point to keep very near the
road in the direction of Atlanta, and soon
found myself on the very spot where the Con-
federate magazine stood, the
bl°wmg up of which, by Con-
federate orders, shook the very
earth, and was distinctly heard thirty-five or
forty miles distant. An exclamation of glad
surprise from Telitha carried me to her. She
had found a bonanza, and was rapidly filling
her basket with that which was more valuable
to us than gold. In a marshy place, en-
crusted with ice, innumerable bullets, minie
balls, and pieces of lead seemed to have been
left, by the irony of fate, to supply suste-
nance to hungry ones, and employment to the
[325]
The Women of the South in War Times
poor, as all the winter, those without money to
send to more favored and distant points
found sure returns from this lead mine. It
was so cold our feet were almost frozen, and
our hands had commenced to bleed, and han-
dling cold, rough lead cramped them so badly
that I feared we would have to desist from
our work before filling the baskets.
Lead! Blood! Tears! 0 how suggestive!
Lead, blood, and tears, mingled and com-
mingled. In vain did I try to dash the tears
away. They would assert themselves and
fall upon lead stained with blood. "God of
mercy, if this be Thy holy will, give me forti-
tude to bear it uncomplainingly, " was the
heartfelt invocation that went up to the
throne of grace from over lead, blood, and
tears, that fearful day. For relief, tears did
not suffice. I wanted to cry aloud; nature
would not be satisfied with less, and I cried
like a baby, long and loud. Telitha caught
the spirit of grief and cried too.
At length our baskets were filled, and we
took up our line of march to the desolated
city. There were no labyrinths to tread, nor
streets to follow, and an occasional question
[326]
In Sherman's Path
secured information that enabled us to find
the " commissary" without delay. Telitha
was very ambitious that I should appear a
lady, and wanted me to deposit my load of
lead behind some place of concealment, while
we went on to deliver hers, and then let her
go back for mine. But I was too much a
Confederate soldier for that, and walked
in with my heavy, precious load.
A courteous gentleman in a faded gray uni-
form, evidently discharged because of wounds
received in battle, approached and asked
what he could do for me.
"I have heard that you give provisions for
lead," I replied, "and I have brought some to
exchange. ' '
"What seemed an interminable silence en-
sued, and I felt without seeing that I was
undergoing a sympathetic scrutiny, and that
I was recognized as a lady "to the manor
born."
"What would you like in exchange?" he
asked.
"If you have sugar, and coffee, and meal,
a little of each, if you please, ' ' I timidly said.
' ' I left nothing to eat at home. ' '
[327]
The Women of the South in War Times
The baskets of lead were removed to the
rear and weighed, and in due time returned
to me filled to the brim with sugar, coffee,
flour, meal, lard, and the nicest meat I had
seen in a long time.
"Oh, sir," I said, "I did not expect so
much. ' '
"You have not yet received what is due
you," this good man replied, and handed me
a certificate which he assured me would se-
cure as much more on presentation.
Joy had gone out of my life, and I felt
no thrill of that kind; but I can never de-
scribe the satisfaction I experienced as I
lifted two of those baskets, and saw Telitha
grasp the other one, and turned my face
homeward.
On the very day Miss Gay was gathering
up these "missiles of death" near Atlanta,
her brother met his death on the battlefield
of Franklin, Tennessee — "Killed," the re-
port ran, "on the battlefield, thirty steps
from the breastworks."
This sad news was too much for her weak-
ened mother to bear, and Mrs. Gay died soon
[328]
In Sherman's Path
afterwards, yet all the while the brave daugh-
ter went on with her work of supporting her-
self as best she could and, by her example,
encouraging others "to live for their coun-
try as they had been ever willing to die for
it."
Among the military procedures approved
by General W. T. Sherman, the following may
be quoted here as furnishing the historical
background for these chapters
The Cause on war_time sufferings in the
Desolation ^ar South and as showing also
the direct cause of the desola-
tion of the country and the privations of its
civilian population.
On the 23rd of February, 1865, General
Sherman wrote to General Kirkpatrick:
"Let the whole people know the war is
now against them because their armies flee
before us and do not defend their country
or frontier as they should. It is pretty non-
sense for Wheeler and Beauregard and such
vain heroes to talk of our warring against
women and children and prevent us reaching
their homes. ' '
September 8, 1864, he wrote to General
Webster :
[3291
The Women of the South in War Times
i ' Don't let any citizens come to Atlanta;
not one. I won't allow trade or manufactures
of any kind, but you will remove all the pres-
ent population, and make Atlanta a pure mili-
tary town."
On October 20th, he wrote, from Summer-
ville, to General Thomas :
"Out of the forces now here and at At-
lanta, I propose to organize an efficient army
of 60,000 to 65,000 men, with which I pro-
pose to destroy Macon, Augusta, and it may
be Savannah and Charleston. By this I pro-
pose to demonstrate the vulnerability of the
South, and make its inhabitants feel that war
and individual ruin are synonymous terms. "
On December 18th, from Savannah, he
wrote to General Grant:
"With Savannah in our possession, at
some future time, if not now, we can punish
South Carolina as she deserves, and as thou-
sands of people in Georgia hope we will do.
I do sincerely believe that the whole United
States, North and South, would rejoice to
have this army turned loose on South Caro-
lina, to devastate that State in the manner
we have done in Georgia."
[330]
In Sherman's Path
The correspondence between Generals Hal-
leek and Sherman in regard to Charleston has
been given above. See p. 222. The latter
adds, however :
"I look upon Columbia as quite as bad as
Charleston, and I doubt if we shall spare the
public buildings there as we did at Milledge-
ville."
Reference has been made (p. 209) to the
character and faithfulness of the negroes of
the Valley of Virginia at the time of the John
Brown raid. They refused to be led into a
saturnalia of blood and rapine in accordance
with the plans of John Brown and his asso-
ciates.
On the other hand, it may seem strange to
some that, as the Virginia negroes knew of
John Brown's plans and purposes, they did
not warn the people. The answer is that they
were afraid to do so, for they
Wishing Them- were threatened by Brown and
selves Back , . . . .
in Slavery nis mei1 with the most terrible
consequences if they gave out
any information. ' l Uncle Charles ' ' in the in-
cident given on p. 209 was glad enough to
give up the murderous pike supplied by John
[3311
The Women of the South in War Times
Brown, but not until he knew Brown was out
of the way. He was told that if he gave out
any information, the pike, or something
worse, would be used on him and all his fam-
ily. It was evident that John Brown did not
love the negroes so much as he had been
taught to hate "the Southern slaveholders.7'
Such would seem to have been the opinion of
Abraham Lincoln. (See eulogy on Henry
Clay prior to the raid on p. 11, and his
later defense of the Republican Party as not
being connected with Brown or his plans.)
It is a curious fact that, throughout the
South, after the war, thousands of negroes
longed for the "good old times " of slavery.
Some of them thought they foresaw, in the
license and disorder of the Reconstruction
era, the complete moral downfall of their
race.
Numbers of the former slaves sought to
renew the old relations in some way or other,
and others desired to have their children
"bound out." Miss Gay was one of those
who received such an offer from one of her
mother's former slaves. Some years after
the war, while she was, in common with the
[332]
In Sherman's Path
majority of the Southern people, living in
greatly straightened circumstances, she was
visited by " Prances, " who, as a young girl,
had "run off" during the war. She had be-
come the widowed mother of two boys. These
she hoped to give to Miss Gay until they came
of age.
She presented them to Miss Gay in these
words :
"Miss Mary, I come to give you my two
chillern. ' '
"Your what?"
"My chillern, dese here two smah't little
boys. I'll go wid you to de cote-house in de
mornin' and you can have de papers drawed
up and I'll sign 'em, an dese little niggers
will belong to you till dey's of age to do for
dey selves; and all I'll ever ask you to do for
'em is to raise 'em like Miss Polly raised me."
"Frances" explained further that she was
going away to help take charge of a laundry
in Atlanta, and she was distinctly disap-
pointed when Miss Gay refused her offer.
Miss Gay then expressed certain thoughts
universal among the Southern people, when
she said:
[333]
The Women of the South in War Times
"If slavery were restored and every negro
on the American continent were offered to
me, I should spurn the offer. I should prefer
poverty rather than assume again the cares
and perplexities of the ownership of your
people. ' '
The reply of "Frances" is amusing and
significant. It shows that as long as the negro
is with them the Southern people must recog-
nize the presence of the old
trust in new form. They are
still their weaker brother's
keeper. "Frances" went away to Atlanta
loaded down with what Miss Gay could, out
of limited means, provide; but, before she
left, she said:
"Wellj it's mighty queer. W'ite folks
lister love little niggers, but now dey won't
have 'em as a free gift!"
This story recalls the life and achievements of "Mammy
Kate," also of Georgia, but of Revolutionary times. She
rescued Governor Stephen Heard from a British prison,
carrying him forth from his cell in a basket of clothes,
which she, in negro fashion, had balanced on her head.
For this brave deed and for her other great services, she
was offered her freedom. In refusing the offer, she said,
with emphasis: "You kin free me, Marse Stephen, but /
won't free you!"
Furthermore, "Mammy Kate" made a will in which she
[334]
In Sherman's Path
left her nine children to the children of Governor Heard,
of whom there were also nine, thus willing each of the
latter a servant. She saw that her children were thus well
provided for; while she in turn, together with "Daddy
Jack," her husband, had the best of care and attention
through old age and up to death.
It is not to be wondered at that the Southern people re-
sented the fierce denunciations of men no better than them-
selves, who, prominent in pulpit, forum, and in literature,
were continually holding them up to obloquy and scorn as
beings unfit for further association with themselves. Not
only Emerson, Lowell, Beecher, Brown, Parker, Garrison,
Phillips, and hundreds of other preachers, writers, and
poets, but even such as Whittier denounced those in the
North who sought to defend the character and customs of
their fellow-countrymen as base "slaves of the mean and
tyrant South." Lincoln refused to lend himself to this orgy
of intolerance; the Gettysburg address carried in it nothing
of the bitterness of those, who, through ignorance or prej-
udice, hated the Old South and strove to strip its people
not only of their character but their very inheritance in
the history of the Republic which they so largely helped
to create.
[335]
xxvm
THE ST. LOUIS PRISON FOB
SOUTHERN WOMEN
During the war, Mrs, Margaret A. E. Mc-
Lure, of St. Louis, was not only imprisoned
but she was imprisoned in her own house
and the house itself made into a prison for
her and other women of Southern sympa-
thies.
When out on an errand of mercy to the un-
fortunate Confederates who were confined in
the wretched military " pens'' of old St.
Louis, Mrs. McLure was quietly informed
that guards were about her house and that
she was to be put under arrest. She at once
hurried home, and when the guards, not
knowing who she was, crossed their swords
and forbade her entrance, she calmly said:
"Your prisoner is not in that house. I am
your prisoner and I wish to enter."
This took place in March, 1863. A few days
later, every article in Mrs. McLure 's house
was sent off and sold. Cots were brought in,
[336]
The Prison for Women
and other women of Confederate sympathies
were held there as prisoners.
The remainder of the story of Mrs. Mc-
Lure's imprisonment and of her subsequent
release and " deportation " south has been
told by Mrs. P. G. Roberts as follows:
Mrs. McLure had been but a short time in
prison when she learned that her son, Lewis,
a lad of fourteen, had been arrested as a spy
while attending school at Pleas-
Imprisonment an(j Ridge Academy, fle was
and Release of . . , , P .,. .
Lewis McLure tned before a military com-
mission and put in Gratiot
street prison. Being a fine penman, he was
put to work in the office. In a few days a
prisoner was brought in who had six hun-
dred dollars on his person. It was, of course,
taken away ; and when shortly afterwards he
was brought into the office to be sent along
with others to the prison at Alton, the pris-
oner demanded his money. The guard denied
that he had any such amount. The prisoner
seeing Lewis McLure still at the desk, ap-
pealed to him ; the lad at once asserted that he
had counted the money. For this offense (of
speaking the truth) Lewis was taken away
[337]
The Women of the South in War Times
from the desk and sent to the attic, which
had been previously used as a smallpox hos-
pital. Here he soon sickened and became so
poisoned from the foul atmosphere that word
was gotten to his mother of his need of im-
mediate care if his life was to be saved. She
at once requested her faithful friend and phy-
sician, Dr. Lemoine, to go and see her son.
The doctor wished to vaccinate him, but was
refused permission unless he used virus fur-
nished by the hospital.* This he refused to
do, but left the prison determined to leave no
stone unturned in his efforts to have Lewis
released. This was finally accomplished,
mainly through the influence of Judge
Glover ; and Mrs. McLure had the comfort of
hearing that her son was back at school,
though permission to visit his mother even
for an hour was refused.
All this anxiety had greatly worn on Mrs.
McLure ; and perhaps the kindest order that
the not too kind authorities ever gave was
the one for her banishment. She would surely
have broken down completely if she had been
*The virus used for military prisoners was at times more
to be dreaded than the disease.
[338]
The Prison for Women
kept longer in prison, where the only food
served to delicate women was spoiled bacon
and hard-tack, with coffee so wretched it could
not be used even by prisoners, who are not
supposed to be fastidious. The matron
proved to be a kind-hearted woman, and of-
fered Mrs. McLure her meals in her room,
and to add to them some of the delicacies
found in the house ; but Mrs. McLure refused
to fare differently from the others.
On the twelfth of May the order of ban-
ishment came; and Mrs. McLure, accom-
panied by her son Lewis, Mr. and Mrs. Clark,
and a number of other South-
em sympathizers, were put
on board the "Sultana" and
sent under guard to Memphis. There they
were transferred to a train and run out as
far as the condition of the road would per-
mit, and then again transferred to ambu-
lances that had been used the day before to
move the dead and wounded after a skirmish,
and yet bore the bloodstains on the floor.
Major McKinney, who had charge of the
exiles, did all in his power to lessen the hard-
ships of the journey, which were great in-
[339]
The Women of the South in War Times
deed. On one occasion, for instance, no house
could be reached; and bedding being scarce,
the party had to spread sheets on the ground
and sleep so, as all the blankets were needed
for covering. The Major seemed greatly sur-
prised at the character of his prisoners, and
even went so far as to tell them that if he
had known the personnel of his party he
would have brought his bride along — a state-
ment he would not have made at the end of
his journey most certainly — for as they
reached a point about sixty miles from Oko-
lono a countryman in brown homespun came
out and asked the ladies in the rear ambu-
lance, what was the meaning of this strange
sight — a lot of women and children escorted
by Yankee troops ? And when informed that
they were prisoners, replied, "If this is what
they are making war on, God help us ! ' ' Just
as he turned off the Major rode up and asked
what the man had been saying. Before any-
one else could think of an answer, Mrs. Gen-
eral Frost replied, "He was telling us the
woods were full of Bushwackers, many hun-
dred strong, and we might run into a party
of them at any moment/' The color left the
[340]
The Prison for Women
Major's face, and it is needless to say, he did
not then wish he had brought his bride. He
at once asked for a towel, put it on a pole,
hurried forward a flag of truce to Okolona,
with the request that General Buggies, who
was in command there, would send out an
escort for the prisoners. The general came
out himself and escorted them to his head-
quarters, where they were most kindly and
courteously welcomed, and every comfort
possible afforded them. After a few days
they received a pressing invitation from
Columbus, Mississippi, to make it their home,
which invitation they gratefully accepted,
and were most cordially received and enter-
tained ; and the weary fugitives soon felt at
home in hospitable Columbus.
Mrs. McLure was entertained by the widow
of the noted philanthropist and Methodist
minister, Benjamin Watkins Leigh, where she
remained until after the fall of Vicksburg.
Immediately after that sad event, the First
Missouri Brigade, under General Cockrell
and other troops, established a camp for pa-
roled prisoners at Demopolis, Alabama. Soon
thereafter they dispatched an officer, Lieuten-
[341]
The Women of the South in War Times
ant Hale, to Columbus, to bring Mrs. McLure,
"the soldiers' friend/' to see them. She had
never refused aid or comfort to any Confed-
erate soldier, and set off at once to see what
she could do for the poor fellows who were,
like herself, exiles from home. She went
with the expectation of remaining only a
week, and was the guest of Mrs. Gen. Na-
thaniel Whitfield at their beautiful home,
Gaineswood. This invitation was highly ap-
preciated by Mrs. McLure and the Missouri
brigade, who were sorely perplexed when they
found that refugees from in and around
Vicksburg had so filled up the little town
that not a room was to be had for love or
money. It proved a most happy arrange-
ment, for when the week's visit came to an
end an invitation so cordial and hearty was
extended by Mrs. Whitfield in her own and
the General's name that Mrs. McLure would
make their "house her home till the war was
ended, if it ever did," it could but be ac-
cepted. Her son soon joined her and secured
a good position, and Mrs. McLure remained
until after the close of the war, growing daily
more fondly attached to the lovely family
[342]
The Prison for Women
who had taken her in as a stranger, but had
become, and ever remained close and devoted
friends.
After all was lost, with a heart saddened
for life, Mrs. McLure returned to St. Louis ;
and it has been the rare privilege of many
of us to know how, in the evening of life,
when rest and personal comfort would seem
to be her paramount object, her whole
strength and thought was given to her loved
work, the care of Confederate soldiers.
[343]
XXIX
ACTION AND REACTION
It is said in the South that * * innocent Yan-
kees" suffered in public esteem for the sins
of the guilty. The outrages committed by
some of the Federal soldiers against the prop-
erty and persons of the non-combatant popu-
lation often caused Southern people to class
all " Yankees " under one head — and "that a
very bad one. ' ' This was doubtless a natural
attitude; nevertheless, nearly all the diaries
of Southern women present protests against
this lack of discrimination on the part of
some of their compatriots.*
In the bitterness of their wholly justified
indignation after Butler 's occupation of New
Orleans, the Southern women of the Gulf
States in particular sought to treat the in-
vaders as outcasts. Consequently, they ever
became deeply suspicious of any of their own
people who offered voluntary social enter-
*See also the protest of a Northern officer in his letter
to Miss Mary A. H. Gay, p. 306.
[344]
Action and Reaction
tainment to the enemy under any circum-
stances.
The counter protests against this general
suspicion is illustrated in the journal of Sarah
Fowler Morgan, who at the time of the war,
was a young girl of Baton Eouge, Louisiana.
On May 14, 1862, Miss Morgan wrote:*
Yesterday the town was in a ferment be-
cause it was reported the Federal officers had
called at the Miss Morgans.
Protesting against wholesale condemnation
of the "Yankees," she added:
I have a brother-in-law in the Federal army
whom I love and respect as much as anyone
in the world, and shall not readily agree that
his being a Northerner would
£*ve kim an irresistible desire
to pick my pockets, and to take
from him all power of telling the truth. No I
There are few men I admire more than Major
Drum, and I honor him for his independence
in doing what he believes right. Let us have
liberty of speech and action in our land, I
say, but not gross abuse and calumny. Shall
"Quotations are taken from "A Confederate Girl's
Diary," published by the Houghton, Mifflin Company.
[345]
The Women of the South in War Times
I acknowledge that the people we so recently
called our brothers are unworthy of con-
sideration, and are liars, cowards, dogs I Not
I ! If they conquer us, I acknowledge them as
a superior race ; I will not say that we were
-conquered by cowards, for where would that
place us? It will take a brave people to gain
us, and that the Northerners undoubtedly are.
I would scorn to have an inferior foe ; I fight
*only my equals. These women may acknowl-
edge that cowards have won battles in which
their brothers were engaged, but I, I will ever
say mine fought against brave men, and won
the day. Which is most honorable I
Three days later, the news of "Ben"
Butler 's New Orleans proclamation reached
Baton Rouge, and Miss Morgan wrote :
A new proclamation from Butler has just
come. It seems that the ladies have an ugly
way of gathering their skirts when the Fed-
erals pass, to avoid any pos-
sible contact- Some even turn
up their noses. Unladylike,
to say the least. . . . Butler says, where-
as the so-called ladies of New Orleans insult
his men and officers, he gives one and all per-
[3461
Action and Reaction
mission to insult any or all who so treat them,
then and there, with the assurance that the
women will not receive the slightest protec-
tion from the Government, and that the men
will all be justified. I did not have time to
read it, but repeat it as it was told to me by
mother, who is in utter despair at the brutal-
ity of the thing. These men our brothers?
Not mine ! Let us hope for the honor of their
nation that Butler is not counted among the
gentlemen of the land. And so, if any man
should fancy he cared to kiss me, he could
do so under the pretext that I had pulled my
dress from under his feet ! That will justify
them! And if we decline their visits, they
can insult us under the plea of a prior affront.
Oh! Gibbes! George! Jimmy! never did we
need your protection as sorely as now. And
not to know even whether you are alive!
When Charlie joins the army, we will be de-
fenseless, indeed. Come to my bosom, 0 my
discarded carving-knife, laid aside under the
impression that these men were gentlemen.
We will be close friends once more. And if
you must have a sheath, perhaps I may find
one for you in the heart of the first man who
[347]
The Women of the South in War Times
attempts to Butlerize me. I never dreamed
of kissing any man save my father and
brothers. And why anyone should care to
kiss anyone else, I fail to understand. And
I do not propose to learn to make exceptions.
Miss Morgan's diary records the story of
the panic at Baton Eouge on the 30th of May,
1862.
On that day she wrote :
I was packing up my traveling desk with
all Harry's little articles that were left to me,
and other things, and I was saying to myself
that my affairs were in such confusion that
if obliged to run unexpectedly, I would not
know what to save, when I heard Tilly's voice
downstairs, crying, as she ran in — she had
been out shopping — "Mr. Castle has killed
a Federal officer on a ship, and they are going
to shell" — Bang! went a cannon at the word
and that was all our warning !
After describing the confusion of the
household as the Federal shells began to burst
over the town, the diary continues :
But the next minute we were all off, in
safety. A square from home, I discovered that
boys' shoes were not the most comfortable
[348]
Action and Reaction
things to run in, so I ran back, in spite of
cannonading, entreaties, etc., to get another
pair. I got home, found an old
Palr that W6re b^ n° meanS re~
spectable, which I seized with-
out hesitation; and being perfectly at
ease, thought it would be so nice to save at
least Miriam's and my toothbrushes. So I
slipped them in my corset. These in, of
course we must have a comb — and that was
added — then how could we stand in the sun
without starch to cool our faces? This in-
cluded the powder-bag ; then I must save that
beautiful lace collar ; and my hair was tumb-
ling down, so in went the tucking-comb and
hair-pins with the rest; until, if there had
been anyone to speculate, they would have
wondered a long while at the singular appear-
ance of a girl who is considered slight,
usually. By this time, Miriam, alarmed for
me, returned to find me, though urged by Dr.
Castleton not to risk her life by attempting
it, and we started off together.
As we stood in the door, four or five shells
sailed over our heads at the same time, seem-
ing to make a perfect corkscrew of the air —
[349]
The Women of the South in War Times
for it sounded as though it went in circles.
Miriam cried, " Never mind the door!"
mother screamed anew, and I stayed behind
to lock the door, with this new music in my
ears. We reached the back gate, that was on
the street, when another shell passed us, and
Miriam jumped behind the fence for protec-
tion. We had only gone half a square when
Dr. Castleton begged us to take another
street, as they were firing up that one. We
took his advice, but found our new street
worse than the old, for the shells seemed to
whistle their strange songs with redoubled
vigor. The height of my ambition was now at-
tained. I had heard Jimmy laugh about the
singular sensation produced by the rifled
balls spinning around one's head; and here
I heard the same peculiar sound, ran the
same risk, and was equal to the rest of the
boys, for was I not in the midst of flying
shells, in the middle of a bombardment? I
think I was rather proud of it.
Three miles from town we began to over-
take the fugitives. Hundreds of women and
children were walking along, some bare-
headed, and in all costumes. Little girls of
[350]
Action and Reaction
twelve and fourteen were wandering on alone
I called to one I knew, and asked where her
mother was; she didn't know;
Women and she would walk on until she
Children « -, , T, ,
Under Fire found out. It seems her
mother lost a nursing baby, too,
which was not found until ten that night.
White and black were all mixed together, and
were as confidential as though related. All
called to us and asked where we were going,
and many we knew laughed at us for riding
in a cart; but as they had walked only five
miles, I imagined they would like even these
poor accommodations if they were in their
reach.
The negroes deserve the greatest praise
for their conduct. Hundreds were walking
with babies or bundles ; ask them what they
had saved, it was invariably,
Splendid "My mistress's clothes, or
tthcoi0ore0d silver- or baby-" Ask what
Population they had for themselves, it was,
"Bless your heart, honey, I
was glad to get away with mistress 's things ;
I didn't think 'bout mine."
It was a heart-rending scene. Women
[351]
The Women of the South in War Times
searching for their babies along the road,
where they had been lost; others sitting in
the dust crying and wringing their hands;
for by this time we had not an idea but what
Baton Rouge was either in ashes, or being
plundered, and we had saved nothing. I had
one dress, Miriam two, but "Tiche" had
them, and we had lost her before we left
home.
[352]
XXX
WAS TIMES IN NEW ORLEANS
During the war, President Lincoln made it
clear that the South could "come back into
the Union " with slavery intact; the Eman-
cipation Proclamation was a
t^enAboiiVtk)nist war measure only. It specific-
ally did not apply to any of the
slaves in Federal-controlled territory, and it
could be revoked on its application to terri-
tory not under Federal rule. Although lit-
tle realized to-day, it is a matter of historical
record that Abraham Lincoln and Robert E.
Lee were in complete accord in regard to
slavery and emancipation and the methods to
be used to do away with the former and pro-
mote the latter.
A few years after Henry Clay and Abra-
ham Lincoln had denounced the violence of
the ultra-Abolitionists, Robert
Robert E. Lee E Lee wrote. <<In thig en_
on Emanci- ,. , . _ ., _
pation lightened age, there are few, I
believe, but will acknowledge
that slavery as an institution is a moral and
[353]
The Women of the South in War Times
political evil. It is useless to expatiate on its
disadvantages. I think it is a greater evil
to the white than to the colored race, and
while my feelings are strongly interested in
the latter, my sympathies are more deeply
engaged for the former. The blacks are im-
measurably better off here than in Africa —
morally, socially, and physically. . . .
Their emancipation will sooner result from
the mild and melting influence of Christian-
ity than from the storms and contests of
iiery controversy. This influence, though
slow, is sure. The doctrines and miracles of
our Savior have required nearly two thou-
sand years to convert but a small part of the
human race, and even among Christian na-
tions what gross errors still exist ! While we
see the course of the final abolition of slavery
is still onward, and we give it the aid of our
prayers and all justifiable means in our
power, we must leave the progress as well
as the result in His hands, who sees the end
and who chooses to work by slow things, and
with whom a thousand years are but as a
single day. The abolitionist must know this,
and must see that he has neither the right
[354]
War Times in New Orleans
nor the power of operating except by moral
means and suasion; if he means well to the
slave he must not create angry feelings in
the master. Although he may not approve of
the mode by which it pleases Providence to
accomplish its purposes, the result will never-
theless be the same ; and the reason he gives
for interference in what he has no concern
holds good for every kind of interference
with our neighbors when we disapprove of
their conduct/'*
* * *
Amid much personal detail and matters of
a more or less trivial character, some of the
most interesting comments on contemporane-
ous happenings recorded in any journals or
diaries of the Southern women are those of
Julia LeGrrand, a young girl of Maryland
birth but whose home was in Louisiana at
the time of the sectional conflict. The pre-
ceding historical notes bear directly upon the
following observations of this young chron-
icler of the events of her day.
*Quoted in G. F. R. Henderson's "Campaigns of Stone-
wall Jackson" (large English edition), Vol. I, p. 108.
Compare quotation in Foreword from writings of Bishop
Hopkins, of Vermont.
[355]
The Women of the South in War Times
Under date of February 20, 1863, after
reading a speech by Wendell Phillips, Miss
LeGrand added to the general condemnation
of the intemperate bigotry of the extreme
type of abolitionist the following specific and
forceful words:
No Jacobin of France, not even Robes-
pierre, ever made so infamous a one. He
says an aristocracy like that of the South has
never been gotten rid of except by the sac-
rifice of one generation ; they can never have
peace, he says, until " every slave-holder is
either killed or exiled. ' ' He does not approve
of battles — the negroes should be turned
loose and incited to rise and slay. "They
know, by instinct, the whole programme of
what they have to do," he says.
Under date of January 21, 1863, Miss Le-
Grand writes :
Two long trains of artillery passed our
door to-day.
One young officer particularly attracted
my attention; he looked so truly gallant —
some mother's darling, I know. In his young
enthusiasm he has come to fight for the
Union; he will die for it, probably, without
[356]
War Times in New Orleans
in any way contributing to its restoration.
We find a great difference in the appearance
of Banks ' troops and those of Butler. A Fed-
eral officer stopped at Mrs. Harrison 's gate
a day or two ago, asking for a few rose-buds
that he might press them to send to his wife \
there are no flowers where she is now. This
pure remembrance and thought of the sol-
dier touched me. I was touched, too, at the
remark of a private passing the gate. ' * Here
I am," said he, "so many miles from home,
and not a soul that cares a damn whether I
live or die, or what becomes of me." An-
other remarked, when the newsboy cried out :
"A new order," "I wish it were an order
for peace and one to go home. ' '
Mrs. Norton got quite impatient with Miss
Marcella Wilkinson to-day for praising sev-
eral of the officers who had been kind to her
family, and who had inter-
A Young Girl's ested themselves in procuring
Idealism and , , * °
Philosophy ^ne release of her brother, who
had been arrested by Butler.
Mrs. N. thinks no one can be a true South-
erner and praise a Yankee. She thought it
no honor "to be treated decently by one of
[ 357 ] .
The Women of the South in War Times
the wretches ; she wished the devils were all
killed. " There is a difference even among
devils, it seems, as some of Banks' people
do try to be kind to us, while Butler's were
just the reverse. How few people have an
enlarged liberality ! I wonder if it will ever
be possible for a novelist to render to view
the faults of his countrymen in this land ; the
mention of one failing even in private con-
versation raises a sort of storm, not always
polite either. I am thought all sorts of things
because I endeavor to do justice to all parties ;
one day I am an abolitionist, another a
Yankee, another too hot a "rebel," another
all English, and sometimes I love my Mary-
land, and no other State ; all the while I love
my own land, every inch of it, better than all
the world and feel a burning desire ever
kindling in my heart that my countrymen
should be first in all the world for virtue.
They are so kind, so generous, so brave, so
gallant to women that I desire for them all
the good that belongs to human character, the
graces of chivalry, as well as its sturdy man-
hood, and the elegant liberality of philosophy
and benevolence.
[3581
War Times in New Orleans
Under men of Butler 's type it became in-
creasingly difficult for Northern officers of
the best intentions and social instincts to
show kindness to Southern "rebels." Miss
LeGrand in her "Journal" under date of
February 3, 1863, writes :
The Federal rulers here are less accessible
than the most august of sovereigns, and even
if one is admitted they send him from one to
another until his patience is
Chivalry of worn out, each official seeming
Colonel Clarke, -, . ,, , , . , ,
U. S. A. t° emulate the last in rude be-
havior— with the single ex-
ception of Colonel Clarke, who has been dis-
missed from office, having shown what the
Yankees here term "secesh" tendencies. He
is a gentleman and Ginnie* says a most sor-
rowful one. Before we went to Greenville,
Mrs. Norton, Ginnie, and Mrs. Dameron went
to the city hall — found there a great
crowd through which they had to wedge their
way.
A young official made his appearance and
after roughly demanding what their business
*Julia LeGrand's sister, Virginia.
[3591
The Women of the South in War Times
was, was answered curtly by Mrs. Norton,
"I don't intend to tell yon my business, " said
she, ' ' I will go to headquarters. ' ' She makes
a point of always speaking in this way and
cannot be persuaded that she gives them
great advantage over her. "Well, Madam, "
returned the young man, "I don't want to
know your business, and if you can't tell it,
just step back until others are served who
can. ' ' Mrs. Dameron blushed and said, ' ' Ah,
why will Ma put herself in a position to be
insulted?" Ginnie and she got out of the
way as fast as possible, and Mrs. Norton was
so innocent about it that she didn't know
what they meant by feeling abashed. Colonel
French sat with his feet in the air, answered
almost rudely when spoken to, and gave them
no satisfaction. Colonel Clarke, though out
of office that very day and to be succeeded by
a creature called Colonel Bowgen, did all he
could toward granting their requests. Mrs.
Norton and Ginnie got arrest papers for
servants, also registered for passports.
Colonel Bowgen watched Colonel Clarke
sharply, fearing, Ginnie said, that he might
do or promise something kind. " Colonel
[360]
War Times in New Orleans
Clarke has a soft spot in his heart, ' ' he signifi-
cantly remarked.
For this soft spot he has been dismissed
from office; he goes out to the verge of "re-
beldom, ' ' however, with all exchanged prison-
ers and enemies, whenever they are sent, and
is always so kind, so truly generous that
many are attached to him. One lady who had
smuggled a Confederate flag felt compunc-
tions after receiving so much kindness and
brought it out to the Colonel. He had not
permitted either their trunks or persons to be
searched. She waved her little flag and said
that she loved it and asked his permission to
carry it over the lines; "Oh, yes," said he,
"take it; I don't think it will cause the death
of any of us/ '
The trip to the lines that time was a de-
lightful one, both to the ladies and Colonel
Clarke, and upon the arrival of the boat at
Madisonville, two hundred Confederate sol-
diers marched down to meet the ladies.
Oh! such a time! such a joyful meeting!
Our soldiers went on board and had quite a
"jollification," it is said, and were kindly
entertained by the Federal officers. This was
[361]
The Women of the South in War Times
as it should be, but things will never be con-
ducted in that way again. The last time the
enemies went out, Colonel Clarke went with
them, indeed, but he could do nothing which
he wished. On being appealed to by a lady,
he said, ' * Ah, madam, there is a new ruler in
Jerusalem. " On this occasion the ladies *
trunks were searched, also their persons, with
two exceptions. A little contraband quinine
was found and we were all glad to hear that
one of the infamous women badly cut her
hand whilst ripping up a lady's sleeve to
look for it. Even babies were searched and
left shivering in the cold without their clothes.
Flannels were taken from all, and a little bag
of flour which a very poor woman, who was
going out to meet her husband, had taken to
thicken her baby's milk, was cruelly thrown
into the water.
Recollections of a runaway maid brought
forth these interesting reflections on racial
attributes from Miss LeGrand.
To-day I tried to do up my collars and
other fineries — failed and felt anything but
spiritual minded. I got angry with my irons
which would smut my muslins, and then got
[362]
War Times in New Orleans
-angry with myself for having been angry —
finally divided the blame, giving a part to
Julie Ann for running away
Relations and leaving me to do her work,
Between the , , , *, £* -,11
and by her thefts, with less
money wherewithal to procure
others to do it for me. If Julie's condition
was bettered, if she had been made a higher
being by the sort of freedom she has chosen, I
could not find it in my conscience to regret her
absence; but I hear of her that she is a de-
graded creature, living a vicious life, and we
tried so hard to make her good and honest.
I once was as great an abolitionist as any
in the North — that was when my unthinking
fancy placed black and white upon the same
plane. My sympathies blinded me, and race
and character were undisturbed mysteries to
me. But my experience with negroes has
altered my way of thinking and reasoning.
As an earnest of sincerity given even to my
own mind, it was when we owned them in
numbers that I thought they ought to be free,
and now that we have none, I think they are
not fit for freedom. No one unacquainted
with negro character can form an idea of its
[363]
The Women of the South in War Times
deficiencies as well as its overpluses, if I may
so express myself; it is the only race which
labor does not degrade. I do not mean that
there is degradation in labor, but we all know
that white men and women, whose minds are
fettered with one constant round of petty pur-
suits, are very different from their brothers
and sisters who are better served by for-
tune. . . ,v >
. . . I doubt not but that in the far gen-
erations they will hold, and justly, a better,
higher place. When they are fit for it, the
white man will not withhold it. The inven-
tions of science will make his labor less
needed, and the example and influence of the
white race, aided by the wholesome restraints
of savage passions, will eventually make him
a new being. Slavery indeed can not be con-
sidered a good school for the white man, but
it should be remembered by the fanatic that
we found these people mere animals, and that
physically and mentally our slaves are
superior to their African progenitors. The
white race is distorted by labor; hair, fea-
tures, complexion, and shape — all tell the tale
of hardship and labor. Not so with the negro ;
[364]
War Times in New Orleans
they live so easily, generally speaking, so
comfortably — these creatures whom fanatics
are pitying, neglectful of the poor at their
doors, and for whose possible benefit it is pre-
tended that Federal soldiers are sent to die 1
America seems perishing of madness.
In common with thousands of her fellow-
countrymen, North and South, this young
New Orleans girl largely misunderstood Lin-
coln's sole purpose to preserve the Union and
prevent the division of a great Republic. In-
deed, she knew little about him except that
which was vague and mythical. It is scarcely
possible, therefore, that in expressing these
comments upon the negro race, she was aware
of the fact that she was elaborating in detail
the views of President Lincoln himself in re-
gard both to the limitations of the negro race
and the future relations between the whites
and the blacks.
The "national American" of to-day, be he
of Southern or of Northern origin, may think
it strange that this comparatively unknown
Louisiana girl and Abraham Lincoln should
not only have held but also have expressed
[365]
The Women of the South in War Times
similar opinions in respect to one of the great-
est problems of their day. Such is, never-
theless, a fact.
In a speech at Quincy, Illinois, Lincoln
said: "I have no purpose to introduce po-
litical and social equality between the white
and black races. There is a physical differ-
ence between the two which, in my judgment,
would probably forever forbid their living to-
gether upon a footing of perfect equality. ' '
To this statement, on another occasion, he
added: "And inasmuch as they cannot so
live, while they do remain together, there
must be the position of superior and inferior,
and I, as much as any other man, am in favor
of having the superior position assigned to
the white race."
A year after this comment by Julia Le-
Orand in her "Journal," President Lincoln
wrote to Governor Hahn, in Miss LeGrand's
own State of Louisiana: "I would barely
suggest for your private consideration
whether some of the colored people may not
be let in" to the privilege of suffrage.
Again, he declared: "While I am in favor
of freedom to all of God's human creatures,
[366]
War Times in New Orleans
with equal political rights under prudential
restrictions, I am not in favor of unlimited
social equality. There are questions arising
out of our complications that trouble me
greatly. The question of universal suffrage
to the freedman in his unprepared state is
one of doubtful propriety. I do not oppose
the justice of the measure, but I do think it is
of doubtful political policy and may re-
bound like a boomerang not only on the Re-
publican party, but upon the freedman him-
self and our common country/'
About one year before President Lincoln
wrote to Governor Hahn, Miss LeGrand set
down in her diary :
Mr. Denman gave a description of a visit
of Stafford (the general of the negroes) to
the bank last summer. He came in with a
shin-plaster, and with a hor-
Racial rible Qath told Qne of the bank
Characteristics , .
Reviewed gentlemen to pay the amount
in gold. On being told that
there was no gold, but that small notes would
be issued soon, he swore terribly, drew his
sword and flourished it in the wildest manner,
threatening to cut their heads off. Mr. D.
[367]
The Women of the South in War Times
owned that he was as afraid of him as he
would be of a horned devil. "Pse got your
Mayor down to Fort Jackson, ' ' said Stafford,
grinding his teeth, " where I hope the mos-
quitoes will eat out his d d heart. " And
more of this sort. The banker looked at the
note and found it one of the coffee-house is-
sues, with which the city last spring was
flooded; and which Butler (very properly)
had ordered to be redeemed, said he : i ' This
is not our note; we have nothing to do with
it," whereupon Stafford took it up and turned
round upon a crowd of women and children
who had followed him into the bank, flourish-
ing his sword over them and swearing at
them.
This creature is below the city, having in
command 1,400 negroes, armed and equipped,
wearing the leather belt which other soldiers
wear, having the letters U. S. in brass upon
it. The once honored " Stars and Stripes"
can be borne by such hands as these ! Many
of the negroes in camp have yielded to
temptation, and been beguiled by Yankee
falsehoods into running away from their
masters, now that they realize their position,
[368]
War Times in New Orleans
wish to return to them. But Stafford refused
to allow them to go home. . . .
Nothing more clearly defines the subordi-
nate position, or the real justice of their posi-
tion, more than their total want of social
virtues. ... A life of lounging around
the streets, feeding at the expense of the
United States Government, has proved more
enticing than the memories of wife or child.
They have mostly gotten new mates. Mrs.
Norton, in letters from her family and
friends, is often charged with messages to
servants who do not even wish to hear from
those that are gone. I was once an abolition-
ist, and resented for this race's sake their
position in the awful scale of humanity. But,
I verily believe, that negroes are not now de-
veloped creatures. What they may be some-
time I can not prognosticate, but I do believe
in the law of progress. I call to mind the age
when Britons wore skins, and hope for all
things.
Of the subsequent treatment of the negroes
by some of their liberators, Miss LeGrand
wrote, March 15, 1863 :
Mrs. Norton went yesterday to get papers
[369]
The Women of the South in War Times
for her negroes, according to Federal com-
mand — was quite astonished to be asked if
she had taken the oath. In giving answer she
also managed to give offense to the official,
who rudely told her to "Hush," whereupon
she told him she would talk as much as she
pleased in spite of all the Federals in New
Orleans and not take the oath either. The
Federal said he didn't care a damn whether
she took the oath or not. She then made a
very proper answer — "You have proved a
gentleman of the first stamp, sir," she said,
"in swearing at an old lady; a very fine
gentleman indeed." He was then silent and
ashamed.
Mrs. Dameron, Mrs. Doctor Stille, and
Mrs. Wells all went to the same place to get
papers for their servants and were treated
very politely. To those who
had not taken the oath> he ex~
pressed great regret that he
was compelled not to issue passes for serv-
ants belonging to disloyal people. Such
servants are all caught up and forced by Fed-
eral soldiers to work on the fortifications and
plantations. I pity poor Julie Ann ; I wonder
[370]
War Times in New Orleans
what death she will die ! She has never known
real hardship. This step of the authorities
here has given the negroes a great blow. So
much for Federal philanthropy! Another
instance of it. The Yankee Era said yester-
day that the Indianola before her capture by
the Confederates had been dispatched to de-
stroy the cotton and plantation of Jeff Davis
and his brother and to bring off all the male
slaves — the male slaves, philanthropy I We
hear constantly of negroes who are brought
away unwillingly from their home comforts
and their masters — and not infrequently are
these poor people robbed of all they have by
their pretended saviors. Mrs. Wilkinson's
old man was robbed on his plantation of his
watch and money, and another of four hun-
dred dollars, which had been hoarded up for
a long time.*
*Misa LeGrand's "Journal," (as preserved), ends
abruptly in the year 1863, in the midst of a sentence. Part
was published in 1911 by Miss Kate Mason Rowland and
Mrs. Morris L. Croxall. Miss LeGrand was born in Mary-
land, brought up largely in Louisiana, and married and
died in Texas.
[371]
XXXI
FURTHER EXCERPTS FROM THE
DIARY OF MRS. McGUIRE:
JANUARY, 1864, TO THE SURKENDEB OF LEE AT
APPOMATTOX*
January 3. — Entered on the duties of my
office on the 30th of December. So far I like
it well "The Major " is very kind, and con-
siderate of our comfort ; the duties of the of-
fice are not very onerous, but rather confining
for one who left school thirty-four years ago,
and has had no restraint of the kind during
the interim. The ladies, thirty-five in num-
ber, are of all ages, and representing various
parts of Virginia, also Maryland and Louis-
iana. Many of them are refugees. It is mel-
ancholy to see how many wear mourning for
brothers or other relatives, the victims of
war. One sad young girl sits near me, whose
two brothers have fallen on the field, but she
is too poor to buy mourning. I found many
•Continued from p. 189.
[372]
Diary of Mrs. McGuire
acquaintances, and when I learned the history
of others, it was often that of fallen fortunes
and destroyed homes. One young lady, of
high-sounding Maryland name, was banished
from Baltimore, because of her zeal in going
to the assistance of our Gettysburg wounded.
The society is pleasant, and we hope to get
along very agreeably. I am now obliged to
visit the hospital in the afternoon, and I give
it two evenings in the week. It is a cross to
me not to be able to give it more time ; but we
have very few patients just now, so that it
makes very little difference.
January 15, 1864 — My occupation at home
just now is as new as that in the office — it is
shoe-making. I am busy upon the second
pair of gaiter boots. They are
Occupations made of canvas, presented me
by a friend. It was taken from
one of our James Eiver vessels, and has been
often spread to the breeze under the/4 Stars
and Bars. ' ' The vessel was sunk among the
obstructions at Drury's Bluff. The gaiters
are cut out by a shoemaker, stitched and
bound by the ladies, then soled by a shoe-
maker ; for the moderate sum of fifty dollars.
[373]
The Women of the South in War Times
Last year he put soles on a pair for ten dol-
lars. They are then blacked with the mate-
rial used for blacking guns in the navy. They
are very handsome gaiters, and bear polish-
ing by blacking and the shoe-brush as well
as morocco. They are lasting, and very cheap
when compared with those we buy, which are
from $125 to $150 per pair. We are certainly
becoming very independent of foreign aid.
The girls make beautifully fitting gloves of
dark flannel, cloth, linen, and any other mate-
rial we can command. We make very nice
blacking, and a friend has just sent me a
bottle of brilliant black ink, made of elder-
berries.
February 28, 1864 — One woman stood at
a table cutting out work; we asked her the
stereotyped question — "Is there a very poor
widow named Brown in this
Anlnddentof direction !" "No ladies; I
People knows two Mrs. Browns, but
they ain't so poor, and ain't
no widows nuther. ' '
As neither of them was our Mrs. B., we
turned away; but she suddenly exclaimed,
"Ladies, will one of you read my husband's
[374]
Diary of Mrs. McGuire
last letter to me? for you see I can't read
writing. "
As Mrs. R. took it, she remarked that it
was four weeks old, and asked if no one had
read it to her? "Oh yes, a gentleman has
read it to me four or five times; but you see
I loves to hear it, for maybe I shan't hear
from him no more."
The tears now poured down her cheeks.
"He always writes to me every chance, and
it has been so long since he wrote that,
and they tell me that they have been fighting,
and maybe something has happened to
him."
We assured her that there had been no
fighting — not even a skirmish. This quieted
her, and Mrs. E. read the badly written but
affectionate letter, in which he expressed his
anxiety to see her and his children, and his
inability to get a furlough. She then turned
to the mantelpiece and with evident pride
took from a nail an old felt hat, through the
crown of which were two bullet-holes. It was
her husband's hat, through which a bullet had
passed in the battle of Chancellorsville, and,
as she remarked, must have come "very nigh
[375]
The Women of the South in War Times
grazing his head." We remarked upon its
being a proof of his bravery, which gratified
her very much ; she then hung it up carefully,
saying that it was just opposite her bed, and
she never let it be out of her sight.
March 10, 1864 — There has been much ex-
citement in Eichmond about Kilpatrick's and
Dahlgren's raids, and the death of the latter.
The cannon roared around the
Raids Around . , .-, •, , ,, .,
Richmond Clty> the alarm-bell rang, the
reserves went out; but Eich-
mond was safe, and we felt no alarm. As
usual, they did all the injury they could to
country-people, by pillaging and burning.
They steal every thing they can; but the
people have become very adroit in hiding.
Bacon, flour, etc., are put in most mysterious
places; plate and handsome china are kept
under ground; horses are driven into dense
woods, and the cattle and sheep are driven
off. It is astonishing, though much is taken,
how much is left. I suppose the raiders are
too much hurried for close inspection.
May 13. — General Stuart died of his
wounds last night, twenty-four hours after
he was shot. He was a member of the Epis-
[376]
Diary of Mrs. McGuire
copal Church, and expressed to the Rev. Dr.
Peterkin his resignation to the will of God.
After much conversation with
Death of his friends and Dr. P., and
General J. E. B. ... . , ,. -,
Stuart joining them in a hymn which
he requested should be sung, he
calmly resigned his redeemed spirit to the
God who gave it. Thus passed away our
great cavalry general, just one year after
the immortal Jackson. This seems darkly
mysterious to us, but God's will be done. The
funeral took place this evening, from Stl
James's Church. My duty to the living pre-
vented my attending it, for which I am verjr
sorry; but I was in the hospital from three
o'clock until eight, soothing the sufferers in.
the only way I could, by fanning them, bath-
ing their wounds, and giving them a word of
comfort.
May 23. — Our young relative, Lieutenant
G., a member of General Stuart's staff, who
was always near his person, has just been
giving us a most gratifying account of Gen-
eral Stuart's habits. He says, that although
he considered him one of the most sprightly-
men he has ever seen, devoted to society,
[377]
The Women of the South in War Times
particularly to that of the ladies, always so-
cial and cheerful, yet he has never seen him
do any thing, even under the strongest ex-
citement, unbecoming his Christian profes-
sion or his high position as a soldier; he
never saw him drink, or heard an oath escape
his lips; his sentiments were always high-
minded, pure, and honorable, and his actions
entirely coincided with them. In short, he
considered him, whether on the field or in the
private circle, the model of a Christian gen-
tleman and soldier.
When speaking of his gallantry as an of-
ficer, Lieutenant G.'s admiration knows no
bounds. He speaks of the devotion of the
soldiers to him as enthusiastic in the extreme.
The evening before his fatal wound, he sent
his troops on in pursuit of Sheridan, under
the command of General Fitz Lee, as he was
unavoidably detained for some three or four
hours. General Lee overtook the enemy, and
a sharp skirmish ensued, in which Sheridan 's
rear suffered very much. In the meantime,
General Stuart determined to overtake Gen-
eral Lee, and, with his staff, rode very rap-
idly sixteen miles, and reached him about
[378]
Diary of Mrs. McGuire
nightfall. They were halting for a few mo-
ments, as General Stuart rode up quietly,
no one suspecting he was there, until a plain-
looking soldier crossed the road, stopped,
peered through the darkness into his face,
and shouted out, "Old Jeb has come!" In
an instant the air was rent with huzzas. Gen-
eral Stuart waved his cap in recognition ; but
called out in rather a sad voice, ' ' My friends,
we won't halloo until we get out of the
woods!" intimating that there was serious,
work before them.
June llth, 1864.— On these highly cul-
tivated plantations not a fence is left, ex-
cept mutilated garden enclosures. The
fields were as free from vege-
Fate of the tation after a few days as the
Negroes on the A , . , , , ,
Virginia Farms Arabian desert ; the very roots
seemed eradicated from the
earth. A fortification stretched across W.,
in which were embedded the fence rails of
that and the adjoining farms. Ten thousand
cavalry were drawn up in line of battle for
two days on the two plantations, expecting
the approach of the Confederates ; bands of
music were constantly playing martial airs in
[379]
The Women of the South in War Times
all parts of the premises ; and whiskey flowed
freely.
The poor servants could not resist these in-
toxicating influences, particularly as aboli-
tion preachers were constantly collecting im-
mense crowds, preaching to them the cruelty
of the servitude which had been so long im-
posed upon them, and that Abraham Lincoln
was the Moses sent by God to deliver them
from the "land of Egypt and the house of
bondage, " and to lead them to the promised
land. After the eight days were accom-
plished, the army moved off, leaving not a
quadruped, except two pigs, which had en-
sconced themselves under the ruins of a serv-
ant 's house, and perhaps a dog to one planta-
tion ; to the other, by some miraculous over-
sight, two cows and a few pigs were left. Not
a wheeled vehicle of any kind was to be
found; all the grain, flour, meat, and other
supplies were swept off, except the few
things hid in those wonderful places which
could not be fathomed even by the "Grand
Army."
Scarcely a representative of the sons and
daughters of Africa remained in that whole
[380]
Diary of Mrs. McGuire
section of country; they had all gone to
Canaan, by way of York River, Chesapeake
Bay, and the Potomac, — not dry-shod, for the
waters were not rolled back at the presence
of these modern Israelites, but in vessels
crowded to suffocation in this excessively
warm weather. They have gone to homeless
poverty, an unfriendly climate, and hard
work ; many of them to die without sympathy,
for the invalid, the decrepit, and the infant of
days have left their houses, beds, and many
comforts, the homes of their birth, the mast-
ers and mistresses who regarded them not so
much as property as humble friends and
members of their families. Poor, deluded
creatures ! I am grieved not so much on ac-
count of the loss of their services, though that
is excessively inconvenient and annoying, but
for their grievous disappointment. Those
who have trades, or who are brought up as
ladies ' maids or house servants, may do well,
but woe to the masses who have gone with
the blissful hope of idleness and free sup-
plies ! "We have lost several who were great
comforts to us and others who were sources
of care, responsibility, and great expense.
[381]
The Women of the South in War Times
These particulars from W. and S. H. I have
from our nephew, J. P., who is now a scout
for General W. H. F. Lee. He called by to
rest a few hours at his uncle's house, and
says he would scarcely have known the bar-
ren wilderness.
The Northern officers seemed disposed to
be courteous to the ladies, in the little inter-
course which they had with them. General
Ferrara, who commanded the
Kindnesses of negro troops, was humane, in
Northern , ~» i <*
Officers having a coffin made for a
young Confederate officer who
died in Dr. B's house, and was kind in other
respects. The surgeons, too, assisted in at-
tending to the Confederate wounded. An of-
ficer one morning sent for Mrs. N. to ask her
where he should place a box of French china
for safety ; he said that some soldiers had dis-
covered it buried in her garden, dug it up
and opened it, but he had come up at this
crisis and had placed a guard over it, and
desired to know where she wished it put. A
place of safety of course was not on the prem-
ises, but she had it taken to her chamber.
She thanked him for his kindness. He seemed
[382]
Diary of Mrs. McGuire
moved, and said, "Mrs. N., I will do what I
can for you, for I cannot be too thankful
that my wife is not in an invaded country. "
She then asked him how he could, with his
feelings, come to the South. He replied that
he was in the regular army and was obliged
to come. Many little acts of kindness were
done at both houses, which were received in
the spirit in which they were extended.
July 27. — General Early has returned
from Maryland, bringing horses, cattle, etc.
While near Washington, the army burned
Mr. Montgomery Blair 's house, which I can-
not persuade myself to regret, and spared the
residence of his father, by order, it is said,
of General Breckinridge. I know that Gen-
eral B. was right, but I think it required
great forbearance, particularly in the sol-
diers, who have felt in their own persons and
families the horrors of this cruel war of in-
vasion. It seems to our human view that un-
less the war is severely felt by those in high
authority, it will never cease. Hunter has
just passed through the upper part of the
Valley of Virginia, his pathway marked by
fire and sword; and Sheridan has followed
[383]
The Women of the South in War Times
Early into Virginia, with no very gentle in-
tent, I fear.
In this connection, Mrs. McGuire copies in
her diary General R. E. Lee's General Order
No. 73, an order recently (1917) reprinted
by the Boston Transcript as perhaps the
finest model of military restraint known to
history. The order given out at Chambers-
burg, Pennsylvania, on June 27th, a few
days before the great clash at Gettysburg,
reads in part :
"The Commanding General has observed
with marked satisfaction the conduct of the
troops on the march, and confidently antic-
ipates results commensurate with the high
spirit they have manifested. No troops could
have better performed the arduous marches
of the past ten days. Their conduct in other
respects has, with few exceptions, been in
keeping with their character as soldiers, and
entitled them to approbation and praise.
"There have, however, been instances of
forgetfulness on the part of some that they
have in keeping the yet unsullied reputation
of the army and that the duties exacted of us
by civilization and Christianity are not less
[384]
Diary of Mrs. McGuire
obligatory in the country of the enemy than
in our own. ... It must be remembered
that we make war only on armed men, and
that we cannot take vengeance for the wrongs
our people have suffered without lowering
ourselves in the eyes of all whose abhorrence
has been excited by the atrocities of the
enemy, and offending against Him to whom
vengeance belongeth, without whose favor
and support our efforts must all prove in
vain.
"The Commanding General therefore
earnestly exhorts the troops te abstain, with
most scrupulous care, from unnecessary or
wanton injury to private property, and he en-
joins upon all officers to arrest and bring to
summary punishment all who shall in any
way offend against the orders on this subject.
(Signed) E. E. LEE, General."*
*P. S. Worsley, the English scholar, wrote on the fly-
leaf of a translation of Homer's Iliad forwarded to Gen-
eral Robert E. Lee after Appomattox:
"To General R. E. Lee, the most stainless of living com-
manders and, except in fortune, the greatest, this volume is
presented, with the writer's earnest sympathy and respect-
ful admiration."
To this he added verses on the fall of another "Troy,"
continuing :
[385]
The Women of the South in War Times
Shortly after this transcript in Mrs.
McGuire's diary there is recorded from the
testimony of friends one of those terrible ex-
periences which it is thought best to omit
from the pages of this book. It told of the
unsuccessful effort to protect a home and a
helpless colored girl from the basest elements
of both white and black soldiery. Another
part of this narrative reads as follows :
Night now set in, and our apprehensions
increased as the light disappeared; we knew
not what was before us, or what we should be
"Ah, realm of tears! But let her bear
This blazon to the last of time:
No nation rose so white and fair,
Or fell so pure of crime.
"The widow's moan, the orphan's wail,
Come round thee; yet in truth be strong!
Eternal right, though all else fail,
Can never be made wrong.
"An angel's heart, an angel's mouth,
Not Homer's, could alone for me
Hymn well the great Confederate South —
Virginia first, and Lee."
The General, replying, wrote in part:
'The undeserved compliment to myself in prose and
verse, on the first leaves of the volume, I receive as your
tribute to the merit of my countrymen who struggled for
constitutional government. With great respect, your obe-
dient servant,
"R. E. LEE."
[386]
Diary of Mrs. McGuire
called on to encounter during the hours of
darkness. We only knew that we were sur-
rounded by lawless banditti,
A Night of from whom we had no reason
Terror in t expect mercy, much less
Lower Virginia .
kindness; but above all, there
was an Eye that never slumbered, and an arm
mighty to defend those who trusted to it, so
we made the house as secure as we could, and
kept ready a parcel of sharp case-knives
(don't laugh at our weapons) for our de-
fence, if needed, and went up-stairs, deter-
mined to keep close vigils at night. Our two
faithful servants, Jacob and Anthony, kept
watch in the kitchen. Among the many faith-
less, those two stood as examples of the com-
fort that good servants can give in time of
distress. About nine o'clock we heard the
sound of horses' feet, and Jacob's voice un-
der the window. Upon demanding to knov/
what was the matter, I was answered by the
voice of a gun-boat captain, in broken
German, that they were going to fire over my
house at the "Rebs" on the hill, and that we
had better leave the house, and seek protec-
tion in the streets. I quietly told our coun-
[387]
The Women of the South in War Times
seller that I preferred remaining in my own
house, and should go to the basement, where
we should be safe. So we hastily snatched up
blankets and comforts, and repaired to the
basement, where pallets were spread, and
G. 's little baby laid down to sleep, sweetly un-
conscious of our fears and troubles. We sent
to apprise the Misses G. of the danger, and
urge them to come to us. They came, accom-
panied by an ensign, who had warded off
danger from them several times during the
day. He was a grave, middle-aged man, and
was very kind. At the request of the ladies,
he came into the room with us and remained
until twelve o'clock. He was then obliged to
return to the gun-boat, but gave us an effi-
cient guard until daybreak. He pronounced
Captain Schultz's communication false, as
they had no idea of firing. We knew at once
that the object had been to rob the house, as
all unoccupied houses were robbed with im-
punity. This gentleman's name was Nelson.
I can never forget his kindness. During the
night our relative, Mrs. B m, came to us
in great agitation ; she had attempted to stay
at home, though entirely alone, to protect her
[388]
Diary of Mrs. McGuire
property. She had been driven from her
house at midnight, and chased across several
lots to the adjoining one, where she had
fallen from exhaustion. Jacob, hearing cries
for help, went to her, and brought her to us.
Our party now consisted of twelve females of
all ages. As soon as the guard left us at day-
break, they came in streams to the hen-yard,
and woe to the luckless chicken who thought
itself safe from robbers! At one o'clock on
Monday the fleet of now eight steamers took
its departure. Two of the steamers were
filled with the deluded negroes who were leav-
ing their homes. We felt that the incubus
which had pressed so heavily upon us for
thirty hours had been removed, and we once
more breathed freely, but the village was left
desolate and destitute.
October 28. — An officer from the far South
was brought in mortally wounded. He had
lost both legs in a fight below Petersburg.
The poor fellow suffered ex-
Devotion cessively; could not be still a
moment; and was evidently
near his end. His brother, who was with him,
exhibited the bitterest grief, watching and
[389]
The Women of the South in War Times
waiting on him with silent tenderness and
flowing tears. Mr. was glad to find
that he was not unprepared to die. He had
been a professor of religion for some years,
and told him that he was suffering too much
to think on that or any other subject, but he
constantly tried to look to God for mercy.
Mr. then recognized him, for the first
tune, as a patient who had been in the hos-
pital last spring, and whose admirable char-
acter had then much impressed him.
He was a gallant and brave officer, yet so
kind and gentle to those under his control
that his men were deeply attached to him,
and the soldier who nursed him showed his
love by his anxious care of his beloved cap-
tain. After saying to him a few words about
Christ and his free salvation, offering up a
fervent prayer in which he seemed to join,
and watching the sad scene for a short time,
Mr. left him for the night. The sur-
geons apprehended that he would die before
morning, and so it turned out; at the chap-
lain's early call there was nothing in his room
but the chilling signal of the empty "hos-
pital bunk.'- He was buried that day, and
[390]
Diary of Mrs. McGuire
we trust will be found among the redeemed
in the day of the Lord. This, it was thought,
would be the last of this good man; but in
the dead of night came hurriedly a single car-
riage to the gate of the hospital. A lone
woman, tall, straight, and dressed in deep
mourning, got quickly out, and moved rap-
idly up the steps into the large hall, where,
meeting the guard, she asked anxiously,
"Where's Captain TJ" Taken by surprise,
the man answered hesitatingly, "Captain T.
is dead, madam, and was buried to-day. "
This terrible announcement was as a thun-
derbolt at the very feet of the poor lady, who
fell to the floor as one dead. Starting up, oh,
how she made that immense building ring
with her bitter lamentations! Worn down
with apprehension and weary with traveling
over a thousand miles by day and night, with-
out stopping for a moment's rest, and wild
with grief, she could hear no voice of symp-
athy— she regarded not the presence of one
or many; she told the story of her married
life, as if she were alone — how her husband
was the best man that ever lived ; how every-
body loved him ; how kind he was to all ; how
[391]
The Women of the South in War Times
devoted to herself; how he loved his chil-
dren, took care of, and did everything for
them; how, from her earliest years almost,
she had loved him as herself ; how tender he
was of her, watching over her in sickness,
never seeming to weary of it, never to be un-
willing to make any sacrifice for her comfort
and happiness ; how that, when the telegraph
brought the dreadful news that he was dan-
gerously wounded, she never waited an in-
stant nor stopped a moment by the way, day
nor night, and now — "I drove as fast as the
horses could come from the depot to this
place, and he is dead and buried! — I never
shall see his face again !" "What shall I
do 1"—" But where is he buried f ' ' They told
her where. "I must go there; he must be
taken up ; I must see him ! ' '
"But madam, you can't see him; he has
been buried some hours. ' '
"But I must see him; I can't live without
seeing him; I must hire some one to go and
take him up; can't you get some one to take
him up? I'll pay him well; just get some
men to take him up. I must take him home ;
he must go home with me. The last thing I
[392]
Diary of Mrs. McGuire
•said to his children was, that they must be
good children, and I would bring their father
home, and they are waiting for him now ! He
must go ; I can't go without him; I can't meet
his children without him ! ' ' And so, with her
woman's heart, she could not be turned aside
j — nothing could alter her purpose.
The next day she had his body taken up
and embalmed. She watched by it until every
thing was ready, and then carried him back
to his own house and his children, only to
seek a grave for the dead father close by
those he loved, among kindred and friends in
the fair sunny land he died to defend.
December 26th. — The sad Christmas has
passed away. J. and C. were with us, and
very cheerful. We exerted ourselves to be
so too. The Church services in
Turkeyless ,-, . T
Christmas, 1864 the morning were sweet and
comforting. St. Paul's was
dressed most elaborately and beautifully with
evergreens ; all looked as usual ; but there is
much sadness on account of the failure of the
South to keep Sherman back. When we got
home our family circle was small, but pleas-
ant. The Christmas turkey and ham were not.
[393]
The Women of the South in War Times
We had aspired to a turkey, but finding the
prices range from $50 to $100 in the market
on Saturday, we contented ourselves with
roast beef and the various little dishes which
Confederate times have made us believe are
tolerable substitutes for the viands of better
days. At night I treated our little party to
tea and ginger cakes — two very rare indulg-
ences ; and but for the sorghum, grown in our
own fields, the cakes would be an impossible
indulgence.
Nothing but the well-ascertained fact that
Christmas comes but once a year would make
such extravagance at all excusable. We pro-
pose to have a family gathering when the
girls come home, on the day before or after
New Year's day, (as that day will come on
Sunday,) to enjoy together, and with one or
two refugee friends, the contents of a box
sent the girls by a young officer who captured
it from the enemy, consisting of white sugar,
raisins, preserves, pickles, spices, etc. They
threaten to give us a plum-cake, and I hope
they will carry it out, particularly if we have
any of our army friends with us. Poor fel-
lows, how they enjoy our plain dinners when
[394]
Diary of Mrs. McGuire
they come, and how we love to see them en-
joy them! Two meals a day has become the
universal system among refugees, and many
citizens, from necessity. The want of our
accustomed tea or coffee is very much felt
by the elders. The rule with us is only to
have tea when sickness makes it necessary,
and the headaches gotten up about dark have
become the joke of the family. A country
lady, from one of the few spots in all Vir-
ginia where the enemy has never been, and
consequently where they retain their com-
forts, asked me gravely why we did not sub-
stitute milk for tea. She could scarcely be-
lieve me when I told her that we had not had
milk more than twice in eighteen months, and
then it was sent by a country friend. It is
now $4 a quart.
January 2d, 1865. — The refugees in some
of the villages are much worse off than we
are. We hear amusing stories
"Hot Water of a friend in an inland place,
Coffee" and the i 11 • .111
"Hiring" of where nothing can possibly be
Skillets bought, hiring a skillet from a
servant for one dollar per
month, and other cooking utensils, which
[395]
The Women of the South in War Times
are absolutely necessary, at the same rate;
another in the same village, whose health
seems to require that she should drink some-
thing hot at night, has been obliged to resort
to hot water, as she had neither tea, coffee,
sugar, nor milk. These ladies belong to
wealthy Virginia families. Many persons
have no meat on their tables for months at
a time; and they are the real patriots, who
submit patiently, and without murmuring, to
any privation, provided the country is doing
well. The flesh-pots of Egypt have no charms
for them; they look forward hopefully to
the time when their country shall be dis-
enthralled, never caring for the trials of the
past or the present, provided they can hope
for the future.
January 8th. — A soldier in our hospital
called to me as I passed his bed the other day :
"I say, Mrs. McGuire, when do you think
my wound will be well enough for me to go to
the country 1"
"Before very long, I hope."
"But what does the doctor say, for I am
mighty anxious to go?"
I looked at his disabled limb, and talked
T3961
Diary of Mrs. McGuire
to him hopefully of his being able to enjoy
country air in a short time.
"Well, try to get me up, for, you see, it
ain't the country air I am after, but I wants
to get married, and the lady don't know that
I am wounded, and maybe
Suggestions to shell think I don't want to
a Lovesick and come. ' '
wSd <<AV' sai<i !> "but you
Soldier must show her your scars, and
if she is a girl worth having
she will love you all the better for having bled
for your country ; and you must tell her that
" 'It is always the heart that is bravest in
war,
That is fondest and truest in love. ' ' '
He looked perfectly delighted with the
idea ; and as I passed him again he called out,,
"Lady, please stop a minute and tell me the
verse over again, for, you see, when I do get
there, if she is affronted, I wants to give her
the prettiest excuse I can, and I think that
verse is beautiful."
[397]
The Women of the South in War Times
COUKAGE AND CHEER IN THE MIDST OF PRIVATIONS
AND SUFFERING
" Starvation, literal starvation, was doing
its deadly work. So depleted and poisoned
was the blood of many of Lee's men from
insufficient and unsound food that a slight
wound which would probably not have been
reported at the beginning of the war would
often cause blood-poison, gangrene, and
death. Yet the spirits of these brave men
seemed to rise as their condition grew more
desperate. . . . It was a harrowing but
not uncommon sight to see those hungry men
gather the wasted corn from under the feet
of half -fed horses, and wash and parch and
eat it to satisfy in some measure their crav-
ing for food." — General John B. Gordon,
"Beminiscences of the Civil War."
"Winter poured down its snows and its
sleet upon Lee's shelterless men in the
trenches. Some of them burrowed into the
earth. Most of them shivered over the feeble
fires kept burning along the lines. Scanty
and thin were the garments of these heroes.
Most of them were clad in mere rags. Gaunt
famine oppressed them every hour. One
[398]
Courage Under Privations
quarter of a pound of rancid bacon and a lit-
tle meal was the daily portion assigned to
each man by the rules of the War Depart-
ment. But even this allowance failed when
the railroads broke down and left the bacon
and the flour and the meal piled up beside the
track in Georgia and the Carolinas. One-
sixth of this daily ration was the allotment
for a considerable time, and very often the
supply of bacon failed entirely. At the close
of the year, Grant had one hundred and ten
thousand men. Lee had sixty-six thousand on
his rolls, but this included men on detached
duty, leaving him barely forty thousand sol-
diers to defend the trenches that were then
stretched out forty miles in length from the
Chickahominy to Hatcher's Run." — Henry
Alexander White, "Life of Eobert E. Lee."
When their own soldiers were suffering
such hardships as these in the field, the Con-
federate leaders made every effort to ex-
change men so that the helpless prisoners of
war would not suffer in anything like equal
measure, offering even to send back prison-
ers without requiring an equivalent. Hence,
the charges brought against the Confederate
[399]
The Women of the South in War Times
government of intentional ill-treatment of
prisoners of war are not supported by the
facts.*
From brief but carefully prepared articles
in the April and May issues of the Confed-
erate Veteran, 1918, the following may here
l)e quoted:
It is recognized by all who have carefully
investigated the prison question that the civil
and military committees and commissions ap-
pointed under strongly partisan auspices to
look into the prison question rendered re-
ports that are now known to be false. Shortly
afterwards, Southern officials, hampered as
they were at that time, made replies to these
accusations and published some of them.
These replies of the Southern officials con-
tend:
1. That, although it is not denied that
there was terrible suffering and great mor-
tality in Confederate prisons, this was due to
circumstances beyond their control.
2. That if the death rate be adduced as
*( circumstantial evidence of barbarity/' the
*See index for references to the subject in connection
with the narrative of Mrs. Duckett, etc.
[400]
Treatment of Prisoners
rate was as high or even higher in the major-
ity of prisons in the North, where there was
an abundance of food and where shelter
could easily be provided.*
3. That in the South the same quantity
and quality of rations were given to prisoners
and guards; but that variety in food could
not be had or transported on the broken-down
railway system of a non-manufacturing
country, which system could not or did not
provide sufficient clothes and food even for
the Confederate soldiers in the field, f
*Official figures given out by Secretary Stanton show-
that 26,436 Confederates died in Northern prisons, and
22,576 Union prisoners died in the South. Later figures,
roughly estimated by the United States Pension Office,
increased the Federal mortality at the South to 30,218.
Incidentally the record of deaths in Northern prisons was
increased by several thousands. On the other hand, it is
good to record that Confederate ex-prisoners themselves,
out of their poverty, erected a memorial to Col. Richard
Owen, commandant at Camp Morton, Indiana, in the first
year of the war. As long as he was in charge, this noble
man did all he could to mitigate the hardships of prison
life, and scores of Confederate prisoners confined there
have borne pathetic testimony to the allowance of both
overcoats and blankets (two) — an allowance that was cut
in half, at least, when they were transferred to other
prisons.
f The point as to variety in food is very important, for
the lack of a wholesome variety caused certain diseases
among the prisoners not suffered by the guards and Con-
federate soldiers fed on the same rations. The former, for
example, could not in many cases eat the unbolted meal to
[401]
The Women of the South in War Times
4. That the Confederacy had arranged for
the exchange of prisoners by a special cartel,
which cartel was deliberately disregarded by
the Federal authorities.*
5. That they offered to permit Federal
surgeons to bring medical supplies to the
prisoners, which offer was not accepted.
which the Southerner was accustomed. This was partic-
ularly true of the great number of German and other
prisoners of foreign birth, of whom there were many thou-
sands in the Southern prisons. The first group of prison-
ers sent to Andersonville were several hundred foreigners.
A large number of these foreigners and many native Amer-
icans from the Northern States could not at first eat this
unbolted meal without experiencing more or less serious
digestive trouble which left them in a dangerously weak-
ened condition. In 1918, under the caption "How Corn
May Help Win the War," the United States Food Admin-
istration sent out an advertisement which reads: "When
we use more corn, the Allies, our associates in the war,
can use more wheat. They cannot use corn meal instead
of wheat in their daily diet, as we do, because neither their
cooks nor their appetites are adapted to it." See also in-
cident on p. 62.
*The older partisan accounts, and present comparisons
based upon these accounts, attempt to explain this by the
statement that the Confederates refused exchange to
negroes; but this point was brought up long after the
cartel was systematically disregarded. There is an abund-
ance of proof of this. The following extract from a letter
from Gen. U. S. Grant to Gen. B. F. Butler, August 18,
1864, over a year after the terms of the cartel were vio-
lated, is indicative of the attitude of the highest Federal
officers toward exchange: "It is hard," wrote Grant, "on
our men in Southern prisons not to exchange them, but it
is humanity to those left in the ranks to fight our battles."
[402]
Treatment of Prisoners
6. That, as the needs of the prisoners in-
creased, they offered to buy (finally with cot-
ton or with gold) supplies for the prisoners,
which offer was ignored.
7. That medicines had been treated by the
Federal government as contraband of war, so
that the people of the South were often de-
prived of necessary remedies, not only for
their sick and wounded, but the prisoners as
well.
8. That prior to the period of the greatest
mortality at Andersonville the Confederate
authorities offered to release thousands of
prisoners without requiring any equivalent in
exchange if the Federal government would
provide transportation for them. This offer
was not accepted by the Federal government
until too late to save the lives of thousands of
those who died.
9. That the control of the prisons in the
North was turned over by Secretary Stanton
and the vindictive and partisan men (who
were later responsible also for the crimes of
Reconstruction) to the lowest element of an
alien population and to negro guards of a
criminal type, and that such men as President
[403]
The Women of the South in War Times
Lincoln, Seward, McClellan, and the best
people of the North were intentionally kept
in ignorance of conditions in Northern
prisons while officially furnished with stories
as to "the deliberate cruelties " practiced in
the South.*
*This Confederate defense against the charge of whole-
sale and deliberate cruelty to prisoners is amply sustained
by the historical evidence at hand. The impartial his-
torian, looking for all the salient facts, does find, how-
ever, as a kind of flaw in the Confederate reply,
admissions on the part of reputable authorities that
there was evidence of executive failure in the commis-
sary department. It may be said that the same fail-
ure, in a more exaggerated form, was evident in the sup-
ply department of the Army of Northern Virginia. The
immediate cause of the surrender of General Lee was the
failure of support on the part of his food trains. Although
it is known that Abraham Lincoln was told of the alleged
cruelties in Southern prisons and that he was urged to
denounce them publicly, it is a fact that President Lin-
coln never did so. There is, on the contrary, evidence to
show that he did not believe them. Being a keen judge
of men, he well knew the character of both the accused
and the accusers, the latter including both those who guilt-
ily and willfully misrepresented the matter and these who
honestly believed the misrepresentations.
In the Confederate Veteran of March, 1918, Mr. B. W.
Green, of Little Rock, Arkansas, wrote, in part:
"The clothing of our soldiers was of cotton fabric and
one thin blanket to the man. Shoes were sometimes issued,
but usually we got them from home or from dead Yankees.
The rations of the Southern soldier were a quarter of a
pound of poor beef and a little corn meal. On the march
he carried all he had on his back, including his kitchen
utensils, which consisted usually of a frying pan. One
[404]
Diary of Mrs. McGuire
THE BEGINNING OF THE END*
April 3. — Yesterday morning (it seems
a week ago) we went, as usual, to St.
James's Church, hoping for a day of peace
and quietness, as well as of religious improve-
ment and enjoyment. How short-sighted we
are, and how little do we know of what is com-
ing, either of judgment or mercy! The
sermon being over, as it was the first Sunday
in the month, the sacrament of the Lord's
Supper was administered.
The day was bright, beautiful, and peace-
ful, and a general quietness and repose
seemed to rest upon the congregation, undis-
turbed by rumors and apprehensions. While
the sacred elements were being administered,
the sexton came in with a note to General
wagon was allowed to a regiment. Of course that went to
the colonel's headquarters. The men had no wagon.
"If you will pardon personal reference, I did not have
an overcoat during the war. More than half of the time
I had no coat at all. In 1864-'65 I was not in a house or
tent of any kind for twelve months, and my protection from
snow and ice and rain was a little cotton blanket. If
there was complaint, it was very limited. We knew that
the government could do no better; therefore we accepted
service willingly and joyfully. Do the men of our armies
to-day appreciate the effort made by the government to
make them comfortable? I hope they do."
'Continuation of Mrs. McGuire'a diary.
[405]
The Women of the South in War Times
Cooper, which was handed him as he walked
from the chancel, and he immediately left the
church. It made me anxious ; but such things
are not uncommon, and caused no excitement
in the congregation. The services being
over, we left the church, and as the congrega-
tions from the various churches were being
mingled on Grace Street, our children, who
had been at St. Paul's, joined us, on their
way to the usual family gathering in our
room on Sunday.
After the salutation of the morning, J. re-
marked, in an agitated voice to his father,
that he had just returned from the War De-
partment, and that there was sad news —
General Lee's lines had been broken, and the
city would probably be evacuated within
twenty-four hours. Not until then did I ob-
serve that every countenance was wild with
excitement. The inquiry, "What is the mat-
ter?" ran from lip to lip. Nobody seemed to
hear or to answer. An old friend ran across
the street, pale with excitement, repeating
what J. had just told us, that unless we heard
better news from General Lee the city would
be evacuated. We could do nothing; no one
suggested any thing to be done.
[406]
Diary of Mrs. McGuire
After the evacuation of Richmond by the
Confederates and its occupation by Federal
troops, Mrs. McGuire 's narrative continues:
It soon became evident that protection
would be necessary for the residences, and
at the request of Colonel P., I went to the
Provost Marshal's office to ask
Richmond for it Mrg p wag unf()r_
Surrendered .
tunately in the country, and
only ladies were allowed to apply for guards.
Of course this was a very unpleasant duty,
but I must undertake it. Mrs. D. agreed to
accompany me, and we proceeded to the City
Hall — the City Hall, which from my child-
hood I had regarded with respect and rever-
ence, as the place where my father had for
years held his courts, and in which our
lawyers, whose names stand among the high-
est in the Temple of Fame, for fifty years ex-
pounded the Constitution and the laws.
After passing through crowds of negro sol-
diers there, we found on the steps some of
the elderly gentlemen of the
city seekinS admittance, which
Surrender was denied them. I stopped to
speak to Mr. , in whose
commission house I was two days ago
F4071
The Women of the South in War Times
and saw him surrounded by all the stores
which usually make up the establishment of
such a merchant ; it was now a mass of black-
ened ruins. He had come to ask protection
for his residence, but was not allowed to en-
ter. We passed the sentinel. Mrs. D. leant
on me tremblingly; she shrank from the
humiliating duty. For my own part, though
my heart beat loudly and my blood boiled, I
never felt more high-spirited or lofty than at
that moment. A large table was surrounded
by officials, writing or talking to the ladies,
who came on the same mission that brought
us. I approached the officer who sat at the
head of the table, and asked him politely if
he was the Provost Marshal.
"I am the Commandant, madam," was the
respectful reply.
"Then to whom am I to apply for protec-
tion for our residence ? ' '
"You need none, madam; our troops are
perfectly disciplined, and dare not enter your
premises."
' ' I am sorry to be obliged to undeceive you,
sir, but when I left home seven of your sol-
diers were in the yard of the residence op*
[408]
Diary of Mrs. McGuire
posite to us, and one has already been into
our kitchen. ' '
He looked surprised, and said, "Then,
madam, you are entitled to a guard. Captain,
write a protection for the residence on the
corner of First and Franklin Streets, and
give these ladies a guard. "
This was quickly done, and as I turned to
go out, I saw standing near me our old friend,
Mrs. . Oh ! how my heart sank when I
looked into her calm, sad face, and remem-
bered that she and her venerable and highly
esteemed husband must ask leave to reman*
in peace in their home of many years. The
next person who attracted my attention was;
that sweet young girl, S. W. Having no>
mother, she of course must go and ask that
her father's beautiful mansion may be
allowed to stand uninjured. Tears rolled
down her cheeks as she pressed my hand irt
passing.
Other friends were there ; we did not speak,
we could not; we sadly looked at each other
and passed on. Mrs. D. and myself came out>
accompanied by our guard. The fire was
progressing rapidly, and the crashing sound
[409]
The Women of the South in War Times
of falling timbers was distinctly heard. Dr.
Read's church was blazing. Yankees, citizens,
and negroes were attempting to arrest the
flames. The War Department was falling in ;
burning papers were being wafted about the.
streets. The Commissary Department, with
our desks and papers, was consumed already.
Warwick & Barksdale's mill was sending its
flames to the sky. Gary and Main Streets
seemed doomed throughout ; Bank Street was
beginning to burn, and now it had reached
Franklin. At any other moment it would have
distracted me, but I had ceased to feel any-
thing.
We brought our guard to Colonel P., who
posted him; about three o'clock he came to
tell me that the guard was drunk, and threat-
ening to shoot the servants in the yard. Again
I went to the City Hall to procure another.
I approached the Commandant and told him
why I came. He immediately ordered another
guard, and a corporal to be sent for the arrest
of the drunken man. The flames had de-
creased, but the business part of the city
was in ruins. The second guard was soon,
posted, and the first carried off by the collar.
[4101
Diary of Mrs. McGuire
Almost every house is guarded; and the
streets are now (ten o'clock) perfectly quiet.
The moon is shining brightly on our captivity.
God guide and watch over us ! '
April 16, 1865. — General Lee has returned.
He came unattended, save by his staff — came
without notice, and without parade; but he
could not come unobserved ; as
Appomattox: soon as his approach was whis-
"The Old Order pere(^ a crowd gathered in his
Yielding Place Pa^h, not boisterously, but re-
to New" spectfully, and increasing rap-
idly as he advanced to his
home in Franklin Street, between 8th and 9th,
where, with a courtly bow to the multitude,
he at once retired to the bosom of his be-
loved family.
When I called in to see his high-minded and
patriotic wife, a day or two after the evacua-
tion, she was busily engaged in her invalid's
chair, and very cheerful and hopeful. "The
end is not yet, ' ' she said, as if to cheer those
around her; " Richmond is not the Confed-
eracy. " To this we all most willingly as-
sented, and felt very much gratified and
buoyed by her brightness. I have not the
[411]
The Women of the South in War Times
lieart to visit her since the surrender, but
hear that she still is sanguine, saying that,
"General Lee is not the Confederacy, " and
that there is "life in the old land yet." He
is not the Confederacy; but our hearts sink
^within us when we remember that he and his
noble army are now idle, and that we can no
longer look upon them as the bulwark of our
land. He has returned from defeat and dis-
aster with the universal and profound ad-
miration of the world, having done all that
skill and valor could accomplish.
The scene at the surrender was noble and
touching. General Grant's bearing was pro-
foundly respectful; General Lee's as courtly
and lofty as the purest chivalry could re-
quire. The terms, so honorable to all parties,
being complied with to the letter, our arms
laid down with breaking hearts, and tears
such as stoutest warriors may shed.
[412]
XXXII
BEPRESENTATIVE WOMEN OF THE
LONE STAR STATE
/~)VER and above the diaries and reminis-
cences of Southern women of "the six-
ties, ' ' there may be found on every hand brief
accounts, prepared by their children or by
their neighbors and friends, of incidents con-
cerning their work. Many of the bravest of
the women of war times have not given their
reminiscences for publication in any form.
It will be recalled that Tillie Russell refused
to allow her name to be used in connection
with Oregon Wilson's illustration of her
heroism in saving the life of Randolph
Ridgely on the field of battle. For that rea-
son, the painting has gone forth to the world
as a picture symbolical of a cause, for it is
known merely as "A Woman's Devotion,"
without association of name, time, or place.
It was particularly difficult for the com-
piler of these pages in "far off New York and
Maryland, " to get accounts of war work in
Texas, a State which then counted itself as
[413]
The Women of the South in War Times
much a part of the Confederacy as it counts
itself a part of the Nation of to-day. On one
occasion, while in search of historical mate-
rial, the writer attended a Confederate re-
union in the city of Washington shortly be-
fore the United States entered the "World
War of the Twentieth Century. Some days
thereafter, as he was hurrying through Union
Station, he almost literally "ran across7' a
little lady then in her 78th year, who was
engaged actively, energetically, and with
characteristic courage and independence, in
traveling alone from New York, where she
had been visiting, to her home in Texas. As
this wonderful little lady was none other than
Mrs. Cornelia Branch Stone, recognized by
all who know her as one of the most lovable
characters in the entire South, the writer
esteemed it a privilege to be, in passing, of
some little assistance. This accidental meet-
ing gave him the opportunity to ask Mrs.
Stone for her experiences during the warr
which were, however, at once discounted by
her as "nothing worthy of comment, " and
"no more than what was done by every other
woman" in the Old South. A little investiga-
[414]
In the Lone Star State
tion on the part of the editor, however, failed
to convince him that this was strictly in ac-
cordance with the records; and, two years
later, he was able to obtain a brief account of
Mrs. Stone's experiences.
It should be recalled in this connection that
the once independent Republic of Texas had
been a member of the Union of the United
States but a little over a decade when the War
of Secession broke out. Texas then cast her
fortunes with the South; for it was due to
the South that she had been settled and de-
veloped, and to Southern leaders she owed
her place in the Union against the very de-
termined opposition of many in the North
who threatened the secession of their section
if she should be so admitted.*
*In 1843, the legislature of Massachusetts resolved:
"That, under no circumstances whatever, can the people
of Massachusetts regard the proposition to admit Texas
into the Union in any other light than as dangerous to its
continuance in peace, in prosperity, and in the enjoyment
of those blessings which it is the object of a free govern-
ment to secure."
In the year 1844, the legislature
"Resolved, * * * That the project of the annexa-
tion of Texas, unless arrested on the threshold, may tend
to drive these States into a dissolution of the Union."
On Washington's Birthday, in 1845, the Governor of
[415]
The Women of the South in War Times
The women of Texas, then on the frontiers
of Anglo-Celtic civilization in America, pre-
pared for war just as their sisters in the East.
Houston, the first capital of the
The Work of Republic, was a centre of activ-
Mrs. Lucrctia . * ' , „
Hadley "7 *or ^ne WOI>k or the women
of the "Lone Star State. " In
the spring of 1861, therefore, a society was
formed for the benefit of those who had gone
to the front for cause and country. The
chosen leader of these women was Piety
Lucretia Hadley, who had followed her hus-
band, Judge T. B. J. Hadley, into Texas
shortly after it had declared its independence
from Mexico. From that time until the break-
ing out of the war, Mrs. Hadley had led the
women volunteers in every struggle with the
then prevalent epidemics of yellow fever.
As, from "Uncle Bemus" down, the
negroes have been noted for their ability to
Massachusetts approved a further series of resolutions,,
from which the following extract is taken:
"Resolved, * * * And, as the powers of legislation,
granted in the Constitution of the United States to Con-
gress, do not embrace a case of the admission of a foreign
state or foreign territory, by legislation, into the Union,
such an act of admission would have no binding force
whatever on the people of Massachusetts."
[416]
In the Lone Star State
compass a maximum of fact and philosophy
in their quaint sayings, an idea of Mrs. Had-
ley's ability may best he had from one of her
faithful slaves, who said, on hearing that her
mistress had been chosen to take charge of
the war work of Houston, that indeed she was
not surprised, for " dey jus' had to have de
workings of her min'." The following quota-
tion adapted from a recent (1919) tribute to
her memory serves to illustrate the war work
of the women of Texas.
When the society for war work was organ-
ized in 1861, a great sale or bazaar was con-
ducted under Mrs. Hadley's direction by
which money was raised to buy material for
soldiers' clothing, which the Confederate
Government could not supply. Boxes of
clothing were, therefore, sent to the armies in
Virginia and Tennessee, until the material
gave out, and when transportation, in the sec-
ond year of the war, became too difficult or
impossible.
Although this kind of war work was there-
after very largely prevented, Mrs. Hadley
and the women under her charge could not
permit themselves to be idle. As their repre-
[417]
The Women of the South in War Times
sentative, Mrs. Hadley presented the case,
therefore, to Major General Magruder, then
in command of the trans-Mississippi depart-
ment, and she and the women were assigned
to the making of cartridges and such other
munitions of war as they could produce. Con-
sequently, they made munitions until the
material for that was also exhausted. Knit-
ting was then undertaken by the women and
when the eyes of their faithful leader became
dim from overwork, she gave herself over to
the spinning of cotton and wool for others to
knit.
In connection with the narrative of this
knitting and sewing and the making of muni-
tions by Mrs. Hadley and her associates in
the Houston society of Confederate women,
the following incident may be given in that
it illustrates, on the part of those Northern-
ers who knew of conditions in the South, their
recognition that the cause of the South
was built upon principles which they no less
than their Southern brothers held to be
sacred.
It so happened that Mrs. Hadley had, a
year or two before the war, bought a sewing
[418]
In the Lone Star State
machine from two New Englanders who were
acting as representatives in Texas for their
company. Knowing these young men through
the purchase of the machine, Mrs. Hadley
told them that in view of the fact that the
war was likely to be a long and serious one,
they had better return to their homes while
they could do so in safety. Immediately, one
of the young men replied that he and his as-
sociate had decided to make their homes in
the South and that they would fight for it.
They therefore went forth with the first com-
pany of Confederates sent out from Houston
and were afterwards assigned to Hood's
Brigade. From that time on, no boxes of
clothing were sent to that company without
packages for these New England men, whose
names were carefully written on them. Mrs.
Hadley saw to it that they were well cared
for until both had made the supreme sacrifice
for the cause of their adopted country.
The knitting went on as long as the raw
material could be had. Blankets were turned
into shirts, while carpets were turned into
blankets, and these devoted women left no
stone unturned to be of help, aid, and com-
[419]
The Women of the South in War Times
fort to the defenders on Texas soil, or to act
where possible on behalf of Texans fighting
in distant States. Many were the testimo-
nials afterwards presented to these women
by soldiers who had, during the war, received
clothing made from the sacrifice of the blank-
ets in the homes of these women.
It is said of Mrs. Hadley that, "she passed
through the bitter years of Reconstruction
with the same indomitable courage she had
shown during the four years of war. She
lived to see her beloved South reinstated in
equal position with the North, prosperous in
all lines, and so went to her rest at the age of
ninety-two. If ever a life was full of
good works hers was, so we leave her,
confidently, in the hands of Him she served so
well."
* * #
The experiences of Lucretia Hadley were,
in many ways, not unlike those of Cornelia
Branch Stone, whose father was also one of
the first Judges of Texas.
Unlike Mrs. Hadley, however, Mrs. Stone
was a native Texan. She was born in Nacog-
doches in 1840, the year that Mrs. Hadley
[420]
• In the Lone Star State
moved to Houston. Her father was a Vir-
ginian and in 1840 was Judge of one of the
five Districts of the Republic
Recollections of of Texas, each District be-
Mrs. Cornelia . , « .,
Branch Stone mg as larSe as man^ of the
States of the Union. In the
words of Mrs. Stone :
"My father and mother made that ancient
town (as old as Philadelphia) their head-
quarters, boarding in the home of General
Thomas J. Rusk, then Secretary of War of
the Republic of Texas.
"Under the Constitution of that Republic
my father was also one of the Justices of the
Supreme Court — as the five District Judges
comprised the Court. He had been a soldier
at San Jacinto, which decisive battle re-
sulted in the capture and destruction of the
army of Santa Anna, the then President of
Mexico.
' * On the organization of the Government of
the Republic of Texas, he was elected to the
first and second sessions of Congress, in
which he served with distinction. He also
was a member of the first legislature of the
State of Texas ; but, while a member of that
[421]
The Women of the South in War Times
body, he suffered the almost total loss of his
sight, which was later partially restored,
although that misfortune had sacrificed his
political and professional career.
"In 1856, I was married at the immature
age of sixteen, and my war experiences con-
sisted of the organizing of the older children
in the village school, and this group I dig-
nified by the name of the Histrionic Society,
of which I was the director and manager. Un-
der the auspices of this organization, enter-
tainments were given, the proceeds of which
were used to purchase home-spun clothing
from soldiers ' wives who had no other rev-
enue— this material having been made into
clothing for our brave soldiers battling for
homes and firesides.
"At times we had companies of soldiers in
camp near the village awaiting orders, and
when sickness came to them we had the vil-
lage hotel fitted up as an improvised hos-
pital where we nursed, fed, and cared for
them. Old linen sheets and linen underwear
were torn up for bandages and lint, floors
were stripped of carpets and rugs, and
comforts were made of cotton. These were
[422]
In the Lone Star State
packed and sent whenever possible to the
nearest post.
"My father died very soon after the first
battle of Manassas, and although my husband
was an invalid, he repeatedly, though unsuc-
cessfully, applied for enlistment in the Con-
federate army. My only brother was but 13
when the war closed, and I felt that on me
rested the responsibility for doing, on behalf
of the family, what could be done for the Con-
federate cause. It was not easy for the
women of Texas to do much, as we had but
little fighting on Texas soil save the battle of
Galveston and the wonderful defense of
Sabine Pass by a company of forty Irishmen
who captured several hundred Union soldiers
together with two transports and a gunboat,
and thereby stopped an invasion of Texas.
This engagement was a miracle of audacity
and skill. In one sense, " camouflage " was
used, for the guns which manned the fort held
by the Immortal Forty, with one exception,
were of wood!"
Mrs. Stone, at Liberty, knew well of the
work of Mrs. Hadley at Houston, some thirty
miles distant. Both women were closely re-
[423]
The Women of the South in War Times
lated to the leaders of Texas political and
business life prior to the war and thereafter.
Not only was Mrs. Stone's father prominent
in the early days of the Eepublic of Texas,
but it is interesting to note that her mother
was the adopted daughter of Colonel and Mrs.
William H. Wharton. Colonel Wharton was
the duly accredited minister to the United
States, and she was in Washington with the
Whartons when Colonel Wharton was the
ambassador from the independent Republic
of Texas.
It may be said that it is partly because of
the work of these splendid women that Texas
was able successfully to resist attack and in-
vasion by Federal forces, and it may also be
said that the State of Texas presented the
spectacle of certain engagements unique in
the annals of the war. It was there that vol-
unteers in hastily trained infantry and cav-
alry were converted into true "marines" for
the capture of Federal shipping and supplies
and even vessels of war.
In the second year of the war, troops under
the command of General H. H. Sibley cap-
[424]
In the Lone Star State
tured the steamer Star of the West, which,
as is now almost forgotten, was the cause,
on January 9th, of drawing the
The Foot and fi^ shots fired under a seces-
Horse Marines • n i i j
of Texas Slon ^a£> wnen sne was turned
back in her effort to sup-
ply and provision Fort Sumter.
On another occasion, General John B.
Magruder recaptured Galveston from the
Federals with two ancient cotton steamers
fitted up as " gunboats " with decks protected
by cotton bales. These crude craft were
manned with 300 volunteer Texans armed
largely with shotguns, but they served to dis-
perse the squadron of Federal vessels in Gal-
veston harbor, capturing and destroying the
greater part of them, so that the city was re-
captured by the Confederates to be held by
them to the end of the war.
Still another one of these strange semi-
naval combats took place at Sabine Pass. In
September, 1863, General Banks dispatched
5,000 troops on transports con-
v°yed by gunboats to force a
landing at this Pass, with the
object of taking Beaumont and Houston,
[425]
The Women of the South in War Times
whence it was expected that the interior of
Texas could be reached by the use of the
railroads. At the Pass, a little garrison of
some forty-seven Texans under Lieutenant
Bowling, captured, without the loss of a man,
two of the gunboats, together with 350 prison-
ers, and drove off the entire attacking force.
Finally, it may be said that the last en-
gagement of the War of Secession took place
on the soil of Texas. This last battle was
fought at Palmito Ranch near
The Last Fight ... ^f
Brownsville, May 13, 1865,
wherein a force of 800 Federals was put to
flight by a smaller number of Texans under
command of Colonel Ford. A victorious pur-
suit was halted when it was learned from the
prisoners that the Confederate Government
had fallen and that the war was over.
In the narrative of Mrs. Hadley, reference
has been made to the possession and use of
a sewing machine. Comparatively few of the
Southern women had this great
a^ ^° ^e making of clothes.
Mrs. John D. Weedon of
Huntsville, Alabama, writes of the experi-
ence of her mother, Mrs. Robert M. Patton
of Florence:
[426]
In the Lone Star State
"We kept a number of garments to make
at home. I was just through college, and I
made, together with my mother and a serv-
ing woman she had employed, uniforms, un-
derwear, and several overcoats, so heavy that
we had to work on them while lying on a
table. Every stitch was done with our fingers.
We had no machines until 1869, when my
father bought me one. ' '
(427
XXXIII
MRS. ALGERNON SYDNEY SULLIVAN
AND HER WAR EXPERIENCES
IN NEW YORK CITY
nPHE preceding story of the experiences of
Elizabeth Waring Duckett concerned the
work of a Southern woman within the Fed-
eral lines, but within reach of Southern
sympathizers. The work of Mrs. Algernon
Sydney Sullivan was, with a brief exception,
in the North in the midst of war-time foes.
Mrs. Sullivan was Miss Mary Mildred Ham-
mond, of Virginia. In 1856 she met and mar-
ried Mr. Sullivan in Cincinnati, and two years
later both went to live in New York City.
When, shortly after the outbreak of the
war, the Captain and crew of the captured
Confederate schooner Savannah were put
in irons and threatened with
Trial rae execution as "pirates," Mr.
Sullivan was retained by the
Confederate Government as counsel for the
prisoners. Mr. Sullivan, however, was ar-
rested under charge of disloyalty and con-
[428]
In the North
fined at Fort Lafayette, and Mrs. Sullivan
was alone with her young son in a hostile
land.
Within a few days, thereafter, Mrs. Sulli-
van received a visit from General Stewart L.
Woodf ord, who was evidently sent by the gov-
ernment to ascertain her feelings and gen-
eral attitude. Mrs. Sullivan received him with
calm dignity and when he said he wished her
to know that no harm was to come to her
husband she promptly retorted: "Well, if
you can prove him to be a traitor, why don't
you kill him? ' ' It is safe to say that the Gen-
eral beat a hasty retreat; for, many years
after, a friend told Mrs. Sullivan he had met
a great admirer of hers who had said she
had once "nearly scared him to death, " and
he related the incident of this visit. Certain
it is that the courage of this young woman,
alone in her sorrow with the responsibility
of a young child, made a deep impression on
General Woodford. He became, in later
years, a staunch friend and supporter of Mrs.
Sullivan in many of her labors for the welfare
of those who needed help both in New York
and in the South.
[4291
j
The Women of the South in War Times
At the end of two months, Mr. Sullivan was
released and vindicated. He returned to his
home much broken in health but happy in the
reunion with his family. On the day follow-
ing his liberation, the case of the officers of
the Savannah was called and though
warned that his appearance might mean his
death, Mr. Sullivan was there to defend his
clients, the " rebel pirates/ ' and did so to-
gether with Mr. Daniel Lord, Mr. Joseph
Laroque, and others. This fearless display
of loyalty to his duty won the respect and ad-
miration of his associates and did much to
establish the cordial relations which endured
throughout his life.*
The unfortunate suspicion of Mr. Sulli-
van 's loyalty to the Government did, however,
greatly increase the difficulties to be faced
by his wife. Though his imprisonment was
classed by many as an outrage, and his exon-
eration was rapid and complete, she was
*In spite of this defense of the prisoners, the crew of the
Savannah were convicted of "piracy" and sentenced to
death by hanging. The threat of direct and immediate
retaliation by the Confederate Government, however,
aroused the Federal authorities to revoke the sentence, and
the prisoners were eventually released.
[430]
In the North
known to have the closest ties with the South
and she often found herself in positions re-
quiring the greatest tact and
Caring for self-control. No one realized
Confederate ., . ,, ,.- 0 1V
Prisoners "iis more than Mrs. Sullivan
herself. Her great desire to
give assistance to her stricken people and
the Confederate prisoners, which she was de-
termined to do only with the assent of the
Federal government, entailed both hardship
and self-denial and required an unlimited
amount of patience and perseverance.
Together with several other ladies she was
allowed to give her services in establishing a
soup kitchen at the Government Hospital at
David's Island (in Long Island Sound) where
the Confederate prisoners were confined.
This work was continued until the permits of
the Southern ladies were confiscated.
Towards the middle of the war this soup
kitchen, in which she was so much interested,
was closed entirely by General Canby.
Deprived of the privilege of visiting at
David's Island, Mrs. Sullivan did what she
could by corresponding with the Southern
soldiers confined in the Northern prisons,
[4311
The Women of the South in War Times
sending them from time to time small
sums of money, which were urgently
needed.
Adhering strictly to her policy of an open
manner and giving assistance only with the
cognizance of the Government, Mrs. Sullivan
tactfully avoided the very possible serious
consequences of ministering surreptitiously
to the " enemy. " In spite of this, she felt she
was more or less under surveillance, and,
on one occasion, she refused to be " hood-
winked " into helping a man who appeared at
her home in a Confederate uniform, repre-
senting himself to be a Texan, destitute and
trying to return to his regiment through the
TJnion lines. Mrs. Sullivan listened to his
story but said she could only help him
through the authorities, to whom she would
r,t once refer his case and with whom she
vrould exert her influence in his behalf.
Without definitely knowing, it was a rea-
sonable supposition that this man was a
Recret Service agent. Nothing more was ever
.heard of him.
An intimate friend of Mrs. Sullivan spoke
of her as a "glorious fighter." At no time
[432]
In the North
in her life was this quality so clearly demon-
strated as during the several attempts which
she made to see John Yates
Yatcs B°eaU Beall> the Confederate soldier,
in his imprisonment, when
her efforts were finally successful and she had
the satisfaction of knowing that she had
brought him comfort in his last hours.
Captain John Beall was a native of
Charlestown, Va., (now West Virginia). His
family had always been intimate with the
Hammonds and their relatives, but when Mrs.
Sullivan saw in the New York papers ac-
counts of the capture of the "notorious
pirate, John Beall, ' ' she did not connect them
with the boy who had been her sister 9s school-
mate, and it was not until some time later,
after he had been imprisoned for privateer-
ing on the Great Lakes, tried and condemned
to be hanged, that Mrs. Sullivan heard
through her relatives in Virginia that he was
the boy she had known in childhood. With
this intelligence came the news that his
mother had been unable to obtain a permit
to see him and was distracted with grief to
think that her son had not the consolation of
[433]
The Women of the South in War Times
either family or friend to be with him dur-
ing his remaining days of life.
Mrs. Sullivan realized the enormous dif-
ficulties that lay in her way, but this cour-
ageous woman put by her own concerns and
set herself to find a way to visit Captain Beall.
She went to the office of General Dix, the
Commanding Officer, and waited for hours
for an interview. She was finally admitted,
but her reception was none too courteous, and
a pass to the prison was refused until she
could show that John Beall wished to see her.
There was nothing for her to do but to go
home and write to him. His reply left no
room for doubt as to his desire to see her,
but it was only after several visits to the
General's office with this letter, that she was
handed a pass to Fort Lafayette, whither she
proceeded at once.
The journey was tedious and tiring, con-
suming the better part of a day. Upon her
arrival she was told that the prisoner had,
that morning, been transferred to Governor's
Island — a fact which must have been known
at Headquarters when her pass was issued.
Still undaunted, Mrs. Sullivan returned to
[434]
In the North
General Dix and after some delay received
permission to go to the prison on Governor's
Island, and there, on the following day, she
saw Captain Beall.
He was in a close and ill-ventilated cell and
the interview was conducted in the presence
of guards.
Her visit seemed to bring the greatest com-
fort to the condemned man, who confided to
her in low tones, certain personal messages
for his family and the young lady in Tennes-
see to whom he was betrothed. Remarking
upon his unusual pallor, Mrs. Sullivan in-
quired if he was ill. He replied that he had
a severe toothache, and though he had asked
for some laudanum to allay the pain, the
authorities had refused to give it to him be-
cause they feared he would commit suicide.
The absurdity of this thought so impressed
Captain Beall, who was deeply religious, that
he asked Mrs. Sullivan particularly to con-
vey to his mother his abhorrence of any such
course, assuring her of his Christian faith
and that, had he wished to use it, he had, in
the heel of his shoe a watch spring saw, quite
sufficient as an instrument of death. This
[4351
The Women of the South in War Times
saw was found after his execution and is to-
day preserved in a museum.
In 1863, during that short but bloody dis-
turbance known as the " Draft Riots, " Mr.
and Mrs. Sullivan lived with their baby boy
in 45th Street, and their per-
Thc Draf* sonal experience with the
Riots of 1863
drink-crazed mobs was ter-
rifying. The roar of the crowds as they
gathered to roam through the city to pillage
and burn, in many cases to kill, was alarm-
ing enough in itself, but their resentment was
not confined to loud and disorderly demon-
strations. In their fury they often attacked
peaceful citizens who were in no way con-
nected with the Conscription Law, and their
rage was vented upon persons and property
alike.
Upon one occasion, Mrs. Sullivan relates,
the rioters marched up Fifth Avenue and
when they reached 47th Street determined to
burn the residence of Dr. Thomas Ward,
which stood on that corner. There was no
reason for their choice of that particular
property and Dr. Ward had no intimation
of their intention. Their arrival before his
[436]
In the North
door found him alone in the house with his
niece. She had the presence of mind to es-
cape by a rear entrance and run for assist-
ance to the home of their neighbor and friend,
Mr. Sullivan. By good fortune he was at
home and hastened with two or three others
(among them Dan Bryant of negro minstrel
fame) to Dr. Ward's assistance. One glance
at the furious crowd sufficed to convince Mr.
Sullivan that no physical effort could con-
trol the situation, so he mounted the top step
of the house and addressed them so elo-
quently, regardless of his personal danger,
that the throng eventually dispersed peace-
ably. Dr. Ward always felt that he owed his
life to Mr. Sullivan, and Mrs. Sullivan says
that she never was so proud of her husband's
ability and daring. It was certainly a situa-
tion demanding the utmost courage, and only
true eloquence could have attracted that un-
couth mob and have turned them from their
purpose.
In November, 1863, the Valley of the Shen-
andoah in Virginia was occupied a second
time by Northern troops. Sheridan was in
command with Headquarters at Winchester.
[437]
The Women of the South in War Times
Anxiety for her immediate family determined
Mrs. Sullivan to attempt their removal to
New York.
Mr. Sullivan took what his wife describes
as "a rather shallow four-story house, " at
165 West 34th Street, and as soon as it was
ready, Miss Harriot Hammond,
Shelters with great difficulty and severe
Relatives hardships, piloted the little
band out of war-ridden Vir-
ginia through the Union lines to Baltimore,
whence they finally came to New York and
the protecting care of Mr. Sullivan and his
wife.
Although Mrs. Sullivan had with her in
New York her immediate family, there were
many of her near relatives in Virginia, and
during the last year of the War
she felt {i urSently necessary
to make an attempt to reach
them. It was exceedingly unwise to under-
take such a journey, for the fighting was in
progress the whole length of the Valley and
the country was in no condition to permit of
safe travel.
In no way did Mrs. Sullivan underestimate
[438]
In the North
the dangers of such a trip, but in her mind
they weighed lightly as against the needs of
her relatives, so this dauntless woman took
a faithful maid and her three-year-old son,
and with two large trunks full of clothing and
other necessities she started out, her courage
high and her heart full of hope. The party
arrived at Shepherdstown without any
trouble, but there the difficulties began.
Sheltered by a friend, they unpacked the
trunks, placing their contents into rough
sacks. As their only chance of reaching their
destination lay in their journeying as local
travelers, they dressed the part ; a wagon was
obtained, the sacks piled in, and off they went
in the uncomfortable vehicle, proceeding by
unfrequented roads and passing each Union
sentry with beating hearts. Sometimes Mrs.
Sullivan drove the cart and sometimes a
negro, for hire, was persuaded to take the
lines. Progress was slow and hazardous,
necessitating many stops.
At last they arrived at " Burnley, " the
home of Mrs. Sullivan 'a Aunt, Mrs. Burnett.
They tarried here for some few days and
then went on to place after place, always
[439]
The Women of the South in War Times
stopping long enough to bring cheer and com-
fort and leaving such necessities as were
badly needed.
Life in the Valley had taken on a different
hue in these dreadful days of War. Want
and desolation replaced the green fields and
productive farms. No family was without
its mourning. No able-bodied man was left
to carry the burdens of planting and harvest,
and women in those lean days were poor sub-
stitutes, though they "turned to" with all
the might of their reduced strength. They
lived in hourly dread of the coming of
Ouster's men, who drove off what livestock
remained on the places and burned what
stores they could not transport.
" Springsberry, ' ' on the Shenandoah, the
home of "Grandma Taylor," was not spared
from the exigencies of War. It was the last
stopping place of Mrs. Sullivan and while
she was there one of these raids took place.
The family were seated at breakfast one
morning when they heard cries from the
negro maid on the floor above. Rising pre-
cipitately, they were considerably startled to
see a Union sentry posted at each and every
[4401
In the North
window. Looking beyond, the remainder of
the detachment were seen rounding up the
few remaining cows. It was a sad blow.
Not long before the family had started the
meal, Marshall McCormick, the eleven-year-
old son of a neighbor, had come in upon an
errand. He had ridden his
brother's horse and tethered
the animal in a clump of
bushes a few paces from the house where it
was hidden from the raiders. At the first
sound of alarm this manly boy dashed from,
the house by a side door, sprang upon his>
steed's back and galloped at full speed to a
dividing wall, leaping it without hesitation-,
and disappeared from view. The shots of the
sentries at the flying lad frightened the
marauders. Someone set up a cry of
"Mosby" and the Union officer gathered his
men and made off at full speed, happily leav-
ing the live stock, but pausing long enough
to set fire to the wheat stacks.
There were no men in the house other than
a very old darkey. But the winter's supply of
food had to be saved, and it was Mrs. Sulli-
van, cool and clear-headed and for the first
[4411
The Women of the South in War Times
time in her life handling a pitch-fork, who
ran to the rescue. She mounted to the top
of the burning stack and tossed the wheat
away from the flames, at the same time direct-
ing the work of the rest of the household. Not
much of the precious grain was lost and the
family was actually saved from starvation
during the long, hard winter that followed.
This bit of heroism has always furnished a
theme for family pride, for the service Mrs.
Sullivan gave was of great value. One of her
relatives has stated that for many years a
charred pitch-fork was carefully kept as be-
ing "the one Molly used when she saved our
wheat. "
# # . #
The War was over. Mrs. Sullivan returned
to New York filled with sadness, for she had
seen the suffering and known the horrors of
desolation that lay upon the
Relief Work }and Qf her birth At Qnce ghe
After the War . - .
zealously laid plans for the
alleviation of these destitute and war-worn
people. Money was imperatively needed for
food and clothing, so she set about raising
a fund for the women and children of the
[4421
In the North
South. Mrs. James Lees, wife of a prominent
New York banker, Mrs. Roosevelt, wife of
Judge Roosevelt, Mrs. W. H. Price, Mrs.
Henry Anthon, Mrs. S. L. M. Barlow, and
Mrs. Cyrus H. McCormick joined with Mrs.
Sullivan in forming the "New York Ladies'
Southern Relief Society, " Mrs. Roosevelt
being President and Mrs. Sullivan acting as
Secretary and General Manager.
The fatigue of the struggle and the memo-
ries of the anxieties endured and of the losses
sustained were still present with the Northern
people and a feeling of bitterness still pre-
vailed even among many of the people of cos-
mopolitan New York. Therefore, it required
great moral courage, especially for a South-
ern woman, to make personal appeals to them
to save from want and death their recent bat-
tle-foes— her own people.
Nevertheless she did not hesitate, although,
having quick sympathy with the feelings of
others, she naturally understood the nature
of the rebuffs to be expected and endured for
the cause she represented.
Mrs. Wm. H. Price and the other Southern
women on the committee were also women not
[443]
The Women of the South in War Times
to be deterred from a work of love and high
duty by any consideration of personal em-
barrassment. The other ladies were of
Northern ancestry, but they bravely faced
criticism on the part of their social and fam-
ily connections. Together, they raised the
money by giving entertainments r.nd by mak-
ing personal appeals among the business men
in the city.
There were many discouragements, but to
use Mrs. Sullivan 's words, "There was
always a successful appeal to offset the dis-
appointments, ' ' and she mentions a particular
time when, going from shops to offices along
Canal Street, soliciting aid from the various
business people, she received from one man
a refusal in these words: "Not one cent!
They are rebels and they ought to starve. "
Later that day Mrs. Ben Holliday, wife of
the famous stage coach man, gave her one
thousand dollars, which was the most munifi-
cent gift yet received. And so, though much
of the time it was ' ' swimming against the cur-
rent/' Mrs. Sullivan had her successes as
well as her failures.
It was not often that she was treated dis-
[444]
In the North
courteously, and New York proved itself gen-
erous to its conquered enemy. Mrs. Edwin
Stoughton gave many entertainments in her
home on Fifth Avenue and 17th Street for
the benefit of this Society, and theatrical per-
formances held at the old Jockey Club, Madi-
son Avenue and 26th Street, helped to swell
the funds. Many prominent people soon in-
terested themselves in adding to the col-
lections and Mr. Arthur Leary, brother
of Countess Annie Leary, holding office
as Treasurer, distributed through the
clergy of the South over twenty thousand
dollars.
The work of Mrs. Sullivan, however, did
not find its boundaries in the mere raising of
the money or in its formal distribution. Her
labors, following her abounding sympathy,
expanded into the realm of sorrows and
despairs of the Southern people, so that her
correspondence developed into a stream of
consolation, encouragement, and guidance as
well as of material aid.
. So voluminous was this correspondence,
all of which she attended to with her own
pen (typewriting machines being then in
[445]
The Women of the South in War Times
little use), that her unusually clear vision
suffered a permanent impairment.
At this time Mr. and Mrs. Sullivan began
to find in New York the beginning of that
stream of young Southern men who immedi-
ately after the ending of the War — driven by
the revolutionary change in Southern life and
business — began to come to the North in
order to earn there the support for them-
selves and their families — a stream ever
since continued.
They realized that these young Southern-
ers were in New York as total strangers and
were far from their home influence. They
at once began to invite them to their home,
socially and informally, and the Sunday even-
ing suppers became a recognized institution,
where they came and were welcomed with-
out awaiting an invitation.
Mrs. Sullivan devoted her life to the char-
itable and public-spirited work demanded by
the condition of life in her adopted home —
New York City.
Forty years she was, first, the Acting
Directress, and later on the actual First
Directress of the Nursery and Child's Hos-
[446]
In the North
pital, of which for many years the average
number of daily inmates was 756. At pres-
ent writing, in 1920, she is, at 83, the First
Vice-President of the newer Institution of
which this forms a part.
In 1905, when Mrs. Sullivan was 70 years
old, she responded to the call of the neglected
white people living in the Southern Moun-
tains for education — a call made by the de-
voted and eloquent Mrs. Martha S. Gielow,
and she organized in New York City the New
York Branch of the Southern Industrial Edu-
cational Association.
The Southern men and women residing in
New York City love to recognize in Mrs. Sulli-
van the leading example of what they feel a
Southern woman — and an American woman
— should be, and when certain of them wished
to organize a Second Chapter of the United
Daughters of the Confederacy, in New York
City, they naturally gave it her name and it
was this Chapter which, on the same day that
war was declared against Germany, sent its
immediate offer of service; and at the same
time Mrs. Sullivan instituted steps to organ-
ize the Southern Women of New York into
[4471
The Women of the South in War Times
a body for War Belief work, which resulted
in the forming of the New York Southern
Women's Patriotic Society, which had a Bed
Cross Committee bearing the very early num-
ber of 99.
[448]
XXXIV
RELIEF WORK IN THE WORLD WAR
TT is fitting to close this volume on "The
Women of "the South in War Times ' ' with
at least a few notes on the work continued, it
may be said, by these women of '61, and by
their descendants, during the World War, in
which the sons of Confederate veterans
fought for human liberty and high ideals with
the spirit of their fathers.
The Confederate wounded of the War Be-
tween the States had been tenderly nursed in
the homes or the improvised hospitals of the
South. The sons of these men of the sixties
fought and fell thousands of miles away in a
foreign land. The foregoing pages tell the
story of the difficulty or even impossibility at
times of providing the simplest necessities or
the essential medical supplies for the sick and
wounded in the American conflict. On the
other hand, in 1917- '18, a bountiful Govern-
ment was able to provide all our soldiers in
France with supplies and attention never
[449]
The Women of the South in War Times
dreamed of by those who fought under the
standard of the Southern Confederacy.
While the example of Confederate fathers
inspired the young men of the South in 1917,
the women prepared to help the common
cause and those supporting it on the fields of
France. The society of the United Daughters
of the Confederacy particularly set them-
selves for concerted action through some
definite policy. The historian learns from
their reports that at their first general con-
vention held at Chattanooga subsequently to
the entry of the United States into the World
War, several hundred delegates discussed not
whether they would act but how best to act
to do the most good.
In a limited space, the story of achievement
that followed has to be severely compressed,
and only the general results given, through
the appointed heads of committees, of the ef-
forts of some 60,000 loyal American women,
nearly all of whom were not only of Confed-
erate blood but of Revolutionary and Colonial
stock as well. They had always contended for
self-government and the fundamental prin-
ciples of freedom and liberty. They " would
[ 450 ]
In the World War
not fail such a cause at this or any future
time."
At Chattanooga, Miss Mary B. Poppen-
heim, the newly-elected President-General,
asked for and secured the authority to ap-
point a Committee for War Belief Work.
Miss Poppenheim was from Charleston,
South Carolina, the first of the States in
1860- '61 to " resume its sovereignty"; and it
was Mrs. J. A. Rountree, of Alabama, the
home of the first Confederate Congress, who
proposed that: "War relief be adopted as
general U. D. C. work; that a War Relief
Committee be appointed to supervise and
direct the same, co-operating with the Red
Cross." The motion was seconded by Mrs.
L. M. Bashinsky, also of Alabama, and was
unanimously carried.
Miss Nellie C. Preston, President of the
Virginia Division, called attention to the work
of the American hospital in France, men-
tioning Neuilly above the others. Needless
to add, therefore, that this hospital was
fortunate in attracting the early attention of
the Daughters. Immediately, Miss Poppen-
heim secured the passage of a resolution
[451]
The Women of the South in War Times
which was also unanimously carried : * ' That
the United Daughters of the Confederacy in
convention assembled authorize the establish-
ment of a bed in the American Hospital at
Neuilly, a suburb of Paris ; that an appropria-
tion of $600.00 be made from the General
U. D. C. Treasury to pay for the bed ; that the
War Belief Committee of the U. D. C. estab-
lished at this convention be empowered to
carry out the details of this plan; and that
this same committee be requested to encour-
age State Divisions to undertake similar hos-
pital beds."
Owing to the poverty of the South for many
years after the devastation of a war of in-
vasion, it may be stated that the United
Daughters of the Confederacy has never been
an organization of women of wealth. It is
quite democratic — more so, perhaps, than any
other large organization of women. Like the
Society of Confederate Veterans, and also
that of the Sons, it aims to be simple and de-
sires its membership to be made up of all on
equal status with as little regard to "social
standing" as possible. The per capita dues
of membership for the general organization
[452]
In the World War
are but ten cents a year — so that a donation
of $600.00 out of its national treasury is
equivalent to many times that amount from
other societies. This donation of six hun-
dred dollars inspired the convention, and
whatever may be the "alien" criticisms so
freely leveled at ' ' State pride, ' ' which is, per-
haps, most generally felt in the South, this
kind of pride has an especial advantage when
these States vie, as they often do, with each
other in promoting good works.
Mrs. W. C. N. Merchant, of Virginia, de-
sired that this first bed be named after the
first and only President of the Confederate
States, and her motion was carried without
opposition. The "Jefferson Davis" bed be-
came the "standard bearer" for the endow-
ment and naming of seventy additional beds
provided by 36 States, for the people of a
number of the Northern and Western States
have the honor of entertaining within their
borders healthy Chapters of the United
Daughters of the Confederacy.
Among the names of Southern leaders who
had beds endowed in their names in France
were: Davis, Lee, Cleburne, Jackson,
[453]
The Women of the South in War Times
Gordon, the Johnstons, Richard Jackson,
"Stonewall" Jackson, Gordon, Beauregard,
Mitchell, Vance, Heath, Semmes, Wheeler,
Forrest, Hood, Price, Stephens, Brecken-
ridge, Zollicoffer, Maury, Cabell, King,
Hampton, McWhirter and Ryan.
The sum total for these beds amounted to
over $41,600, which was "to be renewed an-
nually as long as needed."
Many expressions of appreciation and com-
mendation for the work of the Daughters
were received throughout the year from the
Executive Board of the Hospital and when,
January 20, 1919, Mrs. Robert Bacon, Chair-
man, New York, wrote to the President Gen-
eral and the Chairman of War Relief, notify-
ing them of the closing of the hospital at
Neuilly, she closed by saying:
"The United Daughters of the Confed-
eracy have, more than any other organiza-
tion, made it possible for the Hospital to
carry on its magnificent work, and I feel that
any thanks, or show of appreciation, that I,
as Chairman of the American Committee,
could send you, would be a very inadequate
expression of the gratitude that has been felt
[454]
In the World War
abroad for your remarkable service. The
famous names that have marked your beds,
and the wonderful sympathy the Southern
States have shown in the many heroic men
whom they have cared for, will always re-
main indelibly impressed on the memories of
every one who has watched over the Hos-
pital with such tender care through these four
and a half long and painful years. Your in-
defatigable efforts in the behalf of the Amer-
ican Military Hospital No. 1, Neuilly, have
called forth the greatest admiration from
every one, but I hope you feel, with us, a just
pride in having the Daughters of the Con-
federacy connected with an organization that
has made such a marvelous name for itself
during the war, and has shown throughout
these years of suffering such a noble spirit
of self-sacrifice and of deep devotion. "
On April 22, 1918, Mr. Richard E. Power,
Executive Secretary of the Hospital in
France, wrote the President-General :
"I should like to say to you a word of per-
sonal admiration, not alone for the splendid
interest which your organization has shown
in the work for this hospital, but also for the
[455]
The Women of the South in War Times
wonderfully efficient manner in which your
organization functions. You certainly have
the spirit of co-operation and team work
exemplified in a marvelous degree, and I am
sure that the U. D. C. could readily accom-
plish tasks which less efficiently organized as-
sociations could not even undertake. ' '
Probably no organization of women in the
history of the world has done so much to
memorialize a heroic past. Certainly none
has given of means and services as the
Daughters of the Confederacy. Nevertheless,
by action of the 1917 Convention, all build-
ing of memorials was suspended during the
period of the World War and many State
Divisions invested all memorial funds on
hand in Liberty Bonds.
Chapters in those towns near which can-
tonments were located did a great deal of re-
lief work for the soldiers in their neighbor-
hood and provided social entertainment for
them. In some towns the Daughters kept
"open house " every Saturday afternoon
throughout the entire time of the war. The
Chapters also assumed charge of marking the
graves of those soldiers who, dying without
[456]
In the World War
home or near relatives, were buried in Gov-
ernment burial grounds established at each
Camp. In such cases the local members at-
tended the funeral and provided flowers.
Summing up in part only the salient fea-
tures of the war work of the United Daugh-
ters of the Confederacy, it is recorded that,
during the World War, the Daughters organ-
ized no less than 229 Red Cross Chapters;
contributed, in round numbers, as Chapters
and Divisions, $448,000 to the American Red
Cross; they gave, glso, to other war relief
agencies, $393,000 ; and they bought, officially,
as members of the United Daughters of the
Confederacy, $24,850,000 worth of Liberty
Bonds and War Savings Stamps.
These figures do not include individual sub-
scriptions given through numerous other
channels, but those that are officially re-
corded as part of the work of the organiza-
tion. In addition, the United Daughters of
the Confederacy are put on record as having
made over five million hospital garments;
fourteen million surgical dressings, and six
hundred thousand knitted articles. They also
officially adopted and cared for twenty-two
[457]
The Women of the South in War Times
hundred Belgian and French orphans at a
cost of $82,000.
Over and above this work there was begun
a special fund for educational work. This
was established at Chattanooga through the
efforts of Miss Poppenheim; and, at Louis-
ville, it was called "Our Hero Fund," to
"honor the men of the South who served
their reunited country wherever needed in
1917-1918, " and offered to those who were in
active service during the period of the war.
[458]
INDEX
Abolitionists, 10 fn.; atti-
tude towards Lincoln, 11
fn.; as disunionists, 11
fn.; teachings of, 46 fn.;
views of: by Robert E.
Lee, 353-354; by Julia Le-
Grand, 356, 363 ; by Abra-
ham Lincoln, 335, 353.
Adams, Charles Francis, on
War of Secession, 14.
Alexandria, capture of, 81.
Amendment XIII, original
form of, 16, 32.
Andersonville prison, 402-
403; defense of, by Union
officer, 218-220.
Andrews, Dr. Charles W.,
103.
Arkansas, Mrs. Trader's
trip to, 136 et seq.
"Arlington," 71.
Armistead, Gen. Louis A.,
224 fn.
Augusta, 291.
B
Bacon, Mrs. Robert, letter
to U. D. C., 454.
Bagby, George W., quota-
tion from, 10 fn.
Baltimore, attitude of, 58
et seq.
Bashinsky, Mrs. L. M., 451.
Baton Rouge, bombardment
of, 348.
Beall, Captain John Yates,
execution of, 433.
"Bedford," burning of, 200
et seq.
Bedinger, Rev. E. B., 208.
Bentonsville, battle of, 233.
"Bivouac of the Dead," 120.
Blaine, James G., on the
South, 63.
Blair, Montgomery, 56.
Blountville, battle of, 107.
Boteler, burning of home,
197.
Bowie, Walter, escape of, 36.
Bowling Green, hospitals at,
133.
Brooks, Bishop Phillips, 79
fn.
Brown, John, biography of,
by H.P.Wilson, 210; ref-
erence to raid of, 209.
Butler, General B. F., 346;
in Baltimore, 69.
Campbell, Major J. W., 306
fn.
Candles, substitutes for, 23.
Carter, Mrs. Richard H.,
205.
Gary, the Misses, 66.
Causes of War of Secession,
3 et seq., Foreword.
Chandler, Senator, 32.
Chantilly, first clash of the
war at, 84.
Charleston, proposed de-
struction of, 222.
459
Index
Charles Town, 196.
Christmas at Richmond
(1864), 393.
Clarke, Colonel, U. S. A.,
chivalry of, 359.
Clothing, lack of, 26.
Cobb, General Howell, 292.
Coercion, as cause of seces-
sion of the Upper South,
Coffee, substitutes for, 21.
Columbia, burning of, 267
et seq.; visit to, 270.
Corinth, hospital at, 135.
Corn bread, use of, for
Northern prisoners, 62.
Corn meal, use of in the
South, 62, 402.
Cox, General, in North Caro-
lina, 235.
by Abraham Lincoln, 4r
8; by Governor Dunmore,
5, 8; reference to, 50 fn.
Episcopal High School, 71.
Farragut, Admiral, 5, 19.
Fayetteville, 226.
Fifteenth Corps, 223, 225.
Flags, under two, 29.
Forrest, General Nathan-
Bedford, story of, 270 et
seq.
Fort Sumter, 33, 93 fn.; fir-
ing upon, 59.
"Fountain Rock," burning
of, 197.
Fredericksburg, shelling of*
184.
"Fund, Our Hero," 458.
Davis, Colonel Jefferson,
292.
Dawes, William, ride of,
148.
Delaware, Fort, 47.
Devotion, a wife's, 389; a
woman's, 145.
Dixie Land, 156
Duckett, Elizabeth Waring,
narrative of, 31 et seq.
Dulaney, Evalina, 105.
Dyes, 26.
E
Early, General, reprisals by,
383.
"Elite," the, in the ranks,
91.
Emancipation Proclamation,
the, as a war measure, 353 ;
Galveston, recapture of, by
Confederates, 425.
Gay, Mary A. H., narrative
of, 303 et seq.
Gettysburg, advance on,.
187; incident of, 224 fn.
Gildersleeve, Basil L., 104.
"Glen Welby," saved from
burning, 205 et seq.
Goodridge, Kate P., 226;
Phoebe, 228.
Gordon, General John B.,
on "hallowed memories,"
2.
Grant, General U. S., at Ap-
pomattox, 225 fn. ; letter
from Sherman, 330 ; letter
to Butler on exchange of
prisoners, 402.
[460]
Index
Greeley, Horace, on seces-
sion, 20.
Green, B. W., on equipment
ef the Southern soldier,
404.
Greensboro, 231.
H
Hadley, Mrs. Piety Lucretia,
experiences of, 416 et seq.
Halleck, General, writes to
Sherman, 222.
Hamtramk, Eliza, 187 fn.
Hancock, General, 224.
Herald, New York, refer-
ence to war times in, 179.
Higginson, Thomas Went-
worth, 11 fn.
Holmes, Oliver Wendell, on
the South, 289 fn.
Holt, Judge Advocate, 41.
Homespun dress, 28.
Honesty, public, 25.
Hope, James Barren, quota-
tion from, 18.
Hopkins, Bishop, quotations
from, 10 fn.
Hospital, at Cheater, 45.
Hospital life, incidents of,
98, 136.
Houston, 416.
Hunter, General David, 196,
197; letter to, from Mrs.
Lee, 201 et seq.
Hyde, John Bachman, 111
fn.
J
Jackson, Stonewall, death
of, 180.
Jefferson, Thomas, predic-
tion of, as to political
aspects and slavery, 7.
Johnson, Reverdy, 41.
Jonesboro, battle of, 284.
Jouett, ride of, 148.
King, Josie, 144.
King, Thomas M., 62.
Kirby, Mrs. William, story
of, 115 et seq.
Ladies' Gunboat Associa-
tion, 296.
Lamon, Colonel Ward H.,
60.
"Land, The, Where We Were
Dreaming," 70.
"Land Without Ruins," etc.,,
302.
"Lead, blood, tears," 325.
Lee, Harry B., 187 fn.
Lee, Henrietta Bedinger,,
letter of, to Hunter, 201-
204.
Lee, Mrs. Robert E., 88.
Lee, Robert E., after sur-
render, 411; on emanci-
pation, 353-354; on "sa-
cred principles," 2; order
of invasion, 384; tribute
to, by Worsley, 385 fn.
Le Grand, Julia, diary of,
356 et seq.; philosophy
of, 357.
Lincoln, Abraham, contrast-
ed with ultra-Abolition-
ists, 335, 353; on Aboli-
tionists, 10 fn. ; on equality
between the races, 366;
Surpose of, 4; sees Mrs.
uckett, 42, 56.
[461]
Index
Littlefield, A. W., quota- Medicines, contraband of
tion from, 222.
Lone Star State, repre-
war, 49 fn., 61, 117;
lack of in the west, 133.
eentative women of, 413 Merchant, Mrs. W. C. N.,
et seq.
453.
Lucas, Judge Daniel Bedin- Milk, scarcity of, 23.
ger, 70, 207. Misapprehension, a popular,
Lucas, Mrs. Daniel Bedin- 3.
ger, 207. Moffett, Judge W. W., story
of, 194.
M
Monroe, Mrs., courage of,
229.
"Mammy" Kate, 334.
Manufacturing, lack of, in Morgan, J. Pierpont, Jr.,
the Old South, 20. returns Martha Washing-
Marr, Captain, death of, 86. ton'8 will> 179.
Martindale, Captain Wil- Morgan, Sarah Fowler, diary
liam F., 197, 200-201. of» 345-352.
Martindale, General, 41-42. Morse, John T., Jr., 64.
Maryland, attitude of, 31 Murchison, Duncan, 226.
et seq.; 57 et seq.
"Maryland My Maryland," N
publication and singing Negroes, treatment of, 263,
*•£ GG ^J. -* O * 9 7
of, 66 et seq.
391, 379.
Massachusetts, attitude of, New Orleans, war times in,
towards annexation of
353 et seq.
.,^e,xa,8> 415. Nicholson, Rebecca Lloyd,
McClellan, General, 224-167. 66
McGuire Judith Brocken- Ni h't of terror in lower
^T™ 1KSlSf| 71"103' Virginia, 387; on the field
IT £? ^ ^ T, ^ 1 T, °f battl6> 145«
McKim, Rev. Dr Randolph North Carolina, invasion of,
™?" °n A?er°\CT ' * A 226 et se(l'
McLure, Mrs Margaret A. Nullification, universality
E., story of, 336 et seq. of) 13>
McPeek, Mrs. Allie, exper-
iences of, 284. Q
Meade, Bishop, 92; house-
hold of, 100. Odenheimer, Mrs. Cordelia
Meade, Colonel Richard Powell, story of, 191.
Kidder, at Sumter, 93 fn. ; O'Hara, Theodore, 121.
"Oil, feathers, and molaa-
"Medical Grove/' 105. ses," 253.
[462]
Index
"Orphan Brigade, The," 122.
Quid, Colonel Robert, 44, 61.
P
Page, Lieutenant James
Madison, prison exper-
iences of, 211; sketch of,
218 fn.
Palmito Ranch, battle of,
426.
Pearsall, Mrs. Rachel, rem-
iniscences of, 236 et seq.
Pendleton, Rev. Dr., 94.
Perryville, battle of, 115.
Philips, Mrs. Betty Taylor,
story of, 120 et seq.
Phillips, Wendell, views of,
356.
Pike, General Albert, 226 fn.
Pollock, Roberta, ride of,
148 et seq.
Poppenheim, Miss Mary B.,
451.
Poppenheim, Mrs. C. C.,
reminiscences of, 246 et
seq.
Power, Richard E., letter to
U. D. C., 455.
Preston, Nellie C., 451.
Prison, Old Capitol, 40.
Prisoners of war, caring
for, 136; misrepresented,
137 fn., 211, 431; treat-
ment of, 61 ; review of
treatment, 400 et seq.;
Federal testimony on,
218-220.
Races, relationship between
the, 9, 102-104, 190-195,
209, 228, 237 et seq., 288
fn., 331 et seq., 351, 363;
Abraham Lincoln on, 386.
Randall, James Ryder, 66.
Randolph, Bishop, 79 fn.
Randolph, Janet Weaver,
story of, 190.
Relief work in the World
War, 449 et seq.
Revere, ride of Paul, 148.
"Revolution, A more impor-
tant," 87.
Richmond, evacuation of,
407, raids around, 376.
"Rion Hall," story of, 208
et seq.
Robinson, Rosa, 187 fn.
Rogers, Mrs. Loula Kendall,
reminiscences of, 286 et
seq.
Rountree, Mrs. J. A., 451.
Russell, Tillie, on field of
battle, 145 et seq.
Sabine Pass, battle of, 426.
Salt, contraband of war,
28; substitutes for, 21.
Sanborn, F. B., 11 fn.
Sanson, Emma, ride of, 270
et seq.
Savannah, bombardment of,
298.
Schenck, General, 47.
Schoeph, 48.
Scott, General Winfield, 29 ;
reference to, by Mrs. Mc-
Guire, 96.
Scott, Mrs. Taylor, 205.
Secession, general accept-
ance of, 13; prayer for
peaceful, 80.
Servants, titles of, 78, 194.
[463]
Index
Shenandoah Valley, invasion
of the, 196.
Shepherd, Mrs. Davis, burn-
ing of home, 197.
Shepherdstown, 187 fn.
Sherman, General, interview
with, 273-275; letter to
General Grant, 330; let-
ter to Halleck, 223;
letter to General Kirkpat-
rick, 329; letter to Gen-
eral Webster, 330; wreck
and ruin under, 250 et
seq., 318.
Shoes, lack of, 27.
Sigel, General Franz, enter-
"Stars and Bars," the, first
design for, 293.
Starvation in Confederate
armies, 398, 404.
Steinmetz, Dr. Charles P.,
8 fn.
Stone, Mrs. Cornelia Branch
recollections of, 421 et
seq.
Stowe, Harriet Beecher, 290.
Streight, Colonel Abel D.,
expedition of, 278 et seq.
Stuart, Dr. Richard H., 60.
Stuart, General J. E. B.,
anecdote of, 378; death
of, 376.
tained by Mrs. Thornton, Sugar, substitutes for, 22.
182.
Slavery, conditions connect-
ed with, 9, 102-104, 190-
Sullivan, Mrs. Algernon
Sydney, experiences of,
428 et seq.
195, 209, 237 et seq., 288 Sullivan, Mrs. Betsy, story
fn., 331 et seq., 363.
Smith, Colonel Orren, 293.
Smith, Mrs. J. Henry, nar-
rative of, 230 et seq.
Soap, manufacture of, 24.
Soda, substitutes for, 22.
Sorghum and black bread,
255.
South Carolina, vengeance
declared against, 222-223.
St. Louis, prison for South-
ern woman at, 336 et seq.
Stanton, Secretary, 62-64;
.character of, 65; in con-
nection with the treat-
ment of prisoners, 403;
message of, 56; sees Mrs.
Duckett, 43; sketch of,
28.
Star of the West, capture
of the, 425.
of, 112 et seq.
Sumter, Fort, 33 fn., 93;
firing upon, 59.
Surratt, Mrs. Mary E., 60.
Tariff, protective, as cause
of sectional friction, 6, 16.
Taxation of the South, 92
fn.
Tea, substitutes for, 21.
Texas, Republic of, 415.
Theological Seminary, 72.
Theology, Black and White,
190.
Thomas, General George H.,
6, 29.
Tompkins, Captain Sally,
C. S. A., story of, 127 et
seq.
[464]
Index
Thornton, Mrs., entertains
General Sigel, 182.
Tillinghast, Miss, anecdote
of, 229 fn.
Timrod, Henry, "Carolina,"
221; "Ethnogenesis," 246.
Trader, Mrs. Ella K, story
of, 131 et seq.
W
Wallis, S. Teackle, 55.
Waring, William W., 36.
War of Secession, causes of
the, 3 et seq. Foreword.
Watterson, Henry, 29.
Webster, changes in diction-
ary, 14 fn.
Welles, Secretary, 64.
Wesleyan Female College,
286.
Wheat, lack of, 30.
Williams, John Sharp, 30.
Winchester, 187 fn.
Wirz, Captain Henry, de-
fense of, by Union officer,
218-220; recipient of tes-
timonials by prisoners,
220.
"Women of the South, The,"
poem, 131.
Women, work of the, 75 et
seq., 88, 231 et seq., 373-
374, 417 et seq.; in the
World War, 449 et seq.
World, New York, 30.
World War, work of South-
ern women in the, 449
et seq.
Worsley, P. S., tribute to
Lee by, 385 fn.
"Yankees,"
of, 345
York, Sergeant
111 fn.
Y
Southern view
Alvin C.
BOOKS REFERRED TO IN "THE WOMEN
OF THE SOUTH IN WAR TIMES"
PAGE
Campaigns of Stonewall Jackson, Vol. I., G. F. R.
Henderson 355
Confederate Girl's Diary, A, Sarah Fowler Morgan . 345
Confederate Veteran (April-May, 1918), "Treat-
ment of Prisoners in the Confederacy," Hard-
ships of the Confederate Soldier, etc. . .64, 400, 404
Creed of the Old South, Basil L. Gildersleeve 104
Diary of Gideon Welles 64
Dixie Book of Days, Matthew Page Andrews 120
From Bull Run to Appomattox; A Boy's View,
Luther W. Hopkins 224 fn.
[465]
Reference List
PAGI
John Brown, A Critique, H. Peebles Wilson 210
Journal of Julia LeGrand . . . 390
Life of General Nathan Bedford Forrest, John A.
Wyeth 280
Life of Robert E. Lee, H. A. White 59, 399
Maryland Historical Magazine (March, 1919),
"Passage of the Sixth Massachusetts Regiment
Through Baltimore, April 19, 1861." 58
Old Time Southern Songs, Andrews 155
Origin of the Late War, George Lunt 8 f n.
Poems of James Ryder Randall 67
Reminiscences of the Civil War, Gen. John B. Gor-
don 398
Sea Power of the North, Charles Francis Adams. . . 77
Songs of the Civil War (The Century, August,
1886) 68
Southern Sidelights, Edward Ingle 93 fn.
Southern Wealth and Northern Profits, T. P.
Kettel 8 fn, 93 fn.
True Story of Andersonville Prison, Lieut. J. M.
Page 211
United States, Vol. III., Rhodes 59
Virginia's Attitude Towards Slavery and Secession,
B. B. Munford 59
Webster's Dictionary ( 1864 edition) 14 fn.
Wreath of Virginia Bay Leaves, Capt. J. Barron
Hope , , 18
[466]
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