~t
,^-T
m
THE WORKS
OF
FRANCIS BACON
THE
WORKS
OF
FRANCIS BACON,
BARON OF VERULAM, VISCOUNT ST. ALBANS, AND
LORD HIGH CHANCELLOR OF ENGLAND.
Collected ano ISUJteO
BY
JAMES SPEDDING, M. A.
OF TRINITY COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE;
ROBERT LESLIE ELLIS, M.A.
LATE FELLOW OF TRINITY COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE;
AND
DOUGLAS DENON HEATH,
BARRISTER-AT-LAW; LATE FELLOW OF TRINITY COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE.
VOLUME IX.
BEING
TKANSLATIONS OF THE PHILOSOPHICAL WOSKS,
VOL. II.
BOSTON:
HOUGHTON, MIFFLIN AND COMPANY.
StoerstJe Press,
1882.
RIVERSIDE, CAMBRIDGE:
STEREOTYPED AND PRINTED B ?
H. 0. HOUOHTON
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA
SANTA BARBARA COLLEGE LIBRARY
\ \ "
70164
PREFACE*
THE history of these translations has been
already told; but as it is somewhat complicated,
and appears in some points not to be clearly under-
stood, it may be convenient that I should repeat
it here.
The works to be translated were selected by Mr.
Ellis, and were meant to include everything which
is requisite to give an English reader a complete
view of Bacon's philosophy. The selection does,
in fact, include all the Latin works belonging to the
first and second parts, and as many of those belong-
ing to the third as are not to be found in a more
perfect form in the others. And though the
Editors' prefaces and notes are not reprinted along
* [This preface, prepared for volume five of the English edition, which
logins with the translation of the seventh book of the De Augmentis Scien-
tiarum, is placed here in order not to interrupt the continuity of that work.
For "the three former volumes," and " the first three volumes," read the
seven former volumes, and the first seven volumes; for "preface to the
fourth volume" read preface to the eighth volume: for" the first 320 pages
of this volume," and " from the beginning to the three hundred and
twentieth page of this volume," read from p. 191 of this volume to p. 155
of the next. "The third volume" of the English edition corresponds tc
volumes five (ft Dm p. 185), six, and seven rf tlri" edition.]
VI PREFACE. ,
with them, yet the several pieces being set out in
the same order, and bearing the Latin titles on the
top of each leaf, it will be easy to find them by
reference to the corresponding titles in the three
former volumes. So that those who cannot read
the Great Instauration in the original may neverthe-
less have the full benefit of all the explanatory
and illustrative matter contained in this edition.
Of the style of translation which has been at-
tempted, I have spoken in my preface to the fourth
volume. And though the authorship is of a more
mixed character than I could have wished, I hope
it will not be found that the number of the work-
men has materially impaired the substantial value
of the work.
The translation of the Novum Organum was
finished many years ago. The manuscript, having
been carefully examined and much corrected, first
by myself, and afterwards by Mr. Ellis, remained
in my hands pending the completion of the first
three volumes; and was ultimately, for reasons with
which it is not necessary to trouble the reader, com-
mitted entirely to my charge. In carrying it
through the press, I felt myself at liberty to mako
whatever alterations I pleased ; and therefore, if any
errors remain, I must consider myself answerable
for them.
The task of translating the remainder was en-
trusted to Mr. Francis Headlam, of University
PREFACE. vii
College, Oxford ; and I hoped that my part in it
would be no more than that of a critic : I was to
revise his manuscript, find faults, and suggest im-
provements, leaving him to deal with my sugges-
tions upon his own responsibility, according to his
own judgment. In tbis manner the first 3^0 pages
of this volume were executed. But the progress
of the sheets through the press (which was still
engaged with the third volume) was slow ; and
before it could proceed further, Mr. Headlam was
called upon to fulfil an engagement, which detained
him on the continent for the rest of the year ; upon
which he agreed to leave his manuscript with me,
to be dealt with as I thought fit. I used my judg-
ment without any restraint ; and as I had certainly
full opportunity to remove all defects, it is my fault
if I have either introduced any that were not there,
or left any that were.
It will be understood, therefore, that the transla-
tion of the seventh, eighth, and ninth books of the
De Augmentis Scientiarum. of the Historia Ven-
torum, and the Historia Vitce et Mortis — extend-
ing from the beginning to the three hundred and
twentieth page of this volume — is all for which the
final responsibility rests with Mr. Headlam. With
the translation of the Novum Organum he had
nothing to do ; and the alterations which I made in
his manuscript of the rest were not seen by him
until they were printed.
viii PREFACE.
With regard to the method observed in the trans-
lation, I have only to add, on his behalf, that he
agrees with what I have said on that subject in my
preface to the fourth volume — that in translating
the De Augmentis, his object has been to adopt, as
far as he could, the style employed in the Advance-
ment of Learning, — retaining also the original
English, wherever no further meaning seemed to be
expressed in the Latin ; — and that where the form
of expression in the translation appears to vary
from the Latin more widely than would otherwise
be requisite or justifiable, it will generally be found
that it is the form used by Bacon himself in the
corresponding passage of the English work.
J. S.
CONTENTS
OF
THE NINTH VOLUME.
TRANSLATIONS OF THE PHILOSOPHICAL WORKS.
PART I. — CONTINUED.
WORKS PUBLISHED, OR DESIGNED FOR PUBLICATION, AS
PARTS OF THE INSTAURATIO MAGNA.
PAGE
OF THE DIGNITY AND ADVANCEMENT OF LEARN-
ING. BOOKS IV. — IX.
BOOK IV 13
BOOK V. 60
BOOK VI. . 107
BOOK VII 191
BOOK VIII 231
BOOK IX 345
NATURAL AND EXPERIMENTAL HISTORY.
HISTORY OF THE WINDS 370
PREFACE TO HISTORY OF HEAVY AND LIGHT . . 468
" " SYMPATHY AND ANTIPATHY 470
" " SULPHUR, MERCURY, AND
SALT 472
FRAGMENT OF ABECEDARIUM NATURAE . . 476
OF THB
PHILOSOPHICAL WORKS.
THE ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING.
BOOK IV.
CHAPTER I.
Division of. the doctrine concerning Man into Philosophy
of Humanity and Philosophy Civil. Division of
the Philosophy of Humanity into doctrine concerning
the Body of Man and doctrine concerning the Soul
of Man. Constitution of one general doctrine con-
cerning the Nature or the State of Man. Division of
the doctrine concerning the State of Man into doctrine
concerning the Person of Man, and doctrine concern-
ing the League of Mind and Body. Division of the
doctrine concerning the Person of Man into doctrine
concerning the Miseries of Man, and doctrine con-
cerning his Prerogatives. Division of the doctrine
concerning the League into doctrine concerning Indi-
cations and concerning Impressions. Assignation of
Physiognomy and Interpretation of Natural Dreams
to the doctrine concerning Indications.
IF any one should aim a blow at me (excellent
King) for anything I have said or shall hereafter say
in this matter, (besides that I am within the protection
of your Majesty,) let me tell him that he is acting
contrary to the rules and practice of warfare. For I
14 TRANSLATION OF THE "DE AUGMENTIS."
am but a trumpeter, not a combatant ; one perhaps of
those of whom Homer speaks,
Xaiperc K?JpUKes, Aios ayyeXoi, rySe KCU av8p<av '. 1
and such men might go to and fro everywhere unhurt,
between the fiercest and bitterest enemies. Nor is
mine a trumpet which summons and excites men to
cut each other to pieces with mutual contradictions, or
to quarrel and fight with one another ; but rather to
make peace between themselves, and turning with
united forces against the Nature of Things, to storm
and occupy her castles and strongholds, and extend the
bounds of human empire, as far as God Almighty in
his goodness may permit. -
Let us now come to that knowledge whereunto the
ancient oracle directs us, which is the knowledge of
ourselves ; which deserves the more accurate handling
in proportion as it touches us more nearly. This
knowledge is for man the end and term of knowl-
edges ; but of nature herself it is but a portion. And
generally let this be a rule ; that all divisions of knowl-
edges be accepted and used rather for lines to mark or
distinguish, than sections to divide and separate them ;
in order that solution of continuity in sciences may
always be avoided. For the contrary hereof has made
particular sciences to become barren, shallow, and er-
roneous ; not being nourished and maintained and kept
right by the common fountain and aliment. So we
see Cicero the orator complaining of Socrates and his
school, that he was the first who separated philosophy
and rhetoric ; whereupon rhetoric became an empty
and verbal art.2 So we may see that the opinion of
1 Horn. II. i. 334. : — Hail, heralds, messengers of Jove and men J
2 Cicero De Orat. iii. c. 19.
THE FOURTH BOOK. 15
Copernicus touching the rotation of the earth (which
has now become prevalent) cannot be refuted by astro-
nomical principles, because it is not repugnant to any
of the phenomena ; yet the principles of natural phi-
losophy rightly laid down may correct it. Lastly we
see that the science of medicine, if it be forsaken by
natural philosophy, is not much better than an empir-
ical practice. With this reservation therefore let us
proceed to the doctrine concerning Man. It has two
parts. For it considers man either segregate, or con-
gregate and in society. The one I call the Philosophy
of Humanity, the other Civil Philosophy. Philosophy
of Humanity consists of parts similar to those of which
man consists ; that is, of knowledges which respect
the body, and of knowledges which respect the mind.
But before we pursue the particular distributions let
us constitute one general science concerning the Na-
ture and State of Man ; a subject which certainly de-
serves to be emancipated and made a knowledge of
itself. It is composed of those things which are com-
mon as well to the body as the soul ; and may be
divided into two parts ; the one regarding the nature
of man undivided, and the other regarding the bond
and connexion between the mind and body ; the first
whereof I will term the doctrine concerning the Per-
son of Man, the second the doctrine concerning the
League. But it is plain that these things, being com-
mon and mixed, could not all have been assigned to
that first division, of sciences which regard the body
and sciences which regard the mind.
The doctrine concerning the Person of Man takes
into consideration two subjects principally ; the Mis-
eries of the human race, and the Prerogatives or Ex-
16 TRANSLATION OF THE " DE AUGMENTIS."
cellencies of the same. And for the miseries of hu-
manity, the lamentation of them has been elegantly
and copiously set forth by many, both in philosophical
and theological writings. And it is an argument at
once sweet and wholesome.
But that other subject of the Prerogatives of Man
seems to me to deserve a place among the desiderata.
Pindar in praising Hiero says most elegantly (as is
his wont) that he " culled the tops of all virtues." *
And certainly I think it would contribute much to
magnanimity and the honour of humanity, if a collec-
tion were made of what the schoolmen call the ultimi-
ties, and Pindar the tops or summits, of human nature,
especially from true history ; showing what is the ulti-
mate and highest point which human nature has of
itself attained in the several gifts of body and mind.
What a wonderful thing, for example, is that which is
told of Caesar, — that he could dictate to five secretaries
at once. And again those exercitations of the ancient
rhetoricians, Protagoras and Gorgias, and of the phi-
osophers, Callisthenes, Posidonius, Carneades, — who
could speak elegantly and copiously, extempore, on
either side of any subject, — is no small honour to the
powers of the human wit. A thing inferior in use, but
as a matter of display and ability perhaps still greater,
is that which Cicero 2 relates of his master Archias —
that he could speak extempore a great number of
excellent verses about anything that happened to be
going on at the time.3 That Cyrus or Scipio could
call so many thousands of men by name was a great
feat of memory. Nor are the triumphs of the moral
l Find. Olymp. i. 20. 2 Cicero, pro Archia, c. 8.
» Cf. Laert. ix. 59.
THE FOURTH BOOK. 17
virtues less famous than those of the intellectual.
What a proof of patience is displayed in the story told
of Anaxarchus, who, when questioned under torture,
bit out his own tongue (the only hope of information),
and spat it into the face of the tyrant.1 Nor was it a
less thing in point of endurance (however inferior in
worthiness) which occurred in our own times in the
case of the Burgundian who murdered the Prince of
Orange : being beaten with rods of iron and torn with
red-hot pincers, he uttered not a single groan ; nay,
when something aloft broke and fell on the head of a
O
bystander, the half-burnt wretch laughed in the midst
of his torments, though but a little before he had wept
at the cutting off of his curling locks. A wonderful
composure and serenity of mind at the point of death
has also been displayed by many ; as in the case of the
centurion related by Tacitus : when bidden by the
soldier appointed to execute him to stretch out his
neck boldly, "I wish," he replied, "that you may
strike as boldly." John Duke of Saxony, when the
warrant was brought to him for his execution next
day, was playing at chess. Calling a bystander to him,
he said with a smile, " See whether I have not the best
of the game ; for when I am dead he (pointing to his
adversary) will boast that he was winning." Our
own More, too, Chancellor of England, when the day
before he was to die a barber came to him (sent be-
cause his hair was long, which it was feared might
make him more commiserated with the people) and
asked him " whether he would be pleased to be
trimmed," refused ; and turning to the barber, " The
King and I (said he) have a suit for my head, and till
1 Diogen. Laertius. ix. 59.
VOL. ix. 2
18 TRANSLATION OF THE " DE AUGMENTIS."
\
the title be cleared I will do no cost upon it." The
same More, at the very instant of death, when ho had
already laid his head on the fatal block, lifted it up a
little, and gently drew aside his beard, which was some-
what long, saying, " this at least hath not offended the
King." But not to stay too long on the point, my
meaning is sufficiently clear ; namely, that the miracles
of human nature, and its highest powers and virtues
both in mind and body, should be collected into a vol-
ume, which should serve for a register of the Triumphs
of Man. In which work I approve the design of Va-
lerius Maximus and C. Pliny, and wish for their dili-
gence and judgment.
With regard to the doctrine concerning the League
or Common Bond between the soul and body, it is dis-
tributed into two parts. For as in all leagues and
amities there is both mutual intelligence and mutual
offices, so the description of this league of soul and
body consists in like manner of two parts: namely,
how these two (that is the Soul and the Body) dis-
close the one the other, and how they work the one
upon the other ; by knowledge or indication, and by
impression. The former of these (that is, the descrip-
tion of what knowledge of the mind may be obtained
from the habit of the body, or of the body from the
accidents of the mind) has begotten two arts ; both of
prediction ; whereof the one is honoured with the in-
quiry of Aristotle, and the other of Hippocrates. And
although they have of later times been polluted with
superstitious and fantastical arts, yet being purged arid
restored to their true state, they have both a solid
ground in nature and a profitable use in life. The
first is Physiognomy, which discovers the dispositions
THE FOURTH BOOK. 19
of the mind by the lineaments of the body ; the second
is the Interpretation of Natural Dreams, which dis-
covers the state and disposition of the body by the
agitations of the mind. In the former of these I note
a deh'cience. For Aristotle has very ingeniously and
diligently handled the structure of the body when at
rest, but the structure of the body when in motion
(that is the gestures of the body) he has omitted ;
which nevertheless are equally within the observations
of art, and of greater use and advantage. For the
lineaments of the body disclose the dispositions and
inclinations of the mind in general; but the motions
and gestures of the countenance and parts do not only
so, but disclose likewise the seasons of access, and the
present humour and state of the mind and will. For
as your Majesty says most aptly and elegantly, " As
the tongue speaketh to the ear so the gesture speaketh
to the eye." l And well is this known to a number of
cunning and astute persons ; whose eyes dwell upon
the faces and gestures of men, and make their own
advantage of it, as being most part of their ability and
wisdom. Neither indeed can it be denied, but that it
is a wonderful index of simulation in another, and an
excellent direction as to the choice of proper times and
seasons to address persons ; which is no small part of
ri\il wisdom. Nor let any one imagine that a sagacity
of this kind may be of use with respect to particular
persons, but cannot fall under a general rule ; for we
fill laugh and weep and frown and blush nearly in the
same fashion ; and so it is (for the most part) in the
more subtle motions. But if any one be reminded
here of chiromancy, let him know that it is a vain
1 Basilicon Doron, book iii.
20 TRANSLATION OF THE " DE AUGMENTIS."
imposture, not worthy to be so much as mentioned in
discourses of this nature. With regard to the Inter-
pretation of Natural Dreams, it is a thing that has been
laboriously handled by many writers, but it is full of
follies. At present I will only observe that it is not
grounded upon the most solid foundation of which it
admits ; which is, that when the same sensation is pro-
duced in the sleeper by an internal cause which is usu-
ally the effect of some external act, that external act
passes into the dream. A like oppression is produced
in the stomach by the vapour of indigestion and by an
external weight superimposed ; and therefore persons
who suffer from the nightmare dream of a weighl
lying on them, with a great array of circumstances.
A like pendulous condition of the bowels is produced
by the agitation of the waves at sea, and by wind col-
lected round the diaphragm ; therefore hypochondriacal
persons often dream that they are sailing and tossing
011 the sea. There are likewise innumerable instances
of this kind.
The latter branch of the doctrine of the League
(which I have termed Impression) has not yet been
collected into an art, but only comes in sometimes dis-
persedly in the course of other treatises. It has the
same relation or antistrophe that the former has. For
the consideration is twofold ; either how and how fai:
the humours and temperament of the body alter and
\vork upon the mind ; or again, how and how far thu
passions or apprehensions of the mind alter and work
upon the body. For the physicians prescribe drugs to
heal mental diseases, as in the treatment of phrensy
and melancholy ; and pretend also to exhibit medi-
cines to exhilarate the mind, to fortify the heart and
THE FOURTH BOOK. 21
thereby confirm the courage, to clarify the \vits, to cor-
roborate the memory, and the like. But the diets, and
choice of meats and drinks, the ablutions, and other
observances of the body, in the sect of the Pythago-
reans, in the heresy of the Manicheans, and in the law
of Mahomet, exceed all measure. So likewise the or-
dinances in the ceremonial law interdicting the eating
of the blood and fat, and distinguishing between beasts
clean and unclean for meat, are many and strict. Nay,
the Christian faith itself (although clear and serene
from all clouds of ceremony) yet retains the use of
fastings, abstinences, and other macerations and humil-
iations of the body, as things not merely ritual, but
also profitable. The root and life of all which pre-
scripts (besides the ceremony and the exercise of
obedience) consist in that of which we are speaking,
namely the sympathy of the mind with the state and
disposition of the body. But if any man of weak judg-
ment conceive that these impressions of the body on
the mind either question the immortality of the soul,
or derogate from its sovereignty over the body, a slight
answer may serve for so slight a doubt. Let him take
the case of an infant in the mother's womb, which is
affected by that which affects the mother, and yet is in
due time delivered and separated from her body; or
of monarchs who, though powerful, are sometimes con-
t rolled by their servants, and yet without abatement of
their majesty royal.
As for the reciprocal part (which is the operation of
the mind and its passions upon the body), it also has
found a place in medicine. For there is no physician
of any skill who does not attend to the accidents of the
mind, as a thing most material towards recoveries, and
22 TRANSLATION OF THE " DE AUGMKNTIS."
of the greatest force to further or hinder other reme-
dies. But another question pertinent to this subject
has been but sparingly inquired into, and nowise in
proportion to its depth and worth ; namely how far
(setting the affections aside) the very imagination of
the mind, or a thought strongly fixed and exalted into
a kind of faith, is able to alter the body of the imagi-
nant. For although it has a manifest power to hurt,
yet it follows not that it has the same degree of power
to help ; no more indeed than a man can conclude, that
because there are pestilent airs, able suddenly to kill a
man in health, therefore there should be sovereign airs,
able suddenly to cure a man in sickness. Such an in-
quiry would surely be of noble use ; though it needs
(as Socrates says1) a Delian diver; for it lies deep.
Again, among those doctrines concerning the League,
or the concordances between the mind and body, there
is none more necessary than the inquiry concerning the
proper seats and domiciles which the several faculties
of the mind occupy in the body and its organs. Which
kind of knowledge has not been without its followers ;
but what has been done in it is in most parts either
disputed or slightly inquired ; so that more diligence
and acuteness is requisite. For the opinion of Plato,2
who placed the understanding in the brain, as in a cas-
tle ; animosity (which he unfitly enough called anger,
seeing it is more related to swelling and pride) in the
heart ; and concupiscence and sensuality in the liver ;
deserves neither to be altogether despised nor to ^e
eagerly received. Neither again is that arrangement
of the intellectual faculties (imagination, reason, and
memory) according to the respective ventricles of the
i Diog. Laert. ii. 22. and ix. 12. 2 Plato, Timaeus, p. 71.
THE FOURTH BOOK. 23
brain, destitute of error. Thus then have I explained
the doctrine concerning the nature of man undivided,
and likewise the league between the mind and body.
CHAP. II.
Division of the doctrine concerning the Body of Man
into Medicine, Cosmetic, Athletic, and Voluptu-
ary. Division of Medicine into three offices; viz.
the Preservation of Health, the Cure of Diseases,
and the Prolongation of Life ; and that the last
division concerning the Prolongation of Life ought
to be kept separate from the other two.
THE doctrine that concerns man's body receives the
same division as the good of man's body, to which it
refers. The good of man's body is of four kinds ;
Health, Beauty, Strength, and Pleasure. The knowl-
edges therefore are in number the same ; Medicine,
Cosmetic, Athletic, and Voluptuary, which Tacitus
truly calls " educated luxury." 1
Medicine is a most noble art, and according to the
7 o
poets has a most illustrious pedigree. For they have
represented Apollo as the primary god of medicine,
and given him a son jEsculapius, likewise a god, pro-
fessor of the same ; seeing that in nature the sun is the
author and source of life, the physician the preserver
and as it were the second fountain thereof. But a far
greater honour accrues to medicine from the works of
our Saviour, who was the physician both of soul and
body ; and as he made the soul the peculiar object of
!Tac. Ann. xvi. 18.
24 TRANSLATION OF THE " DE AUGMENTIS."
his heavenly doctrine, so he made the body the pecu-
liar object of his miracles. For we nowhere read of
any miracle done by him with respect to honours or
money (except that one, for giving tribute money to
Ca3sar), but only with respect to the body of man, for
the preservation, support, or healing thereof.
This subject of medicine (namely man's body) is of
all other things in nature most susceptible of remedy ;
but then that remedy is most susceptible of error. For
the same subtlety and variety of the subject, as it sup-
plies abundant means of healing, so it involves great
facility of failing. And therefore as this art (espe-
cially as we now have it) must be reckoned as one of
the most conjectural, so the inquiry of it must be ac-
counted one of the most exact and difficult. Not that
I share the idle notion of Paracelsus and the alche-
mists, that there are to be found in man's body certain
correspondences and parallels which have respect to all
the several species (as stars, planets, minerals) which
are extant in the universe ; foolishly and stupidly mis-
applying the ancient emblem (that man was a micro-
cosm or epitome of the world) to the support of this
fancy of theirs. But yet thus much is true, that (as I
was going to say) of all substances which nature has
produced man's body is the most multifariously com-
pounded. For we see herbs and plants are nourished
by earth and water ; beasts for the most part by herbs
and fruits ; but man by the flesh of those beasts (quad-
rupeds, birds, and fishes), and also by herbs, grains,
fruits, juices and liquors of various kinds ; not without
manifold commixtures, dressings, and preparations of
these several bodies, before they come to be his food
and aliment. Add to this, that beasts have a more
THE FOURTH BOOK. 26
simple manner of life, and fewer affections to work
upon their bodies, and those much alike in their oper-
ation ; whereas man in his places of habitation, exer-
cises, passions, sleep and watching, undergoes infinite
variations ; so that it is true that the body of man, of
all other things, is of the most fermented and com-
pounded mass. The soul on the other side is the
simplest of substances ; as is well expressed,
purumque reliquit
./Ethereum sensurn, atque aural simplicis ignem.1
Whence it is no marvel that the soul so placed enjoys
no rest ; according to the axiom that the motion of
* O
things out of their place is rapid, and in their place
calm. But to return. This variable and subtle com-
position and structure of man's body has made it as a
musical instrument of much and exquisite workman-
ship, which is easily put out of tune. And therefore
the poets did well to conjoin music and medicine in
Apollo ; because the genius of both these arts is almost
the same ; for the office of the physician is but to
know how to stretch and tune this harp of man's body
that the harmony may be without all harshness or dis-
cord. So then the subject being so inconstant and
variable has made the art by consequence more con-
jectural ; and the art being so conjectural has made so
much more room not only for error, but also for im-
posture. For almost all other arts and sciences are
judged by their power and functions, and not by the
successes and events. The lawyer is judged by the
virtue of his pleading and speaking, not by the issue of
the cause ; the master of the ship is judged by his skill
1 Virg. En. vi. 747.: —
pure and unmixed
The ethereal sense is left — mere air and fire.
26 TRANSLATION OF THE " DE AUGMENTIS."
in steering, and not by the fortune of the voyage.
But the physician, and perhaps the politician, have no
particular acts whereby they may clearly exhibit their
skill and ability; but are honoured or disgraced accord-
ing to the event ; — a most unfair way of judging.
For who can know, if a patient die or recover, or if a
state be preserved or ruined, whether it be art or ac-
cident? And therefore many times the impostor is
prized, and the man of virtue censured. Nay, such is
the weakness and credulity of men, that they will often
prefer a witch or mountebank to a learned physician.
And therefore the poets were clear-sighted when they
made Circe sister of jEsculapius, and both children of
the Sun ; as is expressed in the verses, — respecting
JEsculapius, that he was the son of Apollo,
Ille repertorem medicinae tails et artis
Fulmine Phcebigtnam Stygias detrusit ad undas; *
and again respecting Circe, that she was the daughter
of the Sun,
Dives inaccessos ubi Svlisjilia lucos
Urit odoratam nocturna in lumina cedrum.8
For in all times, in the opinion of the multitude,
witches and old women and impostors have been the
rivals in a manner of physicians, and almost contended
with them in celebrity for working cures. And what
follows ? Even this, that physicians say to themselves,
as Solomon expresses it upon a higher occasion,3 " Tf
it befall to me as befalleth to the fool, why shoidd I
l Virg. Ma. vii. 772. : —
Apollo's son the healing art who gare
Jove hurled with thunder to the Stygian ware.
* Virg. 2En. vii. 11.: —
Where the Sim'* daughter in her deep retreat
Burns for her evening light the cedar sweet.
* Eccles. ii. 15.
THE FOURTH BOOK. 27
labour to be more wise ? " And therefore I can the
less blame physicians that they commonly attend tc
some other art or practice, which they fancy more
than their own. For you have among them poets,
antiquaries, critics, rhetoricians, statesmen, divines ;
and in every one of these arts more learned than in
their own profession. Nor does this happen, in my
opinion, because (as a certain declaimer against the
sciences objects to the physicians) they have so many
sad and disgusting objects to deal with that they must
needs withdraw their minds to other things for relief
(for " he that is a man should not think anything that
is human alien to him ") ; 1 but rather upon the ground
we are now on, that they find that mediocrity and ex-
cellency in their art make no difference in profit or
reputation towards their fortune. For the impatience
of disease, the sweetness of life, the flattery of hope,
the commendations of friends, make men depend upon
physicians with all their defects. But yet if these
things be more attentively considered, they tend rather
to inculpate physicians than to excuse them. For in-
stead of throwing away hope, they ought to put (~
more strength. For if any man will awake his obsi
vation and look a little about him, he will easily se.
from obvious and familiar examples what a mastery the
subtlety and acuteness of the intellect has over the
variety either of matter or of form. Nothing more
variable than faces and countenances ; yet men can
bear in memory the infinite distinctions of them ; nay
a painter, with a few shells of colours, and the help of
his eye, of the force of his imagination, and the steadi-
ness of his hand, can imitate and draw the faces of all
JTer. Heauton. i. 1. 25: — Homo sum; human! nihil a me alienum puto.
28 TRANSLATION OF THE " DE AUGMENTIS."
men that are, have been, or shall be, if they were only
brought before him. Nothing more variable than the
human voice, yet we easily distinguish the differences
of it in different persons ; nay and there are buffoons
and pantomimes who will imitate and express to the
life as many as they please. Nothing more variable
than the differing sounds of words, yet men have found
the way to reduce them to a few simple letters. And
most true it is that perplexities and incomprehensions
in science proceed commonly not from any want of
subtlety or capacity in the mind, but from the object
being placed too far off. For as the sense when at a
distance from the object is full of mistaking, but when
brought near enough does not much err, so is it with
the understanding. But men are wont to look down
upon nature as from a high tower and from a great dis-
tance, and to occupy themselves too much with gen-
eralities ; whereas if they would come down and draw
near to particulars and take a closer and more accurate
view of things themselves, they would gain a more
..true and profitable knowledge of them. Wherefore
Tie remedy of this evil is not merely to quicken or
witc
lengthen the organ, but also to go nearer to the ob-
riv .
/act. And therefore there is no doubt but if the phy-
sicians would for a while set these generalities aside
and go forth to meet Nature, they would obtain that,
of which the poet speaks,
Et quoniam variant morbi, variahimus artes;
Millc mali spucies, mille salutis erunt.1
Which they should the rather do, because those very
1 Ovid. Remed. Amor.: —
Arts shall as various as di?fases be ;
Though sickness take a thousand shapes, yet we
Will find for each its several remedy.
THE FOURTH BOOK. 20
philosophies which physicians, whether regular prac-
titioners or chemists, rely upon (and medicine not
founded on philosophy is a weak thing) are themselves
of little worth. Wherefore if generalities, though true,
have the fault that they do not well lead the way to
action ; surely there is greater danger in those general-
ities which are in themselves false, and instead of lead-
ing mislead.
Medicine therefore (as we have seen) is a science
which has been hitherto more professed than laboured,
and yet more laboured than advanced; the labours
spent on it having been rather in a circle, than in pro-
gression. For I find in the writers thereon many iter-
ations, but few additions. I will divide it into three
parts, which I will term its three offices ; the first
Avhereof is the Preservation of Health, the second the
Cure of Diseases, and the third the Prolongation of
Life. But this last the physicians do not seem to have
recognised as the principal part of their art, but to
have confounded, ignorantly enough, with the other
two. For they imagine that if diseases be repelled
before they attack the body, and cured after they have
attacked it, prolongation of life necessarily follows.
But though there is no doubt of this, yet they have
not penetration to see that these two offices pertain
only to diseases, and such prolongation of life as is in-
tercepted and cut short by them. But the lengthen-
ing of the thread of life itself, and the postponement
for a time of that death which gradually steals on by
natural dissolution and the decay of age, is a subject
which no physician has handled in proportion to its
dignity. And let not men make a scruple of it, as if
this were a thing belonging to fate and Divine Provi-
30 TRANSLATION OF THE " DE AUGMENTIS."
dence which I am the first to bring within the office
and function of art. For Providence no doubt directs
all kinds of death alike, whether from violence or dis-
ease or the decay of age ; yet it does not on that ac-
count exclude the use of preventions and remedies.
But art and human industry do not command nature
and destiny ; they only serve and minister to them.
Of this part however I will speak hereafter; having
in the meantime premised thus much, lest any one
should in ignorance confound this third office of medi-
cine with the two former, as has been done hitherto.
With regard to the office of the preservation of
health (the first of the three), many have written
thereon, very unskilfully both in other respects and
especially in attributing too much (as I think) to the
choice of meats and too little to the quantity. More-
over with regard to quantity itself they have argued
like moral philosophers, too much praising the mean ;
whereas both fasting, when made customary, and a
generous diet, to which one is used, are better pre-
servatives of health than those mediocrities, which only
make nature slothful and unable to bear either excess
or want when it is necessary. Nor have the kinds of
exercises which have most power to preserve health
been by any physician well distinguished and pointed
out; although there is scarcely any tendency to dis-
ease which may not be prevented by some proper ex-
ercise. Thus playing at bowls is good for diseases of
the reins, archery for those of the lungs, walking and
riding for weakness of the stomach, and the like. But
as this part touching the preservation of health has
been handled as a whole, it is- not my plan to pursue
the minor defects.
THE FOURTH BOOK. 31
With regard to the cure of diseases, much labour
O
has been bestowed on this part, but with slight profit.
To it belongs the knowledge of the diseases to which
the human body is subject ; with their causes, symp-
toms, and remedies. In this second office of ^nedicine
there are many deficiencies ; a few of which, but those
the most glaring, I will propound ; thinking it suffi-
cient to enumerate them without any law of order or
method.
The first is, the discontinuance of the very useful
and accurate diligence of Hippocrates, who used to set
down a narrative of the special cases of his patients ;
relating what was the nature of the disease, what the
treatment, and what the issue. Therefore having so
notable and proper an example in a man who has been
regarded as the father of his art, I shall not need to
go abroad for an example from other arts ; as from the
wisdom of the lawyers, who have ever been careful to
report the more important cases and new decisions,
for instruction and direction in future cases. This
continuance of medicinal history I find deficient ; es-
pecially as carefully and judiciously digested into one
body ; which nevertheless I do not understand should
be either so copious as to extend to every common
case of daily occurrence (for that would be something
infinite, and foreign to the purpose), or so reserved as
tc admit none but wonders and prodigies, as has been
done by some. For many things are new in the man-
ner and circumstances which are not new in the kind ;
and if men will apply themselves to observe, they will
find even in things which appear commonplace much
that is worthy of observation.
Likewise in anatomical inquiries, those things which
32 TRANSLATION OF THE "DE AUGMENTIS."
pertain to man's body in general are most diligently
observed, even to curiosity and in the minutest par-
ticulars ; but touching the varieties which are found in
different bodies, the diligence of physicians falls short.
And therefore I say that Simple Anatomy is handled
most lucidly, but that Comparative Anatomy is want-
ing. For men inquire well of the several parts, and
their substances, figures, and collocations ; but the di-
versities of the figure and condition of those parts in
different men they observe not. The reason of which
omission I judge to be no other than that the former
inquiry may be satisfied by the view of one or two
anatomies, whereas the latter, (being comparative and
casual) requires the view and attentive study of many.
The first likewise is a subject on which learned men
may display their knowledge in lectures and before
audiences ; but the last is only to be gained by silent
and long experience. Meanwhile there is no question
but that the figure and structure of the inward parts
is but little inferior in variety and lineaments to the
outward ; and that the hearts or livers or stomachs of
men differ as much as their foreheads or noses or ears.
And in these very differences of the internal parts are
often found the " causes continent " of many diseases ;
which not being observed by the physicians, they quar-
rel many times with the humours, which are not in
fault, the fault being in the very mechanical frame of
the part. In the cure of which diseases it is lost la-
bour to employ medicines alterative (for the part admits
not of alteration) ; but the thing must be corrected,
and accommodated or palliated by diets and medicines
familiar. To Comparative Anatomy belongs likewise
the accurate observation as well of all kinds of hu-
THE FOURTH BOOK. 33
mours, as of the footsteps and impressions of diseases
in various dissected bodies. For the humours are com-
monly passed over in anatomies with disgust as purga-
ments ; whereas it is of the first importance to observe
of what sort and how manifold the different kinds of
humours are (not relying too much on the common
divisions of them) which are sometimes found in the
human body; and in what cavities and receptacles
each of them is most apt to lodge and nestle, and with
what benefit or injury, and the like. So again the
footsteps and impressions of diseases and the injuries
and devastations they cause in the inward parts, ought
in different anatomies to be diligently observed ; namely
imposthumations, exulcerations, discontinuations, putre-
factions, corrosions, consumptions, contractions, exten-
sions, convulsions, loosenings, dislocations, obstructions,
repletions, tumours ; together with all preternatural
substances that are found in the human body (as
stones, carnosities, excrescences, worms, and the like) ;
all these, I say, and the like of them ought by that
Comparative Anatomy which I have spoken of, and
the collation of the several experiences of many phy-
sicians, to be carefully searched out and compared.
But this variety of accidents is either slightly handled
in anatomies or else passed over in silence.
Of that other defect in anatomy (that it has not been
practised on live bodies) what need to speak ? For it
is a thing hateful and inhuman, and has been justly re-
proved by Celsus. But yet it is no less true (as was
anciently noted) that many of the more subtle pas-
sages, pores, and pertusions appear not in anatomical
dissections, because they are shut and latent in dead
bodies, though they be open and manifest in live.
34 TRANSLATION OF THE " DE ADGMENTIS."
Wherefore that utility may be considered as well as
humanity, the anatomy of the living subject is not to
be relinquished altogether, nor referred (as it was by
Celsus) to the casual practices of surgery ; since it
may be well discharged by the dissection of beasts
alive, which, notwithstanding the dissimilitude of their
parts to human, may, with the help of a little judg-
ment, sufficiently satisfy this inquiry.
Again, in their inquiry concerning diseases, they
find many which they pronounce incurable, some at
their very commencement, and others after a certain
period. So that the proscriptions of Sylla and the
Triumvirs were as nothing to the proscriptions of phy-
sicians, wherein by most iniquitous edicts they give up
so many to death ; of whom nevertheless numbers es-
cape with less difficulty than they did in the Roman
proscriptions. Therefore I will not hesitate to set down
among the desiderata a work on the cure of diseases
which are held incurable ; that so some physicians of
eminence and magnanimity may be stirred up to take
this work (as far as the nature of things permits) upon
them ; since the pronouncing these diseases incurab'e
gives a legal sanction as it were to neglect and inat-
tention, and exempts ignorance from discredit.
Again, to go a little further ; I esteem it likewise to
be clearly the office of a physician, not only to restore
health, but also to mitigate the pains and torments of
diseases ; and not only when such mitigation of pain, as
of a dangerous symptom, helps and conduces to recov-
ery ; but also when, all hope of recovery being gone, it
serves only to make a fair and easy passage from life.
For it is no small felicity which Augustus Cffisar was
wont so earnestly to pray for, that same Euthanasia;
THE FOURTH BOOK. 35
which likewise was observed in the death of Antoninus
Pius,1 which was not so much like death as like falling
into a deep and pleasant sleep. And it is written of
Epicurus, that he procured the same for himself; for
after his disease was judged desperate, he drowned his
stomach and senses with a large draught and ingurgi
tation of wine ; whereupon the epigram was made,
hinc Stygias ebrius hausit aquas. 2
lie drowned in wine the bitterness of the Stygian
water. But in our times, the physicians make a kind
of scruple and religion to stay with the patient after he
is given up ; whereas in my judgment, if they would
not be wanting to their office, and indeed to humanity,
they ought both to acquire the skill and to bestow the
attention whereby the dying may pass more easily and
quietly out of life. This part I call the inquiry con-
cerning outward Euthanasia, or the easy dying of the
body (to distinguish it from that Euthanasia which
regards the preparation of the soul) ; and set it down
among the desiderata.
Again, in the cures of diseases I generally find this
deficience ; that the physicians of this age, though they
pursue well enough the general intentions of cures, yet
the particular receipts which are proper for the cure of
particular diseases they either do not well understand
or do not scrupulously observe. For physicians have
frustrated and destroyed the fruit of tradition and ex-
perience by their magistracies, in adding and taking
away and making changes in their receipts at their
pleasure ; and substituting quid pro quo, much like the
chemists ; usurping such command over the medicine,
1 Sueton. in August, c. 99. a Cf. Diog. Laert. x. 16
36 TRANSLATION OF THE " DE AUGMENTIS."
that the medicine loses all command over the disease.
For except it be treacle and mithridate, and perhaps
disascordium and the confection of alkermes, and a few
other medicines, they tie themselves to scarce any cer-
tain receipts severely and religiously. For as to those
confections which are for sale in the shops, they are
rather in readiness for general intentions than accom-
modated and specially adapted to particular cures ; for
they do not specially regard any one disease, but relate
generally to purging, opening, comforting, and altering.
And this is principally the cause why empirics and old
women are more happy many times in their cures than
learned physicians, because 'they are more exact and
religious in holding to the composition and confection
of tried medicines. Indeed I remember a physician
here in England, a famous practitioner, in religion al-
most a Jew, in reading a kind of Arab, who used to
say, " Your physicians in Europe are indeed men of
learning ; but they do not know the particular cures for
diseases." He would also say in jest, not very rever-
ently, " that our physicians are like bishops, who have
the power of the keys, to bind and loose, and nothing
more." But to speak seriously ; I conceive that it
would be of great use if some physicians, among the
more distinguished both for learning and practice,
would compose a work on medicines tried and ap-
proved by experiment for the cure of particular dis-
eases. For if it be thought fitter for a learned physi-
cian (after taking account of the constitution and age
of his patients, the season of the year, their customs,
and the like) to apply his medicines according to the
occasion, than to abide by any certain prescriptions,
the opinion, though plausible, is fallacious, and allows
THE FOURTH BOOK. 37
too little weight to experience, and too much to judg-
ment. For as they were the most useful citizens and
of the best composition in the state of Rome, who
either being consuls inclined to the people, or being
tribunes inclined to the senate ; so in the matter we
now handle, they are the best physicians, who being
great in learning most incline to the traditions of expe-
rience, or being distinguished in practice do not reject
the methods and generalities of art. As to the quali-
fying of medicines (if it be ever necessary), it ought
rather to be done in the vehicles than in the body of the
medicines, wherein nothing should be altered without
evident necessity. This part therefore, which treats ot
authentic and positive medicines, I set down as want-
ing. But it is a thing that should not be undertaken
without keen and severe judgment, and in synod, as it
were, of select physicians.
Again, in preparation of medicines I find it strange
(especially considering how mineral medicines have
been so much lauded and extolled by the chemists, and
that such medicines are safer applied outwardly than
taken inwardly) that no man has endeavoured to make
an imitation by art of natural baths and medicinal
fountains ; although it is confessed that they receive
their virtues from the mineral veins through which they
flow ; and not only so, but as a manifest proof of the
fact, human industry has found the way to discern and
distinguish by analysis from what kind of mineral such
waters receive tincture ; as sulphur, vitriol, steel, or the
like. Which natural tincture if it might be reduced to
compositions of art, would put it in the power of man
to make more kinds of them as occasion demands, and
to regulate their temper at discretion. This part there-
88 TRANSLATION OF THE " DE AUGMENTIS.'
fore, concerning the imitation of nature in artificial
baths (an undertaking doubtless both easy and profit-
able), I judge to be deficient.
But lest I grow to be more particular than is agree-
able either to my intention or to the nature of this
treatise, I will conclude this part with the note of one
deficience more, which seems to me of greatest conse-
quence ; which is, that the method of treatment in use
is too compendious to accomplish anything remarkable
or difficult. For in my judgment it would be an opin-
ion more flattering than true, to think any medicine
can be so sovereign or so happy as that the simple use
of it can work any great cure. It were a strange
speech, which spoken once, or even spoken many times,
should reclaim a man from a vice to which he is by na-
ture subject. The thing is impossible. It is order,
pursuit, sequence, and skilful interchange of applica-
tion, which is mighty in nature. And these things,
although they require greater judgment in prescribing
and more constant obedience in observing, yet make up
for it abundantly by the magnitude of the effects they
produce. Now although a man would think, by the
daily attentions which physicians pay to their patients,
— their visitations, nursings, and prescriptions, — that
they were pursuing the cure diligently and following it
up by a certain path ; yet let a man look more deeply
into the prescripts and ministrations which physicians
use, and he shall find the most of them full of vacilla-
tion and inconstancy, devices of the moment, without
any settled or foreseen course of cure ; whereas they
ought from the very first, as soon as ever the disease is
fully discovered and known, to resolve upon some reg-
ular plan of treatment, and not to depart therefrom
THE FOURTH BOOK. 39
without grave reason. And let physicians be assured
of this : that there may be (for example) three or four
medicines rightly prescribed for the cure of some serious
disease, which if taken in proper order and at proper
intervals will work the cure ; but if taken either singly,
or in a different order, or without the interval, will
prove most injurious. I do not mean that every scru-
pulous and superstitious prescript should be taken for
the best (no more than every strait way is the way to
heaven) ; the way must be the right way no less than
the strait and difficult one. This part then, which I
will call the Physician's Clue, I set down as deficient.
And these are the things I find wanting in that part of
medicine which relates to the cure of diseases : only
there is one thing still remaining, which is of more con-
sequence than all the rest ; — namely, a true and active
Natural Philosophy for the science of medicine to be
built upon. But that does not belong to the present
treatise.
The third part of medicine which I have set down is
that which relates to the Prolongation of Life, which is
new, and deficient ; and the most noble of all. For if
such a thing may be discovered, the business of medi-
cine will no longer be confined to humble cures, nor
will physicians be honoured only for necessity ; but for
a gift to men — of earthly gifts perhaps the greatest —
of which, next to God, they may become the dispensers
and administrators. For although to a Christian mak-
ing for the Land of Promise the world is but a wilder-
ness, yet even while we travel in the wilderness to
have our shoes and garments (that is our bodies, which
are as the clothing of the soul) not wrorn out by the
Aray, must be accounted as a gift of divine grace. Upon
40 TRANSLATION OF THE " DE AUGMENTIS."
this subject then, seeing it is of such excellence, and
that I have set it down as wanting, I will after my
manner give both admonitions, and directions, and pre-
cepts.
My first admonition is, that of the writers upon this
argument there is none who has discovered anything
great, not to say anything sound. Aristotle has indeed
published a very short commentary upon it, in which
there is some acuteness : which he, as usual, will have
to bo everything. But more modern writers have
handled it so idly and superstitiously, that by reason
of their vanity the argument itself has come to be re-
puted vain and senseless.
My second admonition is, that the very intentions
of physicians in this matter are worth nothing, and
rather serve to draw men's thoughts awray from the
point than to direct them to it. For they tell us that
death consists in the destitution of warmth and moist-
ure ; and therefore that the natural warmth should be
comforted, and the radical moisture cherished. Just
as if this could be done by broths, or lettuces and mal-
lows, or starch, or jujubes, or spices, or generous wines,
or even spirits of wine and chemical oils ; all of which
are rather injurious than beneficial.
My third admonition is, that men should cease from
trifling, nor be so credulous as to imagine that so great
a work as this of delaying and turning back the course
of nature can be effected by a morning draught or by
the use of some precious drug; by potable gold, or
essence of pearls, or suchlike toys ; — but be assured
lhat the prolongation of life is a work of labour and
difficulty, and consisting of a great number of reme-
dies, and those aptly connected one with another. For
THE FOURTH BOOK. 41
let no man be so dull as to believe that a thins; which
cT>
has never yet been done can be done now except b1?
means yet unattempted.
My fourth admonition is, that men should rightly
observe and distinguish between those things which
conduce to a healthy life, and those which conduce to
a long life. For there are some things which tend to
exhilarate the spirits, strengthen the bodily functions,
and keep off diseases, which yet shorten the sum of
life, and without sickness hasten on the decay of old
age. There are others also which are of service to
prolong life and retard decay, which yet cannot be
used without danger to health, so that they who use
them for the prolongation of life should at the same
time provide against such inconveniences as may arise
from their use. And so much by way of admonition.
With regard to directions, the idea I have formed
of the matter is this. Things are preserved and con-
tinued in two ways ; either in their own identity, or
by repair. In their own identity, as a fly or an ant in
amber ; a flower or an apple or wood in conservatories
of snow ; a corpse in balsam. By repair, as in flame,
and in things mechanical. Now he that seeks to effect
the prolongation of life must use both methods (for
separate they have less power) ; and the human body
must be preserved as bodies inanimate, and again as
ilame, and lastly to a certain degree as things mechan-
ical are preserved. Therefore there are three inten-
tions for the prolongation of life ; prevention of waste,
goodness of repair, and renewal of that which has be-
gun to grow old. Waste is caused by two depreda-
tions ; that of the native spirit, and that of the sur-
rounding air. Both of these may be prevented in two
42 TRANSLATION OF THE "DE AUGMENTIS."
ways ; either by making those agents less predatory,
or the patients (that is, the juices of the body) less
susceptible of being preyed on. The spirit is made
less predatory if it be either condensed in substance,
as in the use of opiates and preparations of nitre, and
in mortifications ; or diminished in quantity, as in
Pythagorean and monastic diets ; or quieted in mo-
tion, as in leisure and tranquillity. The surrounding
air becomes less predatory, when it is either less heat-
ed by the rays of the sun, as in cold climates, caves,
mountains, and the columns of anchorites ; or kept
from the body, as by thick skins, the plumage of birds,
and the use of oils and unguents- without spices. The
juices of the body are made less susceptible of depre-
dation, by being rendered either hard, or roscid and
oily : hard, as by rough diet, living in the open air,
strong exercises, and some mineral baths ; roscid, as by
the use of sweet things, abstaining from salts and acids,
and most of all by such a composition of drink as has
very fine and subtle parts, yet free from all acrimony
or acidity. Repair is produced by aliments. Now
alimentation is promoted in four ways ; by the digestion
of the bowels to send out the nourishment, as is done
by medicines comforting the principal bowels ; by ex-
citation of the external parts to attract the aliment, as
by exercises, proper frictions, some proper unctions
and baths ; by preparation of the aliment itself, so that
it may insinuate itself more easily and to a certain ex-
tent anticipate digestion, as in the various artificial
modes of preparing food, mixing drink, fermenting
bread, and combining together the virtues of these
three; by comforting the last act of assimilation, as
in seasonable sleep, and some external applications.
THE FOURTH BOOK. 43
The renovation of what has begun to grow old takes
place in two ways ; either by the inteneration of the
habit of body itself, as in the use of baths, plasters,
and unguents, which act so as to sink in without draw-
ing anything out ; or by draining out the old moisture
and substituting new, as in seasonable and frequent
purgings, lettings of blood, and attenuating diets, which
restore the flower of the body. And so much for di-
rections.
As for precepts, though many may be deduced from
the directions themselves, I think fit to subjoin three as
principal. The first is, that prolongation of life is to
be expected rather from periodical diets, than from any
familiar regimen of living, or even from the excellence
of particular recipes. For things which have sufficient
strength to turn back the course of nature are gener-
ally so strong, and produce such alterations, that they
cannot be compounded with any medicine, much less
mixed with common food. It remains therefore, that
they be used in series, and regularly, and at set times
recurring at certain intervals.
The second is, that prolongation of life is to be ex-
pected rather from working on the spirits and from the
softening of the parts, than from the modes of alimen-
tation. For there being three things which act upon
the human body and frame (not taking external acci-
dents into account), namely the spirits, the parts, and
the aliments ; the way of prolonging life by the modes
of alimentation is tedious and circuitous ; whereas the
,vays by working on the spirits and on the parts are
much shorter, and sooner attain the desired end ; be-
cause the spirits are immediately affected both by va-
pours and passions, which have strange power upon
44 TRANSLATION OF THE " DE AUGMENTIS."
them ; and the parts by baths, unguents, and plasters,
which also make sudden impressions.
The third is, that the softening of the parts from
without should be effected by things of kindred sub-
stance, things that impress, and things that close up.
For things of kindred substance are kindly and readily
embraced and taken in by the parts, and perform the
proper office of emollients : tilings that impress not
only act as vehicles for the virtue of the emollients,
making it sink more easily and deeper, but themselves
also expand the parts a little : while things that close
up retain and keep in and fix for awhile the virtue of
both the others, and restrain perspiration, which is a
thing opposed to the softening process, because it lets
out the moisture. And so by these three (but rather
disposed in order and succeeding each other, than
mixed together) is the thing accomplished. At the
same time I wrould have it understood that the inten-
tion of the softening is not to nourish the parts from
without, but only to make them apter to receive nour-
ishment. For whatever is more dry is less active in
assimilating. And so much for the Prolongation of
Life, now newly assigned to medicine, as the third
part.
We come now to Cosmetic, which has parts civil and
parts effeminate. For cleanness and decency of body
is rightly esteemed to proceed from a modesty of man-
ners, and from reverence, first of all towards God whose
creatures we are ; then towards society wherein we live ;
and then also towards ourselves, whom we ought to
reverence not less, but rather more, than others. But
,hat adulterate decoration, which makes use of dyes
and pigments, is well wrorthy of the deficiencies which
THE FOURTH BOOK. 45
always attend it ; being neither fine enough to deceive,
nor convenient enough for use, nor safe and wholeseme
enough for health. And I wonder that this depraved
custom of painting has been by the penal laws, both
ecclesiastical and civil, (which have been very severe
against extravagance in apparel and effeminate dress-
ing of the hair) so long overlooked. We read indeed
of Jezebel, that she painted her face ; but nothing of
the kind is said of Esther or Judith.
Let us now proceed to Athletic. This I take in a
sense somewhat larger than that in which it is usually
understood. For to it I refer everything which con-
duces to the procuring of any kind of ability of which
the human body is capable ; whether of agility or of
endurance. Agility has two parts, strength and swift-
ness ; endurance has likewise twro, patience of natural
wants, and fortitude under torments. Of all which we
often see remarkable examples, in the practice of tum-
blers, in the hard living of some savages, in the stu-
pendous strength of maniacs, and in the constancy of
some persons under exquisite tortures. And if there
be found any other faculty not falling into the former
divisions (such as the wonderful power of holding the
breath, which is often seen in divers), I mean it to be
referred to this art. Now that such things can some-
times be done, is very plain ; but the philosophy and
inquisition of causes relating to them is almost neglect-
ed ; the rather, I think, because it is thought that such
masteries of nature are only attained either by a pecu-
liar aptness of nature in some men, which cannot be
Caught, or by continual custom fiom boyhood, a thing
which depends upon authority rather than upon teach-
ing. Which though it be not altogether true, yet of
46 TRANSLATION OF THE " DE AUGMENTIS."
what avail is it to note defects in matters of this kind ?
For the Olympic Games are over long since ; and be-
sides in such things mediocrity is enough for use, excel-
lency in them serving for the most part only for mer-
cenary ostentation.
Lastly I come to Arts of Pleasure Sensual, which
are divided according to the senses themselves. The
pleasure of the eyes is chiefly Painting, with a num-
ber of other arts (pertaining to magnificence) which
respect houses, gardens, vestments, vases, cups, gems,
and the like. The pleasure of the ears is Music, with
its various apparatus of voices, wind, and strings :
water instruments, once regarded as the leaders of
this art, are now almost out of use. Of all these arts
those which belong to the eye and ear are esteemed
the most liberal ; for these two senses are the purest ;
and the sciences thereof are the most learned, as hav-
ing mathematics like a handmaid in their train. The
one also has some reference to memory and demonstra-
tions, the other to morality and the passions of the
mind. The pleasures of the other senses, and the arts
relating to them, are less esteemed; as being more
allied to luxury than magnificence. For unguents,
odours, the dainties and pleasures of the table, and
most of all the stimulants of lust, need rather laws to
repress than arts to teach them. It has been well
observed by some that military arts flourish at the
birth ana rise of states ; liberal arts when states are
settled and at their height ; and voluptuary arts when
they are turning to decline and ruin. And I fear that
this our age of the world, as being somewhat upon
the descent of the wheel, inclines to arts voluptuary.
Wherefore let these things pass. With arts volup-
THE FOURTH BOOK. 47
tuary I couple arts jocular ; for the deceiving of the
senses is one of the pleasures of the senses.
And now having run over the doctrines concerning
the body of man (Medicine, Cosmetic, Athletic, and
the Art Voluptuary), I give this notice in passing ; that
whereas so many things come into consideration in the
human body, parts, humours, functions, faculties, and
accidents ; and that (if it were a new matter) it would
be fit that there should be a single body of learning
touching the human body containing them all (like
that doctrine concerning the soul, of which I shall
soon come to speak) ; yet to avoid the too great multi-
plication of arts, or the transposition (more than need
be) of their ancient limits, I receive the doctrine con-
cerning the parts of the human body, — the functions,
humours, respiration, sleep, generation, the foetus and
gestation in the womb, growth, puberty, old age, fat-
ness, and the like, — into the body of medicine; not
that they properly belong to those three offices, but
because the human body is in everything the subject
of medicine. But voluntary motion and sense I refer
to the doctrine concerning the soul, because in these
two the soul plays the principal part. And so much
for the philosophy concerning the body of man ; which
is but the tabernacle of the mind.
48 TRANSLATION OF THE " DE AUGMENTIS."
CHAP. III.
Division of Human Philosophy relating to the Soul into
Doctrine concerning the Breath of Life and Doctrine
concerning the Sensible or Produced Soul. Second
Division of the same Philosophy into Doctrine con-
cerning the Substance and Faculties of the Soul,
and Doctrine concerning the Use and Objects of the
Faculties. Two Appendices of the Doctrine concern-
ing the Faculties of the Soul ; Doctrine concerning
Natural Divination and Doctrine concerning Fasci-
nation. Distribution of the Faculties of the Sensible
Soul into Motion and Sense.
LET us now proceed to the doctrine which concerns
the Human Soul, from the treasures whereof all other
doctrines are derived. The parts thereof are two ;
the one treats of the rational soul, which is divine ;
the other of the irrational, which is common with
brutes. I mentioned a little before (in speaking of
Forms) the two different emanations of souls, which
appear in the first creation thereof; the one springing
from tne breath of God, the other from the wombs of
the elements. For touching the first generation of the
rational soul, the Scripture says, " He hath made man
of the dust of the earth, and breathed into his nostrils
the breath of life ;" whereas the generation of the ir-
rational soul, or that of the brutes, was effected by the
words " Let the water bring forth ; let the earth bring
forth.' Now this soul (as it exists in man) is only the
instrument of the rational soul, and has its origin like
that of the brutes in the dust of the earth. For it is
not said that " He made the body of man of the dust
of the earth," but that " He made man ; " that is the
THE FOURTH BOOK. . 49
entire man, excepting only the breath of life. Where-
fore the first part of the general doctrine concerning
the human soul I will term the doctrine concerning
the Breath of Life ; the other the doctrine concerning
the Sensible or Produced Soul. But yet, as hitherto
I handle philosophy only (for I have placed sacred
divinity at the end of the work), I would not borrow
this division from theology, if it were not consonant
with the principles of philosophy also. For there are
many and great excellencies of the human soul above
the souls of brutes, manifest even to those who philos-
ophise according to the sense. Now wherever the
mark of so many and great excellencies is found, there
also a specific difference ought to be constituted ; and
therefore I do not much like the confused and promis-
cuous manner in which philosophers have handled the
functions of the soul ; as if the human soul differed
from the spirit of brutes in degree rather than in kind ;
as the sun differs from the stars, or gold from metals.
I must subjoin likewise another division of the gen-
eral doctrine concerning the human soul before I speak
more fully of the species. For that which I shall
hereafter say of the species will concern both divisions
alike ; as well that which I have just set down, as that
which I am now about to propose. Let this second
division therefore be into the doctrine concerning the
Substance and Faculties of the soul, and the doctrine
concerning the Use and Objects of the Faculties.
Having therefore laid down these two divisions, let
us now proceed to the species. The doctrine concern-
ing the breath of life, as well as the doctrine concern-
ing the substance of the rational soul, includes those
inquiries touching its nature, — whether it be native or
50 TRANSLATION OF THE " DE AUGMENTIS."
advontive, separable or inseparable, mortal or immor-
tal, how far it is tied to the laws of matter, how far
exempted from them ; and the like. Which questions
though even in philosophy they admit of an inquiry
both more diligent and more profound than they have
hitherto received, yet I hold that in the end all such
must be handed over to religion to be determined and
defined. Otherwise they will be subject to many
errors and illusions of the sense. For since the sub-
stance of the soul in its creation was not extracted or
produced out of the mass of heaven and earth, but
was immediately inspired from God; and since the
laws of heaven and earth are the proper subjects of
philosophy ; how can we expect to obtain from philos-
ophy the knowledge of the substance of the rational
soul? It must be drawn from the same divine inspi-
ration, from which that substance first proceeded.
The doctrine concerning the sensible or produced
soul, however, is a fit subject of inquiry even as re-
gards its substance ; but such inquiry appears to me to
be deficient. For of what service are such terms as
'ultimate act, form of the body, and such toys of logic,
to the doctrine concerning the substance of the soul ?
For the sensible soul — the soul of brutes — must
clearly be regarded as a corporeal substance, attenu-
ated and made invisible by heat; a breath (I say)
compounded of the natures of flame and air, having
the softness of air to receive impressions, and the
vigour of fire to propagate its action ; nourished partly
by oily and partly by watery substances ; clothed with
the body, and in perfect animals residing chiefly in the
head, running along the nerves, and refreshed and re-
paired by the spirituous blood of the arteries ; as Ber-
THE FOURTH BOOK. 51
nardinus Telesius and his pupil Augustinus Donius
have in part not altogether unprofitably maintained.
Let there be therefore a more diligent inquiry con-
cerning this doctrine ; the rather because the imperfect
understanding of this has bred opinions superstitious
and corrupt and most injurious to the dignity of the
human mind, touching metempsychosis, and the puri-
fications of souls in periods of years, and indeed too
near an affinity in all things between the human soul
and the souls of brutes. For this soul is in brutes the
principal soul, the body of the brute being its instru-
ment ; whereas in man it is itself only the instrument
of the rational soul, and may be more fitly termed not
soul, but spirit. And so much for the substance of the
soul.
The faculties of the soul are well known ; under-
standing, reason, imagination, memory, appetite, will ;
in short all with which the logical and ethical sciences
deal. But in the doctrine concerning the soul the
origins of these faculties ought to be handled, and that
physically, as they are innate and inherent in the soul ;
the uses only and objects of them being deputed to
those other arts. In which part nothing of much value
(in my opinion) has as yet been discovered ; though I
cannot indeed report it as deficient. This part touch-
ing the faculties of the mind has likewise two appen-
dices, which themselves also, as they are handled, have
rather produced smoke than any clear flame of truth.
One of these is the doctrine of Natural Divination, the
other of Fascination.
Divination has been anciently and not unfitly di-
vided into two parts ; Artificial and Natural. Arti-
ficial makes prediction by argument, concluding upon
52 TRANSLATION OF THE " DE AUGMENTIS."
signs and tokens ; Natural forms a presage from an in-
ward presentiment of the mind, without the help of
signs. Artificial is of two sorts ; one argues from
causes ; the other only from experiments, by a kind of
blind authority. Which latter is for the most part
superstitious ; such as were the heathen observations
upon the inspection of entrails, the flights of birds, and
the like. And the more solemn astrology of the
Chaldeans was little better. But artificial divination
of both kinds is dispersed among different knowledges.
The astrologer has his predictions, from the position of
the stars. The physician likewise has his predictions
of approaching death, of recovery, of coming symp-
toms of diseases, from the urine, the pulse, the look
of the patient, and the like. The politician also has
his ; " O venal city, that will quickly perish, if it finds
a purchaser : " 1 which prediction was not long in being
verified ; being fulfilled in Sylla first, and afterwards
in Caesar. Predictions of this kind therefore are not
to our present purpose, but are to be referred to their
own arts. But Natural Divination, which springs from
the inward power of the mind, is that which I now
speak of. This is of two sorts ; the one Primitive, the
other by Influxion. Primitive is grounded upon the
supposition that the mind, when it is withdrawn and
collected into itself, and not diffused into the organs of
the body, has of its own essential power some preno
tion of things to come. Now this appears most in
sleep, in extasies, and near death ; and more rarely in
waking apprehensions, or when the body is healthy and
strong. But this state of mind is commonly induced
or furthered by those abstinences and observances
1 Sallust, in Bell. Jugurth. 38.
THE FOURTH BOOK. 53
which most withdraw the mind from exercising the
duties of the body, so that it may enjoy its own nature,
free from external restraints. Divination by influxion
is grounded upon this other conceit ; that the mind, as
a mirror or glass, receives a kind of secondary illumi-
nation from the foreknowledge of God and spirits ; and
this also is furthered by the same state and regimen oi
the body as the other. For the retiring of the mind
within itself gives it the fuller benefit of its own na-
ture, and makes it the more susceptible of divine in-
fluxions ; save that in divinations by influxion the
mind is seized with a kind of fervency and impatience
as it were of the present Deity (a state which the
ancients noted by the name of divine fury) ; while in
primitive divination it is more in a state of quiet and
repose.
Fascination is the power and act of imagination in-
tensive upon the body of another (for of the power of
imagination upon the body of the imaginant I have
spoken above) ; wherein the school of Paracelsus and
the disciples of pretended natural magic have been so
intemperate, that they have exalted the power and ap-
prehension of the imagination to be much one with the
power of miracle-working faith. Others, that draw
nearer to probability, looking with a clearer eye at the
secret workings and impressions of things, the irradia-
tions of the senses, the passage of contagion from body
to body, the conveyance of magnetic virtues, have con-
cluded that it is much more probable there should be
impressions, conveyances, and communications from
spirit to spirit (seeing that the spirit is above all other
things both strenuous to act and soft and tender to be
acted on) ; whence have arisen those conceits (now
54 TRANSLATION OF THE " DE AUGMENTIS."
become as it were popular) of the mastering spirit, of
men unlucky and ill omened, of the glances of love,
envy, and the like. With this is joined the inquiry
how to raise and fortify the imagination ; for if the
imagination fortified have so much power, it is worth
while to know how to fortify and exalt it. And here
comes in crookedly and dangerously a palliation and
defence of a great part of ceremonial magic. For it
may be speciously pretended that ceremonies, char-
acters, charms, gesticulations, amulets, and the like, do
not derive their power from any tacit or sacramental
contract with evil spirits, but serve only to strengthen
and exalt the imagination of him who uses them. As
O
likewise in religion the use of images to fix the cogi-
tations and raise the devotions of those who pray
before them has grown common. My own judgment
however is this : though it be admitted, that imagina-
tion has power, and further that ceremonies fortify and
strengthen that power ; and that they be used sincere-
ly and intentionally for that purpose, and as a physi-
cal remedy, without any the least thought of inviting
thereby the aid of spirits ; they are nevertheless to be
held unlawful, as opposing and disputing that divine sen-
tence passed upon man for sin, " In the sweat of thy
face shalt thou eat bread." l For magic of this kind
proposes to attain those noble fruits which God ordained
to be bought at the price of labour by a few easy and
slothful observances.
There remain two doctrines, which refer principally
to the faculties of the inferior or sensible soul, — as
that which is most connected with the organs of the
body ; the one concerning Voluntary Motion, the other
l Gen. iii. 19.
THE FOURTH BOOK. 55
concerning Sense and the Sensible. In the first of
these, which has in other respects also been very bar-
renly inquired, one entire part almost is wanting. For
the proper office and structure of the nerves and
muscles, and of the other parts required for this mo-
tion ; and what part of the body is at rest, while an-
other moves ; and that the imagination is as it were the
director and driver of this motion, insomuch that when
the image which is the object of the motion is with-
drawn the motion itself is immediately interrupted and
stopped (as in walking, if you begin to think eagerly
and fixedly of something else, you immediately stand
still) ; these, I say, and some other subtleties which are
not amiss, have long ago come into observation and
inquiry. But how the compressions, dilatations, and
agitations of the spirit (which is doubtless the source
of motion) can sway, excite, or impel the corporeal
and gross mass of the parts, has not as yet been dili-
gently inquired and handled. And no wonder ; see-
ing the sensible soul has been regarded rather as a
function than as a substance. But since it is now
known that it is itself a corporeal and material sub-
stance, it is necessary to inquire by what efforts a spirit
so small and tender can put in motion bodies so gross
and hard. Of this part therefore, since it is deficient,
.et inquiry be made.
Concerning Sense and the Sensible there has been
much fuller and more diligent inquiry, both in general
treatises concerning them and also in particular arts, as
perspective and music ; how correctly, is nothing to the
purpose, seeing they cannot be ranked as deficients.
Yet there are two noble and distinguished parts, which
[ pronounce deficient in this doctrine ; the one con-
56
serning the Difference of Perception and Sense, the
other concerning the Form of Light.
A good explanation of the difference between Per-
ception and Sense should have been prefixed by philos-
ophers to their treatises on Sense and the Sensible, as
a matter most fundamental. For we see that all nat-
ural bodies have a manifest power of perception, and
also a kind of choice in receiving what is agreeable,
and avoiding what is hostile and foreign. Nor am I
speaking only of the more subtle perceptions, as when
the magnet attracts iron, flame leaps towards naphtha,
one bubble coming near another unites with it, rays of
light start away from a white object, the body of an
animal assimilates things that are useful and excerns
things that are not so, part of a sponge attracts water
(though held too high to touch it) and expels air, and
the like. For what need is there of enumerating such
things ? since no body when placed near another either
changes it or is changed by it, unless a reciprocal per-
ception precede the operation. A body perceives the
passages by which it enters ; it perceives the force of
another body to which it yields ; it perceives the
removal of another body which held it fast, when it
recovers itself; it perceives the disruption of its con-
tinuity, which for a time it resists ; in short there is
Perception everywhere. And air perceives heat and
cold so acutely, that its perception is far more subtle
than that of the human touch, which yet is reputed the
normal measure of heat and cold. It seems then that
in regard to this doctrine men have committed two
faults ; one, that they have for the most part left it
untouched and unhandled (though it be a most noble
subject) ; the other, that they who have happened to
THE FOURTH BOOK. 5T
turn their minds to it have gone too far, and attributed
sense to all bodies ; so that it were a kind of impiety to
pluck off the branch of a tree, lest it should groan, like
Polydorus.1 But they should have examined the dif-
ference between perception and sense, not only in sen-
sible as compared with insensible bodies (as plants with
animals), one body with another; but also in the sensi-
ble body itself they should have observed what is the
reason why so many actions are performed without any
sense at all ; why food is digested and ejected ; hu-
mours and juices carried up and down ; the heart and
the pulse beat ; the entrails, like so many workshops,
perform every one its own work ; and yet all these and
many other things are done without sense. But men
have not seen clearly enough of what nature the action
of sense is ; and what kind of body, what length of
time, or what repetition of impression is required to
produce pleasure or pain. In a word, they do not
seem at all to understand the difference between simple
perception and sense ; nor how far perception may take
place without sense. Neither is this a dispute about
words merely, but about a matter of great importance.
Concerning this doctrine then (being of great use and
bearing upon very many things) let a better inquiry
be set on foot. For ignorance on this point drove some
of the ancient philosophers to suppose that a soul was
infused into all bodies without distinction ; for they
could not conceive how there could be motion at dis
cretion without sense, or sense without a soul.
That no due investigation has been made concern-
ing the Form of Light (especially as men have taken
great pains about perspective) may be considered an
1 Virg. ,En. iii. 39.
58 TRANSLATION OF THE " DE AUGMENTIS."
astonishing piece of negligence. For neither in per-
spective nor otherwise has any inquiry been made
about Light which is of any value. The radiations of
it are handled, not the origins. But it is the placing
of perspective among the mathematics that has caused
this defect, and others of the kind ; for thus a prema-
ture departure has been made from Physics. Again
the manner in which Light and its causes are handled
in Physics is somewhat superstitious, as if it were a
thing half way between things divine and things nat-
ural ; insomuch that some of the Platonists have made
it older than matter itself; asserting upon a most vain
notion that when space was spread forth it was filled
first with light, and afterwards with body ; whereas
the Holy Scriptures distinctly state that there was a
dark mass of heaven and earth before light was created.
And where the subject is handled physically and ac-
cording to sense, it comes at once to questions of radia-
tion ; so that there is but little physical inquiry extant
on the matter. Now men ought to have sunk their
speculations for awhile, and inquired what that is
which is common to all lucid bodies ; in other words,
into the Form of Light. For see what an immense
difference of body there is (if they be considered ac-
cording to their dignity) between the sun and rotten
wood, or even the putrified scales of fish ? They
should also have inquired why some things take fire
and throw out light when heated, and others not.
Iron, metals, stones, glass, wood, oil, tallow, when they
are subjected to fire, either break into flame, or at least
become red ; but water and air do not acquire any
light from the most intense and raging heat, nor cast
forth any brightness. And if any one thinks that this
THE FOURTH BOOK. 5S
is because it is the property of fire to shine, and air
and water are entirely hostile to fire, he can never
have rowed on the sea on a dark night in hot weather ;
when he would have seen the drops of water that are
struck up by the oars glittering and shining : a thing
which happens likewise in the boiling sea-froth, which
they call " sea-lungs." Lastly, what connexion with
fire and lighted matter have glowworms and fireflies,
and the Indian fly, which lights up a whole room ; or
the eyes of some animals in the dark ; or sugar while
it is being scraped or broken ; or the sweat of a horse,
hard-ridden on a hot night ; and the like ? Nay, so
little is this subject understood, that most people think
sparks from flint to be but air in friction. And yet
since the air does not take fire with heat, and mani-
festly conceives light, how happens it that owls and
cats and some other animals can see by night? It
must needs be (since sight cannot pass without light)
that the air has some pure and natural light of its
own, which, though very faint and dull, is nevertheless
suited to the visual organs of such animals, and enables
them to see. But the reason of this error (as of most
others) is that men have not from particular instances
elicited the Common Forms of natures ; which I have
laid down as the proper subject of Metaphysic, which
is itself a part of Physic, or of the doctrine concerning
nature. Wherefore let inquiry be made of the Form
and Origins of Light, and in the meantime let it be set
down as deficient. And so much for the doctrine con-
cerning the substance of the soul both rational and
sensible, with its faculties ; and for the appendices of
that doctrine.
BOOK V.
CHAPTER I.
Division of the Doctrine concerning the Use and Objects
of the Faculties of the Human Soul into Logic and
Ethic. Division of Logic into the Arts of Discover-
ing, of Judging, of Retaining, and of Transmitting.
THE doctrine concerning the Intellect (most excel-
lent King), and the doctrine concerning the Will of
man, are as it were twins by birth. For purity of
illumination and freedom of will began and fell to-
gether ; and nowhere in the universal nature of things
is there so intimate a sympathy as between truth and
goodness. The more should learned men be ashamed,
if in knowledge they be as the winged angels, but in
their desires as crawling serpents ; carrying about with
them minds like a mirror indeed, but a mirror polluted
and false.
I come now to the knowledge which respects the
use and objects of the faculties of the human soul. It
has two parts, and those well known and by general
agreement admitted ; namely, Logic and Ethic ; only
Civil Knowledge, which is commonly ranked as a part
THE FIFTH BOOK. 61
of Ethic, I have already emancipated and erected into
an entire doctrine by itself, — the doctrine concerning
man congregate, or in society ; and in this place I
treat only of man segregate. Logic discourses of the
Understanding and Reason ; Ethic of the Will, Appe-
tite, and Affections : the one produces determinations,
the other actions. It is true indeed that the imagina-
tion performs the office of an agent or messenger or
proctor in both provinces, both the judicial and the
ministerial. For sense sends all kinds of images over
to imagination for reason to judge of; and reason again
when it has made its judgment and selection, sends
them over to imagination before the decree be put in
execution. For voluntary motion is ever preceded
and incited by imagination ; so that imagination is as
a common instrument to both, — both reason and will ;
saving that this Janus of imagination has two different
faces ; for the face towards reason has the print of
truth, and the face towards action has the print of
goodness ; which nevertheless are faces,
quales decet esse sororum.1
Neither is the imagination simply and only a mes-
senger; but it is either invested with or usurps no
small authority in itself, besides the simple duty of the
message. For it was well said by Aristotle, " That
the mind has over the body that commandment which
the lord has over a bondman ; but that reason has over
the imagination that commandment which a magistrate
has over a free citizen," 2 who may come also to rule
in his turn. For we see that in matters of faith and
V
1 Ov. Met. ii. 14. : — Such as sisters' faces should be.
a Arist. Pol. i. 3.
62 TRANSLATION OF THE " DE AUGMENTIS."
religion our imagination raises itself above our reason ;
not that divine illumination resides in the imagination ;
its seat being rather in the very citadel of the mind
and understanding ; but that the divine grace uses the
motions of the imagination as an instrument of illumi-
nation, just as it uses the motions of the will as an
instrument of virtue ; which is the reason why religion
ever sought access to the mind by similitudes, types,
parables, visions, dreams. And again it is no small
dominion which imagination holds in persuasions that
are wrought by eloquence ; for when by arts of speech
men's minds are soothed, inflamed, and carried hither
and thither, it is all done by stimulating the imagina-
tion till it becomes ungovernable, and not only sets
reason at nought, but offers violence to it, partly by
blinding, partly by incensing it. Nevertheless, I see
no cause to alter the former division ; for imagina-
tion hardly produces sciences ; poesy (which in the
beginning was referred to imagination) being to be
accounted rather as a pleasure or play of wit than
a science. And for the power of the imagination in
nature, I have just now assigned it to the doctrine con-
cerning the soul. And its relation to rhetoric I think
best to refer to that art itself, which I shall handle
hereafter.
That part of human philosophy which regards Logic
is less delightful to the taste and palate of most minds,
and seems but a net of subtlety and spinosity. For
as it is truly said that " knowledge is the food of the
mind," so in their choice and appetite for this food
most men are of the taste and stomach of the Israel-
ites in the desert, that would fain have returned to the
flesh-pots, and were weary of manna ; which though
THE FIFTH BOOK. 63
it were celestial, yet seemed less nutritive and com-
fortable. And in like manner those sciences are (for
the most part) best liked which have some infusion of
flesh and blood ; such as civil history, morality, policy,
about which men's affections, praises, fortunes, turn
and are occupied. But this same " dry light " parches
and offends most men's soft and watery natures. But
to speak truly of things as they are in worth, rational
knowledges are the keys of all other arts. And as the
hand is the instrument of instruments, and mind is the
form of forms, so these are truly said to be the arts of
arts. Neither do they only direct, but likewise con-
firm and strengthen ; even as the habit of shooting not
only enables one to take a better aim, but also to draw
a stronger bow.
The logical arts are four in number ; divided accord-
ing to the ends at which they aim. For men's labour
in rational knowledges is either to invent that which
is sought, or to judge that which is invented, or to re-
tain that which is judged, or to deliver over that which
is retained. So therefore the Rational Arts must be
four ; Art of Inquiry or Invention ; Art of Examina-
tion or Judgment; Art of Custody or Memory; and
Art of Elocution or Tradition. Of these I will now
speak separately.
64 TRANSLATION OF THE " DE AUGMENTIS.'
CHAP. II.
Division of the Art of Discovery into discovery of Arts
and discovery of Arguments : and that the former of
these (which is the most important} is wanting. Di-
vision of the Art of Discovery of Arts into Learned
Experience and the New Organon. Description of
Learned Experience.
INVENTION is of two kinds, very different ; the one
of arts and sciences, and the other of speech and argu-
ments. The former of these I report altogether de-
ficient, which seems to me to be such a deficience, as
if in the making of an inventory touching the estate
of a deceased person, it should be set down that " there
is no ready money." For as money will fetch all other
commodities, so by this art all the rest are obtained.
And as the West Indies would never have been dis-
covered if the use of the mariner's needle had not
been discovered first, though the one be vast regions
and the other a small motion ; so it cannot be found
strange if no further progress has been made in the
discovery and advancement of the arts, when the art
itself of discovery and invention has as yet been passed
over.
That this part of knowledge is wanting stands plainly
confessed. For in the first place, Logic says nothing,
no nor takes any thought, about the invention of arts,
whether mechanical or what are termed liberal, or
about eliciting the works of the one or the axioms of
the other ; but passes on, merely telling men by the
way that for the principles of each art they must con-
THE FIFTH BOOK. 65
suit the professor of it. Celsus, a wise man as well as
a physician, (though all men are wont to be large in
praise of their own art) acknowledges gravely and in-
genuously, speaking of the empirical and dogmatical
sects of physicians, that medicines and cures were
first found out, and then afterwards the reasons and
causes were discovered ; and not the causes first
found out from the nature of things, and by light from
them the medicines and cures discovered. And Plato
more than once intimates, " that particulars are in-
finite ; and the higher generalities give no sufficient
direction ; that the pith therefore of all sciences, which
makes the artsman differ from the inexpert, is in the
middle propositions, which in every particular knowl-
edge are taken from tradition and experience." More-
over they who have written about the first inventors
of things or the origins of sciences have celebrated
chance rather than art, and represented brute beasts,
quadrupeds, birds, fishes, serpents, as the doctors of
sciences, rather than men :
Dictamnum genitrix Cretrea carpit ab Ida,
Puberibus caulem foliis, et flore comantem
Purpureo : non ilia feris incognita capris
Gramina, cum tergo volucres ha:sere sagittse.1
So that it is no marvel (the manner of antiquity being
to consecrate inventors of useful things) that the an-
cient Egyptians (to whom very many of the arts owe
l Virg. Mn. xii. 412. : —
Far off in Cretan Ide a plant there grew
With downy leaves and flower of purple hue,
The dittany, whose medicinable power
The wild goat proves whene'er in evil hour
The hunter's arrow lodges in his side.
VOL. IX. 5
66 TRANSLATION OF THE " DE AUGMENTIS."
their origin) had so few human idols in their temples,
but almost all brute ;
Omnigenumque Deum monstra, et latrator Anubis,
Contra Neptunum, et Venerem, contraque Minervam, &C.1
And if you like better, according to the tradition of
the Greeks, to ascribe the first inventions to men ; yet
you would not say that Prometheus was led by specu-
lation to the discovery of fire, or that when he first
struck the flint he expected the spark ; but rather that
he lighted on it by accident, and (as they say) stole it
from Jupiter. So that in the invention of arts it would
seem that hitherto men are rather beholden to a wild
goat for surgery, to a nightingale for music, to the ibis
for clysters, to the pot lid that flew open for artillery,
and in a word to chance, or anything else, rather than
to Logic. Neither is that form of invention much
other which is well described by Virgil,
Ut varias usus meditando extunderet artes
Paulatim.2
For here no other method of invention is proposed
than that which the brute beasts are capable of and
frequently use ; which is an extreme solicitude about
some one thing, and perpetual practising of it, such as
the necessity of self-preservation imposes on such ani-
mals. For so Cicero says very truly, " that practice
constantly applied to one thing often does more than
l Virg. JEn. viii. 698. : —
All kinds and chapes of gods, a monstrous host,
The dog Anubis foremost, stood arrayed
'Gainst Neptune, Venus, Pallas, &c.
•Virg. Georg. i. 133.: —
So might long use, with studious thought combined,
The various arts by slow endeavour find.
THE FIFTH BOOK. 67
either nature or art." l And therefore if it be said of
men,
Labor omnia vincit
Improbus, et duns urgens in rebus egestas;2
it is likewise said of brutes,
Quis expedivit psittaco suum Xaips ? 8
Who taught the raven in a drought to throw pebbles
into a hollow tree where she espied water, that the
water might rise till she could reach it with her beak ?
Who showed the way to the bees, that sail through
such a vast sea of air to fields in flower far removed
from their hive, and back again? Who taught the
ant to bite the grains of corn that she lays up in her
hill, lest they should sprout and so disappoint her hope ?
And in that line of Virgil, if the word " extundere,"
which imports the difficulty, and the word " paulatim,'J
which imports the slowness of the thing, be observed,
we shall find ourselves where we were, amongst those
gods of the Egyptians ; for men have hitherto used the
faculty of reason but little, and the office of art not at
all, for the discovery of inventions.
Secondly, this very thing which I assert is demon-
strated (if you observe it carefully) by the form of in-
duction which Logic proposes, as that whereby the
principles of sciences may be invented and proved ;
which form is utterly vicious and incompetent, and so
far from perfecting nature, that contrariwise it per-
verts and distorts her. For he that shall attentively
1 Cicero, Pro Balbo, c. 20.
2 Virg. Georg. i. 145. : —
Stern labour masters all,
And want in poverty importunate.
8 Persius, Prolog. : — Who taught the parrot to say how d' ye do?
00 TRANSLATION OF THE " DE AUGMENTIS."
observe how the mind gathers this excellent dew of
knowledge, like to that the poet speaks of,
aiirei mellis coelestia dona,1
(for the sciences themselves are extracted out of par-
ticular instances, partly natural partly artificial, as the
flowers of the field and the garden) shall find that the
mind does of herself by nature manage and act an in-
duction much better than logicians describe it ; for to
conclude upon a bare enumeration of particulars (as
the logicians do) without instance contradictory, is a
vicious conclusion ; nor does this kind of induction
produce more than a probable conjecture. For who
can assure himself, when the particulars which he
knows or remembers only appear on one side, that
there are not others on the contrary side which appear
not? As if Samuel should have rested upon those
sons of Jesse who were brought before him in the
house, and not sought for David, who was in the field.2
And this form of induction (to say truth) is so gross
and stupid, that it had not been possible for wits so
acute and subtle as those that have studied these
things to offer it to the world, but that they were
hurrying on to their theories and dogmaticals, and
were too dainty and lofty to pay clue attention to par-
ticulars, and especially to dwell any time upon them.
For they used examples or particular instances but as
Serjeants or whifflers to drive back the crowd and make
way for their opinions, and never called them into
council from the first, for the purpose of legitimate and
mature deliberation concerning the truth of things.
Certainly it is a thing that may touch a man with a
1 Virg. Georg. iv. 1.: — The heavenly gift of aerial honey.
' 1 Sam. xvi.
THE FIFTH BOOK. 69
religious wonder to see how the footsteps of seduce-
ment are the very same in divine and human truth.
For as in the perception of divine truth man cannot
induce himself to become as a child ; so in the study
of human truth, for grown-up men to be still reading
and conning over the first elements of inductions like
boys, is accounted poor and contemptible.
Thirdly, even if it be granted that the principles of
sciences may, by the induction which is in use, or by
sense and experience, be rightly established ; yet it is
very certain that the lower axioms cannot (in things
natural, which participate of matter) be rightly and
safely deduced from them by syllogism. For in the
syllogism propositions are reduced to principles through
intermediate propositions. Now this form of invention
or of probation may be used in popular sciences, such
as ethics, politics, laws, and the like ; yea, and in divin-
ity also, because it has pleased God of his goodness to
accommodate himself to the capacity of man ; but in
Physics, where the point is not to master an adversary
in argument, but to command nature in operation, truth
slips wholly out of our hands, because the subtlety
of nature is so much greater than the subtlety of
words ; so that, syllogism failing, the aid of induction
(I mean the true and reformed induction) is wanted
everywhere, as well for the more general principles as
for intermediate propositions. For syllogisms consist
of propositions, and propositions of words ; and words
are but the current tokens or marks of popular notions
of things ; wherefore if these notions (which are the
souls of words) be grossly and variably collected out
of particulars, the whole structure falls to pieces. And
it is not the laborious examination either of conse-
70 TRANSLATION OF THE " DE AUGMEXTIS. '
quences of arguments or of the truth of propositions
that can ever correct that error ; being (as the physi-
cians say) in the first digestion ; which is not to be
rectified by the subsequent functions. And therefore
it was not without great and evident reason that so
many philosophers (some of them most eminent) be-
came Sceptics and Academics, and denied any cer-
tainty of knowledge or comprehension ; affirming that
the knowledge of man extended only to appearances
and probabilities. It is true that Socrates, when he
disclaimed certainty of knowledge for himself, is thought
by some to have done it only in irony, and to have en-
hanced his knowledge by dissembling it ; pretending
not to know that which it was plain he knew, in order
that he might be thought to know also that which he
knew not. And in the later academy too (which Ci-
cero embraced) that opinion of the incapacity of the
mind to comprehend truth was not held very sincerely.
For those who excelled in eloquence commonly chose
that sect, for the glory of speaking copiously on either
side of the question ; whereby they were led astray
from the straight road, which they ought to have fol-
lowed in pursuit of truth, into certain pleasant walks
laid out for amusement and recreation. It is certain
however that there were some here and there in both
academies (both old and new) and much more among
the Sceptics, who held this opinion in simplicity and
integrity. But their great error was, that they laid
the blame upon the, perceptions of the sense, and
thereby pulled up the sciences by the very roots.
Now the senses, though they often deceive us or fail
us, may nevertheless, with diligent assistance, suffice
for knowledge ; and that by the help not so much of
THE FIFTH BOOK. 71
instruments (though these too are of some usu) as
of those experiments which produce and urge things
which are too subtle for the sense to some effect com-
prehensible by the sense. But they ought rather to
have charged the defect upon the mind — as well its
contumacy (whereby it refuses to submit itself to the
nature of things) as its errors, — and upon false forms
of demonstration, and ill-ordered methods of reason-
ing and concluding upon the perception of the senses.
But this I say not to disable the intellect, or to urge
the abandonment of the enterprise ; but to stir men
to provide the intellect with proper helps for over-
coming the difficulties and obscurities of nature. For
no steadiness of 'hand or amount of practice will en-
able a man to draw a straight line or perfect circle by
hand alone, which is easily done by help of a ruler or
compass. And this is the very thing which I am pre-
paring and labouring at with all my might, — to make
the mind of man by help of art a match for the nature
of things ; to discover an art of Indication and Direc-
tion, whereby all other arts with their axioms and
works may be detected and brought to light. For
this I have with good reason set down as wanting.
This Art of Indication (for so I call it) has two
parts. For the indication either proceeds from one
experiment to another ; or else from experiments to
axioms ; which axioms themselves suggest new experi-
ments. The one of these I will term Learned Experi-
ence, the other Interpretation of Nature, or the New
Organon. But the former (as I have hinted else-
where) must hardly be esteemed an art or a part of
philosophy, but rather a kind of sagacity ; whence like-
wise (borrowing the name from the fable) I sometimes
72 TRANSLATION OF THE 4< DE AUGMENTIS."
call it the Hunt of Pan. Nevertheless as a man may
proceed on his path in three ways : he may grope his
way for himself in the dark; he may be led by the
hand of another, without himself seeing anything; or
lastly, he may get a light, and so direct his steps ; in
like manner when a man tries all kinds of experiments
without order or method, this is but groping in the
dark ; but when he uses some direction and order in
experimenting, it is as if he were led by the hand ; and
this is what I mean by Learned Experience. For the
light itself, which was the third way, is to be sought
from the Interpretation of Nature, or the New Organon.
Learned Experience, or the Hunt of Pan, treats of
the methods of experimenting ; and (since I have set
it down as wanting, and the thing itself is not alto-
gether obvious) I will here, according to my plan and
custom, give some shadow of it. The method of ex-
perimenting proceeds principally either by the Vari-
ation, or the Production, or the Translation, or the
Inversion, or the Compulsion, or the Application, or
the Conjunction, or finally the Chances, of experi-
ment. None of these however extend so far as to tho
invention of any axiom. For all transition from experi-
ments to axioms, or from axioms to experiments, be-
longs to that other part, relating to the New Organon.
Variation of experiment takes place first in the Mat-
ter ; that is, when in things already known an experi-
ment has scarcely been tried except in a certain kind
of matter, but now is tried in other things of a like
kind; as the manufacture of paper has been only
tried in linen, not in silks (except perhaps among the
Chinese) ; nor yet in hair stuffs, from which what are
called chamblets are made ; nor in wools, cotton, and
THE FIFTH BOOK. 73
skins ; though these three last seem to he more hete-
rogeneous, so that they may be more useful if mixed
together than separate. Grafting again is common in
fruit trees, but has been seldom tried on wild trees ;
though it is said that the elm when grafted on the elm
produces a wonderful foliage. Grafting in flowers is
likewise very rare, though now it is sometimes done in
musk-roses, which are successfully inoculated with the
common roses. Variation in the part of a thing I like-
wise set down among variations in matter. For we
see that a sucker grafted on the trunk of a tree grows
better than if planted in the ground. Why then
should not the seed of an onion, inserted into the head
of another onion when green, grow better than if sown
by itself in the ground ? Here the root is substituted
for the trunk, so that this may be regarded as a kind
of grafting in the root. Variation of experiment takes
place secondly in the efficient. The rays of the sun
are so intensified in heat by burning-glasses, that they
can set on fire any combustible matter ; can the rays
of the moon by the same process be actuated to any
degree of heat however mild ? that we may see
whether all heavenly bodies have the power of heat-
ing. So again, radiant heats are increased by glasses ;
can the same effect be produced on opaque heats (as
of stones and metals, before they are red-hot), or has
light something to do with it ? So again amber and
jet when rubbed attract straws ; will they do the same
when warmed by fire ? Variation of experiment takes
place thirdly in Quantity ; which must be treated with
great care, as it is surrounded by many errors. For
men believe that if the quantity be increased or multi-
plied, the power and virtue is increased or multiplied
74 TRANSLATION OF THE " DE AUGMENTIS."
proportionately. And this they postulate and suppose
as if it had a kind of mathematical certainty ; which
is utterly false. A leaden ball of a pound weight
dropped from a tower reaches the ground in (say) ten
seconds : will a ball of two pounds weight (in which
the force of natural motion, as they call it, ought to
be doubled) reach the ground in five seconds? No,
but it will take almost the same time in falling, and
will not be accelerated in proportion to the increase
of quantity. Again, suppose one drachm of sulphur
mixed with half a pound of steel will melt it and make
it liquid; will therefore one ounce of sulphur mixed
with four pounds of steel be, able to melt it? This
does not follow ; for it is certain that the obstinacy of
matter in the patient is more increased by quantity than
the active power of the agent. Besides, both over-
much and over-little equally prejudice the effect. For
in the smelting and refining of metals it is a common
error to suppose that in order to advance the smelting
either the heat of the fire or the quantity of the added
ingredient should be increased ; whereas, if these sur-
pass the due proportion, they retard the operation ; be-
cause by their power and acrimony they turn much of
the pure metal into fumes, and carry it off', so as both
to cause a loss of metal and to make the remaining
mass more hard and intractable. Men should there-
fore consider the story of the woman in jiEsop, who ex-
pected that with a double measure of barley her hen
would lay two eggs a day ; whereas the hen grew fat
and laid none. As a rule then, it will not be safe to
rely on any experiment in nature, unless it has been
tried both in greater and lesser quantities. And so
much for Variation of Experiment.
THE FIFTH BOOK. 75
Production of experiment is of two kinds ; repetition
and extension ; that is when the experiment is either
repeated, or urged to some effect more subtle. As an
instance of repetition : spirit of wine is made from
wine by a simple distillation, and is much more pun-
gent and stronger than wine itself; will then spirit of
wine, if it be itself distilled and clarified, proportion-
ately exceed itself in strength ? But repetition also is
not free from fallacy. For in the second exaltation the
difference is not so great as in the first ; and besides,
by the repetition of an experiment, after the operation
has reached a certain standing point or acme, nature
oftentimes is so far from advancing that she rather in-
clines to relapse. Judgment therefore is to be exer-
cised in this matter. Again, quicksilver put into linen
or into the middle of molten lead when it is beginning
to cool again, becomes solid, and is no longer fluid ;
will therefore tliis same quicksilver, by many repeti-
tions of the operation, become fixed and malleable ?
As an example of extension ; if water be put into a
glass with a long neb and hung up, and then the neb
be dipped into a mixture of wine and water under-
neath, it will separate the water from the wine, the
wine gradually rising to the top, the water sinking to
the bottom ; will it likewise happen that as wine and
water (being different bodies) are by this device sepa-
rated, so the finer parts of wine (being of the same
body) may be separated from the more gross ; so that
there shall take place a kind of distillation by gravity,
and a substance shall be found on the top much like
spirits of wine, but perhaps more delicate ? Again, a
magnet attracts a solid piece of iron ; will a piece of a
magnet dipped in a dissolution of iron, attract the iron
76 TRANSLATION OF THE " DE AUGMENTIS."
itself and so get a coating of iron ? Again, the mag-
netic needle turns to the pole ; does it in so doing fol-
low the same course as the heavenly bodies ? As if
one should turn the needle the wrong way, that is
point it to the south, and hold it there for a while, and
then let it go ; would it, in returning to the north, go
round by the west rather than by the east ? Again,
gold imbibes quicksilver when contiguous to it ; does it
receive this quicksilver into itself without extending its
bulk, and so become a body heavier than gold itself?
Again, men help the memory by putting images of
persons in places.; could the same thing be done with-
out the places, by connecting actions or habits with
persons ? And so much for the Production of Exper-
iment.
Translation of experiment is of three kinds : either
from nature or chance into an art ; or from one art or
practice into another ; or from a part of one art into a
different part of the same. Of translation from nature
or chance into an art there are innumerable examples ;
for almost all mechanical arts have sprung from small
beginnings presented by nature or chance. It was
received as an adage " that one cluster of grapes ripens
faster by the side of another; " which has grown into
a common saying, as applied to the mutual services
and offices of friendship. But our cyder makers have
an excellent way of imitating the operation. For they
take care not to bruise or squeeze the apples till they
have lain together for awhile in heaps, and so ripened
by mutual contact ; that the too great acidity of the
drink may be corrected. Again, the artificial imitation
of rainbows, with drops thickly sprinkled, is translated
by an easy passage from natural rainbows formed by a
THE FIFTH BOOK. 77
dripping cloud. Again, the method of distilling may
have been drawn either from above, that is, from
showers and dew ; or from that homely experiment of
drops adhering to the lids of pans of boiling water.
Nor would a man have ventured to imitate thunder
and lightning, if it had not been suggested by the pot
lid of the monkish chemist suddenly flying up with
great force and a loud report. The more plentiful the
examples however, the fewer need be adduced. But
if men were at leisure to inquire after useful things,
they ought to observe attentively and minutely and
systematically all natural works and operations, and be
ever eagerly considering which of them may be trans-
ferred to the arts. For nature is the mirror of art.
Nor are the experiments fewer in number which may
be transferred from one art to another, or from one
practice to another ; although the thing is not so com-
mon. For nature meets everybody everywhere ; but
particular arts are only known to their own artists.
Spectacles have been invented to assist weak sight ;
might not some instrument be devised, which being
applied to the ear would assist those dull of healing?
Dead bodies are preserved by honey and embalming ;
could not something of the same kind be transferred
to medicine for the benefit of live bodies ? The prac-
tice of sealing upon wax, cements, and lead is of old
date ; but it led to impressions on paper, or the art of
printing. In cookery, salt preserves meat, and that
better in winter than summer ; might not this be prof-
itably transferred to baths, to regulate their tempera-
ment, when necessary, by impression or extraction ?
So in the late experiment of artificial freezing, salt is
discovered to have great powers of condensing ; may
78 TRANSLATION OF THE " DE AUGMENTIS."
not this be transferred to the condensations of metals ?
seeing it is already known that strong waters composed
of certain salts precipitate small sands of gold from cer-
tain metals not so dense as gold itself? So again,
painting revives the memory of a thing by the image
of it ; has not this been transferred into the art which
they call the art of memory ? Of these things it may
be said generally, that the best chance of bringing
down as from heaven a shower of inventions at once
useful and new, is to bring within the knowledge of
one man, or of a few who may sharpen one another by
conference, the experiments of a number of mechan-
ical arts ; that by this translation (as I call it) of ex-
periments the arts may mutually cherish and as it were
kindle one another by mixture of rays. For though
the rational method of inquiry by the Organon prom-
ises far greater things in the end, yet this sagacity pro-
ceeding by Learned Experience will in the meantime
present mankind with a number of inventions which
lie near at hand, and scatter them like the donatives
that used to be thrown among the people. There re-
mains the translation from one part of an art to a differ-
ent part ; which differs little from the translation from
one art into another. But as some arts are so exten-
sive that the translation of experiments may take place
within them, I have thought it right to annex this kind
also; especially as in some arts it is of great impor-
tance. For it would tend greatly to the advancement
of the art of medicine if the experiments of that part
which relates to the cure of diseases were transferred
to the parts that are concerned with the preservation
of health and the prolongation of life. For if an ex-
cellent opiate is able to assuage the raging fever of the
THE FIFTH BOOK. 79
spirits in a dangerous disease, it need not be doubted
that something of a similar nature, made familiar to the
system by well-proportioned doses, may likewise in
some measure check and retard that continually ad-
vancing and creeping fever which is the effect of age.
And so much for the Translation of Experiment.
Inversion of Experiment takes place when trial is
made of the contrary of that which has been by the
experiment proved. For instance, heat is increased by
burning-glasses ; is cold also ? Again, heat spreads
round, but with a tendency upwards ; does cold spread
round with a tendency downwards ? For example : take
an iron rod and heat it at one end ; then raise it, with
the heated part downwards and the hand above ; it will
barn the hand at once : hold it with the heated part
upwards and the hand below, it will be much longer in
doing so. But how if the whole bar be heated, and
one end touched with snow or with a sponge dipped in
cold water ? will the cold travel downwards, if the snow
or sponge be applied to the top, faster than upwards if
applied to the bottom ? Again, the rays of the sun
are reflected from white but collected on black ; are
shadows likewise lost on black and collected on white ?
As we see in a dark room, where the light is only let
in by a little chink, that the images of things outside
are received on a white paper, but not on a black.
Again, the megrims are relieved by opening a vein in
the forehead ; is a pain in the forehead relieved by
scarifying the skull ? And so much for the Inversion
of Experiment.
Compulsion of Experiment is when an experiment is
urged and extended to the annihilation or deprivation
of the power ; for in the other hunts the prey is only
80 TRANSLATION OF THE " DE AUGMENTIS."
caught, but in this it is killed. Here is an example of
compulsion. The magnet attracts iron ; urge the iron
or the magnet till it can attract no longer ; for instance,
if the loadstone be burnt, or steeped in aqua fortis, will
it lose its power entirely or for a time ? On the other
hand, if iron or steel be reduced to oxide of iron, or to
what is termed prepared steel, or if it be dissolved in
aqua fortis, will it still be attracted by the loadstone ?
Again, the magnet attracts iron through all mediums
we know of; as gold, silver, and glass ; find some
medium, if it be possible, which will intercept the
power ; try quicksilver ; try oil, gums, ignited coal, and
other things, hitherto untried. Again, glasses have
lately been invented which magnify minute visible ob-
jects in a wonderful manner ; urge the use of them to
objects either so small as to be beyond their power or so
large as to confound it. Thus, can they clearly detect
in urine things otherwise imperceptible ? Can they
discover specks or flaws in jewels which appear every
way clear and bright ? Can they make the motes in
the sunbeams (which were objected most unjustly to
Democritus as if they were his atoms and principles of
things) appear like great bodies ? or a thick powder of
vermilion and white lead appear so distinct that the red
and the white grains shall be seen separately? Again,
can they magnify larger figures (say a face, or an eye)
as much as they can a flea or a mite ? Can they make
a piece of cambric, or any of these finer and more open
linen textures, appear full of holes, like a net ? But on
the compulsions of experiments I dwell the less, be-
cause they commonly fall outside the limits of learned
experience, and are rather referred to causes, and
axioms, and the New Organon. For wherever a case
THE FIFTH BOOK. 81
is established of negation, privation, or exclusion, there
is some light given towards the invention of Forms.
And so much for the Compulsion of Experiment.
Application of Experiment is nothing but the ingen-
ious ti'anslation of it to some other useful experiment.
For instance ; all bodies have their own dimensions and
gravities ; gold has more weight, but less dimension
than silver ; water than wine. From this is derived a
useful experiment ; for by taking the bulk and the weight
you may know how much silver has been mixed with
gold, or how much water with wine ; which was the
evprjKa. of Archimedes. Again, flesh putrefies sooner in
some cellars than in others ; it would therefore be use-
ful to apply this experiment to the discovery of airs
more or less healthy to live in ; those namely, in which
flesh is longest in putrefying. The same method may
be applied to discover healthy and unhealthy seasons
of the year. But there are innumerable instances of
this kind. Let men only watch, and keep their eyes
continually turned to the nature of things on one side,
and to the uses of man on the other. And so much for
the Application of Experiment.
Coupling of Experiment is the link or chain of ap-
plications ; when things which would be ineffectual
singly are effectual in conjunction. For example ; you
wish to have roses or fruit come late. It will be ef-
fected, if you pluck off the earlier buds; it will be ef-
fected likewise if you uncover the roots and expose them
to the air until the middle of spring ; but much more if
the two be coupled together. Again, ice and nitre
have both of them great power of refrigeration ; much
more when mixed. This is indeed clear of itself.
And yet there may often be a deception in it (as in all
82 TRANSLATION OF THE " DE AUGMENTIS."
things else where axioms are wanting), if the things so
coupled be such as operate in different and contrary
ways. And so much for Coupling of Experiment.
There remain the Chances of Experiment. This
form of experimenting is merely irrational and as it
were mad, when you have a mind to try something, not
because reason or some other experiment leads you to it,
out simply because such a thing has never been attempt-
ed before. Yet I know not but in this very process (of
which we are now treating) some great thing may be
involved ; the leaving (I say) of no stone in nature un-
turned. For the magnolia of nature generally lie out of
the common roads and beaten paths, so that the very
absurdity of the thing may sometimes prove of service.
But if reason go along with it ; that is, if it be evident
that an experiment of this nature has never been tried,
and yet there is great reason why it should be tried ;
then it is one of the best ways, and plainly shakes out
the folds of nature. For instance, when fire works
upon a natural body, one of two things has hitherto al-
ways happened ; — either that something flies out (as
flame and smoke in common combustion), or at least
that there is a local separation of the parts, and to some
distance ; as in distillation, where the dregs settle at
the bottom, and the vapours, after they have had their
play, are gathered into receptacles. But of what I may
call dose distillation no man has yet made trial. Yet it
seems probable that the force of heat, if it can perform
its exploits of alteration within the enclosure of the
body, where there is neither loss of the body nor yet
means of escape, will succeed at last in handcuffing this
Proteus of matter, and driving it to many transforma-
tions ; only the heat must be so regulated and varied,
THE FIFTH BOOK. 83
that there be no fracture of the vessels. For this op-
eration is like that of the womb, where the heat works,
and yet no part of the body is either emitted or sepa-
rated. In the womb indeed alimentation is conjoined ;
but as far as conversion is concerned it seems to be the
same thing. Such then are the Chances of Experi-
ment.
Meanwhile I give this advice as to experiments of
this nature ; that no one should be disheartened or con-
founded if the experiments which he tries do not an-
swer his expectation. For though a successful experi-
ment be more agreeable, yet an unsuccessful one is
oftentimes no less instructive. And it must ever be
kept in mind (as I am continually urging) that ex-
periments of Light are even more to be sought after
than experiments of Fruit. And so much for Learned
Experience, which (as I have already said) is rather a
sagacity and a kind of hunting by scent, than a science.
Of the New Organon I say nothing, nor shall I give
any taste of it here ; as I purpose by the divine favour
to compose a complete work on that subject, — being
the most important thing of all.
CHAP. III.
Division of the art of discovery of Arguments into
Promptuary and Topics. Division of Topics into
General and Particular. Example of a Particular
Topic in an Inquiry concerning Heavy and Light.
THE invention of arguments is not properly an in-
vention ; for to invent is to discover that we know not,
84 TRANSLATION OF THE " DE AUGMENTIS."
not to recover or resummon that which we already
know. Now the use and office of this invention is no
other than out of the mass of knowledge which is col-
lected and laid up in the mind to draw forth readily
that which may be pertinent to the matter or question
which is under consideration. For to him who has
little or no knowledge on the subject proposed, places
of invention are of no service ; and on the other hand,
he who is ready provided with matter applicable to the
point in question will, even without art and places of
invention (although perhaps not so expeditiously and
easily), discover and produce arguments. So (as I
have said) this kind of invention is not properly an in-
vention, but a remembrance or suggestion with an ap-
plication. Nevertheless, as the name has come into
use, let it be called invention ; for the hunting of any
wild animal may be called a finding of it, as well in an
enclosed park as in a forest at large. But not to be
nice about words, let it be clearly understood, that the
scope and end of this invention is readiness and pres-
ent use of our knowledge, rather than addition or am-
plification thereof.
Provision for discourse may be procured in two ways.
The place where a thing is to be looked for may be
marked, and as it were indexed ; and this is that which
I call Topics ; or arguments concerning such matters
as commonly fall out and come under discussion may
be composed beforehand and laid up for use : and this
I will name the Promptuary. This last however
scarcely deserves to be spoken of as a part of knowl-
edge, consisting rather of diligence than of any artifi-
cial erudition. And herein Aristotle wittily, but hurt-
ftdly, derides the sophists of his time, saying, " they
THE FIFTH BOOK. 85
did as if one that professed the art of shoemaking,
should not teach how to make a shoe, but only exhibit
a number of shoes of all fashions and sizes." l But
here a man might reply, that if a shoemaker should
have no shoes in his shop, but only work as he is be-
spoken, he should be still a poor man, and have few
customers. Far otherwise says our Saviour, speaking
of divine knowledge, " Every scribe that is instructed
in the kingdom of heaven is like a householder, that
bringeth forth old and new store."2 We see like-
wise that the ancient rhetoricians gave it in precept
to pleaders, that they should have by them a variety
of commonplaces, ready prepared, and handled and
illustrated on both sides ; arguments (for example) for
the sense of the law against the words of the law ; and
the contrary : for inferences against testimony, and the
contrary. And Cicero himself, taught by long experi-
ence, directly asserts that a diligent orator may have
by him premeditated and carefully handled beforehand
everything which he shall have occasion to speak of ;
so that in the pleading of any particular cause, he shall
not have to introduce anything new or on the sudden,
except names and some special circumstances.3 But
such was the diligence and exactness of Demosthenes,
that seeing what great force the entrance and access
into a cause has to make a good impression on the
minds of the audience, he thought it worth while to
compose and have ready by him a number of prefaces
for orations and speeches. All which authorities and
precedents may fairly overweigh Aristotle's opinion,
who would have us change a rich wardrobe for a pair
1 Arist. De Repreh. Sophist, ii. 9. 2 St. Matt. xiii. 52.
« Cic. De Oratore, ii. 32—34.
86 TRANSLATION OF THE "DE AUGMENTIS."
of shears. Therefore that part of knowledge concern
ing provision or preparatory store was not to be omit-
ted, though here I have said enough respecting it.
For as it is common to both, logic as well as rhetoric,
I have chosen in treating of logic only to mention it
by the way, referring the fuller discussion of it to
rhetoric.
The other part of invention (namely Topics) I will
divide into general and particular. General has been
sufficiently handled in logic, so that there is no need to
dwell on the explanation of it. Only it may be ob-
served by the way, that this kind of Topic is of use not
only in argumentations, where we are disputing with
another, but also in meditations, where we are consid-
ering and resolving anything with ourselves ; neither
does it serve only to prompt and suggest what we should
affirm and assert, but also what we should inquire or ask.
For a faculty of wise interrogating is half a knowledge.
For Plato says well, " whosoever seeks a thing, knows
that which he seeks for in a general notion ; else how
shall he know it when he has found it ? " And there-
fore the fuller and more certain our anticipation is, the
more direct and compendious is our search. The same
places therefore which will help us to shake out the
folds of the intellect within us, and to draw forth the
knowledge stored therein, will also help us to gain
knowledge from without ; so that if a man of learning
and experience were before us, we should know how to
question him wisely and to the purpose ; and in like
manner how to select and peruse with advantage those
authors, books, and parts of books, which may best in-
struct us concerning that which we seek.
But Particular Topics contribute much more to those
THE FIFTH BOOK. 87
purposes whereof I speak, and ' are to be accounted
most useful. Of these there is indeed some slight
mention in some writers, but they have not been fully
handled, according to the dignity of the subject. But
leaving the humour which has reigned too long in the
schools, — which is to pursue with infinite subtlety the
things which are near at hand, and never to go near
those which lie a little further off, — I for my part re-
ceive particular Topics (that is places of invention and
inquiry appropriated to particular subjects and sciences)
as things of prime use. They are a kind of mixtures of
logic with the proper matter of each science. For he
must be a trifler and a man of narrow mind who thinks
that the perfect art of invention of knowledge can be
devised and propounded all at once ; and that then it
needs only to be set at work. Let men be assured that
the solid and true arts of invention grow and increase
as inventions themselves increase ; so that when a man
first enters into the pursuit of any knowledge, he may
have some useful precepts of invention ; but when he
has made further advances in that knowledge, he may
and ought to devise new precepts of invention, to lead
him the better to that which lies beyond. It is indeed
like journeying in a champaign country ; for when we
have gone some part of our way, we are not only
nearer to our journey's end, but we can likewise see
better that part of the way which remains. In the
same manner in sciences every step forward on the
journey gives a nearer view of that which is to come
But I have thought right to annex an example of this
kind of Topic, seeing I set it down among the Defi-
cients.
88 TRANSLATION OF THE " DE ADGMENTIS."
A Particular Topic, or Articles of Inquiry concern-
ing Heavy and Light.
1. Inquire what bodies are susceptible of the motion
of gravity, what of levity, and if there be any of an
intermediate and indifferent nature.
2. After the simple inquiry concerning heavy and
light, proceed to comparative inquiiy ; as what heavy
bodies weigh more, what less, in the same dimensions.
O * '
Likewise of light bodies, which rise quicker, which
slower.
3. Inquire what effect the quantity of a body has
in the motion of gravity. At first sight indeed this
may appear superfluous ; for the proportions of motion
ought to follow the proportions of quantity ; but the
case is otherwise. For although in the scales the quan-
tity of a body makes up the gravity (the force of the
body being there collected, by the recoil or resistance
of the scales or beam), yet where there is but little
resistance (as in the fall of bodies through air) the
velocity of the fall is little hastened by the quantity of
the body ; for a ball of twenty pounds weight falls to
the ground in nearly the same time as a ball of one
pound.
4. Inquire whether the quantity of a body can be
so increased as entirely to lose the motion of gravity ;
as in the earth, which is pendulous, but falls not. Can
there then be other substances so massive as to sup-
port themselves ? For the motion towards the centre
of the earth is a fiction ; and every great mass abhors
all local motion, unless it be overcome by another
stronger appetite.
5. Inquire what power and operation the resistance
THE FIFTH BOOK. QV
of an intervening or opposing body may have to con-
trol the motion of gravity. For a descending body
either cuts and penetrates through an opposing body,
or is stopped by it. If it pass through, penetration
takes place either with slight resistance, as in air, or
with a stronger, as in water. If it be stopped, it is
either by an unequal resistance, where there is a su-
periority of weight, as if wood be placed on the top
of wax ; or by an equal resistance, as if water be
placed on the top of water, or wood upon wood of the
same kind; which is what the schoolmen (upon no
solid apprehension) term the non-gravitation of a body
in its own place. And all these things vary the mo-
tion of gravity. For heavy things move one way in
the scales, and another in falling ; one way (which
may seem strange) when the scales are hanging in the
air, another when they are sunk in water ; one way
again in falling through water, another in floating or
being carried upon it.
6. Inquire what power and operation the figure of
a descending body has in directing the motion of grav-
ity ; as if a figure be broad and thin, cubic, oblong,
round, pyramidal ; also when bodies turn, and when
they keep the same position in which they were let
fall.
7. Inquire what power and operation the continua-
tion and progression of the descent or fall has in in-
creasing the velocity and impetus, and in what propor-
tion and to what extent that velocity will increase.
For the ancients upon slight consideration imagined
that this motion, being natural, was continually increas-
ing and strengthening.
8. Inquire what power and operation the distance
90 TRANSLATION OF THE " DE AUGMENTIS."
or nearness of the falling body to the earth has, in
making it fall quicker or slower, or not at all (if it be
beyond the orb of the earth's activity, according to
Gilbert's opinion) ; and also what is the effect of the
plunging of a descending body further into the depths
of the earth, or of the location thereof nearer the sur-
face. For this also varies the motion, as is perceived
by miners.
9. Inquire what power and operation the difference
of the bodies has, through which the motion of gravity
is diffused and communicated ; and whether it is com-
municated as well through soft and porous bodies, as
through hard and solid ones ; as if the beam of a pair
of scales on one side of the tongue be made of wood,
on the other of silver (though both be reduced to the
same weight), will it produce any variation in the
scales ? Likewise will metal laid on wood, or on a
blown bladder, weigh the same as it does on the bot-
tom of the scale ?
10. Inquire what power and operation the distance
of the body from the fulcrum has in the communica-
tion of the motion of gravity ; that is, in the sooner or
later perception of the weight or pressure : as in scales,
if one arm of the beam be longer than the other
(though both are of the same weight), does this of
itself incline the scale ? or in the syphon, where the
longer limb will certainly draw the wrater, though the
shorter (being made more capacious) contain a greater
weight of it.
11. Inquire what power the mixing or coupling of
a light body with a heavy one has in lessening the
gravity of a body ; as in the weight of animals alive
and dead.
THE FIFTH BOOK. 91
12. Inquire of the secret ascents and descents of
the lighter and heavier parts in one entire body;
whence fine separations often take place ; as in the
separation of wine and water, the rising of cream, and
the like.
13. Inquire what is the line and direction of the
motion of gravity ; how far it follows the centre 01
mass of the earth, how far the centre of the body itself,
that is the strife and pressure of its parts. For these
centres, though convenient for demonstrations, are of
no effect in nature.
14. Inquire touching the motion of gravity as com-
pared with other motions ; what motions it overcomes,
and what overcome it. As in violent motion (as it is
called) the motion of gravity is overpowered for a
time ; and as when a little magnet lifts a piece of iron
much heavier than itself, the motion of gravity yields
to the motion of sympathy.
15. Inquire touching the motion of air ; whether it
rise upwards, or is as it were indifferent. And this is
hard to discover, except by some subtle experiments.
For the springing up of air at the bottom of water is
rather caused by the force of the water than the motion
of the air ; seeing that the same thing happens also
with wood. But air mingled with air gives no evi-
dence, seeing that air in air appears no less light, than
water in water appears heavy ; but in a bubble, where
there is a thin film drawn round it, it is stationary for
a time.
16. Inquire what is the limit of lightness ; for men
do not mean (I suppose) that as the centre of the earth
is the centre of gravity, so the extreme convexity of
the heaven is the term of lightness ; is it that as heavy
92 TRANSLATION OF THE " DE AUGMEXTIS."
bodies seem to fall till they rest and reach the immov-
able, so light bodies rise till they begin to rotate, and
attain as it were motion without limit?
17. Inquire why vapours and exhalations rise as
high as what is called the middle region of the air ;
seeing they consist of a somewhat heavy matter, and
the rays of the sun at intervals (that is, at night)
cease their operation.
18. Inquire of the rule which governs the upward
motion of flame ; which is the more mysterious as
flame expires every instant, except perhaps it be in the
midst of larger flames ; for flames separated from their
continuity last but a little while.
19. Inquire of the upward motion of the activity of
heat ; as when the heat of red-hot iron spreads faster
upwards than downwards.
Such then is an instance of a Particular Topic. In
the meantime I 'again repeat my former advice ; name-
ly, that men ought so to vary their particular topics, as,
after any great advance has been made in the inquiry,
to set out another and again another topic, if they
desire to climb the heights of the sciences. But so
much importance do I attribute to Particular Topics,
that I design to construct a special work concerning
them in the more important and obscure subjects of
nature. For we can command our questions, though
we cannot command the nature of things. And so
much for Invention.
THE FIFTH BOOK.
CHAP. IV.
Division of the art of Judging into judgment by Induc-
tion and judgment by Syllogism. The first whereof
is referred to the New Organon. First division of
Judgment by Syllogism into Reduction Direct and
Reduction Inverse. Second division of the same into
Analytic and doctrine concerning Detection of Fal-
lacies. .Division of the doctrine concerning the detec-
tion of fallacies into detection of Sophistical fallacies^
fallacies of Interpretation, and fallacies of false ap-
pearances or Idols. Division of Idols into Idols of
the Tribe, Idols of the Cave, and Idols of the Market-
place. Appendix to the Art of Judging ; viz. con-
cerning the Analogy of Demonstrations according to
the nature of the subject.
LET us now pass on to Judgment, or the art of judg-
ing, which handles the nature of proofs and demon-
strations. In this art (as indeed it is commonly re-
ceived) the conclusion is made either by induction or
by syllogism. For enthymems and examples are but
abridgments of these two. With regard however to
judgment by induction there is nothing to detain us ;
for here the same action of the mind which discovers
the thing in question judges it ; and the operation is
not performed by help of any middle term, but directly,
almost in the same manner as by the sense. For the
sense in its primary objects at once apprehends the ap-
pearance of the object, and consents to the truth there-
of. In the syllogism it is otherwise ; for there the
proof is not immediate, but by mean. And therefore
the invention of the mean is one- thing, and the judg-
ment of the consequence is another ; for the mind
ranges first, and rests afterwards. But the vicious
94 TRANSLATION OF THE " Dfc AUGMEXTIS."
form of induction 1 entirely disclaim ; and as for the
legitimate form, I refer it to the New Organon.
Enough here therefore of Judgment by Induction.
For the other judgment by Syllogism, what need to
speak ; seeing it has been beaten over and over by the
subtlest labours of men's wits and reduced to many
niceties ? And no wonder, for it is a thing most agree-
able to the mind of man. For the mind of man is
strangely eager to be relieved from suspense, and to
have something fixed and immovable, upon which in
its wanderings and disquisitions it may securely rest.
And assuredly as Aristotle endeavours to prove that in
all motion there is some point quiescent; and as he
very elegantly interprets the ancient fable of Atlas,
Avho stood fixed and supported the heaven on his shoul-
ders, to be meant of the poles or axletree of heaven,
whereupon the conversion is accomplished ; l so do men
earnestly desire to have within them an Atlas or axle-
tree of the thoughts, by which the fluctuations and
dizziness of the understanding may be to some extent
controlled ; fearing belike that their heaven should fall.
And hence it is that they have been in too great a
hurry to establish some principles of knowledge, round
which all the variety of disputations might tuni, with-
out peril of falling and overthrow ; not knowing that
he who makes too great haste to grasp at certainties
shall end in doubts, while he who seasonably restrains
his judgment shall end in certainties.
So then this art of judgment by Syllogism is but
the reduction of propositions to principles in a middle
term ; the principles being understood as agreed upon
and exempted from argument ; and the invention of
1 Arist. De Mot. Anim. 2 and 3.
THE FIFTH BOOK. 95
the middle terms left to the free exercise of wit and
inquiry. Now this reduction is of two kinds : direct
and inverse ; direct, when the proposition is reduced
to the principle ; which they term proof ostensive ;
inverse, when the contradictory of the proposition is
reduced to the contradictory of the principle ; which
they call proof per incommodum, or by showing that it
involves an absurdity. But the number of series or
middle terms is greater or less as the proposition stands
more or less removed from the principle.
This being premised, I will divide the art of judg-
ment (according to the usual manner) into Analytic,
and the doctrine concerning JElenches. or detection of
O *
fallacies ; whereof the one proceeds by way of direc-
tion, the other by way of caution. Analytic sets down
true forms of consequences in argument ; from which
if there be any variation or deflexion, the conclusion is
detected to be faulty ; and this contains in itself a kind
of detection, or refutation : for the straight (as they
say) indicates what is not straight as well as what is.
And yet it is safest to employ Elenches, as monitors, for
the better detection of fallacies by which the judgment
would otherwise be ensnared. In Analytic however I
dnd no deficiency; but it is rather overladen with
superfluities than in need of additions.
The doctrine of detection of fallacies I divide into
three parts ; detection of sophistical fallacies, of fallacies
of interpretation, and of false appearances or Idols.
The detection of sophistical' fallacies is especially use-
ful. For although the grosser kind of fallacies is well
compared by Seneca ] to the feats of jugglers, in which
though we know not how the thing is done, yet we
1 Seneca, Epist. 45.
96 TRANSLATION OF THE "DE AUGMENTIS."
know well it is not as it seems to be ; yet the more
subtle sophisms not only put a man beside his answer,
but many tunes seriously confound his judgment.
This part concerning the detection of sophistical fal-
lacies is excellently handled by Aristotle in the way of
precepts, but still more excellently by Plato in the way
of examples ; and that not only in the persons of the
ancient sophists (Gorgias, Hippias, Protagoras, Euthy-
demus, and the rest), but even in Socrates himself,
who professing to affirm nothing, but to infirm that
which was affirmed by another, has most wittily ex-
pressed all the forms of fallacy, objection, and redargu-
tion. In this part therefore I have no deficiency to
report. In the meantime I may observe, that although
I have said that the honest and principal use of this
doctrine is for redargution of sophisms ; yet it is mani-
fest that the degenerate and corrupt use is for rais-
ing, by means of these very sophisms, captions and
contradictions. And this passes for a great faculty,
and no doubt is of very great advantage ; though the
difference be good which was made between an orator
and a sophist, that the one is as the greyhound, which
has his advantage in the race, the other as the hare,
which has her advantage in the turn.
Next come fallacies of Interpretation ; for so (bor-
rowing the name rather than the sense from Aristotle)
I will term them. Let me call to mind then what
I said above (in speaking of Primitive or Summary
Philosophy) touching the Transcendental or Adven-
titious Conditions or Adjuncts of Essences. These are
Greater, Less, Much, Little, Before, After, Identity,
Diversity, Potential, Actual, Habit, Privation, Whole,
Parts, Active, Passive, Motion, Rest, Entity, Nonen-
THE FIFTH BOOK. 97
tity, and the like. And first let the different ways
which I mentioned of viewing these things be remem-
bered and noted ; namely that they may be inquired
either physically or logically. Now the physical hand-
ling of them I referred to Primitive or Summary Phi-
losophy. There remains then the logical. And this
is the very thing which at present I mean by the doc-
trine of the detection of fallacies of Interpretation.
Certainly it is a sound and good part of learning. For
common and general notions enter necessarily into
every discussion ; so that unless great care be taken to
distinguish them well at the outset, all the light of dis-
putations will be strangely clouded with darkness by
them, and the matter end in disputes about words.
For equivocations and false acceptations of words (es-
pecially of this sort) are the sophisms of sophisms ;
and therefore 1 have thought it better that the treat-
ment of them should be made a part by itself, than
that it should either be included in Summary Philoso-
phy or Metaphysic, or placed partly under Analytic ;
as has been done by Aristotle confusedly enough. The
name I have given it is taken from the use ; because
its true use is simply redargution and caution with re-
gard to the use of words. Moreover that part concern-
ing the Predicaments, if rightly managed, relating to
cautions against confounding and transposing the terms
of definitions and divisions, I hold to be of principal
use, and wish it to be referred to this place. And so
much for the Detection of Fallacies of Interpretation.
As for the detection of False Appearances or Idols,
Idols are the deepest fallacies of the human mind.
For they do not deceive in particulars, as the others
do, by clouding and snaring the judgment ; but by a
VOL. IX. 7
98 TRANSLATION OF THE " DE AUGMENTIS."
corrupt and ill-ordered predisposition of mind, which
as it were perverts and infects all the anticipations of
the intellect. For the mind of man (dimmed and
clouded as it is by the covering of the body), far from
being a smooth, clear, and equal glass (wherein the
beams of things reflect according to their true inci-
dence), is rather like an enchanted glass, full of super-
stition and imposture. Now idols are imposed upon
the mind, either by the nature of man in general ; or
by the individual nature of each man ; or by words, or
nature communicative. The first of these I call Idols
of the Tribe, the second the Idols of the Cave, the
third the Idols of the Market-place. There is also a
fourth kind which I call the Idols of the Theatre, su-
perinduced by corrupt theories or systems of philoso-
phy, and false laws of demonstration. But this kind
may be rejected and got rid of: so I will leave it for
the present. The others absolutely take possession of
the mind, and cannot be wholly removed. In these
therefore Analytic is not to be looked for ; but the
doctrine of Blenches is with regard to the idols them-
selves a primary doctrine. Nor (to say truth) can the
doctrine concerning Idols be reduced to an art ; all
that can be done is to use a kind of thoughtful pru
dence to guard against them. The. foil and subtle
handling of these however I reserve for the New Or-
ganon, making here only a few general observations
touching them.
As an example of the Idols of the Tribe, take this.
The nature of the human mind is more affected by
affirmatives and actives than by negatives and priva-
tives ; whereas by right it should be indifferently dis-
posed towards both. But now a few times hitting or
THE FIFTH BOOK. 99
presence produces a much stronger impression on the
mind than many times failing or absence : a thing
which is as the root of all vain superstition and credu-
lity. And therefore it was well answered by one who
when the table was shown to him hanging in a temple
of such as had paid their vows upon escape from ship-
wreck, and he was pressed to say whether he did not
now acknowledge the power of Neptune, " Yea,"
isked he in return, " but where are they painted that
were drowned after paying their vows ? " And so it
is in similar superstitions, as astrology, dreams, omens,
and the like. Here is another instance. The spirit of
man (being of an equal and uniform substance) pre-
supposes and feigns in nature a greater equality and
uniformity than really is. Hence the fancy of the
mathematicians that the heavenly bodies move in per-
fect circles, rejecting spiral lines. Hence also it hap-
pens, that whereas there are many things in nature
unique and full of dissimilarity, yet the cogitation of
man still invents for them relatives, parallels, and con-
jugates. Hence sprang the introduction of an element
of fire, to keep square with earth, water, and air.
Hence the chemists have marshalled the universe in
phalanx; conceiving, upon a most groundless fancy,
that in those four elements of theirs (heaven, air,
water, and earth,) each species in one has parallel and
corresponding species in the others. The third ex-
ample is of kin to the last ; Man is as it were the com-
mon measure and mirror of nature. For it is not cred-
ible (if all particulars be gone through and noted)
what a troop of fictions and idols the reduction of the
operations of nature to the similitude of human actions
has brought into natural philosophy ; I mean, the fancy
100 TRANSLATION OF THE " DE AUGMENTIS."
that nature acts as man does. Neither are these much
better than the heresy of the Anthropomorphites, bred
in the cells of gross and solitary monks ; or the opinion
of Epicurus answering to the same in heathenism, Avho
supposed the gods to be of human shape. And there-
fore Velleius the Epicurean needed not to have asked,
" Why God should have adorned the heaven with stars
and lights, like an aedile ? " l For if that great work-
master had acted as an aedile, he would have cast the
stars into some pleasant and beautiful order, like the
frets in the roofs of palaces ; whereas one can scarce
find a posture in square or triangle or straight line
amongst such an infinite number. So differing a har-
mony is there between the spirit of man and the spirit
of nature.
With regard to the Idols of the Cave, they arise
from each man's peculiar nature both of mind and
body ; and also from education and custom, and the
accidents which befall particular men. For it is a
most beautiful emblem, that of Plato's cave : for (not
to enter into the exquisite subtlety of the allegory) if
a child were kept in a dark grot or cave under the
earth until maturity of age, and then came suddenly
abroad, and beheld this array of the heavens and of
nature, no doubt many strange and absurd imagina-
tions would arise in his mind. Now we, although our
persons live in the view of heaven, yet our spirits are
included in the caves of our own bodies ; so that they
must needs be filled with infinite errors and false ap-
pearances, if they come forth but seldom and for brief
periods from their cave, and do not continually live in
the contemplation of nature, as in the open air. And
1 Cicero De Nat. Deor. i. c. 9.
THE FIFTH BOOK. 101
with this emblem of Plato's concerning the cave the
saying of Heraclitus agrees well, " that men seek the
sciences in their own proper worlds, and not in the
greater world." l
But the Idols of the Market-place are most trouble
some ; which have crept into the understanding through
the tacit agreement of men concerning the imposition
of words and names. Now words are generally framed
and applied according to the conception of the vulgar,
and draw lines of separation according to such differ-
ences as the vulgar can follow : and where a more
acute intellect or a more diligent observation tries to
introduce a better distinction, words rebel. And that
which is the remedy for this evil (namely definitions)
is in most cases unable to cure it ; for definitions them-
selves consist of Avords, and words beget words. And
* ~
although we think we govern our words, and it is easy
to say " a man should speak as the vulgar, and think
as the wise ; " and though technical terms (only used
by the learned) may seem to answer the purpose ; and
the setting down of those definitions I spoke of at the
entrance of arts (after the prudent course of the math-
ematicians) may avail to correct the perverted accepta-
tion of terms ; yet all is not enough, but the juggleries
and charms of words will in many ways seduce and
forcibly disturb the judgment, and (after the manner
of the Tartar bowmen) shoot back at the understand-
ing from which they proceeded. This evil stands in
need therefore of a deeper remedy, and a new one.
But here I only glance at these things by the way ; in
the meantime pronouncing this doctrine (which I call
the Great Blenches, or the doctrine concerning the
1 Plato, Republ. vi.
UNIVERSITY OP
BARBARA COLLEGE LIBRARY
102 TRANSLATION OF THE " DE AUGMENTIS."
Idols of the Human Mind, native and adventitious) to
be wanting. The regular handling of it I refer to the
New Organ on.
There remains an Appendix to the Art of Judging,
of great excellency ; which I also set down as de-
ficient : for though Aristotle has noticed the thing, he
has nowhere followed out the manner of it. It treats
of the application of the differing kinds of proofs to
the differing kinds of matters or subjects ; and may
be called the doctrine of the judgment of judgments.
For Aristotle rightly observes, "That we ought not
to require either demonstrations from orators or per-
suasions from mathematicians." * And therefore if
there be an error in the kind of proof employed, the
judgment itself cannot be truly made. Now whereas
there are four kinds of demonstrations, — either by
immediate consent and common notions, or by induc-
tion, or by syllogism, or by that which Aristotle right-
ly calls demonstration in circle? — (that is, not from
things higher in the order of nature, but as it were
from the same level) : — so there are certain subjects
and matters in science wherein each of these demon-
strations respectively does well, and certain others from
which they are respectively excluded. For rigour and
curiosity in requiring the more severe kinds of proof
in some things, and still more facility and remissness in
contenting ourselves with the weaker kinds in others,
are to be numbered among the chief causes of detri-
O
ment and hindrance to knowledge. And so much
for the Art of Judging.
l Arist. Metaph. ii. 3. 2 Arist. Post. Analyt. ii. 13.
THE FIFTH BOOK. 103
CHAP. V.
Division of the Art of Retaining into the doctrine con-
cerning Helps of Memory, and the doctrine concern-
ing Memory itself. Division of the doctrine concern-
ing Memory itself into Prenotion and Emblem.
THE art of retaining or keeping knowledge I will
divide into two parts ; namely, the doctrine concerning
Helps of Memory, and the doctrine concerning Mem-
ory itself. The great help to the memory is writing ;
and it must be taken as a rule that memory without
this aid is unequal to matters of much length and
accuracy ; and that its unwritten evidence ought by
no means to be allowed. This is particularly the case
in inductive philosophy and the interpretation of na-
ture ; for a man might as well attempt to go through
the calculations of an Ephemeris in his head without
the aid of writing, as to master the interpretation of
nature by the natural and naked force of thought and
memory, without the help of tables duly arranged.
But not to speak of the interpretation of nature, which
is a new doctrine, there can hardly be anything more
useful even for the old and popular sciences, than a
sound help for the memory ; that is a good and learned
Digest of Common Places. I am aware indeed that
the transferring of the things we read and learn into
common-place books is thought by some to be detri-
mental to learning, as retarding the course of the
reader and inviting the memoiy to take holiday. Nev-
ertheless, as it is but a counterfeit thing in knowledge
to be forward and pregnant, except a man be also deep
and full, I hold diligence and labour in the entry of
104 TRANSLATION OF THE "DE ADGMENTIS."
common places to be a matter of great use and support
in studying ; as that which supplies matter to inven-
tion, and contracts the sight of the judgment to a
point. But yet it is true that of the methods and
frameworks of common places which I have hitherto
seen, there is none of any worth ; all of them carrying
in their titles merely the face of a school and not of a
world ; and using vulgar and pedantical divisions, not
such as pierce to the pith and heart of things.
For the Memory itself, the inquiry seems hitherto
to have been pursued weakly and languidly enough.
An art there is indeed extant of it; but it is clear
to me that there might be both better precepts for
strengthening and enlarging the memory than that art
contains, and a better practice of the art itself than
that which is received. Not but (if any one chooses
to abuse this art for purposes of ostentation) feats can
be performed by it that are marvellous and prodigious ;
but nevertheless it is a barren thing (as now applied)
for human uses. At the same time the fault I find
with it is not that it destroys and overburdens the nat-
ural memory (which is the common objection), but
that it is not well contrived for providing assistance
to the memory in serious business and affairs. And
for my own part (owing perhaps to the life of business
I have led) I am ever disposed to make small account
of things which make parade of art but are of no use.
For the being able to repeat at once and in the same
order a great number of names or words upon a single
hearing, or to make a number of verses extempore on
any subject, or to make a satirical simile of everything
that happens, or to turn any serious matter into a jest,
or to carry off anything with a contradiction or cavil.
THE FIFTH BOOK. 105
or the like, (whereof in the faculties of the mind there
is great store, and such as by device and practice may
be exalted to an extreme degree of wonder,) — all
such things I esteem no more than I do the tricks and
antics of clowns and rope-dancers. For they are al-
most the same things ; the one an abuse of the powers
of the body, the other of the mind ; matters perhaps
of strangeness, but of no \vorthiness.
The Art of Memory is built upon two intentions ;
Prenotion and Emblem. By Prenotion I mean a kind
of cutting off of infinity of search. For when a man
desires to recall anything into his memory, if he have
no prenotion or perception of that he seeks, he seeks
and strives and beats about hither and thither as if in
infinite space. But if he have some certain prenotion,
this infinity is at once cut off, and the memory ranges
in a narrower compass ; like the hunting of a deer
within an enclosure. And therefore order also mani-
festly assists the memory; for we have a prenotion
that what we are seeking must be something which
agrees with order. So again verse is more easily
learned by heart than prose ; for if we stick at any
word, we have a prenotion that it must be such a word
as fits the verse. And this prenotion is the principal
part of artificial memory. For in artificial memory we
have the places digested and prepared beforehand ; the
'mages we make extempore according to the occasion.
But then we have a prenotion that the image must
be one which has some conformity with the place ; and
this reminds the memory, and in some measure paves
the way to the thing we seek. Emblem, on the other
land, reduces intellectual conceptions to sensible im-
ages ; for an object of sense always strikes the memory
106 TRANSLATION OF THE " DE AUGMENTIS."
more forcibly and is more easily impressed upon it than
an object of the intellect ; insomuch that even brutes
have their memory excited by sensible impressions ;
never by intellectual ones. And therefore you will
more easily remember the image of a hunter pursuing
a hare, of an apothecary arranging his boxes, of a ped-
ant making a speech, of a boy repeating verses from
memory, of a player acting on the stage, than the mere
notions of invention, disposition, elocution, memory,
and action. Other things there are (as I said just
now) which relate to the help of memory, but the art
as it now is consists of the two above stated. But to
follow out the particular defects of arts would be from
my purpose. So much therefore for the Art of Re-
taining or Keeping Knowledge. And now we have
arrived in due course at the fourth division of Logic,
which treats of the Transmission and Delivery of our
knowledge to others.
THE ADVANCEMENT OF LEAENING,
BOOK VI.
CHAPTER I.
Division of the art of Transmitting into the doctrine con-
cerning the Organ of Discourse, the doctrine concern-
ing the Method of Discourse, and the doctrine concern-
ing the Illustration of Discourse. Division of the
doctrine concerning the organ of discourse into the doc-
trine concerning the Notations of Things, concerning
Speech, and concerning Writing; whereof the two
first constitute Grammar, and are divisions of it.
Division of the doctrine concerning the notations of
things into Hieroglyphics and Real Characters. Sec-
ond division of Grammar into Literary and Phil-
osophic. Reference of Poesy in respect of metre to
the doctrine concerning Speech. Reference of the
doctrine concerning Ciphers to the doctrine concern-
ing Writing.
IT is permitted to every man (excellent King) to
make merry with himself and his own matters. Who
knows then but this work of mine is copied from a
certain old book found in the most famous library of
St. Victor, of which Master Francis Rabelais made a
catalogue ? For there is a book there entitled " Thp
108 TRANSLATION 01 THE " DE AUGXIENTIS."
Ant-hill of Arts." And certainly I have raised up
here a little heap of dust, and stored under it a great
many grains of sciences and arts ; into which the ants
may creep and rest for a while, and then prepare them-
selves for fresh labours. Now the wisest of kings
refers sluggards to the ants ; and for my part I hold
all men for sluggards who care only to use what they
have got, without preparing for new seedtimes and
new harvests of knowledge.
Let us now proceed to the art of Transmitting, or
of producing and expressing to others those things
which have been invented, judged, and laid up in the
memory ; which I will call by a general name the Art
of Transmission. This art includes all the arts which
relate to words and discourse. For although reason be
as it were the soul of discourse, yet in the handling of
them reason and discourse should be kept separate, no
less than soul and body. The art of transmission I
will divide into three parts ; the doctrine concerning
the Organ of Discourse, the doctrine concerning the
Method of Discourse, and the doctrine concerning the
Illustration or adornment of Discourse.
The doctrine concerning the Organ of Discourse,
which is also called Grammar, has two parts ; one re-
lating to Speech, the other to Writing : for Aristotle
says rightly that " words are the images of thoughts
and letters are the images of words." Both these I
assign to Grammar. But to go a little higher up, be-
fore I come to Grammar and the parts thereof just
mentioned, I must speak concerning the Organ of
Transmission in general. For it seems that the art of
transmission has some other children besides Words
and Letters. This then may be laid down as a rule ;
THE SIXTH BOOK. 109
that whatever can be divided into differences suffi-
ciently numerous to explain the variety of notions
(provided those differences be perceptible to the sense)
may be made a vehicle to convey the thoughts of one
man to another. For we see that nations which
understand not one another's language carry on their
commerce well enough by means of gestures. And
in the practice of some who had been deaf and dumb
from their birth and were otherwise clever, I have
seen wonderful dialogues carried on between them and
their friends who had learned to understand their gest-
ures. Moreover it is now well known that in China
ani the provinces of the furthest East there are in use
at this day certain real characters, not nominal ; char-
acters, I mean, which represent neither letters nor
words, but things and notions ; insomuch that a num-
ber of nations whose languages are altogether different,
but who agree in the use of such characters (which are
more widely received among them), communicate with
each other in writing ; to such an extent indeed that
any book written in characters of this kind can be read
off by each nation in their own language.
The Notes of Things then which carry a significa-
tion without the help or intervention of words, are of
two kinds : one ex congruo, where the note has some
congruity with the notion, the other ad placitum, where
it is adopted and agreed upon at pleasure. Of the
former kind are Hieroglyphics and Gestures ; of the
latter the Real Characters above mentioned. The use
of Hieroglyphics is very old, and held in a kind of
reverence, especially among the Egyptians, a very an-
cient nation. So that they seem to have been a kind
of earlier born writing, and older than the very ele-
110 TRANSLATION OF THE "DE AUGMENTIS."
ments of letters, except perhaps among the Hebrews,
Gestures are as transitory Hieroglyphics. For as
uttered words fly away, but written words stand, so
Hieroglyphics expressed in gestures pass, but expressed
in pictures remain. For when Periander, being con-
sulted with how to preserve a tyranny, bade the mes-
senger follow him, and went into his garden and topped
the highest flowers, hinting at the cutting off of the
nobility, he made use of a Hieroglyphic just as much
as if he had drawn it on paper. In the meantime it
is plain that Hieroglyphics and Gestures have always
some similitude to the thing signified, and are a kind
of emblems. Whence I have called them " notes of
things by congruity." Real characters on the other
hand have nothing emblematic in them, but are merely
surds, no less than the elements of letters themselves,
and are only framed ad placilum, and silently agreed
on by custom. It is evident however that a vast multi-
tude of them is wanted for writing ; for there ought to
be as many of them as there are radical words. This
portion therefore of the doctrine of the Organ of Dis-
course, which relates to the Notes of Things, I set
down as wanting. And although it may seem to be
of no great use, since words and writing by letters are
by far the most convenient organs of transmission ; yet
I thought good to make some mention of it here, as
a thing not unworthy of consideration. For we are
handling here the currency (so to speak) of things
intellectual, and it is not amiss to know that as moneys
may be made of other material besides gold and silver,
so other Notes of Things may be coined besides words
and letters.
Now therefore I pass on to Grammar, which is as it
THE SIXTH BOOK. Ill
were the harbinger of other sciences; an office not
indeed very noble, yet very necessary; especially as
sciences in our age are principally drawn from the
learned languages, and are not learned in our mother
tongue. Nor must it be esteemed of little dignity,
seeing that it serves for an antidote against the curse
of the confusion of tongues. For man still strives to
renew and reintegrate himself in those benedictions of
which by his fault he has been deprived. And as he
arms and defends himself against the first general
curse of the barrenness of the earth, and of eating
bread in the sweat of his face, by the invention of all
other arts ; so against this second curse of the confusion
of tongues he calls in the aid of Grammar ; whereof the
use in a mother tongue is small ; in a foreign tongue
more ; but most in such foreign tongues as have ceased
to be vulgar tongues, and are only extant in books.
Grammar likewise is of two sorts ; the one being
Literary, the other Philosophical. The one is used
simply for languages, that they may be learned more
quickly or spoken more correctly and purely ; the oth-
er ministers in a certain degree to philosophy. And
here I am reminded that Ca3sar wrote some books on
" Analogy ; " and a doubt occurs to me, whether they
handled this kind of philosophical grammar of which
I speak. I suspect however that they did not contain
anything very subtle or lofty ; but only laid down pre-
cepts for a chaste and perfect style, not vitiated or
polluted either by a bad habit of speech, or by any
particular affectation ; in which style himself excelled.
Taking the hint however from this, I have thought of
a kind of grammar which should diligently inquire,
not the analogy of words with one another, but the
112 TRANSLATION OF THE " DE AUGMENTIS,"
analogy between words and things, or reason ; not
going so far however as that interpretation which be-
longs to Logic. Certainly words are the footsteps of
reason, and the footsteps tell something about the body.
I will therefore give some sketch of what I mean.
But I must first say that I by no means approve of
that curious inquiry, which nevertheless so great a
man as Plato did not despise ; namely concerning the
Imposition and original etymology of names ; on the
supposition that they were not arbitrarily fixed at first,
but derived and deduced by reason and according to
significance ; a subject elegant indeed, and pliant as
wax to be shaped and turned, and (as seeming to ex-
plore the recesses of antiquity) not without a kind of
reverence, — but yet sparingly true and bearing no
fruit. But the noblest species of grammar, as I think,
would be this : if some one well seen in a great num-
ber of tongues, learned as well as vulgar, would handle
the various properties of languages ; showing in what
points each excelled, in what it failed. For so not
only may languages be enriched by mutual exchanges,
but the several beauties of each may be combined (as
in the Venus of Apelles) into a most beautiful image
and excellent model of speech itself, for the right ex-
pressing of the meanings of the mind. And at the
same time there will be obtained in this way signs of
no slight value but well worthy of observation (which a
man would hardly think perhaps) concerning the dis-
positions and manners of peoples and nations, drawn
from their languages. I like well that remark of Ci-
cero's that the Greeks had no word to express the
Latin ineptus ; " because," says he, " that vice was so
familiar among the Greeks that they did not perceive
THE SIXTH BOOK. 118
it in themselves ; " 1 a censure worthy of the Roman
gravity. And how came it that the Greeks used such
liberty in composition of words, the Romans on the
contrary were so strict and sparing in it ? One may
plainly collect from this fact that the Greeks were fitter
for arts, the Romans for business : for the distinctions
of arts are hardly expressed without composition of
words ; whereas for the transaction of business simpler
words are wanted. Then again the Hebrews have
such a dislike to these compositions that they had
rather abuse a metaphor than introduce a compound
word : and the words they use are so few and so little
mixed, that one may plainly perceive from their very
language that they were a Nazarite nation, separated
from the rest of the nations. And is it not a fact
worthy of observation (though it may be a little shock
to the spirits of us moderns) that the ancient lan-
guages were full of declensions, cases, conjugations,
tenses, and the like, while the modern are nearly
stripped of them, and perform most of their work lazi-
ly by prepositions and verbs auxiliary ? Surely a man
may easily conjecture (how well so ever we think of
ourselves) that the wits of the early ages were much
acuter and subtler than our own. There are number-
less observations of this kind, enough to fill a good vol-
ume. And therefore it is not amiss to distinguish Phil-
osophic Grammar from Grammar Simple and Literary,
and to set it down as wanting.
To Grammar also I refer all accidents of words, of
what kind soever ; such as Sound, Measure, Accent.
The primary formation of simple letters indeed (that
is, by what percussion of the tongue, by what opening
l Cicero De Orat. ii. 4.
VOL. ix. a
114 TRANSLATION OF THE "DE ADGMENTIS."
of the mouth, by what meeting of the lips, by what
effort of the throat, the sound of each letter is pro-
duced) does not belong to Grammar, but is part of the
doctrine concerning Sounds, and to be handled under
Sense and the Sensible. The sound which I speak of
as belonging to Grammar relates only to sweetnesses
and harshnesses. Of these some are common to all
nations ; for there is no language that does not in some
degree shun the hiatus caused by vowels coming to-
gether, and the harshnesses caused by consonants
coming together. There are others again which are
respective, being found pleasing to the ears of some
nations and displeasing to .others. The Greek lan-
guage abounds in diphthongs ; the Latin is much more
sparing of them. The Spanish dislikes thin letters,
and changes them immediately into those of a middle
tone. Languages derived from the Goths delight in
aspirates. Many things of this kind might be men-
tioned; but these are perhaps more than enough.
The Measure of words has produced a vast body of
art ; namely Poesy, considered with reference not to
the matter of it (of which I have spoken above) but to
the style and form of words : that is to say, metre or
verse ; wherein the art we have is a very small thing,
but the examples are large and innumerable. Neither
should that art (which the grammarians call Prosody)
be confined to the teaching of the kinds and measures
of verse. Precepts should be added as to the kinds
of verse which best suit each matter or subject. The
ancients used hexameter for histories and eulogies ,
elegiac for complaints ; iambic for invectives ; lyric foi
odes and hymns. Nor have modern poets been want-
ing in this wisdom, so far as their own languages are
THE SIXTH BOOK. 115
concerned. The fault has been, that some of them,
out of too much zeal for antiquity, have tried to train
the modern languages into the ancient measures (hex-
ameter, elegiac, sapphic, &c.) ; measures incompatible
with the structure of the languages themselves, and no
less offensive to the ear. In these things the judgment
of the sense is to be preferred to the precepts of art, —
as the poet says,
Coenae fercula nostrse
Mallem convivis quam placuisse cocis. *
And it is not art, but abuse of art, when instead of per-
fecting nature it perverts her. But for poesy (whether
we speak of stories or metre) it is (as I said before) like
a luxuriant plant, that comes of the lust of the earth,
without any formal seed. Wherefore it spreads every-
where and is scattered far and wide, — so that it would
be vain to take thought about the defects of it. With
this therefore we need not trouble ourselves. And with
regard to Accents of words, it is too small a matter
to speak of ; unless perhaps it be thought worth remark-
ing, that while the accentuation of words has been
exquisitely observed, the accentuation of sentences has
not been observed at all. And yet it is common to all
mankind almost to drop the voice at the end of a period,
to raise it in asking a question, and other things of
the kind not a few. And so much for the part of
Grammar which relates to Speech.
As for Writing, it is performed either by the com-
mon alphabet (which is used by everybody) or by a
secret and private one, agreed upon by particular per-
sons ; which they call ciphers. And with regard to the
l Mart. ix. 83. : —
The dinner is for eating, and my wish ia
That guests and not that cooks should like the dishes
116 TRANSLATION OF THE " DE AUGMENTIS."
common orthography itself, a controversy and question
has been raised among us, — namely, whether words
ought to be written as they are pronounced, or in the
usual way. But this apparently reformed style of writ-
ing (viz. in which the spelling should agree with the
pronunciation) belongs to the class of unprofitable
subtleties. For the pronunication itself is continually
changing ; it does not remain fixed ; and the deriva-
tions of words, especially from foreign tongues, are
thereby completely obscured. And as the spelling of
words according to the fashion is no check at all upon
the fashion of pronunication, but leaves it free, to what
purpose is this innovation ?.
Let us proceed then to Ciphers. Of these there are
many kinds : simple ciphers ; ciphers mixed with non-
significant characters ; ciphers containing two different
letters in one character ; wheel-ciphers ; key-ciphers ;
word-ciphers; and the like. But the virtues required
in them are three ; that they be easy and not laborious
to write ; that they be safe, and impossible to be de-
ciphered ; and lastly that they be, if possible, such as
not to raise suspicion. For if letters fall into the hands
of those who have power either over the writers or
over those to whom they are addressed, although the
cipher itself may be safe and impossible to decipher,
yet the matter comes under examination and question ;
unless the cipher be such as either to raise no suspicion
or to elude inquiry. Now for this elusion of inquiry,
there is a new and useful contrivance for it, which as
I have it by me, why should I set it down among the
desiderata, instead of propounding the thing itself? It
is this :' let a man have two alphabets, one of true let-
ters, the other of non-significants ; and let him infold
THE SIXTH BOOK.
117
in them two letters at once ; one carrying the secret,
the other such a letter as the writer would have been
likely to send, and yet without anything dangerous.
Then if any one be strictly examined as to the cipher,
let him offer the alphabet of non-significants for the
true letters, and the alphabet of true letters for non-
significants. Thus the examiner will fall upon the
exterior letter; which finding probable, he will not
suspect anything of another letter within. But for
avoiding suspicion altogether, I will add another con-
trivance, which I devised myself when I was at Paris
in my early youth, and which I still think worthy of
preservation. For it has the perfection of a cipher,
which is to make anything signify anything ; subject
however to this condition, that the infolding writing
shall contain at least five times as many letters as the
writing infolded : no other condition or restriction
whatever is required. The way to do it is this : First
let all the letters of the alphabet be resolved into trans-
positions of two letters only. For the transposition of
two letters through five places will yield thirty-two
differences ; much more twenty-four, which is the
number of letters in our alphabet. Here is an example
of such an alphabet.
Example of
A B
Aaaaa. aaadb.
a n
aabba. aabbb.
N 0
abbaa. abbab.
T V
baaba. baabb.
an Alphabet in
O D
aaaba. aaabb.
I K
abaaa. abaab.
P Q
abbba. abbbb.
W X
babaa. babab.
two letters.
E F
aabaa. aabab.
L M
ababa. ababb
R S
baaaa. baaab.
T Z.
babba. babbb.
118 TRANSLATION OF THE " DE AUGMENTIS.'1
Nor is it a slight thing which is thus by the way ef-
fected. For hence we see how thoughts may be com-
municated at any distance of place by means of any
objects perceptible either to the eye or ear, provided
only that those objects are capable of two differences ;
as by bells, trumpets, torches, gunshots, and the like.
But to proceed with our business : when you prepare
to write, you must reduce the interior epistle to this
biliteral alphabet. Let the interior epistle be
Fly.
Example of reduction.
F L T.
aabab. ababa. babba.
Have by you at the same time another alphabet in
two forms ; I mean one in which each of the letters of
the common alphabet, both capital and small, is ex-
hibited in two different forms, — any forms that you
find convenient.
Example of an Alphabet in two forms.
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
A
A
a
a
B
B
b
b
C
C
c
c
D
D
d
d
E
E
e
e
F
F
f
f
a
K
G
K
9
k
g
k
H
L
H
L
h
I
h
I
I
M
I
i
m
I
m
N
N
n
n
0
O
0
0
P
P
P
P
Q
i
q
9
R
R
r
r
#
S
s
s
T
T
t
t
U
U
u
u
V
V
W
W
w
w
X
X
X
X
T
r
y
y
z
z
z
z
Then take your interior epistle, reduced to the bi«
THE SIXTH BOOK.
literal shape, and adapt to it letter by letter your ex-
terior epistle in the biforra character ; and then write
it out. Let the exterior epistle be
Do not go tiU I come.
Example of Adaptation.
F L T.
aa bob. ah aba.b a bba.
Do not go till I come.
I add another large example of the same cipher, — •
of the writing of anything by anything.
The interior epistle ; for which I have selected the
Spartan despatch, formerly sent in the Scytale.
All is lost. Mindarus is killed. The soldiers want food.
We can neither get hence, nor stay longer here.
The exterior epistle, taken from Cicero's first letter,
and containing the Spartan despatch within it.
In all duty or rather piety towards you y satisfy every
body except myself. Myself I never satisfy. For so great
are the services which you have rendered mey that seeing
you did not rest in your endeavours on my behalf till the
thing was doney I feel as if life had lost all its sweetness ,
because I cannot do as much in this cause of yours. The
occasions are these : Ammonius the King's ambassador
openly besieges us with money : the business is carried on
through the same creditors who were employed in it when
you were here, $c.
The doctrine of Ciphers carries along with it another
doctrine, which is its relative. This is the doctrine of
deciphering, or of detecting ciphers, though one be
}uite ignorant of the alphabet used or the private un-
120 TRANSLATION OF THE " DE AUGMENTIS."
derstanding between the parties : a thing requiring
both labour and ingenuity, and dedicated, as the other
likewise is, to the secrets of princes. By skilful pre-
caution indeed it may be made useless ; though as
things are it is of very great use. For if good and safe
ciphers were introduced, there are very many of them
which altogether elude and exclude the decipherer,
and yet are sufficiently convenient and ready to read
and write. But such is the rawness and unskilfulness
of secretaries and clerks in the courts of kings, that the
greatest matters are commonly trusted to weak and
futile ciphers.
It may be suspected perhaps that in this enumera-
tion and census, as I may call it, of arts, my object is
to swell the ranks of the sciences thus drawn up on
parade, that the numbers of them may raise admira-
tion ; whereas in so short a treatise, though the num-
bers may perhaps be displayed, the force and value
of them can hardly be explained. But I am true to
my design, and in framing this globe of knowledge
I do not choose to omit even the smaller and more
remote islands. And though my handling of these
things be cursory, it is not (as I think) superficial ; but
out of a large mass of matter I pick out with a fine
point the kernels and marrows of them. Of this how-
ever I leave those to judge who are most skilful in
such arts. For whereas most of those who desire to
be thought multiscient are given to parade the terms
and externals of arts, thereby making themselves the
admiration of those who do not understand those arts
and the scorn of those who do ; I hope that my labours
will have the contrary fate, and arrest the judgment of
those most who are most skilful in the several arts, and
THE SIXTH BOOK. 121
be less cared for by the rest. As for those arts which
may appear to be of a lower order, if any one thinks
that I make somewhat too much of them, let him look
round, and he will see that men who are great and
famous in their own counties, when they come up to
the metropolis and seat of empire are almost lost in the
crowd, and of no mark ; and in like manner it is not
strange that these lighter arts when placed by the side
of the principal and superior ones appear of less dig-
nity ; although to such as have spent their chief study
upon them they seem great and illustrious things.
And so much for the Organ of Discourse.
CHAP. II.
The doctrine of the Method of Discourse is made a
substantive and principal part of the art of trans-
mitting ; and is named Wisdom of Transmission.
Different kinds of Method are enumerated, with a
note of their advantages and disadvantages.
LET us now come to the doctrine concerning the
Method of Discourse. This has been commonly han-
dled as a part of Logic ; and it also finds a place in
Rhetoric, under the name of Disposition. But the
placing of it in the train of other arts has led to the
passing over of many things relating to it which it is
useful to know. I have therefore thought fit to make
the doctrine concerning Method a substantive and prin-
cipal doctrine, under the general name of Wisdom of
Transmission. The kinds of method being various, I
will begin by enumerating rather than distributing
122 TRANSLATION OF THE " DE AUGMENTIS."
them. And first, for the " one and only method,''
with its distribution of everything into two members,
it is needless to speak of it ; for it was a kind of cloud
that overshadowed knowledge for awhile and blew
over : a thing no doubt both very weak in itself and
very injurious to the sciences. For while these men
press matters by the laws of their method, and when a
thing does not aptly fall into those dichotomies, either
pass it by or force it out of its natural shape, the effect
of their proceeding is this, — the kernels and grains of
the sciences leap out, and they are left with nothing in
their grasp but the dry and barren husks. And there-
fore this kind of method produces empty abridgments,
and destroys the solid substance of knowledge.
Let the first difference of Method then be this : it is
either Magistral or Initiative. Observe however that
in using the word " initiative," I do not mean that the
business of the latter is to transmit the beginnings only
of sciences, of the former to transmit the entire doc-
trine. On the contrary I call that doctrine initiative
(borrowing the term from the sacred ceremonies)
which discloses and lays bare the very mysteries of the
sciences. The magistral method teaches ; the initia-
tive intimates. The magistral requires that what is
told should be believed ; the initiative that it should be
examined. The one transmits knowledge to the crowd
of learners ; the other to the sons, as it were, of sci •
ence. The end of the one is the use of knowledges,
as they now are ; of the other the continuation and
further progression of them. Of these methods the
latter seems to be like a road abandoned and stopped
up ; for as knowledges have hitherto been delivered,
there is a kind of contract of error between the de«
THE SIXTH BOOK. 123
liverer and the receiver; for he who delivers knowl-
edge desires to deliver it in such form as may be best
believed, and not as may be most conveniently ex-
amined ; and he who receives knowledge desires pres-
ent satisfaction, without waiting for due inquiry ; and
so rather not to doubt, than not to err ; glory making
the deliverer careful not to lay open his weakness, and
sloth making the receiver unwilling to try his strength.
But knowledge that is delivered to others as a thread
to be spun on ought to be insinuated (if it were pos-
sible) in the same method wherein it was originally
invented. And this indeed is possible in knowledge
gained by induction ; but in this same anticipated and
premature knowledge (which is in use) a man cannot
easily say how he came to the knowledge which he has
obtained. Yet certainly it is possible for a man in a
greater or less degree to revisit his own knowledge,
and trace over again the footsteps both of his cognition
and consent ; and by that means to transplant it into
another mind just as it grew in his own. For it is in
knowledges as it is in plants ; if you mean to use the
plant, it is no matter what you do with the root ; but
if you mean to remove it to grow, then it is safer to
use roots than slips. So the method of transmitting
knowledge which is now in use presents trunks as it
were of sciences (and fair ones too), but without the
roots ; good for the carpenter, but useless for the
planter. But if you will have sciences grow, you
need not much care about the body of the tree ; only
look well to this, that the roots be taken up uninjured,
and with a little earth adhering to them. Of which
kind of transmission the method of the mathematicians
has, in that subject, some shadow; but generally I do
124 TRANSLATION OF THE " DE AUGMENTIS."
not see it either put in use or inquired of. Theiefore
I note it as deficient, and term it the Handing on of the
Lamp, or Method of Delivery to Posterity.
Another diversity of Method there is, which in in-
tention lias an affinity with the former, but is in real-
ity almost contrary. For both methods agree in aim-
ing to separate the vulgar among the auditors from the
select ; but then they are opposed in this, that the
former makes use of a way of delivery more open than
the common, the latter (of which I am now going to
speak) of one more secret. Let the one then be dis-
tinguished as the Exoteric method, the other as the
Acrodmatic ; a distinction observed by the ancients
principally in the publication of books, but which I
transfer to the method of delivery. Indeed this acroa-
matic or enigmatical method was itself used among the
ancients, and employed with judgment and discretion.
But in later times it has been disgraced by many, who
have made it as a false and deceitful light to put for-
ward their counterfeit merchandise. The intention of
it however seems to be by obscurity of delivery to ex-
clude the vulgar (that is the profane vulgar) from the
secrets of knowledges, and to admit those only who
have either received the interpretation of the enigmas
through the hands of the teachers, or have wits of sue!
sharpness and discernment as can pierce the veil.
Next comes another diversity of Method, of great
consequence to science ; which is the delivery of
knowledge in aphorisms, or in methods. For it is spe-
cially to be noted, that it has become the fashion to
make, out of a few axioms and observations upon any
subject, a kind of complete and formal art, filling it up
with some discourses, illustrating it with examples, and
THE SIXTH BOOK. 126
digesting it into method. But that other delivery by
aphorisms has many excellent virtues whereto the me-
thodical delivery does not attain. First it tries the
writer, whether he be light and superficial in his knowl-
edge, or solid. For aphorisms, not to be ridiculous,
must be made out of the pith and heart of sciences.
For illustration and excursion are cut off; variety of
examples is cut off; deduction and connexion are cut
off: descriptions of practice are cut off; so there is
nothing left to make the aphorisms of but some good
quantity of observation. And therefore a man will not
be equal to the writing in aphorisms, nor indeed will
he think of doing so, unless he feel that he is amply
and solidly furnished for the work. But in methods,
Tan turn series juncturaque pollet,
Tantum de medio sumptis accedit honoris,1
that those things many times carry a show of I know
not what excellent art, which if they were taken to
pieces, separated, and stripped, would shrink to little
or nothing. Secondly, methodical delivery is fit to win
consent or belief, but of little use to give directions for
practice ; for it carries a kind of demonstration in cir-
cle, one part illuminating another, and therefore more
satisfies the understanding ; but as actions in common
life are dispersed, and not arranged in order, dispersed
directions do best for them. Lastly, aphorisms, repre-
senting only portions and as it were fragments of knowl-
edge, invite others to contribute and add something
in their turn ; whereas methodical delivery, carrying
the show of a total, makes men careless, as if they
were already at the end.
1 Hor. Ep. ad Pisones, 242.: —
The order and the joining give such graces,
Mean matters take such honour from their places.
126 TRANSLATION OF THE " DE AUGMENTIS."
Next comes another diversity of Method, which is
likewise of great weight; namely the delivery of
knowledge by assertions with proofs, or by questions
with determinations ; the latter kind whereof, if it be
immoderately followed, is as prejudicial to the advance-
ment of learning, as it is detrimental to the fortunes
and progress of an army to go about to besiege every
little fort or hold. For if the field be kept, and the
sum of the enterprise pursued, those smaller thing,
will come in of themselves ; although it is true that to
leave a great and fortified town in the rear would not
be always safe. In like manner in the transmission of
knowledge confutations should be refrained from ; and
only employed to remove strong preoccupations and
prejudgments, and not to excite and provoke the
lighter kind of doubts.
Next comes another diversity of Method, namely
that the method used should be according to the subject-
matter which is handled. For there is one method of
delivery in the mathematics (which are the most ab-
stracted and simple of knowledges), another in politics
(which are the most immersed and compounded).
And (as I have already said) uniformity of method is
not compatible with multiformity of matter. Where-
fore as I approved of Particular Topics for invention,
so to a certain extent I allow likewise of Particulai
Methods for transmission.
Next comes another diversity of Method, which in
the delivery of knowledge is to be used with discre-
tion. This is regulated according to the informations
and anticipations already infused and impressed on the
minds of the learners concerning the knowledge which
is to be delivered. For that knowledge which comes
THE SIXTH BOOK. 127
altogether new and strange to men's minds is to be de-
livered in another form than that which is akin and
familiar to opinions already taken in and received.
And therefore Aristotle, when he thinks to tax Democ-
ritus, does in truth commend him, where he says, " If
we shall indeed dispute, and not follow after simili-
tudes," l &c. ; thus making it a charge against Democ-
ritus, that he was too fond of comparisons. For those
whose conceits are already seated in popular opinions,
need but to dispute and prove ; Vhereas those whose
conceits are beyond popular opinions, have a double
labour; first to make them understood, and then to
prove them ; so that they are obliged to have recourse
to similitudes and metaphors to convey their meaning.
We see therefore in the infancy of learning, and in
rude times, when these conceits which are now old and
trivial were new and unheard of, that the world was
full of parables and similitudes. For else would men
either have passed over without due mark or atten-
tion, or else rejected as paradoxical, that which was laid
before them. For it is a rule in the art of transmission,
that all knowledge which is not agreeable to anticipa-
tions or presuppositions must seek assistance from simi-
litudes and comparisons.
And so much for the diversities of Method, which
have not hitherto been pointed out by others. For as
for those other methods, — Analytic, Systatic, Dia>
retic, also Cryptic, Homeric, and the like, — they are
rightly invented and distributed, and I see no reason
why I should dwell upon them.
Such then are the kinds of Method. Its parts are
two ; the one relating to the disposition of the whole
* Arist. Nic. Eth. vi. 3.
128 TRANSLATION OF THE " DE AUGMENTIS."
work or argument of a book ; the other to the limita-
tion of propositions. For there belongs to architecture
not only the frame of the whole building, but also the
formation and shape of the several beams and columns
thereof ; and Method is as it were the architecture of
the sciences. And herein Ramus merited better in
reviving those excellent rules of propositions (that they
should be true, universally, primarily, and essentially1),
than he did in introducing his uniform method and
dichotomies ; and yet it comes ever to pass, I know
not how, that in human affairs (according to the com-
mon fiction of the poets) " the most precious things
have the most pernicious keepers." Certainly the at-
tempt of Ramus to amend propositions drove him upon
those epitomes and shallows of knowledge. For he
must have a lucky and a happy genius to guide him
who shall attempt to make the axioms of sciences con-
vertible, and shall not withal make them circular, or
returning into themselves. Nevertheless I must con-
fess that the intention of Ramus in this was excellent.
There still remain two limitations of propositions, be-
sides that for making them convertible ; the one regard-
ing their extension, the other their production. Cer-
tainly sciences, if a man rightly observe, it, have, besides
profundity, two other dimensions, namely latitude and
longitude. The profundity relates to their truth and
reality ; for it is they which give solidity. As.to the
other two, the latitude may be accounted and computed
from one science to another ; the longitude from the
highest proposition to the lowest in the same science.
The one contains the true bounds and limits of sciences,
that the propositions thereof may be handled properly,
1 Ka$6Aoi> xpurov, Kara iravrbf, Ka&' avro, &c.
THE SIXTH BOOK. 129
not promiscuously, and repetition, excursion, and all
confusion may be avoided ; the other prescribes the
rule how far and to what degree of particularity the
propositions of a science should be deduced. For cer-
tainly something must be left to exercise and practice ;
since we should avoid the error of Antoninus Pius and
not be " splitters of cummin seeds " in the sciences,
nor multiply divisions to extreme minuteness. There-
fore it is plainly worth inquiry how we are to guide
ourselves in this matter. For we see that too remote
generalities (unless they be deduced) give little infor-
mation, and do but offer knowledge to the scorn of
practical men ; being of no more avail for practice, than
an Ortelius's universal map is to direct the way between
London and York. Certainly the best sort of rules
are not unfitly compared to mirrors of steel, where you
may see the images of things, but not before they are
polished ; so rules and precepts will help if they be
laboured and polished by practice, but not otherwise.
But if these rules could be made clear and crystalline
from the first, it were best ; because there would then
be less need of continual labour and practice. And
so much for the science of method, which I have called
the Wisdom of Transmission.
And yet I must not omit to mention, that some per-
sons more ostentatious than learned have laboured
about a kind of method not worthy to be called a legit-
imate method, being rather a method of imposture,
which nevertheless would no doubt be very acceptable
to certain meddling wits. The object of it is to
sprinkle little drops of a science about, in such a man-
ner that any sciolist may make some show and osten-
tation of learning. Such was the Art of Lullius : such
130 TRANSLATION OF THE " DE AUGMENTIS."
the Typocosmy traced out by some ; being nothing
but a mass and heap of the terms of all arts, to the
end that they who are ready with the terms may be
thought to understand the arts themselves. Such col-
O
lections are like a fripper's or broker's shop, that has
ends of everything, but nothing of worth.
CHAP. III.
Of the foundations and office of Rhetoric. Three appen-
dices of Rhetoric, which relate only to the Prompt-
uary ; Colours of Good and Evil, both Simple and
Comparative ; Antitheses of Things ; Lesser Forms
of Speeches.
I NOW come to the doctrine concerning the Illustra-
tion of Discourse. This is that which is called Rhet-
oric, or Oratory ; a science certainly both excellent in
itself, and excellently well laboured. Truly valued
indeed, eloquence is doubtless inferior to wisdom. For
what a distance there is between them is shown in the
words spoken by God to Moses, when he declined the
office assigned him on the ground that he was no
speaker; "There is Aaron, he shall be thy speaker,
thou shalt be to him as God." l Yet in profit and in
popular estimation wisdom yields to eloquence ; for so
Solomon says ; " The wise in heart shall be called
prudent, but he that is sweet of speech shall compass
greater things ; " 2 plainly signifying that wisdom will
help a man to a name or admiration, but that it is elo-
quence which prevails most in action and common life.
1 Exod. iv. 16. 2 Prov. xvi. 21.
THE SIXTH BOOK. 131
But as to the labouring of this art, the emulation of
Aristotle Avith the rhetoricians of his time, and the
eager and vehement zeal of Cicero doing his utmost to
ennoble it, coupled with his long experience, has made
them in their works on rhetoric exceed themselves.
Again those most brilliant examples of the art whici
we have in the orations of Demosthenes and Cicero,
added to the perfection and skih1 of the precepts, have
doubled the progression in it. And therefore the defi-
ciencies which I shall note will rather be in some col-
lections which may as handmaids attend the art, than
in the rules and use of the art itself. For when in
treating of Logic I made mention of a certain Prompt-
uary or Preparatory Store, I promised to produce fuller
examples of it in Rhetoric.
Notwithstanding, to open and stir the earth a little,
according to my custom, about the roots of this science ;
Rhetoric is subservient to the imagination, as Logic is
to the understanding ; and the duty and office of Rhet-
oric, if it be deeply looked into, is no other than to
apply and recommend the dictates of reason to imagi-
nation, in order to excite the appetite and will. For
we see that the government of reason is assailed and
disordered in three ways ; either by the illaqueation of
sophisms, which pertains to Logic ; or by juggleries
of words, which pertain to Rhetoric ; or by the vio-
lence of the Passions, which pertains to Ethics. For
as in negotiations with others, men are usually wrought
either by cunning, or by importunity, or by vehe-
tnency ; so likewise in this negotiation within our-
selves, we are either undermined by fallacies of argu-
ments, or solicited and importuned by assiduity of im-
pressions and observations, or agitated and transported
132 TRANSLATION OF THE " DE AUGMENTIS."
by violence of passions. And yet the nature of man is
not so unfortunately built, as that those arts and facul-
ties should have power to disturb reason, and no power
to strengthen or establish it ; on the contrary they are
of much more use that way. For the end of logic is
to teach a form of argument to secure reason, and not
to entrap it ; the end likewise of moral philosophy is to
procure the affections to fight on the side of reason,
and not to invade it ; the end of rhetoric is to fill the
imagination with observations and images, to second
reason, and not to oppress it. For abuses of arts only
come in indirectly, as things to guard against, not as
things to practise.
And therefore it was great injustice in Plato (though
springing out of a just hatred of the rhetoricians of
his time) to place rhetoric among arts voluptuary ;
resembling it to cookery, which did as much to spoil
wholesome meats, as by variety and delicacy of sauces
to make unwholesome meats more palatable.1 But
God forbid that speech should not be much more con-
versant in adorning that which is good, than in colour-
ing that which is evil ; for this is a thing in use every-
where ; there being no man but speaks more honestly
than he thinks or acts. And it was excellently noted
by Thucydides as a censure passed upon Cleon, that
because he used always to hold on the bad side, there-
fore he was ever inveighing against eloquence and
grace of speech ; as well knowing that no man can
speak fair of courses sordid and base ; while it is easy
to do it of courses just and honourable.2 For Plato
said elegantly (though it has now grown into a com-
mon-place) "that virtue, if she could be seen, would
l Cf. Plato, Gorgias, p. 462, &c. a Cf. Thucyd. iii. 42.
THE SIXTH BOOK. 133
move great love and affection ; " 1 and it is the busi-
ness of rhetoric to make pictures of virtue and good-
ness, so that they may be seen. For since they cannot
be showed to the sense in corporeal shape, the next
degree is to show them to the imagination in as lively
representation as possible, by ornament of words. For
the method of the Stoics, who thought to thrust virtue
upon men by concise and sharp maxims and conclu-
sions, which have little sympathy with the imagination
and will of man, has been justly ridiculed by Cicero.2
Again, if the affections themselves were brought to
order, and pliant and obedient to reason, it is true
there would be no great use of persuasions and insinua-
tions to give access to the mind, but naked and simple
propositions and proofs would be enough. But the
affections do on the contrary make such secessions and
raise such mutinies and seditions (according to the
saying,
Video meliora proboque,
Deteriora sequor) 8
that reason would become captive and servile, if elo-
quence of persuasions did not win the imagination from
the affections' part, and contract a confederacy between
the reason and imagination against them. For it must
be observed that the affections themselves carry ever
an appetite to apparent good, and have this in common
with reason ; but the difference is that affection beholds
principally the good which is present ; reason looks be-
yond and beholds likewise the future and sum of all.
A.nd therefore the present filling the imagination more,
1 Cf. Plato, Phadrus, p. 250. 2 Cicero, De Fin. iv. 18 and 19
« Ovid, Metam. vii. 20. : —
The better course I know and well approve ;
The worse I follow.
lo-4 TRANSLATION OF THE " DE AUGMENTIS. '
reason is commonly vanquished and overcome. But
after eloquence and force of persuasion have made
things future and remote appear as present, then upon
the revolt of imagination to reason, reason prevails.
Let us conclude therefore that rhetoric can be no
more blamed for knowing how to colour the worse side,
than logic for teaching how to make fine sophisms.
For who does not know that the principle of contraries
is the same, though the use be opposite ? It appears
also that logic differs from rhetoric not only (as is com-
monly said) in that the one is like the fist, and the other
like the open hand (time is the one close, the other at
large *) ; but much more in this, that logic handles rea-
son in truth and nature, and rtfetoric handles it as it is
planted in the opinions of the vulgar. And therefore
Aristotle wisely places rhetoric between logic on the
one side, and moral and civil knowledge on the other,
as participating of both.2 For the proofs and demon-
strations of logic are the same to all men ; but the
proofs and persuasions of rhetoric ought to differ ac-
cording to the auditors ; so that like a musician accom-
modating his skill to different ears, a man should be
Orpheus in silvis, inter -delphinas Arion; 8
which application and variety of speech, in perfection
of idea, ought to extend so far, that if a man should
speak of the same thing to several persons, he should
nevertheless use different words to each of them;
though this politic and familiar part of eloquence in
private discourse it is certain that the greatest orators
l Cf. Cicero, De Fin. ii. 17. 2 Arist. Rhet. i. 2.
« Virg. Eel. viii. 56.: —
Orpheus by land the trees about him bringing,
By sea, Arion to the dolphins singing.
THE SIXTH BOOK. 135
commonly want ; while in observing their well graced
forms of speech, they lose that volubility of application,
and those characters of style, which it would be better
to use in addressing different individuals. And there-
fore it will not be amiss to recommend this of which I
now speak to fresh inquiry, and calling it by the name
of The Wisdom of Private Discourse to set it down
among the deficients ; being a thing which the more it
is considered the more it will be valued. But whether
it be placed in rhetoric or in policy, is a matter of little
moment.
Let us now descend to the deficiencies in this art,
which (as I said before) are rather as appendices than
parts of the art itself, and all belong to the Promptu-
ary. First therefore I do not find the wisdom and dil-
igence of Aristotle well pursued and supplied. For he
began to make a collection of the popular signs or col-
ours of apparent good and evil, both simple, and compar-
ative ; which are really the sophisms of rhetoric. Now
these are of excellent use, especially for business and
the wisdom of private discourse. But the labours of
Aristotle1 regarding these colours are in three points
defective ; one, that he recounts a few only out of
many; another, that he does not add the answers to
them ; and the third, that he seems to have conceived
but a part of the use of them. For their use is not
more for probation than for affecting and moving. For
there are many forms which, though they mean the
same, yet affect differently ; as the difference is great
in the piercing of that which is sharp and that which
is flat, though the strength of the percussion be* the
same. Certainly there is no man who will not be
1 Arist. Rhetoric, i. 6 and 7.
136 TRANSLATION OF THE " DE AUGMENTIS."
more affected by hearing it said, " Your enemies will
be glad of this,"
Hoc Ithacus velit, et magno mcrcentur Atridse,1
than by hearing it said only, " This will be evil for
you." Therefore these points and stings of Avords are
by no means to be neglected. But as I set this down
as deficient, I will according to my custom support it
by examples ; for precepts would not give a sufficient
illustration of the thing.
Examples of the Colours of Good and Eml, both Simple
and Comparative.
SOPHISM.
1. What men praise and honour is good ; what they
dispraise and condemn is evil.
ANSWER.
This Sophism deceives in four ways ; by reason of
ignorance, of bad faith, of party spirit and factions, of
the natural dispositions of those who praise and blame.
By reason of ignorance ; for what is popular judgment
worth as a test of good and evil ? Better was Pho-
cion's inference, who when the people applauded him
more than usual, asked whether he had done wrong.2
By reason of bad faith, because in praising and blam-
ing, men are commonly thinking of their own business,
nd not speaking what they think.
Laudat venales, qui vult extrudere, merces.8
i Virg. JEn. ii. 104.,- —
This would Ulysses wish, and Atreus' sons
Give much to hear of.
* Plutarch, in Phocion, c. 8.
* Hor. Ep. ii. 2. 11. : — The merchant praises what he wauts to sell.
THE SIXTH BOOK. 137
And again ; " It is naught, it is naught (says the buy
3r) ; but when he is gone his way, he will vaunt."1 By
reason of factions ; for any man may see that men are
wont to exalt those of their own party with immod-
erate praises, and depress below their desert those of
the contrary. By reason of natural disposition ; for
some men are by nature formed and composed for ser-
vile adulation, while others on the contrary are crabbed
and captious ; so that in praising and blaming they do
but gratify their own dispositions, with little regard to
truth.
SOPHISM.
2. What is praised even by enemies, is a great good;
but what is reproved even by friends, is a great evil.
This Sophism appears to rest on the ground that
that which we speak -unwillingly and against our wish
and inclination may be supposed to be wrung from us
by the force of truth.
ANSWER.
This Sophism deceives by reason of the cunning as
well of enemies as of friends. For enemies sometimes
bestow praise, not against their will, nor as being com-
pelled thereto by the force of truth, but choosing such
points for praise as may breed envy and dangers to the
subjects of it. And hence there was a prevailing su-
perstition amongst the Greeks, that when a man was
praised by another with a malicious purpose to injure
him, a pimple would grow upon his nose. It deceives
likewise, because enemies sometimes bestow praises
merely by way of preface, that they may afterwards
calumniate more freely and maliciously. On the other
1 Proverbs, xx. 14.
138 TRANSLATION OF THE " DE ADGMENTIS."
hand, this Sophism deceives also by reason of the cun-
ning of friends. For they too are wont sometimes to
acknowledge and proclaim the faults of their friends,
not because truth compels them, but choosing such
faults as may do them least injury ; as if in other
respects they were excellent men. It deceives again,
because friends also use reprehensions (as I have said
that enemies bestow praises) by way ^ of prefaces,
whereby they may presently be the more large in
commendation.
SOPHISM.
3. That which it is good to be deprived of, is in itself
an evil ; that which it is bad to be deprived of, is in itself
a good.
ANSWER.
This Sophism deceives in two ways ; by reason
either of the comparative degrees of good and evil,
or of the succession of good to good, or evil to evil.
By reason of comparison : if it was for the good of
mankind to be deprived of acorns as food, it does not
follow that that food was bad ; acorns were good, but
corn is better. Nor if it was bad for the Syracusans
to be deprived of the elder Dionysius, does it follow
that he was good, but that he was not so bad as Di-
onysius the younger. By reason of succession: — for
when a good thing is taken away it is not always suc-
ceeded by a bad thing, but sometimes by a greater
good ; as when the flower falls and the fruit succeeds.
Neither when a bad thing is taken away is it always
succeeded by a good thing, but sometimes by a worse.
For by the removal of his enemy Clodius, Milo lost
the "seedbed of his glory."1
i Cicero, Pro Mil. 36.
THE SIXTH BOOK. 139
SOPHISM.
4. That which approaches to good or evil, is itself good
or evil; but that which is remote from good is evil, that
from evil, good.
It is commonly found that things which agree in
nature are placed together, and that things of a con-
trary nature are placed apart ; for everything delights
to associate with itself that which is agreeable, and to
repel that which is disagreeable.
ANSWER.
But this Sophism deceives in three ways ; by reason,
1st of destitution, 2ndly of obscuration, and 3dly of
protection. By reason of destitution ; for it happens
that those things which are most abundant and excel-
lent in their own kind attract everything as far as may
be to themselves, spoiling and as it were starving all
things in their neighbourhood. Thus you will never
find flourishing underwood near great trees. And
rightly was it said " that the servants of a rich man
are the greatest slaves." So also the lower order of
courtiers were pleasantly compared to the vigils of fes-
tivals, that are next the feast days, but are themselves
devoted to fasting. By reason of obscuration ; for all
things that are excellent in their own kind have this,
— that though they do not impoverish and starve the
things next to them, yet they obscure and overshadow
them ; as astronomers remark of the sun, that it is good
in aspect, but evil in conjunction and approximation.
By reason of protection ; for it is not only for consort
and similarity of nature that things unite and collect
together; but evil also (especially in civil matters)
140 TRANSLATION OF THE " DE AUGMENTIS."
betakes itself to good for concealment and protection.
And hence malefactors seek the protection of sanctu-
aries, and vice itself resorts to the shadow of virtue ;
Ssepe latet vitium proximitate boni.1
So on the other hand good draws near to evil, not for
company, but to convert and reform it. And therefore
physicians attend more on the sick than the healthy ;
and it was objected to our Saviour that he conversed
with publicans and sinners.
SOPHISM.
5. That to which the other parties or sects agree in
giving the second place (each putting itself first) seems
to be the best ; for it seems that in taking the first place
they are moved by zeal and partiality, but in bestowing
the second by truth and merit.
So Cicero argues that the sect of the Academics,
which maintained the impossibility of comprehending
truth, was the best of the philosophies. " For (said
he) ask a Stoic which is the best philosophy, and he
will prefer his own to the rest ; then ask him which is
the next best, and he will acknowledge the Academic.
So again the Epicurean (who will hardly deign to look
at a Stoic), after he has placed his own philosophy at
the head, will place the Academic next."2 In like
manner, when a place is vacant, if the prince were to
ask each candidate whom he would most recommend
next to himself, it is probable that their second votes
would meet in the most able and deserving man.
1 Ovid, De Art. Amand. ii. 262. : —
Vice often lurks 'neath Virtue's shade.
* Cf- the fragment of the Acndem. ad Van: preserved by St. Augustine.
THE SIXTH BOOK. 141
ANSWER.
This Sophism deceives by reason of envy. For next
to themselves and their own party, men generally in-
cline to those who are weakest and least formidable,
and have given them least trouble ; in despite of those?
who have most insulted or inconvenienced them.
SOPHISM.
6. That which is better in perfection, is better alto-
gether.
.To this belong the common forms; "Let us not
wander in generalities," " Let us compare particular
with particular," &c.
ANSWER.
This Sophism appears forcible enough, and rather
logical than rhetorical ; but still it is sometimes decep-
tive. First, because there are not a few things which
are very much exposed to danger, yet if they escape
prove excellent ; so that in kind they are inferior, as
being oftener imperilled and lost, but individually they
are more noble. Of this kind is a blossom in March,
whereof the French proverb says ; " A March blossom,
and a Paris child, if one of them survive, it is worth
ten others."1 So that generally the blossom of May
is superior to the blossom of March ; but yet individ-
ually the best blossom of March is preferred to the
best of May. It deceives secondly, by reason of the
nature of things being more equal in some kinds or
species, and more unequal in others ; as it has been
1 Bourgeon de Mars, enfant de Paris,
Si un eschape. il en vaut dix.
142 TRANSLATION OF THE " DE AUG.MF.NTIS."
remarked that in general the hotter climates produce
the sharper wits ; but then the best wits of the colder
climates surpass the sharpest of the hotter. So again
in many armies if the matter were tried by duel be-
tween two champions, the victory would go on the one
side, if by the whole army, on the other. For excel-
lencies and superiorities are casual ; whereas kinds are
governed by nature or discipline. In kind again, metal
is more precious than stone ; but yet a diamond is more
precious than gold.
SOPHISM.
7. That which keeps the matter open, is good; that
which leaves no opening for retreat, is bad. For not to
be able to retreat is to be in a way powerless ; and power
is a good.
Hence JEsop derived the fable of the two frogs, who
in a great drought, when water was everywhere fail-
ing, consulted together what was to be done. The
first said, " Let us leap down into a deep well, since it
is not likely that the water will fail there." But the
other rejoined, " Yes, but if it chance that the water
fail there also, how shall we be able to get up again?"
And the ground of this Sophism is, that human actions
are so uncertain and subject to such risks, that that
appears the best course which has the most passages
out of it. To this belong those forms which are in
use, — "You will tie your hands and engage yourself,"
" You will not be free to take what fortune may offer,"
&c.
ANSWER.
This Sophism deceives, first because in human ac-
tions fortune insists that some resolution shall be taken.
THE SIXTH BOOK. 143
For, as it was prettily said by some one, " not to re-
solve is itself to resolve ; " so that many times suspen-
sion of resolution involves us in more necessities than
a resolution would. And it seems to be the same dis-
ease of mind which is found in misers, only transferred
from the desire of keeping money to the desire of keep-
ing freedom of will and power. For as the miser will
enjoy nothing, because he will not diminish his store,
so this kind of sceptic will execute nothing, because
he will still keep all in his own hands. It deceives
secondly, because necessity, and the casting of the die
(as they call it), is a spur to the courage ; as one says,
" Being a match for them in the rest, your necessity
makes you superior."1
SOPHISM.
8. The evil which a man brings on himself by his own
fault is greater ; that which is brought on him by exter-
nal causes, is less.
The reason of this is that the sting of conscience
doubles adversity, while on the other hand the being
conscious that a man is clear and free from fault affords
great consolation in calamity. And therefore the poets
most exaggerate those sufferings, as coming near to
despair, where a man accuses and torments himself;
Seque unum clamat, causamque caputque malorum.2
On the other hand the calamities of worthy persons
Are lightened and tempered by the consciousness of
innocence and merit. Besides when the evil is in-
flicted by others, a man has something that he may
1 Livv, iv. 28.
2 Virg. jEn. xii. 600.: — And on herself cries out, as cause of all.
144 TRANSLATION OF THE " DE AUGMENTIS."
freely complain of, whereby his griefs evaporate and
do not suffocate the heart. For in things which come
from human injury, we are wont to feel indignation, or
to meditate revenge, or to implore, or if not to implore
yet to expect, providential retribution ; and even if the
blow come from fortune, yet is there left a kind of
expostulation with the fates themselves ;
Atque Deos, atque astra vocat crudelia mater.1
Whereas if the evil be derived from a man's own fault,
the stings of pain strike inward, and more wound and
lacerate the heart.
ANSWER.
This Sophism deceives, first by reason of hope, the
great antidote of evils. For amendment of a fault is
often in our power, but amendment of fortune is not.
Hence Demosthenes more than once addressed his
countrymen in words like these : " That which, hav-
ing regard to the time past, is the worst point and cir-
cumstance of all the rest, that as .to the time to come
is the best. What is that ? Even this ; that it is
your own sloth, irresolution, and misgovernment that
have brought your affairs into this ill condition. For
had you ordered your means and forces to the best and
done your parts every way to the full, and notwith-
standing your matters had gone backwards as they do,
there had been no hope left of recovery or reparation.
But since it has been brought about chiefly by your
own errors, you may fairly trust that by amending
them you will recover your former condition."2 So
Epictetus discoursing on the degrees of mental tran-
1 Virg. Eclog. v. 23. : — And she upbraids the gods and cruel stare.
8 Of. Demosth. Philipp. i. and iii.
THE SIXTH BOOK. 145
quillity, puts those lowest who accuse others, next
those who accuse themselves, and highest of all those
who accuse neither others nor themselves.1 It deceives
secondly, by reason of the innate pride of men's minds,
which makes them unwilling to acknowledge their own
errors. This to avoid, they exercise far more patience
in bearing those ills which they have brought on them-
selves by their own fault. For as we see that when a
fault is committed and it is not yet known who is to
blame, men are exceeding angry and make much ado
about it ; but if afterwards it come out that it was done
by a son or a wife or a favourite, all is at once hushed
and no more noise made ; so it is when anything hap-
pens for which we must needs take the blame upon our-
selves ; as we see it very often in women, that if they
have done anything against the wishes of their parents
and friends, and it turn out ill, whatever misfortune
follows they will keep it to themselves and set a good
face upon it.
SOPHISM.
9. From something to nothing appears a greater step
than from more to less ; and again from nothing to some-
thing appears a greater step than from less to more.
It is a rule in mathematics that there is no propor-
tion between nothing and something ; and therefore
the degrees of nullity and quiddity appear greater than
the degrees of increase and decrease. Thus the loss
of an eye is harder for a man with only one eye than
for a man with two. In like manner if a man has
several children, it is more grief to him to lose the last
surviving son than all the rest. Hence also the Sibyl,
when she had burned her two first books, doubled the
1 Epict. Enchirid. c. 5.
VOL. IX. 10
146 TRANSLATION OF THE " DE AUGMENTIS."
price of the third ; for the loss of this would have beep
a degree of privation, and not of diminution.
ANSWER.
This Sophism deceives, first in respect of thos*
things whereof the use consists in a sufficiency or com
petency, that is in a determinate quantity. For if *
man were bound by penalty to pay a certain sum of
money on a stated day, it would be worse for him tc
be one pound short, than (supposing that that one
could not be got) to be short by ten pounds more. So
in the wasting of fortunes, the degree of debt which
makes the first inroad on the. capital seems worse than
the last which reduces to beggary. To this belong the
common forms ; " Sparing comes too late when all is
gone ; " l " as good never a whit as never the better,"
&c. It deceives secondly, in respect of that principle
of nature, that the decay of one thing is the genera-
tion of another ; 2 so that the degree of extreme priva-
tion is sometimes of less disadvantage, because it gives
a handle and stimulus to some new course. Hence
also Demosthenes often complains to his countrymen ;
" That the terms which they accepted from Philip, not
being profitable nor honourable, were nothing else than
aliments of their sloth and indolence ; which they
would be much better without ; because then theit
industry might be better excited to seek other reme-
dies."3 I knew a physician that when delicate women
complained that they were ill and yet could not endure
to take any medicine, would say to them, not less wit-
tily than sharply, " Your only way is to be worse, for
then you will be glad of any medicine." Moreover
1 Cf. Erasm. Adag. ii. 2. 64.; and Hesiod. Op. et Dies, 339.
2 Arist. De Gen. et Corr. i. 4. « Olynth. iii. 33.
THE SIXTH BOOK. 147
this degree of privation or extreme want may be use-
fill not only to stimulate energy, but also to enforce
patience.
With regard to the second part of this Sophism, it
rests on the same foundation as the former (that is on
the legrees of nullity and quiddity). Hence the mak-
ing of a beginning of anything is thought so great a
matter ;
Dimidium facti, qui bene coepit, habet, &C.1
Hence also the superstition of astrologers, who make a
judgment of the disposition and fortune of a man from
the point or moment of his nativity or conception.
ANSWER.
This Sophism deceives, first because in some cases
the first beginnings of things are no more than what
Epicurus in his philosophy calls tentamenta? that is
imperfect offers and essays, which are nothing unless
they be repeated or proceeded with. Therefore in this
case the second degree seems more worthy and more
powerful than the first, as the wheel-horse in a cart
does more work than the leader. Again, it is not a
bad saying "that it is the second word which makes
the fray." For perhaps the first would have passed.
And so the one made a beginning of the mischief, but
the other prevented it from coming to an end. It
deceives secondly, by reason of the dignity of per-
severance ; which lies in the progress, not in the first
attempt. For chance or nature may give the first im-
pulse, but only a settled affection and judgment can
give constancy. It deceives thirdly, in those things
1 Hor. Ep. i. 2. 40. : —Well begun is half done.
3 Cf. Lucretius, v. 835.
148 TRANSLATION OF THE " DE AUGMENTIS."
whereof the nature and ordinary course goes against
the beginning made ; so that the first start is ever
being frustrated unless the force be kept up ; accord-
ing to the common forms ; " Not to advance, is to re-
treat ; " " He who is not gaining, is losing ; " as in
running up hill, and rowing against stream. But on
the other hand, if the motion be down hill, or the row-
ing be down stream, then the degree of inception is of
far greater importance. Besides, this colour extends
not only to the degree of inception, which proceeds
from power to act, compared with the degree from act
to increase ; but also to the degree from impotency to
power, compared with the degree from power to act.
For the degree from impotency to power seems greater
than from power to act.
SOPHISM.
10. That which has relation to truth is greater than
that which has relation to opinion ; and the proof that a
thing has relation to opinion is this : it is that which a
man would not do if he thought it would not be known.
So the Epicureans say of the Stoics' Felicity placed
in virtue, that it is like the felicity of a player, who if
he were left of his auditory and their applause, would
straight be out of heart and countenance. And there-
fore in derision they call virtue a theatrical good. But
it is otherwise in riches, of which it is said,
Populus me sibilat; at mihi plaudo.1
A.nd likewise of pleasure,
Grata sub imo
Gaudia corde premens, vnltu simulante pudorem.2
i Hor. SaL i. 1.66.: —The people hiss me, but I applaud myself.
* Theocr. Id. xxvii. : —
Her face said fie, for shame ; but sweet delight
Possessed her heart in secret.
THE SIXTH BOOK. 149
ANSWER.
The fallacy of this Sophism is somewhat more sub-
tle ; though the answer to the example alleged is easy
For virtue is not chosen for the sake of popularity ;
since it is a precept, that a man should above all things
reverence himself.1 So that a good man will be the
O
same in solitude as on the stage ; though perhaps his
virtue may be somewhat strengthened by praise, as
heat is increased by reflexion. This however denies
the supposition, and does not refute the fallacy. Now
the answer is this. Allow that virtue (especially such
as is attended with labours and conflicts) would not be
chosen, except for the sake of the glory and fame
accompanying it ; yet it does not therefore follow that
the motive and appetite to virtue is not principally for
its own sake ; for fame may only be the impulsive
cause, or sine qua nan, and not the efficient or constit-
uent cause. For instance ; if there were two horses,
and one of them without the spur could do well, but
the other with the spur could do much better, the lat-
ter should in my judgment bear off the prize and be
accounted the better horse. And to say " Tush, the
life of this horse is in the spur," would not move any
man of sound judgment ; for since the ordinary instru-
ment of horsemanship is the spur, and that it is no
manner of burden or impediment to the rider, the
horse that is quickened with the spur is not therefore
to be less valued ; nor again is the other that does
wonderfully well without the spur to be reckoned on
.hat account the better, but only the finer and daintier,
So glory and honour are the spurs of virtue ; and
1 Pythag. Aur. Vers. v. 12. : — TTUVTLJV <5e /luhor' aior^weo aavrov.
150 TRANSLATION OF THE " DE AUGMENTIS."
though virtue would somewhat languish without them,
yet as they are always at hand to attend virtue, even
when not invited, there is no reason why virtue may
not be sought for its own sake as well. And thus the
O
proposition that " a thing which is chosen for opinion's
sake and not for truth may be known by this — it is
what a man would not do if he thought it would not
be known," is rightly answered.
SOPHISM.
11. That which is gained by our own merit and in-
dustry is a greater good; that which is derived from the
kindness of others or from the indulgence of fortune a
lesser good.
The reasons of this are, — first, because there is
better hope of the future ; for in the favours of others
or the good winds of fortune there is little certainty ;
but our own virtue and industiy are ever with us ; so
that after we have obtained some good in this way we
have always the same instruments ready to use again ;
yea, and by habit and success made more effective.
Secondly, because for what we get by the favour of
other men we are other men's debtors ; whereas what
we obtain of ourselves carries no obligation with it.
Nay, even when divine mercy has bestowed any fa-
vour on us, it demands a kind of retribution to the
goodness of God, which is distressing to depraved and
wicked men ; whereas in the former kind, that comes
to pass which the prophet speaks of, " Men rejoice and
exult, they sacrifice unto their net, and burn incense
unto their drag."1 Thirdly, because what proceeds
not by our own merit, carries with it no praise or rep«
l Habakkuk, i. 15, 16.
THE SIXTH BOOK. 151
atatiou ; for felicity begets a kind of admiration, but
not praise. As Cicero said to Cassar; " We have
enough to admire, we are looking for something to
praise." l Fourthly, because the things obtained by
our own industry are generally achieved by labour ana
exertion, which have some sweetness in themselves ; as
Solomon says, " Meat taken in hunting is sweet."
ANSWER.
To these there are four opposing Sophisms, which
incline to the contrary side, and may respectively serve
as refutations to the former. The first is that felicity
seems to be a kind of sign and character of the divine
favour ; which both creates confidence and alacrity in
ourselves, and wins obedience and respect from others.
And this felicity extends to casual things, to which
virtue hardly aspires ; as when Caesar to encourage the
pilot said, " You carry Caasar and his fortune ; " 2
whereas if he had said, " You carry Caasar and his
virtue," it would have been but cold comfort against
the dangers of a storm. The second is that the deeds
of virtue and industry are imitable and open to others ;
whereas felicity is inimitable, and a. kind of prerogative
of the individual man. Hence we generally see that
natural things are preferred to artificial, because they
admit not of imitation ; for whatever is imitable is po-
tentially common. The third is that things which
come of felicity appear free gifts, bought without toil
but things gained by our own virtue seem as paid for.
Therefore Plutarch said elegantly, in comparing the
actions of Timoleon, a man eminently fortunate, with
those of his contemporaries Epaminondas and Agesi*
1 Cicero, Pro Marcello, c. 9.
2 Plutarch, De Fortuna Roman, p. 319.
152 TRANSLATION OF THE " DE AUGMENTIS."
laus, "That they were like the verses of Homer,
which, as they excel in other respects, so they seem to
flow naturally, and as it were at the inspiration of
genius." l The fourth is that that which happens con-
trary to hope and expectation comes more gratefully
and with greater pleasure to men's minds ; but this can-
not be the case with things effected by our own care
and exertion.
SOPHISM.
12. That which consists of many divisible parts is
greater than that which consists of few parts and is more
one ; for all things when viewed part by part appear
greater ; whence likewise plurality of parts makes a show
of magnitude ; but it has a greater effect if the parts be
without order ; for it produces a resemblance to infinity
and prevents comprehension.
The fallacy here is very palpable, even at first sight ;
for it is not the plurality of parts alone, but the major-
ity of them, which make the total greater. But yet
this Sophism often carries away the imagination ; yea,
and deceives the sense. For to the sight it appears a
shorter distance on a dead level, where nothing inter-
venes to break the view, than when there are trees
and buildings or some other mark to divide and meas-
ure the space. So again when a great monied man
has divided and distributed his chests and bags, he
seems to himself richer than he was. So likewise in
amplifications, the effect is increased if the whole be
divided into many parts and each be handled separate-
ly. And if this be done without order and promiscu-
ously, it fills the imagination still more ; for confusion
gives an impression of multitude ; inasmuch as things
aot forth and laid out in order, both appear more lira-
1 Plutarch in Timol. c. 3tt.
THE SIXTH BOOK. 153
ited in themselves, and make it evident that nothing
has been omitted ; whereas things that are presented
confusedly, are not only thought to be numerous in
themselves, but leave room for suspicion that there are
many more behind.
ANSWER.
This Sophism deceives, first when a man is prepos-
sessed with an opinion that a thing is greater than it
really is. For then the distribution thereof will de-
stroy that false opinion, and show it in its true dimen-
sions, without amplification. And therefore if a man
be in sickness or pain, the hours will seem longer with-
out a clock or an hour-glass than with it. For if the
weariness and pain of disease make time appear longer
than it really is, then the computation of time corrects
the error, and makes it appear shorter than had been
conceived by the false opinion. So again in a dead
plain, the contrary to that which I said just now some-
times happens. For though at first the eye represents
the distance to the sense as shorter, because it is undi-
vided ; yet if that give an impression of a much shorter
distance than it is afterwards found to be, the disappoint-
ment of that false opinion will make it appear longer
than it really is. Therefore if a man have an over
great opinion of anything and you wish to make it still
greater, you must beware of distributions, but extol it
in the whole. The Sophism deceives secondly, when
the distribution is distracted and scattered, and does
not meet or strike the eye at one glance. Thus if
flowers in a garden be divided into many beds, they
will give the appearance of a greater number than if
they were all growing in one bed, provided that all the
154 TRANSLATION OF THE " DE AUGMENTIS."
beds can be seen at once ; for otherwise the union will
have more effect than the scattered distribution. So
again men's revenues seem greater when their farms
and properties lie near and contiguous ; for if they lie
scattered they do not so easily come under view. The
Sophism deceives thirdly, by reason of the superiority
of unity to multitude. For all piecing together of
things is a sure sign of poverty in the pieces ; where
it comes to that,
Et qua? non prosunt singula, multa juvanti
Therefore Mary's was the better part, — " Martha,
Martha, thou art busy about many things, one thing
sufficeth." 2 Hence the fable in ^Esop of the fox and
the cat. For the fox boasted how many tricks and
shifts he had to escape the hounds ; but the cat said she
had only one help to rely on ; which was the poor
faculty of climbing a tree ; yet this was a far better
protection than all the fox's tricks ; whence the prov-
erb, " The fox knows many tricks, but the cat one
good one." 3 And in the moral signification of this
fable we see the same thing. For the support of a
powerful and faithful friend is a surer protection than
all manner of plots and tricks.
These then shall suffice for an example. I have by
me indeed a great many more Sophisms of the same
kind, which I collected in my youth ; but without their
illustrations and answers, which I have not now the
leisure to perfect ; and to set forth the naked colours
without their illustrations (especially as those above
given appear in full dress) does not seem suitable. Be
1 Ovid. Rem. Amor. 420. : — Things of no good separate, are useful to-
gether.
2 St. Luke, x. 41, 42. 8 Cf. Erasmus, Adag. i. 5. 18.
THE SIXTH BOOK. 155
it observed in the meantime that this matter, whatever
may be thought of it, seems to me of no small value ;
as that which participates of Primary Philosophy, of
Politics, and of Rhetoric. And so much for the Pop-
ular Signs or Colours of Apparent Good and Evil, both
simple and comparative.
The second Collection, which belongs to the Prompt-
\iary or Preparatory Store, is that to which Cicero
alludes (as I said above in treating of Logic), where
he recommends the orator to have commonplaces ready
at hand, in which the question is argued and handled
on either side : such as " for the letter of the law,"
" for the intention of the law," &c. But I extend this
precept to other cases ; applying it not only to the
judicial kind of oratory, but also to the deliberative
and demonstrative. I would have in short all topics
which there is frequent occasion to handle (whether
they relate to proofs and refutations, or to persuasions
and dissuasions, or to praise and blame) studied and
prepared beforehand ; and not only so, but the case
exaggerated both ways with the utmost force of the
wit, and urged unfairly, as it were, and quite beyond
the truth. And the best way of making such a collec-
tion, with a view to use as well as brevity, would be to
contract those commonplaces into certain acute and
concise sentences ; to be as skeins or bottoms of thread
which may be unwinded at large when they are
wanted. Some such piece of diligence I find in
Seneca, but in hypotheses or cases. A few instances
of the thing, having a great many by me, I think fit tc
propound by way of example. I call them Antitheses
of Things.
156
TRANSLATION OF THE "DE AUGMENTIS."
Examples of Antitheses.
I. NOBILITY.
For.
They whose virtue is in
the stock cannot be bad
even if they would.
Nobility is the laurel
with which Time crowns
men.
We reverence antiquity
even in dead monuments ;
how much more in living
ones ?
If you regard not no-
bility of birth, where will
be the difference between
the offspring of men and
brutes ?
Nobility withdraws vir-
tue from envy, and makes
it gracious.
n. BEAUTY.
For.
Deformed persons com-
monly take revenge on na-
ture.
Virtue is nothing but in-
ward beauty ; beauty noth-
ing but outward virtue.
Deformed persons seek
to rescue themselves from
scorn — by malice.
Against.
Seldom comes nobility
from virtue ; seldomer vir-
tue from nobility.
Noblemen have to thank
their ancestors for pardon
oftener than for advance-
ment.
New men are commonly
so diligent, that noblemen
by their side look like stat-
ues.
Noblemen look behind
them too often in the
course ; the mark of a bad
runner.
Against.
Virtue is like a rich
stone, best plain set.
As a fair garment on a
deformed body, such is
beauty in a bad man.
They that are beautiful
and they that are affected
by beauty are commonly
alike light.
THE SIXTH BOOK.
157
Beauty makes virtues
shine, and vices blush.
For.
First thoughts and
young men's counsels have
nr)re of divineness.
Old men are wiser for
themselves, not so wise for
others and for the com-
monwealth.
Old age, if it could be
seen, deforms the mind
more than the body.
Old men are afraid of
everything, except the
Gods.
IV. HEALTH.
For.
The care of health humi-
liates the mind and makes
it the beggar of the body.
A healthy body is the
soul's host, a sick body her
gaoler.
Nothing forwards the
conclusion of business so
much as good health ; weak
health on the contrary
takes too many holidays.
HI. YOUTH.
Against.
Youth is the seedbed of
repentance.
There is implanted in
youth contempt for the
authority of age ; so every
man must grow wise at his
own cost.
The counsels to which
Time is not called, Time
will not ratify.
In old men the Loves are
changed into the Graces.
Against.
Often to recover health,
is often to renew youth.
Ill health is a good ex-
cuse for many things ;
which we are glad to use
even when well.
Good health makes toe
close an alliance between
the soul and the body.
Great empires have been
governed from bed, great
armies commanded from
the litter.
158
TRANSLATION OF THE " DE AUGMENTIS."
V. WIFK AND CHILDREN.
For.
Love of his country be-
gins in a man's own house.
A wife and children are
a kind of discipline of hu-
manity ; whereas unmar-
ried men are harsh and
severe.
To be without wife or
children is good for a man
only when he wants to run
away.
He who begets not chil-
dren, sacrifices to death.
They that are fortunate
in other things are com-
monly unfortunate in their
children ; lest men should
come too near the condi-
tion of Gods.
VI. RICHES.
For.
They despise riches who
despair of them.
It is envy of riches that
has made virtue a god-
dess.
While philosophers are
disputing whether virtue
or pleasure be the proper
aim of life, do you provide
Against.
He that has wife and
children has given hostages
to fortune.
Man generates and lias
children ; God creates and
produces works.
The eternity of brutes is
in offspring ; of men, in
fame, good deserts, and in-
stitutions.
Domestic considerations
commonly overthrow pub-
lic ones.
Some persons have wish-
ed for Priam's fortune,
who survived all his chil-
dren.
Against.
Of great riches you may
have either the keeping, or
the giving away, or the
fame ; but no use.
Do you not see what
feigned prices are set upon
little stones and such rari-
ties, only that there may be
some use of great riches ?
THE SIXTH BOOK.
yourself with the instru-
ments of both.
Virtue is turned by
riches into a common good.
Other goods have but a
provincial command ; only
riches have a general one.
Many men while they
thought to buy everything
with their riches, have
been first sold themselves.
I cannot call riches bet-
ter than the baggage of
virtue ; for they are both
necessary to virtue and
cumbersome.
Riches are a good hand-
maid, but the worst mis-
tress.
VII. HONOUKS.
For.
Honours are the suf-
frages not of tyrants (as
they are said to be), but
of divine providence.
Honours make both vir-
tues and vices conspicuous ;
therefore they are a spur
to the one and a bridle to
the other.
No man can tell how far
his virtue will go unless
honours give him a fair
field.
Virtue, like all things
else, moves violently to her
place, calmly in her place ;
now the place of virtue is
honour.
Against.
While we seek honours
we lose liberty.
Honours commonly give
men power over those
things wherein the best
condition is not to will, the
next best not to can.
The rising to honours is
laborious, the standing slip-
pery, the descent headlong.
Great persons had need
to borrow the opinions of
the vulgar, to think them-
selves happy.
160
TRANSLATION OF THE " DE AUGMENTIS."
VIZI. EMPIRE.
For.
The enjoyment of hap-
piness is a great good ; but
the power of imparting it
to others is a still greater.
Kings are not as men,
but as the stars ; for they
have great influence both
on individuals and on the
times themselves.
To resist the vice-gerent
of God is not treason, but
a kind of theomachy.
IX. PRAISE,
For.
Praise is the reflexion
of virtue.
Praise is the honour that
comes by free votes.
Honours are conferred
by many forms of govern-
ment ; but praise comes
everywhere of liberty.
The voice of the people
has something divine ; else
how could so many agree
in one thing ?
Marvel not if the vulgar
speak truer than the great,
for they speak safer.
Against.
How wretched to have
nothing to desire, and
everything to fear !
Kings are like the heav-
enly bodies, which have
much veneration but no
rest.
None of human condi-
tion is admitted to the ban-
quets of the Gods unless
it be in derision.
REPUTATION.
Against.
Fame is a worse judge
than messenger.
What has a good man
to do with the slaver of the
common people ?
Fame is like a river, it
bears up the light and lets
the solid sink.
The lowest virtues are
praised by the common
people, the middle are ad-
mired ; but of the highest
they have no sense or per-
ception.
Praise is won by osten-
THE SIXTH BOOK.
161
tation more than by merit,
and follows the vain and
windy more than the sound
and real.
X. NATURE.
For.
Custom advances in an
arithmetical ratio, nature
in a geometrical.
As common laws are to
customs in states, such is
nature to custom in indi-
viduals.
Custom against nature
is a kind of tyranny, and
is soon and upon slight oc-
casions overthrown.
Against.
We think according to
our nature, speak as we
have been taught, but act
as we have been accus-
tomed.
Nature is a schoolmas-
ter, custom a magistrate.
XI. FORTUNE.
For.
Overt and apparent vir-
tues bring forth praise ;
secret and hidden virtues
bring forth fortune.
Virtues of duty bring
forth praise ; virtues of
ability bring forth fortune.
Fortune is like the
Milky Way ; a cluster of
obscure virtues without a
name.
Fortune is to be hon-
VOL. IX. 11
Against.
The folly of one man is
the fortune of another.
The best that can be
said of fortune is that, as
she uses no choice in her
favours, so she does not
care to uphold them.
Great men, to decline
the envy of their own vir-
tues, turn worshippers of
fortune.
162
TRANSLATION OF THE " DE AUGMENTIS."
cured if it be but for her
daughters, Confidence and
Authority.
XII.
For.
It is absurd to prefer
the accidents of life to life
itself.
A long course is better
than a short one for every-
thing, even for virtue.
Without a good space
of life a man can neither
finish, nor learn, nor re-
pent.
LIFE.
Against.
Philosophers in making
such preparations against
death make death itself
appear more fearful.
Men fear death, as chil-
dren fear to go into the
dark, because they know
not what is there.
There is no human pas-
sion so weak but if it be a
little roused it masters the
fear of death.
A man might wish to
die, though he were nei-
ther brave nor miserable
nor wise, merely from
weariness of being alive.
XIII. SUPERSTITION.
For.
They that err from zeal,
though we cannot approve
them, yet we must love
them.
Mediocrities belong to
matters moral ; extremities
to matters divine.
Against.
As the likeness of an
ape to a man makes him
all the more ugly, so does
the likeness of superstition
to religion.
Look how hateful affec-
tation is in human affairs,
THE SIXTH BOOK.
163
The religious man is
called superstitious.
I had rather believe the
most monstrous fables that
are to be found in any
religion, than that this
world was made without a
deity.
XIV.
For.
Pride is unsociable to
vices among other things ;
and as poison by poison,
so not a few vices are ex-
pelled by pride.
The good-natured man
is subject to other men's
vices as well as his own ;
the proud man to his own
only.
Let pride go a step
higher, and from contempt
of others rise to contempt
of self, and it becomes
philosophy.
so hateful is superstition in
divine.
Better have no opinion
of God at all than an in-
jurious one.
It was not the Epicu-
reans but the Stoics that
troubled the ancient states.
There is no such thing
as a mere atheist in opin-
ion ; but great hypocrites
are the true atheists, who
are ever handling holy
things without reverenc-
ing them.
PRIDE.
Against.
Pride is the ivy that
winds about all virtues
and all good things.
Other vices do but
thwart virtues ; only pride
infects them.
Pride lacks the best
condition of vice — con-
cealment.
The proud man while
he despises others neglects
himself.
164
TRANSLATION OF THE " DE AUGMENTIS."
XV. INGRATITUDE.
For.
The crime of ingrati-
tude is nothing more than
a clear insight into the
cause of a benefit confer-
red.
In our desire to show
gratitude to certain per-
sons we sacrifice both the
justice we owe to others
and the liberty we owe to
ourselves.
Before we are called on
to be grateful for a benefit,
let us be sure as to the
value of it.
XVI.
For.
It is natural for a man
to hate that which re-
proaches to him his own
fortunes.
Envy in commonwealths
is a wholesome kind of os-
Against.
The crime of ingrati-
tude is not restrained by
punishments, but given
over to the Furies.
The bonds of benefits
are stricter than the bonds
of duties ; wherefore he
that is ungrateful is un-
just and every way bad.
This is the condition of
.humanity : no man is born
in so public a fortune but
he must obey the private
calls both of gratitude and
revenge.
ENVY.
Against.
Envy keeps no holidays.
Nothing but death can
reconcile envy to virtue.
Envy puts virtues to la-
borious tasks, as Juno did
Hercules.
tracism.
XVII. UNCHASTITY.
For.
It is owing to jealousy
that chastity has been
made a virtue.
A man must be of a
Against.
Unchastity was the
worst of Circe's trans-
formations.
He that is unchaste is
THE SIXTH BOOK.
165
very sad disposition to think
love a serious matter.
Why make a virtue of
that which is either a mat-
ter of diet, or a show of
cleanliness, or the child of
pride?
Loves are like wildfowl;
there is no property in
them, but the right passes
with the possession.
without all reverence for
himself, which is the bridle
of all vices.
All who like Paris pre-
fer beauty, quit like Paris
wisdom and power.
It was no vulgar truth
that Alexander lighted on,
when he said that sleep
and lust were earnests of
death.
XVIII. CRUELTY.
For.
None of the virtues has
so many crimes to answer
for as clemency.
Cruelty, if it proceeds
from revenge, is justice, if
from danger, prudence.
He that has mercy on
his enemy has no mercy
on himself.
Bloodlettings are not
oftener necessary in med-
icine than executions in
states.
XIX. VAIN-GLORY.
For.
He that would procure
praise for himself must
procure the benefit of
other men.
Against.
To delight in blood, one
must be either a wild beast
or a Fury.
To a good man cruelty
always seems fabulous, and
some tragical fiction.
Against.
Vain - glorious persons
are ever factious, liars, in-
constant, extreme.
Thraso is Gnatho's prey.
166
TRANSLATION OF THE " DE AUGMENTIS.'
He who is so sober that It is a shame for the
he cares for nothing that suitor td woo the waiting-
is not his own business, I woman, and praise is the
fear he thinks the good of waiting-woman to virtue,
the public to be no busi-
ness of his.
Dispositions that have
in them some vanity are
readier to undertake the
care of the commonwealth.
XX. JUSTICE.
For.
Kingdoms and govern-
ments are but accessories
to justice ; for there would
be no need of them if jus-
tice could be carried on
without.
It is owing to justice
that man is a god to man,
and not a wolf.
Justice though it cannot
extirpate vices, yet pre-
vents them from doing
hurt.
Against.
If to be just be not to
do that to another which
you would not have an-
other do to you, then is
mercy justice.
If everyone has a right
to his own, surely human-
ity has a right to pardon.
What tell you me of
equal measure, when to
the wise man all things
are equal?
Consider the condition
of accused persons among
the Romans, and conclude
that justice is not for the
good of the common-
wealth.
The ordinary justice of
governments is but as a
THE SIXTH BOOK.
167
philosopher in the court
— it merely conduces to
the reverence of those who
govern.
XXI. FORTITUDE.
For.
Nothing is to be feared
except fear itself.
There is nothing either
solid in pleasure, or secure
in virtue, where fear in-
trudes.
He that looks steadily at
dangers that he may meet
them, sees also how he may
avoid them.
Other virtues free us
from the domination of
vice, fortitude only from
the domination of fortune.
Against.
A noble virtue, to be
willing to die yourself in
order to kill another !
A noble virtue, which a
man may acquire by get-
ting drunk!
He that is prodigal of
his own life is dangerous
to other men's.
Fortitude is the virtue
of the iron age.
XXII. TEMPERANCE.
For.
The power of abstinence
is not much other than the
power of endurance.
Uniformity, concord, and
measured motion, are attri-
butes of heaven and. char-
acters of eternity.
Temperance is like
wholesome cold : it col-
Against.
I like not these nega-
tive virtues ; for they show
innocence and not merit.
The mind grows languid
that has no excesses.
I like those virtues
which induce excellence
of action, not dullness of
passion.
168
TRANSLATION OF THE " DE AUGMENTIS.'
lects and braces the pow-
ers of the mind.
Exquisite and restless
senses need narcotics ; so
do passions.
If you will have the
motions of the mind ah1
consonant, you must have
them few — for it is a poor
man that can count his
stock.
To abstain from the use
of a thing that you may
not feel the want of it, to
shun the want that you
may not fear the loss of it,
are precautions of pusilla-
nimity and cowardice.
XXIII. CONSTANCY.
For.
Constancy is the foun-
dation on which virtues
rest.
Wretched is the man
who knows not what him-
self may become.
Human judgment is too
weak to be true to the na-
ture of things, let it then
at least be true to itself.
Even vices derive a
grace from constancy.
If inconstancy of mind
be added to the incon-
stancy of fortune, in what
darkness do we live?
Fortune is like Proteus ;
Against
Constancy is like a surly
porter ; it drives much use-
ful intelligence from the
door.
It is fit that constancy
should bear adversity well,
for it commonly brings it
on.
The shortest folly is the
best.
THE SIXTH BOOK.
169
if you persevere she re-
turns to her shape.
For.
If the mind do but
choose generous ends to
aim at, it shall have not
only the virtues but the
deities to help.
Virtues induced by hab-
it or by precepts are ordi-
nary ; those imposed by a
virtuous end are heroical.
XXV. KNOWLEDGE,
For.
That pleasure is indeed
according to nature, of
which there is no satiety.
What prospect so sweet
as to look down upon the
errors of other men ?
How good a thing to
have the motion of the
mind concentric with the
universe !
All depraved affections
are but false estimations ;
and goodness and truth
are the same thing.
XXIV. MAGNANIMITY.
Against.
Magnanimity is a poeti-
cal virtue.
CONTEMPLATION.
Against.
Contemplation is a spe-
cious idleness.
Good thoughts are little
better than good dreams.
Providence takes care
of the world ; do thou
take care of thy country.
A politic man uses his
very thoughts for seed.
170
TRANSLATION OF THE " DE AUGMENTIS.'
XXVI. LEARNING.
For.
If books were written
about small matters, there
would be scarce any use
of experience.
In reading a man con-
verses with the wise, in
action generally with fools.
Sciences which are of
no use in themselves are
not to be deemed useless,
if they sharpen the wit
and put the thoughts in
order.
Against.
In colleges men learn
to believe.
What art ever taught
the seasonable use of art ?
To be wise by rule and
to be wise by experience
are contrary proceedings ;
he that accustoms himself
to the one unfits himself
for the other.
, Art is often put to a
foolish use, that it may
not be of no use at all.
Almost all scholars have
this — when anything is
presented to them, they
will find in it that which
they know, not learn from
it that which they know
not.
XXVII. PROMPTITUDE.
For.
Wisdom that comes not
quick comes not in season.
He that quickly errs
quickly amends his error.
He that is wise in de-
liberation and not upon
the moment does no great
matters.
Against.
The wisdom that is
ready at hand does not
lie deep.
Wisdom is like a gar-
ment, it must be light if
it be for speed.
He whose counsels are
not ripened by delibera-
THE SIXTH BOOK.
171
XXVIII. SILENCE m
For.
The silent man hears
everything, for everything
can be safely communi-
cated.
He that is apt to tell
what he knows, is apt to
tell also what he knows
not.
Mysteries are due to se-
crecy.
tion, his wisdom will not
ripen with age.
Things speedily devised
speedily fall out of favour.
MATTERS OF SECRECY.
Against.
The best way of keep-
ing the mind secret is to
vary the manners.
Silence is the virtue of
a confessor.
The silent man has
nothing told him, because
he gives nothing but si-
lence in exchange.
To be close is next to
being unknown.
For.
I love the man who
yields to others' feelings,
and yet keeps his judg-
ment free.
To be pliant is to be
most like gold.
XXIX. FACILITY.
Against.
Facility is a foolish pri-
vation of judgment.
Favours received from
a man of facile disposition
pass for debts ; denials for
injuries.
He that obtains a favour
from a man of facile dis-
position thanks himself for
it.
The facile man is op-
pressed with all difficul-
172 TRANSLATION OF THE "DE AUGMENTIS."
ties, for he involves him
self in all.
The facile man seldom
gets out of it without a
blush.
XXX. POPULARITY.
For.
Wise men are common-
ly pleased with the same
things ; but to meet the
various inclinations of fools
is the part of wisdom.
To court the people is
to be courted by the peo-
ple.
Men that are themselves
great find no single person
to respect, but only the
people.
XXXI. LOQUACITY.
Against.
He who agrees very
well with fools may him-
self be suspected.
He that pleases the mob
is apt to raise a mob.
Nothing that is moder-
O
ate is liked by the com-
mon people.
The lowest of all flat-
teries is the flattery of the
common people.
For.
He that is silent betrays
want of confidence either
in others or in himself.
All kinds of constraint
are unhappy, that of si-
lence is the most miserable
of all.
Silence is the virtue of a
fool. And therefore it was
well said to a man that
would not speak, " If you
Against.
Silence gives to words
both grace and authority.
Silence is the sleep
which nourishes wisdom.
Silence is the fermenta-
tion of thought.
O
Silence is the style of
wisdom.
Silence aspires after
truth.
THE SIXTH BOOK.
173
are wise you are a fool ;
if you are a fool, you are
wise."
Silence, like night, is
convenient for treacheries.
Thoughts are whole-
somest when they are like
running waters.
Silence is a kind of soli-
tude.
He that is silent lays
himself out for opinion.
Silence neither casts off
bad thoughts nor distrib-
utes good.
XXXII. DISSIMULATION.
For.
Dissimulation is a com-
pendious wisdom.
We are not bound to
say the same thing, but to
aim at the same end.1
Nakedness is uncomely
in the mind as well as in
the body.
Dissimulation is both a
grace and a guard.
Dissimulation is the
fence of counsels.
Against.
If we cannot think ac-
cording to the truth of
things, let us at least speak
according as we think.
When arts of policy are
beyond a man's capacity,
dissimulation must serve
him for wisdom.
He that dissembles de-
prives himself of a princi-
pal instrument of action,
namely trust and belief.
1 Non idem dicere, sed idem speciare, debemus : a sentence in which I
suspect that there is either some misprint or some inaccuracy of expres-
lion. — J. S.
174 TRANSLATION OF THE " DE AUGMENTIS.'
There are some for
whom it is good to be de-
ceived.
He that does everything
without dissimulation is
not the less a deceiver ; for
most people either do not
understand him or do not
believe him.
Want of dissimulation is
nothing but want of power
over the mind.
Dissimulation invites dis«
simulation.
He that dissembles is
not free.
xxxm.
For.
He that shows diffidence
invites reproof.
What action is to an
orator boldness is to a pol-
itician, — the first requi-
site, the second, and the
third.
I love a confessing mod-
esty, hate an accusing
one.1
Confidence of manners
brings minds the sooner
together.
I like a reserved coun-
tenance and an open
speech.
1 Amo confitentem verecundiam, accutantem odi. I do not understand
this sentence. — J. 8.
BOLDNESS.
Against.
Boldness is the pioneer
of folly.
Impudence is of no use
except for imposture.
Confidence is the mis-
tress of fools, and the sport
of wise men.
Boldness is dullness of
the sense joined with mal-
ice of the will.
THE SIXTH BOOK.
175
PUNTOS, AFFECTATION.
Against. '
What more uncomely
than to make life a piece
of acting ?
From ingenuousness
comes grace, from artifice
hatred.
Better painted cheeks
and curled hair than paint-
ed and curled manners.
He that applies his mind
to such small observations,
is not capable of great
thoughts.
Affectation is the shin-
ing putrefaction of ingen-
uousness.
XXXIV. CEREMONIES,
For.
A decorous government
of the countenance and
carriage is the true season-
ing of virtue.
We comply with the vul-
gar in our words, why not
in habit and gesture ?
He that does not pre-
serve decorum in trifles
and daily habits may be a
great man ; but be sure of
this, — such a man is not
wise at all hours.
Virtue and wisdom with-
out forms are like foreign
languages ; for they are
not intelligible to the com-
mon people.
He that knows not the
sense of the common peo-
ple by an inward congruity,
if he know it not by out-
ward observation either, is
of all men the most foolish.
Forms of behaviour are
the translation of virtue
into the vernacular.
XXXV. JESTS.
For. Against.
A jest is the orator's al- Who does not despise
tar. these hunters after de-
176
TRANSLATION OF THE " DE AUGMENTIS.'
He that throws into
everything a dash of mod-
est pleasantry keeps his
mind the more at liberty.
To pass easily from jest
to earnest and from earnest
to jest is a thing more pol-
itic than men suppose.
A jest is many times the
vehicle of a truth which
would not otherwise have
been brought in.
XXXVI.
For.
See you not that all men
seek themselves ? But it
is only the lover that finds
himself.
There is nothing which
better regulates the mind
than the authority of some
powerful passion.
If you are wise, seek
something to desire ; for to
him who has not some spe-
cial object of pursuit all
things are distasteful and
wearisome.
Why should not one be
content with one ?
formities and prettiness-
es ?
It is a dishonest trick to
wash away with a jest the
real importance of things.
Consider jests when the
laugh is over.
These wits hardly pene-
trate below the surface of
things, where jests ever lie.
Where a jest has any
weight in serious matters,
it is a childish levity.
LOVE.
Against.
The stage is much be-
holden to love, life not at
all.
Nothing has so many
names as love ; for it is a
thing either so foolish that
it does not know itself, or
so foul that it hides itself
with paint.
I hate those men of one
thought.
Love is a very narrow
contemplation.
THE SIXTH BOOK.
177
XXXVII. FRIENDSHIP.
For.
Friendship does the
same things as fortitude,
but more sweetly.
Friendship is a sweet
seasoning to all other bless-
ings.
It is the worst solitude,
to have no true friendships.
It is a retribution wor-
thy of bad faith to be de-
prived of friendships.
XXXVIIL
For.
Flattery proceeds more
from manners than malice.
To suggest what a man
should be under colour of
praising what he is, was
ever a form due in civility
to the great.
Against.
He that contracts close
friendships . imposes upon
himself new necessities.
It is the part of a weak
mind to go shares in for-
tune.
FLATTERY.
Against.
Flattery is the style of
slaves.
Flattery is the refuse of
vices.
The flatterer is like the
fowler that deceives birds
by imitating their cry.
The unseemliness of
flattery is matter of come-
dy, its mischief of tragedy.
Nothing so hard to cure
as the ear.
For.
Revenge is a kind
wild justice.
VOL. IX.
XXXIX. REVENGE.
Against..
of He that did the first
wrong made a beginning
12
178
TRANSLATION OF THE " DE AUGMENTIS.'
He who requites vio-
lence with violence, sins
against the law but not
against the man.
The fear of private re-
venge is a useful thing ;
for laws too often sleep.
of mischief, he that re-
turned it made no end.
The more natural re-
venge is, the more need to
restrain it.
He that is ready to re-
turn an injury was behind-
hand more in time perhaps
than in will.
XL. INNOVATION.
For.
Every medicine is an
innovation.
He that will not have
new' remedies will have
new evils.
Time is the greatest in-
novator, why then should
we not imitate time ?
Ancient precedents are
unfit, modern ones corrupt
and interested.
Leave it to the unskil-
ful and the contentious to
act by precedent.
As those who first bring
honour into their family
are commonly worthier
than their descendants, so
are the first precedents
commonly better than the
imitations of them.
Against.
, Things new born are
ill-shapen.
The only author I like
is time.
There is no novelty
that does not some hurt,
for it unsettles what is.
Things settled by cus-
tom, though they be not
good, yet at least they fit
one with another.
What innovator imitates
time, who so insinuates his
innovations that they are
not perceived ?
That which comes uii-
looked for gets the less
thanks from him whom it
helps, and gives the more
annoyance to him whom
it hurts.
THE SIXTH BOOK. 179
A froward retention of
custom is as turbulent a
thing as an innovation.
Seeing that things alter
of themselves to the worse,
if counsel shall not alter
them to the better, what
shall be the end?
The slaves of custom
are the sport of time.
XLI. DELAY.
For. Against.
Fortune sells many Opportunity offers the
things to him that is in handle of the bottle first,
a hurry, which she gives and afterwards the belly,
to him that waits. Opportunity is like the
While we hasten to take Sibyl ; she raises the price
hold of the beginnings of as she diminishes the of-
things, we grasp shadows, fer.
While things are wa- Speed is Pluto's helmet,
vering, watch ; when they Things that are done
have taken their direction, betimes are done with
act. judgment ; things that are
Commit the beginnings put off too late, by cir-
of actions to Argus, the cuit.1
end to Briareus.
XLII. PREPAKATION.
For. Against.
He that attempts a great The time to cease pre-
1 Per ambitum : meaning, I suppose (if the reading be correct), that at
first you can choose the best way, but at last 3rou must take the way that
Dffers. — J. S.
180
TRANSLATION OF THE " DE AUGMENTIS.'
matter with small means,
does but provide himself
with an occasion of hop-
ing.
With small preparations
you may purchase wisdom,
but not fortune.
XLin. MEETING
For.
More dangers have de-
ceived men than forced
them.
It is less trouble to ap-
ply the remedy to a dan-
ger than to keep watch
upon the approach of it.
A danger is no more
light, if it once seem light.
paring is the instant you
can begin acting.
Let no man hope that
he can bind fortune by
preparation.
To interchange prepa-
ration and action is politic,
to part them is vain and
unfortunate.
Great preparation wastes
both time and matter.
THE FIRST MOVE.
Against.
He that arms himself to
meet danger teaches it to
come on, and in remedy-
ing fixes it.
The very remedies of
dangers carry little dan-
gers in them.
It is better to have to
deal with a few dangers in
their maturity, than with
the menaces of every one.
XLIV. VIOLENT COUNSELS.
For.
For those who embrace
Against.
Every violent remedy is
this mild kind of wisdom pregnant with some new
an increase of the evil is evil.
salutary. The only violent coun-
Necessity, which gives sellors are anger and fear.
THE SIXTH BOOK.
181
violent counsels, also exe-
cutes them.
XLV. SUSPICION.
Against.
Suspicion discharges
faith.
The distemper of sus-
picions is a kind of civil
madness.
For.
Distrust is the sinews
of wisdom, but suspicion
is a medicine for the joints.
His faith is justly sus-
pected whose faith sus-
picion shakes.
Suspicion loosens a frail
faith, but braces a strong
one.
XL VI. THE WORDS OF THE LAW.
For.
The interpretation which
departs from the letter is
not interpretation but div-
ination.
When the letter is de-
parted from, the judge be-
comes the law-giver.
XLVII. FOR WITNESSES
For.
He who relies on argu-
ments decides according to
the merits of the pleader,
not of the cause.
He who believes argu-
ments more than wit-
nesses, ought to give more
Against.
The sense according to
which each word is to be
interpreted must be gath-
ered from all the words
together.
The worst tyranny is
the torturing of the law.
AGAINST ARGUMENTS.
Against.
If witnesses are to be
believed in spite of argu-
ments, it is enough if the
judge be not deaf.
Arguments are the an-
tidote against the poison
of testimony.
182 TRANSLATION OF THE " DE AUGMENTIS."
credit to the wit than the It is safest to believe
senses. those proofs which sel-
Arguments might be domest lie.
trusted, if men never act-
ed absurdly.
Arguments, when op-
posed to testimony, may
make a fact seem strange,
but cannot make it seem
not a fact.
These Antitheses (which I have here set down) are
perhaps of no great value ; but as I had long ago pre-
pared and collected them, I was loth to let the fruit of
my youthful industry perish — the rather because (if
they be carefully examined) they are seeds only, not
flowers. In one respect indeed they savour altogether
of youth, there being plenty of them in the moral and
demonstrative kind, but in the deliberative and judicial
very few.
The third Collection, which belongs to the Promptu-
ary, or Preparatory Store, and is likewise deficient, is
that of what I call Lesser Forms. I mean those parts
of speech which answer to the vestibules, back doors,
ante-chambers, withdra wing-chambers, passages, &c.,
of a house ; and may serve indiscriminately for all
subjects. Such are prefaces, conclusions, digressions,
transitions, intimations of what is coming, excusations,
and a number of the kind. For as in buildings it
is a great matter both for pleasure and use that the
fronts, doors, windows, approaches, passages, and the
like be conveniently arranged, so also in a speech
THE SIXTH BOOK. 183
these accessory and interstitial passages (if they be
handsomely and skilfully fashioned and placed) add a
great deal both of ornament and effect to the entire
structure. Of these Forms I will subjoin one or two
examples, without dwelling longer upon them. For
though they be matters of no small use, yet as I have
nothing of my own to add in this part, but merely
transcribe the naked forms out of Demosthenes or
Cicero or some other chosen author, they are not of
that importance that I should spend time upon them.
Examples of Lesser Forms.
A CONCLUSION IN A DELIBERATIVE.
So may we redeem the fault passed and at the same
time prevent the inconveniences to come.
COROLLARY OF AN ACCURATE DISTRIBUTION.
That all may know that I have no wish either to
evade anything by silence or to obscure it by speech.1
A TRANSITION WITH A HINT.
Let us pass these things, and yet not without mark-
ing and turning back to look at them as we go by.2
A FORM TO PREOCCUPY THE MIND AGAINST AN OPINION
PREVIOUSLY FORMED.
I will make you understand in all this business
how much is truth, how much error, and how much
envy.3
i Cic. Pro Cluent. c. 1. 2 Cic Pro Sext. c. 5.
» Cic. Pro Cluent. c. 4.
184 TRANSLATION OF THE " DE AUGMENTIS."
These few may be enough by way of examples,
and with these I conclude the Appendices to Rheto-
ric, which belong to the Promptuary.
CHAP. IV.
Two General Appendices of the Art of Transmission;
Critical and Pedagogical.
THERE remain two appendices touching the trans-
mission of knowledge in general ; the one Critical, the
other Pedagogical. For as the principal part of trans-
mission of knowledge consists in the writing of books, so
the relative part thereof turns on the reading of books.
Now reading is either directed by teachers, or attained
by each man's own endeavours ; and to this these two
knowledges which I have mentioned appertain.
To the Critical part belongs, first, the true correc-
tion and amended edition of approved authors ; whereby
both themselves receive justice and their students light.
Yet in this the rash diligence of some has done no little
harm. For many critics, when they meet a passage
which they do not understand, immediately suppose
that there is a fault in the copy. As in that passage
of Tacitus, where he relates that when a certain col-
ony asserted before the senate the right of asylum,
their arguments were not very favourably listened to
by the emperor and the senate ; whereupon the am-
bassadors, fearing for the success of their cause, gave a
good sum of money to Titus Vinius to support them —
by which means they prevailed. " Then " (says Taci-
tus) " the dignity and antiquity of the colony had its
THE SIXTH BOOK. 185
weight ; " l meaning that the arguments which appeared
light before gained fresh weight by the money. But a
critic, and he not one of the worst, here erased the
word turn, and substituted tantum. And this bad habit
of critics has brought it to pass that (as some one has
wisely remarked) " the most corrected copies are often
the least correct." Moreover, to speak truly, unless
critics be learned in the sciences which the books they
edit treat of, their diligence is not without its danger.
Secondly, there belongs to the Critical part the in-
terpretation and explication of authors, — commenta-
ries, scholia, annotations, collections of beauties, and
the like. In labours of this kind however some of the
critics have been visited with that very bad disease, of
leaping over many of the obscurer places, while they
linger and expatiate to tediousness on those which are
clear enough ; as if the object were not so much to
illustrate the author as to display on every possible
opportunity the extensive learning and various reading
of the critic himself. It were especially to be desired
(though this is a matter which belongs rather to the
art of transmission in the main, than to the appendices
thereof) that every writer who handles arguments of
the obscurer and more important kind, should himself
subjoin his own explanations ; that so the text may not
be interrupted by digressions and expositions, and the
notes may not be at variance with the writer's mean-
ing. Something of the kind I suspect in Theon's Com-
mentary on Euclid.
There belongs thirdly to the Critical part (and from
this indeed it derives its name) the insertion of some
1 Cf. Tacitus, Hist. i. 66. The case is incorrectly stated. See Mr. Ellis'a
aote, vol. ii. p. 492. — J. S.
186 TRANSLATION OF THE " DE AUGMENTIS."
brief judgment concerning the authors edited, and
comparison of them with other writers on the same
subjects ; that students may by such censure be both
advised what books to read and better prepared when
they come to read them. This last office is indeed, so
to speak, the critic's chair ; which has certainly in our
age been ennobled by some great men, — men in my
judgment above the stature of critics.
As for the Pedagogical part, the shortest rule would
be, " Consult the schools of the Jesuits ; " for nothing
better has been put in practice. Nevertheless I will
as usual give a few hints, gleaning an ear here and
there. I am clearly in favour of a collegiate education
for boys and young men ; not in private houses, nor
merely under schoolmasters. For in colleges there is
a greater emulation of the youths amongst themselves ;
there is also the sight and countenance of grave men,
which tends to modesty, and forms their young minds
from the very first after that model ; and in short there
are very many advantages in a collegiate education.
For the order and manner of teaching, I would say
first of all, — avoid abridgments and a certain precocity
of learning, which makes the mind over bold, and
causes great proficiency rather in show than in fact.
-Also let some encouragement be given to the free ex-
ercise of the pupils' minds and tastes ; I mean, if any
of them, besides performing the prescribed exercises,
shall steal time withal for other pursuits to which he is
more inclined, let him not be checked. Observe more-
over (what perhaps has not hitherto been remarked)
that there are two ways of training and exercising and
preparing the mind, which proceed in opposite direc-
tions. The one begins with the easier tasks, and so
THE SIXTH BOOK. 187
leads on gradually to the more difficult ; the other be-
gins by enforcing and pressing the more difficult, that
when they are mastered the easier ones may be per-
formed with pleasure. For it is one method to begin
swimming with bladders, which keep you up ; and an-
other to begin dancing with heavy shoes, which weigh
you down. Nor is it easy to tell how much a judicious
intermixture of these methods helps to advance the
faculties of the mind and body. Again, the applica-
tion and choice of studies according to the nature of
the mind to be taught, is a matter of wonderful use
and judgment ; the due and careful observation whereof
is due from the masters to the parents, that they may
be able to advise them as to the course of life they
should choose for their sons. And herein it should be
carefully observed, that as a man will advance far fast-
est in those pursuits to which he is naturally inclined,
so with respect to those for which he is by defect of
nature most unsuited there are found in studies prop-
erly chosen a cure and remedy for his defects. For
example, if one be bird-witted, that is easily distracted
and unable to keep his attention as long as he should,
Mathematics provides a remedy; for in them if the
mind be caught away but a moment, the demonstra-
tion has to be commenced anew. Exercises, again, it
is obvious, play the principal part in instruction. But
few have observed that there ought to be not only a
wise choice and course of exercises, but a wise inter-
mission of them also ; for it is well observed by Cicero,
" that men in their exercises for the most part exercise
their faults as well as their faculties," 1 so that an ill
habit is sometimes acquired along with the good. It is
i Cic. De Orator, i. 33.
188 TRANSLATION OF THE " DE AUGMENTIS."
safer therefore to intermit exercises from time to time
and return to them after a while, than continually to
pursue and press them. But enough of this. Cer-
tainly these are matters not very grand or imposing
at first sight, yet of singular fruit and efficacy. For
as the good or ill thriving of plants depends chiefly
upon the good or ill treatment they received when
they were young and tender ; and as the immense in-
crease of the Roman empire is by some deservedly
attributed to the virtue and wisdom of the first six
kings, who were in truth as the tutors and guardians
of it in its infancy ; l so surely the culture and ordering
of youthful or tender years has a power which, though
latent and not perceptible to everybody, neither length
of time nor assiduity and earnestness of labour in ma-
ture age can afterwards countervail. It will not be
amiss to observe also, that even mean faculties, when
they fall into great men or great matters, sometimes
work great and important effects. Of this I will adduce
a memorable example ; the rather, because the Jesuits
appear not to despise this kind of discipline ; therein
judging (as I think) well. It is a thing indeed, if
practised professionally, of low repute ; but if it be
made a part of discipline, it is of excellent use. I
mean stage-playing : an art which strengthens the
memory, regulates the tone and effect of the voice
and pronunciation, teaches a decent carriage of the
countenance and gesture, gives not a little assurance,
and accustoms young men to bear being looked at.
The example which I shall give, taken from Tacitus,
is that of one Vibulenus, formerly an actor, then a
soldier in the Pannonian legions. This man had at
1 Macchiavelli, Discorsi, i. 19.
THE SIXTH BOOK.
the death of Augustus raised a mutiny, whereupon
BlaBsus, the lieutenant, committed some of the muti-
neers to prison. The soldiers however broke in and
let them out ; whereupon Vibulenus getting up to
speak, began thus ; " These poor innocent wretches
you have restored to light and life ; but who shall re-
store life to my brother, or my brother to me ? whom,
being sent hither in message from the legions of Ger-
many, to treat of the common cause, this man has
murdered last night by some of his swordsmen, whom
he keeps and arms for the execution of soldiers. An-
swer, Blaesus, where have you thrown his body ? Ene-
mies themselves deny not burial. When with kisses
and tears I shall have satiated my grief, command me
also to be slain beside him ; only let these my fellows,
seeing we are put to death for no crime, but be-
cause we consulted for the good of the legions, have
leave to buiy us." With which words he excited
such excessive jealousy and alarm, that, had it not
shortly afterwards appeared that nothing of the sort
had happened, nay, that he had never had a brother,
the soldiers would hardly have kept their hands off the
prefect ; but the fact was that he played the whole
thing as if it had been a piece on the stage.
And now I am come to the end of my treatise con-
cerning Rational Knowledges ; wherein if I have some-
times made the divisions other than those that are
received, yet let it not be thought that I disallow all
those divisions which I do not use. For there is a
double necessity imposed upon me of altering the di-
visions. First, because to reduce into one class things
next in nature, and to gather into one bundle things
wanted for use, are operations differing in the very
190 TRANSLATION OF THE " DE AUGMENTIS."
end and intention. For as a secretary of a king 01
state, when he arranges his papers in his study or gen-
eral cabinet, puts those things together, no doubt,
which are of like nature, — treaties by themselves in
one place, instructions by themselves in another, for-
eign letters, domestic letters, and the like, each apart
by themselves, — but when on the contrary he arranges
them in his boxes or particular cabinet, he puts those
together which, though of different kinds, he thinks he
will have occasion to use together ; so in this general
cabinet of knowledge it was necessary for me to make
the divisions according to the nature of the things
themselves, whereas if I had been to handle any par-
ticular knowledge I should have adopted the divisions
fittest for use and practice. Secondly, because the in-
troduction of the Desiderata, and the incorporation of
them with the rest, involved as a consequence an alter-
ation in the distribution of the existing sciences. For
suppose (by way of demonstration) that the arts which
we now have are as 15, and that the same with the
desiderata added are as 20 ; I say that the factors of
the number 15 are not the same with the factors of the
number 20. For the factors of 15 are 3 and 5 ; the
factors of 20 are 2, 4, 5, and 10. It is plain therefore
that these things could not be otherwise. And so
much for the Logical Sciences.
or
THE ADVANCEMENT OF LEAENING.
BOOK VII.
CHAPTER I.
The Division of Moral Knowledge into the Exemplar or
Platform of Good, and the G-eorgics or Culture of
the Mind. The Division of the Platform, of Good,
into Simple and Comparative Good. The Division
of Simple Good into Individual Good, and Good of
Communion.
WE come now, most excellent king, to moral knowl-
edge, which respects and considers the will of man.
The will is governed by right reason, seduced by ap-
parent good, having for its spurs the passions, for its
ministers the organs and voluntary motions ; wherefore
Solomon says, " Above all things keep thy heart with
all diligence, for out of it are the issues of life." x In
the handling of this science, the writers seem to me to
have done as if a man who, professing to teach the art
of writing, had exhibited only fair copies of letters,
single and joined, without giving any direction for the
carriage of the pen and framing of the characters. So
1 Prov. iv. 23.
192 TRANSLATION OF THE " DE AUGMENTIS."
have these writers set forth good and fair copies, and
accurate draughts and portraitures of good, virtue, duty,
and felicity, as the true objects for the will and desires
of man to aim at. But though the marks themselves
be excellent and well placed, how a man may best
take his aim at them ; that is, by what method and
course of education the mind may be trained and put
in order for the attainment of them, they pass over
altogether, or slightly and un profitably. We may dis-
course as much as we please that the moral virtues are
in the mind of man by habit, and not by nature, and
we may make a formal distinction that generous spirits
are won by doctrines and persuasions, and the vulgar
sort by reward and punishment ; or we may give it in
precept that the mind like a crooked stick must be
straightened by bending it the contrary way,1 and the
like scattered glances and touches ; but they would be
very far from supplying the place of that which we
require.
The reason of this neglect I suppose to be that hid-
den rock whereupon both this and so many other barks
of knowledge have struck and foundered ; which is,
that men have despised to be conversant in ordinary
and common matters which are neither subtle enough
for disputation, nor illustrious enough for ornament.
It is hard to compute the extent of the evil thus intro-
duced ; namely, how from innate pride and vain glory
men have chosen those subjects of discourse, and those
methods of handling them, which rather display their
own genius than benefit the reader. Seneca says well,
" Eloquence is injurious to those whom it inspires with
a fondness for itself, and not for the subject ; " 2 for
i Arist. Nic. Eth. ii. 9. a Seneca, Epist. 52.
THE SEVENTH BOOK. 193
writings should be such as should make men in love
with the lesson, and not with the teacher. They
therefore are on the right path, who can say the same
of their counsels as Demosthenes did of his, and con-
clude with this sentence, " If you do what I advise
you will not only praise the orator at the time, but in
no long time yourselves also, by reason of the better
condition of your affairs." 1 For myself, most excel-
lent king, I may truly say that both in this present
work, and in those I intend to publish hereafter, I
often advisedly and deliberately throw aside the dignity
of my name and wit (if such thing be) in my endeav-
our to advance human interests ; and being one that
should properly perhaps be an architect in philosophy
and the sciences, I turn common labourer, hodman,
anything that is wanted ; taking upon myself the bur-
den and execution of many things which must needs
be done, and which others through an inborn pride
shrink from and decline. But to return to the sub-
ject : moral philosophers have chosen for themselves
a certain glittering and lustrous mass of matter, where-
in they may principally glorify themselves for the point
of their wit, or the power of their eloquence ; but
those which are of most use for practice, seeing that
they cannot be so clothed with rhetorical ornaments,
they have for the most part passed over.
Neither needed men of so excellent parts to have
despaired1 of a fortune, which the poet Virgil promised
to himself, and indeed obtained ; who got as much
glory of eloquence, wit, and learning in the expressing
of the observations of husbandry, as of the heroical
acts of JEneas ;
1 Demosth, Olynth. ii.
VOL. ix. 13
194 TRANSLATION OF THE "DE AUGMENTIS."
Nee sum animi dubius, verbis ea vincere magnum
Quam sit, et angustis his addere rebus honorem.1
And surely, if the purpose be in good earnest, not to
write at leisure that which men may read at leisure,
but really to instruct and suborn action and active live,
these Georgics of the Mind are no less worthy to be
had in honour than the heroical descriptions of virtue,
goodness, and felicity, whereon so much labour has
been spent.
Wherefore I will divide moral knowledge into two
principal parts ; the one " the Exemplar or Platform
of Good," the other " the Regiment or Culture of the
Mind" which I also call the Gieorgics of the Mind;
the one describing the nature of good, the ' other pre-
scribing rules how to accommodate the will of man
thereunto.
The doctrine touching the platform -or nature of
good, considers good either Simple or Comparative :
either the kinds of good, or the degrees of good ; in
the latter whereof those infinite disputations and spec-
ulations touching the supreme degree thereof, which
they termed "Felicity," "Beatitude," or the "Highest
Good " (which were as the heathen Divinity), are by
the Christian faith removed and discharged. And as
Aristotle says, "That young men may be happy, but
only by hope," 2 so we, instructed by the Christian
faith, must all acknowledge our minority, and content
ourselves with that felicity which rests in hope.
Freed therefore happily, and delivered from this
doctrine of the heathen heaven, whereby they cer-
1 Virg. Georg. iii. 289. : —
How hard the task, alas, full well I know,
With charms of words to grace a theme so low.
a Arist. Nic. Eth. i. 10.
THE SEVENTH BOOK. 195
tainly imagined a higher elevation of man's nature
than it is really capable of (for we see in what height
of style Seneca writes, " It is true greatness to have
the frailty of a man and the security of a god " *), we
may with more sobriety and truth receive the rest of
what they have delivered concerning the doctrine of
the Exemplar ; wherein, for the nature of good Posi-
tive or Simple, they have painted it excellently and to
the life, as in a picture, diligently representing the
forms of virtues and duties, their situations and their
postures, kinds, relations, parts, subjects, provinces,
actions, administrations, and the like ; nay further,
they have commended and insinuated them into man's
nature and spirit with great quickness of argument
and beauty of persuasions ; yea, and fortified and en-
trenched them, as much as discourse can do, against
corrupt and popular opinions. Again, for the nature
of Comparative Good, they have also excellently well
handled it, in their triplicity of good ; in the compar-
ison between a contemplative and active life ; in the
distinction between virtue with reluctation, and virtue
settled and secured ; in their encounters between hon-
esty and profit ; in their balancing of virtue with virtue,
as to which outweighs the other, and the like ; so that
I find that this part is excellently laboured, and that
the ancients have done their work admirably therein,
yet so as the pious and earnest diligence of divines,
which has been employed in weighing and determin-
ing duties, moral virtues, cases of conscience, the
bounds of sin, and the like, has left the philosophers
far behind.
Notwithstanding (to return to the philosophers), if
i Seneca, Epist. 53
196 TRANSLATION OF THE ' DE AUGMENTIS."
before they had come to the popular and received no-
tions of virtue and vice, pleasure and pain, and the
rest, they had stayed a little longer upon the inquiry
concerning the roots of good and evil, and the strings
of those roots ; they had given in my opinion a great
light to those questions which followed ; and especially
if they had consulted with the nature of things, as well
as moral axioms, they had made their doctrines less
prolix, and more profound ; which being by them in
part omitted, and in part handled with much con-
fusion, I will briefly resume ; and endeavour to open
and cleanse the fountains of morality, before I come
to the knowledge of the culture of the mind, which I
set down as deficient. For this will in my opinion rein-
force the doctrine of the exemplar with new strength.
There is formed and imprinted in everything an
appetite toward two natures of good ; the one as every-
thing is a total or substantive in itself, the other as
it is a part or member of a greater body ; whereof
the latter is in degree the greater and the worthier,
because it tends to the conservation of a more general
form. The former of these may be termed " Individ-
ual or Self-good," the latter the " Good of Commun-
ion." Iron in particular sympathy moves to the load-
stone, but yet, if it exceed a certain quantity it for-
sakes its affection to the loadstone, and like a good
patriot moves to the earth, which is the region and
country of its connaturals ; so again, compact and
massy bodies move to the earth, the great collection
of dense bodies ; and yet rather than suffer a divulsion
in nature and create a vacuum, they will move up-
wards from the centre of the earth, forsaking their
duty to the earth in regard to their duty to the world.
THE SEVENTH BOOK. 197
Thus it is ever the case, that the conservation of the
more general form controls and keeps in order the less
er appetites and inclinations. This prerogative of the
communion of good is much more engraven upon man,
if he be not degenerate ; according to that memorable
speech of Pompey, when being in commission of pur
vevance for a famine at Rome, and being dissuaded
with great vehemency and instance by his friends about
him that he should not hazard himself to sea in an ex-
tremity of weather, he said only to them, " It is need-
ful that I go, not that I live ; " l so that the love of
life, which is the predominant feeling in the individual,
did not with him outweigh affection and fidelity to the
commonwealth. But why do I dwell on this point?
for never in any age has there been any philosophy,
sect, religion, law, or other disclipline, which did so
highly exalt the good which is communicative, and de-
press the good which is private and particular, as the
Holy Christian Faith ; well declaring that it was the
same God, who gave the Christian law to men, that
gave also those laws of Nature to inanimate creatures ;
whence we read that some of the elected saints of God
have wished, rather than that their brethren should
not obtain salvation, that they themselves should be
anathematized and erased out of the book of life, in an
ecstasy of charity and infinite feeling of communion.2
This being set down and strongly planted, judges
and determines some of the most important controver-
sies in moral philosophy. For first it decides the ques-
tion touching the preferment of the contemplative or
active life, and decides it against Aristotle. For all
1 Pint, in Pomp. c. 50.
2 St. Paul, Romans, ix. 3. ; and Exod. xxxii. 32.
198 TRANSLATION OF THE " DE AUGMENTIS."
the reasons which he brings for the contemplative re«
spect private good, and the pleasure or dignity of a
man's self; in which respects no question the contem-
plative life has the pre-eminence, being not much
unlike that comparison which Pythagoras made for the
gracing and magnifying of philosophy and contempla-
tion ; who, being asked by Hiero what he' was, an-
swered, " that if Hiero were ever at the Olympian
games, he knew the manner, that some came to try
their fortune for the prizes ; and some came as mer-
chants to utter their commodities ; and some came to
make good cheer, and meet their friends ; and some
came to look on ; and that he was one of them that
came to look on." l But men must know that in this
theatre of man's life it is reserved only for God and
Angels to be lookers on ; neither could the like ques-
tion ever have been raised in the Church (notwith-
standing it has been in the mouths of many, " Right
dear in the sight of the Lord is the death of his
Saints," 2 by which text they used to exalt that civil
death of theirs, and the orders and rules of the life
monastic) ; were it not true withal that the monastical
life is not simply contemplative, but engaged also in
the performance of certain ecclesiastical duties, such
as continual prayer, and votive sacrifices offered to
God, and the leisurely writing of theological books for
advancing the knowledge of the divine law ; as Moses
did, when he abode so long in the Mount. And so
we see, that Enoch, the seventh from Adam, who
seems to have been the first contemplative (for he is
said to have walked with God3), yet also endowed the
1 lamblichus in Vita, and Cic. Tusc. Quaest. v. 3.
* Psalm cxvi. 15. 8 Gen. v. 24.
THE SEVENTH BOOK. 199
Church with a book of prophecy, which St. Jude cites.1
But for mere contemplation which should be finished
in itself without casting beams of heat and light upon
society, assuredly divinity knows it not. It decides
also the question so earnestly argued between the
schools of Zeno and Socrates on the one hand, who
placed felicity in virtue simple or attended, which is
ever chiefly concerned with the duties of life ; and on
the other hand, the numerous other sects, as the Cyre-
naics and Epicureans, who placed it in pleasure, and
made virtue (as it is used in some comedies, wherein
the mistress and the maid change habits) to be but as
a servant, without which pleasure cannot be properly
served and attended ; and the reformed school of the
Epicureans, which pronounced felicity to be nothing
else than the tranquillity and serenity of a mind free
from perturbation (as if they would have deposed Ju-
piter again, and restored Saturn with the Golden Age,
when there was neither summer nor winter, spring nor
autumn, but all after one air and season) ; and lastly,
that exploded school of Pyrrho and Herillus, who
placed felicity in the removal from the mind of all
doubts and scruples, admitting no fixed and consistent
nature of good and evil, but esteeming actions good or
evil, according as they proceed from the mind acting
clearly and regularly, or with reluctance and aversion ;
which opinion was revived in the heresy of the Ana-
baptists, who measured all things according to the no-
tions or instincts of the spirit, and the constancy or
wavering of belief. Now all the points above enumer-
ated manifestly regard private repose and contentment,
and not the good of society.
i Jade, Epist. 14.
200 TRANSLATION OF THE "DE AUGMENTIS."
It censures also the philosophy of Epictetus, who
presupposes that felicity must be placed in those things
which are in our power, lest we be subject to fortune
and disturbance ; as if it were not a thing much more
happy to fail in good and virtuous ends for the public,
than to obtain all that we can wish to ourselves in our
private fortune ; as Gonsalvo, addressing his soldiers
and pointing to Naples, nobly protested, " He had
rather die one foot forwards, than secure a long life
by one foot of retreat." 1 Whereunto agrees the wis-
dom of that heavenly leader, who has affirmed " that a
good conscience is a continual feast,"2 showing plainly
that the conscience of good intentions howsoever fail-
ing in success imparts a joy truer, surer, and more
agreeable to nature, than all the provision which a man
can make either for the satisfying of his desires or for
the repose of his mind.
It censures, like wise that abuse of philosophy which
grew general about the times of Epictetus in convert-
ing it into an occupation or profession, as if the busi-
ness of philosophy had been not to resist and extinguish
perturbations, but to fly and avoid the causes and occa-
sions of them, and to shape a particular kind and course
of life to that end ; introducing such a health of mind,
as was that health of body cultivated by Herodicus, of
whom Aristotle tells us, that he did nothing all his life
' O
long but attend his health, and accordingly abstained
from an infinite variety of things, depriving himself
as it were of the use of his body in the meantime.3
Whereas, if men refer themselves to duties of society,
as that state of body is most to be desired which is best
able to endure and overcome all changes and extremi-
i Guicciard. vi. 2. 2 prov. xv. 15. 8 Rhct. j. 5. 10.
THE SEVENTH BOOK. 201
ties ; so likewise that mind is to be esteemed truly and
properly healthy which can go through the greatest
temptations and perturbations: so that Diogenes's opin-
ion seems excellent, who commended that strength of
mind which enabled a man not to abstain but to sus-
tain, and which could refrain its impetuosity even in
the steepest precipices, and give it the property of a
well broken horse, that of stopping and turning most
quickly and suddenly.
Lastly, it censures also the tenderness and want of
compliance in some of the most ancient and reverend
philosophers, who retired too easily from civil business
that they might avoid indignities and perturbations,
and live (as they thought) more pure and saint-like ;
whereas the resolution of men truly moral ought to
be such as the same Gonsalvo required in a soldier,
"whose honour," he said, " should be of a stouter web,
and not so fine as that everything should catch in it,
and rend it."
CHAP. II.
The Division of Individual, or Self -good, into Active and
Passive Good. — The Division of Passive Good into
Conservative and Perfective Good. — The Division
of the Good of Communion, into General and Respec-
tive Duties.
To resume then, and pursue first private and self
good, we will divide it into Good Active and Good Pas-
sive; for this difference of good, not unlike to that
which, amongst the Romans, was expressed in the
202 TRANSLATION OF THE " DE AUGMENTIS."
familiar or household terms of " Promus " and " Con-
dus," is formed also in all things, and is best disclosed
in the two several appetites in creatures ; the one, to
preserve or continue themselves : and the other, to
multiply and propagate themselves ; whereof the lat-
ter, which is active and as it were the promus, seems
to be the stronger and more worthy ; and the former,
which is passive and as it were the condus, seems to
be inferior. For in the universe, the heavenly nature
is mostly the agent, the earthly nature the patient ; in
the pleasures of living creatures, that of generation is
greater than that of food ; in divine doctrine, " It is
more blessed to give than to receive," 1 and in common
life, there is no man's spirit so soft and effeminate but
esteems the effecting of somewhat that he has fixed in
his desire more than any pleasure or sensuality. And
this pre-eminence of the active good is infinitely raised
by the consideration that the condition of man is mor-
tal, and exposed to the blows of fortune ; for if wo
might have a certainty and perpetuity in our pleasures,
the certainty and continuance of them would advance
their price. But when we see it is but thus with us,
"We count it much to postpone death for awhile;"2
" Boast not thyself of the morrow ; Thou knowest not
what a day may bring forth;"3 it is no wonder that
we earnestly pursue such things as are secured and
exempted from the injuries of time, which are only
our deeds and our works ; as it is said, " Their works
follow them."4 There is also another important pre-
eminence of the active good, produced and upheld by
that affection which is inseparable from human nature ;
i Luke, xiv. 12-14. ; Acts, xx. 35. 2 Seneca, Nat. Qusest ii. 59.
* Prov. xxvii. 1. * Rev. xiv. 13.
THE SEVENTH BOOK. 203
the love of novelty and variety ; which in the pleas-
ures of the sense (which is the principal part of passive
good) is very confined, and can have no great latitude.1
" Only think how often you do the same thing over
and over. Food, Sleep, Play, come round in a per-
petual circle ; a man might wish to die, not only fron
fortitude or misery or wisdom, but merely from disgust
and weariness of life." But in enterprises, pursuits
and purposes of life there is much variety ; whereof
men are sensible with pleasure in their inceptions, pro-
gressions, rests, recoils, reintegrations, approaches, and
attainings to their ends ; so as it was well said, " Life
without a purpose is unsettled and languid."2 And
this befalls as well the wise as the foolish ; as Solomon
says, "A heady man seeks to satisfy his desire, and
intermeddles with everything."3 And we see that
the greatest kings who might have at command every-
thing which can gratify the sense, have yet sometimes
affected mean and frivolous pursuits (as was the pas-
sion of Nero for the harp, of Commodus for gladiatorial
combats, of Antoninus for chariot-driving, and the
like) ; which nevertheless they esteemed more of than
of the whole abundance of sensual pleasures ; so much
pleasanter is it to be doing than to be enjoying.
But here it must be more carefully observed, that
this active individual good has no identity with tho
good of society, though in some case it has an inci-
dence into it : for although it many times produces and
brings forth acts of beneficence (which is a virtue of
communion), yet there is this difference, that these
acts are mostly done not with a view to the benefit
1 Seneca, Ep. 77. 2 Seneca, Ep. 95.
8 Cf. Prov. xviii. 1.
204 TRANSLATION OF THE " DE AUGMENTIS."
and happiness of others, but to a man's own power
and greatness ; as plainly appears when this kind of
active good strikes on a subject contrary to the good
of society. For that gigantean state of mind, which
possesses the troublers of the world (such as was
Lucius Sylla, and infinite others in smaller model,
who are bent on having all men happy or unhappy
as they are their friends or enemies, and would shape
the world according to their own humours, which is
the true Theomachy), this I say aspires to the active
good of the individual (apparent good at least), though
it recedes farthest of all from the good of society.
But Passive good is subdivided into Conservative and
Perfective. For there is impressed on all things a triple
desire or appetite, in respect of self or individual good ;
one of preserving, another of perfecting, and a third
of multiplying and spreading themselves : whereof the
last is that which we have just handled by the name
of " Active good," so that there remain only the two
other goods which we have mentioned ; whereof that
of perfecting is the highest ; for to preserve a thing in
its existing state is the less, to raise the same to a
higher nature is the greater. For in all things there
are some nobler natures to the dignity and excellence
whereof inferior natures aspire as to their sources and
origins. So it was not unfitly said of men " that they
have a fiery vigour and a heavenly origin," 1 for the
assumption or approach of man to the Divine or An-
gelical nature is the perfection of his form ; the false
and preposterous imitation of which perfective good is
the very plague and stormy whirlwind of human life,
1 Virg. &Q. vi. 7. 30.: —
Igneus est ollis vigor et coelestis origo.
THE SEVENTH BOOK. 205
which carries off and destroys everything ; while men
upon the instinct of an advancement formal and essen-
tial are carried by a blind ambition to seek an advance-
ment merely local. For as those who are sick, and
find no remedy, tumble up and down and change
place, as if by a remove local they could obtain a re-
move internal, and get away from themselves and from
the disease that is within them ; so is it in ambition,
when men possessed by a false idea of exalting their
nature obtain nothing else but an eminence and exal-
tation of place.
The good of conservation consists in the reception
and fruition of that which is agreeable to our natures
which, though it seems to be the most pure and nat
ural of pleasures, is yet the softest and the lowest.
And this also receives a difference, which has in part
been weakly judged, in part not examined ; for the
good of fruition, or (as it is commonly termed) pleas-
ure, is placed either in the sincerity of the fruition, or
in the vigour of it ; the one of which is the result
of equality ; the other of variety and vicissitude ; the
one having less mixture of evil, the other a stronger
and more lively impression of good. Which of these
is the greater good, is a question controverted, but
whether man's nature may not be capable of both is
a question not inquired. The former question being
debated in a dispute between Socrates and a sophist,
Socrates placing felicity in an equal and constant peace
of mind, and the sophist in much desiring and much
enjoying, they fell from arguments to ill words ; the
sophist saying that " Socrates's felicity was the felicity
of a block or stone," l and Socrates saying, " that the
1 Plato, Gorgias, p. 494.
206 TRANSLATION OF THE " DE AUGMENTIS."
sophist's felicity was the felicity of one that had the
itch, who did nothing but itch and scratch." Ariel both
these opinions do not want their supports ; for the
opinion of Socrates is much upheld by the general
consent even of the Epicureans, who did not deny that
virtue bears a great part in felicity ; and if so, certain
it is, that virtue has more use in clearing perturbations,
than in compassing desires. But the sophist's opinion
is somewhat favoured by the assertion we last spoke of,
" that good of advancement is greater than good of
simple preservation," because every obtaining a desire
has a show of advancing nature towards perfection ;
which though it be not really the case, yet motion
even in a circle has a show of progression.
But the second question (as to whether a man's na-
ture may not be capable of tranquillity of mind and
vigour of fruition both), decided in the true way,
makes the former superfluous. For do we not often
see some minds so constituted, as to take the greatest
delight in enjoying pleasures when present, and yet
nevertheless little annoyed at the loss and leaving of
them ? so that the philosophical progression ; " Enjoy
not, that you may not desire ; desire not, that you may
not fear ; " is the precaution of cowardice and pusil-
lanimity. And indeed most of the doctrines of the
philosophers seem to me to be more fearful and cau-
tionary than the nature of things requires : thus they
increase the fear of death in offering to cure it ; for
when they would have a man's whole life to be but a
discipline or preparation to die, they must needs make
men think that it is a terrible enemy, against whom
there is no end of preparing. Better says the poet
(for a heathen) : —
THE SEVENTH BOOK. 207
Fortem posce animum mortis terrore carentem
Qui finem vitae extremum inter munera ponat
Nature.1
So have philosophers sought in all things to make
men's minds too uniform and harmonical, not breakincr
* ™
them to contrary motions and extremes ; the reason
whereof I suppose to be, because they themselves were
men dedicated to a private life, free from business and
from the necessity of applying themselves to other
duties. But men should rather imitate the wisdom of
jewellers, who, if there be a grain or a cloud or an
ice in a jewel, which may be ground forth without tak-
ing too much of the stone, they remove it : otherwise
they will not meddle with it. And in like manner
men ought so to procure serenity, as they destroy not
magnanimity. And so much for Individual good.
Having, therefore, discussed self-good (which we also
term "Private" "Particular" and "Individual"
good), let us resume the good of communion, which
respects and beholds society, which we may term
Duty : because the term of duty is more proper to a
mind well framed and disposed towards others, as the
term of virtue is applied to a mind well formed and
composed in itself. This part may seem at first glance
to pertain to science civil and politic, but not if it be
well observed ; for it concerns the regimen and govern-
ment of every man over himself, and not over others.
And as in architecture it is one thing to direct the fram-
ing the posts, beams, and other parts of the building,
and another thing to join and fasten them ; and as in
Give me a soul which can grim death defy,
And count it Nature's privilege to die.
208 TRANSLATION OF THE " DE AUGMENTIS."
mechanics it is one thing to direct how to frame an
instrument or engine, and another to set it on work
and employ it ; so the doctrine of the conjugation of
men in the state or society, differs from that which
teaches them to conform and be well-disposed to the
advantages thereof.
This part of duty is likewise subdivided into two
parts ; whereof the one treats of " the common duty
of every man " as a member of a state ; the other
treats of " the respective or special duties of every
man, in his profession, vocation, rank and character."
The first of these is extant, and well laboiired, as has
been said ; the second likewise I may report as handled
dispersedly, though not digested into an entire body of
science ; not that I object to this manner of dispersed
writing, which on the contrary in this kind of argu-
ment I acknowledge to be best. For who is there
with such clearness or confidence that he can take
upon him to write skilfully and accurately of the proper
and relative duty of every several vocation and place ?
But treatises on matters of this kind which do not
savour of experience, but are only drawn from a gen-
eral scholastic knowledge of the subject, are for the
most part empty and unprofitable. For although some-
times a looker on may see more than a player, and
there be a proverb more arrogant than sound, concern-
ing the censure of the people on the actions of their
superiors, " That the vale best discovers the hill ; " yet
it were much to be wished that only men of most prac-
tice and experience should meddle with such argu-
ments ; for the writing of speculative men on active
matter for the most part seems to men of experience,
as Phormio's arguments of the wars seemed to Han-
THE SEVENTH BOOK 209
nibal, to be but dreams and dotage.1 Only there is
one vice which accompanies those who write on their
own arts and professions, that they cannot refrain from
adorning and magnifying in excess those little Sparta's
of theirs.
In which kind it were inexcusable not to mention
(honoris causa) your Majesty's excellent book touch-
ing the duties of a king, a work richly compounded of
many known and secret treasures of divinity, morality,
and policy, with great aspersion of all other arts, and
being in my opinion one of the most sound and health-
ful writings that I have read ; not distempered in the
heat of invention, nor chilled in the coldness of negli-
gence ; not subject to fits of dizziness, and so falling
into confusion and disorder ; not distracted by digres-
sions, so as to embrace in a discursive narrative things
impertinent to the purpose ; not savouring of perfumes
and paintings, as those do, who attend more to the
pleasure of the reader than the nature of the argu-
ment ; above all, being a book as good in spirit as in
body, since it is both agreeable .to truth, and apt for
action. And it is moreover quite free from that vice
which I have noted above (which, if it were tolerated
in any, certainly it would be so in a king, writing of
the authority of a king), seeing it does not exalt in-
vidiously or above measure the height and summit of
kingly power ; for your Majesty has represented, not a
king of Assyria, or Persia, in the glitter of outward
pride and glory ; but truly a Moses or a David, that is,
shepherds of their people. Neither can I ever forget
the observation so truly worthy of a king, which your
Majesty delivered, in the same sacred spirit of govern-
i Cic. de Orat. lib. ii. 18.
14
210 TRANSLATION OF THE "DE AUGMENTIS."
ment, in deciding a great cause of judicature ; which
was, " That kings ruled by the laws of their kingdoms,
as God did by the laws of Nature, and ought as rarely
to put in use their supreme prerogative, as God does his
power of working miracles." And yet, notwithstand-
ing, in your other book of a free monarchy it well
appears that you no less perceive and understand the
plenitude of the power of a king, and the ultimities
(as the schoolmen say) of regal rights, than the circle
and bounds of his office and duty. Thus have I pre-
sumed to allege this excellent writing of your Majesty,
as a prime or eminent example of treatises concerning
special and respective duties ; wherein I should have
said as much if it had been written by any king a
thousand years since. Nor am I moved with that rule
of manners which is usually laid down, " that one
should not praise in presence ; " provided that the
praise be not beyond the truth, and bestowed unsea-
sonably, or without occasion. Surely Cicero, in that
brilliant oration for Marcellus, was but exhibiting an
excellent picture of Caesar's praises, though he was
speaking before his face. And the like did Pliny the
younger to Trajan.
But to return to our purpose. There belongs fur-
ther to the handling of this part, touching the respec-
tive duties of vocations and professions, a relative or
opposite doctrine touching the frauds, cautions, impos-
tures, and vices of every profession ; for corruptions
and vices are opposed to duties and virtues. And it is
true that these are not altogether passed over, but
there are many treatises and writings in which they
are touched upon at least in passing ; but how ? rather
in a satire, and cynically after the manner of Lucian,
THE SEVENTH BOOK. 211
than seriously and wisely. For men have rather
sought by wit to traduce much that is good or useful
in professions, and expose it to ridicule, than to dis-
cover and sever that which is vicious and corrupt. But
Solomon says well, " A scorner seeks wisdom, and finds
it not, but knowledge offers itself unto him that is
desirous thereof;"1 for he who comes to seek after
knowledge with a mind to scorn and censure will be
sure to find matter enough for his humour, but very
little for his instruction. But the serious handling of
this argument with integrity and sincerity ought, as it
appears to me, to be reckoned among the best fortifica-
tions for honesty and virtue. For as the fable goes of
the basilisk, that if he see you first, you die for it, but
if you see him first, he dies ; so is it with deceits, im-
postures, and evil arts, which, if they be first espied,
they lose their life, but if they prevent, they endanger ;
so that we are much beholden to Machiavelli and other
writers of that class, who openly and unfeignedly de-
clare or describe what men do, and -not what they
ought, to do. For it is not possible to join the wisdom
of the serpent with the innocence of the dove, except
men be perfectly acquainted with the nature of evil
itself ; for without this, virtue is open and unfenced :
nay, a virtuous and honest man can do no good upon
those that are wicked, to correct and reclaim them,
•without first exploring all the depths and recesses of
their malice. For men of corrupted minds presuppose
that honesty grows out of an ignorance or simplicity
of manners, and believing of preachers, schoolmasters,
Docks, moral precepts, common discourses, and opin«
ons ; so as, except they plainly perceive that you kno\v
1 Prov. xiv. 6.
212 TRANSLATION OF THE " DE AUGMENTIS."
as much of their corrupt opinions and depraved prin-
ciples as they do themselves, they despise all honesty
of manners and counsel ; according to the excellent
proverb of Solomon, " The fool receives not the word
of the wise, unless thou speakest the very things that
are in his heart." l But this part, touching respective
cautions and vices, we set down as deficient, and will
call it by the name of " Serious Satire," or the Trea-
tise of the Inner Nature of Things.
Unto this part, touching respective duty, do also ap-
pertain the mutual duties between husband and wife,
parent and child, master and servant ; so likewise the
laws of friendship and gratitude, the civil bonds of com-
panies, colleges, neighbourhood, and the like ; but it
must ever be kept in mind, that they are here handled,
not as they are parts of civil society (for that is re-
ferred to policy), but as to the framing and predispos-
ing of the minds of particular persons towards the pres-
ervation of those bonds of society.
The knowledge concerning good respecting Society
(as well as that which respects Individual good) handles
it not simply alone, but comparatively ; whereunto be-
longs the weighing of duties between person and per-
son, case and case, particular and public, present and
future ; as we see in the stern and severe proceeding of
Lucius Brutus against his own sons, how it was gen-
erally extolled to the sky ; and yet what did another
say of it ? " It was an unhappy deed, whatever pos-
terity might say of it."2
And we see the same in that supper to which Mar-
cus Brutus, Caius Cassius, and others were invited.
1 Prov. xviii. 2.
9 Virg. jEn. vi. 823. : Infelix, utcuraque ferent ea facta minores.
THE SEVENTH BOOK. 213
When to make trial of their opinions touching the
intended murder of Caesar, the question was cunningly
raised, "whether the killing of a tyrant were lawful,"
they were divided in opinion ; some holding that it
was clearly lawful, for servitude was the extreme of
evils ; others, not so, for tyranny was better than a
civil war ; while a third set affirmed, according to the
doctrine of Epicurus, that it was unfit for wise men to
endanger themselves in the cause of fools.1 But there
are a number of like cases of comparative duties ;
amongst which, that is most frequent where the ques-
tion is, whether injustice may be committed in order
to save one's country, or for some great future advan-
tage of that kind ; touching which, Jason of Thessaly
used to say, " Some things must be done unjustly, that
many may be done justly." 2 But the reply is good ;
" Present justice is in your power, for that which is to
come you have no security." Men must pursue things
which are good and just at present, leaving the future
to the Divine Providence. And so much for the
knowledge touching the exemplar and description of
good.
i Plutarch in Brut 2 Plut. Eeip. ger. Princip. 817.
214 TRANSLATION OF THE " DE AUGMENTIS."
CHAP. III.
The Division of the Doctrine concerning the Culture of
the Mind, into the Doctrine concerning the Characters
of the Mind, the Affections, and the Remedies or
Cares. — An Appendix of this same Doctrine, touch-
ing the Congruity between the Crood of the Mind and
the G-ood of the Body.
Now therefore that I have spoken of the fruit of
life (understanding it in a philosophical sense), it re-
mains to speak of the husbandry which belongs there-
to ; without which the former part seems to be no bet-
ter than a fair image or statue, which is beautiful to
contemplate, but is without life and motion ; whereunto
Aristotle eloquently subscribes in these words, " It is
necessary then to speak of virtue, both what it is, and
whence it proceeds, for it were almost useless to know
what virtue is, but to be ignorant of the ways and
means of acquiring it ; therefore we must inquire not
only to what kind virtue belongs, but also how it may
be obtained ; for we wish both to be acquainted with
the thing itself, and to gain possession of it ; wherein
we shall not fully succeed, unless we know both the
whence and the how." l In such express words and
with such iteration does he inculcate this part, although
he does not himself pursue it. This likewise it is
which Cicero bestows on Cato the younger as no ordi-
nary praise ; that he had applied himself to philosophy,
" not for the sake of disputing as most do, but for the
sake of living according to its rules."2 And although
through the negligence of our times, wherein few men
take any care touching the cultivation and disposition
1 Magn. Mor. lib. i. 1. a Pro Muraena, c. 30.
THE SEVENTH BOOK. 215
of the mind, and the framing of their life to any fixed
rule, (as Seneca 1 excellently says, " Everyone takes
thought about the parts of life, no one about the
whole : ") this part may seem superfluous, yet I will
not on that account pass it by untouched, but rathei
conclude with that aphorism of Hippocrates, " That
they who are sick and feel no pain are sick in their
mind ; " 2 they need medicine not only to assuage the
disease, but to awake the sense. And if it be objected
that the cure of men's minds belongs to sacred divinity,
it is most time ; but yet moral philosophy may be ad-
mitted into the train of theology, as a wise servant and
faithful handmaid to be ready at her beck to minister
to her service and requirements. For as the Psalm
says, " That the eyes of the handmaid look perpetually
to the hands of her mistress," 3 and yet no doubt many
things are left to the care and discretion of the hand-
maid; so ought moral philosophy to give a constant
attention to the doctrines of divinity, and be obedient
to them, and yet so as it may yield of itself within its
own limits many sound and profitable directions.
This part therefore, when I recall the excellency
thereof, I cannot but find exceeding strange that it is
not yet reduced to written inquiry. Wherefore seeing
I set it down among the deficients, I will according to
my custom sketch out some of the heads and points
thereof.
First therefore in this, as in all things which are
practical, we ought to cast up our account what is in
our power and what not ; for the one may be dealt
with by way of alteration, but the other by way of
application only. The husbandman cannot command
1 Sen. Ep. 71. 2 Aph. ii. 6. 8 Ps^lm cxxiii. 2.
216 TRANSLATION OF THE " DE AUGMENTIS."
either the nature of the soil or the seasons of the
weather ; no more can the physician either the natural
temper and constitution of the patient, or the variety
of accidents. Now in the culture of the mind and the
cure for its diseases three things are to be considered :
the different characters of dispositions, the affections,
and the remedies ; just as in the treatment of the body
three things are observed ; the complexion or constitu-
tion of the sick man, the disease, and the cure ; but
of these three, only the last is in our power, the two
former are not. Yet the inquiry into things beyond
our power ought to be as careful as into those within
it ; for the exact and distinct knowledge thereof is the
groundwork of the doctrine of remedies, that they may
be more conveniently and successfully applied ; and
we cannot fit a garment, except we first take meas-
ure of the body.
So then the first article of this knowledge is con-
cerned with the different characters of natures and
dispositions. And we are not here speaking of the
common inclinations either to virtues and vices, or to
disorders and passions, but of those which are more
profound and radical. And in truth I cannot some-
times but wonder that this part of knowledge should
for the most part be omitted both in Morality and
Policy, considering it might shed such a ray of light
on both sciences. In the traditions of astrology men's
natures and dispositions are not unaptly distinguished
according to the predominances of the planets ; for
some are naturally formed for contemplation, others
for business, others for war, others for advancement of
fortime, others for love, others for the arts, others for
a varied kind of life ; so among the poets (heroic,
THE SEVENTH BOOK. 217
satiric, tragic, comic) are everywhere interspersed
representations of characters, though generally exag-
gerated and surpassing the truth. And this argument
touching the different characters of dispositions, is one
of those subjects in which the common discourse of
men (as sometimes though very rarely happens) is
wiser than books. But far the best provision and ma-
terial for this treatise is to be gained from the wiser
sort of historians, not only from the commemorations
which they commonly add on recording the deaths of
illustrious persons, but much more from the entire
body of history as often as such a person enters upon
the stage ; for a character so worked into the narrative
gives a better idea of the man, than any formal criti-
cism and review can ; such is that of Africanus and
Cato the Elder in Livy, of Tiberius, and Claudius, and
Nero in Tacitus, of Septimius Severus in Herodian, of
Louis XI., King of France, in Philip de Comines, of
Ferdinand of Spain, the Caesar Maximilian, and the
Popes Leo and Clement in Francesco Guicciardini.
For these writers, having the images of those persons
whom they have selected to describe constantly before
their eyes, hardly ever make mention of any of their
actions without inserting something concerning their
nature. So some of the relations which I have met
with touching the conclaves of the popes, present
good characters of the Cardinals ; as the letters of
ambassadors do likewise of the councillors of princes.
Wherefore out of these materials (which are surely
rich and abundant) let a full and careful treatise be
constructed. Not however that I would have these
characters presented in ethics (as we find them in
history or poetry or even in common discourse), in
218 TRANSLATION OF THE " DE AUGMENTIS."
the shape of complete individual portraits, but rather
the several features and simple lineaments of which
they are composed, and by the various combinations
and arrangements of which all characters whatever
are made up, showing how many, and of what nature
these are, and how connected and subordinate one to
another ; that so we may have a scientific and accurate
dissection of minds and characters, and the secret dis-
positions of particular men may be revealed ; and that
from the knowledge thereof better rules may be framed
for the treatment of the mind.
And not only should the characters of dispositions
which are impressed by nature be received into this
treatise, but those also which are imposed on the mind
by sex, by age, by region, by health and sickness, by
beauty and deformity, and the like ; arid again, those
which are caused by fortune, as sovereignty, nobility,
obscure birth, riches, want, magistracy, privateness,
prosperity, adversity, and the like. For we see that
Plautus makes it a wonder to see an old man benef-
icent, " His beneficence is that of a young man." l
St. Paul advising that severity of discipline should be
used towards the Cretans (" Reproach them severe-
ly "), accuses the disposition of their country ; citing
the poet's censure, " the Cretans are always liars, evil
beasts, slow bellies." 2 Sallust notes that it is usual
with kings to desire contradictories, " the desires of
kings, as they are violent, so ai'e they generally change-
able and often contrary to themselves."3 Tacitus ob-
serves that honours and fortune more often alter men's
dispositions to the worse than to the better ; " Ves-
i Mil. Glor. iii. 1. 40. 2 Ep. Tit. i. 12.
8 In Jugurth. c. 113.
THE SEVENTH BOOK. 219
pasian alone was changed for the better." l Pindar
makes the observation that great and sudden good
fortune for the most part defeats and enervates men's
minds. " There be, that are not able to digest great
prosperity."2 The Psalm shows it is more easy to
keep a measure in the enjoying of fortune, than in the
increase thereof, "If riches increase, set not your
heart upon them." 3 These observations and the like
I deny not but are touched a little by Aristotle in his
Rhetoric, and here and there in some other men's
writings, but they have never been incorporated into
moral philosophy, to which they principally appertain ;
no less than the knowledge of the diversity of grounds
and moulds does to agriculture, and the knowledge of
the diversity of complexions and constitutions does to
medicine. It should be done however now, except we
mean to follow the indiscretion of empirics, who minis-
ter the same medicines to all patients of every con-
stitution.
Next in order is the knowledge touching the affections
and perturbations, which are, as I have said, the dis-
eases of the mind. For as the ancient politicians in
popular states were wont to compare the people to the
sea, and the orators to the winds ; because as the sea
would of itself be calm and quiet, if the winds did not
move and trouble it ; so the people would be peaceable
and tractable if the seditious orators did not set them
in working and agitation : 4 so it may be fitly said, that
the mind in its own nature would be temperate and
staid ; if the affections, as winds, did not put it into
tumult and perturbation. And here again I find it
1 Tac. Hist. i. 50. « Psalm Ixii. 10.
2 Cf. Find. Olymp. i. 88. * Cicero Pro Cluent. c. 49.
220 TRANSLATION OF THE " DE AUGMENTIS."
strange, that Aristotle should have written divers vol-
umes of ethics, and never handled the affections, as a
principal portion thereof; yet in his Rhetoric, where
they are considered but collaterally and in a second
degree (as they may be moved and excited by
speech), he finds a place for them, and handles them
acutely and well, for the quantity thereof. For it
is not his disputations about pleasure and pain that
can satisfy this inquiry : no more than he who should
generally handle the nature of light can be said to
handle the nature of particular colours ; for pleasure
and pain are to the particular affections, as light is to
particular colours. Better . pains, I suppose, had the
Stoics taken in this argument, as far as I can gather by
that which remains of them ; but yet I conceive it was
rather in subtlety of definitions than in any full and
ample description. So likewise I find some particular
writings of an elegant nature, touching some of the
affections, as of anger, of tenderness of countenance,
and some few others. But to speak the real truth, the
poets and writers of history are the best doctors of this
knowledge, where we may find painted forth with
great life and dissected, how affections are kindled and
excited, and how pacified and restrained, and how
again contained from act and further degree ; how they
disclose themselves, though repressed and concealed ;
how they work ; how they vary ; how they are en-
wrapped one within another ; how they fight and en-
counter one with another ; and many other particular-
ities of this kind ; amongst which this last is of special
use in moral and civil matters ; how, I say, to set affec-
tion against affection, and to use the aid of one to mas-
ter another ; like hunters and fowlers who use to hunt
THE SEVENTH BOOK. 221
beast with beast, and catch bird with bird, which other-
wise perhaps without their aid man of himself could
not so easily contrive ; upon which foundation is erected
that excellent and general use in civil government of
reward and punishment, whereon commonwealths lean ;
seeing those predominant affections of fear and hope
suppress and bridle all the rest. For as in the govern-
ment of states it is sometimes necessary to bridle one
faction with another, so it is in the internal government
of the mind.
I now come to those points which are within our
own command, and have operation on the mind to
affect and influence the will and appetite, and so have
great power in altering manners ; wherein philosophers
ought carefully and actively to have inquired of the
strength and energy of custom, exercise, habit, educa-
tion, imitation, emulation, company, friendship, praise,
reproof, exhortation, fame, laws, books, studies, and
the like. For these are the things that rule in morals ;
these the agents by which the mind is affected and dis-
posed ; and the ingredients of which are compounded
the medicines to preserve or recover the health of the
mind, as far as it can be done by human remedies ;
of which number I will select some one or two, upon
which to insist, as patterns of the rest. I will there-
fore make a few observations on Custom and Habit.
The opinion of Aristotle seems to me to savour of
negligence and narrowness of contemplation, when he
asserts that custom has no power over those actions
which are natural ; using for example, " that if a stone
be thrown up a thousand times, it will not learn to
ascend of itself; and that by often seeing or hearing
we do not learn to see or hear the better." 1 For
i Nic. Eth. ii. 1.
222 TRANSLATION OF THE " DE AUGMENTIS."
though this principle be true in some things, wherein
nature is peremptory (the reasons whereof we have
not now leisure to discuss), yet it is otherwise in things
wherein nature admits, within certain limits, intension
and remission. For he might see that a tight glove
will come on more easily with use ; that a wand by use
and continuance will be bent contrary to its natural
growth, and after a while will continue in the same
position ; that by use of the voice it becomes stronger
and louder ; that by custom we can better bear heat
and cold, and the like ; which two latter examples have
a nearer resemblance to the subject, than those in-
stances which he alleges. But however it be, the more
true it is that virtues and vices consist in habit, he
ought so much the more to have taught the rules for
acquiring or removing that habit ; for there may be
many precepts for the wise ordering of the exercises
of the mind, as well as of the body ; whereof I will
recite a few.
The first shall be, that we beware we take not at
the first either a greater or a smaller task than the
case requires. For if too great a burden be imposed,
in a diffident nature you discourage ; in a confident
nature you breed an opinion, whereby a man promises
to himself more than he is able to perform, which pro-
duces sloth ; and in both these natures the trial will
fail to satisfy the expectation, a thing which ever dis-
courages and confounds the mind. But if the tasks
be too weak, progress will be much retarded.
The second precept shall be, that to practise any
faculty by which a habit may be acquired, two several
times should be observed ; the one, when the mind is
oest disposed, the other when it is worst disposed ; that
THE SEVENTH BOOK. 223
by the one, you may gain a great step, by the other,
you may through strenuous exertion work out the
knots and obstacles of the mind, and so make the
middle times the more easy and pleasant.
The third precept shall be that which Aristotle men-
tions by the way. " To bear ever with all our strength,
so it be without vice, towards the contrary extreme of
that whereunto we are by nature inclined;"1 as when
we row against the stream, or straighten a wand by
bending it contrary to its natural crookedness.
The fourth precept depends on that axiom, which is
most true ; that the mind is brought to anything with
more sweetness and happiness, if that whereunto you
pretend be not first in the intention, but be obtained
as it were by the way while you are attending to some-
thing else ; because of the natural hatred of the mind
against necessity and constraint. Many other useful
precepts there are, touching the regulation of custom ;
for custom wisely and skilfully conducted proves in-
deed, according to the saying, a second nature ; but
governed unskilfully and by chance it will be but an
ape of nature, imitating nothing to the life, but bring-
ing forth only that which is lame and counterfeit.
So, if we should handle books and studies and what
influence and operation they should have upon man-
ners, are there not divers precepts and directions of
great profit appertaining thereunto ? Did not one of
the fathers,2 in great indignation call poesy " the wine
of demons," because it engenders temptations, desires,
and vain opinions ? Is not the opinion of Aristotle
very wise and worthy to be regarded, " that young
1 Xic. Eth. ii. 9.
2 St. Augustine. Cf. Agrippa de Incert. c. 4.
224 TRANSLATION OF THE " DE AUGMENTIS."
men are no fit auditors of moral philosophy,"1 because
the boiling heat of their affections is not yet settled,
nor tempered with time and experience ? And to say
the truth, does it not hereof come that those excellent
books and discourses of the ancient writers (whereby
they have persuaded unto virtue most effectually by
representing her in state and majesty, and popular
opinions against virtue as clad in parasites' cloaks, fit
to be scorned and derided) are of so little effect towards
honesty of life and amendment of evil manners, be-
cause they are not read and revolved by men in their
mature and settled years, but confined almost to boys
and beginners. But is it not true also that much less
are young men fit auditors of matters of policy, till
they have been thoroughly seasoned in religion, mo-
rality, and duty, lest their judgments be corrupted
and made apt to think that there are no true and real
differences of things ; but all things are to be meas-
ured by utility and fortune ; as the poet says : —
Prosperum et felix scelus virtus vocatur;2
and again,
Ille crucem pretium sceleris tulit, hie diadema;8
which the poets speak satirically and in indignation,
but some books of policy speak seriously and posi-
tively. For so it pleases Machiavelli4 to say, " That
if Caesar had been overthrown, he would have been
1 Nic. Eth. i. 1.
2 Senec. Here. Fur. 251. : —
Successful guilt will borrow virtue's name.
* Juv. xiii. 105. : —
Success is all ; and for the self-same thing,
One dies a felon, the other lives a king.
* Mach. Discorsi, i. 10.
THE SEVENTH BOOK. 225
more odious than ever was Catiline ; " as if there had
been no difference but in fortune alone between a very
fury of lust and blood, and the most excellent spirit
(his ambition reserved) of the unconverted world.
And how necessary it is for men to be fully imbued
with pious and moral knowledge before they take any
part in politics we see from this ; that they who are
brought up from their infancy in the courts of kings and
affairs of state scarce ever attain to a deep and sincere
honesty of manners ; how much less chance have they
then, if to this be added the like discipline in books?
Again, is there not a caution likewise to be given of
the doctrines of moralities themselves, at least some
kinds of them, lest they make men too precise, arro-
gant, and incompatible ? as Cicero says of Marcus
Cato, " The divine and noble qualities we see in him,
be sure are his own ; the defects which we sometimes
find, proceed not from his nature, but from his instruc-
tors."1 Many other axioms there are touching those
properties which studies and books infuse into men's
minds ; for the saying is true, " that studies pass into
manners,"2 as may likewise be said of all those other
points, of company, fame, laws, and the rest, which I
a little before recited.
But there is a kind of culture of the mind, which
seems yet more accurate and elaborate than the rest,
and is built upon this ground; that the minds of all
men are at some times in a state more perfect, and at
other times in a state more depraved. The purpose
therefore and intention of this practice is to cherish the
good hours of the mind, and to obliterate and take
forth the evil out of the calendar. The fixing of the
1 Cic. Pro Mursena, c. 29. 2 Ovid. Epist. xv. 83.
VOL. IX. 15
226 TRANSLATION OF THE " DE ADGMENTIS."
good has been practised by two means ; vows or con-
stant resolutions of the mind, and observances or exer-
cises, which are not to be regarded so much in them-
selves, as because they keep the mind in continual duty
and obedience. The obliteration of the evil can like-
wise be practised by two means ; some kind of redemp-
tion or expiation of that which is past, and an inception
or new account of life for the time to come. But this
part seems clearly to belong to religion, and justly so ;
for all true and sincere moral philosophy, as was said
before, is but a handmaid to religion.
Wherefore I will conclude this part of the culture
of the mind with that remedy, which is of all other
means the most compendious and summary ; and again
the most noble and effectual to the reducing of the
mind unto virtue, and placing it in the state nearest
to perfection ; which is, the electing and propounding
unto a man's self good and virtuous ends of his life and
actions ; such as may be in a reasonable sort ivithin his
compass to attain. For if these two things be supposed,
that a man set before him honest and good ends, and
again that his mind be resolute and constant to pursue
and obtain them, it will follow that his mind shall ad-
dress and mould itself to all virtues at once. And this
indeed is like the work of Nature ; whereas the other
courses I have mentioned are like the work of the
hand. For as when a carver makes an image, he
shapes only that part whereon he works, and not the
rest (as if he be upon the face, that part which shall
be the body is but a rude and unshaped stone still, till
such time as he comes to it) ; but contrariwise, when
Nature makes a flower or living creature, she forms
and produces rudiments of all the parts at one time ;
THE SEVENTH BOOK. 227
so in obtaining virtue by habit, while we practise tem-
• perance, we do not advance much in fortitude, nor the
like ; but when we dedicate and apply ourselves en-
tirely to good and honest ends, what virtue soever the
pursuit and passage towards those ends suggests and
enjoins, we shall find ourselves invested with a prece-
dent disposition and propensity to conform thereto.
And this is the state of mind excellently described b}
Aristotle, and distinguished by him as having a char-
acter not of virtue but of divinity ; his words are these :
*' To brutality we may not unaptly oppose that heroic
or divine virtue which is above humanity;"1 and a
little after, " For as beasts are incapable of virtue or
vice, so likewise is the Deity ; for this latter state is
something higher than virtue, as the former is some-
what other than vice." Again, Pliny the younger
using the license of heathen grandiloquence sets forth
the virtue of Trajan, not as an imitation, but rather as
a pattern of the divine, where he says, " That men
needed not to make any other prayers to the gods, but
that they would show themselves as good and kind
lords to them, as Trajan had been."2 But these be
heathen and profane passages, which grasp at shadows
greater than the substance ; but the true religion and
holy Christian faith lays hold of the reality itself, by
imprinting upon men's souls, Charity, which is excel-
lently called "the bond of Perfection,"3 because it
comprehends and fastens all virtues together. And it
is elegantly said by Menander4 of sensual love (which
is but a false imitation of divine love), " That love is
a better teacher for human life than a left-handed soph-
l Nic. Eth. vii. 1. 2 Pliny, Paneg. 1. c. 74.
* Coloss. iii. 14. 4 Anaxandrides, not Menander.
228 TRANSLATION OF THE " DE AUGMENTIS."
ist," whereby he means that comeliness of manner is
better taught by love than by a clumsy preceptor or
sophist, whom he calls left-handed; because, with all
his laborious rules and precepts he cannot form a man
so dexterously, nor with that facility to prize and gov-
ern himself in all things, as love can do. So certainly
if a man's mind be truly inflamed with charity, it
raises him to greater perfection than all the doctrines
of morality can do ; which is but a sophist in compari-
son of the other. Nay further, as Xenophon truly ob-
served, " that all other affections though they raise the
mind, yet they distort and disorder it by their ecstasies
and excesses, but only love at the same time exalts and
composes it;"1 so all the other qualities which we ad-
mire in man, though they advance nature, are yet sub-
ject to excess ; whereas Charity alone admits of no
excess. The Angels aspiring to be like God in power,
transgressed and fell : " I will ascend, and be like unto
the most High."2 Man aspiring to be like God in
knowledge, transgressed and fell : " Ye shall be as
gods, knowing good and evil;"3 but by aspiring to a
similitude of God in goodness or love, neither angel or
man ever transgressed or shall transgress ; for unto
that imitation we are called, " Love your enemies,
bless them which hate you, and pray for them that
despitefully use you and persecute you, that ye may
be children of your Father who is in heaven, who
makes his sun to rise on the evil and the good, and
sends his rain on the just and the unjust."4 So in the
first platform of the divine nature itself, the heathen
religion speaks thus, " Optimus Maximus," but the
1 Xenoph. Sympos. 2 Isaiah, xiv. 14.
» Gen. iii. 5. * St. Matt. y. 44.
THE SEVENTH BOOK. 229
sacred Scriptures thus, " His mercy is over all His
works."1
Here then I conclude this part of moral knowledge
concerning the Georgics of the mind, wherein if any
man, from viewing the parts thereof which I have
enumerated, judge that my labour is but to collect into
an art or science that which has been omitted by other
writers as matter of common sense and experience, and
sufficiently clear and self-evident, he is welcome to his
opinion ; but in the meanwhile let him remember that
I am in pursuit, as I said at first, not of beauty but of
utility and truth : and let him withal call to mind the
ancient parable of the two gates of sleep : —
Sunt geminae Somni portae, quarum altera fertur
Cornea, qua veris facilis datur exitus umbris;
Altera candenti perfecta nitens elephanto,
Sed falsa ad coelum mittunt insomnia Manes.2
Great no doubt is the magnificence of the ivory gate,
but the true dreams pass through the gate of horn.
To these observations concerning moral philosophy
may be added, That there seems to be a relation or con-
formity between the good of the mind and the good of the
body. For as I said that the good of the body consisted
of health, beauty, strength, and pleasure ; so the good
of the mind considered according to the precepts of
moral knowledge tends to this; to make the mind
sound and without perturbation ; beautiful and graced
with decency ; and strong and agile for all the duties
1 Psalm cxlv. 9.
* Virg. jEn. vi. 894.: —
Two gates the entrance of Sleep's house adorn
Of ivory one, the other simple horn ;
Through horn a crowd of real visions streams,
Through ivory portals pass delusive dreams.
280 TRANSLATION OF THE " DE AUGMENTIS."
of life ; lastly, not stupid, but retaining a lively sense
of pleasure and comfort in an honest way. These
three as in the body so in the mind seldom all meet
together. For it is easy to observe that many have
strength of wit and courage, who are yet disordered
by perturbations and have little beauty and decency in
their manners ; some again have an elegance and fine-
ness of carriage, who have neither honesty of will nor
strength for action ; and some again have honest and
reformed minds, who can neither become themselves
nor manage business : while others, though perhaps
endowed with all these three, yet from a Stoical se-
verity and insensibility have no pleasure in the virtu-
ous actions which they practise. But though it hap-
pen that of these four two or three of them sometimes
meet, yet the meeting of them all is, as I have said,
very rare. I have now handled that general part of
human philosophy which contemplates man as he con-
sists of body and spirit, but segregate and apart from
society.
or
THE ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING.
BOOK VIII.
CHAPTER I.
The Division of Civil Knowledge into the Doctrine con-
cerning Conversation, Negotiation, and Empire or
State Government.
THERE is an old story, most excellent king, that
many philosophers being met together in the presence
of the ambassador of a foreign prince, each endeavour-
ing to give a sample of his wisdom, that the ambas-
sador might be able to make a report of the wonderful
wisdom of Greece ; one of them remained silent and
propounded nothing ; insomuch that the ambassador
turning to him, said, " What have you to say for me to
report?" To whom he answered, "Tell your king
that you have found a man in Greece, who knew how
to hold his tongue."1 And in truth, in this synopsis
of the arts I have forgotten to mention the art of
silence, which (since it is commonly deficient) I will
now teach by my own example. For since the course
of the argument has now brought me down to that
1 This story is told of Zeno. See Pint, de Garrulitate, and Diog. Laert
Vii 24.
232 TRANSLATION OF THE " DE AUGMENTIS."
point, that I should presently handle the art of gov-
ernment ; and since I am writing to so great a king
who is such a master in that art, wherein he has been
trained from his cradle ; and since I cannot altogether
* O
forget what position I have held under your majesty ;
I thought that I should better approve myself by silence
on such a matter before your majesty, than by speech.
Cicero indeed makes mention not only of an art, but
of a kind of eloquence in silence ; for in one of his
letters to Atticus, after relating a conversation be-
tween himself and another person on both sides of a
subject, he writes, " Here I borrowed part of your
eloquence, for I held my tongue."1 Pindar again
(whose peculiar gift it was to surprise men's minds
with some striking expression, as with a magic rod),
utters some such saying as this, " Silence sometimes
says more than speech."2 Wherefore in this part I
have determined to be silent, or to be very brief, which
is next thing to silence ; but before I come to the arts
of government, I must first make some observations
touching the other parts of civil knowledge.
Civil knowledge is conversant about a subject, which
of all others is most immersed in matter, and with most
difficulty reduced to axioms. Nevertheless there are
some circumstances to relieve this difficulty ; for first,
as Cato the Censor used to say of the Romans, " that
they were like sheep, for that a man might better drive
a flock of them, than one of them ; for in a flock, if
you could but get some few of them to go right, the
rest would follow;"3 so in that respect the duty of
moral philosophy is more difficult than that of policy.
Secondly, moral philosophy propounds to itself to im-
l Cic. Ep. ad Attic, xii. 42. 2 pjnd. Nem. v. 32. » Plut. in Cato c. 8.
THE EIGHTH BOOK. 233
hue and endow the mind with internal goodness ; but
civil knowledge requires only an external goodness,
for that suffices for society. And therefore it often
comes to pass that there be evil times in good govern-
ments; as in the sacred history we find it said more
than once in speaking of good and pious kings, " How-
beit the people had not yet directed their heart aright
to the Lord God of their Fathers;"1 wherefore in this
respect also the office of moral philosophy is more diffi-
cult. Thirdly, states as great engines are moved slowly
and not without great efforts, whence they are not so
soon put out of frame ; for as in Egypt the seven good
years sustained the seven bad, so in states the good
government of previous years prevents the errors of
succeeding times from causing immediate ruin ; but
the resolutions and morality of particular persons are
more suddenly subverted. And this makes moral
knowledge more difficult, but civil knowledge more
easy.
Civil knowledge has three parts, according to the
three summary actions of Society ; the knowledge of
conversation, the knowledge of negotiation, and the knowl-
edge of empire or government. For there are three kinds
of good which men seek in society, comfort against sol-
itude, assistance in business, and protection against in-
juries ; and they are three wisdoms of divers natures^
which are often separate ; wisdom of behaviour, wis
dom of business, and wisdom of state.
The wisdom of conversation ought certainly not to
be overmuch affected, but much less despised ; for a
wise management thereof has not only a grace and
honour in itself, but an important influence in business
l 2 Chron. xx. 33.
234 TRANSLATION OF THE " DE AUGMENTIS."
and government. For as action in an orator, though
an external quality, is held of such account as even to
be preferred to those other parts which appear more
important and internal ; so in a man of business con-
versation and the management thereof, though em-
O ' O
ployed on external objects, finds, if not the highest,
yet at all events an eminent place. For look what
an effect is produced by the countenance and the car-
riage of it. Well says the poet,
Nee vultu destrue verba tuo.1
For a man may destroy and betray the force of his
words by his countenance ; nay, and the effect of his
deeds also, if we believe Cicero ; who in recommend-
ing to his brother affability towards the provincials,
said that it did not so much consist in affording them
easy access, as in receiving them with a courteous and
open countenance. " It is nothing to have your door
open, if your countenance be shut." 2 So we see At-
ticus before the first interview between Csesar and
Cicero, the war still depending, carefully and seriously
advised Cicero touching the composing and ordering
of his countenance and gesture.3 And if the govern-
ment of the face and countenance alone be of such
effect ; much more is that of the speech and other car-
riage appertaining to conversation. Indeed all grace
and dignity of behaviour may be summed up in the
even balancing of our own dignity and that of others,
as has been well expressed by Livy, (though not meant
for this purpose) in that description which he gives
of personal character. " Lest I should appear (says
l Ovid, De Art. Am. ii. 312. : —
. Let not your looks your words betray.
« De Petit. Cons. 8 Cic. Ep. ad Att. ix. 12.
THE EIGHTH BOOK. 235
he) either arrogant or servile, whereof the one were
to forget the liberty of others, the other to forget my
own." 1 On the other side, if behaviour and outward
carriage be intended too much, it may pass into a de-
formed and spurious affectation. " And then, what i?
more uncomely than to bring the manners of the stage
into the business of life ? " Arid even if it proceed
not to that faulty extreme, yet too much time is con-
sumed in these frivolous matters, and the mind is em-
ployed more than is right in the care of them. And
therefore as in the universities preceptors use to ad-
vise young students from too much company keeping,
by saying, " Friends are the thieves of time ; " so
certainly the constant attention of the mind to the
discretion of the behaviour is a great thief of more
serious meditation. Again such as are accomplished
in urbanity, and seem as formed by nature for that
alone, generally find satisfaction enough therein, and
seldom aspire to higher and more solid virtue ; whereas
those who are conscious of a defect in this point seek
comeliness by reputation ; for where reputation is,
there almost everything is becoming ; but where that
is not, it must be supplied by manners and behaviour.
Again there is no greater nor more common impedi-
ment of action than an overcurious observance of ex-
ternal decency, and the attendant of decency, which
is an anxious watching of Time and Season. For as
Solomon well observes, " He that regards the winds
does not sow, and he that regards the clouds does not
reap : " 2 a man must make his opportunity as oft as
find it. To conclude, this behaviour is as the garment
of the mind, and ought to have the conditions of a
1 Livy, xxiii. 12. 2 Eccles. xi. 4.
236 TRANSLATION OF THE "DE AUGMENTIS."
garment. For first, it ought to be made in fashion ;
secondly, it should not be too curious or costly ; thirdly,
it ought to be so framed, as to best set forth any virtue
of the mind, and supply and hide any deformity ; lastly,
and above all, it ought not be too strait, so as to con-
fine the mind and interfere with its freedom in busi-
ness and action. But this part of civil knowledge
touching conversation has been elegantly handled, and
therefore I cannot report it for deficient.
CHAP. II.
The Division of the Doctrine concerning Negotiation into
the Doctrine concerning Scattered Occasions and the
Doctrine concerning Advancement in Life. — Ex-
ample of the Doctrine concerning Scattered Occasions
from some of the Proverbs of Solomon. — Precepts
concerning Advancement in Life.
THE Doctrine concerning Negotiation is divided
into the Doctrine concerning Scattered Occasions, and the
Doctrine concerning Advancement in Life ; whereof the
one comprises all variety of business, and is as it were
the secretary for the whole department of life ; the
other merely selects and suggests such things as relate
to the improvement of a man's own fortune, and may
serve each man for a private notebook or register of
his own affairs. But before I descend to the species,
I will make some preparatory remarks touching the
doctrine concerning negotiation in general. The sci-
ence of negotiation has not hitherto been handled in
proportion to the importance of the subject, to the great
THE EIGHTH BOOK. 237
derogation of learning and the professors thereof. For
from this root springs chiefly that evil, with which the
learned have been branded ; " TJiat there is no great
concurrence between learning and practical wisdom"
For if it be rightly observed, of the three wisdoms
which we have set down to pertain to civil life, the
wisdom of behaviour is by learned men for the most
part despised, as a thing servile, and moreover an
enemy to meditation. For wisdom of government, it
is true that as often as learned men are called to the
helm, they acquit themselves well, but that happens to
few. But for the wisdom of business (of which I am
now speaking), wherein man's life is most conversant,
there are no books at all written of it, except some few
civil advertisements collected in one or two little vol-
umes, which have no proportion to the magnitude of
the subject. For if books were written of this as of
the other, I doubt not but learned men with but little
experience would far excel men of long experience
without learning, and outshoot them (as they say) in
their own bow.
Neither is there any reason to fear that the matter
of this knowledge should be so variable that it falls not
under precept ; for it is much less infinite than that
science of government, which notwithstanding we see
is excellently laboured and reduced. Of this kind of
tvisdom it seems some of the ancient Romans in the
best times were professors : for Cicero reports that a
little before his age senators who had most name and
opinion for wisdom and practice in affairs (as Corun-
canius, Curius, Lselius, and many others) used to walk
at certain hours in the Forum, where they might give
audience to their fellow-citizens, who would consult
238 TRANSLATION OF THE " DE AUGMENTIS."
with them not merely on subjects of law but on all
sorts of business ; as on the marriage of a daughter,
the education of a son, the purchase of a farm, a con-
tract, accusation, defence, and every other occasion
incident to man's life.1 Whence it appears that there
is a wisdom of counsel and advice even in private
causes, arising out of a universal insight and experience
of the affairs of the world ; which is used indeed upon
particular causes, but is gathered by general observa-
tion of causes of like nature. For so we see in that
book which Cicero wrote to his brother, " on Canvass-
ing for the Consulship " 2 (being the only book of par-
ticular business that I know written by the ancients),
although it especially concerned an action then on foot,
yet it contained many politic axioms which prescribe
not only a temporary but a perpetual direction in the
case of popular elections. But of this kind there is
nothing any way comparable to those Aphorisms com-
posed by Solomon the King, of whom the Scriptures
testify, " that his heart was as the sands of the sea ; " 3
for as the sands of the sea encompass all the coasts of
the earth, so did his wisdom embrace all things human
as well as divine. But in these Aphorisms, besides
those of a theological character, there are not a few
excellent civil precepts and cautions, springing from
the inmost recesses of wisdom and extending to much
variety of occasions. Wherefore seeing I set down this
knowledge of scattered occasions (which is the first part
of the knowledge touching negotiation) among the defi-
cients, I will stay awhile upon it according to my cus-
tom, and offer to consideration an example of the same,
taken from the Aphorisms or Proverbs of Solomon,
i Cicero, De Orat iii. 33 * De Petit. Consulatus. « 1 Kings, iv. 29.
THE EIGHTH BOOK. 239
Nor in my opinion can I be with reason blamed for
seeking a politic meaning in one of the Sacred writers ;
for if those commentaries were extant which this same
Solomon wrote touching the nature of things, (wherein
he treated of every vegetable, from the moss upon the
wall to the cedar of Lebanon, and likewise of all ani-
mals),1 it would surely be lawful to interpret them in
a natural sense ; and therefore we may here use the
same liberty in matters political.
An Example of a portion of the doctrine concerning scat-
tered occasions, taken from some of the Proverbs of
Solomon.
PROVERB.
(1.) A soft answer turneth away wrath.2
Explanation.
If the anger of a prince or a superior be kindled
against you, and it is your turn to speak, Solomon
gives two directions : first, " that an answer be made,"
and secondly, "that it be soft;" the former whereof
contains three precepts. First, to beware of a sullen
and obstinate silence, which either takes the fault en-
tirely on yourself, as if you had no answer to make ;
or secretly impugns your superior of injustice, insinuat-
ing that his ears are not open to a defence, though a
just one. Secondly, to beware of postponing the mat-
ter and demanding another time for defence ; which
either conveys the same impression as the preceding
one, that your superior is carried away by too great
an excitement of temper ; or plainly intimates that
having no answer ready you are meditating a false and
1 1 Kings, iv. 33. 2 Prov. xv. 1.
24:0 TRANSLATION OF THE " DE AUGMENTIS."
artificial defence. Wherefore it will ever be the best
course to bring forward something in excuse directly
as the occasion arises. Thirdly, that an answer at all
events be made ; not a simple confession or submission,
but with a mixture of defence and excuse ; for a dif-
ferent course is unsafe, except with very generous and
noble characters, which are extremely rare. It follows
in the other precept, that the answer be soft, not harsh
or rough.
PROVERB.
(2.) A wise servant shall have rule over a foolish
soi,, and shall have part of the inheritance among the
brethren.1
Explanation.
In all disordered and discordant families there is
ever some servant or humble friend of great influence,
who acts as arbiter and settles their disputes, and to
whom on that account both the whole family and the
master himself are subject. Such a man, if he is pur-
suing his own interest, foments and aggravates the
family feuds ; but if he is truly faithful and upright he
deserves a great reward ; even to be counted as one of
the brothers, or at least to have the direction of the
inheritance in trust.
PROVERB.
(3.) If a wise man contend with a fool, whether he
rage or laugh, he shall find no rest.2
Explanation.
We are often advised to avoid an unequal contest,
meaning that we should not contend with those that
1 Prov. xvii. 2. 2 Prov. xxix. 9.
THE EIGHTH BOOK. 241
are too strong for us. But the advice here given by
Solomon is no less useful, " Not to contend with one
that is unworthy ; " for herein the chances are alto-
gether unequal ; seeing it is no victory to conquer, and
a great disgrace to be conquered. And it makes no
difference in this kind of contest, whether we take
it in jest, or in scorn and contempt ; for, whichever
way we turn, we must lose in dignity and can no
ways quit ourselves well of it. But the worst of all
is if, as Solomon says, our adversary has somewhat of
the fool in him, that is, if he be bold and presump-
tuous.
PROVERB.
(4.) Lend not thine ear to all words that are spo-
ken, lest thou hear thy servant curse thee.1
Explanation.
It is scarcely credible what confusion is created in
life by a useless curiosity about the things which con-
cern us ; that is, when we set to work to inquire into
those secrets which when discovered produce uneasi-
ness of mind, but are of no use to forward our designs.
For first there ensues vexation and disquiet of mind,
seeing all things human are full of treachery and in-
gratitude. And therefore if we could obtain a magic
glass wherein we might view all the enmities and all
ihe hostile designs that are at work against us, it
were better for us to throw it down at once and
bi'eak it to pieces ; for these matters are but as the
rustling of leaves, and have short duration. Sec-
ondly, this curiosity overcharges the mind with sus-
picio^s, a thing which ruins counsels, and renders
i Eccles. vii. 21.
VOL. IX. 16
242 TRANSLATION OF THE " DE AUGMENTIS."
them inconstant and perplexed. Thirdly, it often
renders permanent those very evils which would other-
wise blow over ; for it is a dangerous thing to alarm
the consciences of men ; who, if they imagine them-
selves undetected, may come to a better mind ; but if
they perceive that they are discovered, they repel mis-
chief with mischief. Rightly therefore was it consid-
ered great wisdom in Pompey that he burned all Ser-
torius's papers unperused either by himself or others.1
PROVERB.
(5.) Poverty comes as one that travelleth, and want
as an armed man.2
Explanation.
It is elegantly described in this proverb, how the
shipwreck of fortunes comes upon prodigals and those
that are careless of their estates ; for debt and diminu-
tion of capital come on at first slowly and step by step
like a traveller, and are scarce perceived ; but soon
after want rushes in like an armed man, so strong and
powerful as no longer to be resisted ; for it was rightly
said by the ancients, " that necessity was of all things
the strongest." 8 Wherefore we must meet the travel-
ler on his way, but against the armed man we must
fortify.
PROVERB.
(6.) He that instructs a scorner gets to himseif
shame, and he that rebukes the wicked gets himself a
blot.*
Explanation.
This agrees with the command of our Saviour, " not
1 Plat, in Pomp. c. 20.; and in Sertor. c. 27.
* Prov. vi. 11. a Cf. Eurip. Helena. 513. * Prov. ix. 7.
THE EIGHTH BOOK. 243
to cast pearls before swine," 1 but a difference is made
between the actions of instruction and reproof; and
also between the persons of the scorner and the wick-
ed ; and lastly, there is a difference in the return ; for
in the former case the labour is but lost, in the latter
it is repaid with a stain and blot. For when a man
informs and instructs a scorner, in the first place he
loses his time ; and secondly, the attempt is laughed at
by others as a vain thing and labour misapplied ; and
lastly, the scorner himself despises the knowledge which
he has received. But there is greater danger in the
reproval of the wicked ; for not only does a wicked
man lend no ear to advice, but turns again on his re-
prover, whom being now made odious to him he either
directly assails with abuse, or afterwards traduces to
others.
PROVERB.
(7.) A wise son makes a glad father, but a foolish
son is the heaviness of his mother.2
Explanation.
Here are distinguished the domestic comforts and
tribulations of a father and mother respectively, touch-
ing their children. For a wise and prudent son is of
most comfort to the father, who knows the value of
virtue better than the mother, and accordingly has
more joy in the virtuous inclination of his son ; he may
feel a satisfaction also in the course he has pursued,
whereby he has brought up his son so well and im-
planted sound morality in him by precept and example.
But the mother has most sorrow and discomfort at the
ill fortune of her son, both because the affection of a
i St. Matt. vii. 6. 2 Prov. x. 1.
244 TRANSLATION OF THE " DE AUGMENTIS."
mother is more gentle and tender, and because she is
conscious perhaps that she has spoiled and corrupted
him by her indulgence.
PROVERB.
(8.) The memory of the just is blessed, but the
name of the wicked shall rot.1
Explanation.
A distinction is here made between the character of
the good and the bad after death. For when the envy
which carped at the reputation of the good in their
lifetime is quenched, their name forthwith shoots up
and flourishes, and their praises daily increase ; but for
the wicked, though their reputation through the favour
of their friends and partizans last for a time, yet soon
it turns into contempt, and in the end their fleeting
glory changes into infamy and as it were a foul and
noxious odour.
PROVERB.
(9.) He that troubles his own house shall inherit
the wind.2
Explanation.
A very useful admonition, touching domestic dis-
cords and disturbances. For many from the separa-
tion of their wives, the disinheriting of their children,
the frequent changes in their family, promise to them-
selves great things ; as if they would thence obtain
peace of mind and a better management of their affairs;
but commonly their hopes vanish into the winds. For
both those changes generally turn out ill, and such
disturbers of their family often experience trouble and
* Prov. x. 7. » Prov. xi. 29.
THE EIGHTH BOOK. 245
ingratitude from those whom to the neglect of others
they select and adopt ; nay further, they thus draw
upon themselves ill reports and dishonourable rumours ;
for it is well said by Cicero, " Every man's reputation
proceeds from those of his own household." l And
both these evils Solomon elegantly expresses by " the
inheritance of the winds ; " for both the disappointment
of expectation and the raising of rumours are not un-
aptly compared to winds.
PROVERB.
(10.) Better is the end of & speech than the begin-
ning thereof.2
Explanation.
This proverb reproves a very common error, not
only of those who make an especial study of words,
but even of the more wise and prudent ; which is, that
men are more careful of the entrances and commence-
ment of their speeches than of the end, and study
more diligently the prefaces and inducements than the
conclusions and issues ; whereas for the former, they
ought not indeed to neglect them, but the latter as
being of far greater importance they ought to have
ready prepared and arranged at hand ; considering
within themselves and endeavouring as much as pos-
sible to anticipate what shall be the end of their speech,
and how their business may be advanced and ripened
thereby. Nor is this all ; for it is not only proper to
study perorations and conclusions of such speeches as
relate to the business itself, but also to be prepared
with some discourse which may be conveniently and
1 De Petit. Cons. 5.
2 Eccles. vii. 8. The English version has, " Better is the end of a thing,"
246 TRANSLATION OF THE " DE AUGMENTIS."
gracefully thrown in at the close, although foreign to
the matter in hand. Indeed I knew two great and
wise councillors on whom the weight of business prin-
cipally rested, with whom it was a constant care and es-
pecial art, whenever they conferred with their princes
on matters of state, not to end their discourse with
matters relating to the business itself, but always by
way of divertissement to draw it away to some jest or
some agreeable news, and so end by washing off (as
the proverb has it) their salt water discourses with
fresh.1 Nor was this the least valuable of their arts.
PROVERB.
(11.) As dead flies do cause the best ointment to
stink, so does a little folly him that is in reputation for
wisdom and honour.2
Explanation.
It is a very hard and unhappy condition (as the
Proverb well remarks) of men pre-eminent for virtue,
that their errors, be they ever so trifling, are never
excused. But as in the clearest diamond every little
cloud or speck catches and displeases the eye, which in
a less perfect stone wovdd hardly be discerned ; so in
men of remarkabfe virtue the slightest faults are seen,
talked of, and severely censured, which in ordinary
men would either be entirely unobserved, or readily
excused. Hence a little folly in a very wise man, a
small offence in a very good man, a slight impropriety
in a man of polite and elegant manners detracts greatly
from their character and reputation; and therefore it
would be no bad policy for eminent men to mingle
1 Erasm. Adag. iii. 3. 26. 2 Eccles. x. 1.
THE EIGHTH BOOK. 247
some harmless absurdities with their actions ; so that
they may retain some liberty for themselves, and make
small defects less distinguishable.
PROVERB.
(12.) Scornful men bring a city to destruction, but
wise men turn away wrath.1
Explanation.
It may seem strange that Solomon in his description
of men formed as it were by nature for the ruin and
destruction of states, should have selected the charac-
ter, not of a proud and insolent, not of a tyrannical
and cruel, not of a rash and violent, not of a wicked
and impious, not of an unjust and oppressive, not of a
seditious and turbulent, not of an incontinent and sen-
sual, not finally of a foolish and incapable person, but
the character of a scorner. And this selection is worthy
of the wisdom of a king who well knew how states
were overthrown or preserved ; for there is hardly a
greater danger to kingdoms and states than that coun-
cillors or senators and those who stand at the helm
should be of a scornful disposition. For such men ever
undervalue dangers, that they may appear bold coun-
cillors, and insult those who make a just estimate of
them, as cowards. They sneer at seasonable delays
and careful discussions in consultation and deliberation,
as mere matter of oratory, full of weariness, and con-
tributing nothing to the completion of business. As
for reputation, with a view to which the counsels of
princes ought to be specially framed, they despise it as
the breath of the people, that will quickly be blown
1 Prov. xxix. 8.
248 TRANSLATION OF THE " DE AUGMENTIS."
away. They make no more account of the power and
authority of laws, than of cobwebs which ought not to
be in the way of more important business. Counsels
and precautions looking far into the future they despise
as dreams and melancholy apprehensions. They scorn
with gibes and jests men of real wisdom and experi-
ence, of great minds, and deep judgment. In short,
they weaken all the foundations of civil government ;
a thing the more to be attended to, because the mis-
chief is wrought, not openly, but by secret engines
and intrigues ; and the matter is not yet regarded by
men with as much apprehension as it deserves.
PROVERB.
(13.) A prince who readily hearkens to lies, has all
his servants wicked.1
Explanation.
When the prince is one who lends an easy and cred-
ulous ear without discernment to whisperers and in-
formers, there breathes as it were from the king him-
self a pestilent air, which corrupts and infects all his
servants. Some probe the fears and jealousies of the
prince, and increase them with false tales ; others ex-
cite in him passions of envy, especially against the most
virtuous objects ; others seek to wash away then: own
vileness and evil consciences by accusing others; others
make way for the honours and wishes of their friends
by traducing and calumniating their opponents ; while
others get up stage plots and a number of the like
fables against their enemies. These are the machina-
tions of servants who are of a more dishonest nature.
1 Prov. xxix. 12.
THE EIGHTH BOOK. 249
But those also who are naturally of greater honesty
and principle, when they find no safeguard in their
innocence (the prince not being able to distinguish
truth from falsehood), throw off their honesty, and
catching the court breezes allow themselves to be car-
ried where they blow. " For," as Tacitus says of
Claudius, " there is no safety with that prince, who
has nothing in his mind, but what others put into it."1
And Comines well remarks, " It is better to be the
servant of a prince whose suspicions have no end, than
of one whose credulity has no measure."2
PROVERB.
(14.) A righteous man regardeth the life of his
beast, but the tender mercies of the wicked are cruel.8
Explanation.
There is implanted in man by nature a noble and
excellent spirit of compassion, that extends itself even
to the brutes which by the divine ordinance are subject
to his command. This compassion therefore has a cer-
tain analogy with that of a prince towards his subjects.
Moreover it is most true, that the nobler a soul is, the
more objects of compassion it has. For narrow and
degenerate spirits think that these things concern them
not ; but the spirit which forms a nobler portion of
the universe has a feeling of communion with them.
Whence we see that under the old law there were
many commandments, not so much purely ceremonial
as institutions of mercy ; as was that of not eating the
flesh with the blood thereof, and the like. The Essenes
and Pythagoreans even abstained altogether from eating
1 Annals, xii. 3. 2 Histoire de Comines, i. 16. 8 Prov. xn. 10.
250 TRANSLATION OF THE " DE AUGMENTIS."
flesh : and the same superstition still prevails among
some of the inhabitants of the Mogul Empire. Nay,
the Turks, though by race and habits a cruel and
bloody people, yet are wont to give alms to brute
creatures, and cannot endure to see them ill used or
tortured. But lest these things which we have men-
tioned should seem to countenance every kind of mer-
cy, Solomon wisely adds, " That the mercies of the
wicked are cruel." Such is the sparing to use the
sword of justice upon wicked and guilty men ; which
kind of mercy is more cruel than cruelty itself; for
cruelty is only practised upon individual persons, but
this mercy to crime by granting impunity arms and
lets loose upon the innocent the whole army of vil-
lains.
PROVERB.
(15.) A fool utters all his mind, but a wise man
reserves something for the future.1
Explanation.
This proverb seems to be especially aimed not at
the levity of foolish men, who with equal readiness let
out what should be uttered, and what should be con-
cealed ; not at that plain speaking, with which they
inveigh without discrimination and judgment against
everybody and everything; not at that talkativeness,
whereby they weary others usque ad nauseam; but at
another fault which is less observed, namely, a method
of discourse of all others most unwise and impolitic ;
T mean, when a man in private conversation so frames
his discourse as to produce whatsoever he has to say
pertinent to the matter in hand all at once and in a
1 Prov. xxix. 11.'
THE EIGHTH BOOK. 251
breath, without any stop or pause. Now this is a greal
impediment to business. For in the first place a speech
that is broken and let fall part by part makes far more
impression than a continuous one ; because in the latter
the matters touched are not distinctly and severally
apprehended and weighed ; and they have not time
enough to settle ; but one reason drives out another
before it has taken firm hold. Secondly, no one is
endowed with such powerful and persuasive eloquence
as with the first stroke of his discourse to make his
listeners dumb and speechless, but the other party will
always have some answer to make, and will perhaps
raise objections ; and then it falls out, that the argu-
ments which should have been reserved for refutation
or reply, having being used and tasted beforehand, lose
their strength and grace. Thirdly, if a man does not
use all his arguments at once, but delivers them in
parts, throwing in one after the other, he will detect
by the countenance and answer of his opponent how
each is taken, and what effect it produces, and he may
thence take warning what to suppress and what to
select in that which is to follow.
PROVERB.
(16.) If the spirit of the ruler rise up against thee,
leave not thy place ; for management pacifies great of-
fences.1
Explanation.
This proverb directs a man how to behave when he
has incurred the wrath and indignation of his prince,
and contains two precepts ; first, that he resign not his
place ; and secondly, that he carefully and prudently
1 Eccles. x. 4.
252 TRANSLATION OF THE " DE AUGMENTIS."
apply himself to the remedy, as he would in the case
of a serious disease. For generally, when men per-
ceive the anger of princes stirred against them, partly
through impatience of disgrace, partly that they may
not by their presence irritate the wound, and partly
that their princes may see their sorrow and contrition,
they withdraw from their offices and appointments, nay
sometimes they resign their places and dignities into
his hands. But Solomon censures this remedy as in-
jurious, and with good reason. For in the first place
it makes the disgrace too public, whereby enemies and
enviers become the bolder to attack, and friends the
more timid to assist. Secondly, it thus happens that
the anger of the prince, which if it had not been di-
vulged might have died away of its own accord, is
more deeply rooted and having as it were commenced
by displacing the person proceeds to his overthrow.
Lastly, this resignation savours somewhat of a mal-
content spirit and one offended with the times, which
aggravates anger with suspicion. The precepts for the
remedy are these ; first, let a man take care above all
things neither by dullness on the one hand nor high
spirit on the other to let it appear that he is insensible
to the indignation of the prince, or not properly affected
by it : that is, let him compose his countenance not to
a sullen gloom but to a grave and modest sadness ; and
in all his duties and actions let him exhibit less cheer-
fulness and pleasure. It will be also advantageous for
him to engage the assistance and mediation of some
friend with the prince, who should take occasion at fit
times to insinuate how deeply the offender is grieved.
Secondly, let him carefully avoid all, even the slightest
occasions, which may lead to the reopening of the sub-
THE EIGHTH BOOK. 253
ject of offence, or draw upon him fresh indignation or
open rebuke, for whatever cause, from the prince.
Thirdly, let him diligently seek for every occasion of
making his services acceptable to the prince, that he
may both show an anxious wish to redeem his past
fault, and that the prince may perceive of how good a
servant he will be deprived if he loses him. Fourthly,
let him either contrive to transfer the fault to others,
or insinuate that it was committed with no bad inten-
tion, or even let him point out the malice of those who
complained of him to the king or exaggerated the mat-
ter more than it deserved. Lastly, let him be watch-
ful in everything, and intent on the remedy.
PROVERB.
(17.) He that is first in his own cause is just, then
comes the other side, and searches him.1
Explanation.
In every cause the first information, if it have dwelt
for a little in the judge's mind, takes deep root and col-
ours and takes possession of it ; insomuch that it will
hardly be washed out, unless either some clear false-
hood be detected in the matter of the information, or
some deceit in the statement thereof. A bare and sim-
ple defence, though it be just and of greater weight,
will hardly counterbalance the prejudice of the first
information, or restore to an equilibrium the scales of
justice which have once inclined. Wherefore as it is
safest for the judge to know nothing of the merits of
the case till both parties are heard together, so it is the
best course for the defendant, if he finds the judge
1 Prov. xviii. 17.
25-1 TRANSLATION OF THE "DE AUGMENTIS."
prejudiced, to apply himself, as far as the case allows,
to detect some fraud or deceit employed by the oppo-
site party to abuse the judge.
PROVERB.
(18.) He that delicately brings up his servant from
a child, shall afterwards find him insolent.1
Explanation.
According to the advice of Solomon, princes and
masters ought to keep a measure in conferring grace
and favour on their servants. In this three points are
to be observed ; first, that the promotion be by steps,
and not by jumps ; secondly, that they be accustomed
to an occasional disappointment ; and thirdly, as Machi-
avelli well advises, that they should have ever before
their eyes some ulterior object of ambition.2 Other-
wise princes will be requited by their servants with
disrespect and contumacy instead of duty and grati-
tude ; for sudden promotion begets insolence ; contin-
ual obtaining of desires begets impatience of refusal ;
and if there be nothing further to aspire to, there will
be an absence of alacrity and industry.
PROVERB.
(19.) Seest thou a man swift of despatch ? he shall
stand before kings, and shall not be reckoned among
the mean.3
Explanation.
Of all the qualities which kings especially look to
1 Prov. xxix. 21. The English version has, " Shall have him become
his son at the length."
2 Cf. Mach. II Princ. 22. « Prov. xxii. 29.
THE EIGHTH BOOK. 255
and require in the choice of their servants, that of
despatch and energy in the transactions of business is
the most acceptable. Men of deep wisdom are objects
of jealousy to kings, as being too close observers, and
being able to use their abilities as an engine to turn
and wind their masters against their will and knowl-
edge. Popular men are disliked as standing in the
light of kings and drawing the eyes of the people upon
themselves. Men of great spirit and courage are often
accounted turbulent and over-daring. Men of honour
O
and integrity are reputed unmanageable and not pliant
enough to all their masters' commands. Lastly, there
is no other virtue which does not present some shadow
of offence to the minds of kings. Expedkion in the
execution of their commands is the only one which
contains nothing that is not acceptable. Moreover the
minds of kings are hasty and impatient of delay; for
they imagine that they have power to do what they
will ; all they want is, that it be done quickly ; whence
of all things despatch is most pleasing to them.
PROVERB.
(20.) I considered all the living which walk under
the sun, with the second child who shall rise in his
stead.1
Explanation.
This proverb remarks upon the vanity of men, who
are wont to crowd around the appointed heirs of princeu.
The root hereof is in that madness, deeply implanted
by nature in human minds, of being too fond of their
own hopes. For there is scarcely any one but takes
more delight in what he hopes for than in what he has.
1 Eccles. iv. 15.
256 TRANSLATION OF THE " DE AUGMENTIS."
Novelty also is very pleasing to man, and is eagerly
sought after. Now in a prince's heir hope and nov-
elty are combined. And this proverb implies the same
as that which was said of old, first by Pompey to Sylla,
and afterwards by Tiberius respecting Macro. " That
there be more who worship the rising than the setting
sun."1 And yet princes are not much disturbed at
this, nor do they care much for it, as neither Sylla nor
Tiberius did ; but they rather scorn the fickleness of
mankind, and do not care to strive with dreams ; and
hope, as was said, is but the dream of a waking man.2
PROVERB.
(21.) There was a little city, and few men within
it ; and there came a great king against it, and built
great bulwarks round against it, and besieged it. Now
there was found in it a poor wise man, and he by his
wisdom delivered the city, yet no man remembered
that same poor man.3
Explanation.
This proverb notes the corrupt and ungrateful na-
ture of mankind, who in distress and adversity have
commonly recourse to the wise and active men, whom
they formerly held in contempt ; but as soon as the
storm has passed over, they are found ungrateful to
their preservers. Machiavelli might well make it a
question, " Which was more ungrateful to their ben-
efactors, a prince or a people ? " 3 but meanwhile he
implies that both are guilty of ingratitude. But the
ingratitude of the prince or the people is not the only
I Tac. Ann.vi. 46., and Plut. in Pomp. c. 14. 2 Of. Quintil. vi. 2. 30.
* Eccl. ix. 14, 15. 4 Macch. Discourse, i. 29.
THE EIGHTH BOOK. 257
cause of this ; there is added the envy of nobles, who
are secretly displeased with the issue though fortunate
and prosperous, because it did not originate in them-
selves ; whence they both depreciate the merit of the
work, and depress the author.
PROVERB.
(22.) The way of the slothful is as an hedge of
thorns.1
Explanation.
This proverb very elegantly expresses the fact, that
sloth is in the end laborious. Diligence and careful
preparation remove the obstacles against which the foot
would otherwise stumble, and smooth the path before
it is entered ; but he who is sluggish and defers every-
thing to the last moment of execution, must needs
walk every step as it were amidst briars and thorns,
which catch and stop him. This likewise may be
noted in the management of a family ; wherein if care
and forethought be used, everything goes on smoothly
and of itself, without noise and discord ; but if they
be wanting, on any important emergency everything
has to be done at once, the servants are in confusion,
and the house in an uproar.
PROVERB.
(23.) To have respect of persons in judgment is
not good ; for, for a piece of bread will that man for-
sake the truth.2
Explanation.
This proverb most wisely marks that in a judge
facility of disposition is more pernicious than bribery ;
1 Prov. xv. 19. 2 Prov. xxviii. 21.
VOL. IX. 17
258 TRANSLATION OF THE "DE AUGMENTIS."
for it is not every one that offers a bribe, but there is
scarcely a case wherein something may not be found
to bias the mind of the judge, if he be a respecter of
persons. One man will be respected because he is
popular ; another because he has a shrewd tongue ; an-
other because he is rich ; another because he is agree-
able ; another because he is recommended by a friend.
In fine, where respect of persons prevails, there will
be unequal measures everywhere, and for the most
trifling reason, as it were for a morsel of bread, judg-
ment will be perverted.
PROVERB.
(24.) A poor man that oppresses the poor, is like a
sweeping rain, which causes famine.1
Explanation.
This proverb was anciently figured and represented
under the fable of the full and hungry horseleech ; for
the oppression of a poor and hungry man is far more
severe than that of a rich and full one, inasmuch as
the former practises all the arts of exactions, and
searches every corner for money. The same used also
to be likened to a sponge, which when dry sucks in
strongly, but not so when wet. And it contains a use-
ful warning for princes and peoples ; for princes, that
they commit not offices or the government of provinces
to needy persons and such as are in debt ; for peoples,
that they allow not their rulers to be too much in want
of money.
PROVERB.
(25.) A righteous man falling down before the
wicked is as a troubled fountain and a corrupt spring.3
1 Prov. xxviii. 3. 2 Prov xxv. 26.
THE EIGHTH BOOK. 259
Explanation.
This proverb teaches that an unjust and scandalous
judgment in any conspicuous and weighty cause, is
above all things to be avoided in a state ; especially
where it involves, not the acquittal of the guilty, but
the condemnation of the innocent. For particular in-
juries passing unpunished do indeed trouble and pollute
the waters of justice, but it is only in the streamlets ;
whereas unjust judgments, such as vfe spoke of, infect
and corrupt the very fountain-heads. For when the
judgment seat takes the part of injustice, there suc-
ceeds a state of general robbery, and men turn wolves
to each other, according to the adage.1
PROVERB.
(26.) Make no friendship with an angry man, and
walk not with a furious man.2
Explanation.
The more religiously the laws of friendship are to
be observed and honoured among good men, the more
care should be taken to make a prudent selection of
friends at the first. Now the disposition and manners
of our friends, so far as they affect ourselves only,
should by all means be borne with ; but when they
compel us to alter our bearing and deportment towards
other men, the condition of the friendship becomes
very hard and unfair. Wherefore, as Solomon advises,
it is of the first importance for the peace and security
of life to have no dealings with passionate men, or
such as easily engage in disputes and quarrels ;' foi
i Erasm. Adag. i. 1. 70. 2 Prov. xxii. 24.
260 TRANSLATION OF THE " DE AUGMENTIS."
they will perpetually involve us in strife and faction, so
that we shall be compelled either to break off our
friendship, or disregard our own safety.
PROVERB.
(27.) He that covers a transgression seeks friend-
ship, but he that repeats a matter separates very
friends.1
Explanation.
There are two ways of making peace and reconcil-
ing differences ; the one begins with an amnesty, the
other Avith a recital of injuries, combined with apolo-
gies and excuses. Now, I remember that it was the
opinion of a very wise man and a great politician, that
" he who negotiates a peace, without recapitulating the
grounds of difference, rather deludes the minds of the
parties by representing the sweetness of concord, than
reconciles them by equitable adjustment." But Solo-
mon, a wiser man than he, is of a contrary opinion,
approving of amnesty and forbidding recapitulation of
the past. For in it are these disadvantages ; it is as
the chafing of a sore ; it creates the risk of a new
quarrel, (for the parties will never agree as to the
proportions of injuries on either side) ; and lastly, it
brings it to a matter of apologies ; whereas either party
would rather be thought to have forgiven an injury
than to have accepted an excuse.
PROVERB.
(28.) In every good work there is abundance ; btil
where there are many words there is commonly pen
ury.2
Prov. xvii. 9. a Prov. xiv. 23.
THE EIGHTH BOOK. 261
Explanation.
Herein Solomon makes a distinction between the
fruit of the labour of the hand and that of the tongue ;
from the one proceeds abundance, from the other pen-
urj. For it generally happens that they who talk
much, boast much, and make many promises, are needy
persons, who make no profit of the things whereof
they discourse. For the most part also they are no
ways industrious and active in point of work, but
merely feed and fill themselves with words, as with
wind. Surely, as the poet says, "• He that is silent is
sure : " 1 — he who knows that he is succeeding in what
he is about, is satisfied and holds his tongue ; whereas
he who feels that he has got hold of nothing but wind,
betakes himself to talking and boasting.
PROVERB.
(29.) Open rebuke is better than secret love.2
Explanation.
This proverb rebukes the mistaken kindness of
friends, who do not use the privilege of friendship
freely and boldly to admonish their friends, as well of
their errors as their dangers. " What can I do," says
a man of this character, " or what steps can I take ?
I love him as much as any one, and if any misfortune
were to befall him I would gladly substitute myself
in his place ; but I know his disposition well ; if I deal
freely with him I shall offend him, or at all events
put him out of humour, and do no good by it ; and
I should sooner estrange him from his friendship for
i Ovid, Rem. Amor. 697. 2 Prov. xxvii. 5.
262 TRANSLATION OF THE " DE AUGMENTIS."
me, than from those things which he has fixed his
heart upon." Now a friend of this sort Solomon rep-
rehends as weak and useless, affirming that more ad-
vantage may be gained from an open enemy than from
such a man ; for a man may chance to hear by way of
reproach from an enemy, what the friend is too good-
natured to utter.
PROVERB.
(30.) A wise man looketh well to his ways, but a
fool turneth to deceit.1
Explanation.
There are two kinds of wisdom ; the one true and
sound, the other degenerate and false, which Solomon
does not hesitate to term folly. He who applies him-
self to the former takes heed of his own ways, fore-
seeing dangers, preparing remedies, employing the
assistance of the good, guarding ' himself against the
wicked, cautious in entering upon a work, not unpre-
pared for a retreat, watchful to seize opportunities,
strenuous to remove impediments, and attending to
many other things which concern the government of
his own actions and proceedings. But the other kind
is entirely made up of deceits and cunning tricks, lay-
ing all its hopes in the circumventing of others, and
moulding them to its pleasure ; which kind the prov-
erb denounces as being not only dishonest, but also
foolish. For in the first place, it is not among the
things which are in our own power, nor does it even
depend on any certain rule ; but fresh stratagems are
daily to be contrived, as the old ones are used up and
worn out. Secondly, a man who has once earned a
l Prov. xiv. 8. 15.
THE EIGHTH BOOK. 265
character for deceit and trickery, entirely loses one of
the principal instruments of business, which is credit ;
whence he will find everything turn out otherwise
than he expects. Lastly, these very arts, however fair
and specious they may appear, generally fail : as Taci-
tus has well remarked, " Bold and crafty counsels are
fair in promise, hard in execution, and unfortunate in
issue." *
PROVERB.
(31.) Be not righteous overmuch, neither make thy-
self over wise ; why shouldest thou destroy thyself be-
fore thy time.2
Explanation.
" There are seasons," says Tacitus,3 " wherein great
virtues are the surest causes of ruin." And upon men
eminent for virtue and justice it comes sometimes sud-
denly, sometimes long foreseen. But if they have also
the gift of wisdom, that is, if they are cautious and
watchful for their own safety, they gain this advan-
tage ; that their ruin comes upon them all at once and
entirely through dark and secret plots, whereby envy
is avoided, and destruction assails them unaAvares. But
with regard to that overmuch which the proverb speaks
of, (as these are not the words of a Periander, but of
Solomon, who, though he often takes notice of what is
bad in human life, never enjoins it,) we must not un-
derstand it of virtue itself (in which there can be no
overmuch), but of the vain and invidious affectation
and show thereof. Something of the same kind is sug-
gested by Tacitus in speaking of Lepidus ; placing it
in the light of a miracle that he never uttered a servile
o
1 The words occur in Livy, xxxv. 32., and not in Tacitus.
2 Eccles. vii. 16. 8 Tac. Hist. i. 2.
264 TRANSLATION OF THE " DE AUGMENTIS."
opinion, and yet lived safely in such dangerous times :
" The thought occurs to me," says he, "whether these
things are controlled by fate, or whether it is ?'n our
power to steer an intermediate course between slav-
ish obedience and abrupt contumacy, free alike from
danger and from indignity." l
PROVERB.
(32.) Give opportunity to a wise man, and he will
increase his wisdom.2
Explanation.
Here distinction is made, between the wisdom which
is grown and ripened into a true habit, and that which
floats only in the conceit of the brain, or is boasted in
talk and has no deep root. The former, upon occasion
presented for its exercise, is instantly excited, made
alert, and enlarged, so that it appears greater than it
was ; but the latter, which before the occasion was
eager and active, when the emergency occurs, be-
comes amazed and confused ; so that even he who
considered himself possessed of it, begins to doubt
whether the notions he had formed of it were not
mere dreams and idle speculations.
PROVERB.
(33.) He who praises his friend with a loud voice,
rising early in the morning, it shall be counted a curse
to him.8
Explanation.
Praises, when moderate and seasonable, and ex-
pressed on fit occasion, contribute greatly both to the
i Tae. Ann. iv. 20. * Prov. ix. 9. 8 Prov. xxvii. 14.
THE EIGHTH BOOK. 265
reputation and fortune of men ; but when immoderate,
noisy, and unseasonably lavished, they do no good ;
nay rather (if we believe the Proverb), they do great
harm. For in the first place they openly betray them-
selves as either springing from excessive partiality, or
got up and affected for the piirpose of gratifying the
object of them by false encomiums, rather than of hon-
ouring him with his just attributes. Secondly, sparing
and moderate praises generally invite the audience to
add something to them ; whereas lavish and immod-
erate praises provoke them to take off and detract.
Thirdly (which is the principal point), he that is over-
praised becomes an object of envy ; for all excessive
praises seem to point to the reproach of others who are
no less deserving.
PROVERB. •
(34.) As the face is reflected in the water, so is the
heart of man manifest to the wise.1
Explanation.
Here is distinguished beween the mind of a wise
man, and that of others ; the former being compared
to water or a glass which represents the forms and
images of things ; the other to the earth, or an un-
polished stone, which give no reflection. And this
comparison of the mind of a wise man to a glass is the
more proper ; because in a glass he can see his own
image together with the images of others, which the
eye itself without a glass cannot do. But if the mind
of a wise man is sufficiently large to observe and dis-
tinguish an infinite variety of dispositions and charac-
1 Prov. xxvii. 19.
266 TRANSLATION OF THE " DE AUGMENTIS."
ters, it only remains to take care that the application
be as various as the representation. "A wise man will
know how to adapt himself to all sorts of characters." l
Thus have I stayed perhaps somewhat longer on
these Proverbs of Solomon, than is agreeable to the
proportion of an example, being led on by the dignity
of the subject, and the renown of the author. Neither
was this in use only with the Hebrews, but it is gen-
erally to be found in the wisdom of the ancients, that
as men found out any observation which they thought
good for life, they would gather it and express it in
some short proverb, parable, or fable. Fables, as has
been said elsewhere, were formerly substitutes and sup-
plements of examples, but now that the times abound
with history, the aim is more true and active when the
mark is alive. And therefore the form of writing,
which of all others is fittest for such variable argu-
ment as that of negotiation and scattered occasions, is
that which Machiavelli most wisely and aptly chose for
government ; namely, Observations or Discourses upon
Histories and Examples. For knowledge drawn freshly
and in our view out of particulars knows best the way
back to particulars again ; and it contributes much
more to practice, when the discourse or discussion at-
tends on the example, than when the example attends
upon the discourse. And this is not only a point of
order, but of substance also. For when the example
is laid down as the ground of the discourse, it is set
down with all the attendant circumstances, which may
sometimes correct the discourse thereupon made, and
sometimes supply it, as a very pattern for imitation
1 Ovid, De Arte Amat. i. 760. : —
Qui sapit innumcris moribus aptus erit.
THE EIGHTH BOOK. 267
and practice ; whereas examples alleged for the sake
of the discourse, are cited succinctly and without par-
ticularity, and like slaves only wait upon the demands
of the discourse.
But it is worth while to observe this difference ; that
as Histories of Times are the best ground for such dis-
course upon governments, as Machiavelli handles ; so
Histories of Lives are the most proper for discourse on
business, because they include all kinds of occasions
and transactions, both great and small. Nay, we
may find a ground for discourse on business fitter
than them both, which is discourse upon such Letters
as are wise and weighty, like those of Cicero to Atti-
cus, and others ; for letters have a closer and more
lively representation of business, than either annals or
lives. Thus have we spoken both of the matter and
form of this first part of the knowledge of negotia-
tion touching scattered occasions, which we note to
be deficient.
But yet there is another part of this knowledge,
which differs as much from that whereof we have
spoken, as general wisdom differs from wisdom for
oneself; the one moving as it were from the centre
to the circumference, the other from the circumference
to the centre. For there is a wisdom of imparting
counsel to others, and there is a wisdom of foresight
for one's own fortunes ; and these sometimes meet,
but oftener sever. For many are wise in their own
ways, who yet are weak for government or counsel,
like ants, which are wise creatures for themselves, but
very hurtful for the garden. This wisdom for oneself
the Romans, though excellent guardians of their coun-
try, took much knowledge of; " For," says the comic
268 TRANSLATION OF THE " DE AUGMENTIS."
poet, " a wise man fashions his fortune for himself." *
And it grew into an adage amongst them, " Every man
is the maker of his own fortune." And Livy attributes
it to the elder Cato, "Such was his vigour of mind and
understanding, that wherever he had been born, he
would have made his fortune."2
This kind of wisdom, if it be too much declared and
professed, has always been regarded as not only impol-
itic, but unlucky and ill-omened ; as was observed in
Timotheus the Athenian, who having done many great
services to the state in his government, and giving the
customary account thereof to the people, concluded
every particular with this clause, " And in this fortune
had no part."3 But it happened that he never pros-
pered in anything he took in hand afterwards ; for this
is too high and too arrogant, savouring of that which
Ezekiel says of Pharaoh, " Thou sayest, my river is
mine own, and I have made it for myself;"4 or of that
which Habakkuk says, " They exult and offer sacri-
fices to their net; "6 or of that which the poet expresses
of Mezentius the despiser of the gods : —
Dextra mihi Deus, et telum quod missile libro
Nunc adsint." 8
Lastly, Julius Caesar never, as far as I recollect, be-
trayed the weakness of his secret thoughts, except in
a similar kind of speech. For when the augur brought
him word that the entrails were not favourable, he
murmured in a low voice, " They will be more favour-
1 Plaut. Trinummus, ii. 2. 84. 2 Livy, xxxix. 40.
* Plut. in Sylla, c. 6. « Ezek. xxix. 3.
6Habak. i/16.
« Virg. JEn. x. 773. : —
My own right hand and sword assist my stroke,
These gods alone Mezentius will invoke.
THE EIGHTH BOOK. 269
able when I choose ;"* which speech did not long pre-
cede the misfortune of his death. For this excess of
confidence was ever as unlucky as unhallowed ; and
therefore great and truly wise men have thought it
right to ascribe their successes to their fortune, and
not to their skill or energy. Thus Sylla surnamed
himself "the Fortunate,"2 not "the Great:" and
Caesar (better in this instance than the last) said to
the master of the ship, " You carry Caesar and his for-
tune."3
Nevertheless, proverbs such as these, " Every man is
the architect of his own fortune ;" "A wise man shall
rule over the stars ; " " No path is impervious to vir-
tue;"4 and the like; if taken and used as spurs to
industry, and not as stirrups to insolence, rather to
beget in men resolution and strength of judgment
than arrogance or outward declaration, have ever been
rightly held sound and good, and are doubtless im-
printed in the greatest minds, so as sometimes they
can scarce contain such opinions within ; as we see in
Augustus Caesar, (who, compared with his uncle, was
rather unlike than inferior, though decidedly a man of
more moderation), how on his death-bed he desired his
friends around him to give him a " Plaudite " when he
expired, as if he were conscious to himself that he had
well played his part in life.5 This part of knowledge I
report also as deficient ; not but that it is used and prac-
tised even more than is fit, but it has not been handled
in books. And therefore according to my custom, I
will as before set down some heads or passages of it,
l Sueton. in Julio, c. 77. 2 Plut. in Sylla, c. 6.
« Plut. de Roman. Fort. p. 319. * Ovid, Met. xiv. 113.
6 Sueton. in Aug. c. 99.
270 TRANSLATION OF THE " DE AUGMENTIS."
and call it the Architect of Fortune, or the Knowledge
of Advancement in Life.
Wherein at first sight I shall appear to handle a new
and unwonted argument, in teaching men how to raise
and make their fortune ; a doctrine indeed, wherein
every man perchance will be ready to yield himself a
disciple, till he has experience of the difficulty thereof.
For the things necessary for the acquisition of fortune,
are neither fewer nor less difficult nor lighter than
those to obtain virtue ; and it is as hard and severe a
thing to be a true politician, as to be truly moral. But
the handling hereof concerns learning greatly, both in
honour and substance ; in honour principally, that prag-
matical men may not imagine that learning is like a
lark, which can mount and sing and please itself and
nothing else ; but may know that it rather partakes of
the nature of a hawk, which can soar aloft, and can also
descend and strike upon its prey at pleasure. Again,
it tends to the perfection of learning, because it is the
perfect law of the inquiry of truth, " that nothing be
in the globe of matter which has not its parallel in the
globe of crystal or the understanding;" that is, that
there be nothing in practice, whereof there is no theory
and doctrine. Not however that learning admires or
esteems this architecture of fortune otherwise than as
an inferior work. For no man's fortune can be an end
worthy of the gift of being that has been given him by
God ; and often the worthiest men abandon their for-
tunes willingly, that they may have leisure for higher
pursuits. But nevertheless, fortune as an instrument
of virtue and merit deserves its own speculation and
doctrine.
To this doctrine are attached certain precepts, some
THE EIGHTH BOOK. 271
summary, and some scattered or various ; whereof the
former relate to the just knowledge of ourselves and
others. Let the first precept then (on which the
knowledge of others turns) be set down as this : that
we obtain (as far as we can) that window which Moinus
required;1 who seeing in the frame of man's heart such
angles and recesses found fault that there was not a
window to look into its mysterious and tortuous wind-
ings. This window we shall obtain by carefully pro-
curing good information of the particular persons with
whom we have to deal ; their natures, their desires and
ends, their customs and fashions, their helps and ad-
vantages, with their principal means of sitpport and in-
fluence ; so again their weaknesses and disadvantages,
where they lie most open and obnoxious ; their friends,
factions, patrons and clients ; their enemies, enviers,
and competitors ; their moods and times ;
(Sola viri raolles aditus et tempora noris): 2
lastly, their principles, fashions, prescribed rules, and
the like ; and this not only of particular persons, but
also of the particular actions which are on foot from
time to time, and as it were under the anvil ; how they
are directed and succeed, by whom promoted or op-
posed, what is their weight and importance, what con-
sequences they involve, and the like. For the knowl-
edge of present actions is not only material in itself,
but without it also the knowledge of persons will be
very treacherous and erroneous ; for men change with
actions, and whilst they are involved and engaged in
them they are one, and when they return to their na-
1 Lucian in Hermotim. 20
8 Virg. &n. iv. 423. : —
His times of access you alone can find,
And know the soft approaches to his mind.
272 TRANSLATION OF THE " DE AUGMENTIS."
ture they are another. These informations of partic-
ulars touching persons and actions, are as the minor
propositions in every active syllogism; for no truth
or excellence of observations or axioms (whence the
major political propositions are drawn) can suffice to
ground a conclusion, if there be error in the minor
proposition. For the possibility of this knowledge Sol-
omon is our surety ; who says, " Counsel in the heart
of man is like deep water, but a man of understanding
will draw it out." l And although the knowledge itself
falls not under precept, because it is of individuals, yet
the instructions for obtaining it may be laid down with
advantage.
Knowledge of men may be derived and obtained in
six ways ; by their countenances and expressions, their
words, their actions, their dispositions, their ends, and
lastly, by the reports of others. With regard to the
countenance, be not influenced by the old adage,
"Trust not to a man's face;"2 for though this may
not be wrongly said of the general outward carriage
of the face and action, yet there are some more subtle
motions and labours of the eyes, mouth, countenance,
and gesture, by which (as Q. Cicero elegantly ex-
presses it), the "door of the mind,"3 is unlocked and
opened. Who more close than Tiberius Caesar ? Yet
Tacitus, in noting the different character and manner
of speaking which he employed in commending the
exploits of Germanicus and Drusus to the Senate,
says, that his praises of Germanicus were set forth
" in words which appeared rather studied for outward
effect, than as if he really felt them ; " but of his
praises of Drusus, he says, " that he said less, but
1 Prov. xx. 5. 2 Juv. ii. 8.: — Front! nulla fides.
» De Pet. Cons. § 11.
THE EIGHTH BOOK. 273
spoke more earnestly and sincerely."1 Again, Taci-
tus in speaking of this same Tiberius, and remarking
on some speech, as being somewhat less ambiguous,
says, " At other times he appeared to have a difficulty
with his words, but he spoke more freely, when he
took anybody's part;"2 so that it is hard to find any
man so skilled and perfect in the art of dissimulation,
or any countenance so controlled or commanded (as
he calls it) as to sever from a feigned and dissembling
tale all these marks, and prevent the style from being
either more careless, or more adorned, or more tedious
and wandering, or more dry and hard, than usual.
As for words, though they be (as physicians say of
waters) full of trickery and deceit, yet they are ex-
cellently detected in two ways ; namely, either when
they are spoken on the sudden, or in passion. Thus we
see Tiberius, being suddenly incensed at some stinging
words of Agrippina, and thrown a little off his guard,
advanced a step out of his natural dissimulation. u These
words (says Tacitus) drew from him a voice seldom
heard from that dark bosom, and taking her up sharply,
he reminded her in a Greek verse that she was thus
offended, because she did not reign."3 And therefore
the poet elegantly calls passions, " tortures," which
urge men to confess their secrets:
Vino tortus et ira.4
And experience shows that there are very few men
so true to their own secrets, and so settled in their
purpose, but that sometimes through anger, sometimes
through bravado, sometimes through affection for their
l Tacit. Ann. i. 52. 2 Ib. iv. 31. 8 Ib. iv. 52.
* Hor. Ep. i. 18. 38. : —
Tortured with wine and wrath.
VOL. IX. 18
274 TRANSLATION OF THE " DE AUGMENTIS."
friends, sometimes through a weakness of mind unable
any longer to bear the burden of its thoughts, and
sometimes through some other affection, they open and
communicate their secret thoughts and feelings ; espe-
cially if they be put to it with a counter-dissimulation
according to the Spanish proverb, " Tell a lie, and find
a truth."
Neither should deeds, though the most assured
pledges which the human mind can give, be entirely
trusted, without a judicious and careful consideration
of their magnitude and nature. For the saying is most
true, " that fraud begins by winning credit in small
things, that it may deceive with greater advantage ; " l
and the Italian thinks himself upon the point of being
bought and sold, if he is better used than he was wont
to be, without manifest cause. For small favours do
but quiet and lull to sleep men's caution and industry,
whence they are rightly called by Demosthenes, " sops
to feed sloth."2 Again, the treacherous and ambigu-
ous character of some deeds, even such as are taken
for favours, may be seen from that deception which
Mucianus practised on Antonius Primus ; when after
the hollow and unfaithful reconciliation which was made
between them, he advanced many of the friends of
Antonius to great offices : " At the same time he be-
stows on his friends tribuneships and governments;"3
wherein, under pretence of strengthening Antonius,
he entirely disarmed and isolated him by winning his
friends.
But the surest key to unlock the minds of men, is
by searching and thoroughly understanding either theif
1 Livy, xxviii. 42.
2 Cf. Dem. Olynth. Hi. 33., and 1 Philipp. towards the end.
« Tac. Hist. iv. 39.
THE EIGHTH BOOK. 275
natures and characters, or their intentions and ends ;
wherein the weaker and more simple sort are best in-
terpreted by their natures, but the wiser and more
reserved by their ends. For it was both pleasantly
and wisely said, though I think very untruly, by a
nuncio of the Pope, on his return from an embassy
to a certain nation, where he had served as legate ;
who, when his opinion was asked touching the ap-
pointment of his successor, gave as his advice, " in no
case to send one who was remarkably wise, but one
rather of moderate abilities ; because (said he) no very
wise man would ever imagine what they in that coun-
try were likely to do." And certainly it is a very fre-
quent error, especially among wise men, to measure
others by the standard of their own genius, and to
shoot over the mark, by supposing that men have
deeper ends in view, and more subtle schemes than
ever entered into their minds ; as is elegantly expressed
by the Italian proverb, which remarks, " There is al-
ways less money, less wisdom, and less faith, than men
imagine." Wherefore in men of a meaner capacity,
because they do many foolish things, we must form our
opinion rather from the propensities of their natures,
than from their designs and ends.
Princes also (though for a very different reason)
are best interpreted by their natures, but private per-
sons by their ends. For princes being at the summit
of human desires, have for the most part no particular
ends whereto they earnestly and constantly aspire, by
their position and distance from which a measure and
scale of the rest of their actions might be taken ; and
this is one of the principal causes why their hearts are
fas the Scriptures declare) inscrutable.1 But every
1 Pro. xxv. 3.
276 TRANSLATION OF THE " DE AUGMENTIS."
private person is like a traveller striving earnestly to
arrive at the end of his journey where he may rest ;
whereby it is not difficult to conjecture what he will
do, and what he will not do. For if it be a means to
his end he will probably do it ; but if opposed to his
end, he will probably not do it. Nor is it enough to
inform ourselves only of the variety of men's natures
and ends simply ; but we should also examine them com-
paratively, and find what it is that predominates and
directs the rest. Thus, we see, when Tigellinus saw
himself outstripped by Petronius Turpilianus in pro-
viding pleasures and catering to Nero's humours, " he
wrought" (says Tacitus) " on Nero's fears,"1 whereby
he displaced his rival.
As for the knowing of men at second hand from the
reports of others, a few words will suffice. Men's
weaknesses and faults are best knowrn from their ene-
mies, their virtues and abilities from their friends, their
customs and times from their servants, their opinions
and thoughts from their familiar friends, with whom
they discourse most. General fame is light, and the
judgments of superiors are not much to be trusted ;
for to them men are more masked. " The truest char-
acter comes from a man's own household."2
But to all this inquiry the most compendious way
rests in three things ; the first is to have a general ac-
quaintance with those who have a varied and extensive
knowledge both of persons and things ; but especially
to endeavour to have at least some particular friends
who, according to the diversity of business and the
diversity of persons, can give perfect and solid intelli-
gence in every several kind. The second is to keep a
discreet temper and mediocrity both in liberty of speech
l Tac. Ann. xiv. 57. 2 Q. Cicero, De Pet. Cons. 5.
THE EIGHTH BOOK. 277
and in secrecy; in most cases using liberty, but secrecy
when the occasion requires it. For liberty of speech
invites and provokes a similar liberty in others, and so
brings much to a man's knowledge ; but secrecy induces
trust, so that men like to deposit their secrets there, as
in their own bosom. The last is the gradual reducing
of a man's self to such a watchful and ready habit of
mind, that in every conference and action he may both
carry on the matter in hand, and also observe other in-
cidents. For as Epictetus lays down that a philoso-
pher in every particular action should say to himself,
" I both wish to do this, and also to keep to my rule : 5>1
so a political man in everything should inwardly re-
solve, " I will both do this, and learn something more
for future use." Wherefore those who are so intent
and absorbed in the matter which they have in hand,
that they have not even a thought to spare for any-
thing that may turn up by the way (which Montaigne
confesses to have been his weakness2), are indeed the
best servants of kings and commonwealths, but fail in
advancing their own fortunes. Meanwhile special care
should be taken to restrain too great an energy and
zeal of mind, lest by much knowledge we be drawn
on to much meddling, than which nothing is more un-
fortunate and rash. So that this variety of knowledge
of persons and things, which I recommend to be gained,
returns in the end only to this, that we make a more
judicious choice of the actions we undertake, and of
the persons whose assistance we use ; whereby we may
manage and conduct everything with more safety and
iexterity.
Next to the knowledo-e of others comes the knowl-
O
l Epict. Enclrii c. 9. '2 Cf. Essay De 1'Utilite et de l'Honnettet4.
278 TRANSLATION OF THE " DE ADGMENTIS."
edge of self. And here, we must use even greater
care in gaining good and Accurate information touching
ourselves, than touching others ; since the oracle "know
thyself" is 'not only a rule of universal wisdom, but has
a special place in politics. For St. James says well.
" That he who looks at his face in a glass, yet sud-
denly forgets what manner of man he was ;'n so that
there is need of very frequent inspection. And this
holds good likewise in politics, though the glasses are
different ; for the divine glass in which we ought to
behold ourselves is the Word of God, but the political
glass is nothing else than the state of the world or
times wherein we live.
Men ought therefore to take an accurate and impar-
tial survey of their own abilities, virtues, and helps ;
and again, of their wants, inabilities, and impediments ;
making the account in such a manner that the former
are always estimated rather more, and the latter rather
less than they really are. From this examination they
should frame the following considerations.
First, to consider how their natural and moral con-
stitution sort with the general state of the times ;
which if they find agreeable and consonant, then in
all things to give themselves more scope and liberty,
and indulge their dispositions ; but if there be any-
thing differing and discordant, then in the whole course
of their life to be more close, retired, and reserved.
And this we see in Tiberius, who being conscious that
his tastes did not well suit with the age, never attended
the public games, and during the twelve last years of
his life never even went into the Senate ; whereas
Augustus lived ever in men's eyes, which Tacitus ob-
l St. James, i. 23, 24.
THE EIGHTH BOOK. 279
serves : " Tiberius's habits (says he) were different." l
Pericles also acted on the same principle.
Secondly, to consider how their nature sorts with
the professions and courses of life which are in use
and repute, and whereof they have to make election ;
so that if their profession is not already determined,
they may make choice of that which is most fit and
agreeable to their disposition ; but if they have already
entered on a path of life for which they are not natural-
ly suited, that they may leave it the first opportunity,
and adopt a fresh profession. And this we see was
done by Valentine Borgia, who was brought up by his
father to the priesthood, but afterwards quitted it in
obedience to his own inclination, and betook himself
to a military life; although equally unworthy of the
office of prince and priest, seeing that he dishonoured
both.2
Thirdly, to consider how they sort with their equals
and rivals, whom they are like to have as competitors
in their fortune ; and to take that course of life where-
in there is the greatest^ scarcity of distinguished men,
and they themselves are likely to be most eminent.
As Julius Caesar did, who at first was an orator and
pleader, and devoted himself entirely to a civil life ;
but when he saw how Cicero, Hortensius, and Ca-
tulus excelled in eloquence, and that there was no
man of any great reputation in military matters but
Pompey, he forsook the course he had begun, and bid-
ding a long farewell to a civil greatness transferred his
designs to the arts of a soldier and a general ; whereby
he mounted to the highest power of the state.
Fourthly, to consider their own nature and disposi-
1 Tacit. Ann. i. 54. 2 Guicciard. vi. 3.
280 TRANSLATION OF THE "DE AUGMENTIS."
tion in the choice of their friends and dependences.
For different natures require different kinds of friends:
to some is suited such as are solemn and silent ; to
others such as are bold and arrogant, and so on. And
it is worthy of mark what kind of men the friends of
Julius Caesar were (namely, Antony, Hirtius, Pansa,
Oppius, Balbus, Dolabella, Pollio, and the rest), who
used to swear, " that they were ready to die, so Caesar
might live,"1 displaying an infinite affection for Caesar,
but arrogance and contempt towards every one else ;
men active in the execution of business, but of no
great character or reputation.
Fifthly, to take especial heed how they guide them-
selves by examples, and not vainly to endeavour to
frame themselves upon other men's models ; as if what
is open to others must needs be open to them, not at
all reflecting how far the nature and character of their
models may differ from their own. And it was this
error into which Pompey evidently fell, who, as Cicero
has recorded, was so often wont to say, " Sylla could
do this, why should not I?"2 Wherein he was much
deceived, the nature and proceedings of himself and
Sylla being as far removed as the heaven from the
earth ; the one being fierce, violent, and in everything
pressing on to the end; the other solemn, respectful of
the laws, and regulating everything with a view to his
dignity and character, which made him far less strong
and effectual in accomplishing his designs. There are
likewise other precepts of this nature, but these will be
enough for an example of the rest.
But it is not enough for a man only to know him-
self; for he should consider also of the best way to set
i Plut. in Cses. 3. « Cic. Ep. ad Alt. ix. 10.
THE EIGHTH BOOK. 281
himself forth to advantage ; to disclose and reveal him-
self ; and lastly, to turn and shape himself according
to occasion. Now for the first we see nothing more
usual than for the worse man to make the better ex-
ternal show. It is therefore no unimportant attribute
of prudence in a man to be able to set forth to advan-
tage before others, with grace and skill, his virtues,
fortunes, and merits (which may be done without ar-
rogance or breeding disgust) ; and again, to cover arti-
ficially his weaknesses, defects, misfortunes, and dis-
graces ; dwelling upon the former and turning them
to the light, sliding from the latter or explaining them
away by apt interpretations, and the like. Tacitus
says of Mucianus, the wisest and most active politician
of his time, " That he had a certain art of setting forth
O
to advantage every thing he said or did." 1 And it
requires indeed some art, lest it become wearisome and
contemptible ; but yet it is true that ostentation, though
carried to the first degree of vanity, is rather a vice
in morals than in policy. For as it is said of calumny,
" calumniate boldly, for some of it will stick," so it
may be said of ostentation (except it be in a ridiculous
degree of deformity), " boldly sound your own praises,
and some of them will stick." It will stick with the
more ignorant and the populace, though men of wis-
dom may smile at it ; and the reputation won with
many will amply countervail the disdain of a few. But
if this self-display whereof I am speaking be cai-ried
with decency and judgment, as with a natural, candid,
and ingenuous bearing ; or if it be employed in times
of danger, as by military persons in the time of war,
or at times when others are most envied ; or if what a
i Tac. Hist. ii. 80.
282 TRANSLATION OF THE " DE AUGMENTIS."
man says in his own praises appears to drop carelessly
and unintentionally, without being dwelt upon too long
or too seriously ; or if a man at the same time that he
praises does not refrain from ridiculing and finding fault
with himself; or if he do it not spontaneously, but ap-
pears provoked and challenged to it by the reproaches
and insolence of others, it adds greatly to his reputa-
tion. And surely no small number of those who are
of a solid nature, and who from the want of this ven-
tosity cannot spread all sail in pursuit of their own
honour, suffer some prejudice and lose dignity by their
moderation.
But for this enhancement of virtue, though some
' O
persons of weaker judgment and perhaps too scrupu-
lous morality may disapprove of it, yet no one will
deny that we ought at least to take care that virtue be
not undervalued and unduly debased through neglect.
This depreciation in the price of virtue may be effected
in three ways : first, by a man offering and obtruding
himself and his services in any business when he is
unasked and tincalled for ; wherein men think he is
rewarded, if he be not rejected. Secondly, by doing
too much at the commencement of an action, and by
performing all at once what ought to be done by de-
grees ; which in matters well managed procures a pre-
mature favour at first, but in the end induces satiety.
Thirdly, by feeling too soon and easily the fruit of
virtue in commendation, applause, honour, and favour,
and being content therewith ; on which there is a
prudent warning, " Take care lest you appear unac-
customed to great things if you are thus delighted by
a small thing, as if it were great." l
1 Rhetor, ad Heren. iv. 4.
THE EIGHTH BOOK. 283
But a diligent covering of defects is of no less im-
portance than a prudent and skilful display of virtues.
Defects may be principally concealed in three ways
and as it were under three coverts ; namely, caution,
colour, and confidence. Caution is, when men dis-
creetly avoid those things to which they are not equal ;
whereas contrariwise bold and unquiet spirits thrust
themselves without reflection into matters of which
they have no experience, and so publish and proclaim
all their defects. Colour is, when men warily and skil-
fully make and prepare a way for themselves, for a
favourable and convenient construction of their faults
or wants ; as proceeding from a better cause, or in-
tended for some other purpose, than is commonly im-
agined. For as to the concealment of vice, it is well
said by the poet, that " vice often hides itself in the
neighbourhood of virtue." 1 And therefore, whatso-
ever want a man has, he must take care to borrow the
mask and colour of the neighbouring virtue that shad-
ows it ; as if he be dull, he must affect gravity ; if a
coward, mildness ; and so on. It will be of advantage
also for a man to frame and spread abroad some prob-
able reason why he shrunk from doing his best, that
the want of power may be imputed to want of will.
As to confidence, it is indeed an impudent, but yet the
surest and most effectual remedy ; namely, for a man
to profess to depreciate and despise whatsoever he can-
not obtain ; after the principle of prudent merchants,
whose business and custom it is to raise the price of
their own commodities, and to beat dowTi the price of
others. But there is a confidence which surpasses this
other in impudence ; and this is, for a man to brazen
1 Ovid, Art. Amat. ii. 662. : Saepe latet vitium proximitate boni.
284 TRANSLATION OF THE " DE AUGMENTIS."
out his own defects, by putting them forward and dis-
playing them to view ; as if he believed himself espe-
cially eminent in those things wherein he is deficient.
And the more easily to impose on others, he should
appear to have least opinion of himself in those things
wherein he is really the best : just as we see it is the
practice of poets, who when they recite their verses,
and you except to any, will immediately say, " that
that line cost them more labour than any of the rest ; "
and presently they will bring forward some other verse,
which they know well enough to be the best in the
number and the least open to objection, and seeming
to suspect it themselves they will ask your opinion of
it. But above all, if a man means to make a good
figure and maintain his just position in the world, I
consider it of the greatest importance to him, not to
show himself disarmed and exposed to scorn and injury
by too much goodness and sweetness of nature ; but
rather in everything to exhibit from time to time some
sparks of a free and noble spirit and one that carries
with it no less of the sting than of the honey. This
kind of fortified carriage, with a spirit ready and pre-
pared to defend itself against insults, is sometimes
accidentally forced upon men by something inherent
in their person or fortune ; as in the case of persons
deformed, illegitimate, or disgraced. Whence men of
this nature, if ability be not wanting, commonly turn
out fortunate.
With regard to the disclosing of a man's self, it is a
very different thing from the self-display of wrhich I
have been speaking. For it relates not to a man's
virtues or faults, but to his particular actions in life ;
wherein there is nothing more politic for a man, than
THE EIGHTH BOOK. 285
to preserve a sound and wise mediocrity in declaring
or concealing his meaning in particular actions. For
although depth of secrecy and concealment of designs,
and that manner of action, which effects everything
by dark arts and methods (or menses sourdes as the
French call them) be both useful and admirable ; yet
frequently, as is said, dissimulation breeds errors which
ensnare the dissembler himself. Whence we see that
the greatest and most noted politicians have not hesi-
tated to declare freely and undisguisedly the objects
which they had in view. So Lucius Sylla made open
profession " that he wished all men happy or unhappy,
as they stood his friends or enemies." So Caesar,
when he first went into Gaul, did not scruple to pro-
fess, " that he had rather be first in a village than sec-
ond in Rome."1 And again, as soon as he had begun
the war, he by no means played the part of a dissem-
bler, if we may judge by what Cicero says of him,
" The other (meaning Csesar) does not refuse, but
rather demands to be called a tyrant, as he really is."2
So we see in a letter of Cicero to Atticus, how little
of a dissembler Augustus Cassar was ; for on his very
entrance into public life, when he was still the darling
of the senate, yet in his harangues to the people he
would use this form of oath ; " As I hope to attain to
the honours of my parent ;" 3 which was nothing less
than the tyranny. It is true indeed that to lessen the
envy of it, he would at the same time stretch forth his
hand towards a statue of Julius Ca3sar which was erect-
ed in the place ; whereat men laughed, and applauded,
and wondered, and said to one another, "What is this?
1 Plutarch's Apopthegms. 2 Cic. Ep. ad Attic, x. 4.
s Cic. ad Attic, xvi. 15.
286 TRANSLATION OF THE " DE AUGMENTIS."
What sort of young man is this?" and yet thought a
man could mean no mischief who spoke his feelings so
openly and ingenuously. Now all these, whom I have
mentioned, were prosperous ; whereas Pompey, who
tended to the same ends, but in a more dark and dis
sembling manner (as Tacitus says of him, " A more
reserved, but not a better character;"1 wherein Sallust
concurs, "Of honest tongue and shameless mind"2),
made it his design, and attempted by innumerable in-
trigues to keep his own ambition and desires quite
secret, and in the mean time to drive the state into
such anarchy and confusion that it should be forced
of necessity to cast itself into his arms, and the sov-
ereign power might thus be thrust upon him, appar-
ently against his will and inclination. But when he
had brought it, as he thought, to this point, when he
was chosen sole consul (as no one had ever been be-
fore), yet was he no way nearer to his ends ; because
they who certainly would have assisted him did not
understand what he wanted ; so that in the end he
was fain to go on the common and beaten track of
procuring arms and raising an army under colour of
opposing Cffisar ; so tedious, uncertain, and mostly un-
fortunate are those designs which are concealed be-
neath a deep dissimulation. And this appears to have
been the feeling of Tacitus, when he constitutes the ar-
tifices of dissimulation as a wisdom of an inferior form
to the arts of true policy, attributing the former to
Tiberius, but the latter to Augustus ; for speaking of
Livia, he says, " That she was equally suited to the
arts of her husband, and the dissimulation of her son."3
i Tac. Hist. ii. 38. 2 Cf. Sueton. de Claris Grammaticis, c. 15.
8 Tac. Ann. v. 1.
THE EIGHTH BOOK. 287
"With regard to turning and shaping the mind, we
must strive with all possible endeavour to render the
mind obedient to occasions and opportunities, and to
be noways obstinate and refractory towards them. For
nothing hinders men's actions or fortunes so much as
this, " to remain the same, when the same is unbecom-
ing ; " l that is, for men to be as they were, and follow
their own nature, when occasions change : whence
Livy, in introducing Cato the Elder, as a most skilful
architect of his fortune, adds well of him, " That he
had a wit that could turn."2 This also is the reason
why grave and solemn wits, which know not how to
change, have generally more dignity than good for-
tune. But this viscous and knotty temper which is so
averse to change is nature in some ; in others it is the
result of habit (which is a second nature), and an opin-
ion (which easily steals into men's minds), namely,
that men can hardly make themselves believe that
they ought to change that course which they have
found by expei'ience to be prosperous and successful.
For Machiavelli notes wisely, how Fabius Maximus
would have retained to the last his old habit of tem-
porising and protracting the war, when the nature of
the war was altered and required more vigorous meas-
ures.3 In others again the fault arises from weakness
O
of judgment, that they do not discern in time when
things or actions have reached a period, but come in
loo late, when the occasion has passed by; as Demos-
thenes says, when in reproving the Athenians he coin-
Dares them to country fellows, who, in playing in the
fencing school, when they have received a blow, always
1 Cf. Cic. de Clar. Orat. c. 95. : Idem manebat neque idem decebat.
2 Livy, xxxix. 40. 8 Macch. Discorsi, iii. 9.
288 TRANSLATION OF THE "DE AUGMENTIS."
remove their shield to that ward, and not before.1 In
others again it is a dislike to lose their labours in the
path which they have once entered, and an unwilling-
ness to sound the retreat, with a confidence that by
perseverance they will overcome the occasion. But
from whatsoever root this stubbornness and restiveness
of mind proceeds, it is a thing most prejudicial to man's
actions and fortunes ; and nothing is more politic than
to make the wheels of the mind concentric and volu-
ble with the wheels of fortune. And so much for the
two summary precepts of this Architecture of Fortune ;
whereof the scattered precepts are numerous, but I
will select a few for example's sake.
The first precept is that the carpenter of fortune
should make a good use and a right application of his
rule; that is, that he should accustom his mind to judge
of the proportion and value of all things, as they con-
duce more or less to his fortune and ends, and that
he do this substantially, not superficially. It is a thing
strange, but true, that the logical part (if I may so
term it) of many men's minds is good, but the mathe-
matical part erroneous ; that is, they can judge well
enough of the consequences, but most unskilfully of
the values of things ; whence it happens that some take
delight in private and secret converse with princes,
others in popular fame and applause, supposing them
to be things of great value ; whereas in many cases
they are full both of envy and peril. Others again
measure things according to the labour and difficulty
bestowed upon them, and think that if they be only
moving they must needs advance and proceed ; as
Caesar said ironically of Cato of Utica, when he de-
i Demosth. 1 Philipp. 46.
THE EIGHTH BOOK. 289
scribes how laborious and assiduous and indefatigable
lie was to no great purpose, " All these things he did
with much earnestness."1 Hence too it comes that
men often deceive themselves, in thinking that if they
procure the assistance of any man of worth and repu-
tation, they are certain to succeed ; whereas it is not
the greatest but the fittest instruments that finish the
work both quickest and best. Now for the true infor-
mation of the mathematical part of the mind, it is
worth while to know and have a description of what
should be set down first for the raising and advancing
of a man's own fortune, what second, and so on. First
I set down the amendment of the mind ; for the rer
moving of impediments and working out the knots of
the mind will sooner open the passage to fortune, than
the obtaining of fortune will remove the impediments
of the mind. In the second place I set down wealth
and means, which many perhaps would have placed
first, because of their great use in everything ; but that
opinion I may condemn, for the reason which Machia-
velli gave in a case not much unlike. For whereas
there was an old proverb, " that money is the sinews
of war,"2 yet he maintained on the contrary that the
true sinews of war are nothing else than the sinews of
a valiant and military people. And so in like manner
it may be truly affirmed, that it is not money that is
the sinews of fortune, but it is rather the sinews of the
mind, wit, courage, audacity, resolution, temper, indus-
try, and the like. In the third place, I set down char-
acter and reputation, the rather because they have cer-
tain tides and seasons, which if they be not taken in
due time are difficult to be recovered, it being ex-
* Caes. Bell. Civil, i. 30. 2 Mach. Discorsi, ii. 10.; et cf. Cicero, Philip, v,
290 TRANSLATION OF THE " DE AUGMENTIS."
tremely hard to restore a falling reputation. And
lastly, I place honour, which is more easily won by
any of the other three, much more by all combined,
than if you begin with honour, and then proceed to
the rest. But as it is of no little consequence to pre-
serve order in matter, so it is of no less consequence
to preserve order in time, the confusion whereof is one
of the commonest errors ; while men fly to their ends,
when they should only be attending to their begin-
nings ; and carelessly passing over the things which
He before them they rush at once to the highest and
greatest of all ; whereas it is a good precept, " Attend
to present business."1
A second precept is to beware of being carried by
an excess of magnanimity and confidence to things
beyond our strength, and not to row against the stream.
It is excellent counsel regarding men's fortunes, " Be
ruled by the Fates and the Gods ; " 2 for we ought to
look round and observe where things lie open to us,
and where they are closed and obstructed, where they
are difficult and where easy, that we may not waste our
strength on things to which convenient access is for-
bidden. For in this way we shall avoid repulse, not
occupy ourselves too much about one matter, earn a
character for moderation, offend fewer persons, and get
the credit of continual success ; whilst things which
would perhaps have happened of themselves will be
attributed to our industry.
The third precept seems to be somewhat repugnant
to the former two, though not so if rightly understood.
The nature of it is this, that we should not always
1 Virg. Eclog. ix. 66.: Quod nunc instat agamUs.
* Lucan, viii. 486. : Fatis accede Deisque.
THE EIGHTH BOOK. 291
wait for occasions, but sometimes challenge and induce
them ; and it is that to which Demosthenes alludes in
high terms, " In the same manner as it is a received
principle that the general should lead the army, so
should wise men lead affairs, causing things to be
done which they think good, and not themselves wait-
ing upon events."1 For if we diligently observe, we
sliall find two different kinds of sufficiency in perform-
ing actions and managing business. Some can make
an apt use of occasions, but plot or invent nothing of
themselves ; others are wholly bent on their OAvn plots,
but cannot take advantage of accidental opportunities ;
either of which abilities without the other is very lame
and imperfect.
A fourth precept is to undertake nothing which of
necessity takes up a great quantity of time, but to
have this sound ever ringing in our ears, " time is fly-
ing, time which cannot be retrieved."2 And this is
the reason why those who have devoted themselves to
laborious professions and the like, as lawyers, orators,
learned divines, and writers of books, are not so clever
in founding and promoting their own fortunes ; because
their time is so much occupied with other things that
they cannot investigate particulars, wait occasions, an.£
devise and meditate on plots to advance their fortunes.
Moreover, in the courts of princes and in common-
wealths you will find that the ablest persons both to
improve their own fortunes and to assail the fortunes
of others are those who have no public duty to per-
form, but are ever occupied in this study of advance-
ment in life.
1 Demosth. Philip, i. 45.
2 Virg. Georg. Hi. 284.:
Scd fiigit iuterea, fugit irreparabilc tempos.
292 TRANSLATION OF THE " DE AUGMENTIS."
A fifth precept is to a certain degree to imitate na-
ture, which does nothing in vain ; no very difficult task,
if a man will skilfully mix and interlace his several
kinds of business. For in every particular action a
man ought so to direct and prepare his mind, and
should have one intention so underlying and subordi-
nate to another, that if he cannot obtain his wishes in
the best degree, he may yet be satisfied if he succeed
in a second, or even a third ; and if he cannot obtain
them at all in that particular, then he may turn the
labour spent in it to some other end besides the one
intended ; and if he cannot reap any fruit of it for the
present, he may yet make it as a seed of somewhat in
time to come ; and if he can derive no substance from
it either now or hereafter, he may try at all events to
win some good opinion by it, or the like ; by always
exacting an account of himself, by which it may appear
that each action and scheme has borne him some fruit
more or less, and never allowing himself to stand
amazed and confused, or to despond immediately that
he fails to hit his chief mark. For nothing is more
impolitic than to be entirely bent on one action. He
that is so loses an infinite number of occasions, which
indirectly fall out by the way, and are perhaps more
proper and propitious for future use than for the pres-
ent matter ; wherefore men must be perfect in that
rule, " These things ought ye to do, and not to leave
the others undone." l
A sixth precept is not to engage oneself too per-
emptorily in anything, though at first sight it seem not
liable to accident ; but ever to have either a window
open to fly out at, or a secret way to retire by.
i St Matth. xxiii. 23.; St. Luke, xi. 42.
THE EIGHTH BOOK. 293
A seventh precept is that ancient precept of Bias,
not construed to any point of perfidiousness, but only
to caution and moderation, "Love as if you were some
time to hate, and hate as if you were sometime to
love ; " for it utterly betrays and destroys all utility,
for men to embark themselves too far in unfortunate
friendships, troublesome and turbulent quarrels, or fool-
ish and childish jealousies and emulations.
These will suffice for an example of the doctrine of
advancement in life. I would however have it fre-
quently remembered, that I am far from meaning that
these sketches of things which I note as deficients
should be set down as complete treatises, but only as
shreds or fragments to serve as samples of the whole
piece. Nor again am I so foolish as to assert that for-
tunes are not gained without all this contrivance which
I have mentioned. For I well know they come tum-
bling into some men's laps ; and that others only obtain
them by simple diligence and attention, (using only a
little caution,) without any great or laborious art. But
as Cicero, in his portrait of a perfect orator, does not
mean that every pleader should be or can be such ;
and again, as in the description of a prince or courtier
by such as have handled those subjects, the model is
always framed according to the perfection of the art,
and not according to common practice ; so likewise
.\iave I done in the description of a politic man, I mean
politic for his own fortune.
But it must be remembered all this while, that the
precepts which I have selected and set down on this
subject are of that kind which may be called Good Arts.
As for Evil Arts, if a man would propose to himself
that principle of Machiavelli, " that virtue itself a man
294 TRANSLATION OF THE " DE AUGMENTIS."
should not trouble himself to attain, but only the ap-
pearance thereof to the world, because the credit and
reputation of virtue is a help, but the use of it is an
impediment ; " or again, that other principle of his,
" that a politic man should have for the basis of his
policy the assumption that men cannot fitly or safely
be wrought upon otherwise than by fear ; and should
therefore endeavour to have every man, as far as he
can contrive it, dependent and surrounded by straits
and perils ; " 1 so that his politician would appear to
be what the Italians call "A spwer of thorns:" or
that principle embodied in the verse quoted by Cicero,
" Let friends fall, provided our enemies perish with
them ; " 2 as the Triumvirs did, who with the lives of
their friends purchased the destruction of their ene-
mies : or if he would be an imitator of L. Catiline, to
set on fire and trouble states, that he may the better
fish in muddy waters and make way for his own for-
tune ; " For," said he, " if a fire be lighted in my
fortunes, I will quench it, not with water, but with
destruction : " 3 or if he would make his own that say-
ing of Lysander, " that children are to be deceived
with comfits, and men with oaths ; " 4 with the like
depraved and pernicious doctrines, whereof (as in all
other things) there are a greater number than of the
wise and good : if any one, I say, takes pleasure in
such kind of corrupt wisdom, I will not certainly deny
that (with these dispensations from all the laws of
charity and virtue, and an entire devotion to the press-
ing of his fortune,) he may advance it quicker and
1 Cf. Macch. Principe, c. 17, 18. 2 Cic. pro Deiotaro, c. 9.
8 Cic. pro Mursen. c. 25.; Sallust, Cat. c. 31.
* Plut. in Lysand. c. 8.
THE EIGHTH BOOK. 295
more compendiously. But it is in life as it is in ways,
the shortest way is commonly the foulest and muddiest,
and surely the fairer way is not much about.
But men ought to be so far removed from devoting
themselves to wicked arts of this nature, that rather
(if they are only in their own power, and can bear
and sustain themselves without being carried away by
a whirlwind or tempest of ambition) they ought to set
before their eyes not only that general map of the
world, " that all things are vanity and vexation of
spirit," a but also that more particular chart, namely,
" that being without well-being is a curse, and the
greater being the greater curse ; " and " that all virtue
is most rewarded, and all wickedness most punished in
itself; " as the poet excellently says : —
Quae vobis, quae digna, viri, pro laudibus istis
Praemia posse rear solvi ? pulcherrima primum
Dii moresque dabunt vestri.2
And so on the other hand, it is no less truly said of the
wicked, " His own manners will be his punishment."3
Secondly, men in projecting their schemes and diffus-
ing their thoughts abroad on every side, in order to
forecast and advance their fortunes, ought in the rnidst
of these flights of the mind to look up to the Eternal
Providence and Divine Judgment, which often over-
throws and brings to nought the machinations and evil
designs of the wicked however deeply laid ; accord-
ing to that Scripture, " He hath conceived mischief,
1 Eccles. ii. 11.
2 Virg. JEn. ix. 252.:
Ye brave young men, what equal gifts can we,
In recompense of such desert, decree?
The greatest, sure, and best you can receive,
The gods and your own conscious worth will give
« Cic. Ep. ad Att. ix. 12.
296 TRANSLATION OF THE " DE AUGMENTIS."
and shall bring forth a vain thing."1 Moreover, al-
though men should refrain themselves from injury and
evil arts, yet this incessant, restless, and as it were
Sabbathless pursuit of fortune leaves not the tribute
which we owe to God of our time ; who we see de-
mands and separates for himself a tenth part of our
substance, but a seventh of our time. For what ad-
vantage is it to have a face erected towards heaven,
with a spirit perpetually grovelling upon earth, eat-
ing dust like the serpent? As the heathen also ob-
served, " the particle of the Divine Spirit cleaves to
the ground."2 But if here any man flatter himself,
that he will employ his fortune well, though he should
obtain it ill ; as was said concerning Augustus Caesar,
and Septimius Severus, " that either they should never
have been born, or else they should never have died,"3
they did so much mischief in their rise to greatness,
and so much good when they were established ; yet,
let him bear in mind that such compensations of evil
with good are to be approved after the evil is done,
but that such counsels are to be condemned. Lastly,
it will not be amiss for men, in this eager and excited
chase of fortune, to cool themselves a little with that
conceit which is elegantly expressed by the Emperor
Charles the Fifth in his instructions to his son, " That
foi tune has somewhat of the nature of a woman, who,
if she is too much wooed, is commonly the further off."
But this last is only a remedy for those whose tastes
are corrupted by a disorder of the mind. Let men
rather build upon that foundation, which is as a corner
l Psalm vii. 14., or Job, xr. 35.
4 Hor. Sat ii. 2. 79. : Atque affigit humo divinae particulam aurse.
• Aurelius Victor, Epit c. 1. Lampridius de Severe.
THE EIGHTH BOOK. 297
stone both of Divinity and Philosophy, wherein they
nearly agree as to that which ought to be sought first.
For Divinity says, " Seek ye first the kingdom of God,
and all these things shall be added unto you;"1 and
philosophy says something like it, " Seek ye first the
good things of the mind, and the rest will either be
supplied, or their loss will not be felt." And although
the human foundation is sometimes built upon the sand,
as we see in Marcus Brutus, when he brake forth into
that speech at his death, —
Te colui, Virtus, ut rem; ast tu nomen inane es: a
yet the same foundation, laid by the hand of heaven,
is ever laid upon the rock. Here then I conclude the
doctrine concerning advancement in life, and with it
the general doctrine conceniing negotiation.
CHAP. III.
The Divisions of the Doctrine concerning Empire or Gov-
ernment are omitted; — An Introduction only is made
to two Deficients ; namely, the Doctrine concerning
the Extension of the Bounds of Empire, and the Doc-
trine concerning Universal Justice, or the Fountains
of Law.
I NOW come to the Art of Empire or Civil Govern-
ment, which includes (Economics, as a state includes a
family. On this subject, as I before said, I have im-
1 St. Matth. vi. 33.
2 Cf. Dio Cassius, xlvii.:
Virtue I worshipped, and as real, sought,
But found her empty, and a thing of nought.
298 TRANSLATION OF THE " DE AUGMENTIS."
posed silence on myself, though perhaps I might not be
entirely unqualified to handle such topics with some
skill and profit, as being one who has had the benefit
of long experience, and who by your Majesty's most
gracious favour, without any merit of his own, has
risen through so many gradations of office and honour
to the highest dignity in the realm and borne the same
for four whole years ; and, what is more, being one
who has been accustomed for eighteen successive years
to the commands and conversation of your Majesty
(whereby a very stock might be turned into a states-
man), and who also, besides other arts, has spent much
time in the study of laws and histories. All which I
report to posterity, not through any vain boasting, but
because I think that it is of no little importance to the
dignity of literature, that a man naturally fitted rather
for literature than for anything else, and borne by some
destiny against the inclination of his genius into the
business of active life, should have risen to such high
and honourable civil appointments under so wise a
king. But -if my leisure time shall hereafter produce
anything concerning political knowledge, the work will
perchance be either abortive or posthumous. In the
mean time, now that all the sciences are ranged as it
were in their proper seats, lest so eminent a seat should
be left entirely vacant, I have determined to mark as
deficient only two parts of Civil Knowledge, which do
not belong to the secrets of Empire, but have a wider
and more common nature ; and according to my cus-
tom I will set down examples thereof.
The Arts of Government contain three political du-
ties ; first, " the preservation," secondly, " the happi-
ness and prosperity," and thirdly, " the extension,"
THE EIGHTH BOOK. 299
of empire. Of these the two former have in a great
measure been excellently handled, but nothing has
been said on the last. I will therefore set it down
among the deficients, and according to custom, propose
an example thereof, calling it " the Statesman in Ar-
mour" or the " Doctrine concerning the Extension of
the Bounds of Empire."
Example of a Summary Treatise touching the Extension
of Empire.1
THE speech of Themistocles if applied to himself
was certainly haughty and arrogant, but if generally
applied to others it seems to contain both a wise obser-
vation and a severe censure. Desired at a feast to
touch a lute, he said, " he could not fiddle, but yet he
could make a small town a great city."2 Now these
words, transferred to a political meaning, excellently
describe and distinguish two very different abilities in
those that deal in business of state. For if a true sur-
vey be taken of the councillors, senators, and other
public statesmen who have ever been, there will be
found some, though very few, who can make a small
city or kingdom great, and yet cannot fiddle ; and on
the other hand, there will be found many very cun-
ning on the lute or lyre (that is, in the follies of
courts), who yet are so far from having the power to
make a small state great, that they appear rather to be
naturally gifted to bring a great and flourishing state
to ruin and decay. And certainly those degenerate
arts and shifts, whereby many councillors and minis-
1 This Latin treatise on the Extension of Empire is nearly an exact
translation of the Essay on the True Greatness of Kingdoms. I have
therefore retained the original English with very few alterations.
2 Pint, in Them. 2.
300 TRANSLATION OF THE " DE AUGMENTIS."
ters often gain both favour with their masters and esti-
mation with the people, deserve no other name than a
certain knack of fiddling ; being things rather pleasing
for the time, and graceful to themselves only, than ad-
vantageous to the weal and advancement of the state,
whereof they are ministers. There will no doubt be
found other councillors and ministers, of no mean char-
acter, equal to their business, and able to govern the
state well, so as to preserve it from manifest precipices
and inconveniences, who nevertheless are far removed
from the ability to raise and amplify an empire in pow-
er, means, and fortune.
But be the workmen what they may be, let us con-
sider the work itself; that is, what is the true great-
ness of kingdoms and states and how it can be ob-
tained. It is a subject indeed fit for princes to have
ever in then* hands and carefully to consider; to the
end that neither by over-measuring their forces they
may engage in vain enterprises beyond their power;
nor on the other hand by undervaluing them they may
demean themselves to timid and pusillanimous coun-
sels.
The greatness of an empire as regards its size and
territory falls under measure ; as regards its revenue
under computation. The number of the population
may be taken by a census ; the number and greatness
of cities and towns by maps and surveys. But yet
there is nothing among civil affairs more subject to
error than the forming a true and right valuation of
the power and forces of an empire. The kingdom of
heaven is likened not to an acorn or any larger nut,
but to a grain of mustard seed ; 1 which is the smallest
i St. Matth. xiii. 31.
THE EIGHTH BOOK. 301
of all seeds, but yet has within itself a certain property
and spirit hastily to get up and spread. So there are
some kingdoms and states very great in extent of terri-
tory, and yet not apt to enlarge or command; and some
that have but a small dimension of stem, and yet are
apt to be the foundations of great monarchies.
Walled towns, stored arsenals and armouries, goodly
races of horse, chariots of war, elephants, ordnance,
artillery, and the like ; all this is but a sheep in a lion's
skin, except the breed and disposition of the people be
stout and warlike. Nay, number itself in armies is
not much advantage, where the people are of weak
courage ; for, as Virgil says, it never troubles the wolf
how many the sheep be.1 The army of the Persians
in the plains of Arbela was such a vast sea of people,
that it somewhat alarmed the commanders in Alexan-
der's army ; who came to him therefore and wished
him to set upon them by night ; but he answered, He
would not pilfer the victory : and the defeat was easy.2
When Tigranes the Armenian, being encamped upon
a hill with four hundred thousand men, discovered the
army of the Romans being not above fourteen thousand
marching towards him, he made himself merry with
it, and said, " Yonder men are too many for an em-
bassage, and too few for a fight."3 But before the
sun set, he found them enough to give him the chase
with infinite slaughter. Many are the examples of the
great odds between number and courage ; so that it
may be set down as a sure and tried rule, that the
principal point of greatness in any state is that the
people itself be by race and disposition warlike. Nei-
l Virg. Eel. vii. 52 2 Plut. in Alex. c. 31.
« Plutarch in Lucull. 27. and Appian, Bell. Mithrid. c. 85.
302 TRANSLATION OF THE "DE AUGMENTIS."
ther is money the sinews of war, as it is trivially said,
where the sinews of men's arms in base and effeminate
people are failing. For Solon said well to Crossus,
when in ostentation he showed him his gold, " Sir, if
any other come that has better iron than you, he will
be master of all this gold." 1 Therefore let any prince
or state think soberly of his forces, except his militia
of natives be of good and valiant soldiers. And let
princes, on the other side, who have subjects of mar-
tial disposition, know their own strength, unless they
be otherwise wanting unto themselves. As for merce-
nary forces, (which is the usual help in this case,) all
examples show, that whatsoever state or prince rests
upon them, he may spread his 'feathers for a time, but
he will mew them soon after.
The blessing of Judah and Issachar will never meet ;
that the same people or nation should be both the lion's
whelp, and the ass between burdens.2 Neither will it
be that a people over-laid with taxes should ever be-
come valiant and martial. It is true that taxes levied
by consent of the state do abate men's courage less ;
as it has been seen notably in the excises of the Low
Countries ; and, in some degree, in the subsidies of
England. For you must note, that we speak now of
the heart and not of the purse. So that although the
same tribute and tax, laid by consent or by imposing,
be all one to the purse, yet it works differently upon
the courage. So that you may conclude that no people
over-charged with tribute is fit for empire.
Let states that aim at greatness take heed that their
nobility and gentlemen do not multiply too fast; for
that makes the common subject grow to be a peasant
1 Cf. Lucian's Charon. 2 Gen. xlix. 9. 14.
THE EIGHTH BOOK. 80S
and base swain, driven out of heart, and in effect but
the gentleman's labourer. Even as you may see in
coppice woods ; if you leave your staddles too thick,
you will never have clean under-wood, but shrubs and
bushes. So in countries, if the gentlemen be too many,
the commons will be base ; and you will bring it to
that, that scarce one man in an hundred will be fit for
an helmet ; especially as to the infantry, which is the
nerve of an army : and so there will be great popula-
tion and little strength. This which I speak of has
been nowhere better seen than by comparing of Eng-
land and France ; whereof England, though far less
in territory and population, has been nevertheless an
overmatch ; and for this reason, that the yeomen and
lower classes of England make good soldiers, which
the peasants of France do not. And herein the device
of King Henry the Seventh (whereof I have spoken
largely in the history of his life) was profound and ad-
mirable : in making farms and houses of husbandry of
a standard ; that is, maintained with such a proportion
of land attached inseparably to them, as may allow
a subject to live in convenient plenty and no servile
condition ; and to keep the plough in the hands of the
owners, or at least the tenants, and not mere hirelings.
And thus indeed you shall attain to Virgil's character
which he gives to ancient Italy :
Terra potens annis, atque ubere glebae.1
Neither is that state, (which, for anything I know, is
almost peculiar to England, and hardly to be found
anywhere else, except it be perhaps in Poland,) to be
1 Virg. Mn. i. 531. :
Hesperia called, a land divinely blessed,
Of strength in arms and fruitful soil possessed.
804 TRANSLATION OF THE " DE ADGMENTIS."
passed over ; I mean the state of free servants and at-
tendants upon noblemen and gentlemen, who are no
ways inferior to the yeomanry as infantry. And there-
fore out of all question, the splendour and magnificence
and great retinues and hospitality of noblemen and
gentlemen received into custom conduce much unto
martial greatness ; whereas, contrariwise, the close and
reserved living of noblemen and gentlemen causes a
penury of military forces.
By all means it is to be looked to, that the trunk of
Nebuchadnezzar's tree of monarchy l be great enough
to bear the branches and the boughs ; that is, that the
natural subjects of the crown or state bear a sufficient
proportion to the stranger subjects that they govern.
Therefore all states that are liberal of naturalization
towards strangers are fit for empire. For to think that
an handful of people can, with the greatest courage
and policy in the world, embrace too large extent of
dominion, it may hold for a time, but it will fail sud-
denly. The Spartans were a difficult and jealous peo-
ple in point of naturalization ; whereby, while they
kept their compass, they stood firm ; but when they
did spread, and their boughs were become too great for
their stem, they became a windfall upon the sudden.
Never was any state in this point so open to receive
strangers into their body as were the Romans ; there-
fore it sorted with them accordingly, for they grew to
the greatest monarchy. Their manner was to grant
naturalization, which they called the right of citizen-
ship, and to grant it in the highest degree, that is, not
only the right of commerce, the right of marriage, the
right of inheritance ; but also, the right of voting, and
1 Daniel, c. iv.
THE EIGHTH BOOK. 305
the right of bearing office ; and this not to single per-
sons alone, but likewise to whole families; yea, to cities,
and sometimes to nations. Add to this their custom
of plantation of colonies, whereby the Roman plant
was removed into the soil of other nations : and put-
ting both constitutions together, you will say, that it
was not the Romans that spread upon the world, but it
was the world that spread upon the Romans : and that
was the surest way of greatness. I have mai*velled
sometimes at Spain, how they clasp and contain so
large dominions with so few natural Spaniards ; but
sure the whole compass of Spain is a verv great body
of a tree, far above Rome and Sparta at the first. And
besides, though they have not had that usage to natu-
ralize liberally, yet they have that which is next to it ;
that is, to employ, almost indifferently, all nations in
their militia of ordinary soldiers ; yea, and sometimes
in their highest commands. Nay, it seems at this in-
stant they are sensible of this want of natives and desire
to remedy it ; as appears by the pragmatical sanction
published in this year.
It is certain that sedentary and within-door arts, and
delicate manufactures (that require rather the finger
than the arm,) have in their nature a contrariety to a
military disposition. And generally all warlike people
are a little idle, and love danger better than work ;
' O *
neither must they be too much broken off it, if they
shall be preserved in vigour. Therefore it was great
ad/antage in the ancient states of Sparta, Athens,
Rome, and others, that they had the use of slaves who
commonly dispatched those manufactures. But that
is abolished in greatest part by the Christian law. That
which comes nearest to it is to leave those arts chiefly
VOL. IX. 20
306 TRANSLATION OF THE " DE AUGMENTIS."
to strangers, who for that purpose are to be invited or
at least easily received, and to contain the principal
bulk of the vulgar natives within those three kinds ;
tillers of the ground, free servants, and handicraftsmen
of strong and manly arts, as smiths, masons, carpenters,
and the like ; not reckoning professed soldiers.
But above all, for empire and greatness, it is of most
importance that a nation profess arms as their principal
honour, study, and occupation. For the things which
we have formerly spoken of are but qualifications for
the use of arms ; and what is qualification without in-
tention and act? Romulus after his death (as they
report or feign), sent an injunction to the Romans, that
above all they should attend to arms, and then they
should prove the greatest empire of the world.1 The
fabric of the state of Sparta, was wholly and carefully
(though not wisely) framed and composed to that scope
and end to make the people warriors. The Persians
and Macedonians had it for a flash. The Britons, Gauls,
Germans, Goths, Saxons, Normans, and others, had it
for a time. The Turks have it at this day, (being not
a little stimulated thereto by their law,) though in great
declination. Of Christian Europe they that still have
it are in effect only the Spaniards. But it is so plain
that every man profits most in that to which he most
attends, that it needs not to be stood upon. It is
enough to point at it ; that no nation, which does not
directly profess arms and devote themselves to tho
practice thereof, may look to have any special greatness
fall into their mouths. And on the other side it is a
most certain oracle of time, that those states that con-
tinue long in that profession (as the Romans and Turks
l Livy, i. 16.
THE EIGHTH BOOK. 807
principally have done), do wonders in extension of
empire : and those that have professed arms but for an
age have notwithstanding commonly attained that great-
ness in that age which maintained them long after,
when their profession and exercise of arms has grown
to decay.
Incident to this point is for a state to have those
laws or customs which may reach forth unto them just
occasions or at least pretexts for making war. For
there is that justice imprinted in the nature of men,
that they enter not upon wars (whereof so many
calamities do ensue), but upon some weighty, at the
least specious, grounds and quarrels. The Turk has
at hand for the cause of war the propagation of his
law or sect ; a quarrel that he may always command.
The Romans, though they esteemed the extending the
limits of their empire to be great honour to their gen-
erals when it was done, yet they never rested upon
that alone to begin a war. First therefore, let nations
that pretend to greatness have this, that they be quickly
sensible of wrongs, either upon borderers, merchants,
or public ministers ; and that they sit not too long
upon a provocation. Secondly, let them be prompt
and ready to give aids and succours to their confed-
erates and allies, as it ever was writh the Romans ; inso-
much, as if the confederate, had leagues defensive with
vlivers other states, and upon invasion offered did im-
plore their aids severally, yet the Romans would ever
be the foremost and leave it to none other to have the
honour. As for the wars which were anciently made
on the behalf of a kind of party or tacit conformity of
estate, I do not see how they may be well justified ;
as when the Romans made a war for the liberty of
308 TRANSLATION OF THE " DE AUGMENTIS."
Greece ; or when the Lacedemonians and Athenians
made wars, to set up or pull down democracies and
oligarchies ; or when wars were made by common
wealths and princes, under the pretence of justice or
protection, to deliver the subjects of others from tyr-
anny and oppression, and the like. Let it suffice for
the present, that no estate expect to be great that is
not awake upon any just occasion of arming.
No body can be healthful without exercise, neither
natural body nor politic ; and certainly to a kingdom
or estate a just and honourable war is the true exer-
cise. A civil war indeed is like the heat of a fever;
but a foreign war is like the heat of exercise, and
serves most of all to keep the body in health. For
in a slothful peace both courage will effeminate and
manners corrupt. But howsoever it be for happiness,
without all question for greatness, it makes to be still
for the most part in arms ; and the strength of a vet-
eran army (though it be doubtless a costly business),
always on foot, is that which commonly gives the law,
or 2t least the reputation amengst all neighbour states,
as may be well seen in Spain ; which has had, in one
part or other, a veteran army almost continually, now
by the space of six-score years.
To be master of the sea, is an abridgment of a mon-
archy. Cicero writing to Atticus of Pompey's prep-
aration against Caesar, says, " Pompey's counsel is
plainly that of Themistocles, for he thinks that who-
ever is master of the sea is master of the empire." l
And without doubt Pompey had tired out and reduced
Caesar, if iipon vain confidence he had not left that
way. We see the great effects of battles by sea from
l Cic. Ep. ad Att. x. 8.
THE EIGHTH BOOK. 309
many instances. The battle of Actium decided the
empire of the world. The battle of Lepanto arrested
the greatness of the Turk. There be certainly many
examples where sea-fights have put an end to the war ;
but this is, when princes or states have risked their
whole fortune upon the battles. But thus much is
certain, that he that commands the sea is at great lib-
erty, and may take as much and as little of the war
as he will ; whereas those that be strongest by land
are many times nevertheless in great straits. Surely
at this day with us of Europe the advantage of strength
at sea (which is one of the principal dowries of this
kingdom of Great Britain) is great ; both because
most of the kingdoms of Europe are not merely in-
land, but girt with the sea most part of their compass ;
and because the wealth and treasures of both Indies
seem in great part but an accessory to the command
of the sea.
The wars of latter ages seem to be made in the dark,
in respect of the glory and honour which reflected upon
men from the wars in ancient time. There be now for
martial encouragement some degrees and orders of
chivalry, which nevertheless are conferred promiscu-
ously upon soldiers and no soldiers ; and some remem-
brance perhaps upon the escutcheon, and some hospi-
tals for maimed soldiers, and such like things. But in
ancient times, the trophies erected upon the place of
the victory, the funeral laudatives and monuments for
those that died in the wars, the crowns and garlands
personal, the style of emperor, which the great kings
of the world afterwards borrowed, the triumphs of the
generals upon their return, the great donatives and
largesses to the soldiers upon the disbanding of the
310 TRANSLATION OF THE " DE AUGMENTIS."
armies, these, I say, and such like dazzling honours,
were things able to inflame all men's courage and ex-
cite even the coldest breast ; but above all, that of the
triumph among the Romans was not a pageant or
gaudery but one of the wisest and noblest institutions
that ever was. For it contained three things, honour
to the general, riches to the treasury out of the spoils,
and donatives to the army. But that honour perhaps
were not fit for monarchies, except it be in the person
of the monarch himself or his sons ; as it came to pass
in the times of the Roman emperors, who did appro-
priate the actual triumphs to themselves and their sons
for such wars as they achieved in person, and left only
for wars achieved by subjects some triumphal garments
and ensigns to the general.
To conclude : no man can, by taking thought, as the
Scripture saith, "add one cubit to his stature"1 in this
little model of a man's body ; but in the great frame
of kingdoms and commonwealths it is in the power of
princes or states to add amplitude and greatness to
their kingdoms. For by wisely introducing such ordi-
nances, constitutions, and customs, as we have now
touched, and others like them they may sow greatness
to their posterity and succession. But these counsels are
commonly not observed, but left to take their chance.
Such then are the thoughts that now occur to me
touching the extension of empire. But what avails
this consideration, seeing that the Roman is supposed
to have been the last of earthly monai'chies ? Yet be-
cause the extension of empire was set down as the last
of the three political duties, I could not have passed
l St. Matth. vi. 27. ; St. Luke, xii. 25.
THE EIGHTH BOOK. 811
it by altogether without deviating from my proposed
course. There remains now the other of the two de-
ficients which I mentioned ; namely, the treatise of
Universal Justice, or the Fountains of Equity.
All who have written concerning laws have written
either as philosophers or lawyers. The philosophers
lay down many precepts fair in argument, but not ap-
plicable to use : the lawyers, being subject and addicted
to the positive rules either of the laws of their own
country or else of the Roman or Pontifical, have no
freedom of opinion, but as it were talk in bonds. But
surely the consideration of this properly belongs to
statesmen, who best understand the condition of civil
society, welfare of the people, natural equity, customs
of nations, and different forms of government ; and
who may therefore determine laws by the rules and
principles both of natural equity and policy. Where-
fore let it be my present object to go to the fountains
of justice and public expediency, and endeavour with
reference to the several provinces of law to exhibit a
character and idea of justice in general, by comparison
with which the laws of particular states and kingdoms
may be tested and amended. I will now therefore ac-
cording to my custom set forth an example thereof in
one of its heads.
Example of a Treatise on Universal Justice or the Fouri'
tains of Equity, by Aphorisms : one Title of it.
PREFACE.
APHORISM 1.
IN Civil Society, either law or force prevails. But
there is a kind of force which pretends law, and a
312 TRANSLATION OF THE " DE AUGMENTIS."
kind of law which savours of force rather than equity
Whence there are three fountains of injustice; namely,
mere force, a malicious ensnarement under colour of
law, and harshness of the law itself.
APHORISM 2.
The ground on which private right rests is this. He
who commits an injury, receives either pleasure or
profit from the act, but incurs danger from the prece-
dent. For others do not share in the particular pleas-
ure or profit, but look upon the precedent as concern-
ing themselves. And hence they readily agree to
protect themselves by laws, that the course of injury
may not come round to them in turn. But if through
the state of the times, and a communion of guilt, it
happen that those whom a law protects are not so
numerous or so powerful as those whom it endangers,
a party is made to overthrow the law ; and this is often
the case.
APHORISM 3.
Private right depends upon the protection of pub-
lic right. For the law protects the people, and mag-
istrates protect the laws ; but the authority of the
magistrates depends on the sovereign power of the
government, the structure of the constitution, and the
fundamental laws. Wherefore, if this part of the con-
stitution be sound and healthy, the 'laws will be of good
effect, but if not, there will be little security in them.
APHORISM 4.
It is not however the only object of public law, to
be attached as the guardian of private right, to protect
it from violation and prevent injuries ; but it extends
THE EIGHTH BOOK. 313
also to religion, arms, discipline, ornaments, wealth,
and in a word to everything that regards the well-being
of a state.
APHORISM 5.
The end and scope which laws should have in view,
and to which they should direct their decrees and sanc-
tions, is no other than the happiness of the citizens.
And this will be effected, if the people be rightly train-
ed in piety and religion, sound in morality, protected
by arms against foreign enemies, guarded by the shield
of the laws against civil discords and private injuries,
obedient to the government and the magistrates, and
rich and flourishing in forces and wealth. And for all
these objects laws are the sinews and instruments.
APHORISM 6.
This end the best laws attain, but many pass wide
of it. For there is a strange and extreme difference in
laws ; some being excellent, some moderately good,
and others entirely vicious. I will therefore set down,
according to the best of my judgment, what may be
called certain " laws of laws," whereby we may derive
information as to the good or ill set down and deter-
mined in every law.
APHORISM 7.
But before I proceed to the actual body of particu-
lar laws, I will take a brief survey of the virtues and
dignities of laws in general. That law may be set
down as good, wjiich is certain in meaning, just in
pi*ecept, convenient in execution, agreeable to the form
of government, and productive of virtue in those that
live under it.
314 TRANSLATION OF THE " DE AUGMENTIS."
TITLE I.
Of the Primary Dignity of Laws, that they be certain.
APHORISM 8.
Certainty is so essential to law, that law cannot even
be just without it. " For if the trumpet give an un-
certain sound, who shall prepare himself to the bat-
tle ?" 1 So if the law give an uncertain sound, who
shall prepare to obey it ? It ought therefore to warn
before it strikes. It is well said also, " That that is
the best law which leaves least to the discretion of the
judge ; " 2 and this comes from the certainty of it.
APHORISM 9.
Uncertainty of laws is of two kinds ; the one, where
no law is prescribed ; the other, where the law is am-
biguous and obscure. We must therefore speak first
of cases omitted by the law, that in these also we may
find some rule of certainty.
Of Cases omitted by the Law.
APHORISM 10.
The narrow compass of human wisdom cannot take
in all the cases which time may discover ; whence new
and omitted cases often present themselves. For these,
the remedy or supplement is threefold ; namely, by
reference to similar cases, by employment of examples
which have not yet grown into law, and by jurisdictions
empowered to decide according to the arbitration of a
good man and sound discretion, whether they be Prae-
torian or Censorian Courts.
i 1 Corinth, xir. 8. 2 Arist. Rhet. i. 1.
THE EIGHTH BOOK. 315
Of Reference to Similar Cases, and the Extensions of
Laws.
APHORISM 11.
In omitted cases, the rule of law is to be drawn
from cases similar to them, but with caution and judg-
ment ; wherein the following rules are to be observed :
Let reason be esteemed prolific, and custom barren.
Custom must not make cases. Whatever therefore
is received contrary to the reason of a law, or even
where its reason is obscure, must not be drawn into
consequence.
APHORISM 12.
Great public good draws omitted cases to itself.
Wherefore when any law notoriously and to an ex-
traordinary degree respects and procures the good of
the people, let its interpretation be wide and compre-
hensive.
APHORISM 13.
It is harsh to torture laws, in order that laws may
torture men. We would not therefore that penal,
much less capital laws be extended to new offences.
If however the offence be old and taken cognizance of
by the laws, but the prosecution thereof fall upon a
new case, unprovided for by the laws, we ought by all
means to depart from the decrees of law rather than
leave offences unpunished.
APHORISM 14.
In statutes which directly repeal the common law
(especially in matters of frequent occurrence and long
standing), we approve not the proceeding by similarity
816 TRANSLATION OF THE "DE AUGMENTIS."
to cases omitted. For when the state has long been
without the entire law, and that too in expressed cases,
there is little danger in allowing the cases omitted to
wait for a remedy from a new statute.
APHORISM 15.
Statutes, which have a manifest relation to the time
when they were made and spring out of a temporary
emergency of state, when the state of the times is
altered, should have all their due, if they retain their
authority in the cases proper to them ; for it would be
preposterous to wrest them to omitted cases.
APHORISM 16.
Consequence does not draw consequence, but the
extension should stop within the next cases ; other-
wise there will be a gradual lapse into dissimilar
cases, and sharpness of wit will have greater power
than authority of law.
APHORISM 17.
When laws and statutes are concise in style, extend
freely ; when they enumerate particular cases, more
cautiously. For as exception corroborates the appli-
cation of law in cases not excepted, so enumeration
invalidates it in cases not enumerated.
APHORISM 18.
An explanatory statute stops the streams of the stat-
ute which it explains, and neither of them admit of
extension afterwards. For the judge must not make
a super-extension, when the law has once begun an
extension.
THE EIGHTH BOOK. 317
APHORISM 19.
Formality of words and acts admits not of an exten-
sion to similar cases. For formality loses its character
when it passes from custom to discretion ; and the in-
troduction of new things destroys the majesty of the
old.
APHORISM 20.
The extension of the law to posthumous cases, which
had no existence at the time of the passing of the law
is easy. For where a case could not be expressed, as
having no existence, a case omitted is taken for a case
expressed, if there be the same reason for it.
Enough then on the extensions of laws in cases
omitted. I will now speak of the employment of ex-
amples.
On Examples, and their Use.
APHORISM 21.
I now come to speak of examples, from which jus-
tice is to be derived when the law is deficient. Of
custom, which is a kind of law, and of examples which
by frequent use have passed into custom as a tacit law,
I will speak in their place. But here I will speak of
such examples as happen seldom and at distant inter-
vals, and have not yet acquired the force of law ; to
show when, and with what caution, the rule of justice
may be sought from them where the law is deficient.
APHORISM 22.
Examples are to be sought from good and moderate
times, not from such as are tyrannical, factious, or dis-
318 TRANSLATION OF THE " DE AUGMENTIS."
solute. For those belonging to such times are spurious
in their origin, and rather injurious than instructive.
APHORISM 23.
Of examples the latest are to be accounted the safest.
For why should not that which has been lately done
without any subsequent inconvenience be done again ?
But yet they have less authority ; and if it happen that
a reform be needed, modern examples savour more of
their own age than of right reason.
APHORISM 24.
Ancient examples are to be received cautiously, and
with proper selection. For the lapse of time makes
many alterations, so that what in respect of time ap-
pears ancient is, by reason of the confusion which it
makes and its inconformity to the present state of
things, really new. Wherefore the best examples are
those of the middle time, or else such a time as is most
in conformity with the present age ; and this is some-
times to be found in a more remote age rather than in
that immediately preceding.
APHORISM 25.
Keep within, or rather on this side of the limits of
the example, and on no account go beyond them. For
where there is no rule of law, everything should be
looked on with suspicion ; and therefore, as in obscure
cases, be very careful how you proceed.
APHORISM 26.
Beware of fragments, and epitomes of examples ;
and look carefully into the whole of the examples with
THE EIGHTH BOOK. 319
all the process thereof. For if it be unreasonable to
judge of part of a law, without examining the whole ;
much more ought this to have weight in examples, the
use whereof is doubtful, if they do not exactly corre-
spond.
APHORISM 27.
It is of great importance through what hands exam-
ples have passed, and by whom they have been sanc-
tioned. For if they have only passed among clerks
and secretaries, in the ordinary course of the court,
without the manifest knowledge of the higher officers ;
or among the teacher of all errors, the people ; they
are to be condemned and held of little account. But
if they have passed under the eyes of senators, judges,
or the principal courts, in such a manner that they
must needs have been strengthened by at least the
tacit approval of the judges, they are entitled to more
authority.
APHORISM 28.
Examples, which even though they have been little
used have been published, yet having been well de-
bated and ventilated in discourse and discussion, deserve
more authority ; but those, which have lain as it were
buried in desks and archives and have openly passed
into oblivion, deserve less. For examples like waters
are most wholesome in a running stream.
APHORISM 29.
Examples which have reference to laws should not
be sought from historians, but from public acts and the
more careful traditions. For it is a misfortune even of
the best historians, that they do not dwell sufficiently
upon laws and judicial acts ; or if by chance they use
320 TRANSLATION OF THE "DE AUGMENTIS."
some diligence therein, yet they differ greatly from
the authentic reporters.
APHORISM 30.
An example, which the same or the succeeding age
has upon the recurrence of the case rejected, should
not be readily re-admitted. For the fact that it was
once adopted does not tell so much in its favour, as
the subsequent abandonment tells against it.
APHORISM 31.
Examples are to be used for advice, not for rules
and orders. Wherefore let them be so employed as to
turn the authority of the past to the use of the present.
Enough then of instruction from examples where
the law is deficient. I must now speak of the Courts
Prastorian and Censorian.
On Courts Prcetorian and Censorian.
APHORISM 32.
Let there be courts and jurisdictions to determine,
by the judgment and discretion of a conscientious man,
when the rule of the law is deficient. For the law (as
has been before said) cannot provide for all cases, but
is adapted to meet such as generally occur. And time,
according to the ancient saying, is the wisest of all
things,1 and daily creates and invents new cases.
APHORISM 33.
Fresh cases happen both in criminal causes which
i Xen. Hell. Hi. 3. 2.
THE EIGHTH BOOK. 321
require punishment, and in civil causes which require
relief. The courts which take cognizance of the former
I call Censorian, those which respect the latter, Pra3-
torian.
APHORISM 34.
Let the Censorian Courts have power and jurisdic-
tion, not only to punish new offences, but also to in-
crease the punishments appointed by law for old ones,
where the cases are heinous and enormous, provided
they are not capital. For an enormous crime has
somewhat of the nature of a new one.
APHORISM 35.
In like manner let the Praetorian Courts have power
both to abate the rigor of the law and to supply its
defects. For if relief is due to a person whom the law
has neo-lected, much more is it due to one whom it has
^> 7
wounded.
APHORISM 36.
Let these Praetorian and Censorian Courts entirely
confine themselves to monstrous and extraordinary
cases, and not encroach upon the ordinary jurisdictions,
lest they rather tend to supplant than to supply the
law.
APHORISM 37.
Let these jurisdictions reside only in the supreme
courts, and not be shared by the lower ; for the power
of supplying, extending, and moderating laws, differs
little from that of making them.
APHORISM 38.
Let not these courts be entrusted to the charge of
one man, but let them consist of many. And let not
VOL. IX. 21
322 TRANSLATION OF THE « DE AUGMENTIS."
the decrees go forth in silence, but let the judges give
the reasons of their decision, and that openly and in
full court ; so that what is free in point of power may
yet be restrained by regard to character and reputa-
tion.
APHORISM 39.
Let there be no authority to shed blood; nor let
sentence be pronounced in any court upon capital cases,
except according to a known and certain law. God
himself denounced death before he inflicted it. Nor
should a man be deprived of his life, who did not first
know that he was risking it.
APHORISM 40.
In the Censorian Courts, let there be opportunity
for three verdicts ; that the judges may not be obliged
to acquit or condemn, but be at liberty to declare the
fact " not proven." And besides the penalty, let there
be power also to inflict a note or mark ; such I mean
as shall not extend to actual punishment, but may end
either in admonition only, or in a light disgrace ; pun-
ishing the offender as it were with a blush.
APHORISM 41.
In Censorian Courts, let the commencements and
middle acts of all great crimes and offences be pun-
ished, even though the end be not consummated. And
let this be even the principal use of these courts ; for
it is as well the part of severity to punish the com-
mencements of crimes, as of mercy to prevent their
completion, by punishing the intermediate acts.
THE EIGHTH BOOK. 323
APHORISM 42.
Especial care must be taken in Praetorian Courts, not
to afford relief in such cases as the law has not so much
omitted, as despised for their unimportance, or for their
odious nature judged unworthy of redress.
APHORISM 43.
It is of the greatest importance to the certainty of
laws (of which I am now treating), that Pra3torian
Courts be not allowed to swell and overflow, so as,
under colour of mitigating the rigour of the law, to
break its strength and relax its smews, by drawing
everything to be a matter of discretion.
APHORISM 44.
Let not the Praetorian Courts have authority, under
any pretext of equity, to decree against an express stat-
ute. For in that case the judge would pass into the
legislator, and everything would be at discretion.
APHORISM 45.
Some hold that the jurisdiction which decrees accord-
ing to equity and conscience, and that which proceeds
according to strict justice, ought to be deputed to the
same courts ; but others would have them kept sepa-
rate. I am clearly for keeping them separate. For if
there be a mixture of jurisdictions, the distinction of
cases will not be retained, but discretion will in the
snd supersede the law.
APHORISM 46.
The Prastor's Table at Rome, wherein he set down
324 TRANSLATION OF THE " DE AUGMENTIS."
and published the rules by which he meant to judge,
was not established without good reason. And after
this example, judges in the Praetorian Courts ought, as
far as possible, to propose certain rules for themselves,
and set them up where they can be seen by the people.
For as that is the best law which leaves the least to
the discretion of the judge, so he is the best judge who
leaves the least to himself.
But I will treat more fully of these courts when I
come to speak of judgments ; for here I have only
noticed of them in passing, in what way they remedy
and supply the omissions of law.
Of the Retrospective Aspect of Laws.
APHORISM 47.
There is likewise another kind of supplement to
omitted cases ; namely, when one law follows and
amends another, and draws the omitted cases along
with it. And this is done by those laws and statutes
which are called retrospective. But laws of this kind
must be used seldom, and with great caution ; for we
approve not of a Janus in laws.
APHORISM 48.
He who evades and narrows the words or meaning
of a law by fraud and cavil deserves to be himself en-
snared by a subsequent law. And therefore in cases
of fraud and captious evasion it is just that laws should
be retrospective, and be of assistance one to the other ;
that a man who plots to deceive and upset the present
laws may at least feel apprehensions from future ones.
THE EIGHTH BOOK. 325
APHORISM 49.
Laws which strengthen and confirm the real inten-
tions of acts and instruments against the defects of
forms and usages very properly include past actions.
For the principal inconvenience of a retrospective law
is that it creates disturbance ; but confirmatory laws of
this sort tend rather to peace and the settlement of
past transactions. We must however take care not to
call in question matters already adjudged.
APHORISM 50.
It must be observed that not those only are to be
considered retrospective laws which invalidate acts
passed ; but those likewise wrhich prohibit and restrain
future acts as necessarily connected with the past.
Thus a law which should prohibit certain artisans from
henceforth selling their wares seems only to bear upon
the future, yet it operates on the past; for such persons
have not now the power to seek their living in another
way.
APHORISM 51.
Every declaratory law, though it does not mention
the past, yet by the very force of the declaration must
needs apply to past transactions. For the interpreta-
tion does not date from the time of the declaration,
but is made as it were contemporary with the law itself.
And therefore enact no declaratory laws, except in
eases where they may be justly retrospective.
And here I end that part which treats of Uncer-
tainty of laws, where no law exists. I must now speak
of that other part, where some law is extant, but con-
fused and obscure.
326 TRANSLATION OF THE " DE AUGMENTIS."
Of Obscurity of Laws.
APHORISM 52.
Obscurity of laws arises from four sources ; either
from an excessive accumulation of laws, especially if
they be mixed with such as are obsolete ; or from an
ambiguity, or want of clearness and distinctness in the
drawing of them ; or from negligent and ill-ordered
methods of interpreting law ; or lastly, from a contra-
diction and inconsistency of judgments.
Of Excessive Accumulation of Laws.
APHORISM 53.
The prophet says, " He shall rain snares upon
them." l But there are no worse snares than 4egal
snares, especially in penal laws ; if being infinite in
number, and useless through the lapse of time, in-
stead of being as a lantern to the feet they are as
nets in the path.
APHORISM 54.
There are two ways in use of making a new statute.
The one confirms and strengthens former statutes on
the same subject, and then makes a few additions and
alterations. The other repeals and cancels all former
enactments, and substitutes an entirely new and uni-
form law. The last method is the best. For by the
former the enactments become confused and compli-
cated, and though indeed the immediate object is
effected, yet the body of laws is in the meantime cor-
rupted. But in the latter, though greater care is re-
quired in deliberating about the law itself, and former
l Psalm xi. 6.
THE EIGHTH BOOK. 327
acts must be carefully searched and canvassed before
it pass ; yet it is the best course for securing harmony
in times to come.
APHORISM 55.
The Athenians had a custom of appointing six men
to examine every year the contradictory titles of their
laws (which they called Antinomies) and to report to
the people such as could not be reconciled, that a def-
inite resolution might be passed concerning them.
After their example let the legislators of every state
every three or five years, or as often as it appears good,
review their Antinomies. And let these be first exam-
ined and drawn up by commissioners appointed for the
purpose, and then laid before the Parliament, that the
matter may be settled and established by vote.
APHORISM 56.
But let there not be too great an eagerness and anx-
iety to reconcile or salve (as they term it) these con-
tradictory titles by fine and far-fetched distinctions.
For this is a web of the wit ; which, whatever appear-
ance of modesty and reverence it may bear, must yet
be regarded as prejudicial, seeing that it makes the
whole body of laws ill-assorted and incoherent. It is
therefore far better to let the worse titles drop, and
leave the best to stand alone.
APHORISM 57.
It should also be a part of the office of the Commis-
sioners to propose that' obsolete laws and such as have
fallen into disuse should be repealed, as well as anti-
nomies. For since an express statute is not regularly
328 TRANSLATION OF THE " DE AUGMENTIS."
abolished by disuse, it comes to pass that through the
contempt of obsolete laws the authority of the rest is
somewhat impaired. And from this ensues a torment
like that of Mezentius, whereby the living laws are
stifled in the embraces of the dead. And above all
things a gangrene in our laws is to be avoided.
APHORISM 58.
But in the meantime let the Praetorian Courts have
power to decree against laws and statutes which are
obsolete, and have not lately passed. For though it
has been well said, " that no one should be wiser than
the laws,"1 yet this must be understood of waking and
not of sleeping laws. Not' so however witli more
recent -statutes, which are found to be injurious to
public justice. The power of giving relief in this case
should be left not to the judge, but to kings, councils,
and the supreme authorities of the state, who should
be empowered to suspend the execution of them by
Acts or Proclamations, till the re-assembling of Parlia-
ment or of that body which has the power of repealing
them ; lest in the meantime the welfare of the com-
munity be endangered.
Of New Digests of Laws.
APHORISM 59.
But if the laws by accumulation have grown so vo-
luminous, or become so confused that it is expedient to
remodel them entirely, and reduce them to a sound
and manageable body, let it by all means be done ; and
let it be considered a heroic work ; and let the authors
i Cf. Arist. Rhet. i. 15. 12. ; and Thucyd. iii. 37.
THE EIGHTH BOOK. 329
thereof be justly and deservedly reckoned among leg-
islators and reformers of law.
APHORISM 60.
This kind of expurgation and new digest of laws is
effected by five processes. First, let obsolete laws,
which Justinian calls old fables,1 be omitted. Secondly,
let the most approved antinomies be received, and the
rest abolished. Thirdly, let ffomoionomies, or laws
which are of the same import and nothing else but re-
iterations of the same thing, be erased, and let the one
which is the most perfect among them be retained in
place of all the rest. Fourthly, let such laws as de-
termine nothing, but only propose questions, and leave
them undecided, be dismissed in like manner. Lastly,
let those laws which are found to be wordy and too
prolix be more compressed and abridged.
APHORISM 61.
It will be very useful in a new digest of laws to
digest and arrange separately on the one side all the
laws received as Common Law, the existence whereof
is as it were from time immemorial ; and on the other
side the statutes, which have from time to time been
superadded. For in many points, in passing judgment,'
the interpretation and administration of the Common
Law are not the same as the Statute Law. And this
was the plan followed by Trebonianus in the Digest
and Code.
APHORISM 62.
But in this regeneration and reconstruction of the
laws, by all means retain the words and text of the old
1 Institut. Prooem. § 3.
330 TRANSLATION OF THE " DE AUGMENTIS."
laws and law-books, though it be necessary to extract
them by scraps and fragments: and afterwards con-
nect them together in proper order. For although this
might perhaps be done more conveniently, and, if you
look to right reason, more correctly also by a new text
than by patching up the old ; yet in laws we ought not
so much to look to style and drawing up as to author-
ity, and its patron, antiquity. Otherwise the work
would appear rather a matter of scholarship and meth-
od, than a body of commanding laws.
APHORISM 63.
It will be expedient in this new digest of laws that
the old volumes do not altogether perish and pass into
oblivion ; but that they be preserved at least in libra-
ries, though the ordinary and promiscuous use of them
be prohibited. For in important cases it will not be
amiss to examine and consider the successive changes
which have taken place in past laws. And surely it is
a reverent thing to intermingle antiquity with things
present. But this new body of laws ought to be regu-
larly confirmed by the legislative power of the state ;
lest, under pretence of digesting old laws, new laws
be secretly imposed.
APHORISM 64.
It were desirable that this instauration of the laws
should be undertaken in such times as are superior in
learning and experience to those more ancient times
whose works and acts they revise. But the reverse
of this happened in the work of Justinian. For it is
an unfortunate circumstance, when by the taste and
judgment of a less wise and less learned generation
THE EIGHTH BOOK. 331
the works of the ancients are mutilated and recon-
structed. But that is often necessary which is not
best.
So much then for obscurity of laws arising from an
excessive and confused accumulation thereof. I now
come to speak of the ambiguous and obscure drawing
up of them.
Of the Confused and Obscure Drawing up of Laws.
APHORISM 65.
Obscure drawing up of laws arises either from their
loquacity and verbosity, or on the other hand from an
excess of conciseness, or from the preamble of the law
being at variance with the body.
APHORISM 66.
I must now speak of the obscurity of laws which
arises from their being ill drawn up. The loquacity
and prolixity used hi the drawing up of laws I do not
approve. For it does not at all secure its intention
and purpose ; but rather the reverse. For while it
tries to enumerate and express every particular case
in apposite and appropriate words, expecting greater
certainty thereby; it does in fact raise a number of
questions about words ; so that, by reason of the noise
and strife of words, the interpretation which proceeds
according to the meaning of the law (which is the
juster and sounder kind of interpretation) is rendered
nore difficult
APHORISM 67.
Not that I therefore approve of a too concise and
332 TRANSLATION OF THE " DE AUGMENTIS."
affected brevity, as being the style of majesty and
command, especially in these times ; lest by chance
the law should become like a Lesbian rule.1 We must
the. efore aim at a mean, and look out for a well-defined
generality of words ; which though it does not attempt
to express all the cases comprehended, yet excludes
with sufficient clearness the cases not comprehended.
APHORISM 68.
In ordinary laws and proclamations of state how-
ever, in which lawyers are not generally consulted,
but every man trusts to his own judgment, everything
should be more fully explained, and pointed out, as it
were with the finger, to the capacity of the people.
APHORISM 69.
Nor should I at all approve of the preambles of laws,
which were formerly deemed impertinent, and which
represent laws disputing and not commanding, if we
could endure the ancient manners. But as times now
are, these preambles are necessarily used in most cases,
not so much to explain the law, as to persuade Par-
liament to pass it, and also to satisfy the people. But
avoid preambles as much as possible, and let the law
commence with the enactment.
APHORISM 70.
Though the intention and purport of a law may some-
times be well gathered from the prefaces and pream-
bles, yet the latitude or extension thereof should by no
means be sought from thence. For the preamble often
selects a few of the most plausible and specious points
* Cf. Erasm. Adag. i. 93., and cf. Arist. Ethics, v. ]0.
THE EIGHTH BOOK. 338
by way of example, even when the law contains many
things besides. Or on the other hand the law some-
times makes many restrictions and limitations, the rea-
sons whereof need not be inserted in the preamble.
Wherefore the extent and latitude of a law is to be
taken from the body thereof; for the preamble often
either exceeds or falls short of it.
APHORISM 71.
There is one very faulty method of drawing up laws.
And this is, when the case at which the law aims is
fully set forth in the preamble ; and then from the
force of the word " such " or some like relative, the
body of the law is reflected back upon the preamble,
which is thereby inserted and incorporated into the
law, and renders it both more obscure and less safe.
For the same care is not usually employed in weighing
and examining the words of the preamble which is
bestowed on the body of the law itself.
But this part of the uncertainty of laws, arising from
their being ill drawn up, I will treat of more fully, when
I come afterwards to the interpretation of laws. And
so much for the obscure drawing up of laws ; I must
now speak of the methods of expounding law.
Of the Methods of Expounding Law, and Removing
Ambiguities.
APHORISM 72.
There are five methods of expounding law, and re-
moving ambiguities : namely, by reports of judgments ;
by authentic writers; by auxiliary books; by prelec-
334 TRANSLATION OF THE " DE AUGMENTIS."
tions ; or by the answers and decrees of learned men.
All these if properly instituted will be of great service
against the obscurity of laws.
Of the Reporting of Judgments.
APHORISM 73.
Above all things, let the Judgments delivered in the
Supreme and Principal Courts on important cases, es-
pecially if they be doubtful and contain some difficulty
or novelty, be diligently and accurately taken down.
For judgments are the anchors of laws, as laws are of
the state.
APHORISM 74.
Let this be the method of taking down judgments
and committing them to writing. Record the cases
precisely, the judgments themselves word for word ;
add the reasons which the judges allege for their judg-
ments ; do not mix up the authority of cases brought
forward as examples with the principal case ; and omit
the perorations of counsel, unless they contain some-
thing very remarkable.
APHORISM 75.
Let the reporters be taken from the most learned
counsel, and receive a liberal salary from the state.
But let not the judges themselves meddle with the
reports ; lest from being too fond of their own opinions,
and relying on their own authority, they exceed the
province of a reporter.
THE EIGHTH BOOK. 335
APHORISM 76.
Let these judgments be digested in chronological
order, and not by method and titles. For such writ-
ings are a kind of history or narrative of the laws.
And not only the acts themselves, but the times also
when they passed, give light to a wise judge.
' Of Authentic Writers.
APHORISM 77.
Let the body of law be composed only of the laws
that constitute the Common Law, of the constitu-
tional laws or statutes, and of reported judgments.
Besides these, let no others be deemed authentic, or
at least let them be sparingly accepted.
APHORISM 78.
Nothing contributes so much to the certainty of laws
(whereof I am now treating), as to keep the authentic
writings within moderate bounds, and to get rid of the
enormous multitude of authors and doctors of laws.
For by them the meaning of laws is distracted, the
judge is perplexed, the proceedings are made endless,
and the advocate himself, as he cannot peruse and
master so many books, takes refuge in abridgments.
Perhaps some one good commentary, and a few classic
authors, or rather some few selections from some few
of them, may be received as authentic. Let the rest
however be kept for use in libraries, that the judges
or counsel may inspect them if necessary ; but lei
them not be allowed to be pleaded in court, or to pass
into authorities.
336 TRANSLATION OF THE " DE AUGMENTIS."
Of Auxiliary Books.
APHORISM 79.
The science and practice of the law should not be
deprived of auxiliary books, but rather well furnished
with them. These are of six kinds ; namely, Insti-
tutes : On Terms of Law : On Rules of Law : An-
tiquities of Laws : Summaries : and Forms of Plead-
ing.
APHORISM 80.
Students and novices are to be educated and trained
by Institutes to take in more readily and profoundly
the higher parts of the law. Let these Institutes be
arranged in a clear and perspicuous order. Let them
run through the whole private law, not omitting some
things, and dwelling too long on others ; but giving a
slight sketch of all ; so that when the student comes to
peruse the body of law he may find nothing entirely
new, or of which he has not had a slight notion before-
hand. But touch not the public law in these insti-
tutes, but let that be drawn from the fountains them-
selves.
APHORISM 81.
Construct a commentary on legal terms ; but let it
not enter too curiously or laboriously into an explana-
tion of their full sense. For the object is not so much
to look for exact definitions of the words, as for ex-
planations to make the way easier in reading law books.
And let not this treatise be digested in the order of the
alphabet, but leave that to an index ; and let the words
which relate to the same thing be arranged together,
that the one may serve to explain the other.
THE EIGHTH BOOK. 337
APHORISM 82.
A good and careful treatise on the different rules of
O
law conduces as much as anything to the certainty
thereof; and it deserves to be entrusted to the ablest
and wisest lawyers. For I am not content with the
works of this kind which are now extant. The col-
lection should consist not only of the common and well
known rules, but of others likewise more subtle and
abstruse, which may be gathered from the harmony of
laws and decided cases ; such as are sometimes found
in the best tables of contents ; and are in fact the gen-
eral dictates of reason, which run through the different
matters of law, and act as its ballast.
APHORISM 83.
But let not every decree or position of law be taken
for a rule; as is commonly done, ignorantly enough.
For if this were admitted there would be as many rules
as laws ; for law is nothing else than a commanding rule.
But let those be considered rules which are inherent in
the very form of justice ; and whereby it comes that
for the most part nearly the same rules are found in
the civil laws of different states ; except perhaps that
they may sometimes vary with reference to the forms
of constitutions.
APHORISM 84.
After a rule has been stated in a concise and solid
form of words, let examples, and such decisions of
cases as are most clear, be added for the explanation ;
distinctions and exceptions for the limitation ; and
kindred cases for the amplification of the rule.
VOL. ix. 22
338 TRANSLATION OF THE " DE AUGMENTIS."
APHORISM 85.
It is a sound precept not to take the law from the
rules, but to make the rule from the existing law. For
the proof is not to be sought from the words of the
rule, as if it were the text of law. The rule, like the
magnetic needle, points at the law, but does not settle
it.
APHORISM 86.
Besides the body of law, it will be of service like-
wise to take a survey of the antiquities thereof; of
which though the authority has perished, yet the rev-
erence still remains. And by antiquities of laws, I
understand those writings on laws and judgments,
whether published or unpublished, which preceded the
body of law ; for these should not be lost. Wherefore
select the most useful of them, (for many will be found
to be frivolous and unprofitable) and collect them into
one volume ; that old fables, as Trebonianus calls them,
may not be mixed up with the actual laws.
APHORISM 87.
It is of great importance to practice, that the whole
law should be arranged in order under titles and heads ;
to which reference may be made at once, when occa-
sion shall require as to a store house provided for pres-
ent wants. Summaries of this kind both reduce to
order what is dispersed in the law, and abridge what is
diffuse and prolix. But we must take care that while
they make men ready in pi'actice, they do not make
them idlers in the science itself; for their business is
to facilitate the recollection of the law, not to teach
it. But these summaries are by all means to be con-
THE EIGHTH BOOK. 339
structed with great care, accuracy, and judgment, lest
they cheat the laws.
APHORISM 88.
Collect the different forms of pleading of every sort.
For this is both a help to practice ; and besides, these
forms disclose the oracles and mysteries of laws. For
many things lie concealed in the laws, which in these
forms of pleading are more fully and clearly revealed ;
the one being as the fist, the other as the open hand.
Of Answers and Opinions.
APHORISM 89.
Some means should be devised for solving and clear-
ing away the particular doubts which from time to time
arise. For it is hard that they who desire to secure
themselves from error should not be able to find a
guide ; but that their actions must themselves run the
risk, there being no means of knowing the law before
the thing is done.
APHORISM 90.
I do not approve that the answers of learned men,
\vhether advocates or doctors of law, given to those
•who ask their advice on a point of law, should have
such authority that the judge should not be allowed
to depart from their opinions. Let the laws be taken
from sworn judges.
APHORISM 91.
I do not approve that men should make trial of judg-
ments under feigned persons and causes, for the pur-
340 TRANSLATION OF THE "DE AUGMENTIS."
pose of ascertaining what the rule of law will be. For
this lowers the majesty of the laws and is a kind of
prevarication. Besides, it is unseemly for judicial pro-
ceedings to borrow anything from the stage.
APHORISM 92.
Therefore, let judgments, as well as answers and
opinions, proceed from the judges alone ; the former
in questions on pending suits, the latter on difficult
points of law. And let not these opinions, whether
on public or private matters, be demanded from the
judges themselves, (for that were to turn the judge
into an advocate) ; but from the king or state. Let
the king or state refer them to the judges. Let the
judges thus authorised hear the pleadings of the advo-
cates, whether selected by the parties themselves, or
(if necessary) appointed by the judges themselves,
and the arguments on both sides ; and after deliber-
ating on the case let them deliver and declare the law.
Let these opinions be recorded and published among
judgments, and be of equal authority with them.
Of Prelections.
APHORISM 93.
Let the lectures and exercises of those who study
and labour at the law be so ordered and instituted, as
rather to set legal questions and controversies at rest,
than to raise and excite them. For at present there
are nothing but schools and institutions for multiplying
altercations and controversies on points of law, as if for
the display of wit. And this evil is also an old one.
For it was likewise the pride of antiquity, as by sects
THE EIGHTH BOOK. 341
and factions, to keep alive a number of questions of
law, rather than to settle them. Let this however be
provided against.
Of Inconsistency of Judgments.
APHORISM 94.
Inconsistency of judgments arises either from an
immature and hasty decision, or from the rivalry of
Courts, or from a bad and ignorant reporting of judg-
ments, or from too great facility being given for their
reversal. Care therefore should be taken that judg-
ments proceed after mature deliberation ; that courts
preserve mutual respect for one another; that judg-
ments be faithfully and wisely reported ; and that the
way to a repeal of judgments be narrow, rocky, and
as it were paved with flint stones.
APHORISM 95.
If judgment be given on any case in a principal
court, and a similar case occur in any other, do not
proceed to pass judgment till a consultation has been
held in some general assembly of the judges. For if
it be that previous decisions must be rescinded, at least
let them be interred with honour.
APHORISM 96.
That Courts should fence and dispute about juris-
diction is natural to humanity ; the rather because of
a foolish doctrine, that it is the part of a good and
active judge to extend the jurisdiction of his Court ;
which stimulates the disease and applies a spur where
a bit is needed. But that through this spirit of con-
342 TRANSLATION OF THE " DE AUGMENTIS."
tention courts should freely rescind each other's judg-
ments (judgments having nothing to do with the ques-
tion of jurisdiction) is an intolerable evil, that should
by all means be put down by kings or senates or gov-
ernments. For it is a most pernicious example, that
courts, whose business it is to keep the subjects at
peace, should be at war with one another.
APHORISM 97.
Let not the way to a repeal of judgments by appeals,
writs of error, new trials, and the like, be much too
easy and open. Some hold that a suit should be with-
drawn to a higher court, as quite a new cause, the
previous judgment being completely laid aside and
suspended. Others are of opinion that the judgment
itself should remain in full force, whilst only its execu-
tion should be deferred. I do not like either of these
ways ; unless the courts wherein judgment has been
delivered be of a low and inferior character ; but I
would rather let both the judgment stand, and the exe-
cution proceed, the defendant only giving security for
costs and damages if the judgment be reversed.
This Title then touching Certainty of Laws shall
stand as a model of the rest of the Digest which I
have in mind.
But here I have concluded Civil Knowledge (as far
as I have thought right to handle it), and together
with it Human Philosophy, and, with Human Philos-
ophy, Philosophy in General. At length therefore
having arrived at some pause, and looking back into
those things which I have passed through, this treatise
of mine seems to me not unlike those sounds and prel-
THE EIGHTH BOOK. 343
ndes which musicians make while they are tuning their
instruments, and which produce indeed a harsh and
unpleasing sound to the ear, but tend to make the mu-
sic sweeter afterwards. And thus have I intended to
employ myself in tuning the harp of the muses and re-
ducing it to perfect harmony, that hereafter the string*
may be touched by a better hand or a better quill. And
surely, when I set before me the condition of these
rimes, in which learning seems to have now made her
third visitation to men ; and when at the same time I
attentively behold with what helps and assistances she
is provided ; as the vivacity and sublimity of the many
wits of this age ; the noble monuments of ancient writ-
ers, which shine like so many lights before us ; the art
of printing, which brings books within reach of men
of all fortunes ; the opened bosom of the ocean, and
the world travelled over in every part, whereby mul-
titudes of experiments unknown to the ancients have
been disclosed, and an immense mass added to Natural
History ; the leisure time which the greatest wits in
the kingdoms and states of Europe everywhere have at
their disposal, not being so much employed in civil
business as were the Greeks in respect of their popular
governments, and the Romans in respect of the great-
ness of their monarchy ; the peace which Britain,
Spain, Italy, France too at last, and many other coun-
tries now enjoy; the consvimption and exhaustion of
all that can be thought or said on religious questions,
which have so long diverted many men's minds from
the study of other arts ; the excellence and perfection
of your Majesty's learning, which calls whole flocks of
wits around you, as birds round a phoenix ; and lastly
the inseparable property of time, ever more and more
344 TRANSLATION OF THE DE AUGMENTIS."
to disclose Truth ; I cannot, f say, when I reflect on
these things but be raised to this hope, that this third
period will far surpass the Greek and Roman in learn-
ing ; if only men will wisely and honestly know their
own strength and their own weakness ; and take from
one another the light of invention and not the fire of
contradiction ; and esteem the inquisition of truth as a
noble enterprise, and not a pleasure or an ornament;
and employ wealth and magnificence on things of
worth and excellence, not on things vulgar and of pop-
ular estimation. As for my labours, if any man shall
please himself or others in the reprehension of them,
they shall make at all events that ancient and patient
request, " Strike, but hear." 1 Let men reprehend
them as much as they please, if only they observe and
weigh what is said. For the appeal is lawful, though
perhaps it may not be necessary, from the first cogita-
tions of men to their second, and from the present age
to posterity. Now let us come to that learning which
the two former periods have not been so blessed as to
know, namely, Sacred and Inspired Divinity, the most
noble Sabbath and port of all men's labours and pere-
grinations.
i Plut in Theorist, c. 11.
THE ADVANCEMENT OF LEAENING.
BOOK IX.
CHAPTER I.
The Divisions of Inspired Divinity are omitted — Intro-
duction only is made to three Deficients ; namely, the
Doctrine concerning the Legitimate Use of the Human
Reason in Divine Subjects ; the Doctrine concerning
the Degress of Unity in the Kingdom of Crod ; and
the Emanations of the Scriptures.
SEEING now, most excellent king, that my little bark,
such as it is, has sailed round the whole circumference
of the old and new world of sciences (with what suc-
cess and fortune it is for posterity to decide), what
remains but that having at length finished my course I
should pay my vows ? But there still remains Sacred
or Inspired Divinity ; whereof however if I proceed
to treat I shall step out of the bark of human reason,
and enter into the ship of the church ; which is only
able by the Divine compass to rightly direct its course.
Neither will the stars of philosophy, which have hith-
erto so nobly shone upon us, any longer supply their
light. So that on this subject also it will be as well to
keep silence. I will accordingly omit the proper divi-
346 inAiNsLATION OF THE " DE AUGMENTIS."
sions thereof, contributing however a few remarks
upon it, according to my slender ability, by way of
paying my vows. And I am the more inclined to
do this, because in the body of Theology I find no
region or district entirely desert and uncultivated ;
such has been the diligence of man in sowing wheat
or tares.
I will propose therefore three Appendices of Theol-
ogy, which treat, not of the matter concerning which
theology gives or shall give information, but only of
the manner in which the information is imparted. I
will not however, as in other like cases, either intro-
duce examples or give precepts. That I will leave to
theologians ; for these, as I -have said, are only in the
place of vows.
The prerogative of God comprehends the whole man,
extending to the reason as well as to the will ; that man
may deny himself entirely, and draw near unto God.
Wherefore as we are bound to obey the dmne law
though we find a reluctation in our will, so are we to
believe His word though we find a reluctation in our
reason. For if we believe only that which is agreeable
to our sense, we give consent to the matter and not to
the author, which is no more than we would do to a
suspected witness. But that faith which was accounted
to Abraham for righteousness was of such a nature
that Sarah laughed at it, who therein was an image of
natural reason. The more discordant therefore and
incredible the Divine mystery is, the more honour is
shown to God in believing it, and the nobler is the
/ictory of faith. Nay, even sinners, the more they are
oppressed in their conscience, trusting nevertheless to
be saved through the mercy of God, the more do they
THE NINTH BOOK. 847
honour Him ; for all despair is a kind of reproach to-
wards God. Howbeit, if we will truly consider it, it
is more worthy to believe, than to know as we now
know. For in knowledge man's mind suffers from
sense which is the reflection of things material, but in
faith the spirit suffers from spirit which is a worthkr
agent. Otherwise it is in the state of man glorified,
for then faith shall cease, and we shall know even as
we are known.
Wherefore we conclude that Sacred Theology ought
to be derived from the word and oracles of God, and
not from the light of nature, or the dictates of reason.
For it is written, " The heavens declare the glory
of God," l but it is nowhere written, " The heavens
declare the will of God ; " but of that it is said, " To
the law and to the testimony ; if men do not according
to this word, &c." 2 And this holds not only in those
great mysteries which concern the Deity, the Creation,
and the Redemption ; but it pertains likewise to a more
perfect interpretation of the moral law, " Love your
enemies ; " "do good to them that hate you," and so
on ; " that ye may be the children of your father who
is in heaven, that sendeth rain upon the just and the
unjust."3 To which words this applause may well be
applied, "that they do not sound human;"4 since it
is a voice beyond the light of nature. Again, we see
the heathen poets, especially when they discourse of
the passions, often expostulate with laws and moral
doctrines (which yet are far more easy and indulgent
than the divine laws), as if they were contradictory
l Psalm xix. 1. 2 Isaiah, viii. 20.
« St. Matt, v. 44, 45.
* Virg. jEn. i. 328. : Ncc vox homin'im sonat.
348 TRANSLATION OF THE " DE AUGMENTIS."
and malignant to the liberty of nature ; " What nature
grants the envious laws deny." 1 So said Dendamis
the Indian to Alexander's messengers, " That he had
heard somewhat of the name of Pythagoras and some
other wise men of Greece, and that he held them for
excellent men ; but that they had a fault, which was
that they had too great reverence and veneration for
a kind of phantom, which they called law and man-
ners."2 Wherefore it must be confessed that a great
part of the moral law is higher than the light of nature
can aspire to. Nevertheless what is said, that man has
by the light and law of nature some notions of virtue
and vice, justice and injustice, good and evil, is most
true. For we must observe- that the light of nature is
used in two several senses ; the one, as far as it springs
from sense, induction, reason, argument, according to
the laws of heaven and earth ; the other, as far as it
flashes upon the spirit of man by an inward instinct,
according to the law of conscience ; which is a spark
and relic of his primitive and original purity. And in
this latter sense chiefly does the soul partake of some
light to behold and discern the perfection of the moral
law ; a light however not altogether clear, but such as
suffices rather to reprove the vice in some measure,
than to give full information of the duty. So then
religion, whether considered with regard to morals or
mysteries, depends on revelation from God.
The use notwithstanding of reason in spiritual things
is manifold and very general. For it is not for nothing
that the Apostle called religion, " Our reasonable ser-
* Ovid, Metam. x. 330. :
Et quod natura remittit,
Invida jura negant.
« Cf. Plut. in Alex. c. 65. ; and Strabo, i. xv.
THE NINTH BOOK. 349
vice of God." 1 If we review the types and ceremonies
of the old law we see that they were full of reason and
signification, differing widely from the ceremonies of
idolatry and magic, which were like surds and non-
significants, mostly without meaning, and not even sug-
gestive of anything. But especially the Christian faith,
as in all things, so in this is pre-eminent ; holding the
golden mean touching the use of reason and discus-
sion (the child of reason) between the law of the
heathen and the law of Mahomet, which embrace the
two extremes. For the religion of the heathen had
no constant belief or confession ; and the religion of
Mahomet on the other side interdicts argument alto-
gether ; so that the one has the very face of vague
and manifold error, the other of crafty and cautious
imposture ; whereas the holy Christian faith both ad-
mits and rejects the use of reason and disputation, but
according to just limitations.
The use of human reason in matters of religion is
of two sorts ; the former in the explanation of the mys-
tery, the latter in the inferences derived from it. With
regard to the explanation of the mysteries, we see that
God vouchsafes to descend to the weakness of our ap-
prehension, by so expressing his mysteries that they
may be most sensible to us ; and by grafting his reve-
lations upon the notions and conceptions of our reason ;
and by applying his inspirations to open our under-
standing, as the form of the key to the ward of the
lock. But here we ought by no means to be wanting
to ourselves ; for as God uses the help of our reason to
Jluminate us, so should we likewise turn it every way,
that we may be more capable of receiving and under-
1 Romans, xii. 1.
350 TRANSLATION OF THE " DE AUGMENTIS."
standing His mysteries ; provided only that the mind
be enlarged, according to its capacity, to the grandeur
of the mysteries, and not the mysteries contracted to
the narrowness of the mind.
But with regard to inferences, we should know that
there is allowed us a use of reason and argument (in
regard to mysteries) secondary and respective, though
not original and absolute. For after the articles and
principles of religion have been set in their true place,
so as to be completely exempted from the examination
of reason, it is then permitted us to derive and deduce
inferences from them according to their analogy. In
nature indeed this holds not. For both the principles
themselves are examinable, though not by a syllogism,
yet by induction ; and besides, these same principles
have no discordance with reason, so that the first and
middle propositions are derived from the same fountain.
It is otherwise in religion, where the first propositions
are not only self-existent and self-supporting ; but like-
wise unamenable to that reason which deduces conse-
quent propositions. Nor yet does this hold in religion
alone, but also in other sciences both of a greater and
smaller nature ; namely, wherein the primary proposi-
tions are arbitrary and not positive ; for in these also
there can be no use of absolute reason. For we see in
games, as chess or the like, that the first rules and laws
are merely positive, and at will ; and that they must
be received as they are, and not disputed ; but how to
play a skilful and winning game is scientific and ra-
tional. So in human laws there are many maxims, as
they call them, which are mere Placets of Law, depend-
ent on authority rather than upon reason, and there-
fore not to be disputed. But what is most just, not
THE NINTH BOOK. 351
absolutely but relatively (that is, according to these
maxims), that is a matter of reason, and opens a wide
field for disputation. Such therefore fs that secondary
reason which has place in Divinity, which is grounded
upon the Placets of God.
But as the use of the human reason in things divine
is of two kinds, so likewise in the use there are two
kinds of excess ; the one when it inquires too curiously
into the manner of the mystery ; the other when the
same authority is attached to inferences as to principles.
For he may appear to be the disciple of Nicodemus
who persists in asking, " How can a man be born when
he is old ? " 1 And he can be nowise considered the
disciple of Paul who does not sometimes insert in his
doctrines, "I, not the Lord;" or again, "According to
my counsel ;" 2 which style is generally suited to in-
ferences. Wherefore it appears to me that it would
be of especial use and benefit, if a temperate and care-
ful treatise were instituted, which, as a kind of divine
logic, should lay down proper precepts touching the use
of human reason in theology. For it would act as an
opiate, not only to lull to sleep the vanity of curious
speculations, wherewith sometimes the schools labour,
but also in some degree to assuage the fury of contro-
versies, wherewith the church is troubled. Such a
treatise I reckon among the things deficient ; and call
it Sophron or The Legitimate Use of Human Reason in
Divine Subjects.
It is of extreme importance to the peace of the
Church, that the Christian covenant ordained by our
Saviour be properly and clearly explained in those two
heads, which appear somewhat discordant ; whereof the
1 St. John, iii. 4. 10. 2 1 Corinth, vii. 10.
352 TRANSLATION OF THE "DE AUGMENTIS."
one lays down, " He that is not with us is against us ; " *
and the other, "He that is not against us is with us."2
From this it is evident that there are some articles,
wherein if a man dissent he is placed beyond the pale
of the covenant ; but that there are others in which he
may dissent, and yet remain within it. For the bonds
of the Christian Communion are set down, " one Lord,
one Faith, one Baptism, &c.," 3 not one Ceremony, one
Opinion. So we see the coat of our Saviour was with-
out seam, but the garment of the church was of divers
colours. The chaff should be separated from the corn
in the ear, but the tares should not be pulled up from
the corn in the field. Moses, when he saw the Egyp-
tian fighting with the Israelite, did not say, " Why
strive ye? " but drew his sword and slew the Egyptian.4
But when he saw the two Israelites fighting, though
it were not possible for both to be in the right, yet he
addresses them thus, " Ye are brethren, why strive
ye?" And therefore on these considerations it appears
a thing of great use and importance, well to define
what and of what latitude those points are, which dis-
incorporate men from the Church of God, and excom-
municate them from the communion of the faithful.
And if any one think that this has already been done,
iet him think again and again, and say whether it has
Oeen done with sincerity and moderation. Meanwhile
if a man talks of peace, he is very like to get the an-
swer of Jehu to the message, (" Is it peace, Jehu ? ")
" What hast thou to do with peace ? turn thee behind
me ;"5 for it is not peace but party that most men care
for. Nevertheless I have thought right to set down
l St Luke, xi. 23. or St. Matt. xii. 30. 2 St. Luke, ix. 50.
« Ephes. iv. 5. * Exod. ii. 12. 6 2 Kings, ix. 19.
THE NINTH BOOK. 353
among the deficients a treatise on the degrees of Unity
in the kingdom of Grod, being as a wholesome and prof-
itable undertaking.
Since the Holy Scriptures are the principal sources
of information in theology, we must especially look to
their interpretation. And I am not now speaking of
the authority of interpreting them, which rests in the
consent of the church ; but of the manner thereof;
which is of two sorts ; methodical and free. For this
divine water, which excels so much that of Jacob's
well, is drawn forth and employed much in the same
manner as natural water is out of wells and fountains.
For it is either first forced up into cisterns, whence it
may be conveniently fetched and derived by pipes for
use ; or else it is poured into buckets and vessels to be
used as it is wanted. The former method has in the
end produced to us the scholastical divinity ; whereby
divinity has been reduced into an art, as into a cistern,
and the streams of doctrines and positions have been
derived and conveyed from thence to water every part.
But in the free way of interpreting Scripture, there
occur two excesses. The one presupposes such perfec-
tion in Scripture, that all philosophy likewise should
be derived from its sources ; as if all other philosophy
were something profane and heathen. This distemper
has principally grown up in the school of Paracelsus
and some others ; but the beginnings thereof came
from the Rabbis and Cabalists. But these men do not
gain their object ; and instead of giving honour to
the Scriptures as they suppose, they rather embase
and pollute them. For to seek the materiate heaven
and earth in the word of God, (whereof it is said,
" Heaven and earth shall pass away, but my word
VOL. ix. 23
354 TRANSLATION OF THE " DE AUGMENTIS."
shall not pass away"1), is rashly to seek for tempora-
ry things amongst eternal ; and as to seek divinity in
philosophy is to seek the living among the dead, so to
seek philosophy in divinity is to seek the dead among
the living. The other method of interpretation which
I set down as an excess, appears at the first glance
sober and modest, yet in reality it both dishonours the
Scriptures themselves, and is very injurious to the
Church. This is, (in a word,) when the divinely-
inspired Scriptures are explained in the same way as
human writings. But we ought to remember that
there are two things which are known to God the au-
thor of the Scriptures, but unknown to man ; namely,
the secrets of the heart, and the successions of time.
And therefore as the dictates of Scripture are written
to the hearts of men, and comprehend the vicissitudes
of all ages ; with an eternal and certain foreknowledge
of all heresies, contradictions, and differing and chang-
ing estates of the Church, as well in general as of the
individual elect, they are not to be interpreted only ac-
cording to the latitude and obvious sense of the place ;
or with respect to the occasion whereon the words were
uttered ; or in precise context with the words before or
after ; or in contemplation of the principal scope of the
passage ; but we must consider them to have in them-
selves, not only totally or collectively, but distributively
also in clauses and words, infinite springs and streams
of doctrines, to water every part of the Church and the
souls of the faithful. For it has been well observed that
the answers of our Saviour to many of the questions
which were propounded to Him do not appear to the
point, but as it were impertinent thereto. The reason
l St. Mark, xiii. 31.
THE NINTH BOOK. 355
whereof is twofold ; the one, that knowing the thoughts
of his questioners not as we men do by their words, but
immediately and of himself, he answered their thoughts
and not their words ; the other, that He did not speak
only to the persons then present, but to us also now
living, and to men of every age and nation to whom
the Gospel was to be preached. And this also holds
good in other passages of Scripture.
Having made then these prefatory remarks, I come
to that treatise which I pronounce deficient. There
are found indeed among theological writings too many
books of controversies, a great mass of that theology
which I have tenned Positive, common places, special
tracts, cases of conscience, sermons and homilies, and
many prolix commentaries upon the Scriptures. But
what we want is a concise, sound, and judicious collec-
tion of annotations and observations on particular texts
of Scripture ; neither dilated into common places, nor
chasing after controversies, nor reduced into method of
art, but entirely unconnected and natural. It is indeed
a thing sometimes found in the more learned sermons,
which for the most part do not last ; but not yet in-
troduced into books, which may be handed down to
posterity. But certainly, as wines which flow gently
from the first treading of the grape are sweeter than
those which are squeezed out by the wine-press ; be-
cause these last have some taste of the stones and skin
of the grape ; so those doctrines are very sweet and
healthy, which flow from a gentle pressure of the
Scriptures, and are not wrested to controversies or
common places. Such a treatise then I will denomi-
nate the Emanations of the Scriptures.
356 TRANSLATION OF THE " DE ADGMENTIS."
Now therefore have I made as it were a small globe
of the intellectual world, as faithfully as I could ; with
a note and description of those parts which I find ei-
ther not constantly occupied, or not well cultivated by
the labour and industry of man. Wherein, if I have
in any point receded from the opinion of the ancients,
let it be understood that I have done so not from a
desire of innovation or mere change, but of change
for the better. For I could not be true and constant
to myself or the argument I handle, if I had not de-
termined to add as much as I could to the inventions
of others ; being however no less willing that my own
inventions should be surpassed by posterity. But how
fair I am in this matter may appear from this ; that I
have propounded my opinions everywhere naked and
unarmed, without seeking to prejudice the liberty of
men's judgments by disputes and confutations. For in
anything which is well set down, I am in good hope
that if the first reading move a scruple or objection,
the second reading will of itself make an answer. And
in those things wherein it has been my lot to err, I am
sure I have not prejudiced the truth by litigious argu-
ments; which commonly have this effect, that they
add authority to error, and diminish the authority of
that which is well invented ; for question is an honour
to falsehood, but it is a repulse to honour. Meanwhile
[ am reminded of the sarcastic reply of Themistocles
to the ambassador, who coming from a small town
used great words, " Friend, (said he) your words re-
quire a city." l And certainly it may be objected to
me with truth, that my words require an age ; a whole
age perhaps to prove them, and many ages to perfect
1 Lysander, not Themistocles. Cf. Plut. Lac. Apopthegmata.
THE NINTH BOOK. 357
them. But yet as even the greatest things are owing
to their beginnings, it will be enough for me to have
sown a seed for posterity and the Immortal God ;
whose Majesty I humbly implore through His Son and
our Saviour that He will vouchsafe favourably to ac-
cept these and the like offerings of the human intel-
lect, seasoned with religion as with salt, and sacrificed
to His Glory.
THE END*
THE
NEW WORLD OF SCIENCES,
OB
DESIDERATA.
BOOK II.
The Errors of Nature, or the History of Prcetergenera-
tions.
The Bonds of Nature, or Mechanical History.
Inductive History, or Natural History, properly arranged
for a Foundation of Philosophy.
The Eye of Polyphemus, or the History of Learning.
The History of Prophecy.
The Philosophy of the Ancient Fables.
BOOK III.
Primary Philosophy, or a Treatise of the Common Ax-
ioms of the Sciences.
Living Astronomy.
Sound Astrology.
A Continuation of Natural Problems.
The Opinions of Ancient Philosophers.
The Part of Metaphysic which relates to the Forms of
Things.
Natural Magic, or the Deduction of Forms to Works.
360 TRANSLATION OF THE
An Inventory of Human Possessions.
A Catalogue of Things of Multifarious Use.
BOOK IV.
The Triumphs of Man, or, A Treatise of the Ultimate
Perfections of Human Nature.
The Physiognomy of the Body in Motion.
Medical Reports.
Comparative Anatomy.
On the Treatment of Diseases pronounced Incurable.
On the Means for rendering Death easy to the Body.
On Authentic Medicines.
An Imitation of Natural Hot Springs.
The Physician's Clue.
On the Prolongation of Life.
On the Substance of the Sensible Soul.
On the Efforts of the Spirit in Voluntary Motion.
On the Difference between Sense and Perception.
The Root of Perspective, or, A Treatise of the Form of
Light.
BOOK V.
The Hunt of Pan, or Learned Experience.
The Novum Organum, or New Instrument of Logic.
Particular Topics, or Heads of Inquiry.
Confutations of Sophisms and Idols.
On the Analogy of Demonstrations.
BOOK VI.
On the Notes of Ttdngs.
A Philosophical Grrammar.
"NOVUS ORBIS SCIENTIARUM." 361
The Tradition of the Lamp, or the Method of Delivery
to Posterity.
On Prudence in Private Discourse.
The Colours of Apparent G-ood and Evil, loth Simple
and Comparative.
The Antitheta of Things.
The Lesser Formula of Speech.
BOOK VII.
Serious Satire, or the Inner Natures of Things.
The Georgics of the Mind, or the Culture of Morals.
BOOK VIII.
The Secretary for the Affairs of Life, or, On Scattered
Occasions.
The Carpenter of Fortune, or, On Advancement in
Life.
The Statesman in Armour, or, On the Means of Ex-
tending an Empire.
The Idea of Universal Justice, or, On the Fountains of
Equity.
BOOK IX.
Sopliron, or, On the Legitimate Use of Human Reason
in Divinity.
Irenaeus, or, On the Degrees of Unity in the Kingdom
of G-od.
Celestial Vessels, or Emanations of the Scriptures.
NATURAL AND EXPERIMENTAL
HISTORY
FOE THE FOUNDATION OF PHILOSOPHY :
OB
PHENOMENA OF THE UNIVERSE:
BEING THE THIRD PART OF THE INSTAURATIO MAGNA.
BY
FRANCIS
BARON OF VERULAM,
AND VISCOUNT ST. ALBAN8.
TO THE MOST ILLTJSTEIOUS AND EXCELLENT
PRINCE CHARLES,
SON AND HEIR OF HIS MOST SERENE MAJESTY, KING JAMES.
Most Illustrious and Excellent Prince,
THE first fruits of my Natural History I most
humbly offer to your Highness ; a thing like a grain
of mustard-seed, very small in itself, yet a pledge of
those things which by the grace of God will come
hereafter. For I have bound myself as by a vow every
month that the goodness of God (whose glory is sung
as in a new song) shall add to my life, to complete and
set forth one or more parts of it, according as they be
more or less difficult or extensive. It may be also that
others will be stirred by my example to a like indus-
try ; especially when they shall fully understand what
it is that we are about. For a sound and well-ordered
Natural History is the key of all knowledge and opera-
tion. That God may long preserve your Highness in
His keeping is the prayer of
Your Majesty's humble and devoted Servant,
FR. ST. ALBAN.
TITLES OF THE HISTORIES AND INQUIRIES
DESIGNED FOR THE FIRST SIX MONTHS.
History of the Winds.
History of Dense and Rare, and of the Contraction and
Expansion of Matter in Space.
History of Heavy and Light.
History of the Sympathy and Antipathy of Things.
History of Sulphur, Mercury, and Salt.
History of Life and Death.
THE NATURAL AND EXPERIMENTAL HISTORY
FOR THE FOUNDATION OF PHILOSOPHY:
OB
PHENOMENA OF THE UNIVERSE :
WHICH IS THE THIRD PART OF THE INSTAURATIO MAGKA.
MEN are to be admonished, nay urged and entreated
as they value their fortunes, to be lowly of mind and
search for knowledge in the greater world, and to
throw aside all thought of philosophy, or at least to
expect but little and poor fruit from it, until an ap-
proved and careful Natural and Experimental History
be prepared and constructed. For to what purpose
are these brain-creations and idle displays of power?
In ancient times there were philosophical doctrines in
plenty ; doctrines of Pythagoras, Philolaus, Xenoph-
anes, Heraclitus, Empedocles, Parmenides, Anaxag-
oras, Leucippus, Democritus, Plato, Aristotle, Zeno,
and others. All these invented systems of the uni-
verse, each according to his own fancy, like so many
arguments of plays ; and those their inventions they
recited and published ; whereof some wrere more ele-
gant and probable, others harsh and unlikely. Nor
in our age, though by reason of the institutions of
schools and colleges wits are more restrained, has the
VOL. ix. 24
370 TRANSLATION OF THE " HISTORIA
practice entirely ceased ; for Patricias, Telesius, Bru-
nus, Severinus the Dane, Gilbert the Englishman, and
Campanella have come upon the stage with fresh sto-
ries, neither honoured by approbation nor elegant in
argument. Are we then to wonder at this, as if there
would not be innumerable sects and opinions of this
kind in all ages ? There is not and never will be an
end or limit to this ; one catches at one thing, another
at another ; each has his favourite fancy ; pure and
open light there is none ; every one philosophises out
of the cells of his own imagination, as out of Plato's
cave ; the higher wits with more acuteness and felici-
ty, the duller, less happily but with equal pertinacity.
And now of late by the regulation of some learned and
(as things now are) excellent men (the former variety
and licence having I suppose become wearisome), the
sciences are confined to certain and prescribed authors,
and thus restrained are imposed upon the old and in-
stilled into the young ; so that now (to use the sarcasm
of Cicero concerning Caesar's year),1 the constellation
of Lyra rises by edict, and authority is taken for truth,
not truth for authority. Which kind of institution and
discipline is excellent for present use, but precludes
all prospect of improvement. For we copy the sin of
our first parents while we suffer for it. They wished
to be like God, but then* posterity wish to be even
greater. For we create worlds, we direct and domi-
neer over nature, we will have it that all tilings are as
in our folly we think they should be, not as seems fit-
test to the Divine wisdom, or as they are found to be
in fact ; and I know not whether we more distort the
facts of nature or our own wits ; but we clearly im-
l Plut. in Jul. Cues. p. 735.
NATURALIS ET EXPERIMENT ALIS." 371
press the stamp of our own image on the creatures
and works of God, instead of carefully examining and
recognising in them the stamp of the Creator himself.
Wherefore our dominion over creatures is a second
time forfeited, not undeservedly ; and whereas after
the fall of man some power over the resistance of
creatures was still left to him — the power of subdu-
ing and managing them by true and solid arts — yet
this too through our insolence, and because we desire
to be like God and to follow the dictates of our own
reason, we in great part lose. If therefore there be
any humility towards the Creator, any reverence for
or disposition to magnify His works, any charity for
man and anxiety to relieve his sorrows and necessities,
any love of truth in nature, any hatred of darkness,
any desire for the purification of the understanding,
we must entreat men again and again to discard, or
at least set apart for a while, these volatile and pre-
posterous philosophies, which have preferred theses to
hypotheses, led experience captive, and triumphed over
the works of God ; and to approach with humility and
veneration to unroll the volume of Creation, to linger
O
and meditate therein, and with minds washed clean
from opinions to study it in purity and integrity. For
this is that sound and language which went forth into
all lands,1 and did not incur the confusion of Babel ;
this should men study to be perfect in, and becoming
again as little children condescend to take the alpha-
bet of it into their hands, and spare no pains to search
and unravel the interpretation thereof, but pursue it
strenuously and persevere even unto death.
Having therefore in my Instauration placed the Nat-
1 Psalm ix. 4.
372 TRANSLATION OF THE tt HISTORIA
ural Histoiy — such a Natural History as may serve
my purpose — in the third part of the work, I have
thought it right to make some anticipation thereof,
and to enter upon it at once. For although not a few
things, and those among the most important, still re-
main to be completed in my Organum, yet my design
is rather to advance the universal work of Instauration
in many things, than to perfect it in a few ; ever ear-
nestly desiring, with such a passion as we believe God
alone inspires, that this which has been hitherto unat-
tempted may not now be attempted in vain. It has
occurred to me likewise, that there are doubtless many
wits scattered over Europe, capacious, open, lofty, sub-
tle, solid, and constant. What if one of them were to
enter into the plan of my Organum and try to use it ?
he yet knows not what to do, nor how to prepare and
address himself to the work of philosophy. If indeed
'it were a thing that could be accomplished by the read-
ing of philosophical books, or discussion, or meditation,
he might be equal to the work, whoever he be, and
discharge it well ; but if I refer him to natural history
and the experiments of arts (as in fact I do), it is out
of his line, he has not leisure for it, he cannot afford
the expense. Yet I would not ask any one to give up
what he has until he can exchange it for something
better. But when a true and copious history of nature
and the arts shall have been once collected and di-
gested, and when it shall have been set forth and,
unfolded before men's eyes, then will there be good
hope that those great wits I spoke of before, such as
flourished in the old philosophers, and are even still
often to be found — wits so vigorous that out of a mere
plank or shell (that is out of scanty and trifling expe-
NATURALIS ET EXPERIMENTALISE 373
rience) they could frame certain barks of philosophy,
of admirable construction as far as the work is con-
cerned — after they have obtained proper material and
provision will raise much more solid structures ; and
that too though they prefer to walk on in the old
path, and not by the way of my Organum, which in
my estimation if not the only is at least the best course.
It comes therefore to this ; that my Organum, even if
it were completed, would not without the Natural His-
tory much advance the Instauration of the Sciences,
whereas the Natural History without the Organum
would advance it not a little. And therefore, I have
thought it better and wiser by all means and above all
things to apply myself to this work. May God, the
Founder, Preserver, and Renewer of the universe, in
His love and compassion to men, protect and rule this
work both in its ascent to His glory and in its descent
to the good of man, through His only Son, God with
us.
THE RULE OF THE PRESENT HISTORY
ALTHOUGH at the end of that part of my Orgaimm
which has been published precepts are laid down con-
cerning Natural and Experimental History, yet I think
it right to give a description at once more exact and
more succinct of the rule and structure of the History
I am now entering upon.
To the Titles contained in the Catalogue which r<»
late to -Concretes, I superadd Titles of Abstract Na-
tures (which I have mentioned there as a History
reserved for myself). Such are " The Different Con-
figurations of Matter," or " Forms of the First Class,"
" Simple Motions," " Sums of Motions," " Measures
of Motions," and some other things ; whereof I have
constructed a new Alphabet, and placed it at the end
of this volume.
The titles in the catalogue (seeing it is beyond my
power to handle them all) I have not taken in order,
but made a selection ; choosing those whereof the in-
quiry was either most important in respect of use, or
most convenient on account of the abundance of ex-
periments, or most difficult and noble from the obscu-
rity of the thing, or such as opened the widest fields
for examples by reason of the difference between the
several titles, compared one with the other.
376 THE RULE OF THE PRESENT HISTORY.
In each Title, after an Introduction or Preface, Par-
ticular Topics or Articles of Inquiry are immediately
proposed, as well to give light in the present, as to
stimulate further inquiry. For questions are at our
command, though facts are not. I do not however in
the history itself tie myself to the precise order of the
questions, lest what was meant for a help should be-
come a hindrance.
The History and Experiments occupy the first place.
These, if they exhibit an enumeration and series of
particular things, are collected into tables; otherwise
they are taken separately.
Since history and experiments very often fail us, es-
pecially those Experiments of Light and Crucial In-
stances by which the understanding may determine on
the true causes of things, I give Injunctions touching
new experiments contrived, as far as can be at present
foreseen, to meet the special object of inquiry. And
such Injunctions form a kind of Designed History.
For what other course is open to us on first entering
on our path?
In the case of any more subtle experiment the
method which I have employed is explained ; for there
may be a mistake, and it may stimulate others to de-
vise better and more exact methods.
Admonitions and cautions concerning the fallacies
of things, and the errors and scruples which may oc-
cur in inquiry and discovery, are interspersed ; to dis-
pel and as it were exorcise as much as possible all
delusions and false appearances.
I insert my own observations on the history and ex-
periments, that the interpretation of nature may the
more advance.
THE RULE OF THE PRESENT HISTORY. 377
Speculations, and what may be called rudiments of
interpretation concerning causes, are introduced spar-
ingly, and rather as suggesting what the cause may be
than defining what it is.
Such Rules or imperfect axioms as occur to us in the
course of inquiry, and where we do not yet pronounce,
we set down and prescribe, but only provisionally. For
they are useful, if not altogether true.
Never forgetful likewise of the good of man (though
the light itself is more worthy than the things which it
reveals), I append some Reminders concerning Prac-
tice for the attention and remembrance of men. For
such and so unfortunate, I well know, is the insen-
sibility of mankind, that sometimes, if they be not
warned, they will pass by and neglect things which
lie in their very path.
Works and Things Impossible, or at least not yet
discovered, are propounded according as they fall un-
der the several titles. And along with them those
discoveries of which man is already possessed, which
are nearest and most akin to such impossibles ; that
men's industry may be excited and their spirits en-
couraged.
It is evident from what has been said that the pres-
ent history not only supplies the place of the third part
of the Instauration ; but is no mean preparation for the
fourth part, by reason of the titles from the Alphabet,
and the Topics ; and for the sixth part, by reason of
the major observations, the speculations, and the pro-
visional rules.
THE
HISTORY OF THE WINDS:
OK
THE FIRST TITLE IN THE NATURAL AND EXPERIMENTAL
HISTORY,
FOR THE FOUNDATION OF PHILOSOPHY:
WHICH IS THE THIRD PART OF THE IN8TAXTRATIO MAGNA.
HISTORY OF THE WINDS.
INTRODUCTION OR PREFACE.
To men the winds are as wings. For by them men
are borne and fly, not indeed through the air but over
the sea ; a vast gate of commerce is opened, and the
whole world is rendered accessible. To the earth,
which is the seat and habitation of men, they serve
for brooms, sweeping and cleansing both it and the air
itself. Yet they damage the character of the sea,
which would otherwise be calm and harmless ; and in
other respects they are productive of mischief. With-
out any human agency they cause strong and violent
motion ; whence they are as hired servants to drive
ships and turn mills, and may, if human industry fail
not, be employed for many other purposes. The na-
ture of the winds is generally ranked among the things
mysterious and concealed ; and no wonder, when the
power and nature of the air, which the winds attend
and serve (as represented by the poets in the relation
of JEolus to Juno), is entirely unknown. They are
not primary creatures, nor among the works of the six
days ; as neither are the other meteors actually ; but
produced according to the order of creation.
382 TRANSLATION OF THE
PARTICULAR TOPICS;
OB
Articles of Inquiry concerning the Winds.
1. Describe the winds according to the method ob-
f served at sea, and give them names either
ancient or modern; but let them be con-
stant and invariable.
Winds are either General, Periodical, At-
tendant, or Free. By the General winds, I
mean those which blow always ; by the Pe-
riodical, I mean those which blow at certain
times ; by the Attendant, those which blow
more frequently; and by the Free, those
which blow indifferently.
2. Are there any general winds and actual motions
General winds. of fae ^ ? jf ^^ things be, in what or-
der of motion, and in what places do they
blow?
3. What winds are annual, or periodical, and in
what countries ? Is any wind so precisely
periodical as to return regularly on certain
days and hours like the tide of the sea ?
4. What winds are attendant and haunters of par
ticular regions ? at what times do they blow
in those regions? what winds blow in the
spring, summer, autumn, and winter? which
are equinoctial, and which solstitial winds ?
which are morning, which noonday, which
evening, and which night winds ?
"HISTORIA VENTORUM." 38S
4
5. What is the nature of sea winds, and what that
of land winds ? And here carefully mark
the differences between sea and land winds,
as well those which blow on as those which
blow from the sea and land.
6. Are there not winds blowing from every quarter
Free winds. Of the heaven ?
WINDS do not vary much more in the quarters they
blow from than in their qualities. Some are strong,
others gentle ; some constant, others variable ; some
hot, others cold; some moist and relaxing, others dry
and binding ; some collect clouds and are rainy or
stormy, others disperse them and are fair.
7. Inquire and report to which of the forementioned
o-uaiitS'of * kinds each wind belongs, and how they vary
winds. according to countries and places.
THE local origins of winds are three in number; for
they are either sent down from above, or they spring
out of the earth, or they are collected in the body of
the air.
8. Inquire of the winds according to these three
origins ; namely, which of them are sent
down from what is termed the middle re-
gion of the air ; which breathe forth from
the hollows of the earth, whether they
rush out in a body, or exhale imperceptibly
and by degrees, and then collect as streams
into a river ; lastly, which of them are gen-
erated indiscriminately by the swelling or
expansion of the contiguous air ?
384 TRANSLATION OF THE
The generations of the winds are not only original,
but also accidental ; that is, arising from the compres-
sions, percussions, and repercussions of the air.
9. Inquire into these accidental generations of the
GeS£ns of winds- Properly they are not generations,
winds for thev rather increase and strengthen the
winds than create and excite them.
So much then for the community of winds. But
there are some extraordinary and prodigious winds,
as fiery winds, whirlwinds, and hurricanes. These
prevail on earth. But there are likewise subter-
ranean winds, whereof some are vaporous and mer-
curial ; as are felt in mines ; others are sulphureous ;
and find vent in earthquakes, or burst out from vol-
canoes.
10. Inquire into these extraordinary and prodigious
wln'dTt'n'd17 wmds, and into all the wonderful proper-
sudden Gusts. ties 0£ wjncjs.
From the kinds of winds let the inquiry pass on to
the things which help to produce them (I do not say
efficients of them, for that is more than I mean ; nor
concomitants, for that is less, but confacients, things
which help to make them) ; and those which are sup-
posed to excite or calm them.
11. Of astrological considerations touching the winds
The Things inquire sparingly, and take no heed of ac-
Contributmg to * * » J '
Winds, which curate horoscopes of the heaven ; only do
excite or ap- *
pease them. not neglect the more evident observations
of the winds increasing at the rising of cer-
tain stars, at the eclipses of luminaries, or
at the* conjunctions of planets ; and how
"HISTOKIA VENTORUM." 385
far they depend on the paths of the sun
or inoon.
12. What do meteors of different kinds contribute
to the winds ? What do earthquakes, show-
ers, and the meeting of the winds together,
contribute? For these things are linked
together, and depend one upon the other.
13. What do different vapours and exhalations con-
tribute ? which of them is most productive
of winds, and how far is the nature of
winds influenced by their matter ?
14. What do earthly things and things which take
place on earth contribute to the winds?
What do mountains and the melting of
snow upon them, or vast icebergs which float
and are borne about in the sea everywhere,
contribute ? What do the differences of
soil or land (if in large tracts), as marshes,
sands, woods, plains, contribute ? What the
work done by the hand of man, as the burn-
ings of heath and the like for the cultiva-
tion of land ; the burnings of corn and vil-
lages in wars ; the draining of marshes ; the
perpetual discharges of cannon ; and the
ringing of bells in great cities ? Such mat-
ters indeed appear trivial, but yet they have
some influence.
15. Inquire into all the methods of exciting or calm-
ing the winds, but less fully into such as
are fabulous or superstitious.
From this let the inquiry pass on to the limits of
the winds in point of height, extension, and duration.
VOL. ix. 25
386 TRANSLATION OF THE
16. Inquire carefully into the height or elevation of
""winds" °f *ne winds, and if there be any mountain
tops where they do not blow ; or if the
clouds sometimes appear motionless and sta-
tionary, at the same time that the winds are
blowing strong on the earth.
17. Inquire carefully touching the space which winds
have been known to occupy at the same
time, and what are the boundaries of them.
For instance, if a south wind is blowing in
such a place, will a north wind be blowing
at the same time ten miles distant from
thence ? On th.e other hand, in how small
a compass can winds be confined, so that
(as is the case in some whirlwinds) they ap-
pear to run in channels.
18. Inquire touching the greatest, mean, or shortest
time, that the winds are wont to continue
before they slacken and as it were expire ;
what again is their usual manner of rising
and commencing, what of falling and ceas-
ing ? whether it be sudden, or gradual, or
how?
From the limits of the winds let the inquiry pass on
to their successions, either among themselves, or with
respect to rain and showers. For as they perform a
dance, it would be pleasant to know the order of it.
19. Is there any rule or any observation which can
lf winSions ^e at aU relied on for the succession of the
winds with one another? Is it in conform-
ity with the motion of the sun or not ? If
there is a rule, what is the nature of it?
"HISTORIA VENTORUM." 387
20. Inquire into the succession and alternation of
the winds and rain ; for the common and
familiar idea is that rain calms the winds,
and winds keep off and disperse the rain.
21. Is the same succession of the winds repeated
after a certain period of years ? if so, what
is that period ?
From the successions of the winds let the inquiry-
pass on to their motions. These motions involve seven
inquiries ; whereof three are contained in the former
articles, the other four remain untouched. For I have
already inquired of the motion of the winds as dis-
tributed according to the different points of the com-
pass ; of the three lines of motion, upwards, down-
wards, and sideways ; and of the accidental motion
of compressions. There remain therefore, the motion
of progression, the motion of undulation, the motion of
conflict, and the motion in organs and machines of
human invention.
22. Since progression always begins from a certain
The Different point, inquire as diligently as possible into
Motions of * *. , o • .
mnds. the place of the first rising, and as it were
the fountains of the winds. For winds ap-
pear to resemble Fame ; which though they
penetrate and bluster everywhere, yet hide
their heads in the clouds.1 Inquire likewise
into the progression itself. For instance, if
a strong north wind blew on such a day or
such an hour at York, did it blow two days
afterwards in London?
i Virg. jEn. iv. 173.
888 TRANSLATION OF THE
23. Omit not to inquire into the undulation of the
winds. By undulation I mean that motion
by which the wind, like the waves of the
sea, is increased or slackened for short in-
tervals ; the alternations whereof are best
perceived by listening in buildings. But the
differences between the undulations or fur-
rowings of air and water should be the more
carefully marked, because in the air and
winds there is no motion of gravity, which
is a great part of the undulation in water.
24. Inquire carefully into the conflict and concur-
rence of winds blowing at the same time.
First whether many original winds (not re-
verberating) can blow at the same time ?
And if so, what channels they form in their
motion, and what condensations and altera-
tions they engender in the body of the air.
25. Do some winds blow above at the same time
that others blow below? For some have
observed that the clouds sometimes move in
a contrary direction to the weathercock ;
and likewise are sometimes driven by a
strong breeze, when it is quite calm below.
26. Describe very carefully and particularly the mo-
tion of the winds in the sailing of ships.
27. Describe the motion of the winds in the sails of
windmills, in the flight of hawks and birds,
and even in playthings and common mat-
ters, as in the waving of banners, the flying
of kites, and games which depend on the
wind.
"HISTORIA VENTORUM." 389
FROM the motions of the winds let the inquiry pass
on to their force and powers.
28. What are the powers and actions of the winds
1116 winds* °f on tides and currents, as to keeping them
back, driving them on, and causing them to
overflow ?
29. What are their powers over plants and insects,
with regard to bringing locusts, caterpillars,
blights, and mildews ?
30. What have they to do with purifying and infect-
ing the air, with regard to pestilences, epi-
demics, and affections of animals ?
31. What is their power of conveying what are
termed spiritual species, that is, sounds, ra-
diations, and the like ?
From the powers of winds let the inquiry pass on to
their prognostics, not only on account of the use of
predictions, but because they lead the way to causes.
For prognostics show either the preparations of things
before they are produced into action, or their com-
mencements before they are perceptible to the sense.
32. Diligently collect all kinds of prognostics of winds
^^wtadu8 °f (except those of an astrological nature, the
proper inquiry whereof has already been
marked out), whether they be sought from
the sky, waters, the instinct of animals, or
any other source.
LASTLY, conclude the inquiry by investigating the
imitations of winds in things natural or artificial.
33. Inquire into the imitations of winds in natural
bodies, as flatulency in the bodies of ani-
390 TRANSLATION OF THE
mals, explosions in the receivers of stills,
and the like.
Inquire into draughts and artificial winds, as bel-
lows, ventilators in rooms, &c.
Such then are the articles of inquiry. Some of them,
I am well aware, it is beyond the power of our present
experience to answer. But as in civil trials a good
lawyer knows how to put questions suitable to the case,
but knows not what the witnesses can answer ; so is it
with us in Natural History. Let posterity look to the
rest.
THE HISTORY.
The Names of Winds.
with reference For the sake of clearness and to assist the
to the 1st Arti-
cle of Inquiry, memory, we give a new set of names to the
winds according to their order and degrees, instead of
using the old proper names. But since I have bor-
rowed many terms (though not without careful sifting)
from the opinions of the ancients, and things will hardly
be recognized except under the ancient names, these
likewise are annexed to the winds. Let the general
division of the winds be as follows : Cardinal Winds,
which blow from the cardinal points of heaven ; Semi-
cardinal, which blow half way between those points ;
and Median, which blow intermediate between these
again. And of these Median winds let those be called
the Greater Medians which blow half way between the
Cardinal and Semi -cardinal, and the rest the Lesser
Medians.
"HISTORIA VENTORUM.'
391
The particular division of the winds is shown in the
following table : —
GREATER 1 C AR-
MED. | DINAL
North :
anciently called Bo-
North and by East.
East:
anciently called Eurus
East and by South.
South :
anciently called Auster
or Notus.
South and by West.
West :
anciently called Z»ph-
West and by North.
North-North-East :
anciently called
Aquilo.
North-East and by
North :
anciently called Meses.
East-South-Ea?t :
anciently called Vul.
turn us.
South-East and by
East.
South-South West :
anciently called Libo-
South-West and by
South.
West-North-West :
ancienjy culled Curuo.
North-West and by
West.
GHKATKR I SKMI- |
MED. 1 CARD, i
North-East :
North-East and by
East.
South East:
South-East and by
South.
South-West :
anciently called Lit*.
South- West and by
West.
North West :
North West and by
North:
•cias.
East-North-East :
anciently called Ca-
cias.
East and by North.
South-South East :
anciently called Ft.a-
nicias.
South and by East.
West-South- West :
anciently called Afri-
cus.
West and by South.
North-North -West :
anciently called Cir-
cias.
North and by West.
There are also other ancient names for winds, as
Apeliotes the East wind, Argestes the West-North-
West, Olympias and Scyron the North- West, Helles-
pontius the East-North-East, and lapyx the West-North-
West ; but I do not dwell upon them. Let it be enough
to have given fixed names to the winds, according to
the order and division of the quarters of the heaven.
In the interpretation of authors I place no great con-
fidence ; for they are themselves of but little weight.
Free Winds.
»Fith reference 1. There is no point of the heaven
Article of in- whence a wind may not blow. Nay, if the
heavens were divided into as many parts as
there are degrees in the horizon, winds will be found
at some times or places blowing from each of them.
2. There are whole countries in which it never rains,
or at all events very seldom ; but there are no coun-
tries where it does not blow, and that often.
392 TRANSLATION OF THE
General Winds.
with reference The phenomena with respect to the gen-
to the 2nd 1-1 p i.
Article of in- eral winds are tew in number; and. no
wonder, for these winds principally occur
in the tropics, regions considered fatal by the an-
cients.
1. Persons sailing in the open sea between the trop-
ics are aware of a steady and continual wind (called
by the sailors Brize) blowing from East to West. This
wind is so strong, that partly by its own blast, and
partly by its influence on the current, it prevents ves-
sels sailing to Peru from returning by the same way.1
2. In the European seas, when the sky is calm and
clear, and no particular winds are stirring, there is a
gentle breeze from the East, following the sun.
3. It is generally observed that the higher clouds
move mostly from East to West ; and this even at the
same time that there is a calm or a contrary wind
below. If this is not always the case, the reason may
be that particular winds sometimes blow high up, which
overpower this general wind.
Admonition. If there be any such general wind follow-
ing the motion of the heaven, it is not strong enough
to resist particular winds. Such a wind is more ob-
servable in the tropics, because it moves there in
larger circles ; and also in the higher regions of the
air for the same reason, and because it has there a
free course. Wherefore if you would discover it
outside the tropics, and near the earth (where it is
very gentle and inactive), make the experiment in
the open air, in a perfect calm, on high ground, with
i Acosta, Hist, des Indes, iii. 4.
"HISTORIA VENTORDM." 393
a body very susceptible of motion, and towards even-
ing ; because at that time the particular east wind
does not blow so much.
injunction. Observe carefully whether the weather-
cocks and vanes on the tops of toAvers and steeples
do not in the most perfect calms point steadily to
the west.
4. It is certain that in Europe the east wind is sharp
indirect an<^ Drying, the west wind moist and genial,
phenomena. jg noi" this Because (assuming that the air
moves from east to west) the east wind, which moves
-in the same direction, must rarifyand dissipate the air;
and so make it dry and biting ; whereas the west wind
which moves in a contrary direction collects and con-
denses the air ; which thereby becomes less keen, and
in the end wet ?
5. Consult the inquiry into the motion of the tides,
as to whether they move from east to west. For if
the heaven and the waters which are the extremes
prefer this motion, it is not unlikely that the air which
lies between them will likewise partake of it.
Admonition. These two phenomena last mentioned
are termed indirect, because they exhibit the matter
in question not directly, but by consequence : a kind
of evidence which (in the absence of direct phe-
nomena) I eagerly receive.
injunction. That this Brize blows perceptibly in
the tropics is a certain fact, but the cause of it is
doubtful. It may be that it is because the air
moves as the heavens do ; only that outside the
tropics the motion is almost imperceptible by rea-
son of the smaller circles, whereas it is manifest
within them where the circles are larger. Or it
894 TRANSLATION OF THE
may be that as all air is expanded by heat, and
can no longer be contained in the same space, the
contiguous air is necessarily impelled by the ex-
pansion, and produces this brize as the sun ad-
vances. But within the tropics, where the sun has
greater power, this is more remarkable ; without
them, it is hardly perceptible. By way of a Cru-
cial Instance to decide the point, inquire whether
the brize blows at night or not. For the rotation of
the air continues by night, but the heat of the sun
does not.
6. But it is certain that this brize does not blow in
the night, but that it blows in the morning and even
some time after sunrise. Nevertheless this does not
terminate the inquiry. For the nocturnal condensa-
tion of the air, especially in those countries where the
days and nights are not more equal in their lengths
than they are different in their degrees of heat and
cold, may weaken and disturb this natural but feeble
motion of the air.
7. If the air participates in the motion of the heaven,
it follows, not only that the east wind is concurrent
with the motion of the air, and the west wind is op-
posed thereto ; but also that the north wind blows as it
were from above and the south wind as it were from
below in our hemisphere, where the north pole is raised
above the earth and the south depressed below it.
And this has ever been remarked by the ancients,
though with hesitation and obscurity ; but it agrees
well with modern experience; because this brize
(which may be a motion of the air) is not due east,
but north-east.
"HISTORIA VENTORUM." 395
Periodical Winds.
reference to ^s m ^6 m(luiry touching the General
men have been afflicted with blind-
Transition, ness, so in that of the Periodical winds, they
have suffered dizziness and confusion. Of the former
they say nothing, of the latter they talk vaguely and
incoherently. But this is the more pardonable, be-
cause the thing is variable. For periodical winds
change with the place, and the same do not blow in
Egypt, Greece, and Italy.
1. That there are periodical winds in some places
the application of the name declares, as well as that
other appellation of Etesian or Anniversary winds.
2. It has been set down by the ancients as one of
the causes of the inundation of the Nile, that at that
time of the year the Etesian or North winds are prev-
alent, which prevent the river from running into the
sea, and drive it back.1
3. There are currents in the sea, which can neither
be attributed to the natural motion of the ocean, nor
to a descent from higher ground, nor to the narrowness
of channels, nor to promontories jutting out into the
sea ; but which are plainly influenced by periodical
winds.
4. Those who are unwilling to admit that Columbus
conceived so certain and fixed an opinion of the West
Indies from the narrative of a Spanish pilot, and con-
sider it still more unlikely that he derived it from the
obscure vestiges and rumours of antiquity, take refuge
in this ; that from periodical winds blowing to the coast
of Portugal, he imagined that there was a continent
l Herod, ii. 20., and Pliny, v. 10.
396 TRANSLATION OF THE
to the westward. The circumstance is doubtful and
not very probable, since the winds could hardly travel
so great a distance ; but in the meantime it is a great
honour to this inquiry, if the discovery of the new
world may be attributed to one out of the many ax-
ioms or observations that it contains.
5. Wherever there are high mountains covered with
snow, periodical winds blow from that quarter at the
time of the melting of the snows.
6. I judge also that from large marshes, which in
winter time are entirely flooded, there blow periodical
winds at the time when the heat of the sun com-
mences to dry them ; but of this I have no certain
information.
7. Wherever there is a plentiful generation of va-
pours, and that at certain times, you may be sure that
at those times periodical winds will arise there.
8. If periodical winds are blowing anywhere, and
there be no cause for them to be discovered near at
hand, you may know that such periodical winds are
strangers and come from a distance.
9. It has been remarked that periodical winds do
not blow at night, but get up the third hour after sun-
rise. They appear indeed like winds tired with a long
journey, so as to be scarce able to break through the
condensation of the night air, but after sunrise they
are roused up for a while and continue on their course.
10. All periodical winds (except they rise near at
hand) are weak, and easily overpowered by winds that
rise suddenly.
11. There are many periodical winds which are nei-
ther perceived nor observed, by reason of their weak-
ness and their being overpowered by the free winds.
"HISTORIA VENTORUM." 397
In the winter time therefore, when the free winds are
most prevalent, they are scarce perceptible ; but in the
summer, when these wandering winds are less frequent,
they are more apparent.
12. In Europe the principal periodical winds are,
northerly winds from the solstice, both before and after
the rising of the dog-star ; west winds from the autum-
nal equinox ; and east winds from the vernal equinox ; l
for the winter solstice deserves less attention by rea-
son of the frequent changes in winter.
13. The Ornithian or Bird-winds (so called because
they bring birds from cold regions beyond the sea to
more sunny climes) have nothing to do with periodi-
cal winds ; for they often fail in point of time. But
whether they blow late or early, the birds wait for
their convoy ; and if, as often happens, the winds com-
mence to blow and then change again, the birds being
deprived of their help drop into the sea, and sometimes
fall upon ships.
14. The precise day or hour of the return of the
winds is not discovered as it is in the tides. Some
writers sometimes specify a day, but it is rather by
conjecture than constant observation.
Attendant Winds.
with reference This term of Attendant Winds is my
to the 4th and 5th ITT • LJ-J.I J/L i
Articles of inquiry, own ; and 1 have invented it lest the ob-
Tranrftion. servation of them be forgotten or confused.
My meaning is this. Take any country and divide the
year into three, four, or five parts. If any wind blows
there for two, three, or four of these parts, and a con-
trary wind for only one part, the wind which blows
i Pliny, ii. 47, 48.
398 TRANSLATION OF THE
oftencst is called the attendant wind of that coun«
try. And the same is the case with respect to the
weather.
1. The south and north winds are the attendant
winds of the world ; for they with their divisions blow
more frequently over the world than the east or west
winds with their divisions.
2. All free winds (not periodical) are attendants of
the winter rather than the summer, but principally of
the autumn and spring.
3. All free winds attend more upon the regions with-
out the tropics, and even the polar circles, than those
within them ; in the torrid and frigid zones they blow
more seldom, in the temperate more frequently.
4. All free winds likewise, and especially the strong-
est of them, blow oftener and more violently in the
morning and evening than at noon and night.
5. Free winds are more general in lands full of holes
and cavities than on solid and m*m soils.
injunction. Human care has been very remiss in
the observation of attendant winds in particular dis-
tricts ; yet such observation, if it were made, would
be useful in many respects. I remember that an in-
telligent merchant who had carried out a colony to
Newfoundland and passed the winter there, told me,
when I asked him why that country was reputed so
extremely cold where the latitude was sufficiently
mild. " that it was not quite so bad as was reported,
but that the reasons were two : the one, that ice-
bergs were brought down by the current of the Arc-
tic Sea close beside those shores ; the other " (which
he considered the more important), " that the wesi
wind blows there for a much greater part of the
"HISTORIA VENTORUM." 399
year than the east ; which is likewise the case (said
he) in England ; but then in Newfoundland it blows
cold from the continent, here it comes warm from
the sea. Now if," he continued, " the east wind
blew as long and as frequently in England as the
west wind blows in Newfoundland, the cold here
would be far more intense, and equal to what it is
there."
6. The west wind is the attendant of the afternoon,
for it blows more frequently than the east wind when
the sun is declining.
7. The south wind is the attendant of the night, for
it rises oftener in the night, and blows stronger. The
north wind blows in the daytime.
8. There are many great differences between the
attendant winds of the sea and those of the land. The
chief one is that which suggested t~> Columbus the dis-
covery of the New World ; namely, ,hat sea winds are
not periodical as land winds generally are. For since
the sea abounds with vapours, which are present every-
where almost indifferently, winds likewise are gen-
erated everywhere, and having no fixed origins and
birthplaces blow every way with great uncertainty.
But the land is very unequally provided with the mat-
ter of winds ; some places being well supplied with the
means of generating and increasing them, others com-
paratively deficient. And therefore they commonly
blow from their nurseries, and take their direction ac-
»
cordingly.
9. Acosta does not appear to be very consistent, when
he says in one place that south winds blow during al-
most the whole year in Peru and along the coasts of
the South Sea, and in another that sea-winds generally
400 TRANSLATION OF THE
blow there.1 For the south wind there is a land wind,
as also is every other wind except the west. We may
adopt however what he observes as more certain, name-
ly, that the south wind is the attendant and common
wind of those countries ; unless perchance his imagina-
tion or manner of speaking were betrayed into error
by the name of the South Sea ; and he takes the west
wind, because it blows from the South Sea, for the
south. For the sea termed the South Sea is not prop-
erly the South Sea, but as it were a second Western
Ocean ; for it stretches in the same direction as the
Atlantic.
10. Sea winds are doubtless moister than land winds,
but yet purer, and more easily and equally mixed with
pure air. For land winds are compounded of delete-
rious mixtures, and are full of smoke. And let no one
oppose to this, that sea winds must be heavier by rea-
son of the saltness of the sea ; for salt being in its na-
ture terrestrial does not rise in vapours.
11. Sea winds are warm or cold, according as they
are moist or pure. Cold is lessened by humidity (for
dryness intensifies both heat and cold), but increased
by purity. Therefore these winds are warm outside
the tropics, but cool within them.
12. I judge that sea winds are the attendant winds
of all countries, especially on the coast. For winds
from the sea are much more common, by reason of the
far greater abundance of matter for winds at sea than
on land ; unless perchance from some peculiar cause
ttere happen to be a periodical wind blowing from the
land. But let no one confuse periodical and attendant
winds together ; for the latter blow much more gener-
1 Acosta, Hist, des Indes, iii. 20., and ii. 13.
"HISTORIA VENTORUM." 401
ally than the former. They have however this in com-
mon, that they blow from the quarter where they are
bred.
13. Sea winds are generally more violent than land
winds; yet when they subside the calm is greater out
at sea than near shore ; so that sailors sometimes prefer
rather to coast along the shore than to venture out to
sea. lest they should be becalmed.
14. There blow from the sea to the shore winds
which are intermittent ; that is, winds which advance
a little way, and then suddenly turn back. This surely
is caused by a kind of refraction and inequality be-
tween the breezes of the sea and of the land ; for all
inequality of the air is a commencement of wind.
Such intermittent and eddying winds are most fre-
quent in bays and arms of the sea.
15. Some breezes generally blow about all great
waters, and are mostly perceptible in the morning ; but
they appear more about rivers than at sea, by reason
of the difference between the breeze from the land and
from the water.
16. Trees growing near the sea usually bend and
curve themselves away from the sea breezes, as if they
had an antipathy thereto. Not however that these
winds have any deleterious quality, but their moist-
ness and density render them as it were heavier.
The Qualities and Powers of Winds.
with reference The qualities and powers of the winds
27th,e28th! 29th have not been observed diligently and va-
30th, and 31st AT- • i T MI .. ^ -L •
tides of inquiry, riously. 1 will extract the more certain
Transition. Qf tnem? an(J leave the TCSt as frivolous tO
the winds themselves.
VOL. ix. 26
402 TRANSLATION OF THE
1. The south wind with us is rainy, the north wind
clear ; the former collects and nurtures clouds, the lat-
ter breaks and dissipates them. Poets therefore in
their descriptions of the deluge represent the north
wind as at that time imprisoned, and the south wind
let loose with full powers.
2. The west wind is reputed by us as the wind of
the Golden Age, the companion of perpetual spring,
and the nurse of flowers.
3. The school of Paracelsus, seeking a place for its
three principles even in the temple of Juno, that is the
air, established three winds. For the east they found
no place.
Tincturis liquidum qui mercurialibus Austrum,
Divitis et Zephyri rorantes sulphure venas,
Et Boream tristi rigidum sale.1
4. In Britain the east wind is considered injurious,
insomuch that there is a proverb,
" When the wind is in the east,
'Tis neither good for man nor beast."
5. In our hemisphere the south wind blows from the
quarter where the sun is, the north wind from the
quarter where it is not. The east wind everywhere
follows the motion of the air, the west wind opposes it.
In most parts of Europe and Western Asia the west
wind blows from the sea, the east from the land.
These are the most radical differences of the winds,
whereon most of their qualities and powers really de-
pend.
6. The south wind is less anniversary and periodical
l Johannes Pratensis:
Clear Auster with mercurial tinct imbued,
Rich Zephyr dewed with sulphur, Boreas drear
Rigid with salt
" HISTORIA VENTORUM." 403
than the north wind, but more variable and free j1 and
when it is periodical it is so gentle as to be scarce per-
ceptible.
7. The south wind blows lower and more laterally ;
the north wind higher and more from above. And this
is not in consequence of the polar elevation and depres-
sion mentioned above, but because the south wind in
general has its birthplace nearer the earth than the
north wind.
8. The south wind with us is wet (as has been ob-
served before) ; but in Africa it is fair and brings great
heats, and is not cold, as some have affirmed.2 In
Africa it is tolerably healthy, but here if a clear and
dry south wind continue long, it is very pestilential.
9. The south and west winds do not generate va-
pours, but as they blow from quarters where the great-
est quantity of vapours is drawn forth by the intensity
of the sun's heat, they are rainy. If however they
proceed from dry places that are free from vapours,
they are fair, sometimes pure, and sometimes sultry.
10. The south and west winds with us seem to be
allied, being both warm and moist ; and on the other
hand the north and east are related, being both cold
7 O
and dry.
11. The north and south winds (as has been ob-
served before) are more frequent than the east and
west ; because by reason of the presence and absence
of the sun in those parts there is a vast inequality of
vapours ; whereas in the east and west the sun is as it
were indifferent.3
12. The south wind from the sea is very healthy, but
1 Aristot. Problem. § De Ventis, 2.
2 Id. ib. 51. 8 id. ib. 37.
404 TRANSLATION OF THE
more unwholesome from the land. With the north
wind the contrary holds good. The south wind from
the sea is likewise very beneficial to fruits and plants,
driving away blights and other noxious diseases.1
13. The south wind when gentle is not a great col-
lector of clouds, but it is often clear, especially if it be
of short continuance. But if it lasts or becomes vio-
lent, it makes the sky cloudy and brings on rain ; which
comes on rather when the wind ceases or begins to die
away, than when it commences or is at its height.
14. When the south wind either rises or falls, there
is generally a change of weather, from fair to cloudy,
or- from hot to cold, and vice versa. But the north
wind often both rises and falls, without any change in
the weather.
15. After frosts and long snows the south is almost
the only wind which blows,2 as if the frozen matter
had been digested and so thawed. And yet it is not
always followed by rain, but the same thing occurs like-
wise in fair thaws.
16. The south wind rises oftener and blows stronger
by night than by day, especially in winter nights. The
north wind, if it should rise by night (which is un-
usual), hardly ever lasts beyond three days.3
17. The south wind raises greater waves than the
north, even though it blow with equal or less force.
18. In a south wind the sea appears more blue and
clear ; in a north wind blacker and darker.4
19. A sudden increase of the temperature of the air
sometimes denotes rain ; and again a sudden change to
cold sometimes forebodes the same thing. But this de-
i Aristot. Problem. § De Vends, 19. « Id. ib. 3.
« Id. ib. 9. 15. 4 Id. ib. 39.
"HISTORIA VENTORUM." 406
pends upon the nature of the winds ; for if it turn warm
er with a south or east wind rain is at hand ; and so
likewise if it become colder with a north or west wind.
20. The south wind generally blows solitary and unre-
sisted ; but the north winds, especially Csecias and Corus,
are often accompanied by other different and contrary
winds, which repel them and make them tumultuous.
21. Take care not to sow in a north wind, or to
graft and inoculate when the wind is in the south.1
22. The leaves of trees fall sooner on the south side ;
but vine shoots burst out on that side, and have scarce
any other aspect.2
23. Pliny observes that in large pastures shepherds
should take care to drive their flocks to the north side,
that they may feed opposite to the south. For if they
feed opposite the north, they get foot-rot, scouring, and
blear eyes.3 The north wind likewise impairs their
generative powers, so that if they look against the
north wind as they copulate, they mostly produce ewe-
lambs. But in this Pliny (as being a transcriber) is
not consistent.4
24. Winds are injurious to the corn crops at three
seasons ; namely, on the opening of the flower, on the
shedding of the flower, and near the time of ripening.
At the two former times they either bind the flower in
the stalk or shake it off; at the latter they empty the
ear and scatter the grain.5
25. In a south wind the breath of men is more of-
fensive, the appetite of animals is more depressed, pes-
tilential diseases are more frequent, catarrhs common,
tnd men are more dull and heavy ; whereas in a north
1 Pliny, xviii. c. 33, 34. 2 Pliny, xviii. 33. 8 Pliny, ubi supra.
* Cf. Pliny, viii. 72. 5 Pliny, xviii. 17.
406 TRANSLATION OF THE
wind they are brisker, healthier, and have a bettei
appetite.1 The north wind however is bad for con
sumption, cough, the gout, or any sharp humour.
26. The east wind is dry, biting, and destructive ;
the west damp, mild, and genial.
27. The east wind towards the end of spring is de-
structive to fruits, by bringing in worms and cater-
pillars which devour almost all the leaves ; and it is
likewise unfavourable to corn. The west wind on the
contrary is very favourable and friendly to plants, flow-
ers, and all vegetation. About the autumnal equinox
however the east wind also is tolerably pleasant.
28. The west winds are more violent than the east,
and do more bend and wrench trees.
29. Wet weather with an east wind continues longer
than with a west, and generally lasts a whole day.
' 30. The east and north winds when they have once
begun are more continuous ; the south and west winds
are more variable.
31. In an east wind all visible things appear larger ; 2
in a west wind all sounds are more audible and travel
farther.
32. "That the wind Caecias attracts clouds,"3 passed
into a proverb among the Greeks ; in comparing it to
usurers who draw in money by putting it out. It is a
strong wind, but so wide spreading that it cannot drive
bway the clouds as quickly as they return and resist it.
And this appears likewise in the larger conflagrations
which make head against the winds.
33. The Cardinal or even the Semi-cardinal winds
an; not so stormy as the Median.
l Aristot Problem. § De Ventis, 18. 44, 45. " Id. ib. 55.
« Id. ib. 1. and 32. ; Cf. Erasm. Adag., i. 5. 62.
"HISTORIA VENTORUM." 407
34. The Median winds from east to north-east are
ealmer ; from north-east to east they are more stormy.
So likewise the winds from east to south-east are
calmer than from south-east to south ; and similarly
from south to south-west they are calmer than from
south-west to west ; and from west to north-west they
are calmer than from north-west to north. So that pro-
ceeding in the order of the heavens the Median winds
of the first Semi-cardinal are disposed to be calm, those
of the latter to be stormy.
35. Thunder, lightning, and tornadoes, occur with
cold northerly winds, as the winds Corus, Thrascias,
Circias, Meses, Caecias ; whence thunder is often ac-
companied with hail.
36. Snowy winds likewise come from the north, but
from those Median winds which are not stormy, as
Corus and Meses.
37. Winds in general obtain their natures and prop-
erties in five different ways; namely, from the absence
or presence of the sun ; from an agreement or disagree-
ment with the natural motion of the air ; from the dif-
ference of the matter of the nurseries from which they
are generated, as sea, snow, marshes, and the like ; from
the impregnation of the countries through which they
pass ; or from their local origins, whether on high, un-
der the earth, or in the middle region ; all which will
be better explained in the ensuing articles.
38. All winds have a power of drying, even more
than the sun itself. For the sun draws forth vapours,
but does not disperse them, unless it be very powerful ;
whereas the wind both draws them out and carries
them off.1 But the south wind does this much less
1 Aristot. Problem. § De Ventis, 31.
408 TRANSLATION OF THE
than the others ; and stones and beams will sweat even
more with a slight south wind than in a calm.
39. March winds are far more drying than summer
winds ; so that musical instrument makers will wait for
March winds to dry the material of their instruments,
and make it porous and musical.
40. All winds clear the air and free it from corrup-
tion, so that those are the healthiest years in which
there is most wind.
41. The sun has a fortune like to that of kings,
whose governors in distant provinces have more sub-
mission and obedience from their subjects than is paid
to the prince himself. For winds, which derive their
power and origin from the sun, have certainly equal
if not more influence on the temperatures of countries
and the dispositions of the air, than the sun itself. And
hence it is that Peru (which from lying near the sea
and having vast rivers and immense snow-mountains
is copiously supplied with winds and breezes) may vie
with Europe in the mild and temperate nature of the
air.1
42. We should not be surprised at the winds having
so great a force, since strong winds are like inundations
and torrents and vast waves of the air. Not however
that they have any very extraordinary power after all,
if the matter be better examined. They may blow
down trees whose tops being spread like sails help
them with the pressure of their own weight. They
may likewise overturn edifices that are weakly built,
but the more solid structures they cannot destroy, un-
less accompanied by earthquakes. Sometimes they
hurl down avalanches from the mountains, so as almost
1 Acosta, Hist, des Indes, ii. 9.
" HISTOEIA VENTORUM." 409
to bury the plains below them ; a thing which befel
Solyman in the plains of Sultania.1 Sometimes again
they cause great inundations of water.
43, Winds sometimes dry up rivers, and disclose
their beds. For if after a long drought there is a
strong wind down stream which continues for some
days, so that the fresh water is as it were swept off into
the sea, and the tide is prevented from coming up, the
river becomes dry in many unusual places.
Admonitions. 1. If you change the poles, you must
also change your observations as to north and south.
For the absence or presence of the sun is the cause,
and this varies according to the position of the poles.
But this may always be regarded as certain ; namely,
that there is more sea to the south and more land to
the north, which likewise has no slight influence
upon the winds.
2. Winds are generated in a thousand
ways, as will be made evident in the ensuing in-
quiry ; whence it is no easy matter to fix observa-
tions on so variable a subject. Those however
which are here laid down may generally be held
for certain.
The Local Origins of Winds.
with reference The knowledge of the local origins of the
to the 8th Arti- . , . ,.„, °, _ ,
cie of inquiry, winds is a difficult inquiry ; tor whence the
lon' wind cometh and whither it goeth is re-
garded even in Scripture as a mystery. And I am not
now speaking of the sources of particular winds (of
which hereafter), but of the places in which winds in
general are bred. Some seek for them on high, others
1 Knolles' History of the Turks (1603).
410 TRANSLATION OF THE
search the deep, but they scarce look for them in that
middle space where they are mostly generated. And
in this they follow the manner of men to overlook what
lies before their feet, and to prefer things dark and ob-
scure. This indeed is certain, that winds are either
natives or strangers ; for they are as it were traders in
vapours, which they collect into clouds for importation
or exportation to and from different countries, receiv-
ing winds in return by way of exchange. But let us
now inquire concerning native winds ; for those which
are strangers in one place are natives in another.
Winds therefore have three local origins ; that is, they
either breathe and spring forth from the earth, or they
are driven down from above, or they are stirred up
here in the body of the air. Those driven down from
abrve are generated in two ways ; for they are either
driven down before they are formed into clouds, or
afterwards when the clouds have been rarified and dis-
persed. Let us now observe what is their history.
1. The poets have feigned that the kingdom of
jEolus was situated in subterranean dens and caverns,
where the winds were imprisoned, and whence they
were occasionally let loose.1
2. Some theologians also, who were likewise philos-
ophers, have drawn a similar inference from the words
of Scripture, " Who brings forth the winds out of his
treasures ; " as if the winds proceeded from some sub-
terranean treasure-houses or magazines. But there is
nothing in this ; for Scripture speaks likewise of the
treasures of snow and rain, which no one doubts are
generated above.
3. There is doubtless a large quantity of air con-
1 Virg. J5n. i. 50., &c.
"HISTORIA VENTOEUM." 411
tained in the earth, which probably exhales by degrees,
and must certainly from particular causes sometimes
rush out in a body.
Phenomenon ^n grea* droughts and in the middle of
summer, when the earth is more full of
cracks, great bodies of water are observed
to burst forth in dry and sandy places. And
if water (which is a gross body) does this
seldom; air (which is a thin and rarified
body) will probably do it oftener.
4. When air exhales from the earth gradually and
at different spots, it is at first hardly perceptible ; but
when many of these small emanations of air are col-
lected together, a wind is formed from them, as a river
from many springs. But this seems to be time ; for
the ancients have remarked that many winds at their
rise and in the places whence they rise are weak at
first, but gather strength as they proceed, like rivers.1
5. There are some places in the sea, and likewise
some lakes, which without any winds swell exceed-
ingly. This would appear to be owing to some sub-
terraneous blast.
6. It requires a great force of subterraneous air to
shake or cleave the earth, but a less to raise the water.
Hence it is that earthquakes are uncommon, but swell-
ings and risings of the waters are more frequent.
7. It is likewise everywhere observed that waters
somewhat rise and swell before storms.
8. The thin subterraneous air which escapes at dif-
ferent spots is not perceived on land till it is collected
into wind, by reason of the porous nature of the earth.
But when it rises from below the waters it is perceived
i Cf. Gilbert, Physiol. iv. 2.
412 TRANSLATION OF THE
immediately from a certain swelling of the waters, by
reason of their continuity.
9. It has been before observed that hollow and cav-
ernous districts have their attendant winds ; so that
these would certainly appear to have their local ori-
gins from the earth.
10. On large rocky mountains the winds are found
to blow both sooner (that is, before they are percepti-
ble in the vallies), and more frequently (that is when
there is a calm in the vallies) ; but all mountains and
rocks are cavernous.
11. Gilbert observes that in Derbyshire l in Eng-
land, a mountainous and rocky district, there are such
strong eruptions of winds from some caverns, that arti-
cles of dress or rags thrown into them are blown back
again with great violence, and carried up a great height
into the air.
12. At Aber Barry on the Severn in Wales, there
is a rocky cliff filled with holes, to which if a man
apply his ear he will hear various sounds and mur-
murs of subterranean blasts.
indirect Phe- Acosta has observed with respect to the
nomenon. • • *> •
towns of Plata and Potosi in Peru, which
do not lie far apart from one another, and
are both situated on high and mountainous
ground, so that there is no difference in
this point ; that nevertheless the tempera-
ture of Potosi is cold and wintry, while that
of Plata is mild and spring-like.2 This may
perhaps be owing to the silver mines near
l The Latin has Denbigh ; but the true reading is preserved in Gilbert
Derbiae.
* Acosta, Hist, des Indea, ii. 13.
"HISTORIA VENTORUM." 413
Potosi ; which proves that there are vents
for hot and cold blasts from the earth.
13. If the earth be the original source of cold, as
Parraenides maintained (an opinion not to be despised,
seeing that cold and density are closely united) ; l it
is not less probable that warm exhalations should be
thrown up from the central cold of the earth, than
that they should be thrown down from the cold of
the upper air.
14. It is said by some of the ancients that there
are certain wells in Dalmatia and the country of Cy-
rene, into which if a stone be thrown, storms will soon
arise ; 2 as if the stone broke through some covering in
a place where the winds were confined.
indirect Phe- JEtna and many other mountains vomit
nonunion*
forth flames ; and it is probable that air
may break out in the same way, especially
being expanded and set in motion by sub-
terranean heat.
15. Upon earthquakes, certain foreign and noxious
winds are observed to blow, both before and after the
shock ; just as a light smoke is commonly emitted be-
fore and after great conflagrations.
Admonition. Air confined in the earth is forced out
by many causes. Sometimes a badly cemented mass
of earth falls into a hollow ; sometimes the waters
ingulf themselves in the earth ; sometimes the air is
expanded by subterranean fires and requires greater
space ; sometimes the earth, which was before firm
and vaulted, is reduced to ashes by internal fire,
and being no longer able to support itself falls
in. And there are many other similar causes.
l Arist. Metaph. i. 5. 2 piiny, ii. 44.
414 TRANSLATION OF THE
X
So much then for the inquiry concerning the first
local origin of the winds, namely, from under the
earth. I come now to the second origin ; namely,
from on high, or from what is called the middle re-
gion of the air.
Admonition. Let no one misinterpret my words into
a denial that the other winds may likewise be gen-
erated from vapours both of land and sea. But, this
I have mentioned is the first kind of winds which
spring from the earth as winds ready formed.
16. It has been observed that woods begin to rustle
before winds are manifestly perceived ; l whence it is
conjectured that wind descends from above. This is
likewise remarked on mountains (as I have mentioned
before), but the cause is less certain by reason of the
hollows therein.
17. The shooting and twinkling of stars foretels
wind from that quarter where the shooting is seen ; 2
which shows that the air is disturbed above, before
the motion reaches us.
18. The clearing of the sky and dispersing of the
clouds foreshadow winds, before they are felt on the
earth ; which likewise prove that winds commence
above.
19. Before the rising of a wind, the lesser stars are
not visible, even on a clear night ; 3 the air apparently
being condensed, and made less transparent by the
matter which is afterwards turned into winds.
20. Halos round the moon, a blood-red sunset, a
red moon on her fourth rising, and many other prog-
1 Pliny, xviii. 86.
2 Arist. Prob. xxvi. 25. ; and Of. Pliny, xviii. 80.
* Pliny, ubi supra.
"HISTOKIA VENTORUM." 415
nostics of winds derived from above (whereof I will
treat in their proper place), indicate that the matter
of winds is there commenced and prepared.
21. In these phenomena you may remark the dif-
ference already mentioned between the two ways
whereby winds are generated above ; namely, before
and after the collection of vapours into cloud. For
the prognostics from halos and the colours of the
sun and moon have some cloudy matter ; but the
shooting and obscuration of the smaller stars take
place in a clear sky.
22. When wind proceeds from a formed cloud, the
cloud is either totally dissipated and turned into wind ;
or it is divided partly into rain, and partly into wind ;
or it is rent asunder, and the wind bursts forth as in a
storm.
23. Many indirect phenomena may be observed in
nature of the repercussion by cold. Wherefore, since
the cold in the middle region of the air is plainly very
intense, it is evident that vapours cannot for the most
part penetrate those regions, but must be either con-
gealed or hurled back again. And this was the opin-
ion of the ancients, which in this instance is sound.
The third local origin of winds is in the case of
those which are generated in the lower air ; to which
likewise I give the name of swellings or overcharges
of the air. It is a thing very common and familiar,
but yet hitherto passed over in silence.
speculation. The generation of those winds which are
stirred in the lower air is nothing more mysterious
than this. The air newly created from water and
rarified and resolved vapours, being united to the
416 % TRANSLATION OF THE
former air, can no longer be confined within the
same limits as before, but swells and rolls onwards
and occupies a larger space. But here we must as-
sume two things. First, that a drop of water turned
into air (whatever stories they may tell of the deci-
mal proportion of the elements) requires at least a
hundred times more space than before ; and second-
ly, that a little new air in motion, when superadded to
the old, stirs and puts the whole in motion. And this
may be seen by the draught from a pair of bellows
or a crack in the window, which will set the air of
the whole room in motion, as the flame of the can-
dles will directly show.
24. As dews and mists are generated in the lower
air, without being turned into clouds or penetrating
into the middle region ; so it is with many of the
winds.
25. There is a continual breeze playing on seas and
waters, which is only a slight wind newly generated.
26. The rainbow, which is the lowest of the mete-
ors and generated nearest the earth, when it does not
appear entire, but broken and only with the ends visi-
ble, is resolved into winds, as much if not more than
into rain.
27. It has been observed that in countries which
are divided and separated by the interposition of
mountains some winds that are common on one side
of the range do not reach the other.1 This manifestly
shows that they are generated below the tops of those
mountains.
28. There is an infinite variety of winds, which
blow in clear weather, and even in countries where
l Gilbert, Phys. iv. 1.
" HISTORIA VENTORUM." 417
it never rains, that are generated where they blow,
without ever having been clouds or reaching to the
middle region of the air.
indirect Any one who knows how easily vapour
Phenomena. J •/ r
is resolved into air, how great is the quan-
tity of vapours, and how much greater space
drop of water occupies when turned into
air than it did before (as has been men-
tioned above), and how little compression
the air bears, will feel certain that winds
must be generated everywhere, from the
surface of the earth to the highest parts of
the atmosphere. For a large quantity of
vapour, when it begins to expand, cannot
possibly rise to the middle region of the
air without surcharging the air and pro-
ducing disturbance on the way.
Accidental Generations of Winds.
with reference Accidental generations of winds are those
Article of which do not produce or create an impul-
siye motion, but either excite it by compres-
sion, or drive it back by repercussion, or
roll and agitate it by curves. And this is effected by
external causes, and the position of contiguous bodies.
1. There is more agitation of the air and sensation
of winds in places where there are low hills surrounded
by vallies with a higher range of hills beyond, than
either on mountains or plains.
2. Winds and draughts are felt in towns where there
is any wide place with narrow outlets or passages, and
at the corners of streets.
3. Ventilation is produced or arises naturally in
VOL. ix. 27
418 TRANSLATION OF THE
houses, where there is a thorough draught, the air go-
ing in at one side and out at the other. But it is done
more effectually, if the air enters from different sides,
meets in angles, and has a common outlet at the meet-
ing-place. Arched and circular dining rooms are cooler
likewise, because the air which is stirred in them is
reflected in all directions. Curved porticoes are better
than straight ones ; for a wind in a straight line,
though it is not confined but has a free outlet, yet does
not make the air so unequal, voluminous, and undula-
tory, as the meeting in angles, the windings about and
collections in a round space, and the like.
4. After great storms at sea the accidental wind
lasts for a time after the original wind has settled.
And this is caused by the collision and percussion of
the air from the undulation of the waves.
5. In gardens the wind is commonly found to be re-
pelled by walls, buildings, and mounds ; so that one
would think it blew in a contrary direction to that in
which it really blows.
6. If one side of a country is surrounded by hills,
and a wind blow for a long time from the plain to the
hills, this wind being repelled by the hills is either
condensed into rain, if it be a moist wind, or changed
into a contrary wind, which however is of no long con-
tinuance.
7. In weathering headlands sailors often experience
a change of wind.
Extraordinary Winds and Sudden Gusts.
Some writers give opinions and r
. ,
touching extraordinary winds, as hurr
i • i • j J •
or storms, whirlwinds, typhoons, and siroc-
th reference Some writers give opinions and reasons
to the 10th . ,
Article of touching extraordinary winds, as hurricanes
"HISTORIA VENTORUM." 419
Transition. cos ; but they give no description of the
thing itself, which certainly is to be sought from jour-
nals and scattered history.
1. Sudden gusts never come in a clear sky, but only
when it is cloudy and with rain ; so that there s
rightly thought to be an eruption, with a discharge of
the wind and a concussion of the water.
2. Those storms attended with cloud and fog, called
" belluse," which rise up like pillars, are very violent
and dangerous at sea.
3. The greater typhoons, which extend over some
considerable space and carry things up into the air
along with them, seldom occur ; but the lesser and as
it were playful eddies and whirlwinds are common.
4. All storms, typhoons, and greater whirlwinds,
have a manifest motion of precipitation or vibration
downwards, more than the other winds. And hence
they appear to rush like torrents, and to flow down
as in channels, and to be then repelled by the earth.
5. It sometimes happens that in meadows haycocks
are carried up into the air, and then spread abroad like
a cover over the field. Again, bundles of pea-straw,
sheafs of corn, and linen hung out to dry, are lifted as
high as the tops of trees or above the tops of houses
by whirlwinds ; and all this is done without any great
force or violence of wind.
6. Sometimes these very slight and partial whirl-
winds take place even on a clear day ; so that a person
riding may see dust or straws caught up and whirled
round near him without feeling much wind. This is
doubtless caused by contrary breezes mutually repelling
one another, and making a circulation of air by the
concussion.
420 TRANSLATION OF THE
7. It is certain that there are some blasts which
leave behind them on plants manifest traces of burn-
ing and scorching. But the sirocco, which is an in-
visible lightning and a burning air without flame, is
referred to the inquiry on lightning.
Things Contributing to Winds, that is, the Original ; for
of Accidental Winds it has been inquired above.
with reference The ancients have given a very confused
£>tu!ei3th^i4th, an<i uncertain account of the winds and
ctes of inquiry, their causes, and mostly not true. But no
Transition. wonder that those who do not look close
do not see clearly. They talk as if wind were some-
thing else, different from air in motion ; and as if ex-
halations generated and composed the whole body of
winds ; and as if the matter of winds were only a hot
and dry exhalation ; l and as if the origin of the motion
of winds were only an expulsion and repercussion from
the cold of the middle region ; all which things are
mere arbitrary and imaginary suppositions. But yet
from these threads, which are indeed but cobwebs,
they weave large webs. Whereas in reality every
impulse of the air is a wind ; exhalations mixed with
the air contribute more to the motion, than to the mat-
ter of the winds ; moist vapours are by a well propor-
tioned heat turned into wind more easily than dry
exhalations ; and many winds, besides those which are
driven down and repelled from above, are generated
in the lower region of the air, and exhale from the
earth. Let us observe what is the language of the
things themselves.
1. I have mentioned in the article on general winds,
1 Arist. Meteorolog. ii. 4.
"HISTORIA VENTORUM." 421
that the natural rotation of the air, without any other
external cause, generates a perceptible wind within the
tropics, where the air revolves in larger circles.
2. Next to the natural motion of the air, before in-
quiring concerning the sun, which is the principal par-
ent of the winds, we must observe whether anything
be due to the moon and other stars, upon clear experi-
mental evidence.
3. Great and violent winds arise some hours before
an eclipse of the moon; so that if the moon is eclipsed
at midnight, there are winds the evening before ; but
if in the morning, there are winds at midnight.
4. Acosta observes that in Peru, which is a very
windy country, there is most wind at the full moon.1
injunction. Jt would be well worth observing, what
effect the motions and changes of the moon have
upon the winds, for they certainly influence the
waters. For instance, whether the winds like the
tides are not somewhat higher at the full and new
moon, than in the quarters. For though it may be
a convenient theory, that the moon has dominion
over the waters, and the sun and stars over the
air ; yet it is certain that water and air are very
homogeneous bodies, and that next to the sun, the
moon has the greatest power in every thing here
below.
5. Greater winds are observed to blow about the
time of the conjunctions of planets.
6. Winds and stormy weather are frequent at the
rising of Orion ; 2 but we should observe whether this
does not proceed from the rising of that constellation
at a time of year most generative of winds ; so that it
1 Hist, des Indes, ii. 7. 2 Arist. Problem. De Vends. 14.
422 TRANSLATION OF THE
would be rather a concomitant than a cause. And a
similar doubt might justly be raised respecting the
rains at the rising of the Hyades and Pleiades, or the
storms at the rising of Arcturus. And" so much with
regard to the moon and stars.
7. The sun doubtless is the primary efficient of
many winds, as by its heat it operates upon two kinds
of matter ; namely, the body of the air, and -v apours
or exhalations.
8. The sun, when powerful, expands air, though
pure and entirely unmixed, perhaps as much as one-
third, which is no trifling difference. From this simple
expansion therefore some wind must arise in the sun's
paths, especially during great heats ; and that rather
two or three hours after sunrise than at daybreak.
9. In Europe, the nights are more sultry ; in Peru,
the thrco first hours of the morning;1 both from the
same cause, namely, the cessation of winds and breezes
at those hours.
10. In a water thermometer dilated air depresses the
water as with a blast ; but in a glass filled only with air
and capped with a bladder the dilatation of the air
blows out the bladder perceptibly, like a wind.
11. I made an experiment of this kind of wind in a
round tower that was completely shut up on every
side. A chafing dish of coals thoroughly ignited so
that there might be no smoke was placed in the middle
of the room. At one side of this, but at some dis-
tance from it, I suspended a thread, with a cross of
feathers fastened to it to make it more susceptible of
motion. After a short time therefore, when the heat
had increased and the air dilated, the cross of feathers
1 Acosta, Hist, des Indes, ii. 13.
"HISTORIA VENTORUM." 423
with its thread began to wave about, first to one side
and then to the other. And further, when a hole was
made in the window of the tower, a warm gust of
air passed out, not continuous, but intermittent, and in
undulating currents.
12. The contraction of the air by cold after it has
been dilated likewise creates a wind of the same kind,
but weaker, because cold has less force. In Peru
therefore under any spot of shade not only is the cool-
ness greater than is felt here (which is the result of
antiperistasis) , but there is a manifest breeze from the
contraction of the air as soon as it comes under the
shade.1 And so much for wind caused by mere dila-
tation and contraction of the air.
13. Winds rising from mere motions of the air, with
no intermixture of vapours, are soft and gentle. Let
us now inquire concerning vaporous winds (or winds
generated from vapours), which may be as much
stronger than the former, as the expansion of a drop
of water turned into air exceeds any expansion of air
already made ; which it was shown to do many degrees.
14. The sun with its proportionate heat is the effi-
cient of vaporous winds (which are those that com-
monly blow). The matter is the vapours and exha-
lations turned and resolved into air; I say air (not
anything other than air), though not quite pure to
begin with.
15. The sun when it has little heat raises no va-
pours, and therefore creates no wind.
16. The sun, when it has a moderate heat, draws
out vapours, but does not immediately dissipate them.
And therefore, if there be a large quantity of them,
1 Acosta, ubi supra.
424 TRANSLATION OF THE
they collect into rain, either alone, or accompanied
with wind. If the quantity be small, they are turned
into wind alone.
17. The heat of the sun on its increase is more dis-
posed to generate winds ; on its decrease to generate
rain.
18. The intense and continued heat of the sun rari-
fies, disperses, and elevates vapours, and at the same
time mixes them equally and incorporates them with
the air ; which makes the air calm and serene.
19. The equal and continuous heat of the sun is less
favourable than the unequal and variable heat for the
generation of winds. Hence it is that winds are less
troublesome in a voyage to Russia than in the English
Channel, by reason of the long days. But at the time
of the equinox in Peru, winds are veiy frequent, by
reason of the great inequality of heat between day
and night.
20. In vapours both the quantity and quality are of
importance. A small quantity produces gentle gales ;
a moderate quantity strong winds ; a large quantity
charges the air and generates rain, either with or with-
out winds.
21. Vapours arising from the sea, rivers, and inun-
dations, generate a far greater quantity of winds than
do exhalations from the land. But yet winds which
arise from the earth, and less damp places, are more
fixed and continuous ; and these generally are those
which are driven down from above. The opinion
therefore of the ancients would not have been totally
unprofitable in this respect, had they not chosen as it
were to divide the inheritance, and to assign rain& to
the vapours and only exhalations to the winds. And
"HISTORIA VENTORUM." 425
things of this kind sound well in words, but are really
worthless and unprofitable.1
22. Winds from the melting of snow on the moun-
tains occupy a middle space between water and land
winds, but incline rather to the former, though they
are more keen and active.
23. The melting of snow on the snow mountains
always, as has been before observed, produces period-
ical winds from that quarter.
24. The anniversary north winds at the rising of
the dog-star2 are supposed to come from the frozen
sea, and the regions about the Arctic circle, where
the ice and snow are not melted till summer is far
advanced.
25. The masses or mountains of ice which are car-
ried down towards Canada and Newfoundland are more
generative of cold gales than variable winds.
26. The winds from sandy or chalky soils are few
and dry ; but in hotter countries the same are sultry,
smoky, and burning.
27. Winds generated from sea-vapours more easily
return to rain? as the watery element asserts and re-
claims its right ; but if this does not take place, they
mix directly with the air, and remain quiet. But ter-
restrial, smoky, and unctuous exhalations are less easily
resolved, ascend higher, are more excited in their mo-
tion, frequently penetrate into the middle region of the
air, and make up some of the matter of fiery meteors.
28. It is repoi'ted in England that, when Gascony
was under our dominion, the inhabitants of Bordeaux
and the neighbourhood presented a petition to the king,
to stop the burning of heather in Sussex and Hamp-
i Arist. Meteorolog. ii. 4. 2 Cf. Pliny, ii.
426 TRANSLATION OF THE
shire ; because about the end of April it caused a wind
destructive to the vines.
29. The meetings of winds together, if the winds
be strong, produce violent whirlwinds ; but if the winds
be gentle and moist, they cause rain and a calm.
30. Winds are calmed and restrained in five ways ;
namely, when the air charged and agitated with va-
pours is freed by the vapours becoming condensed into
rain ; or when the vapours are ratified and dissipated,
and are thus mixed with the air, and agree well with
it, and keep quiet ; or when vapours or exhalations are
raised and exalted so high, that there is a complete
freedom from them, till they are either driven down
from the middle region of the air, or admitted into it ;
or when vapours collected into clouds are driven by
the upper winds into other countries, and so leave the
lands over which they pass calm and undisturbed ; or
lastly, when the winds blowing from their nurseries
become feeble by reason of the length of their journey
and the want of fresh matter, and losing their force
gradually die out.
31. Showers generally allay the winds, especially
if they be stormy ; as on the other hand winds often
keep off rain.
32. Winds contract themselves into rain (which is
the first and principal of the five ways in which they
are calmed), either when overcharged by the quantity
of vapours, or by reason of the contrary motions of
gentle winds, or by reason of the opposition of moun-
tains and headlands, which resist the shock of the winds
and gradually turn them back on themselves, or by
reason of the condensation from intense cold.
33. The smaller and lighter winds generally rise in
"HISTORIA VENTORUM." 427
the morning and fall at sunset, as the condensation of
the night air has power enough to contract them. For
the air will submit to some compression without becom-
ing agitated.
34. The sound of bells is supposed to dissipate thun-
der and lightning ; but this has not come under obser-
vation with respect to winds.
Admonition. Consult here the passage concerning the
prognostics of winds ; for there is some connection
between causes and signs.
35. Pliny mentions that the violence of a whirlwind
is stopped by pouring vinegar upon it.1
The Limits of Winds.
with reference to 1. It is said that the priests who offered
and isth Articles the yearly sacrifices on the altars at the tops
of Mont Athos and Olympus used to find
the letters which they had traced in the ashes of the
victims the preceding year no way disarranged or oblit-
erated ; and this, although the altars did not stand in a
temple, but in the open air.2 This fully proved that
at that elevation there had been neither rain nor wind.
2. It is said that at the top of the Peak of Teneriffe,
and also on the Andes between Peru and Chili, snow
lies along the cliffs and sides of the mountains ; but at
the summits themselves there is nothing except a still
air, so rarified as almost to stop respiration, and so acri-
monious and pungent as to excite nausea in the stom-
ach, and to redden and inflame the eyes.3
3. Vaporous winds do not appear to blow at any
1 Pliny, ii. 49.
2 Cf. Arist. Prob. xxvi. 39. ; and Solinus Polyhist. 15.
* Cf. Acosta. iii. 9. 20. ; and Purchas, v. 785.
428 TRANSLATION OF THE
great elevation, though some of them are probably
higher than most clouds.
So much for the height ; now for the latitude of the
winds.
4. The winds certainly occupy very various spaces ;
sometimes very extensive, and sometimes very narrow
and confined. They have been known to cover a space
of 100 miles within a few hours.
5. Free winds that range over a wide space are gen-
erally strong and not mild. They last generally for
about twenty-four hours, and are not rainy. Confined
winds on the other hand are either mild or stormy, but
always of short duration.
6. Periodical winds are itinerant, and fill a very ex-
tensive space.
7. Stormy winds do not travel far, though they
always spread beyond the limits of the storm itself.
8. Sea winds are much more partial than land winds ;
so that sometimes at sea a fresh breeze may be observed
to be curling and ruffling the water in one direction,
while everywhere else the sea is as calm and smooth
as a mirror.
9. I have before alluded to the small whirlwinds
which sometimes play before persons on horseback,
almost like the blast from a pair of bellows.
I now pass from the latitude to the duration of the
winds.
10. Very strong winds continue longest at sea, where
there is a plentiful supply of vapours. On land they
scarce ever last more than a day and a half.
11. Very gentle winds do not blow continuously for
more than three days, either on land or sea.
12. The east wind, as has been elsewhere observed,
"HISTORIA VENTORUM." 429
is of longer duration than the west. And also every
wind which springs up in the morning is more lasting
than one that rises in the evening.
13. It is certain that winds (unless they are mere
storms) rise and increase gradually, but fall more
quickly, and sometimes all at once.
The /Successions of Winds.
with reference to 1. If the wind follows the motion of the
the 19th, 20th, ,1 , • •/« •, £ ,1
and 2ist Articles sun, that is it it move from east to south,
from south to west, from west to north, from
north to east, it does not generally go back ; or if it
does, it is only for a short time. But if it move con-
trary to the motion of the sun, that is if it changes
from east to north, from north to west, from west to
south, from south to east, it generally returns to the
former quarter, at least before it has completed the
entire circle.
2. If rain falls before the wind commences, the wind
will last longer than the rain. But if the wind blows
first and is afterwards laid by rain, it does not often
rise again ; and if it does, it is followed by fresh rain.
3. If the wind shifts about for a few hours as if it
was trying the different points, and then commences
to blow constantly from one quarter, that wind will
last many days.
4. If a south wind begin to blow for two or three
days, a north wind will sometimes rise directly after-
wards. But if there has been a north wind for as
many days, the wind will blow for a short time from
the east before it comes from the south.1
5. Towards the end of the year and the commence-
l Arist. Prob. xxvi. 49.
430 TRANSLATION OF THE
ment of winter, if the south wind blow first and be
succeeded by the north, it will be a severe winter.1
But if the north wind blow at the commencement of
winter, and be succeeded by the south, the winter will
be mild and warm.
(). Pliny quoting Eudoxus asserts that the same series
of winds returns every four years ; 2 which does not
appear to be true, for the revolutions are not so rapid.
It has been observed by the diligence of some that tin
greater and more remarkable seasons of weather, as
great heats, great snows, great frosts, warm winters,
and cold summers, generally come round in a circuit
of thirty-five years.
The Motions of Winds.
with reference Men talk as if the wind were a bodv
to the 22nd, • • <•• i • « » • i
23rd, 24th, of itself, which of its own force drove and
25th, 26th, and
27th Articles impelled the air before it. And likewise
of Inquiry. i ' • i i 11 •/> i
Transition. when it changes, they talk as it the same
wind transferred itself to another place. And when
the people talk in this way, philosophers prescribe
no remedy for such opinions, but they themselves talk
confusedly, without opposing these errors.
1. After the inquiry therefore into the local origins
of the winds, I come next to that concerning the rais-
ing and directing of their motion. In winds which
have the commencement of motion in their first im-
pulse, as those which are driven from above, or exhale
from the earth, the excitation of motion is manifest.
The former descend, the latter ascend at their com-
mencements, and afterwards acquire a winding motion
i Arist Prob. xxvi. 48. 2 Pliny, ii. 48.
"HISTORIA VENTORUM." 431
from the resistance of the air, principally according to
the angles of their force. But the inquiry concerning
the winds which are stirred up everywhere in the lower
air, (and are the commonest winds of all,) is more ob-
scure. And yet, as has been observed in the specula-
tion on the eighth article, the thing itself is common
O ' O
and familiar.
2. There is some resemblance to this thing in that
experiment of the close tower wrhich has been described
before. For that experiment was varied in three ways.
The first was that already mentioned, by means of a
chafing dish of ignited and bright coals. The second
was by removing the chafing dish, and substituting a
kettle of boiling water, which made the motion of the
cross of feathers slower and less active than before ; as
the heat was not strong enough to prevent the dewy
vapour of the water from hanging in the air, and could
not dissipate it into the matter of wind. The third
was by the use of both the chafing dish and the kettle,
which most of all agitated the cross of feathers ; so
that it appeared sometimes to be lifted up as by a small
whirlwind. For now there was both the wateT to sup-
ply plenty of vapour, and the chafing dish at hand to
dissipate it.
3. From this it appears that the overcharging the
air by the resolution of vapour into air is a principal
cause of exciting motion in the winds.
I must now pass on to the direction of motion, and
its verticity or change of direction.
4. The direction of the progressive motion of the
winds is controlled by the nurseries, which are to winds
what fountains are to rivers. Such are places which
abound in vapours ; for there is the native country of
432 TRANSLATION OF THE
the winds. Now when they have found a current,
where the air offers no resistance, (as water finds a
declivity,) they unite with all the homogeneous matter
they find in their course, and carry it off with them, as
rivers do. Winds therefore always blow from the quar-
ter where their nurseries lie.
5. When the winds have no special nurseries in any
fixed spot, they become exceedingly erratic and easily
change their current ; as may be seen in the middle of
the sea and in wide plains.
6. When the winds have great nurseries in one spot,
but receive small accessions from the places through
which they journey, they blow strongly at first, but
gradually slacken. On the other hand when the
nurseries are more continuous, the winds are gentler
at first, but afterwards increase.
7. The winds have movable nurseries in the clouds,
which are often transported by the upper winds to
places far distant from the nurseries of the vapours
from which those clouds were generated. But in this
case there begins to be a nursery of the wind on that
side where the clouds are first turned into wind.
8. The verticity of the winds is not caused by a
wind transporting itself while it is blowing, but by its
either falling of itself, or being overpowered by another
wind. And all this depends on the different situations
of the nurseries of winds, and the different times and
seasons when the vapours emanating from these nur-
series are resolved.
9. If there be nurseries of winds on opposite sides,
that is, if one be in the north, the other in the south,
the stronger wind will prevail, and will blow contin-
uously without any contrary winds, but somewhat dead-
\
"HISTORIA VENTORUM." 433
ened and subdued by the weaker one ; in the same
way as the force of the tide is affected by the stream
of a river ; for the motion of the sea does prevail, and
becomes the only motion, yet it is somewhat checked
by the course of the river. But if the stronger of
these two contrary winds happens to fall, the wind will
at once spring up from the opposite quarter whence it
before blew, though it had been made imperceptible
by the power of the stronger.
10. For instance, if there be a nursery of wind in
the north-east, the north-east wind will blow. But if
there be two nurseries, one to the east, the other to the
north, the winds will blow separate for some distance
up to the point of confluence ; and then they will set
in from the north-east, or with an inclination in the
direction of the stronger.
11. If the stronger nursery of wind be to the north,
twenty miles distant from any country, and the weaker
one be to the east only ten miles off, the east wind will
blow for some hours ; but soon afterwards the north
wind will arrive and supersede it.
12. If the north wind be blowing and fall in with a
mountain on the west side, it will soon change to north-
east ; that is, to a compound of the original and reflected
wind.
13. If there be a land nursery of winds to the north,
and the blast from it go straight up, and meet with a
cold cloud from the west which drives it to the oppo-
site point, it will blow from the north-east.
Admonition. The nurseries of the winds on sea and
land are stationary, so that their birthplace and origin
may be better discovered. But the nurseries in the
clouds are movable, so that the matter of winds is
VOL. IX. 28
484 TRANSLATION OF THE
supplied in one place, while they are formed else-
where. And this accounts for the direction of mo-
tion in the winds being more variable and confused.
These are adduced by way of example ; but the like
holds in like cases. And so much for the direction of
the motion of winds. But we must see further respect-
ing the longitude and as it were the voyage of winds,
though this may seem to have been inquired into a lit-
tle before under the title of latitude. For if winds
occupy greater spaces latitudinally than longitudinally,
their breadth may be mistaken for their length.
14. If it be true that Columbus on the coast of
Portugal inferred the existence of a continent in
America from the periodical westerly winds, winds
would certainly appear to travel a very long way.
15. If it be true that the melting of the snows about
the Arctic Sea and Scandinavia causes north winds to
blow in Italy and Greece during the dog days, that
certainly is a great distance.
16. The comparative rapidity with which weather
travels in the direction of the different winds has not
as yet been observed ; for instance, how much quicker
a storm comes up from the east with an easterly wind ;
how much slower from the west.
And so much for the progressive motion of winds ;
we must now look to their undulation.
17. The undulation of winds is a momentary action ;
for even a strong wind will rise and fall alternately at
least a hundred times in an hour; which shows how
unequal the force of the winds is. For neither rivers,
though rapid, nor currents at sea, though strong, have
any undulation at all, except when the wind blows.
And this undulation of the winds has no equality in
"HISTORIA VENTORUM." 435
it, but is like the pulse, sometimes double and some-
times intermittent.
18. The undulation of the air differs from that of
the water in this ; in water the waves rise, but fall
again spontaneously to a level ; so that (notwith-
standing the lofty expressions of the poets concern-
ing storms, " that the waves rise to heaven and sink
to hell,'') they do not fall much below the level sur-
face of the water. But in the undulation of the air,
where there is no motion of gravity, the air is raised
and depressed almost equally. And so much for
undulation. We must now inquire concerning the
motion of conflict.
19. I have already partly inquired into the con-
flicts and compound currents of the winds. It is
manifest that winds, especially the milder ones, are
ubiquitous ; as is likewise proved by the fact that
there are few days or hours wherein some gentle
breezes do not blow in open places ; and that with
great irregularity and variety. For the winds which
do not proceed from the larger nurseries are erratic
and changeable ; sometimes propelling and sometimes
flying from one another, as if in sport.
20. Two contrary winds are sometimes observed to
meet together at sea ; as is shown by the ruffling of
the surface of the water on both sides, and the still-
ness between them. After the collision, if the winds
break each other equally, a general calm ensues ; but
if the stronger wind prevail, the agitation of the
water is continued.
21. It is certain that in Peru winds often blow from
one quarter on the mountains, and directly contrary
in the vallies.
436 TRANSLATION OF THE
22. It is likewise certain that with us the clouds
move in a direction contrary to the wind here below.
23. Again, the higher clouds are sometimes seen to
scud over the lower ; so as to pass in different and
even contrary directions, as if driven by opposite cur-
rents.
24. It is likewise certain that in the upper air the
winds sometimes are neither distracted nor impelled,
while half a mile below they are driven along in mad
fury.
25. Contrariwise also, there is sometimes a calm
below when the clouds are moving rapidly above ;
but this is less common.
indirect phe- In the waves likewise, sometimes the
norueuon. -111
water on the top, sometimes that below
moves the quickest ; and sometimes (though
rarely) there are different currents of wa-
ter, the one above and the other below.
26. We should not altogether neglect the testimony
of Virgil, seeing he was by no means ignorant of nat-
ural philosophy ; " At once the winds rush forth, the
east, and south, and south-west laden with storms ; " l
and again, "I have seen all the battles of the winds
meet together in the air." 2 So far then have I in-
quired concerning the motions of the winds in nature.
I must now look to their motion in machines of human
invention ; and above all in the sails of ships.
The Motion of Winds in the Sails of Ships.
1. The largest British ships (for I take them as my
l Una Eurusque Notusque ruunt, creberque procellis
Africus. — jEn. \. 85.
8 Omnia ventorum concurrere praelia vidi. — Georg. i. 318.
"HISTORIA VENTORUM." 437
example) have four and sometimes five masts ; all
standing erect one behind the other in a straight line
drawn through the centre of the vessel.
2. The names of these masts are ; the mainmast in
the centre, the foremast, the mizenmast (which is some-
times double), and the bowsprit.
3. Each mast consists of several parts, two or three
in number, which may be raised, and by certain knots
or joints fixed in their place, and in like manner taken
down.
4. The bowsprit from its lower fastening is inclined
towards the sea, from its upper fastening it is erect.
All the other masts are perpendicular.
5. These masts are rigged with ten sails, and when
the mizenmast is double, with twelve. The mainmast
and the foremast have three tiers of sails, which we call
the mainsail, the topsail, and the top-gallantsail. The
others have only two sails, being without the top-gal-
lantsail.
6. The sails are extended crossways, near the top of
each joint of the mast, by pieces of timber which we
call yards. To these the upper part of the sail is
stitched, while the lower part is tied with ropes at
the corners only; and in this fashion the mainsail is
attached to the sides of the ship, the topsail and the
top-gallantsail to the yards contiguous to them. The
same ropes serve to draw or turn them to either side
at pleasure.
7. The yard of each mast stretches in a horizontal
direction ; except that of the mizenmast, which is
slanted, with one end elevated and the other de-
pressed. The rest are at right angles to the mast,
like the cross of the letter T.
438 TRANSLATION OF THE
8. The mainsails of the mainmast, foremast and
bowsprit, are of a quadrangular or parallelogram
shape ; and the top and top-gal Ian tsails are somewhat
sharpened and pointed ; but in the mi/enmast the top-
sail is pointed and the mainsail triangular.
9. In a ship of 1100 tons, 112 feet long in the keel,
and 40 feet wide in the hold, the mainsail of the main-
mast was 42 feet deep and 87 feet wide.
10. The topsail of the same mast was 50 feet deep,
84 feet wide at the base, and 42 at the top.
11. The top-gallantsail was 27 feet deep, 42 feet
wide at the base, and 21 at the top.
12. The mainsail of the foremast was 40^ feet deep,
and 72 feet wide.
13. The topsail was 46i feet deep, 69 feet wide at
the base, and 36 at the top.
14. The top-gallantsail was 24 feet deep, 36 feet
wide at the base, and 18 at the top.
15. The mainsail of the mizenmast was, from the
upper point of the yard-arm, 51 feet deep, its width
where it is joined to the yard-arm wras 72 feet, the
other part ending in a point.
16. The topsail was 30 feet deep, 57 feet wide at
the base, and 30 at the top.
17. If there are two mizenmasts, the sails of the
hindmost are about one fifth less than those of the
foremost.
18. The mainsail of the bowsprit was 28^ feet deep,
and 60 feet in width.
19. The topsail was 25£ feet deep, 60 feet wide at
the base, and 30 at the top.
20. The proportions of sails and masts vary not only
according to the size of the ship, but also according to
" HISTORIA VENTORUM." 439
the various purposes for which they are built, as
whether for war, traffic, speed, and the like. But the
dimension of the sails is no way proportioned to the ton-
nage of the vessel ; for a vessel of 500 tons or there-
abouts will carry the mainsail of its mainmast only a
few square feet less than that other which was twice
the size. And hence it is that small vessels sail much
faster than large ones, not only by reason of their light-
ness, but by reason of the size of their sails in compar-
ison with the body of the ship ; for if this proportion
were kept in large vessels the sails would be too large
and unmanageable.
21. As every sail is stretched out straight at the top,
and only fastened by the corners at the bottom, they
must necessarily be all swollen out by the wind ; es-
pecially towards the bottom where they are slackest.
22. The swell is much greater in the mainsails than
in the rest ; not only because they are of a parallelo-
gram shape, and the others pointed ; but also because
the width of the yard-arm so far exceeds the width of
the sides of the vessel, to which they are fastened.
For this makes them so slack as to present a great
hold to the wind ; so that in the large vessel here
chosen as a model, the swell of the sail inwards in
sailing before the wind may be as much as nine or
ten feet.
23. From the same cause likewise all sails swollen
by the wind become arched at the bottom, so that
much of the wind must necessarily miss them. In the
above mentioned vessel this arch is almost equal to the
stature of a man.
24. The swell in the triangular sail of the mizen-
mast is necessarily less than in a quadrangular sail ;
440 TRANSLATION OF THE
both because it is of a less capacious shape, and be-
cause in a quadrangular figure three sides are slack, in
a triangular one only two ; whence it is more stiff for
the reception of the wind.
25. The nearer the wind's motion approaches to the
head of the ship, the more powerful and propellent it
becomes ; because it comes at a place where the waves
are most easily divided, by reason of the sharpness of
the bow, but principally because the motion at the
head of the vessel draws the ship along, the motion at
the stern only pushes her.
26. Ships are better propelled by the motion of the
wind in the upper than in the lower tiers of sails ; be-
cause violent motion is most powerful when furthest
removed from the resistance ; as is shown in levers
and the sails of windmills. But it endangers the sink-
ing or upsetting of the ship, and therefore these sails
are sharpened at the point, that they may not catch
too much wind ; and they are principally used when
there is little wind.
27. When the sails are placed in a straight line, one
behind the other, if the wind blow straight from be-
hind, the hindmost must needs steal all the wind from
those before them ; so that if all the sails were spread
at once, the force of the wind would be almost entirely
spent on the sails of the mainmast, with little help from
die mainsail of the bowsprit.
28. In a ship sailing straight before the wind, the
best and most commodious disposition of the sails is to
hoist the two lower sails of the foremast (for there the
motion has been stated to be most powerful), and also
the topsail of the mainmast. For there will be space
enough left below to allow the wind to fill the afore-
"HISTORIA VENTORUM." 441
mentioned sails of the foremast, without any consider-
able loss.
29. In consequence of this stealing of the wind by
one sail from another, a ship will sail faster with a side
wind than with a direct one. For with a side wind
all the sails may be crowded ; because they all turn
their sides to one another, without one standing in the
way of the other, or stealing the wind from it.
30. With a side wind likewise the sails are stretched
tighter against the wind, which somewhat compresses
it, and impels it to that part where it ought to blow ;
whereby it receives some additional strength. The
most favourable wind however is that which blows
half way between a fore wind and a side one.
31. The mainsail of the bowsprit can scarcely ever
be useless ; for, as it collects all the wind that blows
everywhere round the sides of the ship and beneath
the other sails, it does not suffer from being robbed.
32. In the motion of winds in ships, both impulse
and direction are regarded. But direction by the rud-
der does not much belong to the present inquiry, ex-
cept so far as it is connected with the motion of winds
in the sails.
Transition. As the motion of impulse is greatest at
the head, so the motion of direction is greatest at
the stern. And therefore the mainsail of the mizen-
mast contributes most thereto, and supplies an auxil-
iary power to the rudder.
33. The mariner's compass being divided into thirty-
two points, and each semicircle containing sixteen, a
vessel may sail straight forward (without tacking, as is
442 TRANSLATION OF THE
usual when the winds are directly contrary), even
though of these sixteen points ten are opposite, and
only six favourable ; but this navigation greatly de-
pends on the mainsail of the mizenmast. For the
points of the wind which are contrary to the ship's
course, being the stronger and beyond the control of
the helm alone, would turn the other sails together
with the ship itself into the contrary direction ; did not
this sail, being tightly stretched, act the other way,
and by favouring and strengthening the motion of the
helm, turn and bring round the head of the vessel to
its right course.
34. All wind in the sails somewhat weighs down
and sinks the ship ; and this the more, as the wind
comes more from above. And this is the reason why
in heavy storms they first lower the yards, and furl the
topsails ; and then, if it is necessary they take down
all the rest, cut down the masts themselves, and throw
overboard their cargo, guns, &c., to lighten the ship,
that she may float and follow the motion of the waves.
35. With a fresh and favourable breeze, a merchant
vessel may sail 120 Italian miles in twenty -four hours,
by means of this motion of the winds ; and some packet
bjats called caravels, built entirely for speed, will ac-
complish a still greater distance. When the winds are
directly contraiy, they have this last but feeble resource
to make some way ; which is, they proceed sideways,
according as the wind will permit, out of their course,
and then by an angular movement they bear up again
into it ; and continuing this mode of progi'ession (which
is slower than that of the serpent, for serpents make
folds, whereas they make angles), they will perhaps
contrive to make 15 miles in twenty-four hours.
"HISTORIA VENTOKUM." 443
Major Observations.
1. The motion of winds in the sails of vessels has
three principal heads and fountains of impulse, from
whence it springs. From these likewise we may de-
rive rules for increasing and strengthening it.
2. The first source is from the quantity of wind re-
ceived. For no one doubts that much wind contributes
more than little ; and therefore a quantity of wind
must be carefully procured. This we shall do, if like
prudent stewards we are economical and guard against
robbery. Therefore, as far as possible, take care that
no wind is lost, wasted, or stolen.
3. The wind blows either above the ship's sides, or
below them as far as the level of the sea. And as
provident men are very careful even about the smallest
matters (for there is no one who does not care for the
larger ones) ; so we must first observe these lower
winds, though indisputably they are less powerful than
the higher ones.
4. With regard to the winds that play chiefly about
the sides and under the sails of ships, it is clearly the
business of the mainsail of the bowsprit, which is bent
low and slanting, to catch them, and so prevent any
loss or waste of wind. And this is both a help in itself,
and yet it does not hinder the winds which supply the
other sails. On this point I do not see how human in-
dustry can improve ; unless perhaps the same kind of
low sails were to be used as feathers or wings from the
centre of the ship ; two on each side, when the wind
blows straight from behind.
5. With regard to the prevention of robbery of the
foresails by the backsails, in sailing straight before the
444 TRANSLATION OF THE
wind (for with a side wind all sails co-operate), I do
not see what human care can do ; unless it be to make
a kind of ladder of sails ; in which the sails of the
mizenmast should hang lowest, those of the mainmast
next, and those of the foremast highest. For in this
way one sail would not hinder but rather assist an-
other, by passing on and transmitting the- wind. Let
these observations then suffice for the first fountain of
impulse.
6. The second fountain of impulse springs from the
manner in which the wind strikes the sail. For if
by reason of the contraction of the wind the blow be
sharp and quick, the motion will be greater ; but if it
be dull and feeble, the motioti will be less.
7. And in relation to this, it is of very great impor-
tance that the sails should only have a moderate swell
and extension. For if they be stretched tight, they
act like a wall to repel the wind ; if they be slack, they
make the impulse feeble.
8. With regard to this, in some things human in-
dustry has acquitted itself well, though rather by ac-
cident than by judgment. For in a side wind they
draw in as much as possible the part of the sail opposite
to the wind ; and thereby they drive the wind to that
part where it ought to blow. This indeed they do in-
tentionally. But another effect (which perhaps they
do not see) is, that the wind is more contracted and
makes the impulse sharper.
9. I do not see what human industry can add to this
part ; unless it be to alter the shape of the sails, and
make some of them to swell, not spherically but in the
shape of a spur or triangle with a yard or pole in the
vertical angle ; so that the wind may be contracted
"HISTORIA VENTORUM." 445
more to a point and the external air may be cut more
powerfully. And this angle in my opinion ought not
to be acute, but like a triangle with the vertex cut
off to make it wide. Nor do I know what advantage
there might be in having a sail within a sail ; that is,
in inserting in the middle of a large sail a kind of
purse, not altogether slack of simple canvass, but with
ribs of wood, so as to catch the wind in the middle of
the sail and draw it to a point.
10. The third fountain of impulse depends on the
place where the percussion is made, and is of two kinds.
For the impulse is stronger and easier at the fore part
of the vessel than at the hinder ; and from the upper
part of the masts and sails than from the lower.
11. Neither has this escaped the industry of man ;
for both in sailing before the wind they put the greatest
stress on the sails of the foremast, and in calms they do
not neglect to spread their top-gallantsails. Nor can I
think at present of any further improvement open to
human industry in this point ; unless it be, in the first
case, to put in two or three foremasts, (the centre one
upright, the others inclined) with sails hanging for-
ward ; and in the second case to broaden the top-gal-
lantsails of the foremast, and make them less pointed
than usual. But in both cases there should be great
care not to sink the ship too much.
The Motion of Winds in other Machines of Human
Invention.
1. There is nothing veiy intricate in the motion of
windmills, but yet it is not generally well demonstrated
or explained. The sails stand right opposite the wind
that is blowing ; one side however turning more to the
±46 TRANSLATION OF THE
wind, and the other gradually inclining and receding
from it. The turning or revolving motion alwavs com-
v
mences on the lower side, that is, the one furthest from
the wind. The wind rushing against the machine is
compressed by the four sails, and compelled to make a
passage through the four openings between them. But
this confinement it does not willingly submit to ; so
that it begins as it were to jog the sides of the sails and
turn them round, as children's toys are set in motion
and turned by the finger.
2. If the sails were stretched out equally, it would
be uncertain which side they would incline, as it is a
question which way a stick would fall. As however
the side which meets the wind ' throws off the force of
the wind to the lower side, and thence through the
vacant intervals ; and as the lower side, like the palm
of the hand or the sail of a ship, receives the wind, the
rotation forthwith commences from that part. But it
should be observed that the origin of motion is not from
the first impulse which is made in front, but from the
lateral impulse, after compression has taken place.
3. I have made several trials and experiments for
increasing this motion, both as a token that the cause
has been well discovered, and for present use ; con-
triving imitations of the motion by means of paper sails
and the wind from a pair 6f bellows. Accordingly, to
the lower side of the sail I fastened an additional fold,
turned away from the wind, that the wind being now
directed from the side might have a larger surface to
strike against. But this did no good ; for the extra
fold did not so much assist the percussion of the wind,
as it impeded the cutting of the air by the sails. At
some distance behind the sails, and the whole breadth
"HISTORIA VENTOKUM." 447
of their diameter, I placed obstacles, that the wind
being more compressed might strike with greater force ;
but this did more harm than good, as the repercussion
deadened the primary motion. Again I made the sails
double their former width, to compress the wind more,
and make the lateral percussion stronger. This at last
was completely successful, for the sails were turned
with a much gentler blast, and revolved much faster,
injunctions. 1. This increase of motion will perhaps
be produced more conveniently by eight sails, than
by four sails of double breadth ; unless by chance
the weight should be so great as to impede the mo-
tion. But of this make a trial.
2. The length of the sails likewise contributes to
motion. For in rotations a little force toward the
circumference is equal to a far greater force towards
the centre. But to this there is one drawback :
namely, that the longer the sails are, the further
are they separated at the top, and the less is the
wind compressed. It might perhaps answer to make
the sails a little longer, but widening at the top like
the blade of an oar. But of this I have made no
experiment.
Admonition. If these experiments be put in practice
in windmills, the whole machine, especially its foun-
dations, should be strengthened. For the more the
wind is compressed (though it increase the motion
of the sails), yet the more does it shake the whole
machine.
4. It is said that in some parts of the world there
are chariots moved by the wind. Let this be carefully
inquired.
injunction. Chariots moved by the wind cannot an-
448 TRANSLATION OF THE
swer, except in open places and plains. Besides,
what is to be done if the wind drops ? It would be
more reasonable to facilitate the motion of waggons
and carriages by movable sails which might spare the
strength of horses or oxen, than to depend upon the
wind alone for creating motion.
Prognostics of Winds.
with reference to The purer part of Divination should be
the 32nd Article
of inquiry. the more received and practised, in propor-
Transition. . . . . , , ,
tion as it is wont in general to be corrupted
by vanity and superstition. Natural Divination is some-
times more certain, sometimes more treacherous, ac-
cording to the nature of the subject with which it deals.
For if the subject be of a constant and regular nature,
the prediction is certain ; if it be of a variable nature,
and compounded as it were of nature and chance, the
prediction is uncertain. But yet even in a variable
subject, if rules are diligently framed, a prediction will
generally hold good, and will not err much from the
truth, though it does not hit the exact point of time.
Again, some predictions will be certain enough as to
the time of fulfilment ; namely, such as are taken not
from causes, but from the thing itself having already
commenced but displaying itself sooner in a favourable
and well disposed matter, than in another ; as I have
mentioned before, in the topics with reference to this
thirty-second article. I will now therefore propound
the prognostics of Avinds, introducing along with them
some prognostics of rain and fair weather, which could
not well be separated from them ; though the full in-
quiry thereof I remit to their own proper titles.
1. If the sun appear concave at its rising, the day
"HISTORIA VENTORUM." 449
will be windy or showery ; windy, if the sun be only
slightly concave, and showery, if the concavity is deep.
2. The sun pale and (as we call it) watery at its
rising denotes rain ; if it set pale, wind.
3. If the body of the sun appear blood-red at set-
ting, it forebodes high winds for many days.
4. If the rays of the sun on rising are not yellow,
but ruddy, it denotes rain rather than wind. The
same likewise holds good of the setting.
5. If either on rising or setting the sun's rays appear
shortened or contracted, and do not shine out bright,
though there are no clouds, it denotes rain rather than
wind.
6. If rays precede the sunrise, it is a sign both of
wind and rain.
7. If at sunrise the sun emits rays from the clouds,
the middle of his disk being concealed therein, it indi-
cates rain, especially if these rays break out downwards,
so as to make the sun appear bearded. But if rays
strike from the centre, or from different parts of the
sun, whilst the outer circle of his disk is covered with
clouds, there will be great storms both of wind and
rain.
8. If there be a circle round the sun at rising, expect
wind from the quarter where the circle first begins to
break ; but if the whole circle disperses evenly, there
will be fine weather.
9. A white ring round the sun towards sunset por-
tends a slight gale that same night ; but if the ring be
dark or tawny, there will be a high wind the next day.
10. Red clouds at sunrise foretel wind ; at sunset, a
fine day for the morrow.
11. Clouds collected near the sun at sunrise forebode
VOL. ix. 29
450 TRANSLATION OF THE
a rough storm that same day ; but if they are driven
from the east and pass away to the west, it will be
fine.
12. If at sunrise the clouds about the sun disperse,
some to the north and some to the south, though the
sky round the sun itself is clear, it portends wind.
13. The sun setting behind a cloud forebodes rain
the next day ; but actual rain at sunset is rather a sign
of wind. If the clouds appear as if they were drawn
towards the sun, it denotes both wind and rain.
14. If at sunrise the clouds do not appear to sur-
round the sun, but to press upon him from above as if
they were going to eclipse him, a wind will arise from
the quarter on which the clouds incline. If this take
place at noon, the wind will be accompanied by rain.
15. If clouds shall have shut in the sun, the less
light there is left and the smaller the sun's orb appears,
the more severe will the storm prove. But if the disk
of the sun appear double or treble, as if there were
two or three suns, the storm will be much more vio-
lent, and will last many days.
16. The dispositions of the air are shown by the new
moon, though still more on the fourth rising, as if her
newness were then confirmed. But the full moon itself
is a better prognostic than any of the days which suc-
ceed it.
17. From long observation, sailors suspect storms ou
the fifth day of the moon.
18. If the new moon is not visible before the fourth
day, the air will be unsettled for the whole month.
19. If at her birth, or within the first few days, the
lower horn of the moon appear obscure, dark, or any
way discoloured, there will be foul and stormy weather
"HISTORIA VENTORUM." 451
before the full. If she be discoloured in the middle,
it will be stormy about the full ; but if the upper horn
is thus affected, about the wane.
20. If, on her fourth day, the moon is clear, with
her horns sharp, not lying entirely flat, nor standing
quite upright, but something between the two, there is
a promise mostly of fair weather till the next new
moon.
21. If on that day she rises red, it portends wind ;
if reddish or dark coloured, rain ; but neither of these
portend anything beyond the full.
22. An erect moon is almost always threatening and
unfavourable, but principally denotes wind. If how-
ever she appear with blunt and shortened horns, it is
rather a sign of rain.
23. If one horn of the moon is sharp and pointed,
the other being more blunt, it rather indicates wind ;
but if both are so, it denotes rain.
24. A circle or halo round the moon signifies rain
rather than wind ; unless the moon stands erect within
the ring, when both are portended.
25. Circles round the moon always foretel wind from
the side where they break ; and a remarkable brilliancy
in any part of the circle denotes wind from that quarter.
26. Double or treble circles round the moon fore-
shadow rough and severe storms ; and much more so,
if these circles are not pure and entire, but spotted and
broken.
27. Full moons, with regard to colours and halos,
have perhaps the same prognostics as the fourth risings ;
but the fulfilment is more immediate and not so long
deferred.
28. The weather is generally clearer at the full than
452 TRANSLATION OF THE
at the other ages of the moon ; but in winter the frost
then is sometimes more intense.
29. The moon appearing larger at sunset, and not
dim but luminous, portends fair weather for several
days.
30. Eclipses of the moon are generally attended by
wind ; eclipses of the sun by fair weather ; but neither
of them are often accompanied by rain.
31. Wind must be expected both before and after
the conjunctions of all the other planets with one
another, except the sun ; but fair weather from their
conjunctions with the sun.
32. Rains and showers follow upon the rising of the
Pleiades and Hyades, but without wind ; storms upon
the rising of Orion and Arctiirus.
33. Shooting stars, as they are termed, foretel imme-
diate winds from the quarter whence they shot. But
if they shoot from different or contrary quarters, there
will be great storms both of wind and rain.
34. When small stars, like those called Aselli, are
not visible in any part of the sky, there will be great
storms and rains within a few days ; but if these stars
are only obscured in places, and are bright elsewhere,
they denote winds only ; but sooner.
35. A uniform brightness in the sky at the new
moon or the fourth rising presages fair weather for
many days. If the sky is uniformly overcast, it de-
notes rain ; if irregularly overcast, wind from the quar-
ter where it is overcast. But if it suddenly becomes
overcast without cloud or fog, so as to dull the bright-
•ess of the stars, rough and serious storms are immi-
,ent.
86. An entire circle round any planet or larger star
"HISTORIA VENTOUUM." 453
forebodes rain ; if the circle be broken, there will be
wind from the quarter where it breaks.
37. When the thunder is more continuous than the
lightning, there will be great winds ; but if it lightens
frequently between the thunder-claps, there will be
heavy showers with large drops.
38. Thunder in the morning denotes winds ; at noon,
showers.
39. Rolling thunder, which seems to be passing on,
foretels wind ; but sharp and interrupted cracks denote
storms both of wind and rain.
40. Lightning in a clear sky signifies the approach
of wind and rain from the quarter where it lightens ;
but if it lightens in different parts of the sky, there
will be severe and dreadful storms.
41. If the lightning is in the colder quarters of the
heaven, as the north and north-east, hailstorms will fol-
low ; but if in the warmer, as the south and west, there
will be showers, with a sultry temperature.
42. Great heats after the summer solstice generally
end in thunderstorms ; but if these do not come, in
wind and rain, which last for many days.
43. The ball of fire, called Castor by the ancients,
that appears at sea, if it be single, prognosticates a se-
vere storrn (seeing it is Castor the dead brother), which
will be much more severe if the ball does not adhere
to the mast, but rolls or dances about. But if there
are two of them (that is, if Pollux the living brother
be present), and that too when the storm has increased,
it is reckoned a good sign. But if there are three of
them (that is, if Helen, the general scourge, arrive),
the storm will become more fearful. The fact seems
to be, that one by itself seems to indicate that the tem-
454 TRANSLATION OF THE
pestuous matter is crude ; two, that it is prepared and
ripened ; three or more, that so great a quantity is col-
lected as can hardly be dispersed.1
44. If the clouds appear to drive fast when there is
no wind, expect wind from that quarter from which
they are driven. But if they gather and collect to-
gether, on the sun's approach to that part, they will
begin to disperse ; and then if they disperse towards
the north it prognosticates wind, if towards the south,
rain.
45. Black or dark clouds arising at sunset prognosti-
cate rain ; on the same night, if they rise in the east
opposite the sun ; if close to the sun in the west, the
next day, accompanied with wind.
46. If the sky clears and the clouds commence to
break in the quarter opposite the wind, it will be fine ;
but if it clear up to windward, it indicates nothing,
and leaves the weather uncertain.
47. Sometimes the clouds appear to be piled in sev-
eral tiers or stories, one above the other (Gilbert de-
clares 2 that he has sometimes seen and observed five
together), whereof the lowest are always the blackest ;
though it sometimes appears otherwise, as the whiter
most attract the sight. Two stories, if thick, portend
instant rain (especially if the lower one appear over-
charged) ; many tiers denote a three days' rain.
48. Fleecy clouds, scattered over the sky, denoto
storms ; but clouds which rest upon one another like
scales or tiles portend dry and fine weather.
49. Feathery clouds, like palm branches or the fleur-
de-lis, denote immediate or coming showers.
50. When mountains and hills appear capped by
i Pliny, ii. 37. 2 Gilbert, Phys. iv. 1.
"HISTORIA VENTORUM." 455
clouds that hang about and embrace them, storms are
imminent.
51. Clouds before sunset of an amber or gold col-
our, and with gilt fringes after the sun has sunk lower,
foretel fine weather.
52. Clay-coloured and muddy clouds portend rain
and wind.
53. If a little cloud suddenly appear in a clear sky,
especially if it come from the west, or somewhere in
the south, there is a storm brewing.
54. If mists and fogs ascend and return upwards,
they denote rain ; and if this take place suddenly, so
that they appear to be sucked up, they foretel winds ;
but if they fall and rest in the vallies, it will be fine
weather.
55. A white loaded cloud, called by the ancients a
white tempest, is followed in summer by showers of
very small hail ; in winter, by snow.
56. A calm autumn portends a windy winter ; a
windy winter a wet spring; a wet spring a serene
summer ; a serene summer a windy autumn ; so that
the year, according to the proverb, is seldom its own
debtor, and the seasons are never the same two years
together.
57. Fires burning paler than usual, and murmuring
within, are significant of storms. If the flame shoot
in a twisting and curling form, it principally denotes
wind ; but fungous growths or excrescences on the
wicks of lamps rather foreshadow rain.
58. Coals, when they burn very bright, foretel wind ;
and likewise when they quickly cast off and deposit
their ashes.
59. When the surface of the sea in harbour appears
456 TRANSLATION OF THE
calm, and yet there is a murmuring noise within it,
although there is no swell, a wind is coming.
60. The shores sounding in a calm, and the sea
itself beating with a moaning or echo louder and
clearer than usual, are signs of wind.
61. If foam, white circles of froth, or bubbles of
water, appear here and there on a calm and smooth
sea, they prognosticate wind. If these signs be more
striking, they denote severe storms.
62. Glittering foam (called sea-lungs) in a heavy
sea foretels that the storm will last for many days.
63. The sea swelling silently and rising higher
than usual in the harbour, or the tide coming in
quicker than ordinary, prognosticates wind.
64. A sound from the mountains, an increasing
murmur in the woods, and likewise a kind of crash-
ing noise in the plains, portend winds. An extraor-
dinary noise in the sky, when there is no thunder,
is principally due to winds.
65. Leaves and straws playing in the air when no
breeze is felt, the down of plants flying about, and
feathers floating and playing on the water, show that
winds are at hand.
66. Water-fowl meeting and flocking together, but
especially sea-gulls and coots flying rapidly to shore
from the sea or lakes, particularly if they scream,
and playing on the dry land, foreshow wind ; and
this is more certain if they do it in the morning.
67. On the other hand, land birds, especially crows,
when they go to the water, beat it with their wings,
throw it over them and scream, foreshow storms.
68. Divers and ducks prune their feathers before a
wind ; but geese seem to call down the rain with their
importunate cackling.
"HISTORIA VENTORUM." 457
69. A heron, when it soars high so as sometimes to
fly above a low cloud, shows wind; but kites flying
high show fair weather.
70. Ravens, when they croak continuously, denote
wind ; but if the croaking is interrupted or stifled, or
at longer intervals, they show ram.
71. The whooping of an owl was thought by the
ancients to betoken a change of weather, from fair
to wet, or from wet to fair. But with us an owl,
when it whoops clearly and freely, generally shows
fair weather, especially in winter.
72. If birds that dwell in trees return eagerly to
their nests, and leave their feeding ground early, it
is a sign of storms ; but when a heron stands melan-
choly on the sand, or a raven stalks about, it only
denotes rain.
73. Dolphins sporting in a calm sea are thought to
prognosticate wind from that quarter whence they
come ; but if they play in a rough sea, and throw the
water about, it will be fine. Most other kinds of fish,
when they swim at the top of the water, or some-
times leap out of it, foretel rain.
74. Swine are so terrified and disturbed and dis-
composed when the wind is getting up, that country-
men say, that this animal alone sees the wind, and
that it must be frightful to look at.
75. Spiders work hard and spin their webs a little
before wind, as if desiring to anticipate it ; for they
cannot spin when the wind begins to blow.
76. The ringing of bells is heard at a greater dis-
tance before rain ; but before wind it is heard more
unequally, the sound coming and going, as we hear
Q it when the wind is blowing perceptibly.
458 TRANSLATION OF THE
77. Pliny mentions it as a fact, that trefoil bristles
and erects its leaves against a storm.1
78. He likewise asserts, that vessels containing eat-
ables sometimes leave a sweat behind them in the
storerooms ; and that this is a sign of fearful storms.
Admonition. Since rain and winds are made of
nearly the same matter, and- since, by reason of the
reception of the new-made air into the old, some
condensation of the air always takes place before
wind, as is shown by the moaning of the shores,
the high flight of the heron, and other things ; and
since the air is in like manner condensed before
rain (though when the rain falls it is afterwards
more contracted, when the wind rises on the con-
trary it is more expanded), it must needs be that
rains and winds have many common prognostics.
With reference to these consult the Prognostics of
Rains under their own title.
Imitations of Winds.
with reference If men could only bring themselves not
to the 33rd J &.
Article of in- to fix their thoughts too intently on the
quiry. *.
Transition, consideration of the subject before them,
rejecting everything else as irrelevant, and not to re-
fine with endless and mostly unprofitable speculations
thereon, they would never be so dull as they are wont
to be, but by a free passage and transference of their
thoughts they would find many things at a distance
which near at hand are concealed. And therefore,
in the law of nature, as well as in the civil law, we
must proceed with sagacity of mind to look for like
and analogous cases.
i Pliny, xi.
"HISTORIA VENTOEUM." 45S
1. Bellows are with men as the bags of ^Eolus,
whence a man may draw wind, according to the pro-
portion of man. The passes and interstices of moun-
tains, and the winding passages of buildings, are like-
wise nothing else than large bellows. Bellows are
principally used for rousing a flame, or blowing the
organ. The principle is, that they suck in the air to
prevent a vacuum (as the saying is), and drive it out
by compression.
2. Hand-fans are likewise used to make a wind and
to produce coolness by gently impelling the air.
3. I have already made some observations on cooling
rooms in summer, in my reply to the 9th article of in-
quiry. But other and more perfect methods may be
devised, especially by drawing the air in at one part,
and discharging it at another, after the manner of bel-
lows. The present methods only relate to simple com-
pression.
4. Winds in the bodies of men and animals excel-
lently correspond to the winds of the greater world.
For they are both generated from moisture and alter-
nate with it, as winds and rains do ; they are like-
wise dissipated and made to perspire by a strong heat.
And hence we may transfer this observation to the
winds ; namely, that they are produced from a matter
which yields a tenacious vapour, that is not easily re-
solved ; as beans, pulse, and fruit. And this holds
good also in the greater winds.
5. In distilling vitriol and other fossils of a flatulent
nature, very large and capacious receivers are required;
as otherwise they would be broken.
6. The wind made by the nitre mixed in gunpow-
der, that explodes and inflates the flame, not only imi-
460 TRANSLATION OF THE
tates but exceeds all other winds, except those in thun-
derstorms.
7. The force of this wind is compressed in machines
made by man, as guns, mines, and powder magazines
when they blow up. But whether a great quantity of
gunpowder fired in the open air would likewise by the
commotion of the air raise a wind that would last for
many hours, has not yet been tried.
8. Quicksilver contains a flatulent and expansive
spirit, so that (as some maintain) it resembles gun-
powder, and a little of it mixed with gunpowder
makes the powder stronger. Chemists also say that
gold, in certain preparations of it, makes dangerous
explosions, almost like thunder. But of these things
I have no experience.
A Major Observation.
The motion of winds is in most respects seen in the
motions of water, as in a mirror.1
Great winds are inundations of the air, the resem-
blance of which we see in inundations of the waters ;
both arising from an increase of quantity.
Waters either descend from above or spring from
the earth ; and so some winds are driven from above,
some rise from below.
Sometimes there are contrary motions in rivers, the
tide flowing one way, the stream of the river the other ;
and yet there is only one motion, because the course
of the tide prevails. And so, when contrary winds
blow, the greater subdues the less.
In currents of the sea and of some rivers, it some-
times happens that the stream at the top of the water
l Cf. Aristot. Problems, xxvi. 38., and Meteorol. i. 13.
"HISTORIA VENTORUM." 461
moves in a contrary direction to that below. And so
in the air, when contrary winds blow together, one
flies above the other.
There are cataracts of rain confined in a narrow
space ; so are there whirlwinds.
Waters, if disturbed, have an undulating besides a
progressive motion ; at one time rising into ridges, at
another descending into furrows. And this likewise
happens to the winds, except that they have not tho
motion of gravity.
There are also other resemblances, which may be
observed from the things already inquired.
Provisional Rules respecting the Winds.
Transitions. Rules are either particular or general ;
but here both kinds are provisional. For as yet I
do not pronounce certainly upon anything. Partic-
ular rules may be drawn or expressed from almost
every article ; certain general ones, but only a few,
I shall myself select, and subjoin.
1. Wind is merely air in motion : nothing besides :
air put in motion either by simple impulsion, or by
the mixture of vapours.
2. Winds arising from the simple impulsion of the
air are produced in four ways ; namely, by the natu-
ral motion of the air, by the expansion of the air in
the path of the sun, by the contraction of the air from
sudden cold, or by the compression of the air from
external bodies.
There may also be a fifth way ; namely, by the agi-
tation and concussion of the air from the stars ;
but let matters of this kind be passed in silence
4(32 TRANSLATION OF THE
for the present, or only listened to with suspi*
cion.
3. The principal cause of winds produced by the
mixture of vapours is the overcharging of the air by
the air newly created from vapours ; for thereby the
bulk of the air is increased and requires more room.
4. A small increase in the quantity of air causes a
great swell in every part of the atmosphere ; so that
this new air from the resolution of vapours contributes
more to the motion than to the matter ; but the great
body of wind is composed of the former air. Nor
does the new air drive the old air before it, as if they
were separate bodies ; but both being mixed together
require greater room.
5. Any other concurrent principle of motion, be-
sides the surcharge of the air, acts as an accessory to
strengthen and increase the chief one. And this is the
reason why high stormy winds seldom rise from the
simple surcharge of the air.
6. There are four accessories to the surcharge of
the air ; namely, exhalation from below, precipitation
from what is called the middle region of the air, dis-
persion from the formation of a cloud, and mobility
and acrimony of the exhalation itself.
7. The motion of the wind is almost always lateral.
That created by the simple surcharge of the air is so
from the very first ; that caused by exhalations from
the earth or repercussion from above becomes so soon
after ; unless the eruption, precipitation, or recoil, are
extremely violent.
8. The air will submit to some compression before
it is conscious of being overcharged, and before it
impels the air contiguous to it. This will account for
"HISTORIA VENTORUM." 46«J
all winds being somewhat more condensed than air
at rest.
9. Winds are allayed in five ways ; namely, by the
meeting, incorporation, elevation, transportation, or de-
ficiency of vapours.
10. The gathering of vapours, and in fact of the
air itself into rain, is caused in four ways ; namely, by
the excess of quantity, or the condensation by cold, or
the compulsion of contrary winds, or the repercussion
from obstacles.
11. Both vapours and exhalations are the matter of
winds. Rain is never generated from exhalations, but
winds most frequently proceed from vapours. There
is however this difference ; that winds generated from
vapours more easily incorporate themselves with the
pure air, are sooner calmed, and are not so stubborn as
those arising from exhalations.
12. The modification and different conditions of heat
have as much to do with the generation of winds, as
have the quantity or conditions of matter.
13. The sun's heat, in the generation of winds, should
have just power enough to raise them ; neither so abun-
dant as to collect them into rain, nor so scanty as en-
tirely to scatter and disperse them.
14. Winds blow from the direction of their nur-
series. When however these nurseries are situated in
different quarters, different winds generally blow to-
gether, till the stronger either overpowers the weaker,
or turns it into its owrn current.
15. Winds are generated everywhere, from the sur-
face of the earth to the cold region of the air ; but the
common winds are generated close at hand, the stron-
ger winds above.
464 TRANSLATION OF THE
16. Countries where the attendant winds are warm
are hotter, and countries where these winds are cool
are colder, than in proportion to their climate.
A Map or Table of Human Requirements with reference
to the Winds ; or Desiderata with their Approximations.
Desideratum. 1. A better method of ordering and dis-
posing the sails of ships, so as to make more way with
less wind ; a thing very useful in shortening sea voy-
ages, and saving expense.
Approximation. No approximation has been hitherto
invented which in practice should exactly correspond
to this requirement. But for this consult the major
observations on the 26th article.
Desideratum. 2. A method of constructing windmills
with sails, so as to grind more with less wind ; a thing
likewise useful and lucrative.
Approximation. Consult on this point our experiments
in reply to the 27th article, where the thing appears
to 'be almost done.
Desideratum. 3. A method of foreknowing the risings,
fallings, and times of winds ; a thing useful in naviga-
tion and agriculture, but especially so in selecting the
times for naval engagements.
Approximation. Many things have been remarked in
the inquiry which bear upon this subject, but espe-
cially the reply to the 32nd article. Now however
that the cause of the winds is explained, the more
diligent observations of posterity (if it shall care at
all about these things) will discover more certain
prognostics.
Desideratum. 4. A method of prognosticating and form-
ing an opinion upon other things by means of the
"HISTORIA VENTORUM." 465
winds ; for instance, whether in any part of the sea
there are continents or islands, or whether the sea is
open ; a thing of use in new and unknown navigations.
Approximation. The observation about the periodical
winds, which Columbus appears to have used, is an
approximation to this.
Desideratum. 5. A method likewise of foretelling, every
year, whether corn and fruit will be abundant or scarce ;
a thing useful and lucrative in speculative sales and
purchases ; of which an instance is related in the case
of Thales when he bought up the olives.1
Approximation. Some observations under the 29th ar-
ticle of inquiry, on malignant or tearing winds, and
the times when they are prejudicial, bear upon this
point.
Desideratum. 6. A method likewise of foretelling the
diseases and epidemics for every year ; a thing useful
to the reputation of physicians, if such things could be
predicted ; as also for the causes and cures of diseases,
with some other matters of business.
Approximation. Some observations on the 30th article
of inquiry have likewise reference to this question.
Admonition. For predictions from the winds con-
cerning crops, fruits, and diseases, consult the His-
tories of Agriculture and Medicines.
Desideratum. 7. A method of raising and allaying winds.
Approximation. There are some superstitious and mag-
ical ceremonies connected with this subject, which do
not appear worthy to be received into a serious and
exact natural history. Nor does any approximation
at present occur to me. It will however be of ser-
vice thereto, to inspect and inquire thoroughly into
1 Diog. Laert. i. 26.
VOL. ix. 30
466 TRANSLATION OF THE " HISTORIA VENTORUM."
the nature of the air ; to see if there be anything
which, on being communicated in a small quantity to
the air, can excite and multiply the motion of dilata-
tion or contraction in the body of the air. For if
this could be done, the raising and calming of the
winds would naturally follow ; like Pliny's experi-
ment, if it be true, of throwing vinegar against the
whirlwind.1 Another method might be, by letting
out subterranean winds wherever a great quantity
was collected, as is told of the well in Dalmatia.
But it is difficult to discover these places of confine-
ment.
Desideratum. 8. Methods of performing many amusing
ind wonderful experiments by the motion of the winds.
Approximation. Such questions I have no time to con-
sider. The approximation is the common games
which depend on the wind ; and, no question, many
pleasant things of this kind, both with regard to
sound and motion, may be invented.
i Pliiiy ii. 49.
INTRODUCTIONS TO THE TITLES DESIGNED
FOE THE NEXT FIVE MONTHS.
FOR THE INTRODUCTION
TO
THE HISTORY OF DENSE AND RARE,
SEE THE HISTORY.
468 TRANSLATION OF THE
THE HISTORY OF HEAVY AND LIGHT.
INTRODUCTION.
THE motion of heavy and light was distinguished by
the ancients under the name of natural motion. For
they saw no external efficient, and no apparent resist-
ance. Moreover this motion 'seemed to gain rapidity
by its progress. To their contemplation or rather dis-
course on this subject they added by way of seasoning
the mathematical fancy that heavy bodies would adhere
to the centre of the earth (even if a hole were made
through it), together with the scholastic fiction of the
motion of bodies to their own places. And believing
that by these positions they had settled the question,
they made no further inquiry, except that there was
one of them who inquired somewhat more diligently
concerning the centre of gravity in different figures,
and touching the things which float on water. Nor
has one of the moderns contributed anything of con-
sequence ; having only added a few mechanical inven-
tions, and even those distorted by his demonstrations.
But to speak direct, it is quite certain that a body is
affected only by a body ; and that there is no local mo-
tion which is not excited either by the parts of the
body moved, or by the adjacent bodies, or by those
contiguous or proximate to it, or at least by those
" ADITDS AD TITULOS, ETC." 469
which lie within the sphere of its activity. Gilbert
therefore has not unscientifically introduced the ques-
tion of magnetic force, but he has himself become a
magnet ; that is, he has ascribed too many things to
that force, and built a ship out of a shell.
470 TRANSLATION OF THE
THE HISTORY OF THE SYMPATHY AND
ANTIPATHY OF THINGS.
INTRODUCTION.
STRIFE and friendship in nature are the spurs of
motions and the keys of works. Hence are derived
the union and repulsion of bodies, the mixture and sep-
aration of parts, the deep and intimate impressions of
virtues, and that which is termed the junction of actives
with passives ; in a word, the magnolia naturae. But
this part of philosophy concerning the sympathy and
antipathy of things, which is also called Natural Magic,
is very corrupt ; and (as is almost always the case),
there being too little diligence, there has been too much
hope. The effect of hope on the mind of man is very
like the working of some soporific drugs, which not only
induce sleep, but fill it with joyous and pleasing dreams.
For first it throws the human mind into a sleep by the
recital of specific properties, and secret and heaven-
sent virtues ; whence men are no longer wakeful and
eager in searching out real causes, but are content to
rest in such kinds of indolence ; and then it insinuates
and infuses into it innumerable fancies, like so many
dreams. Men likewise in their folly expect to become
acquainted with nature from her outward face and
mask, and by external resemblances to detect internal
"ADITUS AD TITDLOS, ETC." 471
properties. Their practice also is very like their in-
quiry. For the rules of natural magic are such, as if
men expected to till the ground and eat their bread
without the sweat of their brow, and by an easy and
indolent application of bodies to become masters of
things. And they are always talking of the magnet,
and the sympathy of gold with quicksilver, and a few
other things of the kind, and appealing to them as
sureties to accredit other things which are not bound
by any similar contract. But God has ordained that
whatever is excellent shall be won only by labours
both in inquiry and working. For my own part, in
unravelling the law of nature, and interpreting the
relations of things, I shall show somewhat more dil-
igence, not giving way to marvels and wonders, and
yet not instituting a narrow or partial inquiry.
472 TRANSLATION OF THE
THE HISTORY OF SULPHUR, MERCURY,
AND SALT.
INTRODUCTION.
THIS triad of principles has been introduced by-
chemists, and as a speculative doctrine it is the best
discovery that they have made. The deepest philoso-
phers amongst them maintain the elements to be earth,
water, air, and ether. But these they regard not as
the matter of things, but as wombs, wherein specific
seeds of things are generated, in the same manner as
in the womb. But instead of the First Matter (which
the schoolmen call matter spoiled and indifferent), they
substitute these three things, sulphur, mercuiy, and
salt ; whereof all bodies are compounded and mixed.
Their terms I accept, but not their opinions, which do
not appear sound. It seems however not to sort ill
with their opinion, that two of these, namely, sulphur
and mercury (in the sense in which I take them), I
judge to be the most primaeval natures, the most origi-
nal configurations of matter, and among the forms of
the first class almost the principal. But these terms
of sulphur and mercury may be varied, and receive dif-
ferent denominations ; as, the oily, the watery, the fat,
the crude, the inflammable, the non-inflammable, and
the like. For they appear to be those two enormous
"ADITUS AD TITULOS." 473
tribes of things which occupy and penetrate the uni-
verse. In the subterranean world we find sulphur and
mercury, as they are called ; in the animal and vege-
table world we find oil and water; in pneumatical
bodies of the lower order we find air and flame ; in the
celestial regions we find starry body and pure ether.
But of this last pair I do not as yet pronounce deci-
sively, though the concordance appears probable. With
regard to salt, the case is different. For if by salt they
mean the fixed part of a body, which does not turn
either into flame or smoke, this belongs to the inquiry
of matter fluid and matter determinate, whereof I am
not now speaking. But if they mean salt to be taken
in its plain and literal signification, it cannot be re-
garded as a thing different from sulphur and mercury,
seeing it is a formation compounded from them both,
by means of a strong spirit. For all salt has some in-
flammable parts ; and some parts which not only do
not conceive flame, but strenuously shrink from and
avoid it. However, since the inquiry concerning salt
has some connection with the inquiry into the other
two things, and moreover is of great use, — seeing that
salt comprises in itself the nature of sulphur and mer-
cury, and is a rudiment of life itself, — I have thought
good to admit it likewise into this history and inquiry.
But meanwhile I give notice that I reserve the inqui-
ries into those pneumatical bodies, air, flame, the stars,
and ether, for titles of their own (as they certainly
merit) ; and that here I only institute a history of
sulphur and mercury tangible, that is, either mineral,
vegetable, or animal.
FOR THE INTRODUCTION
TO
THE HISTORY OF LIFE AND DEATH,
SEE THE HISTORY.
THE FRAGMENT OF A BACONIAN BOOK,
ENTITLED
THE ALPHABET OF NATURE.
WHEREAS so many things are produced by the earth
and water, so many things pass through fhe air and
are received by it, so many things are changed and dis-
solved by fire, the other inquiries would be less clear
and complete, if the nature of those common masses
that occur so often were not well known and explained.
To these I subjoin inquiries concerning the Heavens
and Meteors, seeing that they also are Greater Masses,
and belonging to the Universal.
Greater Masses. Sixty-seventh Inquiry, or that con-
cerning the Earth ; denoted by r T T.
Greater Masses. Sixty-eighth Inquiry, or that con-
cerning Water ; denoted by w v.
Greater Masses. Sixty-ninth Inquiry, or that con-
cerning Air ; denoted by </><£ <£.
Greater Masses. Seventieth Inquiry, or that con-
cerning Fire ; denoted by x X X-
Greater Masses. Seventy-first Inquiry, or that con-
cerning the Heavens ; denoted by
476 TRANSLATION OF THE
Greater Masses. Seventy-second Inquiry, or that
concerning Meteors ; denoted by o> w w.
Conditions of Beings.
It remains to inquire in this alphabet into the con-
ditions of Transcendental Beings, which have little con-
cern with the body of nature, but yet in the method
of inquiry which I use will give no small light to the
rest. In the first place therefore since, as Democritus
has well observed, the nature of things is rich and (ac-
cording to him) infinite in the quantity of matter, and
the variety of individuals ; but so limited in combina-
tions and species as even to appear scanty and destitute,
for there are hardly enough species existing or capable
of existing' to make up a thousand in number ; and
since negatives attached to affirmatives are of great use
for the information of the mind ; we must institute an
inquiry concerning Existence and Non-Existence, which
comes seventy-third in order, and is marked by a a a a.
Conditions of Beings ; or concerning Existence and
Non-Existence ; denoted by a a a a.
Possibility and Impossibility are nothing else than
Potentiality or Non-Potentiality of Being. Let the
seventy-fourth inquiry be on this subject, and be
marked ft ft P ft.
Conditions of Beings. Concerning Possibility and
Impossibility ; denoted by ft /3 ft (3.
Much and Little, Rare and Common, are the Poten-
tialities of Being in Quantity. Let the seventy-fifth
inquiry be concerning them, and be marked by 7 y y y.
Conditions of Beings. Concerning Much and Little ;
denoted by y y y y.
"ABECEDAKIUM NATURAE." 477
Durable and Transitory, Eternal and Momentary,
are Potentialities of Being in Duration. Let the sev-
enty-sixth inquiry be concerning them, and be marked
8 8 88.
Conditions of Beings. Concerning Durable and
Transitory ; denoted by 8 8 8 8.
Natural and Unnatural are Potenialities of Being,
according to the course of nature, or according to
deviations from it. Let the seventy-seventh inquiry,
marked e e e e, be concerning them.
Conditions of Beings. Concerning Natural and
Unnatural ; denoted by e e e e.
Natural and Artificial are Potentialities of Being,
O'
without or by means of human assistance. Let the
seventy-eighth inquiry, marked £ £ £ £, be concerning
them.
Conditions of Beings. Concerning Natural and Ar-
tificial ; denoted by £ £ £ £.
Examples in explanation of the order of the alphabet
are not adjoined, because the inquiries themselves con-
tain whole hosts of examples. »
The titles by which the order of the alphabet is ar-
ranged should by no means have such authority as to
be received for true and fixed divisions of things. For
this would be to profess that we know the things which
we inquire ; since no one can divide things truly who
has not a full knowledge of their nature. Let it be
enough if the titles are convenient for the course of
inquiry, which is our present business.
478 TRANSLATION OF THE
THE RULE OF THE ALPHABET.
The alphabet is constructed and directed in this
manner. The history and experiments occupy the first
place. These, if they represent an enumeration and
series of particular things, are set down in tables ;
otherwise they are taken separately.
But since history and experiments are very often
deficient, especially those light-giving and crucial in-
stances which serve to satisfy the understanding as to
the true causes of things ; some injunctions are given
touching new experiments, which form a kind of De-
signed History. For what other course is open to us
who are just entering on the path ?
In the case of any more subtle experiment, the
method which I have employed is explained ; for there
may be a mistake, and it may stimulate others to devise
better and more exact methods.
Admonitions and cautions are likewise interspersed
respecting the fallacies of things, and the errors which
are of frequent occurrence in discovery. I attach also
my own observations on the history and experiments,
that the interpretation of nature may be in the more
forwardness. «
Rules and Imperfect Axioms, such as occur to mo
in the course of inquiry (for I do not pronounce upon
anything), I set down and prescribe, but only provi-
sionally. For they are useful if not altogether true.
Lastly, I sometimes make attempts at interpretation,
though of a very humble nature, and no way worthy
in my estimation to be honoured with that name. For
what need have I of pride or imposture, seeing that I
BO often declare that we are not furnished with so much
"ABECEDARIOM NATURE." 479
history and experiments as we want, and that without
these the interpretation of nature cannot be accom-
plished ; and that therefore it is enough for me if I do
my part in setting the thing on foot ?
For the sake of clearness and order, some introduc-
tions to the inquiries are submitted by way of prefaces.
Likewise, lest the inquiries should be too abrupt, tran-
sitional paragraphs and links are inserted.
For use, some reminders concerning practice are
suggested.
To rouse human industry, a list of desiderata, with
their approximations, is proposed.
I am well aware that sometimes the inquiries are so
mixed up with one another that some of the things
inquired fall under different titles. But my method
shall be, as far as possible, to avoid the weariness of
repetitions and the inconveniences of rejections ; yet
(when it is necessary) ever to hold these as nothing in
comparison to clearness of explanation in an argument
of such obscurity.
Such then is the rule and plan of the alphabet. May
God the Maker, the Preserver, the Renewer of the
universe, of his love and compassion to man protect
and guide this work, both in its ascent to His glory,
and in its descent to the good of man, through His
only Son, God with us.
END OF VOL. IX.
B
115
190
v.
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