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JOHN ADAMS,
SECOND PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES
WITH
A LIFE OF THE AUTHOR,
NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS,
BY
HIS GRANDSON
CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS.
VOL. VH.
BOSTON:
LITTLE, BROWN AND COMPANY.
1852.
Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1852, by CHARLES C. LITTLE AXD
JAMES BROWN, in the Clerk's office of the District Court of the District of Massachusetts.
RIVERSIDE — CAMBRIDGE :
STEREOTYPED AND PRINTED li Y
H. O. IIOUGHTON AND COMPANY.
CONTENTS OF VOLUME VII.
PAGE
INTRODUCTORY NOTE ...
1777.
November 28. THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS TO JOHN ADAMS 5
December 3. THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS TO JOHN ADAMS 5
3. THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS TO JOHN
ADAMS . . . . • G
23. To THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS . . 7
24. To THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS . • 8
27. BARON DE KALB TO JOHN ADAMS . . .9
27. BARON DE KALB TO THE COMTE DE BROGLIE . . 9
27. BARON DE KALB TO M. MOREAU . . -9
1778.
January 9. THE MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE TO JOHN ADAMS . 10
22. THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS TO JOHN ADAMS . 11
February 3. To THE MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE . . .12
May 14. THE COMMISSIONERS TO M. DE SARTINE . .12
24. To THE COMMITTEE OF COMMERCE . . .14
June 6. M. DE SARTINE TO THE COMMISSIONERS . .15
15. THE COMMISSIONERS TO M. DE SARTINE . .16
July 20. THE COMMISSIONERS TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS 18
27. To THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS . . .21
29. THE COMMISSIONERS TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN
AFFAIRS 22
vi CONTENTS.
1778, PAGE
July 29. M. DE SARTINE TO THE COMMISSIONERS . . 23
August 13. THE COMMISSIONERS TO M. DE SARTINE . . 23
28. THE COMMISSIONERS TO COUNT DE YERGENNES . 25
September 10. THE COMMISSIONERS TO M. DE BEAUMARCHAIS . 28
10. THE COMMISSIONERS TO COUNT DE VERGENNES . 29
15. To M. LE RAY DE CHAUMONT . . . .31
18. M. LE KAY DE CHAUMONT TO JOHN ADAMS . .32
16. M. DE SARTINE TO THE COMMISSIONERS . . 33
1 7. THE COMMISSIONERS TO M. DE SARTINE . . 34
17. THE COMMISSIONERS TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS 37
20. THE COMMISSIONERS TO THE AMERICAN PRISONERS IN
GREAT BRITAIN . . . .40
20. To RALPH IZARD . . . . .42
22. To BENJAMIN FRANKLIN . . . .43
24. RALPH IZARD TO JOHN ADAMS . . . .44
25. To RALPH IZARD . . . . . .46
26. BENJAMIN FRANKLIN TO JOHN ADAMS . . .48
26. THE COMMISSIONERS TO WILLIAM LEE . .49
28. RALPH IZARD TO JOHN ADAMS . . . .50
30. THE COMMISSIONERS TO JOHN Ross . . .51
October 1. THE COMMISSIONERS TO. COUNT DE VERGENNES . 52
2. To RALPH IZARD . . . . . .53
6. ARTHUR LEE TO JOHN ADAMS . . .56
10. To ARTHUR LEE . . . . . .56
12. ARTHUR LEE TO JOHN ADAMS . . . .58
24. M. GENET TO JOHN ADAMS . . . .59
28. THE COMMITTEE or FOREIGN AFFAIRS TO JOHN ADAMS 60
29. M. GENET TO JOHN ADAMS . . . .61
30. THE COMMISSIONERS TO M. DE SARTINE . . 63
November 4. THE COMMISSIONERS TO M. DE SCIIWEIGHAUSER . 65
7. THE COMMISSIONERS TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS 66
12. THE COMMISSIONERS TO M. DE SARTINE 68
CONTENTS. vii
1778. PAGE
November 12. THE COMMISSIONERS TO COUNT DE VERGENNES . 70
December 3. To THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS . . .70
7. THE COMMISSIONERS TO DR. PRICE . . .71
29. THE COMMISSIONERS TO JOHN Ross . . .72
1779.
January 1. THE COMMISSIONERS TO COUNT DE VERGENNES . 72
2G. THE COMMISSIONERS TO JOHN LLOYD AND OTHERS . 77
February 11. To COUNT DE VERGENNES . . ... 79
13. COUNT DE VERGENNES TO JOHN ADAMS . . 80
13. To THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS . . 81
16. To M. DE SARTINE . . . . .82
16. To COUNT DE VERGENNES . . . .82
21. COUNT DE VERGENNES TO JOHN ADAMS . . 83
21. To THE MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE . . .84
27. To COUNT DE VERGENNES . . . .86
27. To THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS . . .86
28. M. DE SARTINE TO JOHN ADAMS . . .88
April 3. BENJAMIN FRANKLIN TO JOHN ADAMS . . .89
9 MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE TO JOHN ADAMS . .90
13. To BENJAMIN FRANKLIN . . . .91
21. BENJAMIN FRANKLIN TO JOHN ADAMS . .92
24. THE SAME TO THE SAME . . . .93
20. M. DE SARTINE TO B. FRANKLIN {Inclosed} . . 94
June 5. ARTHUR LEE TO JOHN ADAMS . . . .94
9. To ARTHUR LEE . . . . . .95
August 3. To THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS . . .97
4. To THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS . . .99
September 10. To THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS . . .110
19. To THE TREASURY BOARD . . . .ill
29. THE CHEVALIER DE LA LUZERNE TO JOHN ADAMS . 115
29. THE CHEVALIER DE LA LUZERNE TO CAPTAIN CHA-
VAGNES . 115
viii CONTENTS.
1779. PAGE
September 29. M. DE MARBOIS TO JOHN ADAMS . . .116
October 6. To M. DE SARTINE . . . . .117
17. TO M. DE LA LUZERNE . . . . .117
17. To M.DE MARBOIS . . . . .118
20. THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS TO JOHN ADAMS .119
November 4. To THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS . . .120
1780.
February 15. To THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS . . .121
18. To THE MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE . . .123
18. To M. GENET . . .124
1 9. MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE TO JOHN ADAMS . .125
20. M. GENET TO JOHN ADAMS . . . .120
20. To THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS . . .127
24. To M. GENET . . . . . .129
28. To GENERAL KNOX . . . . .129
March 8. To CAPTAIN LANDAIS . . . . .130
12. To THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS . . . 131
15. ARTHUR LEE TO JOHN ADAMS .... 133
17. WILLIAM LEE TO JOHN ADAMS . . . .134
24. To THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS . . .136
26. ARTHUR LEE TO JOHN ADAMS . . . .138
30. To THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS . . .138
30. COUNT DE YERGENNES TO JOHN ADAMS . .139
30, To COUNT DE VERGENNES .... 140
30. WILLIAM LEE TO JOHN ADAMS .... 140
31. To ARTHUR LEE ...... 142
April 2. To WILLIAM LEE . . . . . .143
8. To W. CARMICHAEL . . . . .144
14. T. DIGGES TO JOHN ADAMS .... 146
18. To THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS . . . 148
22. WILLIAM CARMICHAEL TO JOHN ADAMS . .152
25. To COUNT DE YERGENNES . 154
CONTENTS.
IX
1780.
April
May
PAGE
26. JOHN JAY TO JOHN ADAMS .... 154
29. To M. GENET. . ... 155
30. COUNT DE YERGENNES TO JOHN ADAMS . .157
W. CARMICHAEL TO JOHN ADAMS . . .157
2. T. DIGGES TO JOHN ADAMS .... 158
3. To M. GENET . . . . . .159
8. M. GENET TO JOHN ADAMS . . . .159
9. To M. GENET . . . . . .160
10. COURT DE YERGENNES TO JOHN ADAMS . .162
11. COURT DE VERGENNES TO JOHN ADAMS . .162
12. To W. CARMICHAEL . . . . .162
12. To COUNT DE YERGENNES . . . .164
13. To JOHN JAY ...... 166
13. To T. DIGGES . . . . . .167
15. To JOHN JAY . . . . . .169
15. ToM. GENET . . . . . .170
17. M. GENET TO JOHN ADAMS . . . .172
17. ToM. GENET . . . . . .172
19. To THE COUNT DE YERGENNES . . . .176
24. COUNT DE YERGENNES TO JOHN ADAMS . .177
25. To ARTHUR LEE . . . . . .177
26. M. GENET TO JOHN ADAMS . . . .179
31. M. GENET TO JOHN ADAMS . . . .179
2. To THE PRESIDENT* or CONGRESS . . .180
16. To COUNT DE YERGENNES . . . .187
KICHARD CRANCH TO JOHN ADAMS (Extract Inclosed) 187
20. To COUNT DE YERGENNES . . . -188
ELBRIDGE GERRY TO JOHN ADAMS (Extract Inclosed} 188
21. COUNT DE YERGENNES TO JOHN ADAMS . .190
22. To COUNT DE YERGENNES . . . .193
22. To COUNT DE YERGENNES . . . .193
23. To BENJAMIN FRANKLIN . . 203
x CONTENTS.
1780. PAGE
June 24. To THOMAS DIGGES . . . . .203
QUERIES BY B. FRANKLIN .... 204
26. ANSWERS TO THE QUERIES .... 205
26. To THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS . . .207
29. To THE PRESIDENT or CONGRESS . 208
29. To THOMAS JEFFERSON . . . .210
29. To B. FRANKLIN . . . . .211
30. COUNT DE VERGENNES TO JOHN ADAMS . .212
July 1. To COUNT DE VERGENNES .... 213
2. To COUNT DE VERGENNES .... 214
BENJAMIN EUSH TO JOHN ADAMS (Extract Inclosed) 214
8. WILLIAM LEE TO JOHN ADAMS . . . .215
11. THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS TO JOHN ADAMS 217
12. THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS TO JOHN ADAMS 218
11. (P. S.) August 1. THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AF
FAIRS TO JOHN ADAMS . . . .218
13. To COUNT DE VERGENNES . . . .218
17. DAVID HARTLEY TO JOHN ADAMS . . .227
17. To COUNT DE VERGENNES .... 228
20. To WILLIAM LEE . . . . . .331
20. COUNT DE VERGENNES TO JOHN ADAMS . .232
21. To COUNT DE VERGENNES .... 233
23. To THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS . . . 233
25. COUNT DE VERGENNES TO JOHN ADAMS . . 235
OBSERVATIONS ON MR. ADAMS'S LETTER OF 17TH
JULY, 1780 . . . . .236
27. To COUNT DE VERGENNES . . . .241
29. COUNT DE VERGENNES TO JOHN ADAMS . . 243
30. THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS TO JOHN ADAMS . 243
August 14. To THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS . . . 244
14. DAVID HARTLEY TO JOHN ADAMS . . . 246
17. To BENJAMIN FRANKLIN . 247
CONTENTS. xi
1780. PAGE
September 5. To JOHN LUZAC . . 248
5. To THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS . . . 249
^«*8. FRANCIS DANA TO JOHN ADAMS . . .251
12. To DAVID HARTLEY . . . . .253
14. JOHN LUZAC TO JOHN ADAMS .... 253
15. To JOHN LUZAC ...... 255
16. To THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS . . . 256
19. To THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS . . . 258
22. To M. VAN VOLLENIIOVEN .... 260
25. FROM M. VAN BLOMBERG . . . .261
26. FROM M. VAN BLOMBERG . . . .261
29. FROM M. MYLIU^S . . . . . .261
MEMORANDUM . . . . . .262
October 2. BENJAMIN FRANKLIN TO JOHN ADAMS . . .262
4. To M. DUMAS . . . . . .263
TWENTY-SIX LETTERS UPON INTERESTING SUBJECTS
RESPECTING THE REVOLUTION OF AMERICA . 265
6. M. BICKER TO JOHN ADAMS . . . .313
8. BENJAMIN FRANKLIN TO JOHN ADAMS . . 314
14. To THOMAS DIGGES . .315
14. To BENJAMIN FRANKLIN . . . .316
16. BARON VAN DER CAPELLEN TO JOHN ADAMS . .317
20. BENJAMIN FRANKLIN TO JOHN ADAMS . . .318
22. To BARON VAN DER CAPELLEN . . .319
24. To BENJAMIN FRANKLIN . . . . .320
27. To THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS . . . 320
28. THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS TO JOHN ADAMS 321
November 1. M. DUMAS TO JOHN ADAMS . . .322
3. To M. VAN BLOMBERG . . . . .323
4. FROM M. VAN BLOMBERG . . . .323
6. To M. BICKER . . . . . .324
7. M. DUMAS TO JOHN ADAMS . . .324
xii CONTENTS.
1780. PAG15
November 7. FROM M. BICKER . . . . . .325
7. FROM M. BICKER . . . . . .326
10. MEMORANDUM ...... 326
9. To M. DUMAS . . . . . .327
10. To M. BICKER . .... 327
11. FROM M. BICKER . . 327
12. To COMMODORE GILLON . . . . .328
16. To THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS . . . 329
17. To THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS . . . 330
. 20. To BARON VAN DER CAPELLEN . . .332
20. To M. JOHN LUZAC . . . . .332
24. To BENJAMIN FRANKLIN . - . . . .333
28. BARON VAN DER CAPELLEN TO JOHN ADAMS . 333
30. To B. FRANKLIN . . . . . .337
30. To THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS . . . 338
December 9. To BARON VAN DER CAPELLEN . . . .339
12. THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS TO JOHN ADAMS 341
14. To THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS . . . 341
18. THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS TO JOHN ADAMS . 343
24. BARON VAN DER CAPELLEN TO JOHN ADAMS . . 343
25. To THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS . . . 346
31. To THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS . . . 348
1781.
January 1. THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS TO JOHN ADAMS . 349
1. FRANCIS DANA TO JOHN ADAMS .... 349
5. To THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS . . .352
10. THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS TO JOHN ADAMS . 353
18. To FRANCIS DANA . . . . .353
21. To BARON VAN DER CAPELLEN .... 355
25. To M. DUMAS . . . . . .360
28. M. !DUMAS TO JOHN ADAMS .... 362
February 2. To M. DUMAS . ... 364
CONTENTS. xiii
1781. PAGE
February 2. To MESSRS. JOHN DE NEUFVILLE AND SONS . . 365
G. To M. DUMAS . . . . . .366
8. To FRANCIS DANA . . . . .368
15. To BENJAMIN FRANKLIN . . . . .369
20. To M. BICKER . . . . . .369
21. M. BICKER TO JOHN ADAMS . . . .370
22. BENJAMIN FRANKLIN TO JOHN ADAMS . . .371
March 1. To M. BICKER . .. . . . .371
1. To M. DUMAS . . . . . .372
8. To M. DUMAS . . . . . .372
8. A MEMORIAL TO THE STATES-GENERAL . .373
8. To THE PRINCE DE GALITZIN . . . .373
8. To M. VAN BERCKEL . . . . ,374
8. TO THE DUG DE LA VAUGUYON . . .374
9. M. DUMAS TO JOHN ADAMS .... 375
10. M. DUMAS TO JOHN ADAMS . . . .375
11. To MESSRS. JOHN DE NEUFVILLE AND SONS . . 376
12. To FRANCIS DANA . . . . .377
14. THE Due DE LA VAUGUYON TO JOHN ADAMS . .378
1 7. M. DUMAS TO JOHN ADAMS . . . .379
17. To M.DUMAS . . . . . .379
19. To THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS . . . 380
19. To M. DUMAS . . . . . .382
22. To FRANCIS DANA . . . . .383
27. To MESSRS. JOHN DE NEUFVILLE AND SONS 383
28. To JOHN JAY . . . . .384
April 6. To THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS . . . 385
10. To BENJAMIN FRANKLIN .... 386
14. M. DUMAS TO JOHN ADAMS . . . .387
16. TO THE DUC DE LA VAUGUYON . . . .388
16. To BENJAMIN FRANKLIN . . . . .389
17. THE Due DE LA VAUGUYON TO JOHN ADAMS . . 390
VOL. VII. b
xiv CONTENTS.
1781. PAGE
April 18. FRANCIS DANA TO JOHN ADAMS . . 391
18. To FRANCIS DANA . . . .392
18. M. DUMAS TO JOHN ADAMS .... 394
19. To PETER VAN BLEISWYCK . . . .395
19. ToM FAGEL ... . 396
MEMORIAL TO THEIR HIGH MIGHTINESSES, THE STATES-
GENERAL OF THE UNITED PROVINCES OF THE Low
COUNTRIES ..... 39G
19. MEMORIAL TO THE PRINCE OF ORANGE . . 405
21. BENJAMIN FRANKLIN TO JOHN ADAMS . . .407
26. M. DUMAS TO JOHN ADAMS .... 408
May 1. To THE Due DE LA VAUGUYON . . . 409
3. To THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS . . . . 409
G. M. DUMAS TO JOHN ADAMS . . . .411
7. To M. DUMAS . . . . . .412
7. To THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS . . .412
8. To JOHN LAURENS . . . . .415
14. TO THE DUG DE LA VAUGUYON . . .416
16. THE Due DE LA VAUGUYON TO JOHN ADAMS . .416
16. To THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS . . .417
16. To THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS . . .417
18. M. DUMAS TO JOHN ADAMS . . . .419
19. To M. DUMAS . . . . . .420
23. To BENJAMIN FRANKLIN . . . . .421
June 1. To M. DUMAS . . . . . .423
1. To THE PRESIDENT OF THE ASSEMBLY OF THE STATES-
GENERAL ...... 423
5. M. BERENGER TO JOHN ADAMS .... 423
6. M. DUMAS TO JOHN ADAMS .... 424
8. To M. BERENGER . . . . . .426
15. To THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS . . .427
23. To THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS . 427
CONTENTS. xv
1781. PAGE
June 25. M. DUMAS TO JOHN ADAMS .... 430
July 7. To COUNT DE VERGENNES . . .431
9. M. DE RAYNEVAL TO JOHN ADAMS . . .432
9. To M. DE RAYNEVAL . . . 432
11. To THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS . . . 433
(Articles to serve as a Basis to the Negotiation for the
Reestablishment of Peace) . . . .435
13. To COUNT DE VERGENNES . . . .436
(Answer of the Minister Plenipotentiary of the United
States to the Articles) . . . .430
15. To THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS . . . 440
16. To COUNT DE VERGENNES . . . .441
18. COUNT DE VERGENNES TO JOHN ADAMS . . 443
18. To COUNT DE VERGENNES .... 444
19. To COUNT DE VERGENNES .... 446
21. To COUNT DE VERGENNES .... 450
21. THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS TO JOHN ADAMS 453
August 3. To THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS . . . 453
16. BENJAMIN FRANKLIN TO JOHN ADAMS . . . 456
THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS TO JOHN ADAMS (In
closed) 20 June . . . . * . 456
16. To THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS . . .457
25. To BENJAMIN FRANKLIN . . . . .459
28. FRANCIS DANA TO JOHN ADAMS . . .461
31. BENJAMIN FRANKLIN TO JOHN ADAMS . . .463
September 1. THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS TO JOHN ADAMS 465
October 4. To BENJAMIN FRANKLIN . . . .465
5. BENJAMIN FRANKLIN TO JOHN ADAMS . .466
11. FRANCIS DANA TO JOHN ADAMS . . . .468
15. To THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS . . .471
22. GEORGE WASHINGTON TO JOHN ADAMS . .475
November 7. BENJAMIN FRANKLIN TO JOHN ADAMS . .475
xvi CONTENTS.
1781. PAGE
November 24. To THE Due DE LA VAUGUYON • 481
25. TO THE DUG DE LA VAUGUYON
26. To JOHN JAY ....
26. To BENJAMIN FRANKLIN
28. To JOHN JAY .....
December 4. To THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS
G. To M. DUMAS
7. THE Due DE LA VAUGUYON TO JOHN ADAMS
13. To JOHN LUZAC ....
14. To FRANCIS DANA
15. JOHN JAY TO JOHN ADAMS
18. To THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS
19. To THE Due DE LA VAUGUYON
20. THE Due DE LA VAUGUYON TO JOHN ADAMS
30. THE Due DE LA VAUGUYON TO JOHN ADAMS
1782.
January 6. BARON VAN DER CAPELLEN TO JOHN ADAMS .
14. To BARON VAN DER CAPELLEN
14. To THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS
25. To BENJAMIN FRANKLIN .
February 12. BENJAMIN FRANKLIN TO JOHN ADAMS
14. To SECRETARY LIVINGSTON
19. To SECRETARY LIVINGSTON
19. DAVID HARTLEY TO JOHN ADAMS
20. To BENJAMIN FRANKLIN ....
.20. To THE MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE
21. To SECRETARY LIVINGSTON
24. M. DUMAS TO JOHN ADAMS
26. M. DUMAS TO JOHN ADAMS
28. To JOHN JAY .....
March 1. To THE Due DE LA VAUGUYON
4. THE Due DE LA VAUGUYON TO JOHN ADAMS
CONTENTS. xvii
PAGE
5. To M. BERGSMA . . 535
10. To THE MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE . . . 536
10. M. DUMAS TO JOHN ADAMS .... 536
11. To SECRETARY LIVINGSTON . . . .537
12. M. DUMAS TO JOHN ADAMS . . . .539
M. DUMAS TO JOHN ADAMS . . . .540
13. To M. DUMAS . . . . . .542
15. To FRANCIS DANA . . . . .543
16. M. DUMAS TO JOHN ADAMS .... 545
16. M. DUMAS TO JOHN ADAMS .... 546
20. To JOHN LUZAC . . . . . .548
20. M. DUMAS TO JOHN ADAMS .... 548
T. DIGGES TO JOHN ADAMS .... 549
D. HARTLEY TO JOHN ADAMS (Inclosed) 11 March . 550
21. To T. DIGGES . . . . . .551
22. TO M. DUBBLEDEMUTZ ..... 551
22. M. DUMAS TO JOHN ADAMS .... 552
23. M. DUMAS TO JOHN ADAMS .... 553
26. To BENJAMIN FRANKLIN ..... 554
27. MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE TO JOHN ADAMS . .556
28. M. DUMAS TO JOHN ADAMS . . . .557
29. M. DUMAS TO JOHN ADAMS . . . .557
30. M. DUMAS TO JOHN ADAMS .... 558
31. To PETER VAN BLEISWYCK . . . .560
31. BARON VAN DER CAPELLEN TO JOHN AJ>AMS . .560
2. T. DIGGES TO JOHN ADAMS . . . .562
6. To THE MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE . . . 564
6. C. DE GYSELAER TO JOHN ADAMS . . . 565
6. BARON VAN DER CAPELLEN TO JOHN ADAMS . . 566
7. To M. DUBBLEDEMUTZ . . . . .566
9. THE Due DE LA VAUGUYON TO JOHN ADAMS . . 566
9. TO THE DUG DE LA VAUGUYON . . . .567
xviii CONTENTS.
1782. PAGE
April 11. M. ABBEMA TO JOHN ADAMS . . . .567
11. To M. ABBEMA . . . . . ' . 568
11. To M. PAULI . . . . . .568
16. JOHN LUZAC TO JOHN ADAMS .... 569
16. To BENJAMIN FRANKLIN . . . . .569
22. To SECRETARY LIVINGSTON . . . .571
23. To SECRETARY LIVINGSTON . . . .572
23. To SECRETARY LIVINGSTON . . . .573
24. To SECRETARY LIVINGSTON ". . . .574
26. To M. HODSHON . . . . . .575
30. PROPOSALS FOR OPENING A LOAN . . .575
30. M. DUMAS TO JOHN ADAMS . . . .576
JACOB NOLET TO JOHN ADAMS, (Inclosed) 19 April . 576
JACOB NOLET TO M. DUMAS, 29 April . . 577
May 2. To M.DUMAS . . . . . .578
VERBAL MESSAGE TO THE CITY OF SCHIEDAM, 8 May . 579
2. To BENJAMIN FRANKLIN . . . .580
7. MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE TO JOHN ADAMS . .581
11. W. AND J. WlLLINK, NlC. AND JAC. VAN STAPHORST,
AND DE LA LANDE AND FYNJE TO JOHN ADAMS . 583
13. To FRANCIS DANA . . . . .583
13. To MESSRS. W. AND J. WILLINK AND OTHERS . . 585
16. MESSRS. WILLINK AND OTHERS TO JOHN ADAMS . 586
16. To SECRETARY LIVINGSTON . . . .587
17. To MESSRS. W. AND J. WILLINK AND OTHERS . . 591
17. MESSRS. WILLINK AND OTHERS TO JOHN ADAMS . 592
21. To THE MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE . . .593
24. To MESSRS. WILUNK AND OTHERS . . .594
June 13. To JOHN HODSHON ..... 595
13. To BENJAMIN FRANKLIN . . . . .596
15. To SECRETARY LIVINGSTON .... 598
July 5. To SECRETARY LIVINGSTON .... 599
CONTENTS. xix
1782. PAGE
July 16. C. L. BEYMA TO JOHN ADAMS .... 600
22. E. P. VAN BERCKEL TO JOHN ADAMS (Extract) . 601
23. To M. VAN BERCKEL . . . . .601
August 2. JOHN JAY TO JOHN ADAMS .... 602
8. M. VAN BERCKEL TO JOHN ADAMS . . .604
10. To M. VAN BERCKEL . . . . .605
10. To JOHN JAY . . . . . .606
11. To MESSRS. WILLINK AND OTHERS . . . 608
12. To MR. MAZZEI . . . . . .608
13. To JOHN JAY . . . . . .609
15. To HENRY LAURENS ..... 611
17. To JOHN JAY . . . . . .612
18. To HENRY LAURENS ..... 612
18. To SECRETARY LIVINGSTON .... 613
22. To SECRETARY LIVINGSTON . . . .614
27. HENRY LAURENS TO JOHN ADAMS . . . 614
September 4. To SECRETARY LIVINGSTON . . . .616
6. To SECRETARY LIVINGSTON . . . .626
1 7. To FRANCIS DANA . . . . .632
17. To SECRETARY LIVINGSTON .... 633
17. To SECRETARY LIVINGSTON .... 635
23. To SECRETARY LIVINGSTON .... 638
27. KOBERT MORRIS TO JOHN ADAMS . . .641
28. JOHN JAY TO JOHN ADAMS .... 641
29. To THE MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE . . . 642
October 1. M. CERISIER TO JOHN ADAMS .... 643
6. MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE TO JOHN ADAMS . . 644
7. To JOHN JAY ...... 645
8. To SECRETARY LIVINGSTON .... 646
10. To FRANCIS DANA . . . . .649
15. FRANCIS DANA TO JOHN ADAMS . . .650
20. M. HOLTZHEY TO JOHN ADAMS . 652
xx CONTENTS.
1782. PAGE
October 31. To SECRETARY LIVINGSTON . . . .652
November 1. To BENJAMIN FRANKLIN . . . . .654
2. To M. HOLTZIIEY . . . . . .655
3. BENJAMIN FRANKLIN TO JOHN ADAMS . . .656
6. To ROBERT MORRIS . . . . .656
6. To HENRY LAURENS . . . . .658
6. To SECRETARY LIVINGSTON .... 659
7. To ROBERT MORRIS . . . . .663
8. To FRANCIS DANA ..'... 665
APPENDIX . 667
OFFICIAL
LETTERS, MESSAGES,
AND
PUBLIC PAPERS.
VOL. VII.
INTRODUCTORY NOTE.
THE official papers of Mr. Adams are so voluminous as altogether to forbid the
idea of embracing the whole within the limits of the present work. At the out
set, it was supposed that the fact of the publication by government of a large
portion of them, in a permanent form, would render the work of reproduction to
any great extent superfluous. But a close investigation showed that a selection
was absolutely necessary, in order to do justice to the career of the writer as a
statesman. Ten critical years in the foreign relations of the country, in the course
of which its position as an independent state was first recognized in Europe, could
not but produce memorials essential to the history of those who acted any part
in the scene. To Mr. Adams these are most important, as developing the substan
tial unity of his system of policy, from first to last, a feature which has not been
hitherto pointed out so clearly as justice to him would seem to demand.
The necessity of making a selection from these papers having for this reason
been assumed, the next thing was to look for some principle of publication
adapted to answer the purpose intended. After due reflection, it was, first of
all, thought best to place the selected letters by themselves, not even connecting
with them any private correspondence of the same date, that might lay open
the secret springs of the movements described. This will find its proper place
in the general collection relating to public events, which immediately follows
these official papers. By the arrangement, in chronological series, reference can
be made at pleasure by the curious reader to any period of time, without incur
ring the hazard of breaking the continuous record of the author's public action.
Secondly, the rule of publication was made to apply, first, to the magnitude
of the events described ; next, to the manner in which they are treated ;
thirdly, to the influence exercised upon them, directly or incidentally, by the
writer ; lastly, to the effect upon his own position. To one or other of these
reasons the presence of each of the papers contained in this part of the wrork
must be referred.
Many letters have been admitted, signed by the members of the Commission
to France ; none, however, which are not believed to have been drawn up by
Mr. Adams, and which do not tend to show the place occupied by him in
that unfortunate association, and the efforts which he made to change its
character, or to effect its dissolution. This portion of the collection is a mere
continuation of the series in the Diary, and derives much light from the expla
nations therein given.
The public letters of distinguished persons which either occasioned, or are in
reply to, those of Mr. Adams, are furnished in all cases where they are deemed
4 INTRODUCTORY NOTE.
necessary to promote the end designed. Many of them have .never been
published before. Some, though printed in other forms, are not found in the
great repository of these papers, — the Diplomatic Correspondence of the Revo
lution, — a valuable work, but unfortunately disfigured by numerous typogra
phical errors, especially in proper names, and wanting in that most indispensable
part to every useful publication of an extended and complex nature, a thorough
index.
The letters of Mr. Adams, when drawn from his copy books, will, in many
cases, be found to vary more or less from the ultimate forms as they may yet
exist elsewhere. This is to be ascribed to the fact, that the former were often
in the nature of rough drafts, altered or improved, when transcribed to be sent
away, and not to any design of the editor. He ventures upon no liberties with
the text, excepting such as are requisite to correct obvious errors of haste, or
marked imperfections of language.
Many letters from French and other correspondents will be found in the lan
guage in which they were written. This has been thought better than to take
the responsibility of translating them. Variations of phrase, which in themselves
appear trifling, do yet, in many cases, materially change the character of a style.
And that is the particular which, in official papers, it seems most important to
preserve intact. Neither is it presumed, that the occasional introduction of a
language so generally made part of the system of education in America, as the
French, can present such an obstacle to the understanding of the text as may
not readily be surmounted.
In the year 1809, a series of papers was addressed by Mr. Adams to the
publishers of the Boston Patriot, embracing extracts from many of his letters
which had not at that time been published in any form, and such comments and
elucidations as he deemed expedient to add, in order to explain his public
course. These papers were afterwards collected and published in Boston, in
a volume entitled Correspondence of the late President Adams. Recourse has
been freely had to this volume, wherever it furnishes the materials for illustrat
ing the same letters as now presented in a more extended form, and with a better
chronological arrangement than was in that case practicable.
PUBLIC PAPERS.
THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS TO JOHN ADAMS.
Yorktown, Pennsylvania, 28 November, 1777.
SIR, — I have the honor of conveying under this cover, an
extract l from the minutes of congress of the present date, which
certifies your election to be a commissioner at the Court of
France. Had congress given direction, or if I were acquainted
with precedents, a commission should have accompanied this
notification. In the mean time, permit me, sir, to congratulate
with the friends of America upon this judicious appointment,
and to wish you every kind of success and happiness.
I have the honor to be, with very great respect and esteem, sir,
Your humble servant,
HENRY LAURENS, President of Congress.
THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS TO JOHN ADAMS.
Yorktown, 3 December, 1777.
SIR, — The 28th ultimo I had the honor of writing to you
by the messenger, Frederick Weare, and of transmitting a
vote of congress by which you are appointed a commissioner
at the Court of France. Inclosed under this cover you will
find a commission executed agreeable to the order of con
gress.
You have no doubt heard, or will hear before this can reach
1 In Congress, 28 November, 1778. Congress proceeded to the election of a
commissioner at the court of France, in the room of S. Deane, Esq., and the bal
lots being taken, John Adams, Esq., was elected. Extract from the Minutes.
CHAKLES THOMSON, Secretary.
1*
6 OFFICIAL.
you, of the little affair which happened last week in Jersey, —
the attack by the Marquis de la Fayette, at the head of about
four hundred militia and a detachment from Morgan's rifles, on
a piquet of three hundred Hessians twice reinforced by British, —
in which our troops were successful, killed about twenty, wounded
more, took fourteen prisoners, and chased the enemy about half
a mile. We learned that General Greene, under whom the
Marquis had acted, had been recalled from Jersey, but it is pro
bable, from an account received this morning in a private letter
from Major Clarke, something more must have been done before
he recrossed Delaware.
The Major writes that, from different and corroborating
accounts, Lord Cornwallis was killed or wounded ; that, in an
attack made at Gloucester, the enemy were beaten, left thirty
dead on the field, &c., crossed the water, after having set fire to
that pretty little town, by which the whole was consumed;1 that
the English officers, greatly enraged against the French na
tion, openly declare they would gladly forgive America for the
exchange of drubbing the French ; that General Howe had bil
leted his soldiers on the inhabitants of Philadelphia, two in each
house, and had taken many of their blankets for the use of his
light horse, which had occasioned universal discontent and
murmuring among the citizens ; that a ship and brig, richly
laden, attempting to come up the river, had been lost among
the chevaux de frise.
I beg, Sir, you will do me the favor to present my respectful
compliments to Mr. S. Adams, and to accept the repeated good
wishes of, Sir,
Your most obedient and most humble servant,
HENRY LAURENS, President of Congress.
THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS TO JOHN ADAMS.
York, in Pennsylvania, 3 December, 1777.
DEAR SIR, — With great pleasure to ourselves we discharge
our duty, by inclosing to you your commission for representing
i All this is incorrect General Lafayette's own account of the affair is given
in a note to General Washington's letter to the President* of Congress. Sparks's
Writings of Washington, vol. v. p. 171.
OFFICIAL. 7
these United States at the Court of France. We are by no
means willing to admit a thought of your declining this import
ant service, and, therefore, we send duplicates of the commission,
and the late resolves, in order that you may take one set with
you, and send the other by another vessel.
These are important papers, and, therefore, we wish they may
be put into the hands of a particular and careful person, with
directions to deliver them himself into the hands of the commis
sioners. Mr. Hancock, before he left this place, said that he
intended to send a gentleman to France on some particular
business. Cannot we prevail to get this gentleman to under
take the delivery of our packet to the commissioners, they pay
ing the expense of travel to Paris and back again to his place of
business ?
It is unnecessary to mention the propriety of directing these
despatches to be bagged with weight proper for sinking them,
on any immediate prospect of their otherwise falling into the
enemy's hands.
We sincerely wish you a quick and pleasant voyage, being
truly your affectionate friends,
R. H. LEE.
JAMES LOVELL.
TO HENRY LAURENS, PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Braintree, 23 December, 1777.
SIR, — Having been absent on a journey, I had not the honor
of receiving your letters until yesterday, when one, of the
28th of November inclosing a resolution of congress of the
same day, and another of the 3d of December, inclosing a
commission for Dr. Franklin, Dr. Lee, and myself, to represent
the United States at the Court of France, were delivered to me
in Boston.
As I am deeply penetrated with a sense of the high honor
which has been done me in this appointment, I cannot but wish
I were better qualified for the important trust ; but as congress
are perfectly acquainted with all my deficiencies, I conclude it is
their determination to make the necessary allowances ; in the
humble hope of which, I shall submit my own judgment to
8 OFFICIAL.
theirs, and devote all the faculties I have, and all that I can
acquire, to their service.
You will be pleased to accept of my sincere thanks, for the
polite manner in which you have communicated to me the com
mands of congress, and believe me to be, with the most perfect
respect and esteem, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
Braintrce, 24 December, 1777.
GENTLEMEN, — Having been absent from this State, I had
not the honor of your favor of December 3d, until the 22d,
when it was delivered to me with its inclosures, namely, —
a letter from the President to the Navy Board at Boston,
and a private letter of December 8th, from Mr. Lovell. At
the same time, I received a packet directed to Benjamin Frank
lin, Arthur Lee, and John Adams, Commissioners of the United
States of America, in France, under seal. I also received a
packet unsealed, containing, —
1. Copy of a letter dated the 2d of December, from the Com
mittee of Foreign Affairs to the Commissioners.1
2. A duplicate of a commission of the 27th of November,
to the Commissioners.
3. A duplicate of a resolve of December 3d ; duplicates of
resolves of November 20th and 21st, and duplicates of resolves
of November 10th and 22d.
4. Two letters unsealed, to Silas Deane, Paris.
5. Two printed handbills, — one containing messages, &c.,
between the Generals Burgoyne and Gates ; the other, a copy
of a letter, &c., from Mr. Strickland. The packet under seal, I
shall do myself the honor to forward by the first conveyance,
and the other shall be conveyed, God willing, with my own
hand.
I have the honor to be, with the greatest esteem, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
1 See The Diplomatic Correspondence oftlie Revolution, vol. i. p. 349.
OFFICIAL. 9
BARON DE KALB TO JOHN ADAMS.
At Valley Forge Camp, 27 December, 1777.
SIR, — As you are going to France in a public character from
the United States, will you give me leave to present you a
letter of introduction for M. le Comte de Broglie, one for M. v
Moreau, the first Secretary to Count de Vergennes, Minister of
State for Foreign Affairs, and two for my lady, who will be
glad to see you, and to get news from me by your means ?
I wish you a good passage, a safe arrival, health and success
in all your enterprises, no one being with more regard and
esteem, sir,
Your most obedient and very humble servant,
BARON DE KALB.
(Inclosed with the foregoing,')
BARON DE KALB TO THE COMTE DE BROGLIE.
Au Camp de Valley Forge, le 27 Deccmbre, 1777.
MONSIEUR LE COMTE, — Vous prenez tant d'interet au succes
de la cause Americaine, que je vais oser vous recommander M.
John Adams, 1'un des membrcs du congres, qui va en France,
pour y traiter a la cour les affaires de Politique comme M.
Deane y sera charge des affaires de Commerce. M. Adams
est un homme de merite, generalement estime dans ce pays ci,
et auquel nous avons, M. Delessert de Valfort et moi, quelque
obligation relativement a nos bagages. Votre credit lui seroit
d'une grande utilite, si vous vouliez daigner le lui accorder.
J'ai eu 1'honneur de vous ecrire une longue lettre il y a deux
jours, j'espere qu'elle vous parviendra. La poste pour Boston
me presse, sans quoi j'eus aussi joint ici une copie. Je suis avec
le plus respectueux devouement, &c.
LE BARON DE KALB.
BARON DE KALB TO M. MOREAU.
Au Camp de PArrnee Americaine, le 27 Decembre, 1777.
L'AMITIE dont vous m'avez toujours honore, Monsieur, me
fait prendre la liberte de vous recommander M. John Adams,
10 OFFICIAL.
Tun des membres du congres, qui est charge de Commission
pour la France. Comme il aura certainement des demandes a
faire a M. le Comte de Vergennes, et des affaires a traiter dans
votre departement, je vous supplie de lui accorder vos bons
offices, persuade que tout ce que le roi accordera aux Etats Unis
de 1'Amerique ne peut tendre qu'au bien et a 1'avantage de son
royaume.
Je serai fort aise de pouvoir vous etre utile dans ce pays ci
pendant le sejour que j'y ferai, ainsi que d'y executer les ordres
de M. le Comte de Vergennes, s'il en avoit a me donner.
J'ai 1'honneur d'etre, avec le plus parfait et le plus sincere
attachement, Monsieur, &c. &c.
LE BARON DE KALB,
Major- General de V Armee Americaine.
THE MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE TO JOHN ADAMS.
Head Quarters, 9 January, 1778.
SIR, — As General Knox will have the pleasure to see you
before your going to France, I take the liberty of intrusting him
with the inclosed letter for you, which you will find very impor
tune,1 but I hope you will excuse, on account of my being very
desirous to let my friends hear from me by every opportunity.
Such a distance, so many enemies are between me and every
relation, every acquaintance of mine, that I will not reproach
myself with any neglect in my entertaining with them the best
correspondence I can. However, to avoid troubling you with
too large a parcel of letters, I will send my despatches by two
ways, as one other occasion is offered to me in this very
moment. I. must beg your pardon, sir, for making myself free
enough to recommend you to. some friends of mine in France ;
but as I do not believe you have many acquaintances in that
country, I thought it would not be disagreeable to you, if I
would desire Madame de la Fayette and the Prince de Poix to
whom I write to introduce you to some of my other friends.
Before indulging myself in that liberty, I asked the General
1 Various French idioms will be noticed which it has not been thought neces
sary to correct where the grammar is preserved.
OFFICIAL. 11
Knox's opinion, who told me that he did not find any thing
amiss in it, although I had not the honor of your particular
acquaintance.
I told General Knox some particular advices which I believed
not to be disagreeable to you. I hope you will hear good news
from here, and send very good ones from there. Such is the
desire of a friend to your country and the noble cause we are /
fighting for. I wish you a pleasant and safe voyage, and with
the highest esteem and greatest affection for a man to whom the
hearts of every lover of liberty will be indebted forever, I have
the honor to be, sir,
Your most obedient servant,
THE MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE.
THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS TO JOHN ADAMS.
Yorktown, 22 January, 1778.
SIR, — On the 19th instant I had the honor of receiving
and presenting to congress, your favor of the 23d ultimo,
the contents of which afforded great satisfaction to the house.
It is now the wish of every friend to American independence to
learn speedily of your safe arrival at the Court of Versailles,
where your sagacity, vigilance, integrity, and knowledge of
American affairs, are extremely wanted for promoting the inte
rest of these infant States. You are so well acquainted with our
present representation in that part of Europe, and with the
delays and misfortunes under which we have suffered, as renders
it unnecessary to attempt particular intimations.
Inclosed you will find an act of the 8th instant for suspend
ing the embarkation of General Burgoyne and his troops.
Mr. Lovell has very fully advised you on that subject by the
present opportunity ; permit me to add, that I have it exceed
ingly at heart, from a persuasion of the rectitude and justifiable-
ness of the measures, to be in the van of the British ministry
and their emissaries at every court of Europe.
Baron Holzendorff presents his best compliments, and requests
your care of the inclosed letter, directed to his lady. If I can
possibly redeem time enough for writing to my family and
friends in England, I will take the liberty by the next messen-
12 OFFICIAL.
ger to trouble you with a small packet; hitherto, all private
considerations have been overruled by a constant attention to
business of more importance ; I mean since the first of November.
I have the honor to be, with great regard and esteem, sir,
Your most obedient and most humble servant,
HENRY LAURENS, President of Congress.
TO THE MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE.
Braintrce, 3 February, 1778.
SIR, — I had yesterday the honor of receiving from the hand
of my worthy friend, General Knox, your kind letter to me,
together with five others, which, with submission to the fortune
of war, shall be conveyed and delivered as you desire. I am
happy in this opportunity to convey intelligence from you to
your friends, and think myself greatly honored and obliged by
your politeness and attention to me ; a favor which makes me
regret the more my misfortune, in not having had the honor
heretofore of a more particular acquaintance with a nobleman
who has endeared his name and character to every honest Ame
rican and every sensible friend of mankind, by his efforts in
favor of the rights of both, as unexampled as they were gene
rous. I thank you, sir, for the kind advice communicated by
General Knox,1 to which I shall carefully and constantly attend.
Shall at all times be happy to hear of your welfare, and to have
an opportunity of rendering you any service in my power.
I have the honor to be,
With the greatest respect and esteem, sir,
Your most obedient and obliged humble servant,
JOHN ADAMS.
THE COMMISSIONERS TO M. DE SARTINE.2
Passy, 14 May, 1778.
SIR, — In the several cruises made by Captains Wickes,
Johnston, Cunningham, and others of our armed vessels, on the
1 As to the substance of this conversation, see the AufobiograpJiy, vol. iii. p. 92.
2 Several prior letters, •written by Mr. Adams for the Commissioners, are omit
ted here, having been already inserted in the Diary, vol. iii. pp. 128, 129, 152, 153."
OFFICIAL. 13
coast of Great Britain, it is computed that between, four and
five hundred prisoners have been made and set at liberty, either
on their landing in France, or at sea, because it was understood
that we could not keep them confined in France. When Cap
tain Wickes brought in at one time near a hundred, we pro
posed to Lord Stormont an exchange for as many of ours con
fined in England ; but all treaty on the subject was rudely
refused, and our people are still detained there, notwithstanding
the liberal discharges made of theirs, as above-mentioned. We
hear that Captain Jones has now brought into Brest near two
hundred, whom we should be glad to exchange for our seamen,
who might be of use in expeditions from hence ; but as an opi
nion prevails, that prisoners of a nation with which France is
not at war, and brought into France by another power, cannot
be retained by the captors, but are free as soon as they arrive,
we are apprehensive that these prisoners may also be set at
liberty, return to England, and serve to man a frigate against
us, while our brave seamen, with a number of our friends of this
nation, whom we are anxious to set free, continue useless and
languishing in their jails.
In a treatise of one of your law writers, entitled Traite. des
Prises qui se font sur Mer, printed 1763, we find the above opi
nion controverted, p. 129, § 30, in the following words : —
" Hence it seems that it is not true, as some pretend, that from
the time a prisoner escapes, or otherwise reaches the shore of a
neutral power, he is absolutely free. It is true, he cannot be
retaken without the consent of that power, but such a power
would violate the laws of neutrality if it should refuse its con
sent. This is a consequence of the asylum of the ship in which
the prisoner or hostage was contained."
We know not of what authority this writer may be, and,
therefore, pray a moment of your Excellency's attention to
this matter, requesting your advice upon it, that, if it be possi
ble, some means may be devised to retain these prisoners, till
as many of ours can be obtained in exchange for them.
We have the honor to be, &c.
B. FRANKLIN,
ARTHUR LEE,
JOHN ADAMS.
VOL. VII. 2
14 OFFICIAL.
TO THE COMMITTEE OF COMMERCE.
Passy, 24 May, 1778.
GENTLEMEN, — I find that the American affairs on this side
of the Atlantic are in a state of disorder, very much resembling
Vthat which is so much to be regretted on the other, and arising,
as I suppose, from the same general causes, the novelty of the
scenes, the inexperience of the actors, and the rapidity with
which great events have succeeded each other. Our resources
are very inadequate to the demands made upon us, which are
perhaps unnecessarily increased by several irregularities of pro
ceeding.
We have in some places two or three persons, who claim the
character of American agent, agent for commercial affairs, and
continental agent, for they are called by all these different appel
lations. In one quarter, one gentleman claims the character
from the appointment of Mr. William Lee ; another claims it
from the appointment of the Commissioners at Passy ; and a
third from the appointment of the Commercial Committee of
Congress. This introduces a triple expense, and much confu
sion and delay. These evils have been accidental, I believe, and
unavoidable, but they are evils still, and ought to be removed.
One person at Bordeaux, another at Nantes, and a third per
haps at Havre de Grace or Dunkirk, would be amply sufficient
for all public purposes, and to these persons all orders from
congress, or the commercial committee, or the commissioners at
Paris, ought to be addressed. To the same persons all public
ships of war, and all other ships belonging to the United States,
and their prizes, ought to be addressed ; and all orders for the
supplies of provisions, clothing, repairs of vessels, &c., as well as
all orders for shipping of merchandises, or warlike stores for the
United States, ought to go through their hands. We have such
abuses and irregularities every day occurring as are very alarm
ing. Agents of various sorts are drawing bills upon us, and the
commanders of vessels of war are drawing upon us for expenses
and supplies which we never ordered, so that our resources will
soon fail, if a speedy stop is not put to this career.
And we find it so difficult to obtain accounts from agents of
the expenditure of moneys, and of the goods and merchandises
OFFICIAL. 15
shipped by them, that we can never know either the true state of
our finances, or when and in what degree we have executed the
orders of congress for sending them arms, clothes, medicines, or
other things.
In order to correct some of these abuses, and to bring our affairs
into a little better order, I have constantly given my voice
against paying for things we never ordered, against paying
persons who have never been authorized, and against throwing
our affairs into a multiplicity of hands in the same place. But
the consequence has been so many refusals of demands and
requests, that I expect much discontent will arise from it, and
many clamors. "Whether the appointment by congress of one
or more consuls for this kingdom would remedy these inconve
niences, I must submit to their wisdom.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
M. DE SARTINE TO THE COMMISSIONERS.
Marly, le 6 Juin, 1778.
JE suis informe, Messieurs, que le sieur Bersolle, apres avoir
fait des avances assez considerables au Capitaine Jones, com
mandant la fregate des Etats Unis de 1'Amerique, le Ranger,
s'est fait donner par ce capitaine une lettre de change dont vous
avez refuse de faire acquitter le montant. Comme le Sieur
Bersolle se trouve par la dans 1'embarras, et que vous sentirez
sans doute qu'il est interessant pour la conservation de votre
credit qu'il en soit tire promptement, je suis persuade que vous
ne differerez pas de faire payer non settlement la lettre de change
dont il s'agit, mais encore ce qui est du par le Capitaine Jones,
a la caisse de la marine a Brest, tant pour les effets qui lui ont
ete delivres des magasins du roi, que pour sa subsistance per-
sonelle et celle de son equipage. Sur ce qu'il a represente que
les gens de son equipage avoient pille du navire, le Chatham,
beaucoup d'effets,dont une partie, consistant en argenterie, avoit
ete vendue a un Juif, il a ete pris des informations au moyen
desquelles 1' argenterie et d'autres effets ont ete retrouves ; mais
le tout a ete en depot pour y rester, jusqu'a ce que le capitaine
soit en etat de rembourser ce qui a ete paye pour ces effets.
Je pense, au surplus, qu'il est a propos que vous soyez informes
16 OFFICIAL.
que ce capitaine, qui s'est brouille avec son etat major et avec
tout son equipage, a fait mettre en prison le Sieur Simpson,
son second. Vous jugerez, peut-etre, a propos de vous pro
curer les eclaircissemens necessaires pour savoir si ce principal
officier s'est mis dans le cas de subir une pareille punition.
J'ai 1'honneur d'etre avec la plus parfaite consideration, mes
sieurs, votre tres humble et tres obeissant serviteur,
DE SARTINE.
THE COMMISSIONERS TO M. DE SARTINE.
Passy, 15 June, 1778.
SIR, — We beg leave to inform your Excellency, in answer to
the complaint of M. Bersolle, that he had formerly taken the
liberty himself to draw on our banker for advances made to
Captain Jones before his last cruise, and was much displeased
that his draught was refused payment. We acquainted him
then with the reason of this refusal, namely, — that he had sent
us no accounts of his disbursements or advances, by which we
might judge whether his draft was well founded ; and he had
never any permission to draw on our banker. However, after
wards, when we had seen his accounts, payment was made to
him.
In the present case, it is said, he has advanced to Captain
Jones a thousand louis, immediately on his arrival, for w^hich
the Captain has drawn on us in M. Bersolle's favor. But as
Captain Jones had not previously satisfied us of the necessity
for this advance, nor had our permission for the draft, his bill
was also refused payment. And as Captain Jones writes us,
that, upon the news of our refusal, he was reduced to necessity,
not knowing where to get victuals for his people, we conclude
that the advance was not actually made, as it is impossible he
should, in so short a time, have spent so large a sum. And we
think it extremely irregular in merchants to draw bijls before
they send their accounts, and in captains of ships of war to draw
for any sums they please without previous notice and express
permission. And our captains have the less excuse for it, as we
have ever been ready to furnish them with all the necessaries
they desired, and Captain Jones in particular has had of us near
OFFICIAL. 17
a hundred thousand livres for such purposes, of which twelve
thousand was to be distributed among his people to relieve their
necessities, the only purpose mentioned to us for which this
draft was made, and which we thought sufficient. If this liberty
assumed of drawing on us, without our knowledge or consent,
is not checked, and we are obliged to pay such drafts, it will be
impossible for us to regulate our own contracts and engage
ments so as to fulfil them with punctuality, and we might in a
little time become bankrupts ourselves. If, therefore, M. Ber-
solle has brought himself into any embarrassment, it is not our
fault, but his. We are ready to discharge all debts we contract;
but we must not permit other people to run us in debt without
our leave ; and we do not conceive it can hurt our credit if we
refuse payment of such debts.
Whatever is due for necessaries furnished to Captain Jones
by the Caisse de la Marine, at Brest, either from the magazine,
or for the subsistence of his people, we shall also readily and
thankfully pay as soon as we have seen and approve of the
accounts ; but we conceive that, regularly, the communication of
accounts should always precede demands of payment.
We are much obliged by the care that has been taken to
recover the goods pillaged from the Chatham, and we think the
charges that have arisen in that transaction ought to be paid,
and we suppose will be paid, out of the produce of the sales of
that ship and her cargo.
We understand Lieutenant Simpson is confined by his cap
tain for breach of orders ; he has desired a trial, which cannot be
had here, and, therefore, at his request, we have directed that he
should be sent to America for that purpose.
We shall be obliged to your Excellency for your orders to
permit the immediate sale of the Chatham and other prizes ;
that the part belonging to the captors may be paid them, as
they are very uneasy at the delay, being distressed for want of
their money to purchase clothing, &c., and we wish to have the
part belonging to the Congress, out of which to defray the
charges accruing on the ships. The difficulties our people have
heretofore met with in the sale of prizes, have occasioned them
to be sold, often for less than half their value. And these diffi
culties not being yet quite removed, are so discouraging, that
we apprehend it will be thought advisable to keep our vessels
2* B
18 OFFICIAL.
of war in America, and send no more to cruise on the coast of
England.
We are not acquainted with the character of Captain Batson ;
but if your Excellency should have occasion for a pilot on the
coast of America, and this person, on examination, should appear
qualified, we shall be glad that he may be found useful in that
quality ; and we are thankful to the Consul at Nice for his
readiness to serve our countrymen.
With the greatest respect and esteem, we have the honor to
be, your Excellency's, &c.
B. FRANKLIN,
ARTHUR LEE,
JOHN ADAMS.
THE COMMISSIONERS TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Passy, 20 July, 1778.
gIR) — We have the honor to inform congress, that the Spy,
Captain Niles, has arrived at Brest, and brought us a ratifica
tion of the treaties with His Most Christian Majesty, which has
given much satisfaction to this court and nation. On the seven
teenth instant we had the honor of exchanging ratifications with
his Excellency, the Count de Vergennes. The treaties ratified,
signed by his Majesty, and under the great seal of France, are
now in our possession, where, perhaps, considering the dangers
of enemies at sea, it will be safest to let them remain at present.
Copies of them we shall have the honor to transmit to congress
by this opportunity.
War is not yet declared between France and England, by
either nation, but hostilities at sea have been already com
menced by both ; and as the French fleet from Brest, under the
command of the Count d' Orvilliers, and the British fleet, under
Admiral Keppel, are both at sea, \ve are in hourly expectation
of a rencontre between them. The Jamaica fleet, the Wind
ward Island fleet, and a small fleet from the Mediterranean,
have arrived at London, which has enabled them to obtain, by
means of a violent impress, perhaps a thousand or fifteen hun
dred seamen, who will man two or three ships more, in the
whole, making Admiral Keppel's fleet somewhat nearer to an
OFFICIAL. 19
equality with the French. In the mean time, the Spanish
flotilla has arrived, but the councils of that court are kept in a
secrecy so profound, that we presume not to say with confi
dence what are her real intentions. We continue, however, to
receive from various quarters encouraging assurances ; and,
from the situation of the powers of Europe, it seems highly
probable that Spain will join France in case of war.
A war in Germany between the Emperor and King of Prus
sia seems to be inevitable, and it is affirmed that the latter has
marched his army into Bohemia, so that we apprehend that
America has at present nothing to fear from Germany. We
are doing all in our power to obtain a loan of money, and have
a prospect of procuring some in Amsterdam, but not in such
quantities as will be wanted. We are constrained to request
congress to be as sparing as possible in their drafts upon us.
The drafts already made, together with the great expense aris
ing from the frigates which have been sent here, and the
expenses of the commissioners, the maintenance of your minis
ters for Vienna and Tuscany,1 and of prisoners who have made
their escape, and the amount of clothes and munitions of war
already sent to America, are such, that we are under great
apprehensions that our funds will not be sufficient to answer
the drafts which we daily expect for the interest of loan office
certificates, as well as those from Mr. Bingham.
We have the honor to inclose a copy of a letter from M. de
Sartine, the Minister of Marine, and to request the attention of
congress to the subject of it.
We are told in several letters from the honorable committee
for foreign affairs, that we shall receive instructions and author
ity for giving up, on our part, the whole of the eleventh article
of the treaty, proposing it as a condition to the Court of France,
that they on their part should give up the whole of the twelfth.
But, unfortunately, these instructions and that authority were
omitted to be sent with the letters, and we have not yet received
them. At the time of the exchange of the ratifications, we
mentioned this subject to the Count de Vergennes, and gave
him an extract of the committee's letter. His answer to us
was, that the alteration would be readily agreed to ; and he
1 The words in italics, inserted in Mr. Adams's draft, appear to be in the hand
writing of Dr. Franklin,
20 OFFICIAL.
ordered his secretary not to register the ratification till it was
done. We therefore request that we may be honored with the
instructions and authority of congress to set aside the two articles
as soon as possible, and while the subject is fresh in memory.
The letter to M. Dumas is forwarded, and in answer to the
committee's inquiry, what is proper for congress to do for that
gentleman, we beg leave to say, that his extreme activity and
diligence in negotiating our affairs, and his punctuality in his
correspondence with congress, as well as with us, and his use
fulness to our cause in several other ways, not at present proper
to be explained, give him, in our opinion, a good title to two
hundred pounds sterling a year at least.
The other things mentioned in the committee's letter to us
shall be attended to as soon as possible. We have received also
the resolution of congress of the ninth of February, and the
letter of the committee of the same date, empowering us to
appoint one or more suitable persons to be commercial agents,
for conducting the commercial business of the United States in
France and other parts of Europe. But as this power was
given us before congress received the treaty, and we have never
received it but with the ratification of the treaty, and as by the
treaty congress is empowered to appoint consuls in the ports of
France, perhaps it may be expected of us that we should wait
for the appointment of consuls. At present, Mr. John Bondfield
of Bordeaux, and Mr. J. D. Schweighauser at Nantes, both by the
appointment of Mr. William Lee, are the only persons author
ized as commercial agents. If we should find it expedient to give
appointments to any other persons, before we hear from con
gress, we will send information of it by the first opportunity.
If congress should think proper to appoint consuls, we are hum
bly of opinion, that the choice will fall most justly, as well as
naturally, on Americans, who are, in our opinion, better quali
fied for this business than any others; and the reputation of
such an office, together with a moderate commission on the
business they may transact, and the advantages to be derived
from trade, will be a sufficient inducement to un4ertake it, and
a sufficient reward for discharging the duties of it. •
We have the honor to be, &c.
B. FRANKLIN,
ARTHUR LEE,
JOHN ADAMS.
OFFICIAL. 21
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Passy, 27 July, 1778.
I THANK you, my dear sir, for your kind congratulations on the
favorable appearances in our American concerns, and for so
politely particularizing one of the most inconsiderable of them,
my safe arrival in France, which was after a very inconvenient
passage of forty-five days.
Your letter to Mr. Izard I had the pleasure to send to him
immediately in Paris, where he resides, the Court of Tuscany
being so connected with that of Vienna, as to discourage
hitherto his departure for Italy. He did me the honor of a visit
yesterday, when we had much sweet communion, as the phrase
is, upon American affairs.
Your other letter to your daughter-in-law, I have forwarded
by a safe opportunity. You may depend upon my conveying
your letters to any of your friends by the best opportunities, and
with despatch. The more of your commands you send me, the
more pleasure you will give me.
War is not declared, that is, no manifesto has been published,
but each nation is daily manufacturing materials for the other's
manifesto, by open hostilities. In short, sir, the two nations
have been at war ever since the recall of the ambassadors. The
King of France has given orders to all his ships to attack the
English, and has given vast encouragement to privateers.
The King of Great Britain and his council have determined
to send instructions to their commissioners in America to offer us
independency, provided we will make peace with them, separate
from France. This appears to me to be the last effort to seduce,
deceive, and divide. They know that every man of honor in
America must receive this proposition with indignation. But
they think they can get the men of no honor to join them by
such a proposal, and they think the men of honor are not a
majority. What has America done to give occasion to that
King and council to think so unworthily of her ?
• The proposition is, in other words, this: — "America, you
have fought me until I despair of beating you. You have made
an alliance with the first power of Europe, which is a great
honor to your country and a great stability to your cause ; so
22 OFFICIAL.
great, that it has excited my highest resentment, and has deter
mined me to go to war with France. Do you break your faith
with that power, and forfeit her confidence, as well as that of
all the rest of mankind forever, and join me to beat her, or stand
by neuter, and see me do it, and for all this I will acknowledge
your independency, because I think in that case you cannot
maintain it, but will be an easy prey to me afterwards, who am
determined to break my faith with you, as I wish you to do
yours with France."
My dear countrymen, I hope, will not be allured upon the
rocks by the syren song of peace. They are now playing a sure
game. They have run all hazards ; but now they hazard
nothing.
I know your application is incessant, and your moments are
precious, and, therefore, that I ask a great favor in requesting
your correspondence ; but the interests of the public, as well as
private friendship, induce me to do it.
I am, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
THE COMMISSIONERS TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
Passy, 29 July, 1778.
GENTLEMEN, — We have the honor of your letters of May
14th and 15th. We congratulate you on the general good
appearance of our affairs, and we are happy in your assurances,
that it is your fixed determination to admit no terms of peace,
but such as are consistent with the spirit and intention of our
alliance with France, especially as the present politics of the
British cabinet aim at seducing you from that alliance, by an
offer of independence, upon condition you will renounce it;
a measure that will injure the reputation of our States with all
the world, and destroy its confidence in our honor.
No authority from congress to make an alteration in the
treaty, by withdrawing the eleventh and twelfth articles, has yet
reached us. But we gave an extract of your letter to the Count
de Vergennes, when we exchanged ratifications, who expressed
an entire willingness to agree to it. We wish for the powers
by the first opportunity. We have not yet seen M. Beaumar-
OFFICIAL. 23
chais, but the important concern with him shall be attended to
as soon as may be.
We have the honor to be, &c.
B. FRANKLIN,
ARTHUR LEE,
JOHN ADAMS.
M. DE SARTINE TO THE COMMISSIONERS.
( Translation.) l
Versailles, 29 July, 1778.
GENTLEMEN, — I have received the letter which you did me
the honor to transmit on the 16th instant. His Majesty relies
greatly on the succors of provisions which the government of
Massachusetts Bay may furnish the islands of St. Pierre and
Miquelon.
The difficulties which the privateers of the United States
have experienced till now in the ports of France, either as to
the sale of their prizes, or to secure their prisoners, must cease,
from the change of circumstances. I make no doubt, on the
other hand, but that the United States will grant the same faci
lities to French privateers. To accomplish this double object, I
have drafted a plan of regulations, which I hasten to submit to
you. I beg you to examine it, and to signify to me what you
think of it ; or else to point out other means to attain the same
end, in order that I may take thereon his Majesty's orders.
I have the honor to be, &c.
DE SARTINE.
THE COMMISSIONERS TO M. DE SARTINE.
Passy, 13 August, 1778.
SIR, — Your Excellency's letter of the 29th of July, inclosing
a plan for a system of regulations for prizes and prisoners, we
had the honor of receiving in due time, and are very sorry it
has remained so long unanswered.
1 Taken from the Diplomatic Correspondence of the Revolution, with some
modifications. The same may be said in all other cases in which translations
occur.
24 OFFICIAL.
In general, we are of opinion, that the regulations are very
good ; but we beg leave to lay before your Excellency the fol
lowing observations : —
Upon the second article we observe, that the extensive juris
dictions of the judges of admiralty in America, which, consider
ing the local and other circumstances of that country, cannot
easily be contracted, will probably render this regulation imprac
ticable in America. In France, it will, as far as we are able to
judge of it, be very practicable, and consequently beneficial.
But we submit to your Excellency's consideration, whether it
would not be better in America after the words " les dits
Jitges " 1 to add, — or the register of the court of admiralty, or
some other person authorized by the judge. The jurisdictions
of the courts of admiralty in America, extending for some hun
dreds of miles, this regulation would be subject to great delays
and other inconveniences, if it was confined to the judge.
The fourth article seems to be subject to the same inconve
niences, and, therefore, to require the same amendment.
Upon the fourteenth article, we beg leave to submit to your
Excellency's consideration, whether the heavy duties upon Bri
tish merchandise and manufactures, if these are to be paid upon
prize goods, will not operate as a great discouragement to the
sale of prizes made by American cruisers ; and whether it would
not be consistent with his Majesty's interest to permit merchan
dises and manufactures, taken in prizes made by Americans, to
be stored in his Majesty's warehouses, if you please, until they
can be exported to America, and without being subject to duties.
We know not the expense that will attend these regulations
and proceedings in the courts of this kingdom ; but as the fees
of office in America are very moderate, and our people have
been accustomed to such only, we submit to your Excellency,
whether it will not be necessary to state and establish the fees
here, and make the establishments so far public, that Americans
may be able to inform themselves.
As we are not well instructed in the laws of this kingdom, or
in the course of the courts of admiralty here, it is very possible
that some inconveniences may arise in the practice upon these
regulations, which we do not at present foresee ; if they should,
1 This article required the judge personally to visit all the prizes, and to
place seals upon the property.
OFFICIAL. 25
we shall beg leave to represent them to your Excellency, and to
request his Majesty to make the necessary alterations.
We submit these observations to your Excellency's superior
wisdom, and have the honor to be, with sentiments of the most
perfect respect, your Excellency's most obedient and most hum
ble servants,
ARTHUR LEE,
JOHN ADAMS.
Dr. Franklin concurs with us in these sentiments, but as he
is absent, we are obliged "to send the letter without his signa
ture.
THE COMMISSIONERS TO COUNT DE VERGENNES.
Passy, 28 August, 1778.
SIR, — There are several subjects which we find it necessary
to lay before your Excellency, and to which we have the honor
to request your attention.
At a time when the circumstances of the war may demand the
attention of government, and, without doubt, call for so great
expense, we are very sorry to be obliged to request your Excel
lency's advice respecting the subject of money ; but the nature
of the war in America, the vast extent of country to defend, and
this defence having been made chiefly by militia engaged for
short periods, which often obliged us to pay more men than
could be brought into actual service, and, above all, this war
having been conducted in the midst of thirteen revolutions of
civil government against a nation very powerful both by sea
and land, have occasioned a very great expense to a country so
young, and to a government so unsettled. This has made emis
sions of paper money indispensable, in much larger sums than
in the ordinary course of business is necessary, or than in any
other circumstances would have been politic. In order to avoid
the necessity of further emissions as much as possible, the con
gress have borrowed large sums of this paper money of the pos
sessors, upon interest, and have promised the lenders payment
of that interest in Europe, and we therefore expect that vessels
from America will bring bills of exchange upon us for this inte
rest, a large sum of which is now due.
VOL. VII. 3
26 OFFICIAL.
It is very true that our country is already under obligations to
his Majesty's goodness for considerable sums of money; the
necessities of the United States have been such, that the sums,
heretofore generously furnished, are nearly, if not quite expended ;
and when your Excellency considers that the American trade
has been almost entirely interrupted by the British power at sea,
they having taken so many of our vessels as to render this trade
more advantageous to our enemy than to ourselves ; that our
frigates and other vessels which have arrived in this kingdom,
have cost us a great sum ; that the provision of clothing and all
the munitions of war for our army*, except such as we could
make in that country, have been shipped from hence at our
expense ; that the expense we have been obliged to incur for
our unfortunate countrymen, who have been prisoners in Eng
land, as well as the maintenance of those taken from the enemy,
has been very considerable ; your Excellency will not be sur
prised when you are informed that our resources are exhausted.
We, therefore, hope for the continuance of his Majesty's gene
rosity, and that the quarterly payment of seven hundred and
fifty thousand livres may be continued. And we assure your
Excellency, that the moment we are furnished with any other
means of answering this demand, we will no longer trespass on
his Majesty's goodness.
We have further to inform your Excellency that we are
empowered and instructed by congress, to borrow in Europe a
sum of money to the amount of two millions sterling ; which is
to be appropriated to the express purpose of redeeming so many
of the bills of credit in America, as will be sufficient, it is appre
hended, to restore the remainder to their original value. We,
therefore, request his Majesty's permission to borrow such part
of that sum in this kingdom, as we may find opportunity.
Although we are empowered to offer a larger interest than
is usually given by his Majesty, yet that we may not be any
interruption to his Majesty's service, we are willing and desirous
of limiting the interest which we may offer, to the same that is
given by his Majesty. And although most persons will choose
to lend their money to his Majesty, yet there may be others
desirous of forming connections of trade with the people in
America, who will be willing to serve them in this way. And
perhaps nothing will have a greater tendency to cement the
OFFICIAL. 27
connection between the two nations, so happily begun, or to
insure to the French nation the benefits of the American trade,
than relations of this kind.
By the eighth article of the treaty of commerce, his Majesty
has engaged to employ his good offices and interposition with
the Emperor of Morocco and with the regencies of Algiers,
Tunis, Tripoli, and the other powers on the coast of Barbary, in
order to provide as fully as possible for the convenience and
safety of the inhabitants of the United States, and their vessels
and effects, against all violence, insults, attacks, or depredations
on the part of the said princes.
We have received information that there are already Ameri
can vessels in Italy desirous of returning home, and that there
are merchants in Italy desirous of entering into the American
trade, but that an apprehension of danger from the corsairs of
Barbary is a discouragement. We therefore request your
Excellency's attention to this case, anti such assistance from his
Majesty's good offices as was intended by the treaty.
There is another thing that has occurred of late, on which we
have the honor to request your Excellency's advice. There are
many Americans in England and in other parts of Europe,
some of whom are excellent citizens, who wish for nothing so
much as to return to their native country, and to take their
share in her fortune, whatever that may be, but are apprehen
sive of many difficulties in removing their property.
Whether it will be practicable and consistent with his Majes
ty's interest to prescribe any mode by which Americans of the
above description may be permitted to pass through this king
dom with their apparel, furniture, plate, and other effects, not
merchandise for sale here, without paying duties, we submit to
his wisdom.
We have the honor to be, with respect, your Excellency's, &c.
B. FRANKLIN,
ARTHUR LEE,
JOHN ADAMS.
28 OFFICIAL.
THE COMMISSIONERS TO M. DE BEAUMARCHAIS.
Passy, 10 September, 1778.
SIR, — In a letter we have received from the committee of
commerce of the 16th of May, we are informed that they had
ordered several vessels lately to South Carolina for rice, and
directed the continental agents in that State to consign them to
our address.
In the letter from Mr. Livingston to us, dated Charleston,
South Carolina, 10th June, 1778, he has subjected the cargo of
the Theresa to our orders.
In your letter to us, dated Passy, 8th September, 1778, you
demand that the cargo arrived in your own vessel should be
sold, and the money remitted to you in part for a discharge of
what is due to you by the congress.
We are at a loss to knt>w how you claim the Theresa as your
proper vessel, because M. Monthieu claims her as his, produces
a written contract for the hire and demurrage of her, part of
which we have paid, and the remainder he now demands of us.
However, sir, we beg leave to state to you the powers and instruc
tions we have received from congress, and to request your atten
tion to them as soon as possible, and to inform you that we are
ready to enter upon the discussion of these matters at any time
and place you please.
But until the accounts of the company of Roderique Hortalez
& Co. are settled for what is passed, and the contract proposed
either ratified by you and us, or rejected by one party, we can
not think we should be justified in remitting you the proceeds
of the cargo of the Theresa.
We will, however, give orders to our agents for the sale of the
cargo, and that the proceeds of the sale be reserved to be paid
to the house of Roderique Hortalez & Co. or their representa
tive, as soon as the accounts shall be settled or the contract rati
fied.
By a copy of a contract between a committee of congress
and M. Francy, dated the 16th of April last, we perceive that
the seventh article, respecting the annual supply of twenty-
four millions of livres, shall not be binding upon either of the
parties, unless the same shall be ratified by Roderique Hor-
OFFICIAL. 29
talez & Co. and the Commissioners of the United States at
Paris.
We take this opportunity to inform you, sir, that we are
ready to confer with Roderique Hortalez & Co., or any person
by them authorized for this purpose, at any time and place that
they or you shall appoint.
We have the honor to be, sir,
Your most obedient and most humble servants,
B. FRANKLIN,
ARTHUR LEE,
JOHN ADAMS.
THE COMMISSIONERS TO COUNT DE VERGENNES.
Passy, 10 September, 1778.
SIR, — By some of the last ships from America, we received
from congress certain powers and instructions, which we think
it necessary to lay before your Excellency, and which we have
the honor to do in this letter.
On the 13th of April last, congress resolved, " that the com
missioners of the United States in France be authorized to
determine and settle with the house of Roderique Hortalez &
Co. the compensation, if any, which should be allowed them on
all merchandise and warlike stores, shipped by them for the use
of the United States, previous to the 14th day of April, 1778,
over and above the commission allowed them in the sixth article
of the proposed contract between -the Committee of Commerce
and John Baptiste Lazarus Theveneau de Francy."
In the letter of the Committee of Commerce to us, in which
the foregoing resolution was inclosed, the Committee express
themselves thus : — " This will be accompanied by a contract
entered into between John Baptiste Lazarus de Theveneau
de Francy, agent of Peter Augustin Caron de Beaumarchais,
representative of the house of Roderique Hortalez & Co. and the
Committee of Commerce. You will observe that their accounts
are to be fairly stated, and what is justly due paid. For
as, on the one hand, congress would be unwilling to evidence a
disregard for, and contemptuous refusal of, the spontaneous
friendship of His Most Christian Majesty, so, on the other, they
3*
30 OFFICIAL.
are unwilling to put into the private pockets of individuals what
was gratuitously designed for the public benefit, you will be
pleased to have their accounts liquidated, and direct in the liqui
dation thereof, that particular care be taken to distinguish the
property of the crown of France from the private property of
Hortalez & Co., and transmit to us the accounts so stated and
distinguished. This will also be accompanied by an invoice of
articles to be imported from France, and resolves of congress rela
tive thereto. You will appoint, if you should judge proper, an
agent or agents to inspect the quality of such goods as you may
apply for to the house of Roderique Hortalez & Co., before they
are shipped, to prevent any imposition."
On the 16th of May last, congress resolved, " that the invoice
of articles to be imported from France, together with the list of
medicines approved by congress, be signed by the Committee
of Commerce, and transmitted to the Commissioners of the Uni
ted States at Paris, who are authorized and directed to apply to
the house of Roderique Hortalez & Co. for such of the said arti
cles as they shall not have previously purchased or contracted for ; "
" that copies of the invoices be delivered to Monsieur de Francy,
agent for Roderique Hortalez & Co., together with a copy of the
foregoing resolution ; " and " that the articles to be shipped by the
house of Roderique Hortalez & Co. be not insured ; but that
notice be given to the Commissioners in France, that they may
endeavor to obtain convoy for the protection thereof."
We have the honor to inclose to your Excellency a copy
of the contract made between the Committee and Monsieur
Francy, a copy of Monsieur Francy's powers, and a copy of the
list of articles to be furnished according to that contract, that
your Excellency may have before you all the papers relative to
this subject.
We are under the necessity of applying to your Excellency
upon this occasion, and of requesting your advice. With regard
to what is passed, we know not who the persons are who con
stitute the house of Roderique Hortalez & Co., but we have
understood, and congress has ever understood, and so have the
people in America in general, that they were under obligations
to his Majesty's good will for the greatest part of the merchan
dise and warlike stores heretofore furnished under the firm of
Roderique Hortalez &: Co. We cannot discover that any writ-
OFFICIAL. 31
ten contract was ever made between congress or any agent of
theirs and the house of Roderique Hortalez & Co. ; nor do we
know of any living witness, or any other evidence, whose testi
mony can ascertain to us, who the persons are that constitute
the house of Roderique Hortalez & Co., or what were the terms
upon which the merchandise and munitions of war were sup
plied, neither as to the price, nor the time, or conditions of pay
ment. As we said before, we apprehend that the United States
hold themselves under obligation to his Majesty for all those
supplies, and we are sure it is their wish and their determina
tion to discharge the obligation to his Majesty, as soon as Pro
vidence shall put it in their power. In the mean time, we are
ready to settle and liquidate the accounts according to our
instructions at any time, and in any manner which his Majesty
or your Excellency shall point out to us.
As the contract for future supplies is to be ratified or not
ratified by us, as we shall judge expedient, we must request
your Excellency's advice as a favor upon this head, and
whether it would be safe or prudent in us to ratify it, and in
congress to depend upon supplies from this quarter. Because,
if we should depend upon this resource for supplies, and be dis
appointed, the consequences would be fatal to our country.
We have the honor to be, &c.
B. FRANKLIN,
ARTHUR LEE,
JOHN ADAMS.
TO M. LE RAY DE CHAUMONT.
Passy, 15 September, 1778.
SIR, — As our finances are, at present, in a situation seriously
critical, and as I hold myself accountable to congress for every
part of my conduct, even to the smallest article of my expenses,
I must beg the favor of you to consider what rent we ought to
pay you for this house and furniture, both for the time past and
to come. Every part of your conduct towards me and towards
our Americans in general, and in all our affairs, has been polite
and obliging, as far as I have had an opportunity of observing,
and I have no doubt it will continue so ; yet it is not reasona-
32 OFFICIAL.
ble that the United States should be under so great an obliga
tion to a private gentleman, as that two of their representatives
should occupy for so long a time so elegant a seat, with so much
furniture and so fine accommodations, without any compensa
tion ; and in order to avoid the danger of the disapprobation of
our constituents on the one hand, for living here at too great or
at too uncertain an expense, and on the other, the censure of the
world for not making sufficient compensation to a gentleman
who has done so much for our convenience, it seems to me
necessary that we should come to an eclair cissement upon this
head.
As you have an account against the Commissioners, or
against the "United States, for several other matters, I should
also be obliged to you, if you would send it in as soon as possi
ble, as every day renders it more and more necessary for us to
look into our affairs with the utmost precision.
I am, sir, with much esteem and respect,
Your most obedient, humble servant,
JOHN ADAMS.
M. LE RAY DE CHAUMONT TO JOHN ADAMS.
(Translation.}
Passy, 18 September, 1778.
SIR, — I have received the letter which you did me the honor
to write to me on the 15th instant, making inquiry as to the
rent of my house, in which you live, for the past and the future.
When I consecrated my house to Dr. Franklin and his asso
ciates, who might live with him, I made it fully understood that
I should expect no compensation, because I perceived that you
had need of all your means to send to the succor of your coun
try, or to relieve your countrymen escaping from the chains
of your enemies. I pray you, sir, to permit this arrangement
to remain, which I made when the fate of your country was
doubtful. When she shall enjoy all her splendor, such sacri
fices on my part will be superfluous, and unworthy of her,
but, at present, they may be useful, and I am most happy
in offering them to you.
There is no occasion for strangers, since you desire to avoid
OFFICIAL. 33
their strictures, to be informed of my proceeding in this respect.
It is so much the worse for those who would not do the same if
they had the opportunity, and so much the better for me to have
immortalized my house, by receiving into it Dr. Franklin and
his associates.
I have the honor to be, sir, with the most perfect respect, &c.
LE RAY DE CHAUMONT.
M. DE SARTINE TO THE COMMISSIONERS.
( Translation.)
Versailles, 16 September, 1778.
GENTLEMEN, — I have received the letter which you did me
the honor to write to me on the subject of the French ship Isa
bella, which the American privateer, General Mifflin, recaptured
from a Guernsey privateer.
In the General Thesis you may see the provisions of the ordi
nance of the marine of 1681, which adjudges to captors, the recap
tured vessels, when they have been during twenty-four hours in
the enemy's hands, and which grants only a third for the charges
of rescue, when they are retaken before the twenty -four hours.
The American privateers shall enjoy in France, without diffi
culty, the benefit of this law, if it has been adopted by the Uni
ted States in such a manner, as that the French privateers may
be assured of experiencing the same treatment, with respect to
the recaptures they may conduct into the ports of North Ame
rica.
The English laws, on the contrary, grant a privateer only one
eighth of the value of the vessels retaken within the first twenty-
four hours, a fifth within the second day, a third within the
third and fourth, and afterwards one half, which leaves at least,
in every case, the other half to the losing proprietors. It is pos
sible that the United States, as these laws are less advanta
geous to the privateers, and more favorable to the original pro
prietors of recaptured vessels, would give the preference to those
of France.
In these circumstances, the rules of reciprocity observed
between the two powers require that arrangements be made
34 OFFICIAL.
to adopt the law of one of the two nations, which shall be
observed by the respective privateers ; and, in the mean time, I
am persuaded you think with me that the American privateer,
General Mifflin, ought not to exact in France more than the
same advantage which, in a similar case, a French privateer
would enjoy in North America.
This discussion, moreover, will not perhaps apply in the par
ticular affair in question. I am just informed that the French
proprietor claims his vessel as retaken from pirates, offering
to pay a third of its value to the American privateer which
delivered it. This is agreeable to the tenth article, under the
title of Prizes, of the ordinance of 1681, which appears justly
applicable to this particular case. If it should be found that
the Guernsey privateer falls under the description of those
pirates, whose depredations have obliged his Majesty to order
general reprisals, and that she has not been furnished with new
letters of marque, which the Court of London did not grant
before the month of August, to cruise against French vessels, as
appears from the declaration of the captain of the Isabella, this
question will be necessarily submitted to the decision of the tri
bunals ; and I could do no otherwise than see that the most
prompt justice be rendered to the American privateer. I request,
in any case, that you will be pleased to give me your opinion
on the principal question, assuming the laws of the two nations
to be different, with respect to reprisals or rescues.
I have the honor to be, &c.
DE SARTINE.
THE COMMISSIONERS TO M. DE SARTINE.
Passy, 17 September, 1778.
SIR, — We have this morning the honor of your Excellen
cy's letter of the 16th, relative to the French brigantine, the
Isabella, retaken by the American privateer, the General Mifflin,
from a Guernsey privateer, after having been eighty hours in
his hands.
We have the honor to agree perfectly with your Excellency
in your sentiments of the justice and policy of the principle of
reciprocity between the two nations, and that this principle
OFFICIAL. 35
requires that French ships of war or privateers should have the
same advantage, in case of rescues and recaptures, that the
American privateers enjoy in France.
We are so unfortunate at present, as to have no copy of any
of the laws of the United States, relative to such cases, and are
not able to recollect, with precision, the regulations in any of
them. But we are informed by Captain M'Neil, that by the
law of Massachusetts Bay, if a vessel is retaken within twenty-
four hours, one third goes to the recaptors ; after twenty-four
hours until seventy-two hours, one half; after seventy -two hours
and before ninety-six hours, three quarters ; and after ninety-six
hours, the whole.
All that we have power to do in this case is, to convey to
congress a copy of your Excellency's letter and of our answer,
and we have no doubt but congress will readily recommend to
the several States to make laws, giving to French privateers
either the same advantages that their own privateers have in
such cases, in their own ports, or the same advantages that the
French privateers enjoy in the ports of this kingdom in such
cases, by the ordinance of the King. Arid we wish your Excel
lency would signify to us, which would probably be most agree
able to his Majesty. If the case of this vessel must come before
the public tribunals, upon the simple question, whether she was
retaken from a pirate or not, that tribunal, we doubt not, will
decide with impartiality ; but we cannot refrain from expressing
to your Excellency, that we think the original owner will be ill
advised if he should put himself to this trouble and expense.
We presume not to dispute the wisdom of the ordinance of
the King, which gives to the recaptor from a pirate only one
third ; because we know not the species of pirates which was
then in contemplation, nor the motives to that regulation. But
your Excellency will permit us to observe, that this regulation is
so different from the general practice and from the spirit of the
law of nations, that there is no doubt it ought to receive a strict
interpretation, and that it is incumbent on the original proprie
tor to make it very evident that the first captor was a pirate.
In the case in question, the Guernsey privateer certainly had
a commission from the King of Great Britain to cruise against
American vessels at least. But admitting, for argument's sake,
that he had no commission at all, the question arises, whether the
36 OFFICIAL.
two nations of France and England are at war or not. And,
although there has been no formal declaration of war on either
side, yet there seems to be little doubt that the two nations have
been at actual war, at least from the time of the mutual recall of
their ambassadors, if not from the moment of the British King's
most warlike speech to his parliament.
Now, if it be admitted that the two nations are at war, we
believe it would be without a precedent in the history of juris
prudence, to adjudge the subjects of any nation to be guilty of
piracy for any act of hostility committed at sea against the sub
jects of another nation at war. Such a principle, for what we
see, would conclude all the admirals and other officers of both
nations guilty of the same offence.
It is not the want of a commission, as we humbly conceive,
that makes a man guilty of piracy; but committing hostilities
against human land ; at least, against a nation not at war.
Commissions are but one species of evidence that nations are
at war. But there are many other ways of proving the same
thing.
Subjects and citizens, it is true, are forbidden by most civil
ized nations to arm vessels for cruising even against enemies
without a commission from the sovereign ; but it is upon pe
nalty of confiscation or some other, perhaps, milder punish
ment, not on the penalties of piracy.
Moreover, perhaps, prizes made upon enemies by subjects or
citizens, without commission from their sovereigns, may belong
to the sovereign, not to the captors, by the laws of most
nations ; but, perhaps, no nation ever punished as pirates their
own subjects or citizens for making a prize from an enemy
without a commission.
We beg your Excellency's pardon for detaining you so long
from objects of more importance,
And have the honor to be, &c.
B. FRANKLIN,
ARTHUR LEE,
JOHN ADAMS.
OFFICIAL. 37
THE COMMISSIONERS TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Passy, 17 September, 1778.
SIR, — The last letter which we have had the honor to write
jointly to congress, was of the 20th of July, and as we have
sent several copies of it by different opportunities, we hope one
of them, at least, will get safe to hand. Since our last, there
has been an important action at sea between two very powerful
fleets, in which, in our opinion, the French had a manifest and
great advantage. But as all the newspapers in Europe are full
of this transaction, and we have taken, in our separate capaci
ties, every opportunity to transmit these papers to congress, we
think it needless to be more particular concerning that event in
this letter.
The French fleet, on the llth of last month, again put to sea,
and on the 22d Admiral Keppel sailed. By the best intelligence
from London the populace are amused, and the public funds
are supported, by hopes given out by administration, of peace,
by an acknowledgment of American independency. But, as the
credulity of that nation has no bounds, we can draw no infer
ence from this general opinion, that such is the intention of
government. We suppose that rumor to be a consequence of
the insidious determination of the cabinet, to propose independ
ence on condition of a separate peace.
We are here, at this moment, in a state of the most anxious
and critical suspense, having heard nothing from Count d'Es-
taing, nor from America, since the llth of July.
Congress will be informed by Mr. Arthur Lee, respecting the
Court of Spain.
We have taken measures in Amsterdam for borrowing money
of the Dutch, but what success we shall have we cannot yet say.
We have also asked leave of this government to borrow money
in this kingdom, but having no answer, we cannot say whether
we shall get permission or not. We have yesterday applied for
a continuation of the quarterly payment of seven hundred and
fifty thousand livres ; what the answer will be we know not ; if
it is in the negative, the consequence must be very plain to con
gress and to us. It is at all times wisest and safest, both for the
representative and his constituent, to be candid, and we should
VOL. VII. 4
38 OFFICIAL.
think ourselves criminal if we should disguise our just appre
hensions.
Congress then will be pleased to be informed that all the
powers of Europe are now armed, or arming themselves, by
land or sea, or both, as there seems to be a universal apprehen
sion of a general war. Such is the situation of European
nations at least, that no one can arm itself without borrowing
money. Besides this, the Emperor and King of Prussia are at
actual war. All this together has produced this effect, —
that France, England, the Emperor, Spain, Prussia, at least, are
borrowing money, and there is not one of them, that we can
learn, but offers better interest than the United States have
offered. There can be no motive, then, but simple benevolence,
to lend to us.
Applications have been frequently made to us by Americans,
who have been some time abroad, to administer the oath of
allegiance to the United States, and to give them certificates
that they have taken such oaths. In three instances we have
yielded to their importunity, — in the case of Mr. Moore, of New
Jersey, who has a large property in the East Indies, which he
designs to transfer immediately to America ; in the case of Mr.
Woodford, of Virginia, a brother of General Woodford, who has
been some time in Italy, and means to return to America with
his property ; and yesterday, in the case of Mr. Montgomery, of
Philadelphia, who is settled at Alicant, in Spain, but wishes to
send vessels and cargoes of his own property to America. We
have given our opinions to these gentlemen frankly, that such
certificates are in strictness legally void, because there is no act
of congress that expressly gives us power to administer oaths.
We have also given two or three commissions, by means of the
blanks with which congress intrusted us, — one to Mr. Living
ston, and one to Mr. Amiel, to be lieutenants in the navy, — and
in these cases we have ventured to administer the oaths of alle
giance. We have also, in one instance, administered the oath
of secrecy to one of our secretaries, and perhaps it is necessary
to administer such an oath, as well as that of allegiance, to all
persons whom we may be obliged, in the extensive correspond
ence we maintain, to employ. We hope we shall not have the
disapprobation of congress for what, in this way, has been done,
but we wish for explicit powers and instructions upon this
head.
OFFICIAL. 39
There are, among the multitude of Americans who are scat
tered about the various parts of Europe, some, we hope many,
who are excellent citizens, who wish to take the oath of alle
giance, and to have some mode prescribed by which they may
be enabled to send their vessels and cargoes to America with
safety from their own friends, — American men-of-war and pri
vateers. Will it not be practicable for congress to prescribe
some mode of giving registers to ships, some mode of evidence
to ascertain the property of cargoes, by which it might be made
to appear to the cruisers and to courts of admiralty, that the
property belonged to Americans abroad ? If congress should
appoint consuls, could not some power be given to them, or
would congress empower then.- commissioners or any others ?
Several persons from England have applied to us to go to
America ; they profess to be friends to liberty, to republics, to
America ; they wish to take their lot with her, to take the
oath of allegiance to the States, and to go over with their pro
perty. We hope to have instructions upon this head, and a
mode pointed out for us to proceed in.
In observance of our instruction to inquire into M. Holker's
authority, we waited on his Excellency, the Count de Ver-
gennes, presented him with an extract of the letter concerning
him, and requested to know what authority M. Holker had. His
Excellency's answer to us was, that he was surprised ; for that
M. Holker had no verbal commission from the ministry; but
that M. de Vergennes, being informed that M. Holker was going
to America, desired him to write to him, from time to time, the
state of things and the temper of the people.
We have given orders to M. Bondfield, at Bordeaux, to ship to
America twenty-eight 24-pounders, and twenty-eight 18-pound-
ers, according to our instructions. By his answer to us, it will
take some little time, perhaps two or three months, to get those
cannon at a good rate, and in good condition.
Our distance from congress obliges us very often to act with
out express instructions upon points in which we should be very
glad to have then: orders. One example of which is, — the case
of the American prisoners in England. Numbers have been
taken and confined in jails ; others, especially masters of vessels,
are set at liberty. We are told that there are still five hundred
in England. Many have escaped from their prisons, who make
40 OFFICIAL.
their way to Paris, some by the way of Holland, others by Dun
kirk, and others by means of smuggling vessels in other ports of
this kingdom. They somehow get money to give jailers, in
order to escape ; then they take up money in England, in Hol
land, in Dunkirk, and elsewhere, to bear their expenses to Paris ;
then they apply to us to pay these past expenses, and to furnish
them money to defray their expenses to Nantes, Brest, and
other seaport towns. When arrived there, they apply to the
American agent for more money; besides this, bills of their
drawing are brought to us from Holland and other places. All
this makes a large branch of expense. We have no orders to
advance money in these cases, yet we have ventured to advance
considerable sums ; but the demands that are coming upon us
from all quarters, are likely to exceed so vastly all our resources,
that we must request positive directions, whether we are to
advance money to any prisoners whatever. If to any, whether
to masters and seamen of private merchant vessels, and to offi
cers and crews of privateers, as well as to officers and men in
the continental service. We have taken unwearied pain's,
and have put the United States to very considerable expense,
in order to give satisfaction to these people ; but all we have
done has not the effect; we are perpetually told of discon
tented speeches, and we often receive peevish letters from these
persons in one place and another, that they are not treated with
so much respect as they expected, nor furnished with so much
money as they wanted. We should not regard these reflections,
if we had the orders of congress.
We have the honor to be, &c.
B. FRANKLIN,
ARTHUR LEE,
JOHN ADAMS.
TO THE AMERICAN PRISONERS IN FORTON, PLYMOUTH, OR ELSE
WHERE IN GREAT BRITAIN.
Passy, 20 September, 1778.
GENTLEMEN, — Although we have not written to you directly
for some time, you may be assured we have not been unmindful
OFFICIAL. 41
of your interests, your comfort, or your liberty. We have been
engaged a long time in negotiating a cartel of exchange. This
work we found attended with many difficulties, but at last have
obtained assurances from England that an exchange shall take
place. We have also obtained from the government of this
kingdom, a passport for a vessel to come from England to Nantes
or Lorient with American prisoners, there to take in British
prisoners in exchange. We now sincerely hope that you will
obtain your liberty. We cannot certainly say, however, that all
will be immediately exchanged, because we fear we have not
an equal number to send to England. Those that remain, if
any, will be those who have been the latest in captivity, and
consequently have suffered the least.
While the British government refused to make any agree
ment of exchange, the commissioners here never discouraged
their countrymen from escaping from the prisons in England,
but, on the contrary, have lent small sums of money, sufficient,
with great economy, to bear their expenses to some seaport, to
such as have made their way hither. But, if the British govern
ment should honorably keep their agreement to make a regular
exchange, we shall not think it consistent with the honor of the
United States to encourage such escapes, or to give any assist
ance to such as shall escape. Such escapes hereafter would
have a tendency to excite the British administration to depart
from the cartel, to treat the prisoners that remain with more rigor,
and to punish those that escape, if retaken, with more severity.
On the other hand, we have now obtained permission of this
government to put all British prisoners, whether taken by conti
nental frigates or by privateers, into the King's prisons, and we
are determined to treat such prisoners precisely as our country
men are treated in England, to give them the same allowance
of provisions and accommodations, and no other. We, there
fore, request you to inform us with exactness what your allow
ance is from the government, that we may govern ourselves
accordingly.
We have the honor to be, with much respect and affection,
Your countrymen and humble servants,
B. FRANKLIN,
ARTHUR LEE,
JOHN ADAMS.
4*
42 OFFICIAL.
TO RALPH IZARD.
Passy, 20 September, 1778.
DEAR SIR, — You have once or twice mentioned to me, in
conversation, certain expressions in the treaty, relative to the
fishery on the Banks of Newfoundland, which you apprehend
may be liable to different constructions, and become the subject
of controversy, if not the cause of war ; but as it is very possible
I may not have perfectly comprehended your meaning, I should
be much obliged to you, if you would state it in writing, toge
ther with the historical facts, which are fresh in your memory,
for the illustration of it.
If I understood you, your apprehension arises from the tenth
article of the treaty.
" The United States, their citizens and inhabitants, shall
never disturb the subjects of the most Christian King in the
enjoyment and exercise of the right of fishing on the Banks of
Newfoundland, nor in the indefinite and exclusive right which
belongs to them on that part of the coast of that island which is
designed by the treaty of Utrecht, nor in the rights relative to all
and each of the isles which belong to His Most Christian Majesty ;
the whole conformable to the true sense of the treaties of Utrecht
and Paris.
" Les Etats Unis, leurs citoyens et habitans, ne troubleront
jamais les sujets du roi tres chretien, dans la jouissance et exer-
cice du droit de peche sur les banes de Terre-neuve, non plus que
dans la jouissance indefinie et exclusive qui leur appartient sur
la partie des cotes de cette isle designee dans le traite d' Utrecht,
ni dans les droits relatifs a toutes et chacune des isles qui appar-
tiennent a sa Majeste tres chretienne; le tout conformement au
veritable sens des traites d' Utrecht et de Paris."
You mentioned to me the names of two places, from the one
of which to the other, the French formerly claimed a right to
fish and to exclude all other nations, and that such a right was
claimed in the negotiation of the last peace, and you was appre
hensive that such a claim might in future times be revived.
I should be very happy to receive your sentiments fully upon
this subject, as it is no doubt of importance to us all.
I am, with much esteem and affection,
Your friend and humble servant,
JOHN ADAMS.
OFFICIAL. 43
TO BENJAMIN FRANKLIN.
Passy, 22 September, 1778.
SIR, — Upon looking over the account of the expenditure of
the money for which we have jointly drawn upon the banker,
since my arrival at Passy, I find some articles charged for simi
lar ones to which I have paid in my separate capacity. I do not
mean to be difficult about these things, but that we may have a
plan for the future, I beg leave to propose, that the wages and
expenses of the maitre cPhotel and cook, and of all the servants,
their clothes, and every other expense for them, the wages,
clothes, and other expenses of the coachman, the hire of the
horses and carriage, the expenses of postage of letters, of
expresses to Versailles and Paris and elsewhere, of stationary
ware, and all the expenses of the family, should be paid out of
the money to be drawn from the banker by our joint order. If to
these Dr. Franklin chooses to add the washerwoman's accounts
for our servants, &c. as well as ourselves, I have no objection ;
receipts to be taken for payments of money, and each party fur
nished with a copy of the account and a sight of the receipts
once a month, if he desires it. The expenses of a clerk for each
may be added, if Dr. Franklin pleases, or this may be a separate
expense, as he chooses. Expenses for clothes, books, and other
things, and transient pocket expenses, to be separate. Or, if
any other plan is more agreeable to Dr. Franklin, Mr. Adams
begs him to propose it. The accounts for our sons at school may
be added, if Dr. Frankh'n chooses it, to the general account, or
otherwise. For my own part, when I left America, I expected,
and had no other thought, but to be at the expense of my son's
subsistence and education here in my private capacity, and I
shall still be very contented to do this, if congress should desire
it. But while other gentlemen are maintaining and educating
large families here, and enjoying the exquisite felicity of their
company at the same time, perhaps congress may think it proper
to allow this article to us as well as to them ; and I am sure I
do not desire it, nor would I choose to accept it, if it was not
allowed to others, although, perhaps, the duties, labors, and
anxieties of our station may be greater than those of others.
I am, sir, your inmate, and most obedient servant,
JOHN ADAMS.
44 OFFICIAL.
RALPH IZARD TO JOHN ADAMS.
Paris, 24 September, 1778.
DEAR SIR, — I must apologize for not having given you an
immediate answer to your letter of the 20th instant, which
would have been the case, if I had not been much employed in
writing, on account of the sudden departure of Mr. Blake for
Nantes. It has been my constant wish, that, as soon as Great
Britain shall be compelled, by the virtuous exertions of our
countrymen, to abandon her plans of conquest, we may enjoy the
blessings of peace, uninterrupted by disputes wTith any power
whatsoever. Contentions with France ought, above all others,
to be avoided, from every consideration. It is upon this account
that I have suffered great uneasiness from some articles in the
treaties with this court, which I fear will, in some future day,
be productive of much discontent and mischief. Two of those
articles have been pointed out by congress, and by their direc
tion have been altered. The little time which was spent in
examining the treaties may be the reason why some other parts
may have escaped their attention ; and I wish they may not
occur to them when it is too late. Had the " alterations that
were proposed on either side " to be made from the treaty origin
ally transmitted by congress to the commissioners at this Court,
been communicated to me, some good might possibly have been
derived from it. I have no doubt but it was the indispensable
duty of those gentlemen to have made such communication,
and if any evils should be sustained in consequence of their per
sisting in their refusal to make them, in spite of every applica
tion on my part, they ought to be answerable for them to their
country. This, however, is not the proper time nor place for
the discussion of these points. I shall, therefore, proceed to
take notice of that part of the treaty only, which you have done
me the honor to ask my sentiments upon.
The eighth article of the original treaty, proposed by con
gress, contains the following words : — " The Most Christian
King shall retain the same rights of fishery on the Banks of
Newfoundland, and all other rights relating to any of the said
islands, which he is entitled to by virtue of the treaty of Paris."
The thirteenth article of the treaty of Utrecht contains the
OFFICIAL. 45
following : — "It shall be allowed to the subjects of France to
catch fish and to dry them on land, in that part only, and in no
other besides that, of the said island of Newfoundland, which
stretches from the place called Cape Bonavista to the northern
point of the said island, and from thence, running down by the
western side, reaches as far as the place called Point Kiche."
The French pretended that, in consequence of the above arti
cle, they had an exclusive right to fish on such parts of the coast
of Newfoundland as are therein described, but the claim was
never admitted by England ; indeed, the treaty of Utrecht does
not afford any grounds for such a claim. The fifth article of the
treaty of Paris says, — " The subjects of France shall have the
liberty of fishing and drying on a part of the coasts of the island
of Newfoundland, such as it is specified in the thirteenth article
of the treaty of Utrecht." The words "indefinite and exclu
sive right " make no part of either of the above treaties, yet they
are inserted in the tenth article of our treaty of commerce ; and
that it may seem as though no innovation was intended, that
right is claimed as having been " DESIGNED " in the treaty of
Utrecht ; and the whole is to be [not such as it is specified, but]
conformable to the " TRUE SENSE " of the treaties of Utrecht and
Paris. Perhaps my apprehensions on this subject may be
groundless ; and should that not be the case, perhaps they may
be useless. I am induced to mention this last observation, by
the conversation I had with you about the fishery at Mr. Ber-
tin's, at Passy, in which we differed totally respecting the
importance of it to America in general, and particularly to the
state of Massachusetts Bay. You were of opinion, that the
fishery was not only an object of no consequence, but that it
was, and always would be, a prejudice to New England. If
this should really be the case, some consolation may be derived
from it, when the probability of being excluded from part of it
is considered. Since the advantages of commerce have been
well understood, the fisheries have been looked upon by the
naval powers of Europe as an object of the greatest importance.
The French have been increasing their fishery ever since the
treaty of Utrecht, which has enabled them to rival Great Britain
at sea. The fisheries of Holland were not only the first rise of
the republic, but have been the constant support of all her com
merce and navigation. This branch of trade is of such concern
46 OFFICIAL.
to the Dutch, that in their public prayers, they are said to
request the Supreme Being " that it would please Him to bless
the government, the lords, the states, and also their fisheries."
The fishery of Newfoundland appears to me to be a mine of
infinitely greater value than Mexico and Peru. It enriches the
proprietors, is worked at less expense, and is the source of naval
strength and protection. I have, therefore, thought it my duty
to give my sentiments on this subject to my friend, Mr. Laurens.
If my reasons appear to him to have any weight, it is probable
they may be communicated to the delegates of those States who
will be more immediately affected. If not, they will be sup
pressed, as they ought to be, and neither they, nor any body
else, will be troubled with them.
I am, dear sir, with great regard,
Your friend and humble servant,
R. IZARD.
TO RALPH IZARD.
Passy, 25 September, 1778.
SIR, — I have received with much pleasure your favor of yes
terday's date. No apology was necessary for the delay of so
few days to answer a letter, the contents of which did not, from
any public consideration, require haste. My most fervent wishes
mingle themselves with yours, that the happy time may soon
arrive when we may enjoy the blessings of peace, uninterrupted
by disputes with any power whatever. But alas ! my appre
hensions are very strong that we are yet at a distance from so
great a felicity.
You will readily acknowledge the impropriety of my entering
into the question concerning the duty of the commissioners
here to have made the communications of the treaty which you
mention. But of this you may be assured, that I shall at all
times hold myself obliged to you for the communication of your
sentiments upon any public affair. I am, therefore, sorry that
in your letter you have confined yourself to that part of the
treaty upon which I particularly requested your sentiments.
And I now take the liberty to request your sentiments upon
every part of the treaty which you conceive liable to doubtful
construction, or capable of producing discontent or dispute ; for
OFFICIAL. 47
I have the honor to be fully of your opinion, that it is of very
great importance to be upon our guard, and avoid every cause
of controversy with France as much as possible. She is, and
will be, in spite of the obstacles of language, of customs, reli
gion, and government, our natural ally against Great Britain as
long as she shall continue our enemy, and that will be at least
as long as she shall hold a foot of ground in America, however
she may disguise it, and whatever peace or truce she may
make.
You have mortified me much, by mentioning a conversation
at M. Bertin's, which, if you understood me perfectly, and
remember it right, had either too much of philosophy or of ro
domontade for a politician, especially for a representative of the
United States of America, and more especially still, for a citizen
of the Massachusetts Bay.
Your sentiments of the fishery, as a source of wealth, of com
merce, and naval power, are perfectly just, and, therefore, this
object will and ought to be attended to with precision, and che
rished with care. Nevertheless, agriculture is the most essential
interest of America, and even of the Massachusetts Bay, and it
is very possible to injure both, by diverting too much of the
thoughts and labor of the people from the cultivation of the
earth to adventures upon the sea. And this, in the opinion of
some persons, has been a fault in the Massachusetts Bay.
Experience has taught us in the course of this war, that the
fishery was not so essential to our welfare as it was once
thought. Necessity has taught us to dig in the ground instead
of fishing in the sea for our bread, and we have found that the
resource did not fail us.
The fishery was a source of luxury and vanity that did us
much injury ; yet this was the fault of the management, not of
the fishery. One part of our fish went to the West India
Islands for rum, and molasses to distil into rum, which injured
our health and our morals ; the other part went to Spain and
Portugal for gold and silver, almost the whole of which went
to London, sometimes for valuable articles of clothing, but
too often for lace and ribbons. If, therefore, the cessation of
the fishery, for twenty years to come, was to introduce the
culture of flax and wool, which it certainly would do so far as
would be necessary for the purposes of decency and comfort, if
48 OFFICIAL.
a loss of wealth should be the consequence of it, the acquisition
of morals and of wisdom would perhaps make us gainers in the
end.
These are vain speculations, I know. The taste for rum and
ribbons will continue, and there are no means for the New
England people to obtain them so convenient as the fishery,
and, therefore, the first opportunity will be eagerly embraced to
revive it. As a nursery of seamen and a source of naval power,
it has been and is an object of serious importance, and perhaps
indispensably necessary to the accomplishment and the preser
vation of our independence.1 I shall, therefore, always think it
my duty to defend and secure our rights to it with all industry
and zeal, and shall ever be obliged to you for your advice and
cooperation.
Pardon the length of this letter, and believe me, with much
esteem, Your friend and servant,
JOHN ADAMS.
BENJAMIN FRANKLIN TO JOHN ADAMS.
Passy, Saturday, 26 September, 1778.
DEAR SIR, — I very much approve your plan with regard to
our future accounts, and wish it to be followed.
The accounts that have been shown you are only those of the
person we had intrusted with the receiving and paying our
money, and intended merely to show how he was discharged of
it. "We are to separate from that account the articles for which
congress should be charged, and those for which we should give
credit.
1 In the volume of Correspondence of Mr. Ralpli Izard, published by his
daughter, Mrs. Deas, some surprise is expressed by her at the tone here adopted
by Mr. Adams in regard to the fisheries. The explanation is to be found in the
position of Mr. Izard himself, which was one of undisguised hostility to two of
the commissioners who had negotiated the treaty. Whilst Mr. Adams was desi
rous of avoiding collision with Mr. Izard, on account of what had been done before
he became a member of the commission, he was equally anxious not to appear to
give countenance to any of that gentleman's complaints. His precautions did not
save him from being involved in the sweeping censure which Mr. Izard directed
at the eastern members of the commission, as " inattentive to the interests of nine
States of America, to gratify the eaters and distillers of molasses." See his let
ter to Mr. Laurens, President of Congress, in Diplomatic Correspondence of the
Revolution, vol. ii. p. 434.
OFFICIAL. 49
It has always been my intention to pay for the education of
my children, their clothes, &c., as well as for books and other
things for my private use ; and whatever I spend in this way 1
shall give congress credit for, to be deducted out of the allow
ance they have promised us. But as the article of clothes for
ourselves here is necessarily much higher than if we were not
in public service, I submit it to your consideration, whether that
article ought not to be reckoned among expenses for the public.
I know I had clothes enough at home to have lasted me my
lifetime in a country where I was under small necessity of fol
lowing new fashions.
I shall be out of town till Monday. When I return, we will,
if you please, talk further of these matters, and put the accounts
in the order they are hereafter to be kept.
With great esteem, I am
Your most obedient, humble servant,
B. FRANKLIN.1
I inclose a letter just received from Mr. Ross. Some answer
should be sent him ; I have not had time. Inclosed are his late
letters. If any good news arrive, my servant may be sent
express to me with it.
THE COMMISSIONERS TO WILLIAM LEE.
Passy, 26 September, 1778.
SIR, — We have considered with some attention the papers
which you have laid before us, containing a project of a treaty
to be made between the Republic of the United Provinces and
that of the United States of America.
As congress have intrusted to us the authority of treating
with all the States of Europe, excepting such as have particular
commissioners designated by congress to treat with them ; and
as no particular commissioner has been appointed to treat with
their High Mightinesses, we have already taken such measures
as appeared to us suitable to accomplish so desirable a purpose
1 Those letters only of Dr. Franklin are introduced which appear not to have
been before published.
VOL. VII. 5 D
50 OFFICIAL.
as a friendship between two nations so circumstanced as to have
it in their power to be extremely beneficial to each other in pro
moting their mutual prosperity. And we propose to continue
our endeavors in every way consistent with the honor and inte
rest of both.
But we do not think it prudent, for many reasons, to express
at present any decided opinion concerning the project of a
treaty, which you have done us the honor to communicate
to us.
We cannot, however, conclude without expressing a ready
disposition to treat upon an object which, besides laying the
foundation of an extensive commerce between the two coun
tries, would have a very forcible tendency to stop the effusion
of human blood, and prevent the further progress of the flames
of war.
We have the honor to be, with the utmost respect, sir,
Your most obedient, humble servant,
B. FRANKLIN,
ARTHUR LEE,
JOHN ADAMS.
RALPH IZARD TO JOHN ADAMS.
Paris, 28 September, 1778.
SIR, — I am favored with your letter of 25th, and agree with
you in opinion that there is no necessity of discussing the ques
tion respecting the commissioners now ; inconveniences might
rise from it, and no valuable purpose could be answered that I
know of. I agree with you, likewise, if the fishery of New Eng
land has proved injurious by introducing luxury and vanity, it
must be the fault of the people, rather than of the fishery. If
the quantity of money which is acquired by the fishery affords
an argument for the discontinuance of it, I am afraid it may be
applied with equal propriety against every other industrious
means of introducing wealth into the state. The passion for
ribbons and lace may easily be checked by a few wholesome
sumptuary laws ; and the money that has hitherto been em
ployed on those articles will be found very useful toward sink-
OFFICIAL. 51
ing our enormous national debt. This debt, I fear, will not be
sunk during my life ; till that is done, I do not think that any
danger to our morals is to be apprehended from our excessive
riches.
I should be obliged to you, if you would let me know, whe
ther you think the reasons which were given in my last letter,
respecting the treaties, are well founded. I am very willing to
communicate my sentiments to you on the other articles ; but
submit it to you, whether it would not be better that this should
be done verbally, rather than by letter.
J have the honor to be, with much esteem,
Your friend and humble servant,
R. IZARD.
THE COMMISSIONERS TO JOHN ROSS.
Passy, 30 September, 1778.
SIR, — We have received your letter of the 22d of September,
and take this opportunity to say, that we have no authority
either to give you orders or advice, any further than respects
the large sum of money which the commissioners put into your
hands some time ago. Of the expenditure of this money we
have demanded an account, which you have refused to give us.
With your private concerns we have nothing to do. If you
have any power derived from the honorable committee of con
gress, to that committee you must be responsible, and look for
instructions. We can never justify interfering in those affairs,
much less could we be justified in advancing more money to a
gentleman who has refused to give us an account of a large
sum already intrusted to him, not to mention the circumstances
of indecency with which that refusal was accompanied, and
with which most of your letters since have been filled. We
return you the original contract which you inclosed to us some
time ago. That you may save yourself for the future the trouble
of writing letters to us, we now assure you, that it is our fixed
determination to have nothing further to do with you, or any
affairs under your care, until you have laid before us and set
tled your account of the public money you have received from
52 OFFICIAL.
the commissioners, unless we have instructions from congress,
which, with the most perfect attention, we shall ever observe.
We are, sir, your humble servants,
B. FRANKLIN,
ARTHUR LEE,
JOHN ADAMS.
P. S. It is proper you should be informed, that there appears,
from Mr. Williams's accounts, to have been a further advance
made to you of twenty thousand livres, for which we likewise
expect you will, without delay, account with us.
THE COMMISSIONERS TO COUNT DE VERGENNES.
Passy, 1 October, 1778.
SIR, — We have received the letter which your Excellency
did us the honor to write to us on the 27th of last month, toge
ther with a copy of a letter from the Minister of the Marine to
your Excellency, of the 21st of the same month.
Convinced of the propriety of those eclaircissements which
his Excellency demands, we had recourse to our various instruc
tions from congress, and although we have power and instruc
tions to treat and conclude treaties with all the European
powers, to whom no particular minister has been sent by con
gress, yet we cannot find that our powers extend to conclude
treaties with the Barbary States.
We are, nevertheless, instructed to endeavor to obtain passes
for vessels of the United States and their subjects from those
powers, through the mediation and influence of His Most Christ
ian Majesty, which we therefore request his Excellency to endea
vor to procure, provided he sees no danger in the attempt, or
material objections to it.
We have, however, the honor to agree with his Excellency in
opinion, that an acknowledgment of the independence of the
United States, on the part of those powers, and a treaty of com
merce between them and us, would be beneficial to both, and a
negotiation to that end not unlikely to succeed ; because there
has been heretofore some trade between them and us, in the
course of which our people and vessels were well received.
OFFICIAL. 53
We therefore submit to his Excellency's judgment, either to
commence a negotiation for passes for American vessels imme
diately, or to wait until we can write to congress and obtain
power to treat with those States and conclude treaties of com
merce with them, when we shall request to commence and con
duct the negotiation through the mediation and under the
auspices of his Majesty. We have the honor to request his
Excellency's advice hereupon.
We address this to your Excellency, as we have done many
other things, which we suppose must be referred to other depart
ments, because your Excellency being the Minister for Foreign
Affairs, we have understood that we have no right to apply in
the first instance to any other. But if we have been misin
formed and ill-advised in this, and there is no impropriety in
our making immediate application to other ministers upon sub
jects we know to be in their departments, we request your
Excellency to give us an intimation of it ; and for the future we
will avoid giving unnecessary trouble to your Excellency.
We have the honor to be,
With sentiments of most entire respect,
B. FRANKLIN,
ARTHUR LEE,
JOHN ADAMS.
TO RALPH IZARD.
Passy, 2 October, 1778.
SIR, — I have the pleasure of yours of the 28th, and agree
with you in sentiment, that if the money which has heretofore
been squandered upon articles of luxury could for the future be
applied to discharge our national debt, it would be a great feli
city. But is it certain that it will ? Will not the national
debt itself be the means, at least a temptation to continue, if
not increase the luxury ? It is with great pleasure that I see
you mention sumptuary laws. But is there room to hope that
our legislators will pass such laws ? or that the people have,
or can be persuaded to acquire those qualities that are necessary
to execute such laws ? I wish your answer may be in the
5*
54 OFFICIAL.
affirmative, and that it may be found true in fact and expe
rience. But much prudence and delicacy will be necessary, I
think, to bring all our countrymen to this just way of thinking
upon this head. There is such a charm to the human heart in
elegance, it is so flattering to our self-love to be distinguished
from the world in general by extraordinary degrees of splendor
in dress, in furniture, equipage, buildings, &c., and our country
men, by their connection with Europe, are so much infected
with the habit of this taste and these passions, that I fear it will
be a work of time and difficulty, if not quite impracticable, to
introduce an alteration ; to which, besides, the great inequalities
of fortune, introduced by the late condition of our trade and
currency, and the late enterprises of privateers, are dangerous
enemies.
You ask my opinion, whether the reasons in your last letter
are well founded. It is observable that the French Court were
not content with the treaty proposed by congress, which con
tained all, in my opinion, which is contained in the article as it
now stands in the treaty of the 6th of February. What motive
they had for inserting the words " indefinite and exclusive," is
left to conjecture.1 The suspicion, that they meant more than
the treaty proposed by congress expressed, arises from a fact
which you remember, namely, — that the French at the time of
the last peace claimed more. I wish to know, if there is any
letter or memorial extant, in which such a claim is contained,
or whether it was only a verbal claim made by their ambassa
dors; whether any of the magazines of that time mention and
discuss any such claim. If the fact is incontestable that they
made such a claim, it is possible that it may be revived under
the words " indefinite and exclusive." But I hope it will not,
and I hope it was not intended when these words were inserted.
Yet I confess I cannot think of any other reason for inserting
them. The word indefinite is not amiss, for it is a right of
catching fish and drying them on land, which is a right indefi
nite enough. But the word exclusive is more mysterious. It
cannot mean that Americans and all other nations shall be
1 The tenth article of the treaty of amity and commerce with France con
tained these words. A peculiarity of this clause of the treaty, which was drawn
up and executed in French and English, is, that the French word disiynt, and
the English word designed, are made equivalents.
OFFICIAL. 55
" excluded " from the same right of fishing and drying on land,
between the same limits of Bonavista and Kiche. It would be
much easier to suppose that the following words, " in that part
only, and in no other besides that," gave rise to the word
exclusive ; that is, that right of fishing and drying within
those b'mits, for which we have excluded ourselves from all
others. I will undertake to show better reasons, or at least as
good, for this sense of the word exclusive, as the most subtle
interpreter of treaties can offer for the other, although I think
them both untenable.
My opinion further is this, — that as contemporaneous expo
sition is allowed by all writers on the law of nations to be the
best interpreter of treaties, as well as of all other writings, and
as neither the treaty of Utrecht, nor the treaty of Paris in 1763,
ever received such an interpretation as you are apprehensive
may hereafter be contended for, and as the uninterrupted prac
tice has been against such a construction, so I think that the
treaty of Paris of the 6th of February, 1778, is not justly liable
to such a construction, and that it cannot be attempted with
any prospect of success. I agree with you, however, that as we
are young States, and not practised in the art of negotiation, it
becomes us to look into all these things with as much caution
and exactness as possible, and furnish ourselves with the best
historical light and every other honest means of securing our
rights. For which reason I requested your sentiments upon
this subject in writing, and continue to desire in the same way
your observations upon the other parts of the treaty. Reduced
to writing, such things remain in letters and letter-books, as well
as more distinctly in the memory, and the same man or other
men may recur to them at future opportunities, whereas tran
sient conversations, especially among men who have many
things to do and to think of, slip away, and are forgotten. I
shall make use of all the prudence I can, that these letters may
not come to the knowledge of improper persons, or be used to
the disadvantage of our country, or of you or me in our personal
capacity.
I am, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
56 OFFICIAL.
ARTHUR LEE TO JOHN ADAMS.
Chaillot, 6 October, 1778.
DEAR SIR, — You have often complained, that taking care of
the public papers, and having the business of the commission
done in your rooms, was an unequal share of the public burden
apportioned to you.
Whatever may be my sentiments on that point, yet to remove,
as far as I can, with propriety, all cause of discontent, I am
willing to appropriate a room in my house for the meeting and
deliberations of the commissioners and the custody of the pub
lic papers, provided regular hours are appointed for those meet
ings and that business. I will answer for the regular arrange
ment and preservation of the public papers, and that the busi
ness of the public shall always be despatched before that of
individuals.
Should this arrangement be agreeable to you, and Dr. Frank
lin concurs, the execution of it will meet with no moment's
delay from me.
I have the honor to be, with the greatest esteem, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
TO ARTHUR LEE.
Passy, 10 October, 1778.
DEAR SIR, — I have sometimes complained, that having no
place appointed for the public papers, nor any person to keep
them in order, was an inconvenience and interruption to the
public business. I have added, that to have the papers in my
chamber as they are, in disorder, and several persons going to
them at pleasure, taking out some papers and removing others,
was unequal upon me, as making me in a sort responsible for
the order which I could not preserve, and for papers themselves
which I could not secure ; besides that it occasioned continual
applications to me alone, and necessitated me to spend a great
part of my time in writing orders, notes of hand, copies of let
ters, passports, and twenty other things, which ought at all
OFFICIAL. 57
times to be written by our clerks, at least as long as it is thought
necessary to put the public to the expense of keeping so
many.
I have not asked Dr. Franklin's opinion concerning your pro
posal of a room in your house for the papers and an hour to
meet there, because I know it would be in vain ; for I think it
would appear to him, as it does to me, more unequal still. It
cannot be expected that two should go to one, when it is as
easy again for one to go to two ; not to mention Dr. Franklin's
age, his rank in the commission, or his character in the world,
nor that nine tenths of the public letters are constantly brought
to this house, and will ever be carried where Dr. Franklin is.
I will venture to make a proposition in my turn, in which I
am very sincere ; it is that you would join families with us.
There is room enough in this house to accommodate us all.
You shall take the apartments which belong to me at present,
and I will content myself with the library room and the next to
it. Appoint a room for business, any that you please, mine or
another, a person to keep those papers, and certain hours to do
business.
This arrangement would save a large sum of money to the
public, and as it would give us a thousand opportunities of con
versing together, which now we have not, and, by having but
one place for our countrymen and others who have occasion to
visit us to go to, would greatly facilitate the public business, it
would remove the reproach we lie under, of which I confess
myself very much ashamed, of not being able to agree together,
and will render the commission more respectable, if not in itself,
yet in the eyes of the English nation, the French nation, and,
above all, the American nation ; and I am sure, if we judge by
the letters we receive, it wants to be made more respectable, at
least in the eyes of many persons of the latter. If it is any
objection to this, that we live here at no rent, I will agree with
you in insisting on having the rent fixed, or leave the house.
As I suppose, the proposal I made of appointing Mr. W. T.
Franklin to take the care of the papers, occasioned your letter
of the sixth instant, I cannot conclude this answer to it without
repeating that proposal.
This appointment can be but temporary, as a secretary will
probably arrive from congress ere long.
58 OFFICIAL.
But in the mean time, Mr. Franklin, who keeps papers in
good order and writes very well, may be of more sendee to us
than he is at present. We shall then have a right to call upon
him to do business, and we shall know what situation he is in,
and what reward he is to have. I agree perfectly with you,
that an hour should be fixed for business ; and I beg leave to
propose nine o'clock in the morning, to which hour, and from
thence to any other hour in the day you please, I will endeavor
to be punctual. If you have any objection to this hour, you
will be so good as to name another.
I am, dear sir, with an earnest desire and a settled deter
mination to cultivate a harmony, nay more, a friendship with
both my colleagues, as far as I can, consistent with the public
service, and with great respect and esteem,
Your friend and colleague,
JOHN ADAMS.
ARTHUR LEE TO JOHN ADAMS.
Chaillot, 12 October, 1778.
DEAR SIR, — I have hoped for leisure to answer your favor
as fully as in my own vindication it demands. There are mat
ters touched in it which imply a censure upon me, which a
recapitulation of facts I am satisfied would convince you is
unjust. But as I despair of sufficient leisure for some time, I
must content myself with replying to what is immediately
necessary.
A desire to remove, as much as I could, the cause of your
complaint, was the motive I stated to you for writing, and I
repeat to you it was the only one. I mentioned my objections
to your other plan when you proposed it ; if you think them of
no weight, let that or any other that will be most agreeable to
you and Dr. Franklin be adopted, and it will have my most
hearty concurrence.
With regard to the proposal of coming to live with you,
nothing would give me more pleasure were it practicable. I
thank you for the civility of offering me your room, but it would
be impossible for me to do so unhandsome a thing, as to desire
that of any gentleman. The living upon the bounty of a com
mon individual I always objected to ; besides, in the best of my
OFFICIAL. 59
judgment, that individual appears to me justly chargeable with
the foul play used with our despatches. Till I see reason to
think otherwise, I should hold myself inexcusable, both to my
constituents and myself, if I were to put myself so much in his
power. The house I am in, at all events, I must pay for this
half year, therefore it would not save this expense. To live
together was what I proposed, and labored to effect, though in
vain, when the commissioners first came here. I thought it
would be attended with every good consequence, and there was
nothing I desired more. But, under all the circumstances of
that proposition now, and the inveterate habits that have taken
place, it appears to me to be attended with insuperable objec
tions. I am, however, open to conviction, and shall be most
happy in finding any practicable means of effecting the ends
you propose.
Having to dress, breakfast, despatch letters, and do the neces
sary family affairs before I come to you, I find eleven o'clock
the soonest I can engage for.
I had the same earnest desire you express, prompted as well
by my own inclination and interest as by my wish for the pub
lic good, to cultivate harmony and friendship with both my col
leagues, and nothing ever gave me more uneasiness than the
impossibility that I have hitherto found of effecting it.
I am, with the greatest respect and esteem, &c.
A. LEE.
M. GENET L TO JOHN ADAMS.
A Versailles, ce 24 Octobre, 1778.
MONSIEUR, — Je viens de traduire pour Monseigneur le Comte
de Vergennes les divers papiers de la Gazette de New York'que
vous trouverez dans le fragment ci-joint d'une gazette Anglaise
1 This gentleman was premier commis in the office of interpreters, under the
Count de Vergennes, or, in English phrase, an under Secretary of State in the
office of Foreign Affairs. He spoke the English language with great propriety
and facility ; was a man of letters and an excellent writer ; a zealous advocate
for America, and very friendly to all Americans. He conducted the Mercure
de France, in which he published many little speculations for me, and indeed
himself and his whole family were always very civil and friendly to me. He was
the father to M. Genet, the Minister Plenipotentiary from the French Republic
to the United States, who has been so much celebrated in. this country.
Letters to the Boston Patriot, 1809.
60 OFFICIAL.
du 17 de ce rnois. II n'est pas douteux que le prochain Courier
de F Europe ne contienne une traduction de ces divers papiers.
Toute la France y verra un des deux cotes de la question, c'est
a dire, celui sous lequel les Commissaires Anglais la presentent,
sans voir en meme temps ce que les Americains peuvent y
repondre, parceque les Gazettes Americaines ou seront sans
doute les reponses convenables, pourront ne pas arriver en
Europe aussitot qu'il conviendroit.
Je prends la liberte de vous prier en consequence, non pas d'y
repondre en votre nom, mais de me fournir des notes d'apres
lesquelles je puisse, dans le No. 58 des Affaires d? Angleterre1 qui
paroitra incessamment, combattre les assertions injurieuses des
Commissaires Anglais, et contre le congres et contre les mem-
bres ; notamment, sur 1'article des boites de cartouche des
troupes du General Burgoyne ; sur Petat ou sont actuellement
ces troupes a Boston, &c.
J'en ferai usage, comme de reflexions et observations venant
d'un particulier ignore, et au moins nos ennemis communs
n'auront point 1'avantage que PEurope se remplisse de ses
inculpations contre le congres et la France, sans que quelqu'un
essaye de remettre les esprits sur la bonne voie.
Je suis avec respect, Monsieur, &c.
GENET.
P. S. Plutot vous pourrez m'envoyer vos observations, mieux
ce sera.
THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS TO JOHN ADAMS.
Philadelphia, 28 October, 1778.
SIR, — While we officially communicate to you the inclosed
resolve,2 the foundation of which you cannot remain a stranger
to, we must entreat you to be assiduous in sending to those
commissioners who have left France, and gone to the courts for
which they were respectively appointed, all the American intel-
1 The name of a periodical publication, then issued for the purposes indicated
in the letter.
2 This was a resolve of the 22d of October, directing the committee to signify
to the ministers abroad the desire of congress, that " harmony and good under
standing should be cultivated between them."
OFFICIAL. 61
ligence, which you have greater opportunity than they of receiv
ing from hence, particularly to Mr. Izard and Mr. William Lee.
We do not often send more than one set of gazettes by one
opportunity ; and we hear of several vessels which have mis
carried.
Congress must and will speedily determine upon the general
arrangement of their foreign affairs. This is become, so far as
regards you, peculiarly necessary, upon a new commission being
sent to Dr. Franklin. In the mean time, we hope you will
exercise your whole extensive abilities on the subject of our
finances. The Doctor will communicate to you our situation in
that regard.
To the gazettes, and to conversation with the Marquis de
Lafayette, we must refer you for what relates to our enemies,
and close with our most cordial wishes for your happiness.
Your affectionate friends,
R. H. LEE,
JAMES LOVELL.
M. GENET TO JOHN ADAMS.
A Versailles, ce 29 Octobre, 1778.
MONSIEUR, — J'ai trouve si important pour le bien commun
des deux nations, les sentimens ou vous vous etes montre devant
moi chez M. Izard, touchant le secours qu'il conviendroit d'en-
voyer actuellement a M. le Comte d'Estaing, que j'ai era ne
pouvoir me dispenser d'en hasarder 1'insinuation a nos ministres.
Pour ne point vous compromettre a cause de votre caractere
de depute du congres, et n'en ay ant point la permission de
vous, je n'ai point voulu vous nommer. Je me suis contente
de dire que je m'etois trouve a Paris, avec plusieurs Americains,
et que leur vceu unanime paroissoit etre que la France en
voy at sans delai douze vaisseaux de ligne en Amerique, pour
degager 1'escadre de Toulon. C'est a M. de Sartine que j'ai
fait cette ouverture, et je me propose de la faire demain a M.
le Comte de Vergennes. M. de Sartine a eu la bonte de m'en-
tendre avec attention. Je ne pretends point dire qu'il ait saisi
cette idee comme ce qu'il y auroit a present de mieux a faire, ni
que je le juge decide a 1'adopter; mais aux questions qu'il a
VOL. VII. 6
62 OFFICIAL.
daigne me faire, j 'imagine au moins qu'il ne trouveroit point
etrange que je misse sous ses yeux un me moire, tendant a
prouver la necessite de cette expedition et la maniere d'y
proceder, ainsi que 1'espece d'avantages qui en resulteroient.
Peut-etre conviendroit-il de faire voir dans ce memoire que la
saison n'est pas trop avancee, et qu'on n'a point a craindre de
manquer de trouver M. le Comte d'Estaing pour se joindre a
lui. II faudroit aussi y detailler les facilites de toute espece
qu'une nouvelle escadre francoise est sure de trouver dans tous
les ports Americains, ainsi que les pertes auxquels s'exposeront
les Anglais s'ils veulent balancer ces nouvelles forces, et enfin le
peu de sujet que nous avons de craindre ici que cette diminu
tion de forces en Europe nous porte aucun prejudice. Si vous
persistez toujours dans cette opinion, que peut-etre comme
depute vous ne prendriez pas sur vous de suggerer dans la
crainte de paroitre trop vous avancer vis-a-vis d'une cour qui a
deja fait de grands efforts dans cette affaire, vous pouvez deve-
lopper vos idees dans un memoire que je pourrai presenter
comme adresse a moi par un de mes amis parmi Messieurs
les Americains. En effet, M. Lloyd, M. Pringle, M. Jenings,
et d'autres peuvent m'avoir communique une pareille idee, et il
n'y auroit aucun inconvenient pour le congres de qui ils ne sont
point autorises, a ce qu'elle fut discutee ici entre nos ministres.
Vous savez comme moi que les forces reunies de Byron et du
Lord Howe mettent aujourd'hui vis-a-vis de M. d'Estaing dix-
neuf ou vingt vaisseaux de ligne et six de cinquante canons. II
me semble que c'est une position inquietante, et sur laquelle on
ne doit pas s'endormir ici. Je m'estimerai tres heureux si je puis
promouvoir quelque bien, et surtout que ce soit d'une maniere
qui vous soit agreable.
Je suis avec respect, Monsieur, votre tres humble et tres obeis-
sant serviteur. ^~
GENET.
P. S. Je vous fais mes remercimens de la lettre, que vous
avez eu la bonte de m'ecrire. Elle sera employee comme vous
1'entendez.
OFFICIAL. (33
THE COMMISSIONERS TO M. DE SARTINE.
Passy, 30 October, 1778.
SIR, — We have been honored with your letter of the 26th
of October, and we thank your Excellency for the prompt and
generous manner in which you have given liberty to four of our
countrymen who were among the prisoners at Dinant. Such
examples of benevolence cannot fail to make a lasting impres
sion on the American mind.
Since the receipt of your Excellency's letter, we have received
another from the American prisoners at Brest, by which it
appears that there are ten of them, from four of whom only we
had received letters when we wrote before ; the other six having
written to us, but their letters miscarried. We inclose a copy
of this last letter, and have the honor to request a similar indul
gence to all the ten.
By a letter we received last night from Lorient, we have the
pleasure to learn that three whaling vessels bound to the coast
of Brazil have been taken by his Majesty's frigates or by French
cruisers, and sent into that port. It is very probable that the
three masters of these vessels, and every one of their sailors,
are Americans.
We are happy in this opportunity of communicating to your
Excellency some intelligence wThich we have been at some pains
to collect, and have good reasons to believe exactly true. The
English last year carried on a very valuable whale fishery on the
coast of Brazil off the River Plate, in South America, in latitude
thirty-five south, and from thence to forty, just on the edge of
soundings, off and on, about the longitude sixty-five from Lon
don. They have this year about seventeen vessels in this fishery,
which have all sailed in the months of September and October.
All the officers, and almost all the men, belonging to those seven
teen vessels, are Americans from Nantucket and Cape Cod in
Massachusetts, excepting two or three from Rhode Island, and
perhaps one from Long Island. The names of the captains
are, — Aaron Sheffield of Newport ; Goldsmith and Richard
Holmes from Long Island ; John Chadwick, Francis May, Reu
ben May, John Meader, Jonathan Meader, Elisha Clark, Benja
min Clark, William Ray, Paul Pease, Reuben Fitch, Bunker
64 OFFICIAL.
Fitch, Zebedee Coffin, and another Coffin, all of Nantucket;
John Lock, Cape Cod ; Delano, Nantucket ; Andrew Swain,
Nantucket ; William Ray, Nantucket. Four or five of these
vessels go to Greenland; the fleet sails to Greenland the last
of February or beginning of March.
There was published last year in the English newspapers,
and the same imposture has been repeated this year, a letter
from the lords of the admiralty to Dennis de Berdt, in Coleman
Street, informing him that a convoy should be appointed to the
Brazil fleet. But this, we have certain information, was a for
gery, calculated merely to deceive American privateers, and that
no convoy was appointed or did go with that fleet either last
year or this.
For the destruction or captivity of a fishery so entirely defence
less (for not one of the vessels has any arms) a single frigate or
privateer of twenty-four or even twenty guns would be quite suffi
cient. The beginning of December would be the best time to
proceed from hence, because they would then find the whale ves
sels nearly loaded. The cargoes of these vessels, consisting of bone
and oil, will be very valuable, and at least four hundred and fifty
of the best kind of seamen would be taken out of the hands of the
English, and might be gained into the American service to act
against the enemy. Most of the officers and men wish well to
their country, arid would gladly be in its service if they could be
delivered from that they are engaged in. But whenever the
English men-of-war or privateers have taken an American ves
sel, they have given to the whalemen among the crews their
choice, either to go on board a man-of-war and fight against
their country, or to go into the whale fishery. So many have
chosen the latter as to make up most of the crews of seventeen
vessels.
We thought it proper to communicate this intelligence to
your Excellency, that if you found it compatible with his
Majesty's service to order a frigate from hence or from the
West Indies, to take from the English at once so profitable a
branch of commerce and so valuable a nursery of seamen, you
may have an opportunity of doing it ; if not, no inconvenience
will ensue.
We have the honor to be, &c.
B. FRANKLIN,
JOHN ADAMS.
OFFICIAL. 65
[Mr. Lee did not sign, but objected to the acknowledgment
of giving up the American subjects captured in the enemy's
vessels as being a favor.]
THE COMMISSIONERS TO M. SCHWEIGHAUSER.
Passy, 4 November, 1778.
WE have at length obtained a sight of M. Bersolle's accounts,
and take this opportunity to communicate to you our observa
tions upon them.
As by the resolutions of congress, the whole of all vessels of
war taken by our frigates belong to the officers and men ; nay,
further, as they have even an additional encouragement of a
bounty upon every man and every gun that is on board such
prizes, it was never the intention of congress to be at any fur
ther expense on account of such prizes.
Every article of these accounts, therefore, that relates to
repairs of the Drake or furniture for the Drake, must be charged
to Captain Jones, his officers, and men, and come out of the
proceeds of the sale of the Drake, or be furnished upon her
credit and that of the officers and men of the Ranger. It would
certainly be a misapplication of the public interest, if we should
pay any part of it.
In the next place, all those articles of these accounts which
consist in supplies of slops or other things furnished the officers
and men of the Ranger must be paid for by them, not by us.
Their shares of prize-money in the Drake, the Lord Chatham,
and other prizes made by the Ranger will be abundantly suffi
cient to discharge these debts, and in no such cases can we
justify advancing any thing to officers or men.
As the Lord Chatham belongs, half to the public and half to
the captors, all necessary expenses on her account should be
paid ; a moiety out of the captors' half, and the other moiety
out of the half which belongs to the United States.
All necessary supplies of munition and repairs to the Ranger,
and of victuals to her company, we shall agree to pay at the
expense of the United States. For the sustenance of the pri
soners of all the prizes after they were put on shore, we suppose
the United States must pay. These rules are so simple, and
6*
66 OFFICIAL.
Captain Jones being now at Brest, it should seem that Captain
Jones and your agent might very easily settle this matter.
We have received your letter of the 29th of last month.
We wrote you on the 27th, and advised you to proceed against
Mr. P. Dudoyer. We are glad to find that Mr. Williams has
delivered the effects according to the inventory inclosed to us,
and approve of the receipt you have signed.
You have our permission to draw bills upon us to the amount
of such part of your account as may be necessary to you, to
which we shall pay. all due honor.
That poor fellow, Barnes, you will do well to supply with
necessaries and send home, but do not give him any money ;
he has not discretion to use it.
You have our hearty consent to employ as many of the pri
soners as you think proper and as are willing to engage in your
service.
We thank you for the news from Brest, and wish you to
inquire of Captain Bell and the other American masters lately
arrived, what despatches they brought for us. We have received
some packets of newspapers and two or three scattering letters,
but not a word from congress or any committee or member of
congress, which is to us unaccountable, and leaves room to fear
that some accident has happened to our despatches.
are, &c. &c.
B. FRANKLIN,
ARTHUR LEE,
JOHN ADAMS.
THE COMMISSIONERS TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Passy, 7 November, 1778.
SIR, — We have the honor to inclose a copy of the declara
tion concerning the eleventh and twelfth articles of the treaty
of commerce, which we have received from his Excellency, the
Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, in exchange for a similar
one signed by us, in pursuance of the instructions of congress.
We have also the honor to inclose copies of a correspondence
with his Excellency, M. de Sartine, the Secretary of State for
the Marine, concerning cases of rescues and recaptures, that
OFFICIAL. 67
congress may, if they judge proper, take some resolution on this
head. It seems to be equitable that the same rule should be
observed by both nations.
We also inclose copies of a correspondence on the subject of
negotiation with the Barbary States. We do not find ourselves
authorized to treat with those powers, as they are not in Europe ;
and indeed we are not furnished with funds for making them
presents.
We have had the honor of a copy from the Auditor- General,
inclosing the form of bills of exchange to be drawn upon us for
the interest due upon loan office certificates, and acquainting
us that this interest will amount to two millions and a half of
livres annually. When it was proposed to pay the interest
here, we had no idea of so much being borrowed. We shall
pay the most punctual obedience to these and all other orders
of congress, as long as our funds shall last. But we are obliged
to inform congress, that our expenses on prisoners being great,
and being drawn upon by the order of congress from various quar
ters, and receiving no funds from America, we suffer the utmost
anxiety, lest we should be obliged to protest bills. We have
exerted ourselves to the utmost of our power to procure money,
but hitherto with little success ; and we beg that some supplies
may be sent us as soon as possible. We are very sorry that we
are not able to send to congress those supplies of arms, ammu
nition, and clothing, which they have ordered ; but it is abso
lutely impossible, for the want of funds ; and M. Beaumarchais
has not yet informed us whether he will execute the agreement
made for him with you, or not.
We have the pleasure to inform congress that Mr. Matthew
Ridley, of Maryland, has made a present to the United States
of a valuable manuscript upon naval affairs, which he has left
with us. We shall take the first opportunity of a frigate to
send it to congress.
We inclose to congress copies of a correspondence between
the Ambassador of the King of the two Sicilies and us, which,
as his Majesty is the eldest son of the King of Spain, is consi
dered as an event indicative of the good- will of a greater power,
although this is respectable.
It is of great importance to penetrate the councils of an
enemy, in order to be prepared beforehand against his designs ;
68 OFFICIAL.
we shall therefore be happy to advise congress of the intentions
of Great Britain so far as we can conjecture.
We have every reason to believe that the hostility of the dis
position of the British Court has no other bounds but those of
their power. Their threats, however, of large reinforcements
and of Russian auxiliaries are without foundation. The interest
of the King of Prussia and of the Empress Queen (who both
choose at present to preserve decent terms with Great Britain) to
prevent a close alliance between England and Russia, we appre
hend will prevent it. In short, we can see no probability of
England's forming any alliance against America in all Europe ;
or indeed against France ; whereas, on the other side, from the
astonishing preparations of Spain, the family compact and
other circumstances, and from the insolent tyranny of the Eng
lish over the Dutch, and their consequent resentment, which has
shown itself in formidable remonstrances, as well as advances
towards a treaty with us, there is reason to believe that, if Great
Britain perseveres in the war, both of these powers will at length
be involved in it.
We had the honor to write to congress on the 20th of July
and the 17th of September, of which we have sent duplicates
and triplicates, and to which we beg leave to refer. By this
opportunity we shall send the newspapers which contain all
the public intelligence.
We inclose a number of notes of hand which have been taken
from our unhappy countrymen who have escaped from England,
to whom w e have lent money, as they had no other way of sub
sistence.
We have the honor to be, &c.
B. FRANKLIN,
ARTHUR LEE,
JOHN ADAMS.
THE COMMISSIONERS TO M. DE SARTINE.
Passy, 12 November, 1778.
SIR) — Last night we had a letter from Nantes, a copy of
which we have the honor to inclose to your Excellency.
The subject of it appears to us of great importance to the
OFFICIAL. 69
United States, as well as to the individuals, Frenchmen and
Americans, who are interested in the vessels destined to Ame
rica ; also to a considerable number of gentlemen and others,
who are going passengers in this fleet; and ultimately, to the
common cause.
It gives us great pleasure to find so large a number of vessels
going out upon this occasion. Their cargoes are much wanted
to enable our countrymen to sustain the war. We therefore
most cheerfully join with the subscribers to the letter, who have
also petitioned your Excellency, in requesting a large convoy to
protect those ships quite home to America.
Upon this occasion, we cannot refrain from submitting to
your Excellency our opinion, that the more of the King's ships
are sent. to America, the more certainly France maintains a
superiority of naval power in the American seas, the more
likely it will be that she will have the advantage in the conduct
of the war ; because the French, having the ports and the coun
try, the provisions, the materials, and the artificers of America
open to them, and the English being obliged to derive all these
things from Europe, the former have a vast advantage over the
latter in the conduct of the war in that quarter of the world ;
not to mention that the French ships being newer and in better
condition than the English, are better able to sustain the Ame
rican seas.
Your Excellency will excuse our suggesting one reflection, —
that whatever vessels of war are sent to America, they should /
be plentifully furnished with marine woollen cloths, especially
blankets and gloves, or mittens, without which it is extremely
difficult for the men to do their duty in the cold season upon
that coast,
We are, &c. &c.
B. FRANKLIN,
ARTHUR LEE,
JOHN ADAMS.
70 OFFICIAL.
THE COMMISSIONERS TO COUNT DE VERGENNES.
Passy, 12 November, 1778.
SIR, — The alliance between this kingdom and the United
States of America is an event of such magnitude in their history,
that we conceive it would be highly pleasing to our constitu
ents to have the picture of his Majesty, their illustrious ally, to
be kept in some public place where the congress sits.
We would carefully avoid every thing which would be disa
greeable, and would therefore submit this proposal to your
Excellency's consideration; and if you should be of opinion
that no offence would be given, we request your Excellency's
kind offices to procure us, for the benefit of our constituents, the
pictures of then- Majesties, the King and Queen, that posterity,
as well as those of the present generation, who may never have
an opportunity of seeing those royal personages, may become
acquainted with the nearest resemblance of them which the arts
have devised.1
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Passy, 3 December, 1778.
SIR, — I have the honor to inclose to congress the latest news
papers. As they contain the speech at the opening of parlia
ment, and some of the debates in both houses upon the addresses
in answer to it, they are of very great importance. I learn, by
some newspapers and private letters, that an opinion has been
prevalent in America that the enemy intended to withdraw from
the United States ; and considering the cruel devastations of
the war, and the unfortunate situation of our finances, nothing
would give me so much joy as to see reasons to concur in that
opinion, and to furnish congress with intelligence in support of
it. But I am sorry to say, the reverse is too apparent. We may
call it obstinacy or blindness, if we will, but such is the state of
1 This letter may not have been sent. It does not appear to have been form
ally answered. On the 19th of December following, a letter was addressed to
congress, signed by the King, notifying that body of the birth of his first child, a
daughter. This produced a congratulatory answer from congress on the loth of
June, 1779, terminating with a similar request for their Majesties' portraits,
which request was complied with, and the pictures afterwards sent.
OFFICIAL. 71
parties in England, so deep would be the disgrace, and perhaps
so great the personal danger to those who have commenced and
prosecuted this war, that they cannot but persevere in it at every
hazard ; and nothing is clearer in my mind, than that they never
will quit the United States until they are either driven or starved
out of them. I hope, therefore, congress will excuse me for sug
gesting, that there is but one course for us to take, which is to
concert every measure, and exert every nerve, for the total
destruction of the British power within the United States.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
THE COMMISSIONERS TO DR. PRICE.
Passy, 7 December, 1778.
SIR, — By one of the late ships from America we had the
pleasure of receiving from congress an attested copy of their
resolution of the 6th of October, conceived in these words : —
In Congress, 6 October, 1778.
Resolved, That the Honorable Benjamin Franklin, Arthur Lee, and John
Adams, Esquires, or any of them, be directed forthwith to apply to Dr. Price,
and inform him that it is the desire of congress to consider him as a citizen of the
United States, and to receive his assistance in regulating their finances ; that, if
he shall think it expedient to remove with his family to America, and afford such
assistance, a generous provision shall be made for requiting his services.
Extract from the Minutes.
CHARLES THOMSON, Secretary.
From a great respect to the character of Dr. Price, we have
much satisfaction in communicating this resolution. We re
quest your answer as soon as convenient. If it should be in the
affirmative, you may depend upon us to discharge the expenses
of your journey and voyage, and for every assistance in our
power to make your passage agreeable, as well as your recep
tion and accommodation in our country.
We have the honor to be, with the highest esteem and
respect, sir,
Your most obedient and most humble servants,
B. FRANKLIN,
ARTHUR LEE,
JOHN ADAMS.1
1 In the Life of Arthur Lee a slight mistake is made respecting that gentle
man's agency in this case of Dr. Price. The author confounds the official notifi-
OFFICIAL.
THE COMMISSIONERS TO JOHN ROSS.
Passy, 29 December, 1778.
SIR, — We have received your letters of the 15th and 24th. of
December, with their envelopes, and once more assure you, that
we have no authority to do any thing in your affairs until you
have settled your accounts. Whenever you shall be disposed
to lay your accounts before us, we shall be ready to receive
them and settle them according to the strictest justice, and to
pay you the balance, if any, which may be found due to you,
according to the resolutions of congress and our ability.
We have the honor to be, &c.
B. FRANKLIN,
ARTHUR LEE,
JOHN ADAMS.
THE COMMISSIONERS TO COUNT DE VERGENNES.
Passy, 1 January, 1779.
SIR, — Some late proceedings of the enemy have induced us
to submit a few observations to your Excellency's superior light
and judgment.
His Britannic Majesty's Commissioners, in their manifesto of
the 3d of October, have denounced " a change in the whole
nature and future conduct of the war ; " they have declared,
" that the policy as well as the benevolence of Great Britain
has thus far checked the extremes of war," when they tended
" to distress the people and desolate the country ; " that the
whole contest is changed ; that the laws of self-preservation
must now direct the conduct of Great Britain ; that these laws
will direct her to render the United States of as little avail as
•
cation by the commissioners of the action of congress, the draft of which is in Mr.
Adams's handwriting, with a private letter accompanying it, written by Mr. Lee,
to urge JDr. Price's acceptance of the invitation. The private answer of Dr.
Price, giving reasons for declining the proposals, is to be found in that work ;
whilst the formal reply, transmitted to congress through the hands of Dr. Frank
lin, is inserted in Mr. Sparks's edition of the Writings of Franklin. Life of Arthur
Lee, by Richard Henry Lee, vol. i. pp. 148, 149 ; Works of Franklin, vol. viii.
p. 354, note.
OFFICIAL. 73
possible to France, if they are to become an accession to her,
and by every means in her power to destroy the new connection
contrived for her ruin. Motions have been made and supported
by the wisest men in both houses of parliament to address
the King to disavow these clauses, but these motions have
been rejected by majorities in both houses, so that the manifesto
stands avowed by the three branches of the legislature.
Ministers of state made in parliament a question concerning
the meaning of this manifesto ; but no man who reads it, and
knows the history of their past conduct in this war, can doubt
its import. There is to be a " change in the nature and con
duct of the war." A change for the worse must be horrible
indeed ! They have already burned the beautiful towns of
Charlestown, Falmouth, Norfolk, Kingston, Bedford, Egg Har
bor, and German Flatts, besides innumerable single buildings
and smaller clusters of houses wherever their armies have
marched. It is true they left Boston and Philadelphia unhurt,
but in all probability it was merely the dread of a superior army
that in these cases restrained their hands, not to mention that
burning these towns would have been the ruin of the few secret
friends they have still left, of whom there are more in those
towns than in all America besides. They have not indeed mur
dered upon the spot every woman afid child that fell in their
way, nor have they in all cases refused quarters to the soldiers
that at all times have fallen into their power, though they have
in many. They have also done their utmost in seducing negroes
and Indians to commit inhuman barbarities upon the inhabit
ants, sparing neither age, sex, nor character. Although they
have not in all cases refused quarter to soldiers and sailors, they
have done what is worse than refusing quarters ; they have
thrust their prisoners into such dungeons, loaded them with such
irons, and exposed them to such lingering torments of cold, hun
ger, and disease, as have destroyed greater numbers than they
could have had an opportunity of murdering, if they had made
it a rule to give no quarter. Many others they have compelled
by force to serve and fight on board their ships against fathers,
brothers, friends, and countrymen ; a destiny to every sensible
mind more terrible than death itself.
It is, therefore, difficult to comprehend what they mean by a
change in the conduct of the war, yet there seems to be no room
VOL. VII. 7
74 OFFICIAL.
to doubt that they mean to threaten something more cruel,
greater extremes of war, measures that shall distress the people
and lay waste the country more than any thing they have yet
done. " The object of the war is now entirely changed."
Heretofore their massacres and conflagrations were to divide us,
and reclaim us to Great Britain. Now, despairing of that end,
and perceiving that we shall be faithful to our treaties, their
principle is by destroying us to make us useless to France.
This principle ought to be held in abhorrence, not only by all
Christians, but by all civilized nations. If it is once admitted
that powers at war have a right to do whatever will weaken or
terrify an enemy, it is not possible to foresee where it will end.
It would be possible to burn the great cities of Europe. The
savages who torture their prisoners do it to make themselves
terrible ; in fine, all the horrors of the barbarous ages may be
introduced and justified.
The cruelties of our enemies have heretofore more than once
exasperated the minds of the people so much as to excite appre
hensions that they would proceed to retaliation, which, if once
commenced, might be carried to extremities ; to prevent which,
the congress issued an address exhorting to forbearance, and a
further trial, by examples of generosity and lenity, to recall
their enemies to the practice of humanity amidst the calamities
of war. In consequence of which, neither the congress nor any
of the States apart have ever exercised, or authorized the exer
cise of the right of retaliation. But now, that commissioners
vested with the authority of the nation have avowed such prin
ciples and published such threats, the congress have, by a reso
lution of the 30th of October, solemnly and unanimously
declared that they will retaliate. Whatever may be the pre
tences of the enemy, it is the manifest drift of their policy to
disgust the people of America with their new alliance, by
attempting to convince them, that instead of shielding them
from distress, it has accumulated additional calamities upon
them.
Nothing, certainly, can more become a great and amiable
character than to disappoint their purpose, stop the progress of
their cruelties, and vindicate the rights of humanity which are
so much injured by this manifesto. We therefore beg leave to
suggest to your Excellency's consideration, whether it would
OFFICIAL. 75
not be advisable for his Majesty to interfere by some declaration
to the Court of London and to the world, bearing the royal testi
mony against this barbarous mode of war, and giving assurances
that he will join the United States in retaliation, if Great Britain,
by putting her threats in execution, should make it necessary.
There is another measure, however, more effectual to con
trol their designs, and to bring the war to a speedy conclu
sion, — that of sending a powerful fleet, sufficient to secure
a naval superiority over them in the American seas. Such a
naval force, acting in concert with the armies of the United
States, would, in all human probability, take and destroy the
whole British power in that part of the world. It would put
their wealth and West Indian commerce into the power of
France, and reduce them to the necessity of suing for peace.
Upon their present naval superiority in those seas depend not
only the dominion and rich commerce of their islands, but the
supply of their fleets and armies with provisions and every
necessary. They have nearly four hundred transports constantly
employed in the service of their fleet and army in America,
passing from New York and Rhode Island to England, Ireland,
Nova Scotia, and their West India Islands ; and if any one
link in this chain was struck off, if their supplies from any one
of these places should be interrupted, their forces could not sub
sist. Great numbers of these vessels would necessarily fall into
the hands of the French fleet, and go as prizes to a sure market
in the United States. Great numbers of seamen, too, would
become prisoners, a loss that England cannot repair. It is con
ceived that it would be impossible for Great Britain to send a
very great fleet after the French into those seas. Their men-of-
war, now in Europe, are too old, too rotten, too ill-manned, and
their masts and yards are of too bad materials to endure such a
navigation. The impossibility of their obtaining provisions,
artists, and materials in that country, which would be easy to
the French, makes it still clearer that they cannot send a great
additional force, and the fear of Spain's interfering, with her
powerful navy, would restrain them. Whereas France has
nothing to fear in Europe from them, as the number and excel
lence of her armies are an ample security against the feeble
land forces of Great Britain.
This naval superiority would open such commerce between
76 OFFICIAL.
the United States and the French West India Islands as would
enable our people to supply themselves with the European and
West India articles they want, to send abroad the produce of
the country, and by giving fresh spirit and vigor to trade, would
employ the paper currency, the want of which employ has been
one cause of its depreciation. The maintenance of such a fleet
in America would circulate so many bills of exchange as would
likewise in a great measure relieve them from that dangerous
evil. And these bills would all return to France for her manu
factures, thereby cementing the connection and extending the
trade between the two countries. Such a naval superiority
would contribute very much to extinguish the hopes of the
remaining number of persons who secretly wish, from sinister
motives, to become again subjected to Great Britain, and would
enable the people of the several States to give such consistency
and stability to their infant governments, as would contribute
greatly to their internal repose, as well as to the vigor of their
future operations against the common enemy. The late speedy
supply and reparation of his Majesty's fleet at Boston will show
the advantages which this country must enjoy in carrying on a
naval war on a coast friendly to her and hostile to her enemy.
And these advantages will in future be more sensible, because
the appearance of the fleet before was unexpected, and the har
vest in that part of the country had been unfavorable. It is
obvious to all Europe, that nothing less is at stake than the
dominion of the sea, at least the superiority of naval power, and
we cannot expect Great Britain will ever give it up without
some decisive effort on the part of France. With such an
exertion as that of sending a superior fleet to America, we see
nothing in the course of human affairs that can possibly pre
vent France from obtaining such a naval superiority without
delay. Without it the war may languish for years, to the infi
nite distress of our country, to the exhausting both of France
and England, and the question left to be decided by another
war.
We are the more earnest in representing these things to your
Excellency, as all our correspondence from England for some
time has uniformly represented that the intention of the cabinet
is conformable to the spirit of the manifesto ; that all parties
grow more and more out of temper with the Americans ; that it
OFFICIAL. 77
has become fashionable with the minority, as well as the major
ity and administration, to reproach us, both in and out of par
liament ; that all parties join in speaking of us in the bitterest
terms, and in heartily wishing our destruction ; that great cla
mors are raised about our alliance with France, as an unnatural
combination to ruin them ; that the cry is for a speedy and
powerful reinforcement of their army, and for the activity of
their fleet in making descents on the sea-coast, while murdering
and desolating parties are let loose upon the frontiers of the
Carolinas, Virginia, Pennsylvania, New Jersey, New York, and
New England; and that, very early in the year, they will carry
all these projects into execution. This whole system may, as
we conceive, be defeated, and the power of Great Britain now
in America totally subdued (and if their power is subdued
there, it is reduced everywhere) by the measure we have the
honor to propose.
We submit the whole, merely as our opinions, to your Excel
lency's superior wisdom, and have the honor to be, &c.
B. FRANKLIN,
ARTHUR LEE,
JOHN ADAMS.1
THE COMMISSIONERS TO JOHN LLOYD AND OTHERS.
Passy, 26 January, 1779.
GENTLEMEN, — We had yesterday the honor of your letter of
the 21st of this month.
You desire to know what port or ports is or are made free,
pursuant to the treaty. We believe that none has as yet been
determined on ; at present, all the ports of France are open to
American vessels of all denominations, and we are at present
rather doubtful, whether it would be politic in us to apply to
have any distinction made. If the appointment of free ports
would relieve us from the payment of duties, import or export,
we should apply immediately. But, as we apprehend, this
advantage would not be the consequence ; the limits of the free
1 It is proper to state that the original draft of this letter bears the marks of
considerable reduction in extent and tone from the hands of Dr. Franklin. The
substance, however, is preserved.
7*
78 OFFICIAL.
ports would be prescribed, and the same duties must be paid
upon removing goods, within or without those limits, as are now
paid upon the imports and exports. Goods, however, might be
brought into such free ports from abroad, and then landed and
stored for a time, and then exported without paying duties ; but
whether this would be any great advantage to our trade, you are
better judges than we. We should be glad of your advice upon
this head, and if you think of any advantages of considerable
moment that would arise, we shall be always ready to apply for
such an appointment.
We are sorry it is not in our power to give you any accept
able information respecting the article of the treaty which re
lates to the Barbary corsairs. All we can say is, that we have
applied to the ministry upon this head some months ago, and
received satisfactory expressions of the disposition of this govern
ment to do every thing which is stipulated in that article of the
treaty. But some things remain to be determined by congress,
to whom we have written upon the subject, and we must neces
sarily wait their instructions.
There are two inquiries to be made, namely, — which of all
the nations who now trade with France is the most favored, and
what duties are paid by that nation ? These duties, and these
only, we suppose we are to pay, and as soon as circumstances
will permit (two of us having been for a fortnight very ill, and
one of us continuing so,) we shall apply to the ministry for an
eclair cissement upon this head, which we will endeavor to com
municate to you as soon as we shall obtain it.
We have received an answer to our last application for a
convoy, from their Excellencies, Count de Vergennes and M.
de Sartine ; but the answers convinced us that M. de Sartine
was under some misinformation or misunderstanding relative
to the business, which obliged us to write again. As soon as
we shall be honored with an answer, we will communicate the
result of it to you.
Meantime, we have the honor to be, with great respect, gen
tlemen,
Your most obedient, humble servants,
B. FRANKLIN,
ARTHUR LEE,
JOHN ADAMS.
OFFICIAL. 79
TO COUNT DE VERGENNES.
Passy, 11 February, 1779.
SIR, — As your Excellency reads English perfectly well, m^
first request is, that you would do me the favor to read this,
without a translation ; after which, I submit it to your Excel
lency to make what use of it you shall think proper.
I have hitherto avoided, in my single capacity, giving your
Excellency any trouble by letter or conversation ; but the pre
sent emergency demands that I should ask the favor to explain
my sentiments, either by letter or in person ; if you will permit a
personal interview, I am persuaded I can make myself under
stood ; if you prefer a correspondence, I will lay open my heart
in writing before your Excellency.
It is the address to the people in America, under the name of
Mr. Silas Deane, that has occasioned this boldness in me. It is
to me the most unexpected and unforeseen event that has hap
pened. I hope your Excellency will not conclude from thence,
that I despair of the commonwealth. Far otherwise. I know
that the body of the people in the United States stand immova
ble against Great Britain ; and 1 hope that this address of Mr.
Deane, although it will occasion much trouble to individuals,
will produce no final detriment to the common cause, but, on
the contrary, that it will occasion so thorough an investigation
of several things as will correct many abuses.
It is my indispensable duty, upon this occasion, to inform
your Excellency, without consulting either of my colleagues, that
the Honorable Arthur Lee was, as long ago as 1770, appointed
by the house of representatives of the Massachusetts Bay, of
which I had then the honor to be a member, their agent at the
Court of London, in case of the death or absence of Dr. Frank
lin. This honorable testimony was given to Mr. Lee by an
assembly in which he had no natural interest, on account of his
inflexible attachment to the American cause, and* the abilities
of which he had given many proofs in its defence.
From that time to the year 1774, he held a constant corre
spondence with several of those gentlemen who stood foremost
in the Massachusetts Bay against the innovations and illegal
encroachments of Great Britain. This correspondence I had an
80 OFFICIAL.
opportunity of seeing ; and I assure your Excellency, from my
own knowledge, that it breathed the most inflexible attachment,
and the most ardent zeal in the cause of his country.
From September, 1774, to November, 1777, I had the honor
to be in congress, and the opportunity to see his letters to con
gress, to their committees, and to several of their individual
members. Through the whole of both these periods, he com
municated the most constant and certain intelligence which
was received from any individual within my knowledge ; and
since I have had the honor to be joined with him here, I have
ever found in him the same fidelity and zeal, and have not a
glimmering of suspicion that he ever maintained an improper
correspondence in England, or held any conference or negotia
tion with anybody from thence, without communicating it to
your Excellency and to his colleagues. I am confident, there
fore, that every insinuation and suspicion against him of infi
delity to the United States, or to their engagements with his
Majesty, is false and groundless, and that they will assuredly be
proved to be so.
The two honorable brothers of Mr. Lee, who are members of
congress, I have long and intimately known ; and of my own
knowledge I can say, that no men have discovered more zeal in
support of the sovereignty of the United States, and in promoting,
from the beginning, a friendship and alliance with France ; and
there is nothing of which I am more firmly persuaded, than that
every insinuation that is thrown out to the disadvantage of
the two Mr. Lees in congress is groundless.
It would be too tedious to enter at present into a more parti
cular consideration of that address ; I shall, therefore, conclude
this letter, already too long, by assuring your Excellency, that I
am, with the most entire consideration,
Your most obedient and most humble servant,
JOHN ADAMS.
DE VERGENNES TO JOHN ADAMS.
A Versailles, le 13 Fevrier, 1779.
J'ai regu, monsieur, la lettre que vous m'avez fait Phonneur de
m'ecrire, le 11 de ce mois, et conformement a vos desirs, je n'ai
point appele le secours d'un traducteur pour prendre connois*
OFFICIAL. 81
sauce de son contenu. Je ne suis pas moins peine que vous,
monsieur, de 1'appel au peuple d'Amerique que M. Silas Deane
a publie. II ne m'appartient pas de qualifier cette demarche ;
c'est a vos souverains respectifs d'en juger et de prononcer sur
les differens qui peuvent s'etre eleves entre messieurs leurs com-
missaires. La fac,on dont on vous a traites ici, ensemble et
separement, a du vous convaincre, que si nous avons pu etre
instruitsde vos contestations, nous n'y sommes entres pour rien,
et 1'estime personelle que nous avons cherche a faire remarquer
a chacun de messieurs les commissaires, fait preuve que nous
n'avons point adopte les preventions qu'on semble vouloir
inspirer a 1'Amerique, et dont le fondement nous est inconnu
ici ; quoique cette desagreable discussion nous soit etrangere, et
que nous devions a tous egards nous abstenir d'y entrer, je
n'en serai pas moins charme de vous voir, monsieur. Le jour
qui vous conviendra sera le mien ; je vous prie seulement de
me prevenir a 1'avance de celui que vous aurez choisi.
J'ai 1'honneur d'etre, avec une veritable consideration, mon
sieur, votre tres humble et tres obeissant serviteur,
DE VERGENNES.
TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
Passy, 13 February, 1779.
GENTLEMEN, — I had yesterday the honor of your favor of
the 28th of October, inclosing a resolution of congress of the
22d of the same month, to which I shall give all the attention
in my. power.1 I have much satisfaction in the reflection that
I have hitherto endeavored with much sincerity to conform to
the spirit of it. What you recommend to me, namely, — to
communicate to the ministers of other courts such intelligence
as I may receive, will not in future be so much in my power ;
but as far as I can, while I stay in Europe, I shall endeavor to
comply. Indeed, it is a long time that we have had no intelli
gence to communicate. Three vessels we know have been
taken, each of which had many letters, and two of them public
despatches ; one that sailed from Philadelphia the 4th of
November, another that sailed from the same port the 24th,
1 See the letter of the committee, page 60, of this volume, and the note.
F
82 OFFICIAL.
and another that sailed from Boston on the 20th. These letters
and despatches were all sunk, and we fear that others are lost.
It would be agreeable to me, indeed, if I were able to throw
any light on the subject of finances. As to a loan in Europe,
all has been done that was in our power to this end, but with
out the desired effect. Taxation and economy comprehend all
the resources that I can think of.
We expect the honor of a visit from the Marquis de Lafay
ette this morning, whom we shall receive with gratitude for his
gallant and glorious exertions in one of the best causes in which
a hero ever fought.
Be pleased to accept my thanks for your kind wishes for my
happiness, and believe me to be your affectionate friend,
JOHN ADAMS.
TO M. DE SARTINE.
Passy, 1 G February, 1779.
SIR, — By the late appointment of a minister plenipotentiary
at this court, I am left at liberty to return to my own country,
as it does not appear that congress have any further service for
me to do in Europe. I therefore wish to return as soon as pos
sible. But the English have heard so much of me in times
past, that I should be very loth to be exposed to their good- will.
If it is in your Excellency's intention, therefore, to send any
man-of-war to any part of the United States, I wTould ask the
favor of a passage for myself, my little son, and a servant.
I have the honor to be, with the highest consideration, &c.
JOHN ADAMS,
TO COUNT DE VERGENNES.
Passy, 10 February, 1779.
SIR, — Last evening I had the honor of your letter of the 13th
of this month, in answer to mine of the llth.
I thank your Excellency for the politeness with which you
have agreed to my proposition of a conference upon the subject
of Mr. Deane's « Address to the People of the United States."
At the time when my letter of the llth was written and sent
to your Excellency, there were three commissioners here, repre-
OFFICIAL. 83
sentatives of congress, between whom, it appeared to me, Mr.
Deane's address had a tendency to destroy all confidence, as
well as between your Excellency and them; for which reason
I thought it my duty to endeavor, by a conference with your
Excellency, to lessen those evils as far as should be in my
power.
But within a few hours after my letter of the llth was sent, the
arrival of the Aid-de-Camp of the Marquis de Lafayette with
despatches from congress to Dr. Franklin, and from their com
mittee of foreign affairs to me, informing me of the new arrange
ment, by which Dr. Franklin is constituted Minister Plenipo
tentiary here, and I am restored to the character of a private
citizen, so wholly changed the scene and the characters here,
that I now think I have no right to do, what, if I had continued
in the character of a commissioner, I should have thought it
my indispensable duty to do.
This masterly measure of congress, which has my most
hearty approbation, and of the necessity of which I was fully
convinced before I had been two months in Europe, has taken
away the possibility of those dissensions which I so much
apprehended. I shall not, therefore, give your Excellency any
further trouble, than to take an opportunity of paying my
respects, in order to take leave, and to assure you that I shall
leave this kingdom with the most entire confidence in his
Majesty's benevolence to the United States, and inviolable
adherence to the treaties between the two powers, with a simi
lar confidence in the good disposition of his Majesty's minis
ters of state and of this nation towards us, and with a heart
impressed with gratitude for the many civilities which I have
received in the short space I have resided here, at Court, in the
city and in the country, and particularly from your Excellency.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
COUNT DE VERGENNES TO JOHN ADAMS.
A Versailles, 21 F6vrier, 1779.
J'ai re9U, monsieur, la lettre que vous m'avez fait 1'honneur
de m'ecrire, le 16 de ce mois. Quoique vous soyez, desormais,
sans caractere public en France, soyez persuade que 1'estime et
84 OFFICIAL.
la consideration que vous vous etes acquise a juste titre, n'ont
aucunement diminuees ; et je me flatte, monsieur, que vous ne
me priverez point du plaisir de vous en assurer de bouche, et
d'etre en rneme temps 1'interprete des sentimens de bienveil-
lance dont le roi vous honore ; ils sont la suite du contentement
particulier qu'a sa Majeste de la sage conduite que vous avez
tenue, pendant toute la duree de votre commission, ainsi que du
zele que vous avez constamment deploye, tant pour la cause
de votre patrie, que pour le maintien de 1'alliance qui 1'attache
a sa Majeste.
J'ai 1'honneur d'etre, tres profondement, monsieur, votre tres
humble et tres obeissant serviteur,
DE VERGENNES.
TO THE MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE.
Passy, 21 February, 1779.
MY DEAR MARQUIS, — The conversation with which you
honored me last evening, has induced me to give you the
trouble of this letter upon the same subject.
It is certain that a loan of money is very much wanted to
redeem the redundancy of our paper bills; and without it, it is
impossible to foresee what will be the consequence to their cre
dit j and therefore every service that may be rendered in order to
obtain it from this kingdom, from Spain or Holland, will be a
most essential and acceptable service.
But without some other exertions, even a loan, perhaps,
would be but a temporary relief; with them a smaller loan
might suffice. You know perfectly well that the enemy in
America are at present very weak and in great distress in every
part. They are weak in Canada, weak in Halifax, weak in
Rhode Island, weak in New York, weak in the Floridas, and
weak in every one of the West India Islands. A strong arma
ment of ships of the line, with five thousand troops, directed
against Halifax, Rhode Island, or New York, must infallibly
succeed. So it must against the Floridas ; so it must against
Canada or any one of the West India Islands.
You are very sensible, that in this state of weakness, the Bri
tish possessions in America depend upon each other for recipro
cal support. The troops and ships derive such supplies of pro-
OFFICIAL. 85
visions from Canada and Nova Scotia, that if these places or
either of them were lost, it would be difficult, if not impossible,
for the other to subsist. The West India Islands derive such
supplies from the Floridas, that if they were lost, the others
could hardly subsist. Their fleets and armies in Canada, Hali
fax, Rhode Island, New York, and the Floridas, receive supplies
of rum, sugar, molasses, &c., from the West India Islands, with
out which they could scarcely subsist. Every part of their pos
sessions in America, both on the continent and in the islands,
receives constant supplies from Europe, from England, Scot
land, and Ireland, without which it must fall. You perceive,
therefore, that their dominions in America at present form
such a chain, the links mutually support each other in such a
manner, that if one or two were taken away, the whole, or at
least the greater part, must fall. In this state of things, then,
the obvious policy is to send a strong squadron of ships-of-the-
line to cooperate with the Count d'Estaing and the American
army in some expedition directed against New York, Rhode
Island, Halifax, or perhaps all of them in course. Five or six
thousand troops would be quite enough. Above all, it is indis
pensably necessary to keep a clear naval superiority, both on
the coast of the continent and in the West India Islands. This,
together with French and American privateers, would make
such havoc among the enemy's transports, passing from one of
then* possessions to another, as must ruin their affairs. The
French have a great advantage in carrying on this kind of war
in America at present. The British ships are badly manned,
and in bad repair. They cannot send them into the American
seas without the utmost terror for their own coasts. And when
they are in America, they have not such advantages for supplies
of provisions, naval stores, &c., as the French.
The devastation which was made among their ships of the line,
frigates, transports, and traders in the American seas the last
summer, shows how much more might be done if a stronger force
were sent there. As long as the enemy keep possession of New
York and Rhode Island, so long it will be necessary for us to
keep up large armies to watch their motions and defend the
country against them, which will oblige us to emit more paper,
and still further to increase the depreciation. Now, as long as
they maintain the dominion of those seas, their troops will be
VOL. VII. 8
86 OFFICIAL.
protected by the cannon of their ships, and we could not
dislodge them with any army, however large ; at least, we
could not keep those places. But if their force was capti
vated in those seas, as it might easily be by a sea force coope
rating with the land forces, we might reduce our army and
innumerable other articles of expense. "We need not emit any
more paper, and that already out would depreciate no further.
I should be happy to have further conversation with you, sir,
upon these subjects, or to explain any thing by letter \vhich may
be in my power.
With the highest sentiments of esteem and respect,
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
TO COUNT DE VERGENNES.
Passy, 27 February, 1779.
SIR, — I have received the letter which your Excellency did
me the honor to write me on the 21st of this month. This
testimony from your Excellency of those indulgent sentiments
with which his Majesty is pleased to honor my sincere inten
tions, cannot fail to be preserved by me and my posterity as a
most precious monument ; and what is of infinitely more
importance, it cannot fail to give great satisfaction to my coun
try, to find that a servant of theirs, who has been honored with
no small share of their confidence in the most dangerous of
times and most critical circumstances, has been so happy as not
to forfeit the confidence of their illustrious ally.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Passy, 27 February, 1779.
SIR, — By the new arrangement which was brought by the
Marquis de Lafayette, I find myself restored to the character of
a private citizen.
The appointment of a single minister at the Court of Ver
sailles was not unexpected to me, because I had not been two
months in Europe before I was convinced of the policy, and
OFFICIAL. 87
indeed of the necessity of such a measure. But I ever enter
tained hopes that when the news of such an alteration should
arrive, the path of my own duty would have been made plain
to me by the directions of congress, either to return home or to
go elsewhere. But as no information we have received from
congress has expressed their intentions concerning me, I am
obliged to collect them by implication, according to the best of
my understanding ; and as the election of the new minister ple
nipotentiary was on the 14th of September, and the Alliance
sailed from Boston the 14th of January, and in this space of four
months no notice appears to have been taken of me, I think the
only inference that can be made is, that congress have no further
service for me on this side the water, and that all my duties
are on the other. I have accordingly given notice to his Excel
lency, M. de Sartine, and to his Excellency, the Minister Pleni
potentiary here, of my intentions to return, which I shall do by
the first frigate that sails for any part of the United States,
unless I should receive counter orders in the mean time. In a
matter of so much uncertainty, I hope I shall not incur the dis
approbation of congress, even if I should not judge aright of
their intentions, which it is my desire, as well as my duty, to
observe as far as I can know them.
By the papers inclosed with this, congress will perceive the
discontented and tumultuous state of the three kingdoms of
England, Scotland, and Ireland, which is so great and so rapidly
increasing, that the United States will have little to fear from
reinforcements of their enemies the ensuing campaign. All
their forces will be necessary to keep in order their own riotous
populace at home, and to replace those which are daily consum
ing in the "West Indies. There is, however, no prospect of their
evacuating either New York or Rhode Island. The possession
of those places is so indispensable, for the preservation of their
West India and other trade, as well as of their other dominions
in America, that nothing but the last necessity will induce them
to give them up.
The greatest source of danger and unhappiness to the States,
then, probably will be a depreciating currency. The prospect
of a loan in Europe, after every measure that has been or could
be taken, I think it my duty to say frankly to congress, is very
unpromising. The causes of this are very obvious, and cannot
88 OFFICIAL.
be removed ; the state of our currency itself, and the course of
exchange, would be sufficient to discourage such a loan, if there
were no other obstruction ; but there are many others. There
are more borrowers in Europe than lenders, and the British loan
itself will not be made this year at a less interest than seven
and a half per cent.
I see no hope of relief, but from economy and taxation ; and
these, I flatter myself, will be found sufficient, if the people are
once convinced of the necessity of them. When a people are
contending not only for the greatest object that any people ever
had in view, but for security from the greatest evil that any
nation ever had to dread (for there is at this hour no medium
between unlimited submission to parliament and entire sove
reignty,) they must be destitute of sense as well as of virtue, if
they are not willing to pay sufficient sums annually to defray
the necessary expense of their defence in future, supported as
they are by so powerful an ally and by the prospect of others,
against a kingdom already exhausted, without any ally at all,
or a possibility of obtaining one. As this is the first time I
have had the honor to address myself to congress, since we
received the news of your Excellency's appointment1 to the
chair, you will please to accept of rny congratulations on that
event.
I have the honor to be, with the highest esteem, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
M. DE SARTINE TO JOHN ADAMS.
Versailles, le 28 Fevrier, 1779.
J'ai recu, monsieur, la lettre que vous m'avez fait 1'honneur
de m'ecrire, le 16 de ce mois, pour me prevenrr que vous etes
dans 1'intention de retourner a 1'Amerique, et que vous desirez
y passer sur un batiment du roi. J'ai lieu de croire que lorsque
vous avez forme cette demande, vous n'aviez pas connoissance
des ordres qui ont ete donnes au capitaine de la fregate 1' Alli
ance appartenante aux £tats Unis, de faire ses dispositions pour
i Addressed to John Jay, elected President of Congress on the 10th of Decem
ber preceding.
OFFICIAL. 89
mettre a la voile incessament. Comme ce bailment a une
marche superieure, j'ai d'autant plus lieu de croire, que vous
vous determinerez a profiter de cette occasion, qu'il n'est pas
possible de vous indiquer 1'epoque ou le roi pourra en faire
expedier un pour quelque port des Etats Unis.
J'ai 1'honneur d'etre, &c.
DE SARTINE.
BENJAMIN FRANKLIN TO JOHN ADAMS.
Passy, 3 April, 1779.
SIR, — I received the letter you did me the honor to write to
me of the 24th past. I am glad you have been at Brest, as your
presence there has contributed to expedite the operations of
Captain Landais in refitting his ship. I think with you, that
more has been made of the conspiracy than was necessary, but
that it would have been well if some of the most guilty could
have received a proper punishment.1 As that was impracticable
under our present naval code, I hope you will, on your return,
obtain an amendment of it.
I approve of clothing the midshipmen and petty officers,
agreeable to their request to you, and hope you have ordered it
without waiting to hear from me ; and I now desire, that what
ever else you may judge for the good of the service, our funds
and circumstances considered, you would, in my behalf, give
directions for ; as the great distance makes it inconvenient to
send to me on every occasion, and I can confide in your pru
dence, that you will allow no expense that is unnecessary.
My gout continues to disable me from walking, longer than
formerly ; but on Tuesday, the 23d past, I thought myself
able to go through the ceremony, and accordingly went to
Court, had my audience of the King in the new character, pre
sented my letter of credence, and was received very graciously.
After which, I went the rounds with the other foreign ministers,
in visiting all the royal family. The fatigue, however, was a
1 This refers to a conspiracy alleged to have been formed on the passage out
from Boston. See Mr. Adams's certificate to Captain Landais, under date 8
March, 1780.
90 OFFICIAL.
little too much for my feet, and disabled me for near another
week. Upon the whole I can assure you, that I do not think
the good will of this Court to the good cause of America is at
all diminished by the late little reverses in the fortune of war ;
and I hope Spain, who has now forty-nine ships of the line and
thirty-one frigates ready for service, will soon, by declaring, turn
the scale.
Remember me affectionately to master Johnny,
And believe me, with great esteem, sir, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
M. DE LAFAYETTE TO JOHN ADAMS.
St. Germain, 9 April, 1779.
DEAR SIR, — I beg leave to apply to you in an instance
where I am much concerned. The case I shall lay before you,
and recommend to your care. There is an officer in Paris
whom I wish to send over to America on board the Alliance,
and who I know would be of some use in the American army.
For that reason, besides this of recommendations I have a
great regard for, I wish the gentleman may find a passage in
the frigate. Dr. Franklin cannot officially send any officer ; but
I beg you would take him along with you, and I take upon
myself the charge of presenting him to congress. All the marks
of kindness I ever met with from them, and the knowledge
which the strictest friendship has given me of General Wash
ington's sentiments, make me as certain as possible, that my
officer will meet with the best reception in Philadelphia and in
the army, who know I am acquainted with what may be conve
nient to them.
It is with a great concern, that I hear of discontents between
Captain Landais and his officers, and I flatter myself that you
will again establish harmony and concord among them. I will
take the opportunity of this frigate to write over to my friends
in America.
The articles alluded to in your letter from Paris,1 I have been
very busy about, but I did not meet with great success till now,
and what is done is not equal to what I could wish. It is true,
1 So in the original. It should be Passy.
OFFICIAL. 91
our circumstances are rather narrow in this moment, and I
think that the ministers are willing to do what they think pos
sible or advantageous, but we do not always agree in opinion.
I hope, however, America will have more and more occasions
of knowing the true attachment of this nation for her.
With great impatience I wait for your answer, that I may
send the officer to Nantes. I hope you will not refuse your
patronage on this occasion, and I may answer, congress will
have no objection to take a gentleman I send them.
You will, my dear sir, in settling his passage, much oblige
your humble servant,
LAFAYETTE.
TO BENJAMIN FRANKLIN.
Nantes, 13 April, 1779.
SIR, — I had yesterday the honor of yours of the 3d of this
month. Captain Landais had so much diffidence in some of
his crew, that he could not think of carrying home any of the
most culpable of the conspirators, especially as he was so weak-
handed. The naval code of the United States has great occa
sion for amendments in many particulars, without which there
will be little discipline, subordination, or obedience.
I am happy that you approve of clothing the petty officers,
and thank you for the confidence you have put in me, in desir
ing that I would give directions in your behalf for what I may
judge for the good of the service, funds and circumstances con
sidered ; a trust, however, that will involve me in difficulties,
because I fear the demands of officers and men will be greater
than I could wish. Obedience on board is so imperfect, that I
do not expect the ship can possibly be got to sea without some
money to the officers and men. I expect the ship here every
day, and I hope in fifteen days to be at sea. If you have any
letters I should be glad to carry them.
I am much pleased with your reception at Court in the new
character, and I do not doubt that your opinion of the good- will
of this Court to the United States is just. This benevolence is
the result of so much wisdom, and is founded on such solid
principles, that I have the utmost confidence in its perseverance
92 OFFICIAL.
to the end. Spain, too, must sooner or later see her true inte
rests, and declare in favor of the same generous cause. I wish
and hope with you, that it will be soon ; if it is not, there is
great reason to fear a very unnecessary and profuse effusion of
human blood ; for the English derive such spirits from their
captures at sea and other little successes, and war is everlast
ingly so popular among them when there is the least appearance
of success, however deceitful, that they will go on at whatever
expense and hazard.
Master Johnny, whom you have honored with an affectionate
remembrance, and who acts at present in the quadruple capa
city of interpreter, secretary, companion, and domestic to his
papa, desires me to present you his dutiful respects.
My regards, if you please, to Mr. Franklin and Mr. Gelee, and
the young fry.
I have the honor to be, with great respect, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
BENJAMIN FRANKLIN TO JOHN ADAMS.
Passy, 21 April, 1779.
SIR, — I have received your two favors of the 13th instant.
I am much obliged to you for undertaking the trouble of con
tenting the officers and people of the Alliance. I must now beg
leave to make a little addition to that trouble, by requesting
your attention to the situation of the officers and sailors, late
prisoners in England, which Mr. Williams will acquaint you
with ; and that you would likewise order for them such neces
saries and comforts as we can afford. I wish wTe were able to
do all they want and desire, but the scantiness of our funds and
the multitude of demands prevent it.
The English papers talk much of their apprehensions about
Spain. I hope they have some foundation.
With great esteem, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
OFFICIAL. 93
BENJAMIN FRANKLIN TO JOHN ADAMS.
Passy, 24 April, 1779.
SIR, — By the inclosed letter from M. de Sartine, expressing
his Majesty's desire that the Alliance should be retained here a
little longer, you will see that I am under a kind of necessity
of disappointing you in your intentions of making your passage
immediately in that vessel, which would be more unpleasing to
me but for these considerations; that, possibly, it may be safer for
you to go in a ship where the crew not being so mixed can be
better depended on ; where you will not be incommoded by the
misunderstandings subsisting between the officers and their cap
tain ; and where you will have the society of the French Ambas
sador, M. le Chevalier de la Luzerne, who appears to me a most
amiable man, and of very sensible and pleasing conversation.
I hope this will, in. some measure, compensate for the inconve
nience of shifting your stores from one ship to the other. And
as I shall order the Alliance to Lorient, where the King's frigate
is, that carries the ambassador, the removal of your things from
one ship to the other will be more easy. You can even go thither
in the Alliance if you choose it. The ships in the American
trade which were at Nantes when I offered them the convoy of
the Alliance, having declined that offer, and sailed, as I under
stand, under another and perhaps safer convoy, makes her
immediate departure for America less necessary, and perhaps
she may now make a cruise in these seas, for which I understand
she will have time ; which will be probably more advantageous,
and, therefore, more satisfactory to her people than a direct
return. I hope she may procure us some more prisoners to
exchange the rest of our countrymen, and at the same time
reimburse us the charges of her refitting, which you know we
stand much in need of.
M. Dumas writes me from the Hague of the 19th, — " Je sgais
depuis hier, de bonne part, que 1'Espagne s'est enfin declare e.
Cela fera un bon effet ici et partout." I hope his intelligence is
good ; but nothing of it has yet transpired here.
Inclosed, I send you a cover which I have just received from
Martinique, directed to me, but containing only a letter for you.
The cover being unskilfully sealed over the seal of your letter,
94 OFFICIAL.
was so attached to it, that I had like to have broken open the
one in opening the other. I send you also another letter which
came from Spain.
I am obliged by your offer of taking charge of my despatches
for America. I shall send them down to you by M. de la
Luzerne, who is to set off in a few days.
With great esteem, I have the honor to be, sir,
Your most obedient and most humble servant,
B. FRANKLIN.
(Inclosed with the Preceding.}
M. DE SARTINE TO BENJAMIN FRANKLIN.
Versailles, le 20 Avril, 1779.
La difficulte, monsieur, de recevoir des nouvelles de PAme-
rique Septentrionale, et de donner de celles d' Europe au congres,
me fait desirer que vous suspendiez le depart pour 1'Amerique
Septentrionale de la fregate des Etats Unis, 1' Alliance, parceque
le roi a ordonne qu'il fut prepare une de ses fre gates pour porter
en Amerique le nouveau ministre plenipotentiaire que sa Majeste
y envoy e pour remplacer M. Gerard, dont la sante a ete tres
derangee Panne e derniere ; et afin de remplir une partie des
vues que vous pouviez avoir en expediant 1' Alliance pour le
continent des Etats Unis, le roi accordera avec plaisir a M.
Adams son passage pour lui et sa suite sur ladite fregate. Sa
Majeste desire que cette proposition puisse convenir avec les
arrangemens du congres, et dans ce cas, je vous serai tres oblige
de vouloir bien donner vos ordres en consequence au capitaine
de la fregate, 1' Alliance, afin qu'il se rende tout de suite a Lori-
ent, ou il attendra les ordres ulterieurs que vous lui addresserez.
J'ai 1'honneur d'etre avec une tres parfaite consideration,
monsieur, &c. &c.
DE SARTINE.
ARTHUR LEE TO JOHN ADAMS.
Paris, 5 June, 1779.
DEAR SIR, — By advices from America, since my last to you,
my enemies are determined to impeach my attachment to our
OFFICIAL. 95
country and her cause, per fas et per nefas. This makes it ne
cessary for me to request of you your opinion on that point,
from the knowledge you have had of my conduct while we
acted together in commission. The calumnies of wicked men
can only be refuted by the testimony of those who are honest
and competent, and it is necessary for me to desire this of
you, lest any accident, which God forbid, should befall you
on the voyage.
Late letters from Charleston say, they are all in good spirits
there. No other news.
I have the honor to be, dear sir, with the greatest esteem,
Your most obedient, humble servant,
ARTHUR LEE.
TO ARTHUR LEE.
Lorient, 9 June, 1779.
DEAR SIR, — Your favors of June the 2d and 5th are now
before me ; that of the 29th of March I have answered, if I ever
received it ; for I have answered every one I have received from
you, but not having my papers at hand, cannot be particular.
I thank you for the manuscript and the pamphlet.
I am happy to hear from you and from all others so agreeable
a character of the Chevalier de la Luzerne and M. Marbois, the
last of whom I have had the pleasure to see.
I wish it was in my power to do more for Mr. Ford, and to
take him with me ; but the frigate will be so crowded, I fear it
will be impossible.
The declarations of the northern powers against the right of
England to stop their merchant vessels, and arming to support
their rights, are important events. The displacing of Mr. Paine
is a disagreeable and alarming one.
It is with no small astonishment, that I learn by your letter
of the 5th, that by advices from America since your last to me,
your enemies are determined to impeach your attachment to
our country and her cause. Your request, that I would give
my opinion on that subject, from the knowledge 1 have had of
your conduct while we acted in commission together, can meet
96 OFFICIAL.
with no objection from me. But I hope I need not inform you,
that my opinion upon this point is no secret at Versailles, Paris,
Nantes, or elsewhere. Inclosed is a copy of a letter I did
myself the honor to write to his Excellency, the Count de Ver-
gennes, some time ago,1 which, for any thing I know, is commu
nicated to all the Court ; but the answer shows that it was
received. I had my reasons then for keeping it to myself,
which exist now no more. I would transcribe the whole corre
spondence if it was in my power, but I have not time ; and it is
sufficient to say, that it was conducted by his Excellency with
the most obliging politeness. It is my duty now to furnish you
with a copy, lest any accident may befall me, which is by no
means improbable. I thought then, and am confirmed in that
opinion more and more, that it was my duty to communicate
my sentiments at Court, upon that very extraordinary occasion ;
and, from regard to my own reputation, I am very glad you have
given me an opportunity of furnishing you with evidence that I
did this part of my duty so far forth. The letter was written,
sent to Versailles, and received by his Excellency, before the
arrival of the Marquis de Lafayette, his aid-de-camp, or Dr.
Winship ; that is, before the news reached Passy of the new
arrangement. But lest that letter should not be sufficient, 1
shall inclose another certificate, not without a heartfelt grief
and indignation, that malice should have been so daring and
so barbarous as to make either such a letter or such a certifi
cate from me either necessary or even pardonable.
Your hint, that I must correct some things that are amiss,
extorts from me an involuntary sigh. I shall be in a situ
ation critical and difficult without example, my own charac
ter at stake from various quarters, and without any thing to
support me but truth and innocence; and you need not be
informed that these are not always sufficient. I have little
expectation of doing good ; God grant I may do no harm.
I shall not, designedly. But I suppose congress intend to
examine me as a witness ; and 1 must tell the truth, the
whole truth, and nothing but the truth, as far as I know it.
If the task should end here, I should not be much embarrassed ;
but if they should proceed to demand of me opinions and judg-
1 See page 79.
OFFICIAL. 97
ments of men and things, as there is reason to expect they will,
although 1 hope they will not, what will be the consequence ?
Upon the whole, truth must be my shield ; and if the shafts of
interested malice can pierce through this, they shall pierce me.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Braintree, 3 August, 1779.
SIR, — On the 27th of February, I had the honor of writing
to congress, informing them of my intention of returning home,
in consequence of the commission which superseded mine. On
the 1st of March, I had again the honor of writing some inform
ation concerning the unprecedented interest which the British
government are obliged to give for the loan of money for the
service of the present year. On the 8th of March I took my
leave of the American minister, and left Paris for Nantes, in
expectation of there meeting the Alliance, and sailing in her for
America in a few weeks. Upon my arrival at Nantes, I learned
the Alliance was yet at Brest, and so embarrassed with nearly
forty prisoners, who were supposed to have been concerned in a
conspiracy to carry her to England, and with other difficulties,
that it was uncertain when she would be ready.
The agent at Nantes at this time receiving a letter from his
Excellency, Dr. Franklin, desiring him to consult me about the
direction of the Alliance, I thought it would expedite the public
service for me to make a journey to Brest, about two hundred
miles, which I undertook accordingly, and arrived at that port
without loss of time. There, after an attendance of some
weeks, and much negotiation with commandants, intendants,
and agents, all things were prepared for the frigate to sail for
Nantes with about one hundred British prisoners to be ex-
•changed for a like number of American prisoners, arrived there
from England in a cartel. I returned to Nantes by land, and
the Alliance in a few days arrived in the river ; the prison
ers were exchanged, about sixty enlisted in the Alliance, and
the rest in the Poor Richard, Captain Jones.
After accommodating all the difficulties with the British pri
soners, the American prisoners, the officers and crew of the
VOL. VII. 9 n
98 OFFICIAL.
Alliance, and supplying all their necessary wants, Captain Lan-
dais, having orders to sail for America, and every thing ready
to proceed to sea in a few days, received unexpected orders to
proceed to Lorient and wait there for further orders. I had the
honor of a letter at the same time from his Excellency, inclosing
one from the Minister of Marine, by which I learned that the
King had been graciously pleased to grant me a passage on
board the frigate which was to carry his Majesty's new minister
plenipotentiary to the United States ; that the frigate was at
Lorient ; and that the minister would be there in a few days.
I went in the Alliance from Nantes to Lorient, where after
£ome time the frigate, the Sensible, arrived ; but his Excellency,
the Chevalier de la Luzerne, did not arrive until the 10th of
June. On the 14th of June, and not before, I had the pleasure
to be under sail ; and on the 2d of August arrived in Nantasket
Roads.
I have entered into this detail of disappointments, to justify
myself for not returning sooner, and to show that it was not my
fault that I was not at home in eight weeks from the first
authentic information that I had nothing further to do in France.
There is nothing remaining for me to do, but to settle my
accounts with congress ; but as part of my accounts are in con
junction with my late colleagues, with whom I lived in the same
house during my residence in Paris, I am not able to judge
whether congress will choose to receive my accounts alone, or
to wait until the other commissioners shall exhibit theirs, and
have the whole together under one view, so as to do equal jus
tice to all. I am ready, however, to render all the account in my
power, either jointly or separately, whenever congress shall order
it ; and I shall wait their directions accordingly.
It is not in my power, having been so long from Paris, to give
congress any news of importance, except that the Brest fleet,
under the Count d' Orvilliers, was at sea the beginning of June ;
that Admiral Arbuthnot was at Plymouth the 31st of May;,
and that there was a universal persuasion, arising from letters
from Paris and London, that Spain had decided against the
English. The Chevalier de la Luzerne will be able to give
congress satisfactory information upon this head.
I ought not to conclude this letter, without expressing my
obligations to Captain Chavagne and the other officers of the
OFFICIAL. 99
Sensible for their civilities in the course of my passage home,
and the pleasure I have had in the conversation of his Excel
lency, the new Minister Plenipotentiary from our august ally,
and the Secretary to the Embassy, Monsieur Marbois.
The Chevalier de la Luzerne is a Knight of the Order of St.
John of Jerusalem ; of an ancient and noble family, connected
by blood with many characters of principal name in the king
dom ; a grandson of the celebrated Chancellor de Lamoignon ; a
nephew of Monsieur Malesherbes, perhaps still more famous as
first President of the Court of Aids and as a Minister of State ;
a brother of the Count de la Luzerne and of the Bishop of Lan-
gres, one of the three dukes and peers who had the honor to
assist in the consecration of the King ; a near relation of the
Marechal de Broglie and the Count his brother, and of many
other important personages in that country. Nor is his per
sonal character less respectable than his connections, as he is
possessed of much useful information of all kinds, and particu
larly of the political system of Europe, obtained in his late
embassy in Bavaria ; and of the justest sentiments of the
mutual interests of his country and purs, and of the utility to
both, of that alliance which so happily unites them ; and at the
same time divested of all personal and party attachments and
aversions. Congress and their constituents, I natter myself,
will have much satisfaction in his negotiations, as well as in
those of the secretary to the embassy, who was recently secre
tary to the embassy in Bavaria, and who is a counsellor of the
parliament of Metz, a gentleman whose abilities, application,
and disposition cannot fail to make him useful in the momen
tous office he sustains.
I have the honor to be, with great respect, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Braintree, 4 August, 1779.
SIR, — At the close of the service on which congress have
clone me the honor to send me, it may not be amiss to submit a
few remarks to their consideration on the general state of affairs
in Europe, so far as they relate to the interests of the United
States. As the time approaches when our relations with the
100 OFFICIAL.
most considerable States in Europe will multiply and assume a
greater stability, they deserve the attention of Americans in
general, but especially of those composing their supreme coun
cil.
France deserves the first place among those powers with
which our connections will be the most intimate, and it is with
pleasure I am able to assure congress that, from the observa
tions I have made during my residence in that kingdom, I have
the strongest reasons to believe that their august ally, his minis
ters and nation, are possessed of the fullest persuasion of the
justice of our cause, of the great importance of our independ
ence to their interests, and the firmest resolution to preserve the
faith of treaties inviolate, and to cultivate our friendship with
sincerity and zeal. This is of the more consequence to us, as
this power enjoys in Europe at this hour an influence which it
has not before experienced for many years.
Men are so sensible of a constant tendency in others to
excesses, that a signal superiority of power never appears with
out exciting jealousies and efforts to reduce it. Thus, when
Spain, under Charles V. and his successor, made herself dan
gerous, a great part of Europe united against her, assisted in
severing the United Provinces from her, and by degrees greatly
diminished her power. Thus, when France, under Louis XIV.,
indulged the spirit of conquest too far, a great part of mankind
united their forces against her with such success as to involve
her in a train of misfortunes, out of which she never emerged
before the present reign. The English in their turn, by means
of their commerce and extensive settlements abroad, arose to a
degree of opulence and naval power, which excited more extra
vagant passions in her own breast, and more tyrannical exer
tions of her influence, than appeared in either of the other cases.
The consequence has been similar, but more remarkable. Eu
rope seems to be more universally and sincerely united in the
desire of reducing her than they ever were in any former instance.
This is the true cause why the French Court never made war
with so universal a popularity among their own subjects, so
general an approbation of other courts, and such unanimous
wishes among all nations for her success, as at this time.
The personal character of the King; his declared patronage
of morals and economy, and the great strokes of wisdom which
OFFICIAL. 101
have marked the commencement of his reign; the active spring
which has been given to commerce by the division of the Bri
tish empire and our new connections with his subjects ; all these
causes, together with the two treaties of peace which have been
lately signed under his auspices and his mediation, have given
to this power a reputation which the last reign had lost.
The first of these treaties has determined those controversies
which had for a long time divided Russia and the Porte, and
the parties have been equally satisfied with the conditions of
their reconciliation ; a circumstance the more honorable for the
French Ministry and the Chevalier de St. Priest, their Ambas
sador at Constantinople, as it is uncommon. The ancient con
fidence of the Porte in the Court of Versailles has revived, and
the coolness, or rather enmity, which divided France and Rus
sia for near twenty years, gives place to a friendship which is at
this time in all its fervor, and will probably be durable, as these
powers have no interest to annoy each other ; but, on the con
trary, are able to assist each other in a manner the most essen
tial.
The peace of Germany, signed at Teschen the 13th of last
May, has not equally satisfied the belligerent powers, who were
on the one part the Emperor, and on the other the King of
Prussia and the Elector of Saxony, his ally.
From the multitude of writings which have appeared before
and during this war, in which the causes, the motives, and the
right of it are discussed, it appears that in 1768, at the extinc
tion of one of the branches of the House of Bavaria, which has
been separated from its trunk for near five centuries, the House
of Austria thought itself able, and priests and lawyers among
their own subjects were complaisant enough to tell her she had
a right, to put herself in possession of the best part of the patri
mony of the extinguished line.
The King of Prussia, to whose interest this augmentation of
power would have been dangerous, has crowned an illustrious
reign by displaying all the resources of military genius and pro
found policy in opposition to it. While he contended in the
field, France negotiated, and the work begun by his arms was
completed by the cabinet of Versailles.
The Palatine House of Bavaria, the Duke of Deux Fonts,
and particularly the Elector of Saxony, have obtained all they
102 OFFICIAL.
could reasonably demand ; and the empire has preserved its
balance of power in spite of its head. The King of Prussia has
covered himself with glory, to which he put the finishing stroke
by not demanding any compensation for the expenses of the
war. All parties have been satisfied except the Emperor, who
has disordered his finances, ruined his kingdom of Bohemia with
immense fines, has not obtained any advantage over his adver
sary, and, consequently, has destroyed among his own troops
the opinion they had of their superiority ; and, in fine, has sus
tained a loss the most sensible for a young prince just beginning
to reign, the reputation of justice and moderation. It is the
influence, the address, and ability of the French Minister, joined
to the firmness of Russia, which have completed this work ; l and
Louis XVI. has restored in Germany, to the nation over which
he reigns, that reputation which his grandfather had lost.
The merit of the Chevalier de la Luzerne, who was Ambas
sador in Bavaria during the transaction of this business, and
that of M. Marbois, the Secretary to that Embassy, in accom
plishing an affair of such importance, which was rendered pecu
liarly delicate by the late family connection between the Courts
of Vienna and Versailles, was probably a motive for sending
them now to America, a mission of no less importance and no
less delicacy.
It is not probable, however, that they could have succeeded
so soon, if England could have afforded subsidies to the Empe
ror. The Revolution in America, in which the French King has
taken an earlier and a greater part than any other sovereign in
Europe, has operated so as to conciliate to him a consideration
that is universal. The new minister will give to congress
information the most precise in this respect, and touching the
part which Spain is taking at this time, for WThich reason I shall
refrain from entering into it, and content myself with observing,
that all these considerations ought to induce us to cherish the
alliance of France ; and that every good citizen of the United
States ought to endeavor to destroy the remains of those preju
dices which our ancient rulers have endeavored to inspire us
with ; that we have nothing to fear, and much to hope from
l See the lucid and interesting account of the masterly negotiation of the
Baron de Breteuil, which brought about this result, in Flassan's Histoire de la
Diplomatie Frangaise, tome vi. pp. 177-251.
OFFICIAL. 103
France, while we conduct our affairs with good sense and firm
ness ; and that we cannot take too much pains to multiply the
commercial relations and strengthen the political connections
between the two nations ; provided always, that we preserve
prudence and resolution enough to receive implicitly no advice
whatever, but to judge always for ourselves, and to guard our
selves against those principles in government, and those man
ners, which are so opposite to our own constitution and to our
own characters, as a young people, called by Providence to the
most honorable and important of all duties, that of forming
establishments for a great nation and a new world.
In the opinion of some, the power with wThich we shall one
day have a relation the most immediate, next to that of France,
is Great Britain. But it ought to be considered that this power
loses every day her consideration, and runs towards her ruin.
Her riches, in which her power consisted, she has lost with us,
and never can regain. With us she has lost her Mediterranean
trade, her African trade, her German and Holland trade, her
ally, Portugal, her ally, Russia, and her natural ally, the House
of Austria ; at least, as being unable to protect these as she
once did, she can obtain no succor from them. In short, one
branch of commerce has been lopped off after another, and one
political interest sacrificed after another. She resembles the
melancholy spectacle of a great wide-spreading tree that has
been girdled at the root. Her endeavors to regain these advan
tages will continually keep alive in her breast the most malevo
lent passions towards us. Her envy, her jealousy, and resent
ment will never leave us while we are what we must unavoid
ably be, her rivals in the fisheries, in various other branches of
commerce, and even in naval power. If peace should unhap
pily be made, leaving Canada, Nova Scotia, or the Floridas, or
any of them, in her hands, jealousies and controversies will be
perpetually arising. The degree, therefore, of intercourse with
this nation, which will ever again take place, may justly be con
sidered as problematical ; or rather the probability is, that it
will never be so great as some persons imagine ; moreover, I
think that every citizen, in the present circumstances, who
respects his country and the engagements she has taken, ought
to abstain from the foresight of a return of friendship between
us and the English, and act as if it never was to be.
104 OFFICIAL.
But it is lawful to consider that which will probably be
formed between the Hollanders and us. The similitude of
manners, of religion, and, in some respects, of constitution, the
analogy between the means by which the two republics arrived
at independency, but, above all, the attractions of commercial
interest, will infallibly draw them together. This connection
will not probably show itself before a peace or a near prospect
of peace. Too many motives of fear or interest place the Hol
landers in a. dependence on England, to suffer them to connect
themselves openly with us at present. / Nevertheless, if the King
of Prussia could be induced to take us by the hand, his great
influence in the United Provinces might contribute greatly to
conciliate their friendship for us. Loans of money and the ope
rations of commercial agents or societies will be the first threads
of our connections with this power. From the essays and inqui
ries of your commissioners at Paris, it appears that some money
may be borrowed there ; and from the success of several enter
prises by the way of St. Eustatia, it seems that the trade between
the two countries is likely to increase, and, possibly, congress
may think it expedient to send a minister there. If they should,
it will be proper to give him a discretionary power to produce
his commission or not, as he shall find it likely to succeed, to
give him full powers and clear instructions concerning the bor
rowing of money ; and the man himself, above all, should have
consummate prudence, and a caution and discretion that will
be proof against every trial.
If congress could find any means of paying the interest annu
ally in Europe, commercial and pecuniary connections would
strengthen themselves from day to day, and if the fall of the
credit of England should terminate in bankruptcy, the seven
United Provinces having nothing to dissemble, would be zeal
ous for a part of those rich benefits which our commerce offers
to the maritime powers, and, by an early treaty with us, secure
those advantages, from which they have already discovered
strong symptoms of a fear of being excluded by delays. It is
scarcely necessary to observe to congress that Holland has lost
her influence in Europe to such a degree, that there is little
other regard for her remaining, but that of a prodigal heir for a
rich usurer, who lends him money at a high interest. The State
which is poor and in debt has no political stability. Their army
OFFICIAL. 105
is very small, and their navy is less. The immense riches of
individuals may possibly be in some future time the great mis
fortune of the nation, because the means of defence are not pro
portioned to the temptation which is held out for some necessi
tous, avaricious, and formidable neighbor to invade her.
The active commerce of Spain is very inconsiderable ; of her
passive commerce we shall not fail to have a part ; the vicinity
of this power, her forces, her resources, ought to make us atten
tive to her conduct ; but if we may judge of the future by the
past, I should hope we had nothing to fear from it. The genius
and interest of the nation incline it to repose. She cannot
determine upon war but in the last extremity, and even then
she sighs for peace. She is not possessed of the spirit of con
quest, and we have reason to congratulate ourselves that we
have her for the nearest and principal neighbor. Her conduct
towards us at this time will perhaps appear equivocal and inde
cisive ; her determinations appear to be solely the fruit of the
negotiations of the Court of Versailles. But it ought to be
considered she has not had motives so pressing as those of
France to take in hand our defence. Whether she has an eye
upon the Floridas, or what other terms she may expect from
congress, they are no doubt better informed than I am. To
their wisdom it must be submitted to give her satisfaction, if
her terms are moderate and her offers in proportion. This con
duct may conciliate her affection and shorten delays, a point
of great importance, as the present moment appears to be deci
sive.
Portugal, under the administration of the Marquis de Pombal,
broke some of the shackles by which she was held to England.
But the treaty, by which a permanent friendship is established
between the Crowns of Spain and Portugal, was made in 1777,
an event that the English deplore as the greatest evil, next to
the irrecoverable loss of the Colonies arising from this war,
because they will now no longer be able to play off Portugal
against Spain, in order to draw away her attention, as well as
her forces, as in former times. But as Portugal has not known
how to deliver herself entirely from the influence of England,
we shall have little to hope from her ; on the other hand, such
is her internal weakness that we have absolutely nothing to
fear. We shall necessarily have commerce with her, but whe-
106 OFFICIAL.
ther she will ever have the courage to sacrifice the friendship of
England for the sake of it, is uncertain.
It would be endless to consider that infinite number of little
sovereignties into which Germany is divided, and develop all
their political interests. This task is as much beyond my know
ledge as it would be useless to congress. They will have few
relations friendly or hostile with this country, excepting in two
branches of commerce, that of merchandise and that of soldiers.
The latter, infamous and detestable as it is, has been established
between a nation once generous, humane, and brave, and cer
tain princes, as avaricious of money as they are prodigal of the
blood of their subjects ; and such is the scarcity of cash and
the avidity for it in Germany, and so little are the rights of
humanity understood and respected, that sellers will probably
be found as long as buyers. America will never be found in
either class. The State of Germany, with which we may have
commerce of an honorable kind, is the House of Austria, one of
the most powerful in Europe. She possesses very few countries,
however, near the sea. Ostend is the principal city, where she
might have established a trade of some consequence, if the jea
lousy of the maritime powers had not constantly opposed it.
France, Spain, Holland, and England have been all agreed in
their opposition ; and the treaty of Utrecht, ratified more than
once by subsequent treaties, has so shackled this port, that it
will be impossible to open a direct trade to it without some
new treaty, which possibly may not be very distant. England
may possibly make a new treaty with Austria, and agree to pri
vileges for this port, in order to draw away the advantages of
the American trade from France and Spain ; and in such a
treaty, Holland may possibly acquiesce, if not accede to it.
The port of Trieste enjoys liberty without limits ; and the
Court of Vienna is anxious to make its commerce flourish.
Situated as it is at the bottom of the Gulf of Trieste, the remot
est part of the Gulf of Venice, tedious and difficult as the naviga
tion of those seas is, we could make little use of it at any time,
and none at all while this war continues.
This Court would seize with eagerness the advantages that
are presented to her by the independence of America ; but an
interest more powerful restrains her, and although she is cer
tainly attentive to this revolution, there is reason to believe she
OFFICIAL. 107
will be one of the last powers to acknowledge our independence.
She is so far from being rich, that she is destitute of the means
of making war without subsidies, as is proved by the peace
which has lately been made. She has occasion for the succors
of France or of England to put in motion her numerous armies.
She conceives easily, that the loss of the resources and credit
of the English has disabled them to pay the enormous subsidies
which in former times they have poured into the Austrian coffers.
She sees, therefore, with a secret mortification, that she shall be
hereafter more at the mercy of France, who may choose her ally,
and prefer at her pleasure either Austria or Prussia, while nei
ther Vienna nor Berlin will be able, as in times past, to choose
between Paris and London, since the latter has lost her past
opulence and pecuniary resources. It is our duty to remark
these great changes in the system of mankind which have
already happened in consequence of the American war. The
alienation of Portugal from England, the peace of Germany,
and that between Petersburg and Constantinople, by all which
events England has lost and France gained such a superiority
of influence and power, are owing entirely to the blind diversion
of that policy and wealth which the English might have still
enjoyed, from the objects of their true interests and honor, to the
ruinous American war.
The Court of Berlin flatters itself that the connections which
have heretofore so long united France and Prussia will renew
themselves sooner or later. This system is more natural than
that which subsists at this day. The King of Prussia may then
wait without anxiety the consequences of the present revolution,
because it tends to increase the resources of his natural ally.
The jealousy between the Emperor and the King of Prussia,
and that between the Houses of Bourbon and Austria, are a
natural tie between France and Prussia. The rivalry between
France and Great Britain is another motive, too natural and
too permanent for the former to suffer the King of Prussia to
be long the ally of the latter. One of the favorite projects
of Prussia, that of rendering the port of Emden a place of
flourishing trade, interests him most powerfully in our independ
ence. Silesia, one of his best provinces, has already felt the
influence of it, and, sensible of the force that empires derive
from commerce, he is earnestly desirous to see it introduced
108 OFFICIAL.
between America and his States ; which gives ground to
believe, that as Austria will be one of the last, so Prussia will
be one of the first to acknowledge our independence ; an opi
nion which is rendered more probable by the answer which was
given by the Baron de Schulenburg to Mr. Arthur Lee, and the
influence of the King of Prussia in the United Provinces, which
is greater than that of any other power, arising from his great
military force and the vicinity of his dominions. His near rela
tion to the Stadtholder and the Prince of Brunswick is an addi
tional motive to cultivate his friendship. The Electorate of
Saxony, with a fruitful soil, contains a numerous and industrious
people, and most of the commerce between the east and the
west of Europe passes through it. The fairs of Leipsic have
drawn considerable advantages for these four years from our
trade. This power will see with pleasure the moment which
shall put the last hand to our independence. The rest of Ger
many, excepting Hamburgh and Bremen, have no means of
opening a direct commerce with us ; with the latter we have no
connection at present ; in the former all the commerce of Lower
Germany is transacted ; here we shall soon have occasion to
establish an agent or consul.
Poland, depopulated by the war and a vicious government,
reduced by a shameful treaty to two thirds of her ancient domi
nion, destitute of industry and manufactures, even of the first
necessity, has no occasion for the productions of America.
Dantzic sees her ancient prosperity diminish every day. There
is, therefore, little probability of commerce, and less of any poli
tical connection between that nation and us.
Russia, Sweden, and Denmark, comprehended under the
denomination of the northern powers, have been thought by
some to be interested in our return to the domination^ of Great
Britain. Whether they consider themselves in this light or not,
their late declarations against the right of England to interrupt
their navigation, and their arming for the protection of their
commerce on the ocean, and even in the English channel, are
unequivocal proofs of their opinion concerning the right in our
contest, and of their intentions not to interfere against us. It is
very true that the articles of commerce which they produce, are,
in many respects, the same with those of America. Yet, if we
consider that we shall have occasion to purchase from them
OFFICIAL. 109
large quantities of hemp and sail-cloth, and that our productions
of timber, pitch, tar, and turpentine, are less profitable with us
without bounties than some other branches of labor, it is not
probable that we shall lower the price of these articles in
Europe so much as some conjecture, and, consequently, our
increased demand upon those countries for several articles will
be more than a compensation to them for the small loss they
may sustain, by a trifling reduction in the price of those articles.
It is not probable that the Courts of Petersburg, Stockholm, and
Copenhagen have viewed with indifference the present revolu
tion. If they have been apprehensive of being hurt by it in some
respects, which, however, I think must have been a mistaken
apprehension, yet the motive of humbling the pride of the
English, who have endeavored to exercise their domination
even over the northern seas, and to render the Danish and Swe
dish flag dependent on theirs, has prevailed over all others, and
they are considered in Europe as having given their testimony
against the English in this war.
Italy, a country which declines every day from its ancient
prosperity, offers few objects to our speculations. The privi
leges of the port of Leghorn, nevertheless, may render it useful
to our ships when our independence shall be acknowledged by
Great Britain, if, as we once flattered ourselves, the Court of
Vienna might receive an American minister. We were equally
in error respecting the Court of the Grand Duchy of Tuscany,
where an Austrian prince reigns, who receives all his directions
from Vienna, in such a manner that he will probably never
receive any person in a public character, until the chief of his
house has set him the example. The King of the Two Sicilies
is in the same dependence on the Court of Madrid, and we may
depend upon it, he will conform himself to all it shall suggest to
him. This prince has already ordered the ports of his domi
nions to be open to American vessels, public and private, and
has ordered his ambassador at Paris to apply to your commis
sioners for a description of the American flag, that our vessels
might be known, and receive no molestation upon their appear
ance in his harbors.
The Court of Rome, attached to ancient customs, would be
one of the last to acknowledge our independence, if we were to
solicit for it. But congress will probably never send a minister
VOL. VTT. 10
110 OFFICIAL.
to his Holiness, who can do them no service, upon condition of
receiving a Catholic legate or nuncio in return ; or, in other
words, an ecclesiastical tyrant, which, it is to be hoped, the
United States will be too wise ever to admit into their territo
ries.
The States of the King of Sardinia are poor, and their com
merce is very small. The little port of Villa Franca will proba
bly see few American vessels, nor will there be any close rela
tions, either commercial or political, between this prince and us.
The Republic of Genoa is scarcely known at this day in
Europe but by those powers who borrow money. It is possible
that some small sums might be obtained there, if congress
would fall upon means of insuring a punctual payment of inte
rest in Europe.
Venice, heretofore so powerful, is reduced to a very inconside
rable commerce, and is in an entire state of decay.
Switzerland is another lender of money, but neither her posi
tion nor her commerce can occasion any near relation with us.
Whether there is any thing in these remarks worth the trou
ble of reading, I shall submit to the wisdom of congress, and
subscribe myself, with the highest consideration,
Your most obedient and humble servant,
JOHN ADAMS.
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Braintree, 10 September, 1779.
SIR, — Looking over the printed journals of the 15th of last
April, I find in the report of the committee appointed to take
into consideration the foreign affairs of the United States, and
also the conduct of the late and present commissioners of these
States, the two following articles.
1. " That it appears to them, that Dr. Franklin is Plenipoten
tiary for these States at the Court of France ; Dr. Arthur Lee,
Commissioner for the Court of Spain ; Mr. William Lee, Com
missioner for the Courts of Vienna and Berlin ; Mr. Ralph
Izard, Commissioner for the Court of Tuscany ; that Mr. John
Adams was appointed one of the Commissioners at the Court
of France in the place of Mr. Deane, who had been appointed a
Joint Commissioner with Dr. Franklin and Dr. Arthur Lee, but
OFFICIAL. Hi
that the said commission of Mr. Adams is superseded by the
plenipotentiary commission to Dr. Franklin.
3. " That in the course of their examination and inquiry,
they find many complaints against the said commissioners, and
the political and commercial agency of Mr. Deane, which com
plaints, with the evidence in support thereof, are herewith deli
vered, and to which the committee beg leave to refer."
The word " said " in the second article refers to the commis
sioners mentioned in the first, and, as my name is among them,
I learn from hence that there were some complaints against me,
and that the evidence in support of them was delivered to con
gress by the committee.
I therefore pray that I may be favored with copies of those
complaints and evidences, and the names of my accusers, and the
witnesses against me, that I may take such measures as may be
in my power to justify myself to congress.1
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
TO THE TREASURY BOARD.
Braintree, 19 September, 1779.
GENTLEMEN, — By the last post, I had the honor of a letter
from your secretary, inclosing, by your order, a copy of the reso
lutions of congress of the 6th of August, relative to the allow
ance to the late commissioners and their accounts, together with
the resolution of your honorable board of the 26th of August,
requesting me to inclose my accounts and vouchers to the board
of treasury, that they may take order thereon.
I have the honor to transmit, by my worthy friend, Mr. Lowell,
my accounts ; in the first place, the account of moneys drawn
1 This letter, growing out of the complaints made by Mr. Izard, already
alluded to in a former note, was submitted to congress by the president. But
that body, when called upon by Mr. Gerry, refused to take any action upon it,
on the ground that Mr. Adams had already, by a formal vote, been excepted
from the general'censure passed upon the commissioners in Europe, and that
their subsequent appointment of him to a new trust had entirely rejected the
particular charge.
See in the Journals of Congress, 20 April, 1779, the yeas and nays upon each
separate name of the commissioners, and, in the general correspondence in this
work, the confidential letters of Elbridge Gerry and James Lovell, under dates
27 and 29 September, 1779, further elucidating these movements.
112 OFFICIAL.
for by Dr. Franklin and me jointly, and the expenditure of
them. These moneys, from the time of my arrival at Passy, the
9th of April, 1778, to the end of August following, were received
by Dr. Franklin, and the account kept by him of the expend
iture. The account marked A is a copy of the account he gave
me ; but he never showed me any of the vouchers, and I never
compared them, so that Mr. Franklin, I suppose, holds himself
accountable for them.
From the 1st of October until the new commission arrived,
the account was kept by me. At the end of each month I car
ried my account and vouchers to Dr. Franklin. We looked
them over together, and signed the account, except the last,
when Dr. Franklin being so ill of the gout, and I being engaged
in settling my affairs in order to come away, it was omitted. I
transmit the vouchers for all the time that the account was kept
by me ; but I have one request to make with respect to these,
but more especially with respect to my private vouchers, which
is, that when the honorable board have made the use of them
they intend, they would deliver them to Mr. Gerry to be returned
to me, being necessary for the security of my reputation, as well
as against new demands of payment. The account thus kept
by me, and signed monthly by my colleague and myself, is
marked B. The large articles of family expenses and postage
of letters are here inserted only in the large. Dr. Franklin has
the original books of account of all these particulars, with other
receipts in them.
The account marked C is my private account of moneys
received by me singly, and includes what money I received of
the navy board at Boston before my departure ; what I received
of the continental agents at Bordeaux, Nantes, Lorient, &c. ;
what I received of Mr. Franklin out of the moneys drawn for
jointly, and what I received of Mr. Grand, the banker, either
with my own hand or by drafts upon him ; the amount of all
which, exclusive of a draft for Mr. Deane's furniture, is
livres.
The account marked D is a particular account of all rny
expenses, the amount of which is
This includes the expense of all my journeys from Bordeaux
to Paris, from Paris to Nantes, from Nantes to Brest, from
Brest back again to Nantes, the expenses of clothing for myself
OFFICIAL. 113
and servants, and, in general, all my particular expenses of
every kind. During the time that the joint account was kept
by Mr. Franklin, the honorable board will see that Mr. Franklin
paid all these articles out of the joint stock which I was paying
for out of my particular. The effect to the public is the same ;
but it was necessary to make the observation, in order to explain
the articles.
The honorable board will also see in this account of mine
several articles for books. I found myself in France ill-versed
in the language, the literature, the science, the laws, customs,
and manners of that country, and had the mortification to find
my colleagues very little better informed than myself, vain as
this may seem. I found also that Dr. Franklin, Mr. Deane,
and Mr. Lee had expended considerable sums for books, and
this appeared to me one of the most necessary and useful ways
in which money had ever been spent in that country. I there
fore did not hesitate to expend the sums mentioned in this
account in this way, in the purchase of such a collection of
books as were calculated to qualify me for conversation and for
business, especially the science of negotiation. Accordingly
the books are a collection of books concerning the French lan
guage, and criticism concerning French history, laws, customs,
and manners, but above all a large collection of books on the
public law of Europe, and the letters and memoirs of those
ambassadors and public ministers who had acquired the fairest
fame, and had done the greatest services to their countries in
this way.
The honorable board will judge whether this is a " reasonable
expense," and whether it ought or ought not to be deducted
from the allowance. I shall submit to their judgment with
entire satisfaction.
All the articles in both accounts which were for my son, will,
no doubt, be deducted from my allowance. Yet I ought to
observe that Mr. Izard and Mr. William Lee have supported
their families ; Dr. Franklin has two grandsons, and Mr. A Lee
a nephew ; Mr. Deane two brothers, and afterwards a son ; all
that I desire is, that I may be treated like the others.
I departed from my own house the 13th of February, 1778,
and happily arrived at it again the 2d of August, 1779. How
far the honorable board will judge the resolution of congress,
10*
114 OFFICIAL.
allowing three months after the recall, applicable to me, I do
not know ; indeed, whether I am recalled to this moment, I do
not know. All I desire is, a reasonable compensation for the
time I was actually in the service, and this was in fact from the
day that I received my commission, which was in December,
1777 ; for from that day I was obliged to avoid all engagements
in private business, and to devote myself to the preparation for
my voyage as much as at any time after.
I shall send, by this opportunity, all the vouchers I have ;
when I was making journeys from place to place it was impos
sible for me to take receipts of postilions, tavern-keepers, and
twenty other sorts of people for small sums ; but I presume no
man will say his expenses have been, or can be less than mine.
The United States have no house-rent, or hire of chariots or
horses, or horsemen, or servants, or furniture of houses to pay
for me. None of these things, except the servant who went with
me, were ever added to the public expenses on my account.
There are two or three small sums in the account, paid to Mr.
Austin for services while he acted as my secretary, perhaps six
weeks, which is all the expense the public bore for secretaries to
me. I do not mention this as a virtue or merit, for I am con
vinced it was an error ; and I would never advise any other
gentleman to follow my example in these particulars.
I was obliged to be at some expense for bedding on board the
Sensible in my passage home, as the board will see.
I submit the whole to the consideration of the board, only
requesting that I may be informed what articles are allowed in
the settlement of my account, under the head of reasonable
expenses, and what are not.1
I have the honor to be, with great respect to the honorable
board,
Their most obedient and most humble servant,
JOHN ADAMS.
1 This letter was referred by congress in the first place to the commissioners
of accounts, who made a report upon it on the 25th of October, 1779. This
report was again referred to a committee of their own body, consisting of Mr.
Forbes, Mr. Matthews, and Mr. Houston, who, on the 15th of April, 1780, made
the following report, which was accepted :
" That they do not find any vote or proceeding of congress, nor are they
informed of any general or received custom, on which the charge of moneys for
the education of the accomptant's son can be admitted ; and though the same is
inconsiderable, they are of opinion it ought to be rejected, that a precedent be
OFFICIAL.
THE CHEVALIER DE LA LUZERNE TO JOHN ADAMS.
A Philadelphie, le 29 Septembre, 1779.
MONSIEUR, — Je m'applaudis bien sincerement d'avoir prevu
que votre sejour en Amerique ne seroit pas de longue duree, et je
felicite vos compatriotes du choix qu'ils ont fait de vous, pour
aller negocier la paix qui doit assurer le repos des treize Etats.
Vous y porterez la moderation et Fequite qui m'ont paru faire le
fond de votre caractere, et vous etes sur d'avance de trouver en
France le ministere du roi dans les memes dispositions. Le
choix du congres est approuve par toutes les personnes bien
intentionnees en Amerique ; on y applaudira egalement en
Europe, et je vous reponds des suffrages et de la confiance de
toutes les personnes dont vous serez connu. Vous travaillerez,
monsieur, a donner la paix a votre pays, et mes soins auront
pour objet de resserrer les noeuds qui unissent votre nation et
la mienne. Nos travaux auront done quelque analogic, et je
vous prie d'etre bien persuade que je prendrai une part imme
diate a vos succes.
La fregate la " Sensible " est toujours dans le port de Boston ;
il dependra de vous, monsieur, de vous concerter avec M. de Cha-
vagnes en cas que vous vous determiniez a partir avec lui. Je
suis persuade d'avance que le ministre de la marine trouvera qu'on
ne pouvoit faire un meilleur usage de ce vaisseau qu'en 1'em-
ployant a vous ramener en Europe,
J'ai 1'honneur d'etre, avec le plus inviolable attachement,
monsieur, votre tres humble et tres obeissant serviteur,
LE CHEVALIER DE LA LUZERNE.
THE CHEVALIER DE LA LUZERNE TO CAPTAIN CHAVAGNES.
La mission, monsieur, dont le congres vient de charger Mon
sieur Jean Adams, est d'une telle importance que Monsieur
not established ; that they are of opinion that the charge for books ought to be
admitted, on the ground of a practice which has obtained in different nations,
respecting their public ministers, and which is mentioned by Mr. Adams in the
explanations attending his vouchers ; that they find the several charges in the
said accounts conformable to the strictest principles of economy ; and that, as far
as Mr. Adams has been intrusted with public money, the same has been care
fully and frugally expended. Secret Journals of Congress, vol. ii. p. 312.
116 OFFICIAL.
Gerard et moi avons pense qu'il falloit prendre les mesures les
plus promptes, et les plus sures, pour assurer son passage. Nous
avons en consequence propose au congres, de se servir de votre
fregate pour le transport de ce ministre, et notre proposition a
ete accepte. Cependant le congres y a mis luimeme la condi
tion que M. Adams feroit les dispositions convenables pour son
depart dans une intervalle de temps raisonnable, et qu'il ne seroit
pas de nature a retenir votre fregate trop long temps, je vous
reitere done, monsieur, la priere que je vous ai deja faite, de vous
concerter avec monsieur Adams touchant les mesures qu'il jugera
apropos de prendre pour son depart. J'espere que, eu egard a
la nature de la circonstance, le ministre approuvera entierement
le delai que vous serez dans le cas de mettre a votre depart, et
je suis Men persuade, d'un autre cote, que M. Jean Adams met-
tra toute la celerite possible dans les preparatifs de son depart.
LE CHEVALIER DE LA LUZERNE.
Je pense entierement, monsieur, comme M. le Chevalier de la
Luzerne, et je joins mes instances aux siennes.
GERARD.
M. DE MARBOIS TO JOHN ADAMS.
A Philadelphie, le 29 Septembre, 1779.
MONSIEUR, — Je n'ai que le terns de vous marquer combien
j'ai pris de part au choix que vos compatriotes viennent de faire
de vous, pour aller negocier la paix en Europe. J'ai ete reelle-
ment touche de 1'unanimite et de 1'empressement avec lequel
tous les esprits se sont reunis dans 1'opinion qu'ils ont con^ue
de vous, et dans la persuasion qu'un ministre sans prejuges et
sans autre passion que celle du bonheur de son pays et de la
conservation de 1' alliance, etoit 1'homme le plus propre a conduire
1'important ouvrage de la paix.
Je desire beaucoup, monsieur, que vous reconduisiez en Eu
rope M. votre fils, malgre 1'eloignement qu'il a pour la navi
gation. II apprendra de vous les moyens d'etre un jour utile a
son pays, et vos preceptes et vos sentimens lui apprendront a
cherir ma nation, qui sent de jour en jour davantage combien
OFFICIAL. 117
son union avec vous est naturelle et reciproquement avanta-
geuse.
Je suis, avec respect, monsieur, votre ties humble et tres obeis-
sant serviteur,
DE MARBOIS.
TO M. DE SARTINE.
Braintree, 6 October, 1779.
gIR) — The " Sensible " intending to sail in a few days, it is
my duty to embrace the opportunity of acknowledging my obli
gations to his Majesty and to your Excellency for the favor of
a passage in this frigate, which was rendered the more honor
able and agreeable to me by the company of his Excellency, the
Chevalier de la Luzerne, and M. Marbois, two characters that I
have every reason to believe will be peculiarly useful and accept
able in this country.
Your Excellency will permit me also to express my obliga
tions to Captain Chavagnes and the other officers of the frigate,
for their civilities, as these gentlemen, upon all occasions, disco
vered a particular attention and solicitude to render all the cir
cumstances of the voyage as agreeable as possible to me and
the other passengers, as well as to protect the merchant vessels
under their convoy.
I hope and believe they have neither seen nor heard any thing
here among the people of this country, but what has a tendency
to give them a favorable opinion of their allies.
I have the honor to be, with the highest consideration,
Your Excellency's most obedient and humble servant,
JOHN ADAMS.
TO M. DE LA LUZERNE.
Braintree, 17 October, 1779.
SIR, — I have the honor of your letter from Philadelphia of
the 29th of September, and return you my sincere thanks for
your kind congratulations on the honor which has been done
me in my election to an important negotiation in Europe.
The sentiments your Excellency is pleased to express of my
118 OFFICIAL.
character and of the good opinion of my own countrymen in
general, are exceedingly flattering to me.
There is no character in which I could act with so much
pleasure as in that of a peacemaker. But alas ! . sir, when I
reflect upon the importance, the delicacy, intricacy, and danger
of the service, I feel a great deal of diffidence in myself. Yet,
when I consider the remarkable unanimity with which I was
chosen, after congress had been so long distressed with the
appearance of their foreign affairs, and so divided in sentiment
about most other characters, I am penetrated with a sense of
the honor done to me, more than I can express.
Your Excellency may be assured that, wherever I go, I shall
cany with me the highest opinion of the wisdom, the equity,
and policy of the present minister from France, and the fullest
persuasion that his negotiations will be reciprocally advanta
geous to the allies, and incessantly tending to strengthen the
ties of interest and good- will that at present unite them.
Your Excellency will be pleased to accept of my thanks for
the favor of a passage in the frigate, the Sensible. I have not
yet received from congress any despatches. As soon as they
arrive, I shall immediately wait on Captain Chavagnes, and the
frigate shall not be unnecessarily detained on my account. I
will either embark immediately, or inform the captain that I
cannot have the pleasure to go with him.
I must also request of your Excellency to present my respect
ful compliments and thanks to M. Gerard for so obligingly join
ing his instances with yours to the captain of the frigate for my
passage in her.
I have the honor to be, with the sincerest attachment, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
TO M. DE MARBOIS.
Braintree, 17 October, 1779.
MY DEAR SIR, — I had the honor of your favor of the 29th of
September by express, and I thank you for your kind compliments
and congratulations on my election to the momentous office of
peacemaker. I am really, sir, much affected with the unanimity
with which the congress has conferred this honor upon me. I can
not be sufficiently sensible of the favorable opinion you express
OFFICIAL. 119
of me. But I feel myself agitated with too many very strong
passions, relative to myself and my family, besides those which
regard the prosperity of my country and the conservation of the
alliance, to subscribe entirely to that opinion.
My little son, sir, is very sensible of the honor you have done
him in mentioning his name upon this occasion, but I believe it
will be my duty to leave him at home, that his education may be
where his life is to be spent. He has already learned to esteem
and respect the French nation, and that sentiment will, I hope,
never leave him.
In whatever country I may be, I shall never forget the agree
able hours I have passed with M. de Marbois, nor cease to hope
for his honor and prosperity.
I hope you have found every thing as agreeable at Philadel
phia as you could expect, and that all circumstances will become
from day to day more and more so. I am very ambitious of
carrying with me to Europe any despatches which his Excel
lency, the Chevalier, may think proper to intrust to my care,
especially letters to his friends, among whom I have particularly
in my eye M. Malesherbes. I request also the same favor from
you, sir, and have the honor to be,
With an affectionate respect, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS TO JOHN ADAMS.
Philadelphia, 20 October, 1779.
SIRj — I have the honor to transmit you herewith inclosed
two commissions, wherein you are authorized and appointed
minister plenipotentiary from these United States, to negotiate
treaties of peace and commerce with Great Britain, accompa
nied with instructions in each case for your government in the
execution of those several commissions.
For your further information and benefit are inclosed copies
of the instructions to the Hon. Benjamin Franklin and John
Jay, Esquire, our Ministers Plenipotentiary at the Courts of Ver
sailles and Madrid.
Also two acts of congress of the 4-th and 15th instants, ascer-
taining your salary, and making provision for your subsistence
on your arrival in France.
120 OFFICIAL.
The nature and importance of the trust committed to your
charge, will, I persuade myself, engage your immediate atfention,
and induce you to undertake the service and embark for France
without loss of time.
Wishing you a prosperous voyage, and success in your
embassy, I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the highest
esteem and regard,
Your humble servant,
SAMUEL HUNTING TON, President.
P. S. The Hon. Francis Dana, Esquire, is appointed your
Secretary.
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Braintree, 4 November, 1779.
SIR, — I had yesterday the honor of receiving your letter of
the 20th of October, inclosed with two commissions, appointing
me minister plenipotentiary from the United States to negotiate
peace and commerce with Great Britain, together with instruc
tions for my government in the execution of these commissions,
copies of instructions to the ministers plenipotentiary at Ver
sailles and Madrid, and two acts of congress of the 4th and 15th
of October.
Peace is an object of such vast importance, the interests to be
adjusted in the negotiations to obtain it are so complicated and
so delicate, and the difficulty of giving even general satisfaction
is so great, that I feel myself more distressed at the prospect of
executing the trust, than at the thought of leaving my country,
and again encountering the dangers of the seas and of enemies.
Yet, when I reflect on the general voice in my favor, and the
high honor that is done me by this appointment, I feel the
warmest sentiments of gratitude to congress, and shall make no
hesitation to accept it, and devote myself without reserve or loss
of time to the discharge of it. My success, however, may
depend, in a very great degree, on the intelligence and advices
that I may receive from time to time from congress, and on
the punctuality with which several articles in my instructions
may be kept secret. It shall be my most earnest endeavor to
transmit to congress the most constant and exact information
OFFICIAL. 121
in my power, of whatever may occur, and to conceal those
instructions which depend in any measure on my judgment.
And I hope I need not suggest to congress the necessity of
communicating to me as early as possible their commands from
time to time, and of keeping all the discretionary articles an
impenetrable secret ; a suggestion, however, that the constitution
of that sovereignty which I have the honor to represent might
excuse.
As the frigate has been some time waiting, I shall embark in
eight or ten days at furthest. Your Excellency will please to
present my most dutiful respects to congress, and accept my
thanks for the polite and obliging manner in which you have
communicated their commands.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Paris, 15 February, 1780.
SIR, — I have the honor to inform congress, that on the 9th
of this month, and not before, I had the good fortune to arrive
in this city from Ferrol (where I arrived on the 8th of Decem
ber) with Mr. Dana, Mr. Thaxter, and the rest of the company
in tolerable health, after a journey of near five hundred leagues,
in the dead of winter, through bad roads and worse accommo
dations of every kind. We lost no time, more than was indis
pensable to restore our health, which was several times much
affected and in great danger ; yet we were more than twice
as long in making the journey by land as we had been in cross
ing the Atlantic Ocean.
The next morning after our arrival in Paris, Mr. Dana and
myself went out to Passy, and spent the day with his Excel
lency, Dr. Franklin, who did us the honor the next day to
accompany us to Versailles, where we had the honor to wait
on their Excellencies, the Count de Vergennes, M. de Sartine.
and the Count Maurepas, with each of whom we had the honor
of a short conference upon the state of public affairs. It is suffi
cient for me at present to say, in general, that I never heard the
French ministry so frank, so explicit, so decided, as each of
these was in the course of this conversation, in his declarations
VOL. VII. 11
122 OFFICIAL.
to pursue the war with vigor, and to afford effectual aid to the
United States. I learned with great satisfaction that they are
sending, under convoy, clothing and arms for fifteen thousand
men to America ; that seventeen ships of the line were already
gone to the West Indies under M. de Guichen, and that five or
six more at least are to follow, in addition to ten or twelve they
have already there.
I asked permission of the Count de Vergennes to write to
him on the subject of my mission, which he cheerfully and
politely agreed to. I have accordingly written to his Excel
lency, and shall forward copies of my letter arid of his answer
as soon as it may be safe to do it.
The English are to borrow twelve millions this year, and it
is said the loan is filled up. They have thrown a sop to Ire
land, but have not appeased her rage. They give out exactly
such threats as they did last year, and every other year, of ter
rible preparations. But congress knows perfectly well how
these menaces have been accomplished. They will not be more
fully executed the next year than the last, and if France and
Spain should throw more of their force, especially by sea, into
America the next year, America will have no essential injury to
fear.
I have learned, since my arrival at Paris, with the highest
pleasure, the arrival of M. Gerard, Mr. Jay, and Mr. Carmi-
chael at Cadiz, for whose safety we had been under great
apprehensions. I have now very sanguine hopes that a solid
treaty will soon be concluded with Spain ; hopes which every
thing I saw and heard in that country seemed to favor.
The Alliance frigate, now under the command of Captain
Jones, with Captain Cunningham on board, is arrived at
Corunna, where she is to be careened, after which she is to
return to Lorient, and from thence to go to America, as I am
informed by Dr. Franklin.
Mr. Arthur Lee and Mr. Izard are still in Paris, under many
difficulties in procuring a passage home. Mr. "William Lee is
at Brussels. Mr. Izard has been to Holland to obtain a passage
from thence, but unfortunately missed his opportunity, and
returned disappointed.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
OFFICIAL. 123
TO THE MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE.
Paris, 18 February, 1780.
MY DEAR GENERAL, — You know extremely well the skill of >
our enemies in forging false news, and their artifice in circulat
ing it, not only through the various parts of Europe, but in the
United States of America, to keep up the spirits of their friends
and depress those of their adversaries. It is their annual cus
tom in the winter to send abroad large cargoes of these lies, and
they meet with a success in making them believed, that is really
astonishing.
Since my arrival here, I find they have been this winter at
their old game again, and have circulated reports here, in Hol
land, and other parts of Europe, that they have made new
contracts with other petty princes in Germany, by which, toge- •
ther with those made before, they will be able to draw seven
thousand fresh troops from that country to serve in America ;
that, by appeasing the troubles in Ireland, they shall be able to ^
avail themselves even of the military associations in that king
dom, by depending upon them for the defence of the country,
and to draw near ten thousand men from thence for the service
in America ; that they have concluded a treaty with the Court
of Petersburg, by which Russia is to furnish them with twelve
ships of the line and twenty thousand men, which they say is ^
of the more importance, on account of the intimate connection
between Russia and Denmark, as the latter will be likely by
this means to be drawn into the war with their numerous fleet
of forty-five ships of the line. The greatest part of these tales
are false, I know very well ; and what is said of Russia is so
contrary to all that I have heard of the good understanding
between Versailles and Russia, that I have no doubt of its false
hood. But as I am very lately arrived, and consequently have
not had opportunity to examine these reports to the bottom, I
beg the favor of you to inform me with all the exactness possi
ble, how much truth there is in them, if any at all.
You are very sensible that it is of the utmost importance
that congress should have the earliest information of these
things, and that you and I cannot render a more useful service
to our country at present than by collecting such intelligence
124 OFFICIAL.
with precision, and transmitting it without delay. Knowing
the pleasure you take in serving the United States in every way
in your power, I thought I could beg this favor of you with pro
priety, and that you would believe me always
Your assured friend and servant,
JOHN ADAMS.
TO M. GENET.
Paris, 18 February, 1780.
DEAR SIR, — Whether it is that the art of political lying is
better understood in England than in any other country, or
whether it is more practised there than elsewhere, or whether it-
is accidental that they have more success in making their fic
tions gain credit in the world, I know not. But it is certain
that every winter since the commencement of the present war
with America, and indeed for some years before, they sent out
large quantities of this manufacture over all Europe and through
out all America ; and what is astonishing is, that they should
still find numbers in every country ready to take them off their
hands.
Since my arrival in this city, I find they have been this win
ter at their old trade, and have spread reports here and in Hol
land and in various other parts of Europe, and, no doubt, they
have found means to propagate them in America, too, tending
to keep up the spirits of their well-wishers and to sink those of
their opponents. Such as, that they have made new contracts
with several German princes, by which they are to obtain seven
thousand men to serve in America ; that they have so skilfully
appeased the troubles in Ireland, that they shall even be able to
take advantage of the military associations there, by depending
upon them for the defence of the kingdom, while they draw
from thence ten thousand regular troops for the service in Ame
rica ; that they have even concluded a treaty with Russia, by
which the Empress is to furnish them with twelve ships of
the line and twenty thousand men, as some say, and twenty
ships of the line and twelve thousand men, as others relate.
This, they say, is of the greater moment, because of an intimate
connection (I know not of what nature it is) between Russia
and Denmark, by which the latter will be likely to be drawn into
OFFICIAL. 125
the war against the House of Bourbon and America ; and Den
mark, they say, has forty-five ships of the line.
I know very well that the greatest part of these reports is
false ; and particularly what is said of Russia is so contrary to
all that I have heard for these twelve months past of the har
mony between Versailles and Petersburg, that I give no credit
to it at all ; but I find that all these reports make impressions
on some minds, and among the rest, on some Americans.
I therefore beg the favor of you to inform me of the exact
truth in all these matters, that I may take the earliest opportu
nity of transmitting the intelligence to congress, where it is of
importance that it should be known.
I was much mortified, when I was at Versailles the other day,
that I could not have the honor of paying my respects to you ;
but I was so connected with other gentlemen, who were obliged
to return to dinner, that I could not ; but I shall take the first
opportunity I can get to wait on you, and assure you that I am,
With great respect, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
M. DE LAFAYETTE TO JOHN ADAMS.
Paris, 19 February, 1780.
DEAR SIR, — As I came but this morning from Versailles, it
was not in my power sooner to answer the letter you have
honored me with, and this duty I now perform with the more
pleasure, as it is of some importance to the interests of America.
Since the first day, when I had the happiness of making myself
and of being considered in the world as an American, I have
always observed that among so many ways of attacking our
liberties, and among the most ungenerous ones, treachery and
falsehood have ever been the first weapons on which the British
nation has the most depended.
I am glad it is in my power generally to assure you that the
many reports propagated by them and alluded to in your letter
are not founded upon truth. New contracts with petty Ger-
man princes have not, I believe, taken place ; and if any such
merchandise were sent to America, it would at most consist of
a few recruits. The troubles in Ireland, if there is the least
common sense among the first patriots of that country, are not,
11*
126 OFFICIAL.
I hope, at an end, and it seems they now begin to raise new
expectations. The Russian troops, so much talked of in their
gazettes, I take to be mere recruits for those thirty thousand
Russians that Mr. Rivington had three years ago ordered to
embark for America.
Those intelligences, my dear sir, must be counteracted by
letters to our friends in America. But as the respect we owe to
the free citizens of the United States makes it a point of duty
for us never to deceive them, and as the most candid frank
ness must ever distinguish our side of the question from the
cause of tyranny and falsehood, I intend paying to-morrow
morning a visit to the minister of foreign affairs, and from him
get such minute intelligence as shall answer your purpose.
With the most sincere regard, I have the honor to be, &c.
LAFAYETTE, M. G.
P. S. On my return from Versailles, my dear sir, where I
will settle the affairs of arms that I have undertaken, I will
impart to you a project privately relating to me, that is not
inconsistent with my sentiments for our country, America.
M. GENET TO JOHN ADAMS.
(Translation.*)
Versailles, 20 February, 1780.
SIR, — You h we feared to be troublesome to the Count de
Vergennes, and you have done me the honor of addressing your
self to me, in order to know what you are to think of several
rumors which the English have endeavored to spread. I am
infinitely flattered by the mark of confidence which you have
been pleased to give me, but I have felt it my duty to lay your
letter before the minister. He has directed me to assure you,
that on every occasion he will be very happy to have you
address yourself directly to him, and that you will always find
him eager to satisfy your inquiries.
He has remarked, as well as yourself, the address which our
enemies use to circulate false reports, and especially to make
Europe believe that the Americans are making advances to
them, in order to treat of an arrangement with them. The
OFFICIAL. 127
Count de Vergennes is as well persuaded of the contrary as he
is confident that no new treaty has been negotiated with the
princes of Germany, and that no levies are making there but for
the sake of filling up the old ones. He does not think that the
news of the treaty with Russia, nor that which relates to the
Court of Denmark, are better founded. He has told me that I
might do myself the honor to write you that all those rumors
are false, and that you run no risk in presenting them as such
to the persons on whom you think they may have made some
impression, whether in Europe or in America.
I am extremely anxious to have the honor to see you, and
congratulate you on your happy return. As I can but seldom
go to Paris, I hope your business will permit you to do me the
honor to call at my house and accept of a family dinner.
I have the honor to be, &c.
GENET.
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Paris, 20 February, 1780.
SIR, — Since my arrival in Europe, I have had the mortifica
tion to see in the public papers a series of little successes which
our enemies have had in the prosecution of the war. The first
was a very exaggerated account in the English Court Gazette
of their successes against the Spaniards in South America.
The next was the history of the repulse of General Lincoln and
the Count d'Estaing at Savannah, and the raising the siege
of that post, These were soon followed by the capture of the
Spanish fleet of transport ships by Rodney's squadron, and the
advantage gained by that admiral over the Spanish ships of war,
after a most gallant resistance, however, off Gibraltar.
These small triumphs, although chiefly of the defensive and
negative kind, and a poor compensation for the blood and the
millions they are annually wasting, are, however, sufficient to
cheer the spirits of the British populace, and to banish from the
minds of the ministry all thoughts of peace upon reasonable
terms ; for the English in the present war act upon a maxim
diametrically opposite to that of the Romans, and never think
128 OFFICIAL.
of peace upon any event fortunate to them, but are anxious for
it under every great adversity.
A report of my appointment having also been carried to
England by the cartels from Boston, and being spread in Eu
rope by various other ways, by passengers in the Committee,1
by French passengers in the Sensible, of whom there were a
great number who had heard of it in all companies in America,
and by many private letters, and the English ministerial writers
having made use of this as evidence of a drooping spirit in
America, in order to favor their loan of money, I thought it my
best policy to communicate my appointment and powers to the
French Court, and ask their advice, as our good allies, how to
proceed in the present emergency. I accordingly wrote to his
Excellency, the Count de Vergennes, the letter of the 12th of
February, a copy of which is inclosed, and received his answer
of the 15th, a copy of which is inclosed, to which I replied in a
letter of the 19th, a copy of which is also inclosed.2 When I
shall receive his Excellency's answer, I shall do myself the
honor to inclose that.
If there is any thing in these letters of mine which is not con •
formable to the views and sentiments of congress, I wish to be
instructed in it, or if congress should not concur in sentiment with
his Excellency, the Count, I shall obey their orders with the
utmost punctuality and alacrity. I have ever understood that
congress were first advised to the measure of appointing a minis
ter to negotiate peace by the French Minister, then at Philadel
phia, in the name of the Count de Vergennes. However this
may have been, it cannot be improper to have some one in
Europe empowered to think and treat of peace, which some
time or other must come.
Since my last, which was of yesterday's date, I have had
opportunity to make more particular inquiries concerning the
pretended treaty with Russia, and am informed that the English
ministry did, not long since, make a formal application by their
ambassador to the Empress of Russia for a body of troops and
a number of ships ; but that the application was opposed with
great spirit and ability in the Russian Council, particularly by
the minister for foreign affairs, and rejected in council with great
1 So in the manuscript. Probably the Confederacy was intended.
2 These three letters will be found inserted in the Diary, vol. iii. pp. 259 - 264.
OFFICIAL. 129
unanimity : and that the harmony between Versailles and Peters
burg remains as perfect as when I left France.
I have the honor to be, with very great respect, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
TO M. GENET.
Paris, 24 February, 1780.
DEAR SIR, — I have received the letter which you did me the
honor to write me the 20th of this month.
I was cautious of troubling the minister with an application
directly to him upon a subject like that of my letter to you ;
but I thank you for the trouble you have taken in laying it
before him. The kind expressions of his Excellency's confi
dence, and his readiness to receive any application directly
from me, do me great honor ; and I shall not fail of paying
my respects to him upon proper occasions.
I am happy to have his Excellency's authority to counteract
the delusive artifices of our enemies ; and he may be equally
assured that the reports of advances made by the Americans
towards an arrangement with the English are equally ground
less.
I hope to have soon the honor of paying my respects to you
at Versailles.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
TO GENERAL KNOX.
Paris, 28 February, 1780.
DEAR SIR, — Your friend, the Marquis, with whom I have
sometimes had the honor to drink your health after that of
General Washington, will deliver you this. His love of glory
is not diminished, nor his affection for America, as you see by
his return. He has been indefatigable in endeavors to promote
the welfare and comfort of our army, as well as to support their
honor and character, and has had success in both.
He has had a share in convincing this Court of the policy
and necessity of transferring their exertions into the American
seas, and, I hope, he will in time assist in bringing Spain into
130 OFFICIAL.
the same system. But time is necessary to bring nations to
comprehend new systems of policy, and everybody has, some
time or other, an opportunity of throwing in light. France and
Spain are not yet habituated to reasoning upon the new con
nection, nor are they yet sensible of all the advantages they
might derive from it, in the prosecution of the war. France is,
however, more convinced of it this year than last. But I have
not time to say more, except that I am, as usual,
Your friend,
JOHN ADAMS.
TO CAPTAIN LANDAIS.
8 March, 1 780.
THESE may certify that on the 8th day of March, 1779, I set
off from Passy to Nantes, expecting to meet the Alliance frigate
and go in her to America. When I arrived at Nantes, I learned
from the American agent that the Alliance was still at Brest ;
and, by Captain Landais's letters, it was uncertain how long
she would remain there, upon which I determined to take a
journey to Brest, to assist if I could in expediting her. Upon
my arrival, there were thirty-eight prisoners on board, charged
with having been concerned in a mutiny or conspiracy in the
passage from Boston, whom Captain Landais had not been
able to obtain permission to put on shore, which he thought
necessary to be done before he could go to sea with safety.
The frigate wanted stores and repairs, which he could not
obtain until some one would become responsible for the pay for
them, which Mr. Costentin declined doing until he had orders
either from the American minister at court, or the American
agent at Nantes ; that Mr. Costentin, on my arrival, told me he
had just received orders from Mr. Schweighauser to take my
advice, which he took accordingly, and engaged to pay for what
was wanted: and after an application from me and Captain
Landais to the Intendant, and afterwards from me in writing,
the prisoners were permitted to be sent on shore, and fhe stores
and repairs were provided.
Certified at the request of Captain Landais, at Paris, the 8th
day of March, 1780.
JOHN ADAMS.
OFFICIAL. 131
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Paris, 12 March, 1780.
SIR, — It is an observation made some years ago by a great
writer of this nation, De Mably, that " the project of being sole
master of the sea, and of commanding all the commerce, is not
less chimerical nor less ruinous than that of universal monarchy
on land ; and it is to be wished, for the happiness of Europe,
that the English may be convinced of this truth before they
shall learn it by their own experience. France has already
repeated several times that it was necessary to establish an
equilibrium, a balance of power at sea, and she has not yet con
vinced anybody, because she is the dominant power, and
because they suspect her to desire the abasement of the Eng
lish, only that she may domineer the more surely on the con
tinent. But if England abuses her power, and would exercise
a kind of tyranny over commerce, presently all the States that
have vessels and sailors, astonished that they had not before
believed France, will join themselves to assist her in avenging
her injuries." l
The present conjuncture of affairs resembles so exactly the
case here put, that it seems to be a literal fulfilment of a pro
phecy.
A domination upon the sea is so much the more dangerous
to other maritime powers and commercial nations, as it is more
difficult to form alliances and combine forces at sea than at
land. For which reason it is essential that the sovereign of
every commercial State should make his nation's flag respected
in all the seas and by all the nations of the world. The Eng
lish have ever acted upon this principle, in supporting the honor
of their own flag, but of late years have grown less and less
attentive to it, as it respects the honor of other flags. Not con
tent with making their flag respectable, they have grown more
and more ambitious of making it terrible. Unwilling to do as
they would be done by, and to treat other commercial nations
as they have insisted upon being treated by them, they have
grown continually more and more haughty, turbulent, and inso-
1 Principes des Negotiations, chap. vi.
132 OFFICIAL.
lent upon the seas, and are now never satisfied until they have
made all other nations see that they despise them upon that
element. It is said by the Baron de Bielfield, that piracies
and robberies at sea are so odious, so atrocious, and so destruct
ive to the interest of all the European nations, that every thing
is permitted to repress them. Providence has not granted to
any people an exclusive empire upon the seas. To aim at set
ting up a master there, to prescribe laws to other free nations,
is an outrage to all Europe.
I have quoted these authorities, because they contain the true
principle upon which, as I have ever conceived, the English
began this war, and upon which they will assuredly continue it
as long as they can get men and money, which will be as long
as they have success. They contain also the true principles of
France, Spain, and Holland, and all the powers of Europe.
The outrages committed upon the Dutch commerce, and the
insults offered to their flag, ought to be, and are alarming to all
the maritime powers. The late successes of the English will
have no tendency to allay the fears of these powers ; on the
contrary, they will increase the alarm, by showing the preca
rious situation they will all be in if England should finally suc
ceed, which some of them may, perhaps, apprehend from the
late brilliant fortune of Admiral Rodney.
One cannot but be struck with the rapid series of fortunate
incidents for the English, which have been published here in
about the course of three months that I have been in Europe.
The little affair of Omoa began it ; the repulse of Savannah
succeeded, with all its consequences ; the Curragoa fleet was
next ; Langara's fleet soon followed ; Gibraltar was relieved ;
Don Gaston's squadron was dispersed by a storm ; and Admi
ral Rodney had opportunity to get safe out of Gibraltar. The
French East India fleet brings up the rear. There is hardly in
history such a series of events, that no human wisdom could
provide against or foresee. Yet, after all, the advantages gained
are by no means decisive, although, no doubt, it will raise the
ambition of the English, and, in some degree, damp the ardor
of their enemies.
It must not have this effect, however, upon America. Let
the maritime powers fare as they will, we must be free ; and I
trust in God we shall be so, whatever be their fate. The events
OFFICIAL. 133
of war are uncertain at sea, more than even by land ; but Ame
rica has resources for the final defence of her liberty, which Bri
tain will never be able to exhaust, though she should exhaust
France and Spain; and it may not impossibly be our hard fate,
but it will be our unfading glory, finally to turn the scale of the
war, to humble the pride which is so terrible to the commercial
nations of Europe, and to produce a balance of power on the
seas. To this end, Americans must be soldiers and seamen.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
ARTHUR LEE TO JOHN ADAMS.
Lorient, 15 March, 1780.
DEAR SIR, — By the bursting of the lock of one of my trunks
on the journey, I was so unfortunate as to lose the packet of
M. Gerard's letters, among which was that you copied, and of
which I must beg you to send me an authenticated copy.
Since my arrival here, I received a packet from congress,
which came by the Confederacy. In that is a copy of one of
the most false and wicked papers I have read upon the subject,
given in to congress by Mr. Carmichael. In that he says, —
" I have frequently declared that Mr. A. Lee had not the confi
dence of the Court of France. My reasons for this declaration
are, among others, the Chevalier Grand and his brother, Mr.
Grand, gentlemen who, at various times, acted as secret agents
between the commissioners and the Court of France, in whose
assertions I placed confidence, because I saw the Court intrusted
them with secrets of the highest importance, and because I
never found myself deceived by these gentlemen in any other
information I had the honor to receive from them while em
ployed by the commissioners abroad. I was informed, and
believe, that this want of confidence arose from information
given by M. Gamier, Charge des Affaires for the Court of Ver
sailles at London." 1
i Mr. Carmichael was a member of congress from Maryland in May, 1779,
and then gave in a statement in writing respecting the disputes of the first com
missioners, from which the passage here quoted appears to be taken. The fact
is undeniable that a marked difference was made by the French minister in the
confidence reposed in the respective commissioners,* and that Mr. Lee was some
times excluded from the knowledge of what was communicated to the others.
VOL. VTT. 12
134 OFFICIAL.
You will oblige me much, if you will show this extract to
Mr. Grand and M. Gamier, and write me what they say to it.
I always entertained, and do still entertain, too .high an opinion,
both of Mr. Grand's veracity and discretion, to believe he ever
told Mr. Carmichael what he here asserts. But I shall change
my opinion, if he refuses to contradict this assertion, since it
has been made with a manifest design of injuring me and
imposing upon congress. As Mr. Carmichael could not know
that these gentlemen were intrusted with secrets of the highest
importance by the Court, unless they communicated those secrets
to him, I do not see how any other conclusion can be drawn
from what Mr. Carmichael says of them, but that either they
were not so trusted, or that they betrayed their trust in such
communication to him. I cannot determine whether Mr. Deane
or Mr. Carmichael is the most contemptible liar. And I con
fess to you, sir, that it astonishes me that such contemptible
and manifestly malignant performances should have had the
smallest influence on any one man of common sense or com
mon honesty in or out of congress.
We have no news here, nor is it likely we shall sail this
month. I beg my compliments to Mr. Dana.
With the greatest esteem, I am, dear sir,
Your most obedient servant,
ARTHUR LEE.
WILLIAM LEE TO JOHN ADAMS.
Bruxelles, 17 March, 1780.
DEAR SIR, — I understand that our enemies have now in
contemplation the offering of some terms to America, which go
no farther than a truce ; probably somewhat similar to the pro
positions made last year by Spain to Great Britain.
Though I am not informed of the terms of peace with which
you are charged, nor whether your powers are discretionary, I
trust you will not think it an intrusion in me to offer my senti-
The reasons of this are given in a note to Mr. Sparks's edition of Franklin's
Works, vol. viii. p. 260. However strong they may be regarded in this instance,
the danger of suffering such an inlet to be opened in similar cases to the most
obvious abuses, can scarcely admit of a question.
OFFICIAL. 135
ments on such a proposition as a truce for America, supposing
it should be made.
A truce with America must, of course, accompany a peace in
Europe ; in that case, our enemies, after recovering from their
present exhausted state, having their hands clear of European
troubles, would have their whole strength to employ against
America ; for, I conceive, that with such a prospect before them,
there would not be the most distant probability of agreeing on
a peace before the expiration of the truce.
In America we must keep up a great military and naval
establishment to prevent our being taken by surprise, at nearly
as great an expense as we are now at in war, and besides risk
the dreadful misfortunes which have almost universally attended
standing armies and a heavy load of debt on the state. I cannot
suppose it possible that France and Spain would consent to a
truce with America while the war is to continue between Great
Britain and them ; but if they should, would it be wise in
America to accept of a truce on such terms, and to let our allies
run the hazard of being destroyed, that we may become an easy
prey afterwards?
These are some of the evident objections to a truce in any
shape, nor can I see any possible argument in its favor, though
I know there are some Americans, though well-intentioned, but
visionary geniuses, whose heads run much on the idea of a
truce ; but I hope nothing will be attended to, unless they are
fair, open, and honorable propositions for a substantial and
lasting peace, in which blessed work I most heartily wish you
speedy and full success.
The Dutch are in a very disturbed state ; as yet there does not
seem to be a probability of their taking a decided and open part
with us in the war. The influence and power of the Prince of
Orange are unfortunately too great to permit them to adopt those
measures which their honor and interest direct, and which, I
believe, a great majority of the people wish. The Prince is
retained against us by the flattering prospect of marrying his
daughter to the Prince of Wales ; but in Europe where every
thing is bought and sold, France and Spain may do great
things ; for the confidant and director of the Prince is as merce
nary a wretch as can be found in England or even in Scotland.
We shall probably see Mr. Laurens here in his way to Hoi-
136 OFFICIAL.
land ; but if he does not pass through this town, I shall be
much obliged to you for giving me any interesting public intel
ligence that he brings.
Be pleased to present my respects to Mr. Dana; and if I can
be of any service here in promoting the great work you have in
hand, or in rendering any services to our country, I shall be
always happy in receiving your commands, being with great
esteem, dear sir,
Your most obliged and obedient servant,
W. LEE.
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Paris, 24 March, 1780.
SIR, — Mr. Burke's bill not being as yet public, we are not
yet informed of the items of it. But as it already appears that
it strikes at the department of secretary of state for America
and at the board of trade, there seems to be little reason to
doubt that it goes further, and strikes at the American board of
commissioners, at all the American judges of admiralty, govern
ors of provinces, secretaries, and custom-house officers of all
denominations. At least, if this should not be found to be a
part of the bill, there are stronger reasons, if possible, for abo
lishing this whole system of iniquity, together with all the pen
sions granted to the refugees from America, than even for tak
ing away the board of trade. And from several late paragraphs
in the papers, and from Mr. Fox's severe observations in the
house of commons upon Governor Hutchinson, calling him in
substance the " firebrand that lighted up all the fire between the
two countries," it seems pretty clear that it is in contemplation
to take away all these salaries and pensions.
If such a measure should take place, exiled as these persons
are from the country which gave them birth, but which they
have most ungratefully endeavored to enslave, they will become
melancholy monuments of divine vengeance against such unna
tural and impious behavior. Nevertheless, as these persons are
numerous, and have some friends in England as well as in
America, where they had once much property, there is a proba
bility, I think, that whenever or wherever negotiations for peace
may be commenced, they and their estates, now almost univer-
OFFICIAL. 137
sally confiscated, will not be forgotten. But much pains and
art will be employed to stipulate for them, in the treaty, both a
restoration of their property and a right to return as citizens of
the States to which they formerly belonged. It is very possible,
however, that before a treaty shall be made, or even negotia
tions commenced, these gentlemen will become so unpopular
and odious that the people of England would be pleased with
their sufferings and punishment. But it is most probable that
the Court will not abandon them very easily.
I should, therefore, be very happy to have the explicit instruc
tions of congress upon this head, whether I am to agree, in any
case whatsoever, to an article which shall admit either of their
return or the restoration of their forfeited estates. There are
sentiments of humanity and forgiveness which plead on one
side ; there are reasons of state and political motives, among
which the danger of admitting such mischievous persons as
citizens is not the least considerable, which argue on the other.
I shall obey the instructions of congress with the utmost plea
sure, or if for any reasons they choose to leave it at discretion,
if I ever should have the opportunity, I shall determine it with
out listening to any passions of my own of compassion or resent
ment, according to my best judgment of the public good.
There is another point of very great importance, which I am
persuaded will be aimed at by the English ministers ; I am
sure it will by the people of England, whenever terms of peace
shall be talked of. For facilitating the return of commerce,
they will wish to have it stipulated by the treaty, that the sub
jects of Great Britain shall have the rights of citizens in Ame
rica, and the citizens of the United States the rights of subjects
in the British dominions. Some of the consequences of such
an agreement to them and to us are obvious and very import
ant ; but they are so numerous, and it is so difficult to deter
mine whether the benefits or the inconveniences prevail, that I
should be sorry to have so great a question left to my determi
nation. If, however, contrary to my inclinations, it should fall
to my lot to decide it without instructions, it shall be decided
according to my conscience and the best lights I have.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
12*
138 OFFICIAL.
ARTHUR LEE TO JOHN ADAMS.
•
Lorient, 26 March, 1780.
DEAR SIR, — I have but one moment to thank you for your
favor, with one from London inclosed, which I received on my
return from Brest. We are likely to be detained here by the
prize money for the Serapis, &c. not being paid, without which
the crew of the Alliance threaten a mutiny.
If, as I apprehend it may, the application I requested you to
make to Mr. G., should at all interfere with your plan, which I
think very prudent, of keeping as free as possible from those
disputes, which indeed are a reproach to us, I beg you will think
no more of it. What has been Gerard's conduct since his
arrival, and what his reception ? He is a man to be observed
narrowly. I do not mean on my account, but on that of the
public, to which I think he will yet do much mischief if he is
listened to. Farewell.
TO THE PRESIDENT OP CONGRESS.
Paris, 30 March, 1780.
SIR, — I have the honor to inclose to congress copies of cer
tain letters which I have had the honor to write to the Count
de Vergennes, and of others which I have received from him.
It seems that the presentations of the American commission
ers and ministers plenipotentiary have not been inserted in the
Gazette, which occasioned some uneasiness in the minds of
some of our countrymen, as they thought it a neglect of us,
and a distinction between our sovereign and others. The
inclosed letters will explain this matter, and show that no dis
tinction has been made between the representatives of the Uni
ted States and those of other powers.
I ought to confess to congress that the delicacy of the Count
de Vergennes, about communicating my powers, is not per
fectly consonant to rny manner of thinking ; and if I had fol
lowed my own judgment I should have pursued a bolder plan,
by communicating immediately after my arrival, to Lord George
Germaine my full powers to treat both of peace and commerce ;
but I hope congress will approve of my communicating first to
OFFICIAL. 139
this Court my destination, and asking their advice, and then
pursuing it, because I think no doubt can be made that it is
my duty to conduct my negotiations at present in concert with
our ally, as I have hitherto done.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
COUNT DE VERGENNES TO JOHN ADAMS.
(Translation.')
Versailles, 30 March, 1780.
SIR, — I have received the letter1 which you did me the honor
to write on the 21st instant. I remember very well to have
said to you that your presentation should be inserted in the
Gazette of France ; but, from the information I have obtained,
I am convinced that the presentations, whether of ambassadors
or ministers plenipotentiary, have never been announced in our
Gazette, so that it would savor of affectation to insert yours.
As a substitute, I will have it mentioned, if you wish, in the
Mercure de France, and you can, without any hazard, take
measures to have the notice repeated in the foreign gazettes.
I have the honor to be, &c.
DE VERGENNES.
P. S. I inclose the draft of an article, which I propose to
have inserted in the Mercure. I shall not send it till you have
given me your opinion of it.
Le S. Adams que le congres des Etats Unis de 1'Amerique a designe pour
assister aux conferences pour la paix lorsqu'il y aura lieu, est arrive depuis
quelque temps ici et a eu 1'honneur d'etre presente au roi et a la famille royale.
1 This letter is to be found in the Diary. See vol. iii. p. 266. The corre
spondence is resumed here at the point at which Mr. Adams left it in his frag
ment.
140 OFFICIAL.
TO COUNT DE VERGENNES.
Paris, 30 March, 1780.
SIR, — I have the honor of your Excellency's letter of this
day, in answer to mine of the 21st of this month. Until the
receipt of it, I had taken it for granted that the presentation of
every ambassador was regularly inserted in the Gazette of
France ; and, until very lately, several days since the date of my
letter to your Excellency of the 21st of this month, I had sup
posed that the presentation of ministers plenipotentiary was
constantly inserted likewise.
The information your Excellency has given me, that the pre
sentations neither of ambassadors nor ministers plenipotentiary
have ever been inserted, has perfectly satisfied me, and, I doubt
not, will equally satisfy my countrymen who have heretofore
been under the same mistake with myself.
I approve very much of your Excellency's proposition of
inserting my presentation in the Mercury of France, and I shall
take measures to have it repeated in the foreign gazettes.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
WILLIAM LEE TO JOHN ADAMS.
Brussels, 30 March, 1780.
DEAR SIR, — I have had the honor of receiving yours of the
21st instant. The name of the person you wish to know, is the
Duke of Brunswick, brother to Prince Ferdinand, Field Marshal
and Commander-in- Chief of the Dutch land force. He is not
liked by his family, as they conceive he is too much attached to
the House of Austria.
The quintuple alliance that you mention, I conceive, is only
the conjecture of some politicians ; for there is not in fact any
solid appearance of the Dutch resenting like men or an inde
pendent nation the cruel injuries and insults (that would be
intolerable to any other people) which they have received from
the English. The Prince of Orange, the better to deceive, and
perhaps reflecting on the fate of De Witt, pretended to resent
highly the insult offered to his flag ; but you will agree with
OFFICIAL. 141
me that it must be only a pretence, when you know that Admi
ral Byland is to be honorably acquitted ; and, in consequence,
it is expected that the best captain in the Dutch navy will
resign.
I hope you did not construe my last into any design of draw
ing from you any of the secrets of your mission, for, believe me,
I have no such curiosity, being quite satisfied with that inform
ation respecting it, which the world is, and has been a long
time in possession of; and besides, I know too well how
extremely necessary circumspection and secrecy are to procure
success to a negotiation.
Diffidence and distrust of an enemy are always warrantable,
but particularly so when one has had repeated experience of
their duplicity and treachery ; the fatal experience of the Dutch
in the negotiations at Gertruydenberg, as well as many other
examples, teach us that distrust and resentment should not be
carried to unreasonable lengths.
A great and good man has wisely observed that the best time
to make peace is, when your enemy wishes for it ; and I hope
that the affairs of Ireland, with vigorous and well-directed ope
rations on our part this campaign, will reduce our enemies to
wish for peace in earnest before this year ends ; although they
seem to be getting the better of the opposition at home, which,
it appears, they are determined to do, either by fraud or violence,
as the papers will tell you how narrowly the life of Lord Shel-
burne has escaped one of the Scotch assassins.1
With infinite pleasure, I shall communicate to you what
information I may receive in my retirement, of the nature you
require ; but I apprehend that a few hundred pounds sterling
per annum, properly applied, might procure you such intelli
gence as would be worth millions to America ; for, in our ene
mies' quarters, every thing goes by purchase and sale ; therefore,
it was high time for us to have done with them.
We have no intelligence of the arrival of Mr. Laurens, though
there are letters which mention his being embarked.
The Spaniards will do well to keep a watchful eye on the
1 This alludes to the duel which took place on the 22d of this month between
Lord Shelburne and a Mr. Fullarton, in which the former was wounded. Horace
Walpole treats the matter in a very different view. See his letter to Sir Horace
Mann, 8 April, 1780.
142 OFFICIAL.
buccaneering expedition now preparing in England against their
possessions in South America.
I have the honor to be, &c. &c.
WILLIAM LEE.
TO ARTHUR LEE.
Paris, 31 March, 1780.
DEAR SIR, — I have received yours of the 26th and that of the
15th of this month. I inclose a copy of the letter you desire.
M. Gamier is gone into the country, and I have not seen him
since I arrived here. Mr. Izard, however, has seen him, and
will give you a satisfactory account of what he says.
If I were to apply to the other gentleman, you know what
would be the consequence. It would fly very soon to, you
know where, and I should have only the credit of meddling
unnecessarily with disputes which I have kept out of as much
as I could, and which it is certainly now the public interest,
and consequently my duty, to keep out of as much as I can ; I
had, therefore, rather be excused. The gentleman himself
would probably give you the same answer to a letter from you
directly to him as he would give to me, unless I should use arts
with him, which would be unworthy of you as well as me, and
which I cannot use with anybody.
I shall have enough to do to steer my little bark among the
rocks and shoals. I shall have perplexities enough of my own,
which I cannot avoid, and dangers too. These I shall meet
with a steady mind, and perhaps none of them will be greater
than that, which I think my duty, of avoiding things that do
not belong to me.
Scarcely ever any minister executed a commission for making
a peace, without ruining his own reputation, in a free govern
ment. No minister that ever existed had a more difficult and
dangerous peace to make than I have.
The gentleman you mention has hitherto been very still ; but
he has been well received, by all that I have learnt.
Adieu.
JOHN ADAMS.
OFFICIAL. 143
TO WILLIAM LEE.
Paris, 2 April, 1780.
DEAR SIR, — Your favor of the 30th of March is just come to
hand, and I thank you for it. I did not construe any thing in
your last into a design of drawing from me any of the secrets
of my mission ; indeed, there is no secret in it, but my instruc
tions, which will, I hope, remain so until they are executed, if
that time should ever come.
I have had reasons, however, for saying nothing till now about
my commission, but those reasons exist no more. I have indeed
the honor to be minister plenipotentiary with full powers, with
the ambassadors or ministers from France and Great Britain,
and all other princes and states whom it may concern, to enter
into conferences, negotiations, and treaties for peace.
When our enemy will wish for peace so far as to think of it
in earnest,! know not. Peace concerns her more than any of
the belligerent powers. America even can sustain the war,
although it will be irksome and grievous, infinitely better than
England. America grows more powerful, more numerous,
more brave, and better disciplined every year of the war, and
more independent too, both in spirit and circumstances. Their
trade, it is true, does not flourish as it did, but their agriculture,
arts, and manufactures increase in proportion to the decline of
their trade. England is wasting away, notwithstanding the
violence of her convulsive struggles, in wealth, in commerce, in
manufactures, in sailors, soldiers, population, and, above all, in
political consideration among the powers of Europe every day.
Her reputation, which is a more durable source of power, and
a more constant cause of prosperity to states as well as indivi
duals, declines amidst all her activity, exertions, and successes.
The hopes and fears of other nations are turning by degrees
from her to other people, and these she will find it harder to
regain than even the good will of America, which is also leav
ing her every day. The English nation do not seem to me to
see any thing in its true light, or weigh any thing in a just
balance. The points already gained by Ireland do not appear
to be understood in England in their consequences; if she
should carry the other points she aims at, she will become a
144 OFFICIAL.
dangerous rival to Great Britain in trade, and even in political
power, and dangerous to her even in military ; and she must
and will carry those points, if this war is continued. Yet the
predominant temper drowns all in England. Their pride,
revenge, and habits of domineering will not suffer them to
listen to any thing that does not soothe these lively passions.
The fury that appears among the members of parliament
convinces me that the opposition is more formidable than you
seem to think it. The committees go on, and although I do
not found my expectations upon characters that now appear, I
know that these committees will bring up others to public view
who will do the work. When a society gets disturbed, men of
great talents and good qualities are always found or made.
I think I am perfectly sure of myself that I shall never be led
much astray by my resentments against the English, however
strong they may have been, and however justly founded. Distrust
of them I have, quite separate from all resentment, so fixed by
twenty years' incessant attention to their policy, that it is very
possible they may be in earnest about terms of peace before I
shall believe it ; but this error, I hope, will do neither them nor
me any harm.
I wish you had been more particular concerning that buc
caneering expedition which you say is preparing in England
against the Spanish possessions in South America.
Nothing from America, nor from Mr. Laurens. Adieu.
JOHN ADAMS.
TO W. CARMICHAEL.
Paris, 8 April. 1780.
SIR, — I have this moment the honor of your letter from
Madrid, of the 29th of February, as I suppose, although the
month is not mentioned. I thank you, sir, for commencing a
correspondence which I have for some time wished to begin. I
wrote to Mr. Jay, at Madrid, the 22d of February, and wish
to know if he has received the letter. It is certainly proper that
those who are intrusted abroad should maintain a correspond
ence and cultivate a good understanding with each other,
OFFICIAL. 145
because, although their departments are in some respects sepa
rate, yet in others they are intimately connected. From all that
I heard in Spain, I expected that you would meet with an
agreeable reception at Madrid ; and I am much pleased to
learn from you that I was not mistaken.
I have sometimes wondered at the slowness of Spain in mak
ing a treaty with us ; but, when I reflected upon a certain secret
article, my surprise ceased.1 We are already bound in a treaty
to her, but she is not bound to us. It would be ungenerous in her,
however, to hold us long in this situation. The treaty, notwith
standing all that has been justly said of the advantages to us, is
not less advantageous to our allies. The single article that binds
us to exclude all armed vessels of the enemies of our allies in all
future wars from our ports, is worth more millions to them than
this war will cost ; nay, it will be a severer loss to Great Britain
than all that she has spent in it. Whether Great Britain has
considered this or not I do not, know ; but she will some time
or other discover it, and feel the inconvenience of it.
You ask for news from America. A vessel from Baltimore
is arrived at Bordeaux, but not a single letter to Dr. Frank
lin or me. She brings two or three Baltimore newspapers,
one as late as the 15th of February. A hard winter, deep
snows, uncommon frosts ; frozen over from Connecticut to Long
Island, and from New Jersey to Staten Island. Lord Sterling
went over to Staten Island with a party on the ice, burnt a few
vessels and a guard-house, took a few prisoners, and brought
off a few deserters. Some New Jersey people went over at the
same time, and plundered without mercy. Finding the commu
nication open with New York, which had been supposed to be
obstructed by the ice, he returned. An article from a Fishkill
paper says, that Clinton and Cornwallis sailed the 26th of
December with seven thousand men for the West Indies, but
that the storm which happened soon after their departure was
supposed to have done him mischief. A ship, brig, and schooner
lost in the storm on Cape Cod, unknown who or whence; all
perished. Congress had recommended to all the States to regu
late prices at twenty for one, which, by the speculations in
the papers, was not well liked. Governor Johnson a delegate
1 This refers to the secret and separate article in the treaty of alliance with
France, permitting Spain to come in whenever she should think proper.
VOL. VII. 13 -T
146 OFFICIAL.
for Maryland, General Ward for Massachusetts, in the room of
Mr. Dana (who desires me to return you his compliments and
respects.) The other delegates as last year. This is all the
news I can recollect, having seen the papers only a few minutes
in a large company.
The general state of affairs appears very well. I see no pro
bability of England's obtaining an ally ; on the contrary, there
are many symptoms of an approaching combination of the
maritime powers to protect neutral ships from searches and
insults. Ireland is in the full career of independence. Eng
land seems determined to force Holland into a war against her,
that she may have an opportunity to plunder her.
The correspondences and associations in England distress the
ministry very much ; and, if the war continues, and they should
not be very successful, it seems likely that they would save us
the trouble of despatching them. I wish, however, that France
and Spain were more convinced of the advantages they have
in America and the West Indies. The more ships they send
into those seas, the more they will force England to send there ;
the more she sends there, the weaker she is in Europe, and
the less she is dreaded and respected. Holland, Ireland, the
opposition in England, and the other maritime powers all feel a
confidence rising in proportion to the diminution of the British
naval force in Europe, besides the innumerable advantages the
French and Spaniards have in supporting the war in the Ame
rican seas over the English, which they have not in Europe ;
but I am apprehensive of being tedious. My compliments to
Mr. Jay and his family.
I am, with much respect, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
T. DIGGES TO JOHN ADAMS.
{Extract.")
London, 14 April, 1780.
EVERY day seems to produce more advocates or wishers for
withdrawing the troops from America, or giving up an offensive
war in that country. A motion was to have been made this
day in the commons, relative to the state of the war in that
country, and to push the ministry for the giving up the princi-
OFFICIAL. 147
pies of that war, and to go seriously to some accommodation.
The voice of the majority of the people is decidedly for some
such accommodation ; but there is no one who can devise the
means by which it can be done. Though most of my parlia
mentary acquaintance are for giving the independence, none of
them seem bold enough to stand forth and move it in the house.
The time is certainly not yet arrived when it would go down
there, but I do not think it very distant ; and, I am sure, had the
topic been debated to-day, there would have appeared a mani
fest disposition in the house to abandon the principles of the
war in America ; and it seems as if ministry wished to feel the
pulse of the house on that subject. A new and unexpected
matter put off the whole affair. The speaker, without appear
ing to be very t7/, stood up and declared a wish to resign, from
not being able through illness to go on with the business of the
house.1 It appeared as much a political as a real illness, and I
dare say some new movements, perhaps in the administration,
may be the consequence. He has not, however, resigned, and
the house is adjourned for the benefit of his health till next
Monday week ; perhaps it may then be too late to renew the
intended motion about America, or the state of the war there.
The possession of Charleston, if but for a week, or the taking
two or three men-of-war from their enemies, may make these
wise heads think their arms invincible, and that they may have
some better success by prosecuting the war a little further.
I wish you every success and happiness, and am,
With very great regard, your obedient servant,
w. s. c.2
1 " Nothing ever happened more fortunately in favor of any administration
than the illness, at this peculiar juncture, of the speaker. It seemed as if nothing
else could at that time have saved them. The recess, indeed, was not long, but
it produced extraordinary and unexpected effects." Annual Register.
2 Mr. Digges, the writer of many letters under this and other signatures, was
a Maryland gentleman^ who remained in England during the war, and main
tained secret communications with several of the American ministers, and not
improbably with the British government likewise ; though apparently he was
but little trusted by either side. Dr. Franklin, in many of his letters, inveighs
bitterly against him for his embezzlement of money remitted to him for the use
of American prisoners.
148 OFFICIAL.
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Paris, 18 April, 1780.
SIR, — It is my duty to transmit to congress, as soon as pru
dence will admit, every thing which deserves consideration, as
having either a direct or an indirect tendency to peace, or even
to negotiations for that important object. The inclosed letter
has been transmitted to Paris through such a channel, that I
have reasons to believe it was particularly intended for my
inspection. It is from a gentleman, who, to do him justice, has
long expressed an earnest desire for peace, but who, neverthe
less, has never yet reflected maturely enough upon the state of
America, of Great Britain, and of all Europe, to get into a right
way of thinking concerning the proper means to his end.1 Con
gress will perceive this from the letter itself, in which it is
obvious enough.
The first remarkable sentiment is, " We must at all events
support our national honor by the most vigorous exertions, with
out shrinking ; but surely, in such a complicated war as this isr
if we can make any equitable offers of a treaty to any of the
parties, common prudence calls upon us to use our endeavors
to unravel by negotiation the combination of powers now act
ing against us." In this paragraph I see the manifest marks of
a mind that has not yet mastered its subject. True policy
would have omitted every thing in this letter which should call
up to the minds of the people the ideas of national honor.
Every man in the world who is thoroughly acquainted with the
subject, knows that Great Britain never can obtain a peace
without a diminution of her honor and dignity. It is impossi
ble, without miracles, and therefore the Englishman who under
takes to plan for peace must be convinced of this, and take it
into his plan, and consequently should avoid with the utmost
caution every word which should excite these ideas in the minds
of the people. They stir passions which make them mad.
He should have avoided with equal solicitude every insinua
tion of a design to unravel by negotiation the combination of
powers now acting against Great Britain. This combination
i This was probably David Hartley, though no copy or trace of his letter has
been found.
OFFICIAL. 149
is in fact much more extensive, much more universal and form
idable, than the letter-writer had any idea or suspicion of. But
if it had been no more extensive than France, Spain, and Ame
rica, the impracticability of unravelling it ought to have been
too obvious for the writer to have thrown out this sentiment.
By it he proposes by negotiation to bring those to dishonor
themselves who have certainly no occasion for it, at the same
time that he stimulates others to cherish and preserve their
honor who have already lost it, and are under an absolute
necessity, sooner or later, of sacrificing it. By this means he
only puts the confederates more upon their guard, and renders
the attainment of his professed object, peace, impossible.
The next solecism in politics which he commits, is undertak
ing to vindicate America from the charge of having sought and
formed this confederacy. America wanted no such vindication ;
it is folly to suppose it a fault, for all mankind will agree, even
his correspondents themselves, that it was wisdom and virtue.
Surely another turn must be given to popular ideas before they
will be brought to petition for peace.
Nor do I think it was prudent in him to hold up the idea that
America had proceeded with reluctance and regret to the treaty.
That this is true, I know and feel to this very moment; for,
although I had no such reluctance myself, those gentlemen with
whom I had the honor to sit in congress at the time, will
remember that I had very good reasons to be sensible that
others had. But how well soever he might be informed of the
fact, and from what source soever he might draw his inform
ation, it was bad policy in him to hold it up, because he ought
to have been equally sure that America has now no reluctance
to the treaty, nor any inclination to violate it. He ought not,
therefore, to have held up a hope of this to the people.
Neither ought he to have flattered the people with hopes that
America would not form any perpetual alliance with France,
nor that their limited alliance might be satisfied and discharged.
The alliance already made is limited, it is true, to a certain
number of articles, but not limited in its duration. It is perpe
tual, and he had no grounds to soothe the people with hopes,
either that France would give up any of the articles of the
treaty, or that America would violate them.
He ought also to have avoided his insinuations that America
13*
150 OFFICIAL.
has been so much harassed by the war. This is an idea so
refreshing to the present passions of the people of England, that,
instead of tending to dispose them to peace, it only revives their
hopes of success, and inflames their ardor for war. That Ame
rica has been harassed by the war is true ; and when was any
nation at war without being so ? Especially, when did any
nation undergo a revolution in government, and sustain a war
at the same time, without it ? Yet, after all, America has not
been so much harassed, or distressed, or terrified, or panic-struck
from the beginning, as Great Britain has been several times in
the course of it.
But the most exceptionable passage of all is this : — " It is
apparent to all the world that France might long ago have put
an end to that part of the war which has been most distressing to
America, if she had chosen so to do. Let the whole system of
France be considered from the very beginning down to the late
retreat from Savannah, and I think it is impossible to put any
other construction upon it but this, namely, — that it has always
been the deliberate intention and object of France, for purposes
of her own, to encourage the continuation of the war in Ame
rica, in hopes of exhausting the strength and resources of this
country, and of depressing the rising power of America."
Upon this paragraph I scarcely know what remarks to make.
But, after deliberating upon it as patiently and maturely as I
can, I will clearly write my opinion of it ; for my obligations to
truth and to my country are antecedent to all other ties.
I am clearly and fully of the opinion, then, that the fact is
true that France might have put an end to that part of the war
which has been most distressing to America ; and I certainly
know that the means were extremely simple and obvious, and
that they were repeatedly proposed and explained, and urged to
the ministry ; and I should have had a terrible load of guilt of
negligence of my duty upon my conscience, if it had not been
done while I had the honor of a commission to this Court. But,
when the letter-writer proceeds so far as to say that it was to
encourage the continuance of the war, in order to exhaust the
strength and resources of Great Britain, I cannot accompany
him ; much less can I join with him in the opinion that it was
to depress the rising power of America. I believe, on the con
trary, that France has not wished a continuance of the war,
OFFICIAL. 151
but that she has wished for peace. The war has been attended
with too much loss and danger to France to suppose that she
wished its continuance ; and if she did not wish its continuance
at all, she could not wish it to depress the power of America.
She could not wish it, in my opinion, for this reason, because
it is not the means to this end. It has a contrary tendency.
The longer this war is continued in America, the more will
Americans become habituated to the characters of the soldier and
the marine. Military virtues and talents and passions will gain
strength and additional activity every year while the war lasts ;
and the more these virtues, talents, and passions are multiplied,
the deeper will the foundations of American power be laid, and
the more dangerous will it become to some or other of the pow
ers of Europe ; to France, as likely as to any other power,
because it will be more likely to be ambitious and enterprising,
and to aspire at conquests by sea and land.
This idea, however, deserves to be considered with all the
attention that Americans can give to it ; although I am con
vinced, by every thing I see and read and hear, that all the
powers of Europe, except perhaps the House of Austria, and I
am not very clear in that exception, rejoice in the American
Revolution, and consider the independence of America as for
their interest and happiness in many points of view, both
respecting commerce and the balance of Europe ; yet I have
many reasons to think that not one of them, not even Spain
nor France, wishes to see America rise very fast to power.
We ought, therefore, to be cautious how we magnify our ideas,
and exaggerate our expressions of the generosity and magnani
mity of any of these powers. Let us treat them with gratitude,
but with dignity. Let us remember what is due to ourselves
and to our posterity, as well as to them. Let us, above all
things, avoid as much as possible entangling ourselves with
their wars or politics. Our business with them, and theirs with
us, is commerce, not politics, much less war. America has been
the sport of European wars and politics long enough.
I think, however, that this letter-writer was very much mis
taken in his judgment when he threw out this language. It
could be meant only to excite a jealousy and a quarrel between
France and America, or rather to feed the Yorkshire people and
the people of England with a hope of exciting such a quarrel.
152 OFFICIAL.
This is not the way to come at a peace. They will never
succeed in such a plan, and every attempt towards it is false
policy.
The next mistake is, the idea of a reconciliation and federal
union with America. This must be intended separate from
our allies, which this gentleman ought, before now, to have
known is totally impracticable.
I have very little more relish for the notion of a truce. We
are in a safer way at war. We cannot make a truce without
France. She will never consent that we should make a truce
unless she makes a peace ; and such alterations may be made
in the constitution of the Courts of France and Spain, and in
the other Courts and political connections in Europe, before the
expiration of the term of a truce, that it would be attended with
too much hazard to us. Neither France nor Spain, nor the
other powers of Europe, might, after a truce, be ready to go to
war again ; and unforeseen divisions may be excited among
ourselves by artful emissaries from England. We are going on
now in the sure and certain road. If we go out of it, we may be
lost.
Upon the whole, I think, that this letter-writer should have
stated the true situation of Europe, of Great Britain, Ireland,
and America.
From this statement, his immediate conclusion should have
been, open conferences for peace ; make peace with all the
world upon the best terms you can. This is the only chance
you have for salvation. It must come to this very soon ; other
wise, there will be a total dissolution of the British Empire.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
WILLIAM CARMICHAEL TO JOHN ADAMS.
Madrid, 22 April, 1780.
SIR, — I received with much pleasure your obliging letter of
the 8th instant, and take the earliest opportunity of thanking
you for the information it contained. I should have certainly
commenced my correspondence with you earlier, had I thought
Mr. Jay would have been constrained by various circumstances
to reside so long at Cadiz. Your observations, with respect to the
OFFICIAL. 153
conduct which France and Spain ought to follow, correspond
with the opinions of the Swedish and Dutch ministers here,
both of whom I have an opportunity of frequently seeing. The
crisis seems near when others beside Britain may play the part
of the bully.
If the patriots in Ireland are content with that which they
have forced Great Britain to grant them, I shall be much mis
taken, and their conduct in that case will not correspond with
the history of mankind. I resided three months in that king
dom in the year 1768, and am well acquainted with some of the
men who now appear to take a lead in their affairs. Some of
these will be for pushing things to the greatest extremity, and
perhaps would succeed, if they had liberality enough to tolerate
a religion against which they have the most violent animosity.
A fleet of twelve sail of the line, besides frigates and other
armed vessels, with eleven thousand five hundred men and a
fine train of artillery, will sail this month from Cadiz, if it hath
not already sailed. The troops embarked the 14th. I suppose
that from Brest sails about the same time. From these arma
ments you may judge whether your ideas for carrying the war
into the American seas are not conformable to the intentions of
the allies. We have the same news from America which you
announce to me, and our papers are as late as the 10th of
March. By several captures taken from the enemy, it appears
that Arbuthnot's fleet must have suffered severely, and their
dispersion must have been complete ; for no news of their arri
val in any port was received at Newbury, in Massachusetts
Bay, the 14th of March, although they sailed the 26th of
December from New York. It appears that congress meant to
leave Philadelphia the 1st of April, but to what place is not
mentioned. I have advice from Bordeaux that several letters
for me arrived in the Buckskin, and were sent on to Madrid.
Unhappily I have not received them, which chagrins me not a
little. Mr. Jay and family present their respects to you ; most
of them have been unwell since their arrival here. I beg you to
make the proper compliments for me to Mr. Dana, and to be
lieve me,
Your obliged and humble servant,
WILLIAM CARMICHAEL.
154 OFFICIAL.
TO COUNT DE VERGENNES.
Paris, 25 April, 1780.
SIR, — I have the honor to inform your Excellency that a
small schooner has arrived at Nantes from Baltimore, by which
came the inclosed newspapers, which I inclose to your Excellency
without a moment's loss of time. I hope, however, your Excel
lency has received these and many more, and much fuller intel
ligence by the same vessel ; but, as it is possible it may be
otherwise, I think it my duty to send them. I have no other
news by this vessel as yet, excepting that General Gates was
appointed to command the army in Charleston, an event which
I esteem of great importance, because there is in the mind of
the American soldier an affection for that officer and a confi
dence in him that will show its effects.
A vessel from Martinique had just arrived with an account
that the Dean frigate, Captain Nicholson, had sent in there an
English frigate sheathed with copper, mounting twenty-eight
guns, which struck after a severe action.
If I should be so happy as to receive any more news from
this vessel, I shall have the honor to transmit it to your Excel
lency.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
JOHN JAY TO JOHN ADAMS.
Madrid, 26 April, 1780.
DEAR SIR, — I have at length had the pleasure of receiving
your very friendly letter of the 22d February Last. It has
been very long on the road. Accept my thanks for your kind
congratulations, and permit me to assure you that I sincerely
rejoice in your having reached the place of your destination, on
a business which declares the confidence of America, and for an
object, in the attainment of which, I am persuaded you will
acquire honor to yourself and advantage to her.
The circumstances you mention as indications of the disposi
tion of Spain, undoubtedly bear the construction you give them.
As the Count de Florida Blanca is, I am told, a man of abilities,
OFFICIAL. 155
he doubtless will see and probably recommend the policy of mak
ing a deep impression on the hearts of the Americans by a sea
sonable acknowledgment of their independence, and by affording
such immediate aids as their circumstances and the obvious
interest of Spain demand. Such measures at this period would
turn the respect of America for Spain into lasting attachment,
and in that way give strength to every treaty they may form.
Sir John Dalrymple is here ; he came from Portugal for the
benefit of his lady's health (as is said). He is now at Aranjuez.
He has seen the imperial ambassador, the governor of the city,
Senor Campomanes, the Duke of Alva, and several others named
to him, I suppose, by Lord Grant, who I find was much respected
here. He will return through France to Britain.1 I shall go to
Aranjuez the day after to-morrow, and shall form some judg
ment of his success by the conduct of the court towards Ame
rica.
I am much obliged by your remarks on the most proper route
for letter and intelligence to and from America, and shall profit
by them. You may rely on receiving the earliest accounts of
whatever interesting information I may obtain ; and that I shall
be happy in every opportunity of evincing the esteem with which
I am, &c. &c.
JOHN JAY.
TO M. GENET.
Paris, 29 April, 1780.
DEAR SIR, — Do you think it worth while to work into your
next article from London the following observations of Lord
Bolingbroke ?
" The precise point at which the scales of power turn, like
that of the solstice in either tropic, is imperceptible to common
observation ; and, in one case as in the other, some progress
must be made in the new direction before the change is per-
1 Sir John Dalrymple had, in concert with Lord Rochford, prepared a
memoir to prevent the war ; and he took the present opportunity to submit it to
the consideration of the Spanish government. This curious memoir was trans
mitted to congress in Mr. Jay's despatches, and is printed at large in the seventh
volume of the Diplomatic Correspondence of the Revolution. It is also in the
Appendix to the eighth volume of Sparks's edition of Franklin's Writings.
156 OFFICIAL.
ceived. They who are in the sinking scale, for in the political
balance of power, unlike to all others, the scale that is empty
sinks, and that which is full rises ; they who are in the sinking
scale do not easily come off from the habitual prejudices of
superior wealth, or power, or skill, or courage, nor from the con
fidence that these prejudices inspire. They who are in the ris
ing scale do not immediately feel their strength, nor assume
that confidence in it which successful experience gives them
afterwards. They who are the most concerned to watch the
variations of this balance, misjudge often in the same manner
and from the same prejudices. They continue to dread a
power no longer able to hurt them, or they continue to have no
apprehensions of a power that grows daily more formidable.
Spain verified the first observation when proud and poor and
enterprising and feeble, she still thought herself a match for
France. France verified the second observation, when the triple
alliance stopped the progress of her arms, which alliances much
more considerable were not able to effect afterwards. The
other principal powers of Europe in their turns have verified
the third observation in both its parts." l
These observations were never more remarkably verified than
in these times ; the English, proud and poor, and enterprising
and feeble, still think themselves a match for France and Spain
and America, if not for all the world ; but this delirium cannot
last long.
France and Spain and Holland continue to dread a power no
longer able to hurt them ; but this will be over as soon.
England continues to have small apprehensions of powers
that grow daily more formidable ; but these apprehensions will
increase every day.
Your correspondent from London or Antwerp, among his
lamentations over the blindness and obstinacy and madness of
the ministry, may introduce these observations with propriety
enough.
The balance of power was never perhaps shifted in so remark
able a manner and in so short a space of time. If the minds
of the French and Spaniards had grown in confidence in pro
portion to the growth of their power, and if the confidence of
1 Sketch of the History and State of Europe.
OFFICIAL. 157
the English had decreased in proportion to the diminution of
theirs, it would have been all over with England before now.
You know very well that Lord Bolingbroke was the most elo
quent writer that England ever produced. His political writ
ings, particularly, are more admired than any in that language.
His name and authority, added to the obvious truth of these
observations, and their apposite application to the present times,
will make an impression upon many minds in all the nations at
war. If you think so, and that it will increase the spirit of our
friends and diminish the insolence of our enemies, as it ought,
you will make use of it in your own excellent manner ; if not,
burn it.
Your friend,
JOHN ADAMS.
COUNT DE VERGENNES TO JOHN ADAMS.
A Versailles, le 30 Avril, 1780.
J'ai regu, monsieur, les deux lettres que vous m'avez fait
1'honneur de m'ecrire les 25 et 27 de ce mois ; je vous fais mes
remercimens sinceres pour les avis qu'elles renferment, et vous
prie de vouloir bien continuer a m'envoyer ceux qui vous vien-
dront de 1'Amerique.
J'ai 1'honneur d'etre tres sincerement, monsieur, votre tres
humble et tres obeissant serviteur,
DE VERGENNES.
W. CARMICHAEL TO JOHN ADAMS.
(Without Date.)
SIR, — I did myself the honor of writing to you last post, in
answer to yours of the 8th of April ; at that time I had suspi
cions that a Sir John Dalrymple, who has now been here near
three weeks, was employed by Great Britain to sound the dis
position of this Court, and, in the mean time, to work under
ground for the interests of his own country. I have hitherto
been able to trace most of his motions, which are somewhat
suspicious. He came hither from Lisbon under pretence, or
VOL. VII. 14
158 OFFICIAL.
really on account of his lady's bad state of health. He had a
passport from the ministry here for that purpose, as I have been
informed by those who are personally employed about him.
He hath visited several of the principal grandees, and all those
who were most connected with Lord Grantham. He hath been
at Aranjuez, where the royal family is at present ; hath seen the
French ambassador, and, as I have been told, will soon set out
for France. This last circumstance occasions me to give you
the present trouble, although I ought to have no other appre
hension of Iws residence here or at Paris at this crisis, unless it
be the singularity of the circumstance ; for I know he had at one
time the confidence of his king, and at least that part of the
administration. I have never heard that he hath done any
thing to forfeit it. If he is employed in the way I suspect, he
may be induced to pay you a visit, if he passes through Paris,
which, although it may be unnecessary, induces me to put you
on your guard. I shall endeavor to inform you punctually of
his route, and shall be always happy, on every occasion, of test
ifying to you and Mr. Dana how much I am
Your humble servant,
WILLIAM CARMICHAEL.
T. DIGGES TO JOHN ADAMS.
(Extract.)
Wandsworth, 2 May, 1780.
GENERAL CONWAY'S motion relative to America was put off
to-day for some future period. Hartley's stands for Friday, the
substance of which you will have in the General Advertiser of
the 1st of May. Some deviltry has got into Conway's head, for
he seems to think there is yet a door open for peace with Ame
rica, short of independence, than which nothing can be so falla
cious and absurd. How he can imbibe such notions I cannot
think ; but I am told he is much in the circle of a Scotch
acquaintance, and sometimes talks to refugees, such as Mr.
Galloway, Allen, &c. I cannot account for it otherwise, than
that he is looking up to the command of the army.
I should be glad, when you see and read the debates upon
OFFICIAL. 159
those motions, to know what you think thereof. I am, on all
occasions, Your obedient servant,
WILLIAM RussELL.1
TO M. GENET.
Paris, 3 May, 1780.
DEAR SIR, — I had, two days ago, the honor to inclose to the
minister a Boston Gazette of 21st February, in which is a rela
tion of a glorious combat and cruise of my countryman, Cap
tain Waters, of the Thorn. Let me beg of you, sir, to insert
this account in the Gazette and the Mercure. There has not
been a more memorable action this war ; and the feats of our
American frigates and privateers have not been sufficiently pub
lished in Europe. It would answer valuable purposes, both by
encouraging their honest and brave hearts, and by exciting emu
lations elsewhere, to give them a little more than they have had
of the fame they have deserved. Some of the most skilful,
determined, persevering, and successful engagements that have
ever happened upon the seas, have been performed by American
privateers against the privateers from New York. They have hap
pened upon the coasts and seas of America, which are now very
well swept of New York privateers, and have seldom been pro
perly described and published even there, and much more sel
dom ever inserted in any of the gazettes of Europe ; whether
it is because the actions of single and small vessels, and these
privateers, are not thought worth publishing, or whether it has
been for want of some person to procure it to be done.
Yours, most sincerely,
JOHN ADAMS.
M. GENET TO JOHN ADAMS.
8 May, 1780.
OBSERVATIONS from such a masterly hand as Mr. Adams, on
the proposals for a general pacification, by the Dean of Glouces
ter, would be very acceptable. It is obvious his name must be
1 An assumed name. Mr. Digges was the writer.
100 OFFICIAL.
kept secret. We hope for the honor of the company of Mr.
Francis Dana and the other gentleman. The proper hour to be
here would be at nine in the morning ; an American breakfast
shall be ready. The ceremony at chapel begins at half after
ten.
GENET.
TO M. GENET.1
Paris, 9 May, 1780.
DEAR SIR, — I thank you for your note of yesterday and the
papers inclosed.
The Proposals for a general pacification, by the Dean of Glou
cester, whether they were written by him or by another, were
probably intended to feel the pulse of France or Spain or Ame
rica. Nay, it is not impossible that they might be intended to
sound even so inconsiderable a portion of existence as Mr. John
Adams. But it must be something rather more plausibly writ
ten, something a little more consonant to reason and to com
mon sense, which will draw out of Mr. Adams his sentiments
on the great work of pacification, if ever he should enter into
any detail upon this subject, before general conferences take
place, which he at present believes he shall not do.
Concealing, however, my name, you may take these few
observations upon these proposals.
1. England may be heartily sick of the imprudent part she
has taken. This point I shall not dispute with the Dean of
Gloucester. Yet I wish she would give some better proof of it
than she has done hitherto. But of Americans I can speak
with confidence and certainty ; and, so far from being sick of
the part they have taken, they look upon the past madness of
Great Britain which has compelled them to overcome, all the
prejudices and weak passions which heretofore bound them to
her, and to become independent, as the greatest blessing which
l In the Diplomatic Correspondence of the Revolution, this letter, which was
obtained from Mr. Adams's letter book, is set down as addressed to an unknown
person. This was owing to the accidental omission of the name in the book.
The note of M. Genet which immediately precedes it here, makes every thing
plain.
OFFICIAL. 161
Providence ever bestowed upon them from the first plantation
in the new world. They look upon it that a council of the
wisest statesmen and legislators, consulting together on the best
means of rendering America happy, free, and great, could not
have discovered and digested a system so perfectly adapted to
that end as the one which the folly and wickedness of Great
Britain have contrived for them. They not only see and feel
and rejoice in the amelioration of their forms of government,
but in the improvement of their agriculture and their manufac
tures, and in the discovery that all the omnipotence of British
fleets has not been able to prevent their commerce, which is
opening and extending every year, as their population is increas
ing, in the midst of the war.
2. To suppose that France is sick of the part she has taken,
is to suppose her to be sick of that conduct which has procured
her more respect and consideration in Europe than any step she
ever took. It is to suppose her sick of that system which ena
bled her to negotiate the peace between Russia and the Otto
man Porte, as well as the peace of Teschen ; that system which
has enabled her to unite in sentiment and affection all the mari
time powers, even the United Provinces, in her favor and against
England. It is to suppose her sick of that system which has
broken off from her rival and natural enemy the most solid part
of his strength ; a strength that had become so terrible to France,
and would soon have been so fatal to her. I do not mean to
enlarge.
As to the propositions themselves, it would be wasting time
to consider them. Of all the malicious plans of the English
against America, none has ever been more so than this. It is
calculated only to make America the sport of Britain in future ;
to put it in her power to be forever fomenting quarrels and wars ;
and, I am well persuaded, that America would sooner vote for
a hundred years' war.
I may be thought again too sanguine. I have been too san
guine these twenty years ; constantly sanguine, yet eternally
right.
Adieu,
JOHN ADAMS.
P. S. I do not see Captain Waters's engagement yet in any
14* K
162 OFFICIAL.
of the papers. I would have sent it to England and Holland
for publication, if I had known it could not be printed here.
J. A.
FROM THE COUNT DE VERGENNES.
A Versailles, le 10 May, 1780.
Je vous dois des remercimens, monsieur, pour les differentes
communications que vous avez bien voulu me faire. Si les
notions que renferme la lettre qui vous a ete confiee, sont
exactes, vous ne devez pas tarder a en avoir la preuve, et dans
ce cas il faudra voir quelles ouvertures on jugera a propos de
vous faire. Je pense que vous ne devez point refuser de les
entendre.
J'ai I'honneur d'etre tres parfaitement, monsieur, &c.
DE VERGENNES.
FROM THE COUNT DE VERGENNES.
A Versailles, le 11 May, 1780.
M. le Comte de Vergennes est tres sensible a la communica
tion que Monsieur Adams a bien voulu lui donner des clerniers
papiers Americains. II les lui renvoye ci-joint, et le prie de
continuer a lui faire passer tous ceux qu'il recevra.1
DE VERGENNES.
TO W. CARMICHAEL.
Paris, 12 May, 1780.
SIR, — I had, two days ago, the favor of yours without date,
and thank you for the history of Sir John Dalrymple, whose
memoirs would be sufficient to put me upon my guard, if I
knew no more of him. He has seen the imperial ambassador.
Pray do you discover any of the sentiments of the Austrian
family where you are? The old rivalry between that and
Bourbon, the old friendship and alliance with England ? The
1 The series^ of notes here inserted, though unimportant in themselves, have
a material bearing upon the subsequent relations of the parties. They show to
what an extent communications were voluntarily invited by the French minister,
though Mr. Adams was not accredited to his Court. In some late works this
seems to have been misunderstood.
OFFICIAL. 163
new eclat and power of an old enemy, and the declining forces
of an old friend, are circumstances that cannot escape the notice
of the sensible and aspiring chief of that great house. The
family alliance with France is a lucky circumstance at this
time.
I have received a few journals by the way of Amsterdam.
Young Colonel Laurens has refused to come to Europe ; I sup
pose smitten with the charms of military glory, and foreseeing
the war was turning to his town. You will see, in the public
papers, before this reaches you, all the news from America ; we
are waiting with no small anxiety the arrival of news from
Charleston.
De Ternay sailed the 2d, and we hope soon to have the news
that the armament from Cadiz is sailed. De Rochambeau is
too weak, wherever he is gone ; he should have had more
force. The Spanish force is very great. But would it not be
better policy, both for France and Spain, to send more ships
and fewer troops ? The British possessions in America, both
upon the continent and the islands, depend upon the sea for
their existence. According to the bull in the English play, " the
strongest ground, or the only ground they stand upon, is the
ocean." By a decided superiority of naval force upon the Ame
rican coasts and among the islands, under active, vigilant, and
enterprising commanders, who will not think it beneath them
to cruise for and watch the motions of transports and merchant
men, the trade of America and the islands would flourish, and
the supplies of the English be totally cut off. A few French
or Spanish men-of-war cruising in the Massachusetts Bay, a
few more lying at anchor in the harbor of Rhode Island, and
cruising occasionally, a few more lying in the mouth of the
Delaware, a few more in Chesapeake Bay, say three ships and
three frigates in each, this would make twelve ships of the line
and twelve frigates. These would, by cruising themselves
occasionally, and giving full scope to our privateers, more cer
tainly ruin the British power than four times that force in
Europe. But suppose there was only one ship of the line and
two frigates stationed in each, this would be only four ships and
eight frigates ; these would either totally destroy the British army
in America, by starving it, or compel the English to keep more
than double their number on the North American station. This
164 OFFICIAL.
would weaken them so much in the West India islands, that
the French and Spanish forces there would do whatever they
pleased.
I know not the reason of it ; but the English do not seem to
take Spain into their account at all. They make their calcula
tions to equal or excel the French a little, but reckon the Spa
niards for nothing. A very little activity on the part of these
would terrify the English beyond measure. I suppose, but it
is only conjecture, that the Floridas are the object of the force
from Cadiz. Gibraltar occupies another immense force. These
forces, however, or the amount of their expenses employed in
the American seas and kept constantly in motion, would more
certainly ruin the whole British power, and, consequently, more
certainly obtain the Floridas, Gibraltar, or whatever else is
aimed at, than direct attacks upon those places ; attacking these
places is endeavoring to lop off' single limbs ; securing the domi
nion of the American seas is laying the axe to the root of the
tree. But enough of my small politics. Adieu.
JOHN ADAMS.
TO COUNT DE VERGENNES.
Paris, 12 May, 1780.
SIR, — I have received the letter which you did me the honor
to write to me on the 10th of this month.
Although the writer of the letter, an extract of which I had
the honor to inclose to you, may be right in his conjecture, that
the British administration wish to know more than they do at
present of my sentiments upon the great subject of a pacifica
tion, yet I have had too long experience of their principles, views,
and tempers, and I know that they are too well acquainted
with mine, for me to expect that they will directly convey any
propositions to me. When we hear them affirm in parliament
that America is upon the point of returning to an allegiance to
the King of England, and that they seriously believe that Ame
rica will return to such an allegiance ; when the members of
opposition, even those who are the most inclined to peace, such
as Mr. Hartley, General Con way, &c., discover plainly, by their
motions and arguments, that their object is a separate peace
with America, in order to be the better able to gratify their
OFFICIAL. 165
revenge against France and Spain, I can have no expectations
that they think of applying to me, because I think they must
be convinced of this, at least, that I shall make no separate
peace. I thank your Excellency, however, for your sentiment,
that I ought to hear them, in case any overtures should be made
to me. I should, in such a case, endeavor to hear them with
decency and respect ; but it would require much philosophy to
hear with patience such absurd and extravagant propositions as
are published in pamphlets and newspapers and made in parlia
ment, even by the members of opposition, who profess to be
most zealous for peace.
Our alliance with France is an honor and a security which
have ever been near to my heart. After reflecting long upon the
geographical situation of the old world and the new, upon the
agriculture, commerce, and political relations of both, upon the
connections and oppositions among the nations of the former,
and the mutual wants and interests of both, according to such
imperfect lights as I was able to obtain, the result has long since
been this, — that my country, in case she should once be com
pelled to break off from Great Britain, would have more just
reasons to depend upon a reciprocity of the good offices of
friendship from France, Spain, and the other sovereigns who
are usually in their system, than upon those in the opposite
scale of the balance of power. I have ever thought it, there
fore, a natural alliance, and contended for it as a rock of
defence.
This object I pursued in congress with persevering assiduity
for more than a year, in opposition to other gentlemen of much
greater name and abilities than mine; and I had at length the
satisfaction to find my countrymen very generally fall in with
the same sentiment, and the honor to be appointed to draw the
first treaty which was sent to this Court. These facts have
been well known in America, even to the tories, and the utility
and importance of this alliance being known to be deeply
imprinted in my mind and heart, I suppose was a principal
cause why the present trust was confided to me by my country
men. These facts, although they may have been unknown in
France, yet, having been known to the tories in America, I can
not suppose they are ignorant of them at the Court of St.
James ; I therefore think that neither the administration nor
1(36 OFFICIAL.
opposition in England will ever think of applying to me, until
they are brought into such a situation as shall compel them to
sue for peace with all the powers at war, which, to be sure, does
not appear to be the case at present, nor likely to be, at least
before the end of this campaign ; nor then either, without some
notable good fortune on the part of the allies in the progress of
the Avar.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
TO JOHN JAY.
Paris, 13 May, 1780.
DEAR SIR, — I had two days ago the pleasure of yours of the
26th of April, and am very happy to have at last received from
your hand an account of your safe arrival in Madrid.
The Count de Florida Blanca is allowed to be a man of abi
lities, but, somehow or other, there is something in the Euro
pean understanding different from those we have been used to.
Men of the greatest abilities and the most experience are, with
great difficulty, brought to see what appears to us as clear as
day. It is habit, it is education, prejudice, what you will, but
so it is.
I can state a very short argument, that appears to me a
demonstration upon French and Spanish principles alone, that
it is more for their interest to employ their naval force in Ame
rica than in Europe ; yet it is in vain that you state this to a
minister of state. He cannot see it or feel it, at least in its full
force, until the proper point of time is past and it is too late.
So I think it may be demonstrated that it is the interest of
France and Spain to furnish America with a handsome loan of
money, or even to grant her subsidies ; because a sum of money
thus expended would advance the common cause and even
their particular interests, by enabling the Americans to make
greater exertions than the same sums employed in any other
way. But it is in vain to reason in this manner with a Euro
pean minister of state. He cannot understand you. It is not
within the compass of those ideas which he has been accus
tomed to.
I am happy, however, that at length we have a minister at
OFFICIAL. 167
Madrid ; I am persuaded that this will contribute vastly to
opening the eyes both of France and Spain. I shall be always
obliged to you for intelligence, especially concerning your pro
gress in your affair.
I am, with much esteem, dear sir, your servant,
JOHN ADAMS.
TO T. DIGGES.1
13 May, 1780.
I have to acknowledge one of 14th of April and one of 2d of
May. The parcels have not yet been seen nor heard of ; you
may stop the London Evening Post and the London Packet
for the future ; but send on the Courant, if you please. I have
not yet received the debate on Conway's motion ; I have seen
the paper and read the debate. It is the scene of the goddess
in the Dunciad, reading Blackmore to her children. The com
mons are yawning, while the ministry and Clinton are cement
ing the union of America by the blood of every province, and
binding all to their allies, by compelling them to shed theirs.
All is well that ends well. These wise folk are giving France
and Spain a consideration in Europe, too, that they had not,
and are throwing away their own as nothing worth. Sweden
and Denmark are in the same system with Russia and Holland.
Indeed, if the ministry had only common information, they
would have known that this combination of maritime powers has
been forming these eighteen months, and was nearly as well
agreed a year ago as it is now. But when a nation is once
fundamentally wrong, thus it is. Internal policy, external
defence, foreign negotiations, all go away together. The bad
consequences of a principle essentially wrong are infinite. The
minority mean only to try if they can make peace with Ame
rica separately, in order to revenge themselves, as they think
they can, upon France and Spain. But this is as wrong and
as absurd and impracticable as the plans of the ministry. All
i This strong letter, apparently designed for publication in England, was
directed to W. S. Church, the name most frequently assumed by Mr. Dirges in
his communications to Mr. Adams. It is signed with the initials F. R. S., sug
gested by Fernando Raymon San, the name of Mr. A/s guide in Spain. See
Diary, vol. iii. p. 247.
168 OFFICIAL.
schemes of reconciliation with America, short of independence,
and all plans for peace with America, allowing her independ
ence separate from her allies, are visionary and delusive, disin
genuous, corrupt, and wicked. America has taken her equal
station, and she will behave with as much honor as any of the
nations of the earth.
To say that the Americans are upon the poise, are balancing,
and will return to their allegiance to the King of England, is as
wild as bedlam. If witnesses cannot be believed, why do not
they believe the nature of things? Ask the newspapers which
are so free that nothing is spared ; congress and everybody is
attacked ! Yet never a single paragraph was hinting in a most
distant manner a wish to return. Ask the town meetings, —
those assemblies which dared, readily enough, to think as they
pleased, and say what they would, dared attack the king, lords,
commons, governors, councils, representatives, judges, and whole
armies, under the old government, and which attack everybody
and every thing that displeases them at this day ! Not one
vote, not one instruction to a representative, not one motion,
nor so much as one single speech in favor of returning to the
leeks of Egypt. Ask the grand and petit juries who dared to
tell the judges to their faces they were corrupted, and that they
would not serve under them because they had betrayed and
overturned the constitution ! Not a single juror has ever whis
pered a wish to return, after being washed, to their wallowing
in the mire. The refugees you mention never did know the
character of the American people, but they know it now less
than ever. They have been long away. The Americans at
this day have higher notions of themselves than ever. They
think they have gone through the greatest revolution that ever
took place among men ; that this revolution is as much for the
benefit of the generality of mankind in Europe as for their own.
They think they should act a base and perfidious part toward
the world in general, if they were to go back ; that they should
manifestly counteract the designs of Providence as well as
betray themselves, their posterity, and mankind. The English
manifestly think mankind and the world made for their use
Americans do not think so. But why proceed ? Time alone
can convince. Adieu.
F. R. S.
OFFICIAL. 169
TO JOHN JAY.
Paris, 15 May, 1780.
DEAR SIR, — I shall not always stand upon ceremonies, nor
wait for answers to letters, because useful hints may be given
which would be lost if one were to wait returns of posts.
The British Channel fleet is reckoned this year at from thirty-
four to thirty-seven ships of the line ; but it is well known that
they depend upon seamen to be pressed from their first West
India fleet, in order to make up this computation, without
which they cannot make thirty. It is, therefore, of great import
ance that this first West India fleet should be intercepted. It
will come home the latter end of June or the beginning of July ;
certainly not before the middle of June. A ship or two of the
line, with a fifty gun ship or two and five or six frigates, would
have a great probability of intercepting this fleet. Is there any
service upon which such a number of vessels could be better
employed than in cruising pretty far in the Bay of Biscay, and
somewhat north of Cape Clear with this view ? It is really
astonishing that France and Spain should be so inattentive to
the English convoys. The safest, easiest, and surest way of
reducing the power and the spirits of the English is to intercept
their trade. It is every year exposed, yet every year escapes ;
by which means they get spirits to indulge their passions,
money to raise millions, and men to man their ships.
Pray is it not necessary to think a little of Portugal ? Should
not Spain, France, and America, too, use their influence with
Portugal, to shut her ports against the armed vessels of all
nations at war, or else admit freely the armed vessels of all ?
Under her present system of neutrality, as they call it, the ports
of Portugal are as advantageous to England as any of her own,
and more injurious to the trade of Spain and America, if not
of France, while they are of no use at all to France, Spain, or
America. This little impotent morsel of a State ought not to
do so much mischief so unjustly. If she is neutral, let her be
neutral ; not say she is neutral, and be otherwise.
Would it not be proper for congress to discover some sensi
bility to the injuries which the United States receive from these
States, such as Denmark and Portugal ? I think they should
VOL. VII. 15
170 OFFICIAL.
remonstrate coolly and with dignity ; not go to war, nor be in a
passion about it ; but show that they understand their behavior.
Denmark restored Jones's and Landais's prizes to England with
out knowing why. Why would it not do to remonstrate ; then
prohibit any of the productions of Portugal from being con
sumed in America ?
The prospect brightens in the West Indies. De Guichen has
arrived. De la Motte Picquet has defended himself very well,
secured his convoys, fought the English, even with inferior
force, and got the better. De Guichen's appearance dissipated
all thoughts of their expedition, and threw the English islands
into great consternation ; but you will see in the public prints
all the news.
The force from Brest which sailed on the 2d, and that from
Cadiz, which I hope sailed as soon or sooner, will not dimi
nish the terror and confusion of the English in America and the
islands. I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
TO M. GENET.
Paris, 15 May, 1780.
DEAR SIR, — I have engaged a person in London to send me
all the political pamphlets as they come out, and some neces
sary books, as I shall order them. He has sent me already one
box and one packet at least, to a Mr. Francis Bowens, merchant,
in Ostend. I shall be once more obliged to you, if you would
inform me in what way I can soonest get them from thence,
and whether there are any regulations which may obstruct this
communication. I suppose there are regulations to prevent the
introduction of religious or irreligious books ; but I shall have
none sent me either for or against religion ; my bundles will be
nothing but politics and a few books that relate to them. If I
can get the English pamphlets in this way, I may promise to
be of some little use to you how and then in your way. The
English have an advantage of us in one point. Their newspa
pers propagate every thing favorable to them all over Europe
immediately, whereas the limitations upon the press in this
country prevent us from much of this advantage. Their gene-
OFFICIAL. 171
rals and admirals calculate their despatches for the eye of
Europe, for the people, and they adjust them so as to make an
impression upon the hopes of their friends and the fears of their
enemies, and in this consists full one half of their power.
All governments depend upon the good will of the people. The
popular tide of joy and hope and confidence carries away armies
and navies to great exertion ; for officers and armies and navies
are but people. On the contrary, the ebb of sorrow, grief, and
despair damps the ardor and activity of officers and men ; even
the tradesmen, artificers, and laborers, even the mortals adjudged
to the galleys, are benumbed by it. The English excite the ardor
of their people and of their fleets and armies by falsehood and
fiction ; their enemies have no occasion for any thing but the
truth ; this would be enough, if it were known ; but the Eng
lish find means to hide it even from their own eyes.
There is not a more delusive thing in the world than their
last despatches from New York ; fabricated entirely to impose
upon the credulity of friends and enemies. I see thousands
of these things every day that might easily be counteracted.
I do not wish you to publish any thing against your rules ;
and if ever I propose any thing of that sort, it will be from
ignorance or inattention ; and I rely upon your knowledge and
prudence to check it. But as I am likely to have a little
more leisure than I have had for a long time, if you will give
me leave, I will assist you a little in your labors for the public
good.
I forget whether the first audience of the Chevalier de la
Luzerne has been published in Europe. I inclose it to you.
You may print it, if you judge proper ; but whether you do or
not, I should be glad if you would return it as soon as conve
nient, because I have no other copy of the journal of those days.
The publication of such things confirms the minds of people in
their notions of the alliance, and gradually reconciles all to it ;
the people of England even are gradually familiarized to it in
this way, and brought to consider it as unalterable, and a thing
to be submitted to.
My compliments to your amiable family.
JOHN ADAMS.
172 OFFICIAL.
M. GENET TO JOHN ADAMS.
Versailles, 17 May, 1780.
MONSIEUR, — C'est avec le plus grand plaisir que je faciliterai
votre correspondance et que j'accepte les offres que vous voulez
bien me faire, qui entrent completement dans les vues de notre
ministre. Je vous repond du plaisir avec lequel il donnera son
approbation, pour 1'impression dans le Mercure, a tout ce qui
nous viendra d'une aussi bonne main, et vous ne devez pas
douter du secret qui sera garde sur votre nom pour tout autre
que pour Monseigneur le Comte de Vergennes.
Pour avoir par mon canal les pamphlets qui vous seront
addresses, il faut que M. Francis Bowens apres les avoir recus
de Londres, mette une nouvelle enveloppe avec mon addresse,
et remette les paquets a M. de Bowens, Directeur ,des Postes a
Ostende. Aussitot que je les aurai rec/us je ne manquerai pas
de vous les faire passer. Each bundle of the bigness of an ordi
nary octavo book, and but one at a time.
Les details sur la premiere audience du Chevalier de la Lu-
zerne ont paru dans la Gazette de France et dans le Mercure.
Je vous renvoye le cahier du Journal du Congres. Permettez
moi de vous observer que le Mercure ne paroit qu'une fois la
semaine et que la place que la politique doit y occuper n'est pas
fort considerable. Ainsi il conviendra que vos Essays soient de
peu de longueur. II vaut mieux qu'ils ne soient pas de longue
haleine et qu'ils paroissent plus souvent. Cette nation- ci lit
tout ce qui est court, et elle aime la variete. II faut saisir son
gout pour parvenir a la persuader.
J'ai 1'honneur d'etre, &c. &c.
GENET.
TO M. GENET.
Paris, 17 May, 1780.
SIR, — General Conway, in his speech in the house of com
mons, on the 6th of May, affirms that the alliance between
France and the United States is not natural. Whether it is or
not is no doubt a great question. In order to determine whe
ther it is or not, one should consider what is meant by a natural
OFFICIAL. 173
alliance ; and I know of no better general rule than this, — when
two nations have the same interests in general, they are natural
allies ; when they have opposite interests, they are natural ene
mies. The General observes, first, that nature has raised a bar
rier between France and America ; but nature has raised no
other barrier than the ocean ; and the distance and this barrier
are equally great between England and America. The General
will not pretend that nature, in the constitution of American
minds or bodies, has laid any foundation for friendship or
enmity towards one nation more than another.
The General observes further that habit has raised another
barrier between France and America. But he should have con
sidered that the habits of affection or enmity between nations are
easily changed as circumstances vary, and as essential interests
alter. Besides, the fact is, that the horrible perfidy and cruelty
of the English towards the Americans, which they have taken
care to make universally felt in that country for a long course
of years past, have alienated the American mind and heart from
the English ; and it is now much to be doubted whether any
nation of Europe is so universally and heartily detested by them.
On the contrary, most of the other nations of Europe have treated
them with civility, and France and Spain with esteem, confi
dence, and affection, which has greatly changed the habits of the
Americans in this respect.
The third material of which the general barrier is created, is
language. This, no doubt, occasions many difficulties in the
communication between the allies ; but it is lessening every
day. Perhaps no language was ever studied at once by so
many persons at a time, in proportion, as the French is now
studied in America. And it is certain that English was never
so much studied in France as since the Revolution ; so that the
difficulties of understanding one another are lessening every
day.
Religion is the fourth part of the barrier. But let it be con
sidered, first, that there is not enough of religion of any kind
among the great in England to make the Americans very fond
of them. Secondly, that what religion there is in England, is
as far from being the religion of America as that of France.
The hierarchy of England is quite as disagreeable to America
as that of any other country. Besides, the Americans know
15*
174 OFFICIAL.
very well that the spirit of propagating any religion by con
quest, and of making proselytes by force or by intrigue is fled
from all other countries of the world in a great measure, and
that there is more of this spirit remaining in England than any
where else. And the Americans had, and have still, more rea-
/ son to fear the introduction of a religion that is disagreeable to
/ them, at least as far as bishops and hierarchy go, from a con
nection with England, than with any other nation of Europe.
The alliance with France has no article respecting religion.
France neither claims nor desires any authority or influence
over America in this respect ; whereas, England claimed and
intended to exercise authority and force over the Americans ;
at least, so far as to introduce bishops ; and the English Soci
ety for Propagating Religion in Foreign Parts, has, in fact, for
a century, sent large sums of money to America to support
their religion there, which really operated as a bribe upon many
minds, and was the principal source of toryism. So that upon
the whole, the alliance with France is in fact more natural, as
far as religion is concerned, than the former connection with
Great Britain or any other connection that can be formed.
Indeed, whoever considers attentively this subject will see
that these three circumstances of habit, language, and religion
will, for the future, operate as natural causes of animosity
between England and America, because they will facilitate
migration. The loss of liberty, the decay of religion, the hor
rible national debt, the decline of commerce, of political im
portance in Europe, and of maritime power, which cannot but
take place in England, will tempt numbers of their best people
to emigrate to America ; and to this, fashions, language, and
religion will contribute. The British government will, there
fore, see themselves obliged to restrain this by many ways ;
and, among others, by cultivating an animosity and hatred in
the minds of their people against the Americans. Nature has
already sufficiently discovered itself, and all the world sees that
the British government have for many years, not only indulged
in themselves the most unsocial and bitter passions against
Americans, but have systematically encouraged them in the
people.
After all, the circumstances of modes, language, and religion
have much less influence in determining the friendship and
OFFICIAL. 175
enmity of nations than other more essential interests. Com
merce is more than all these and many more such circum
stances. Now it is easy to see that the commercial interests of
England and America will forever hereafter be incompatible.
America will take away, or at least diminish, the trade of the
English in ship-building, in freight, in the whale-fisheries, in
the cod-fisheries, in furs and skins, and in other particulars, too
many to enumerate. In this respect, America will not interfere
with France ; but, on the contrary, will facilitate and benefit
the French commerce and marine to a very great degree.
Here, then, will be a perpetual rivalry and competition between
England and America, and a continual source of animosity and
war. America will have occasion for the alliance of France, to
defend her against this ill-will of England, as France will stand
in need of that of America, to aid her against the natural and
continual jealousies and hostility of England.
The boundaries of territory will also be another constant
source of disputes. If a peace should unhappily be made, leav
ing England in possession of Canada, Nova Scotia, the Flori-
das, or any one spot of ground in America, they will be per
petually encroaching upon the States of America; whereas,
France, having renounced all territorial jurisdiction in America,
will have no room for controversy.
The people of America, therefore, whose very farmers appear
to have considered the interests of nations more profoundly than
General Conway, are universally of the opinion, that f$om the
.time they declared themselves independent, England became
their natural enemy; and as she has been for centuries, and will
be, the natural enemy of France and the natural ally of other
natural enemies of France, America became the natural friend
of France, and she the natural friend of the United States ;
powers naturally united against a common enemy, whose inte
rests will long continue to be reciprocally secured and promoted
by mutual friendship.
It is very strange that the English should thus dogmatically
judge of the interests of all other nations. According to them,
the Americans are, and have been for many years, acting
directly against their own interest ; France and Spain have
been acting against their own interests ; Holland is acting
against her own interest ; Russia and the northern powers are
176 OFFICIAL.
all acting against their own interests ; Ireland is acting against
hers, &c. ; so that there is only that little island of the whole
world that understands its own interest ; and of the inhabit
ants of that, the committees and associations and assemblies
are all in the same error with the rest of the world ; so that
there remains only the ministry and their equivocal and undu
lating majority among all the people upon the face of the earth
who act naturally and according to their own interests. The
rest of the world, however, think that they understand them
selves very wrell, and that it is the English or Scottish majority
who are mistaken.1 Your friend, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
TO THE COUNT DE VERGENNES.
Paris, 19 May, 1780.
SIR, — I have the honor to inclose a few newspapers received
by the last post from Boston by the way of Bilboa. There is
very little news. I have letters as late as the 27th of March.
The most remarkable thing in the Pennsylvania Gazette is,
that the great seal of the Province of Pennsylvania was brought
into the house of the assembly of that State, and by order of
the house defaced and cut to pieces, which, to be sure, is no
proof of a desire to go back to their old government. I do not
see how they could have expressed a stronger contempt of it.
In the Independent Chronicle of the 9th of March is a list of
prizes made by the privateers of the middle district, of the Mas
sachusetts Bay only, since the last session of the court of admi
ralty. They amount to nineteen vessels ; which shows that
privateering flourishes in those seas, and also shows what havoc
may, and probably will be made among the English transports,
provision vessels, and merchantmen, when the superiority of the
French and Spanish fleets comes to be as clear as it soon will
l This letter was translated into French, and printed in the Mercure de France
of 3 June, 1 780. It was likewise transmitted to London, and published in Par
ker's General Advertiser. The substance of it was appended to the despatch,
No. 70, addressed to the President of Congress, which contained General Con-
way's speech. In the Diplomatic Correspondence of the Revolution the parts are
separated, and the latter is inserted in the form in which it appears here, with a
note of reference to the former.
OFFICIAL. 177
be ; perhaps as it is now and has been since the arrival of M.
de Guichen.
In a private letter of the 27th of March, I am told, that two
prizes had just then arrived, one with four hundred hogsheads
of rum, and another with four thousand barrels of flour, pork,
and beef, articles much wanted by the enemy, and not at all
amiss in Boston.
The convention l had gone through the constitution of govern
ment, and had accepted the report of the committee with some
few unessential amendments.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
COUNT DE VERGENNES TO JOHN ADAMS.
(Translation.)
VersaiUes, 24 May, 1780.
SIR, — I have received the two letters which you have done
me the honor to write to me on the 12th and 19th of the pre
sent month. I had no need of your apology to induce me to
render justice to the patriotic sentiments with which you are
animated. You understand the interests and engagements of
your country, and I am persuaded you will never have any
other object than to consolidate both the one and the other.
You can judge by this, sir, what confidence we place in your
principles, and what security we feel beforehand as to the con
duct you will hold, in case the Court of London should propose
to you overtures of conciliation.
I offer you many thanks for the American gazettes which you
have been so kind as to send me. I will take care that they
shall all'be punctually returned.
I have the honor to be, &c. DE VERGENNES.
TO ARTHUR LEE.
Paris, 25 May, 1780.
DEAR SIR, — Your kind favor of April 12th is yet unanswered.
With nothing at all to do, I am as busy as ever I was in my
1 In Massachusetts.
178 OFFICIAL.
life. Whether any good will result from it time must discover.
I have undertaken to inform congress a little more particularly
than they are wont to be informed, of some things that have
passed in Europe, which will ultimately affect them ; but I find
it is in vain to put my eyes out by writing ; for when letters
are written we cannot get them across the water. I have, how
ever, sworn, and I will perform. If it is possible to get letters
to them by the way of Spain or Holland, or any other way, let
the expense be what it will, they shall go.
I have a very good opinion of Count Sarsfield, and have the
honor to see him sometimes, though not so often as I wish.
Too many unsuitable characters, it is very certain, have been
permitted to meddle in our affairs ; but when or how it will be
remedied, God only knows. In a country where every thing
goes and is done by protection, and where the maxims of
government are the direct opposites of ours, I see no prospect of
having it otherwise, let who will be in or out.
As to jobs, I never had, and never will have any thing to do
in any, let the consequence to me and my family be what it
will. The trusts with which you and I have been honored by
our country are too sacred to be tarnished by the little selfish
intrigues in which the insects about a court are eternally buzz
ing. If I had neither a sense of duty, nor the pride of virtue,
nor any other pride, — if I had no higher principle or quality
than vanity, it would mortify this in an extreme degree, to sully
and debase so pure a cause by any such practices.
On the characters you mention, I shall never condescend to
bestow my confidence, nor my resentment nor contempt. They
have ever been treated by me, and ever will be, with justice and
civility ; but they will never be my friends.
I have received a letter by the way of Bilboa for you, which
I do myself the honor to inclose.
I was in hopes you would have been at congress before now.
Your situation must be disagreeable, but I know from expe
rience it can be borne.
Pray how do you relish Clinton's letter?1 I think the policy
of France and Spain is pointed out by it in sunbeams. I hope
they will profit by it. They seemed to be convinced of it before
i A forgery. See the letter of W. Lee of the 8th July following.
OFFICIAL. 179
this letter arrived. They have now the testimony of our enemy
to the truth and justice of what you and I had the honor to
represent to them, in conjunction with our colleague last Janu
ary was twelve months.
I am, with much esteem, &c., yours,
JOHN ADAMS.
I have a letter from Mr. S. Adams and Dr. Gordon ; both
desire to be remembered to you. No news from either, only
respecting our constitution, which it seems the convention
have adopted without any essential alterations. They have
published their result for the remarks and opinions of the peo
ple, after which they are to revise it. If two thirds of the peo
ple, in 1795, shall desire a convention to revise and alter, as
experience shall find necessary, it is to be done. Massachu
setts very intent on filling up their quota of the continental
army.
M. GENET TO JOHN ADAMS.
Ce 2G Mai, 1780.
M. GENET renouvelle ses hommages a M. Adams. La let-
tre ci-incluse est traduite ; l mais il reste a entendre deux ou
trois mots qu'il a ete impossible de lire. M. Adams est supplie
de les ecrire de nouveau, pour que cet excellent morceau ne
reste pas incomplet.
M. GENET TO JOHN ADAMS.
Ce 31 Mai, 1780.
M. GENET renouvelle tous ses hommages a M. Adams, et lui
fait ses remercimens de Pexcellent morceau qu'il vient de lui
envoyer.2 II ne doute point que le ministre ne desire qu'il soit
1 This refers to the letter of the 1 7th, which was inserted in the Mercure. See
p. 176, note.
2 This refers to a letter addressed to M. Genet on the 28th of the month,
and inserted by him in the Mercure de France of 1 7 June, containing the same
strictures upon the speech of Lord George Germaine, which were transmitted to
the President of Congress in the despatch of the 2d of June, the next letter
of the present collection. It was also published in the General Advertiser in
London.
180 OFFICIAL.
imprime dans le Mercure. Et M. Adams pent etre certain de
n'etre point nomme.
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS
Paris, 2 June, 1780.
SIR, — When a minister of an ancient nation, which has
been renowned for its wisdom and virtue as well as power rises
in a popular assembly, which is the most conspicuous theatre
in Europe, and declares as it were in the face of all the world,
and with an air of reflection, of deliberation, and of solemnity,
that such and such are his own opinions concerning the truth
of facts and the probability of future events, one cannot call in
question his good faith, although we may know his information
to be false and his judgment erroneous.
Lord George Germaine, in the debate in the house of com
mons on the 6th of May, declared that " he flattered himself the
completion of the chief wish of his heart, peace with America,
on what he thought good and honorable terms for Great Bri
tain, was not far off. He verily believed, and his belief was not
merely speculative, but founded on recent information, that the
moment of conciliation was near. His Lordship described the
misery which the Americans felt at this time, and stated that
the greatest majority of the people there were ready and desi
rous to return to their allegiance, but that they were prevented
by the tyranny of those who had got the power of government
into their own hands. He did not believe the congress would
ever treat for peace ; but, from the condition of affairs in Ame
rica, from the depreciation of their paper currency, from the
poverty and distress of the country, from the great debt it
groaned under, from the dissatisfaction which all ranks of peo
ple expressed at the alliance with France, from the little benefit
America had derived from that alliance ; from all these conside
rations he did believe that the people of America and the assem
blies of America would soon come to terms."
There may be some ambiguity in the phrase, " good and
honorable terms for Great Britain ; " but there can be no rea
sonable doubt that his Lordship meant either to return to their
OFFICIAL.
allegiance to Great Britain, or at least to make a peace with
her, separate from France. Whether the Americans ever will
agree to such terms or not, being a question concerning a fu
ture event, cannot be decided by witnesses, nor any other way,
but by probable arguments. There is one argument which his
Lordship does not appear to have considered. It is of some
weight. It is this, — that in order to return to their allegiance
to the King of England, or make a peace with him, separate from
France, they must involve themselves in a certain war with
France and Spain, at least, and indeed, according to present
appearances, with Russia, Sweden, Denmark, Holland, and
Portugal ; for every one of these powers appears to be as
decided against the claims, pretensions, and usurpations of
Great Britain upon the seas, as France and Spain are. There
is not an American merchant, yeoman, tradesman, or seaman
but knows this, or will know it very soon. Americans must,
therefore, be destitute of that common share of reason which
God has given to men, to exchange the friendship of all the
world for their enmity, merely for the sake of returning to a
connection "with Great Britain which could not protect them,
and which they have the best reasons to dread as the great
est evil that could befall them, from the unheard of tyran
nies and cruelties they have already experienced from her. His
Lordship is desired to consider this, and to ask himself, if he
was an American, whether he would wish to run under the
broken fragments of an empire that is dashed in pieces, like a
china vase, and commence a fresh war against a combination
of all the nations of the world who now discover a degree of
esteem and regard for America.
If the Americans are as miserable as his Lordship represents
them, will they be likely to increase that misery tenfold and
make it perpetual, by espousing the cause of a ruined empire
and going to war with half a dozen that are not ruined ?
If we believe the testimonies of witnesses who come from all
parts of America, we shall be convinced that his Lordship
deceives himself. Every man from that country who knows
the principles and opinions of the people, declares that they are,
with a unanimity that is unexampled in any other revolution,
firmly determined to maintain their sovereignty and their alli
ances, and that there is nobody there who utters a wish of
VOL. VII. 16
182 OFFICIAL.
returning to the government of Great Britain, or even of mak
ing a separate peace.
But if his Lordship was a candid inquirer after truth, and had
a mind sufficiently enlightened to discover the means that are
in the power of all men of obtaining it, he might have seen his
error. There are certain marks by which the opinions, princi
ples, inclinations, and wishes of a people may be discovered
with infallible certainty, without recurring to witnesses or to
far-fetched arguments.
The press, the towns, the juries, and the assemblies are four
sources, from whence an unerring demonstration of the true
sentiments of the people of America may be drawn. There is
not in any nation of the world so unlimited a freedom of the
press as is now established in every State of America, both by
law and practice. Every man in Europe wrho reads their news
papers must see it. There is nothing that the people dislike
that they do not attack. They attack officers of every rank in
the militia and in the army ; they attack judges, governors,
and magistrates of every denomination ; they attack assem
blies and councils, members of congress, and congress itself,
whenever they dislike their conduct. But I appeal to every
newspaper upon the continent, whether one paragraph, one
wish or hint of returning to the government of Great Britain,
or of making a separate peace, has ever appeared.
The towns in many parts of America are small districts of
territory, on an average perhaps six miles square. By the
ancient laws of the country, which are still in force, any seven
inhabitants of one of these towns have a right to demand of
the magistrates a public assembly of all. There are necessarily
several of these town meetings every year, and generally a great
number of them. In these assemblies, every man, high and
low, every yeoman, tradesman, and even day-laborer, as well
as every gentleman and public magistrate, has a right to vote,
and to speak his sentiments upon public affairs, to propose
measures, to instruct the representatives in the legislature,
&c. This right was constantly and frequently used under the
former government, and is now much more frequently used
under the new. The world has seen some hundreds of sets
of instructions to representatives under the former govern
ment, wherein they enjoined an open opposition to judges,
OFFICIAL. 183
governors, acts of parliament, king, lords, and commons of
Great Britain. What is there now to prevent them from
opposing congress ? Nothing. Has a single vote of any one
of these towns been read, or one speech heard, proposing or
uttering a wish to return to the government of Great Britain ?
Not one. Is not this a demonstration of the sentiments of the
people ?
Juries in America were formerly another organ, by which the
sentiments of the people were conveyed to the public. Both
grand juries and petit juries have expressed themselves in lan
guage sufficiently bold and free against acts of parliament and
the conduct of Great Britain. But has any one ever uttered a
word against congress or the assemblies or the judges under
their new governments ? or a wish to return to the obedience
of England ? Not one.
But it is said the paper money embarrasses congress. What
then ? Does this tend to make them dissolve their union ?
to violate their alliances ? Would the paper money embar
rass congress less, if they had a war to maintain against
France and Spain, than it does now ? Would not the em
barrassment be much greater ? Does the paper money pre
vent the increase and the population of the States ? No.
Does the war prevent it ? No. Both the population and the
property of the States have increased every year since this war
began. And all the efforts of Great Britain cannot prevent
it. On the contrary, have the wealth and population of Great
Britain increased ? Has her commerce increased ? Has the
political weight of the nation in the scales of Europe increased ?
Let a melancholy Briton tell.
His Lordship talks about the misery of the people in Ame
rica. Let him look at home, and then say where is misery !
where the hideous prospect of an internal civil war is added to
a war with all the world. The truth is, that agriculture and
manufactures, not of luxuries, but of necessaries, have been so
much increased by this war, that it is much to be doubted
whether they ever fed or clothed themselves more easily or
more comfortably. But, besides this, the immense depredations
they have made upon the British trade have introduced vast
quantities of British merchandises of >every sort. And, in spite
of all the exertions of the British fleet, their trade is opening
184 OFFICIAL.
and extending with various countries every year, and Britain
herself is forced to aid it, and will be more and more ; a recent
proof of which is the permission to import American tobacco
into the kingdom from any part of the world, in neutral bot
toms.
The great debt is also mentioned. Do they pay an interest
for this debt ? Is every necessary and convenience of life taxed
to perpetuity to pay this interest ? Is the whole equal in pro
portion to their abilities to the debt of England ? Would the
debt be rendered less by joining Great Britain against France
and Spain ? Would the war against France and Spain be
shorter, less expensive, or less bloody than the war against
England ? By returning to England, would not their debt be
ten times more burdensome ? This debt is as nothing to Ame
rica, once give her peace. Let the Americans trade freely with
one another and with all other nations, and this debt would be
but a feather. Let them come under Great Britain again, and
have the communication between one colony and another
obstructed as heretofore, and their trade confined to Great
Britain as heretofore, and this debt would be a heavier mill
stone about their necks than that of England is about theirs.
A general repugnance to the alliance with France is men
tioned. A greater mistake was never made. On the con
trary, every step of congress, every proceeding of every assem
bly upon the continent, every prayer that is made in the pulpit,
and eVery speculation in the newspapers, demonstrates the high
sense they have of the importance of this alliance. It is said
that this alliance has been of little utility. Has it not employed
the British army ? has it not cut out work enough for the Bri
tish navy ? has it not wasted for England her annual twenty
millions ? has it not prevented these from being employed
against America? has it not given scope to American priva
teers ? has it not protected the American trade ? has it not
hurt that of Great Britain ? has it not engaged Russia, Hol
land, Sweden, Denmark, and Portugal, at least to a neutrality ?
at least has it not contributed much to these vast advantages
to America? has it not taken away from Great Britain the
dominion of the sea so far as to allow liberty of navigation to
others ? It is true the alliance might have been of more utility
to all the allies with the same expense, if France and Spain
OFFICIAL. 185
had sooner adopted the policy of sending more of their forces
to America. But they are now so well convinced of it, that
unless miracles are wrought to prevent it, America and Eng
land, too, will soon see more of the efforts of this alliance. Let
Britain tremble at the consequences of her own folly and her
own crime.
His Lordship says that the people would return to their alle
giance if they were not restrained by the tyranny of those who
have got the powers of government. These are the assemblies,
senates, governors, and congress. Now what power have any
of these, but what the people please to allow them ? By what
engine is this tyranny exercised ? Is it by the militia ? In
order to judge of this, let us consider the constitution of the
militia. The militia is, in fact, the whole people ; for, by the
laws of every State, every man from sixteen to sixty years of
age belongs to the militia, is obliged to be armed, to train and
to march upon occasion, or find a substitute. The officers are
chosen by the men, except the general officers, who are ap
pointed by the assemblies. It is this very militia which forms
the body of voters, who annually choose the members of assem
bly and the senators and governors. Is it possible these men
should tyrannize over men upon whom they are so entirely
dependent ? As well might it be reproached to his Lordship
arid his colleagues in administration, that they tyrannized over
their royal master, who can displace them at his pleasure. The
assemblies thus annually chosen by the people or militia, annu
ally choose the delegates in congress, and have power to recall
them at pleasure. Will the militia then obey either assemblies
or congress in the execution of tyrannical orders or any orders
that are not generally agreeable to them ? The thing speaks
for itself. Is it the continental army, then, that is the instru
ment of their own servitude and that of their country ? Every
officer holds his commission at the pleasure of congress. But
his Lordship and his colleagues often represent the continental
army as so small and feeble as to be unable to make head
against the British troops, and it is true that they are con
stantly employed in that service, and it is true that they are
nothing in comparison with the militia. What would become
of them, then, if the militia or any considerable number of them,
were to join the British troops ?
16*
186 OFFICIAL.
There has never been any part of the continental army, in
more than three or four of the thirteen States at a time, watch
ing the motions of the British army and confining them to the
protection of then* men-of-war. What has there been, then,
in the remaining nine or ten States for an instrument of
tyranny ? This is too ridiculous to need many words.
His Lordship concludes with a distinction, if possible, less
grounded than his assertions. He says that congress will never
treat, but that the people and the assemblies will. Where does
his Lordship find the ground of his difference between the con
gress and the assemblies ? Are not the members of congress
made of the same clay ? Are they not themselves members of
the assemblies ? Are they not the creatures of the assemblies ?
Are they not annually created ? Are they not dependent every
moment upon the assemblies for their existence ? Have not
the assemblies a right to recall them when they please, and
appoint others by law and the constitution ? Have not the
assemblies a right to instruct them how to act ? If they do not
obey these instructions, cannot the assemblies displace them
and appoint others who will be more obedient ? If the assem
blies desired a reconciliation with England, could not they
appoint a congress who desired it too ? If the people desired
it, could not they appoint assemblies who would soon make a
congress suitable for their purpose ? But I have been too long ;
his Lordship betrays such misinformation of facts, such an inat
tention to those obvious marks of the feelings of a people, as
are infallible indications of their designs, and such a want of
knowledge of the laws and constitution of the United States,
as excite astonishment in an impartial examiner, and a real
commiseration for the unhappy nation who are devoted to
destruction from his errors and delusions.1
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
1 Barriers between Great Britain and the United States of America to a Recon
ciliation, Alliance, or even Peace. '
1. The malice, revenge, pride, obstinacy, and absurdity of the king and royal
family.
2. The guilt and danger of the ministry ; danger to their lives and personal
safety, as well as of ruin to their fortunes, characters, and reputations.
3. The ambition and avarice of the minority, whose chiefs have the same hun
ger for the loaves and fishes as the ministers ; as little attention to, and affection
for the public as they ; and, therefore, dare not displease the king, and so give up
OFFICIAL. 187
TO COUNT DE VERGENNES.
Paris, 16 June, 1780.
SIR, — I have just received a letter from Nantes, brought in a
ship from New London. I inclose your Excellency a newspa
per inclosed in it, and an extract of the letter, which is from a
gentleman who is a member of the assembly and one of the
judges at Boston. This is all the news I have. I hope your
Excellency has more by the same vessel.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
(Extract Inclosed.}
RICHARD CRANCH TO JOHN ADAMS.
Boston, 26 April, 1780.
You will see by the papers the congress has recommended a
total revolution in the paper currency. The general court is
now sitting here. We have adopted the spirit of the recom
mendation, and a bill for that purpose has passed both houses,
but is not yet enacted. By this act, a tax of seventy-two thou
sand pounds per annum for seven years, including the present
year, is to be raised in hard money or produce at a certain rate ;
which sum is supposed sufficient to redeem our quota of the
continental currency at its present depreciated value, estimated
at forty paper dollars for one hard one. This tax is to be paid
in silver, at six shillings and eight pence per ounce, or gold in
proportion ; or else in wheat, rye, corn, merchantable fish, bar
relled pork and beef, &c. &c., which are to be delivered into the
State stores, free of charge, at a certain stipulated price, such as
the merchants would be willing to pay for them in silver and
gold. This is the fund on which the new bills proposed by
congress for this State are to be founded, and will, at the end
of seven years, be sufficient to redeem them with gold and sil
ver, and pay the intervening interest.
their hopes of his favor, by adopting any principles or espousing any system that
could lead to reconciliation or to peace.
4. The general prevalence of profligacy.
188 OFFICIAL.
TO COUNT DE VERGENNES.
Paris, 20 June, 1780.
SIR, — Last evening I received the letter, an extract of which
I have the honor to inclose. It is from Mr. Gerry, a member of
congress, who has been a member of their treasury board from
the beginning of the year 1776.
It is much to be regretted that the congress did not publish
their resolution to pay off the loan-office certificates, according
to the value of money at the time of their being respectively
issued, with their resolutions of the 18th of March ; because
this I think would have prevented the alarm that has been
spread in Europe. It will be found that almost all the interest
that European merchants or others have in our funds lies in
these certificates, and that almost all the paper bills now in
possession of their factors in America have been received
within a few months, immediately before the 18th of March ;
and consequently received at a depreciation of forty for one at
least, perhaps at a much greater.
Although some Europeans may have considerable sums in
loan-office certificates, yet I have reason to believe that the
whole will be found much less than is imagined. They have
realized their property generally as they went along. Some
may have purchased land, others have purchased bills of
exchange, others have purchased the produce of the country,
which they have exported to St. Eustatia, to the French West
India Islands, and to Europe.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
(Extract Inclosed.')
ELBRIDGE GERRY TO JOHN ADAMS.
Philadelphia, 5 May, 1780.
The resolutions of congress for calling in and cancelling
the two hundred millions of dollars emitted by them, have
in general been well received. The depreciation is stopped,
and specie, which before the passing of the resolves, was sold
for upwards of seventy for one, is now current at sixty, and has
OFFICIAL. 189
been lately at fifty-five. The advantage of this plan will be
great to the landholder, inasmuch as the national debt, includ
ing certificates and foreign demands, does not now much exceed
five millions sterling, which is but a trifling sum compared with
the two hundred millions of pounds sterling due from Great
Britain.
Another benefit resulting from it is a supply of five millions
of dollars of the new emission, every dollar of which is equal to
forty dollars of the old emission. Indeed, this must be called
in before that can be realized ; nevertheless, there is ^ greater
demand among all ranks for continental money than there has
been since the commencement of the war, and specie is no
longer hoarded by the disaffected or timid. So much for the
value and stability of the medium.
With respect to our resources, congress are at present much
in want of money, and it is a happy circumstance, for their
economy is in proportion to their wants. The demands on the
treasury are generally answered by warrants on the several
States, which are careful, by some means or other, to discharge
the drafts. The taxes are indeed very heavy, but the collection
goes on, and, I doubt not that the army will be well fed and
paid. Military stores and clothing must, however, be procured
on credit in Europe, as well as a considerable loan to serve as a
fund for drawing on in case of necessity. Trade and privateer
ing are brisk, and there is a plenty of goods of every kind
excepting military, but no money to purchase them. This is
easily accounted for, since the whole sum in circulation, as con
gress have fixed it, is only five million dollars. Our privateers
and commerce have, nevertheless, lately suffered much by the
cruisers of the enemy, who have the command of the sea-coast.
It is much to be wished that the Court of France would
order a squadron superior to the enemy, to be stationed in
some part of the United States, as the best and only means of
putting a speedy end to the war. It is almost impossible to
conceive the havoc that our privateers made of the enemy's
cruisers and transports, during the time that the Count d'Estaing
was at Rhode Island and Charleston. But our losses at pre
sent nearly equal our captures. Indeed, that worthy officer,
aware of those arid other advantages, ordered the Count de
Grasse to be stationed at the Chesapeake, but his plan was
190 OFFICIAL.
defeated by the tempestuousness of the weather. Had the lat
ter arrived with his squadron, Charleston could not have been
besieged, and three or four of our frigates, which are now in
Ashley's River, and will probably be destroyed, would have
been employed in intercepting the enemy's transports.
I forgot to mention a resolution of congress to pay off the
continental certificates, according to the value of money at the
time of their being respectively issued. This is but justice, and
will undoubtedly be satisfactory to foreigners. Bills of exchange
are now at forty-five for one, and will be higher, in consequence
of the great risk of sending vessels from the Eastern States to
the Southern for produce.
COUNT DE VERGENNES TO JOHN ADAMS.
(Translation.1)
Versailles, 21 June, 1780.
SIR, — I have received the letter which you did me the honor
to write me on the 16th of this month, and also the extract of
the letter addressed to you from Boston, dated the 26th of
April.
According to the latter the assembly of Massachusetts has
determined to adopt the resolution of congress, fixing the value
of the paper money at forty for one in specie. In reading that
resolution, I had convinced myself that it had no other object
than that of restoring the value of the paper money by lessening
its quantity, and that, in consequence of that operation, the paper
not brought in would resume its currency according as circum
stances should give it a greater or less degree of credit. What
would have confirmed me in this opinion, was the liberty given
to the possessors of the paper money to carry it to the treasury
of their State, or to keep it in their own possession. But, from
1 It has already been remarked that every important translation herein given
is taken from the Diplomatic Correspondence of the Revolution, with such altera
tions only as seemed more nearly to approach the meaning of the original. But,
perhaps, it is proper to state that, in the present case, the changes made affect
the entire tone of the paper, which is scarcely felt in the former translation.
This instance tends strongly to confirm the view taken at the outset, in this
volume, of the propriety of adhering, at least in official documents, to the lan
guage in which they are written.
OFFICIAL. 191
the information I have since received, and the very letter which
you, sir, have been pleased to communicate to me, I have reason
to believe that the intention of congress is to maintain the paper
money invariably at the exchange of forty for one, and to redeem
on that footing all the paper which it has thrown into circula
tion, in order to reduce insensibly the two hundred millions of
dollars, for which it finds itself indebted, to about five millions.
I shall take great care, sir, not to criticize this operation in
itself, because I have no right to analyze or comment upon the
internal arrangements which congress may consider just and
useful ; moreover, I readily agree that there may be some situa
tions critical enough to force even the best regulated and
longest established governments to adopt extraordinary mea
sures to repair their finances, and to put themselves in a
condition to answer the public expenses ; and this I am per
suaded has been the principal reason that has induced congress
to depreciate the money which itself had created.
But while I admit, sir, that that assembly could have recourse
to the expedient above-mentioned, in order to lighten the load of
its debt, I am far from agreeing that it is just and agreeable to
the ordinary course of things to extend the effect to strangers /
as well as to citizens of the United States. On the contrary, I
think it should have been confined to Americans alone, and that
an exception should have been made in favor of those same
strangers, or, at least, that some means should have been
devised to indemnify these for the losses they may suffer by
the general law.
In order to make you sensible of this truth, I will not tell you,
sir, that it is for the Americans alone to support the expense
which may be caused by the defence of their liberty, and that
they ought to consider the depreciation of their paper money -
purely as a tax which ought to be concentrated upon them
selves, as the paper money was at first established only to
relieve them from the necessity of paying one. I shall content
myself to remark to you that the French, if they should be
obliged to submit to the reduction proposed by congress,
would find themselves victims of the zeal, and I may say of
the rashness, with which they have exposed themselves in fur- ^
nishing the Americans with arms, ammunition, and clothing ;
in a word, with all things of the first necessity, of which the
192 OFFICIAL.
Americans stood in the most urgent need. You will agree
with me, sir, that this is not the fate which the subjects of
the King ought to expect; and that very far from dreading,
after escaping the dangers of the sea and the vigilance of
the English, to see themselves plundered in America, they
might, on the contrary, have counted on the thanks of con
gress and of the whole American people, and have believed
their property as secure and as sacred in America as in France
itself. It was with this persuasion, and in a reliance on the
public faith, that they received paper money in exchange for
their merchandise, and kept that paper with a view to employ
it in new speculations of commerce. The unexpected reduction
of this same paper overturns their calculations, at the same time
that it ruins their fortune. I ask you, sir, if these consequences
induce you to believe that this operation of congress is fitting
to advance the credit of the United States, to inspire confidence
in their promises, to invite the European nations to share in the
same risks to which the subjects of his Majesty have exposed
themselves ?
These, sir, are the principal reflections occasioned by the
resolution of congress of the 18th of March. I make it a duty
to communicate them to you with entire confidence, because
you are too enlightened not to feel their force and justice, and
too much attached to your country not to use all your endea
vors to engage it to retrace its steps, and do justice to the
subjects of the King.
I shall not conceal from you that the Chevalier de la Luzerne
has already received orders to make the strongest represent
ations on the subject in question, and that the King is firmly
persuaded that the United States will be eager to give to him
on this occasion a mark of their attachment, by granting to his
subjects the just satisfaction which they solicit, and which they
expect from the wisdom and justice of the United States.
I have the honor to be, &c.
DE VERGENNES.
OFFICIAL. 193
TO COUNT DE VERGENNES.
I
Paris, 22 June, 1780.
SIR, — I received this day the letter which your Excellency
did me the honor to write me on the 21st of this month.
I thank your Excellency for the confidence which induced \s
yo 'to communicate this letter to me, and the continuance of
wl ih I shall ever study to deserve.
When your Excellency says that his Majesty's minister at
congress has already received orders to make representations
agaijist the resolutions of congress of the 18th of March, as far
as they effect his subjects, I am at a loss to know with cer-
tai ty whether your Excellency means only that such orders
ha 3 lately passed and are sent off to go to America, or whe
ther you mean that such orders were sent so long ago as to
have reached the hand of the Chevalier de la Luzerne.
If the latter is your Excellency's meaning, there is no remedy ;
if the former, I would submit it to your Excellency's considera
tion, whether those orders may not be stopped and delayed a
little time, until his Excellency Mr. Franklin may have op
portunity to make his representations to his Majesty's minis
ters, to the end that, if it should appear that those orders were
issued in consequence of misinformation, they may be revoked ;
e sent on.
edo myself the honor to write fully to your Excellency
is subject, without loss of time; and although it is a
subject on which I pretend not to an accurate knowledge in the
detail, yet I flatter myself I am so far master of the principles
as to demonstrate that the plan of congress is not only wise but
just. I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
TO COUNT DE VERGENNES.
Paris, 22 June, 1780.
SIR, — I this day acknowledged the receipt of the letter which
you did me the honor to write to me on the 21st.
I have the honor to agree with your Excellency in opinion,
that it is the intention of congress to redeem all their paper bills
VOL. vn. 17 M
194 OFFICIAL.
which are extant, at an exchange of forty for one, by which
means the two hundred millions of dollars which are out will
be reduced to about five millions.
I apprehend, with your Excellency, that it was necessary
for the congress to put themselves in a condition to defray
the public expenses. They found their currency so depreciated
and so rapidly depreciating, that a further emission sufficient to
discharge the public expenses another year, would have proba
bly depreciated it to two hundred for one ; perhaps, would have
so totally discredited it, that nobody would have taken it at any
rate. It was absolutely necessary, then, to stop emitting. Yet
it was absolutely necessary to have an army to save their cities
from the fire and their citizens from the sword. That army
must be fed, clothed, paid, and armed, and other expenses must
be defrayed. It had become necessary, therefore, at this time
to call in their paper ; for there is no nation that is able to carry
on war by the taxes which can be raised within the year. But
I am far from thinking that this necessity was the cause of their
calling it in at a depreciated value, because I am well convinced
that they would have called it in at a depreciated value, if the
British fleet and army had been withdrawn from the United
States, and a general peace had been concluded. My reason
for this belief is, the evident injustice of calling it in at its nomi
nal value, a silver dollar for a paper one. The public has its
rights as well as individuals ; and every individual has a share
in the rights of the public. Justice is due to the body politic, as
well as to the possessor of the bills ; and to have paid off the
bills at their nominal value would have wronged the body poli
tic of thirty-nine dollars in every forty as really as if forty dol
lars had been paid for one at the first emission in 1775, when
each paper dollar was worth and would fetch a silver one.
I beg leave to ask your Excellency, whether you judge that
the congress ought to pay two hundred millions of silver dollars
for the two hundred millions of paper dollars which are abroad ?
I presume your Excellency will not think that they ought ;
because I have never met with any man in America or in Eu
rope that was of that opinion. All agree that congress ought
to redeem it at a depreciated value. The only question, then,
is, at what depreciation ? Shall it be at seventy-five, forty,
thirty, twenty, ten, or five for one ? After it is once admitted
OFFICIAL. 195
that it ought to be redeemed at a less value than the nominal,
the question arises, at what value ? What rule ? I answer,
there is no other rule of justice than the current value, the value
at which it generally passes from man to man. The congress
have set it at forty for one ; and they are the best judges of
this, as they represent all parts of the continent where the paper
circulates.
I think there can be little need of illustration ; but two or
three examples may make my meaning more obvious. A farmer
has now four thousand dollars for a pair of oxen which he sells
to a commissary to subsist the army. When the money was
issued in 1775, he would have been glad to have taken one
hundred. A laborer has now twenty dollars a day for his work ;
five years ago he would have been rejoiced to have received
half a dollar. The same with the artisan, merchant, and all
others but those who have fixed salaries or money at interest.
Most of these persons would be willing to take hard money for
their work and their produce at the rate they did six years ago.
Where is the reason, then, that congress should pay them forty
times as much as they take of their neighbors in private life ?
The amount of ordinary commerce, external and internal,
of a society, may be computed at a fixed sum. A certain sum
of money is necessary to circulate among the society in order to
carry on their business. This precise sum is discoverable by
calculation and reducible to certainty. You may emit paper
or any other currency for this purpose, until you reach this rule,
and it will not depreciate. After you exceed this rule it will
depreciate ; and no power or act of legislation hitherto invented
can prevent it. In the case of paper, if you go on emitting for
ever, the whole mass will be worth no more than that was
which was emitted within the rule. When the paper, there
fore, comes to be redeemed, this is the only rule of justice for
the redemption of it. The congress have fixed five millions for
this rule. Whether this is mathematically exact, I am not able
to say ; whether it is a million too little or too much, I know
not. But they are the best judges ; and by the accounts of the
money being at seventy for one, and bills of exchange at fifty-
five for one, it looks as if five millions was too high a sum
rather than too small.
It will be said that the faith of society ought to be sacred,
196 OFFICIAL.
and that the congress have pledged the public faith for the
redemption of the bills at the value on the face of them. I
agree that the public faith ought to be sacred. But who is it
that has violated this faith ? Is it not every man who has
demanded more paper money for his labor or his goods than
they were worth in silver ? The public faith, in the sense these
words are here used, would require that congress should make
up to every man who for five years past has paid more in paper
money for any thing he has purchased than he could have had
it for in silver. The public faith is no more pledged to the
present possessor of the bills than it is to every man through
whose hands they may have passed at a less than the nominal
value. So that, according to this doctrine, congress would have
two hundred millions of dollars to pay to the present possessors
of the bills, and to make up to every man through whose hands
they have passed the difference at which they passed between
them and silver.
It should be considered that every man, whether native or
foreigner, who receives or pays this money at a less value than
the nominal value, breaks this faith. For the social compact
being between the whole and every individual, and between
every individual and the whole, every individual, native or
foreigner, who uses this paper, is as much bound by the pub
lic faith to use it according to the tenor of its emission as the
congress is. And congress have as good a right to reproach
every individual who now demands more paper for his goods
than silver with a breach of the public faith, as he has to
reproach the public or their representatives.
I must beg your Excellency's excuse for calling your atten
tion a little longer to this head of public faith, because I cannot
rest easy while my country is supposed to be guilty of a breach
of their faith, and in a case where I am clear they have not been
so, especially by your Excellency, whose good opinion they and
I value so much. This public faith is in the nature of a mutual
covenant, and he who would claim a benefit under it ought to
be careful in first fulfilling his part of it. When congress issued
their bills, declaring them in effect to be equal to silver, they
unquestionably intended that they should be so considered and
that they should be received accordingly. The people or indi
viduals covenanted in effect to receive them at their nominal
OFFICIAL. 197
value ; and congress, in such case, agreed on their part to
redeem them at the same rate. This seems to be a fair and
plain construction of this covenant or public faith ; and none
other I think can be made, that will not degenerate into an
unconscionable contract, and so destroy itself.
Can it be supposed that congress ever intended that, if the
time should come when the individual refused to accept and
receive their bills at their nominal value, and demanded and
actually received them at a less value, in that case, the indi
vidual should be entitled to demand and receive of the public
for those very bills silver equal to their nominal value ? The
consideration is, in fact, made by the public at the very instant
the individual receives the bills at a discount ; and there is a
tacit and implied agreement springing from the principles of
natural justice or equity between the public and the individual,
that as the latter has not given to the former a consideration
equal to the nominal value of the bills, so in fact the public shall
not be held to pay the nominal value in silver to the individual.
Suppose it otherwise, and how will the matter stand ? The
public offers to an individual a bill whose nominal value is, for
example, forty dollars, in lieu of forty silver dollars ; the indivi
dual says, I esteem it of no more value than one silver dollar,
and the public pays it to him at that value ; yet he comes the
next day, when the bill may be payable, and demands of the
public forty silver dollars in exchange for it. And why ?
Because the bill purports on the face of it to be equal to forty
silver dollars. The answer is equally obvious with the injustice
of the demand. Upon the whole, as the depreciation crept in
gradually, and was unavoidable, all reproaches of a breach of
public faith ought to be laid aside ; and the only proper inquiry
now really is, what is the paper honestly worth ? What will it-
fetch at market ? And this is the only just rule of redemption.
It becomes me to express myself with deference, when I am
obliged to differ in opinion from your Excellency ; but this being
a subject peculiar to America, no example entirely similar to
it, that I know of, having been in Europe, I may be excused,
therefore, in explaining my sentiments upon it.
I have the misfortune to differ from your Excellency so far as
to think that no general distinction can be made between
natives and foreigners. For, not to mention that this would
17*
198 OFFICIAL.
open a door to numberless frauds, I think that foreigners when
they come to trade with a nation make themselves temporary
citizens, and tacitly consent to be bound by the same laws.
And it will be found that foreigners have had quite as much to
do in depreciating this money in proportion as natives, and that
they have been in proportion much less sufferers by it. I might-
go further, and say that they have been in proportion greater
gainers by it without suffering any considerable share of the loss.
The paper bills out of America are next to nothing. I have
no reason to think that there are ten thousand dollars in all
Europe ; indeed, I do not know of one thousand. The agents
in America of merchants in Europe have laid out their paper
bills in lands, or in indigo, rice, tobacco, wheat, flour, &c. ; in
short, in the produce of the country. This produce they have
shipped to Europe, sold to the King's ships, and received bills
of exchange, or shipped to the West India Islands, where they
have procured cash or bills of exchange. The surplus they have
put into the loan-offices from time to time, for loan-offices have
been open all along, from 1776, I believe, to this time. When
ever any person lent paper bills to the public, and took loan-
office certificates, he would have been glad to have taken silver
in exchange for the bills at their then depreciated value. Why
should he not be willing now ? Those who lent paper when
two paper dollars were worth one in silver will have one for
two ; those who lent when forty were worth one will have one
for forty ; and those who lent when paper was as good as silver
will have dollar for dollar.
Your Excellency thinks it would be hard that those who have
escaped the perils of the seas and of enemies should be spoiled
by their friends. But congress have not spoiled any ; they have
only prevented themselves and the public from being spoiled.
No agent of any European merchant, in making his calcula
tions of profit and loss, ever estimated the depreciated bills at
the nominal value ; they all put a profit upon their goods suffi
cient to defray all expenses of insurance, freight, and every thing
else, and had a great profit besides, receiving the bills at the
current, not the nominal value.
It may not be amiss to state a few prices- current at Boston
the last and the present year, in order to show the profits w^hich
have been made.
OFFICIAL. 199
Bohea tea, forty sous a pound at Lorient and Nantes, forty-
five dollars. Salt, which costs very little in Europe, and used
to be sold for a shilling a bushel, forty dollars a bushel, and in
some of the other States two hundred dollars at times. Linens,
which cost two livres a yard in France, forty dollars a yard.
Broadcloths, a louis d'or a yard here, two hundred dollars a
yard. Ironmongery of all sorts, one hundred and twenty for
one. Millinery of all sorts, at an advance far exceeding. These
were the prices at Boston. At Philadelphia and in all the other
States they were much higher.
These prices, I think, must convince your Excellency that
allowing one half or even two thirds of the vessels to be taken,
there is room enough for a handsome profit, deducting all
charges, and computing the value of bills at the rate of silver
at the time.
4
There are two other sources from which foreigners have made
great profits, — the difference between bills of exchange and
silver. During the whole of our history, when a man could
readily get twenty-five paper dollars for one in silver, he could
not get more than twelve paper dollars for one in a bill of
exchange. Nearly this proportion was observed all along, as I
have been informed. The agent of a foreign merchant had only
to sell his goods for paper, or buy paper with silver at twenty-
five for one, and immediately go and buy bills at twelve for one.
So that he doubled his money in a moment.
Another source was this, — the paper money was not alike
depreciated in all places at the same time. It was forty for one
at Philadelphia sometimes, when it was only twenty at Boston.
The agent of a foreign merchant had only to sell his goods or
send silver to Philadelphia and exchange it for paper, which he
could lay out at Boston for twice what it cost him, and in this
way again double his property.
This depreciating paper currency being, therefore, such a
fruitful source for men of penetration to make large profits, it is
not to be wondered that some have written alarming letters to
their correspondents.
No man is more ready than I am to acknowledge the obliga
tions we are under to France ; but the nourishing state of her
marine and commerce, and the decisive influence of her coun
cils and negotiations in Europe, which all the world will allow
to be owing in a great measure to the separation of America
200 OFFICIAL.
from her inveterate enemy, and to her new connections with the
United States, show that the obligations are mutual. And no
foreign merchant ought to expect to be treated in America bet
ter than her native merchants, who have hazarded their property
through the same perils of the seas and of enemies.
In the late Province of the Massachusetts Bay, from the years
1745 to 1750, we had full experience of the operation of paper
money. The Province engaged in expensive expeditions against
Louisburg and Canada, which occasioned a too plentiful emis
sion of paper money, in consequence of which it depreciated
to seven and a half for one. In 1750, the British Parliament
granted a sum of money to the Province to reimburse it for
what it had expended more than its proportion in the general
expense of the empire. This sum was brought over to Boston
in silver and gold, and the legislature determined to redeem all
their paper with it at the depreciated value. There was a simi
lar alarm at first, and before the matter was understood, but
after the people had time to think upon it, all were satisfied to
receive silver at fifty shillings an ounce, although the face of the
bills promised an ounce of silver for every six shillings and eight
pence. At that time, the British merchants were more interested
in our paper money, in proportion, than any Europeans now
are ; yet they did not charge the Province with a breach of
faith, or stigmatize this as an act of bankruptcy. On the con
trary, they were satisfied with it.
I beg leave to remind your Excellency, that at that time, the
laws of Massachusetts were subject not only to the negative of
the King's governor, but to a revision by the King in council,
and were there liable to be affirmed or annulled. And from the
partial preference which your Excellency well knows was uni
formly given to the interests of the subjects of the King within
the realm, when they came in competition with those of the sub
jects of the Colonies, there is no reason to doubt that if that
measure, when thoroughly considered, had been unjust in itself,
the merchants in England would have taken an alarm, and pro
cured the act to be disallowed by the King in council. Yet the
merchants in England, who well understood their own interests,
were quite silent upon this occasion, and the law was confirmed
in the council ; nor can it be supposed to have been confirmed
there in a manner unnoticed. It had met with too much oppo
sition among a certain set of interested speculators in the then
OFFICIAL. 201
Province, for that supposition to be made. And the case of the
British merchants at that time differed in no respect from the
present case of the French or other foreign merchants, except
that the credits of the former were vastly greater, and they must
have, consequently, been more deeply interested in that measure
of government than the latter are in the present one. Their
acquiescence in the measure, and the confirmation of that act,
must have rested upon the full conviction of the British admi
nistration and of the merchants, of the justice of it.
Your Excellency will agree in the difficulty of making any
distinction between the French merchant and the Spanish or
Dutch merchant, by any general rule ; for all these are inte
rested in this business.
Your Excellency is pleased to ask, whether I think these pro
ceedings of congress proper to give credit to the United States ;
to inspire confidence in their promises, and to invite the Euro
pean nations to partake of the same risks to which the subjects
of his Majesty have exposed themselves ?
I have the honor to answer your Excellency, directly and can
didly, that I do think them proper for these ends, and I do fur
ther think them to be the only measures that ever could acquire
credit and confidence to the United States. I know of no other
just foundation of confidence in men or bodies of men than their
understanding and integrity ; and congress have manifested to
all the world by this plan, that they understand the nature of
their paper currency ; that its fluctuation has been the grand
obstacle to their credit ; and that it was necessary to draw it to
a conclusion, in order to introduce a more steady standard of
commerce ; that, to this end, the repeal of their laws which
made the paper a tender, and giving a free circulation to silver
and gold, were necessary. They have further manifested by
these resolutions that they are fully possessed of the only princi
ple there is in the nature of things for doing justice in this busi
ness to the public and to individuals, to natives and foreigners ;
and that they are sufficiently possessed of the confidence of the
people, and there is sufficient vigor in their government, to carry
it into execution.
Notwithstanding all, if any European merchant can show any
good reason for excepting his particular case from the general
rule, upon a representation of it to congress, I have no doubt
they will do him justice.
202 OFFICIAL.
Moreover, if his Excellency, the Chevalier de la Luzerne, can
show that the sum of five millions of dollars is not the real
worth of all the paper money that is abroad, and that ten mil
lions of dollars is the true sum, I doubt not congress would alter
their rule, and redeem it at twenty for one. But I doubt very
much whether this can be shown. But I cannot see that any
distinction could be made between French merchants and those
of other nations, but what would be very invidious and founded
upon no principle. I cannot see that any distinction can be
made between natives and foreigners, but what would have a
most unhappy effect upon the minds of the people in America,
and be a partiality quite unwarrantable ; and, therefore, your
Excellency will see that it is impossible for me to take any
steps to persuade congress to retract, because it would be act
ing in direct repugnance to the clearest dictates of my under
standing and judgment, of what is right and fit.
I cannot excuse myself from adding, that most of the arms,
ammunition, and clothing for the army have been contracted
for here by the ministers of congress, and paid for, or agreed to
be paid for, here in silver and gold. Very little of these articles
has been shipped by private adventurers. They have much
more commonly shipped articles of luxury, of which the country
did not stand in need, and upon which they must have made
vast profits.
Thus have I communicated to your Excellency my senti
ments, with that freedom which becomes a citizen of the United
States, intrusted by the public with some of its interests. I
entreat your Excellency to consider them as springing from no
other motive than a strong attachment to the union of the States,
and a desire to prevent all unnecessary causes of parties and
disputes ; and from a desire, not only to preserve the alliance in
all its vigor, but to prevent every thing which may unnecessarily
oppose itself to the affection and confidence between the two
nations, which I wish to see increased every day, as every day
convinces me more and more of the necessity that France and
America will be under of cherishing their mutual connections.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.1
1 This letter drew from congress a formal vote of thanks. See the letter of
Mr. Lovell, under date of 12 December of this year, and the resolutions inclosed.
OFFICIAL. 203
TO BENJAMIN FRANKLIN.
Paris, 23 June, 1780.
SIR, — I have this day the honor of a letter from his Excel
lency, the Count de Vergennes, on the subject of the resolutions
of congress of the 18th of March, concerning the paper bills,
in which his Excellency informs me that the Chevalier de la
Luzerne has orders to make the strongest representations upon
the subject. I am not certain whether his Excellency means
that such orders were sent so long ago as to have reached the
hand of the minister at congress, or whether they have been
lately expedited. If the latter, I submit to your Excellency,
whether it would not be expedient to request that those orders
may be stopped, until proper representations can be made at
Court, to the end that if it can be made to appear, as I firmly
believe that it may, that those orders were given upon misin
formation, they may be revoked, otherwise sent on.
Your Excellency will excuse this, because it appears to me a
matter of very great importance. The affair of our paper is
sufficiently dangerous and critical, and if a representation fr,om
his Majesty should be made, advantages will not fail to be taken
of it by the tories and by interested and disappointed specula
tors, who may spread an alarm among many uninformed people,
so as to endanger the public peace.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
TO THOMAS DIGGES.
24 June, 1780.
YOURS of the 26th and 29th ultimo I have received, and ano
ther with the Court Gazette with the capitulation of Charleston ;
I have also received the box of books, and all the bundles of
newspapers and pamphlets. I thank you most sincerely for
your care. I beg your pardon, sir, for sending you half of the
report of the committee ; l I thought it entire when I sent it ; it
i On the Constitution of Massachusetts.
204 OFFICIAL.
is now printed in the papers, so that there is no necessity of
sending another if I had it, but I have none left.
The pamphlets have been a fe.ast to me. But what can be
said of those written by ? Such a mass of falsehood !
The Cool Thoughts on the Consequences of American Independ
ence? should have been entitled, " A Demonstration that it is
the Interest and Duty of America to support her Independence
at all Events : and that it is equally the Interest and Duty of
all the rest of Europe to support her in it." It seems as if
Providence intended to give success enough to lead on the
English nation to their final and total destruction. I am sorry
for it ; I wish it not ; but it must come, if they pursue this wTar
much further. The conquest of Charleston will only arouse
America to double exertion and fourfold indignation. The
English nation knows not the people they have to do with,
and that has been the fatal cause of their misconduct from
first to last. Governor Pownall knows, although he dares not
say in parliament what he knows. It is the decree of the desti
nies that the southern parts of the continent should be brought
to as much experience in war as the northern. This will remove
the only cause of jealousy, and strengthen the Union beyond a
possibility of breaking it. It will make them taste equally, too,
the bitter cup of British inhumanity. In short, the English, so
far from gaining any thing by the acquisition of Charleston,
will only double their expenses ; their army will moulder away,
and they will be in danger of losing both that and New York.
Those who imagine that this will discourage anybody in Ame
rica, have no idea of that people. The blubbering babies in
Europe, who give up all for lost, upon every disaster, are no
Americans. The last are men.
Yours, with great regard,
F. R. S.
QUERIES BY B. FRANKLIN.
MR. ADAMS, after having perused the inclosed papers, is
desired to give his opinions on the following questions.
1st. Whether Captain Landais, accused as he is of capital
1 The title of one of Joseph Galloway's pamphlets.
OFFICIAL. 205
crimes, by his senior and late commanding officer, after having
apparently relinquished the command of the Alliance frigate, by
withdrawing his effects from the same, after having asked and
received money by order of the minister plenipotentiary, in order
to transport himself to America, and take his trial there upon
the said accusation, and after having for that purpose, in
writing, requested a passage to be procured for him, was
entitled, at his pleasure, to retake the command of the Alli
ance (contrary to the positive order of the minister plenipoten
tiary, whose orders the said Landais was by the navy board
instructed to obey,) and to dispossess his successor, the oldest
naval officer of the United States in Europe, who had com
manded the said frigate near eight months, and brought her
to the port where she now is ?
2d. Whether the conduct of Captain Landais, at Lorient, in
exciting the officers and seamen of the Alliance to deny the
authority of Captain Jones, under whose command they had
voluntarily come, and remained there, and encouraging the
said seamen to make unlawful demands on the minister
plenipotentiary for the United States, and to enter into a
mutinous combination, not to put to sea with the Alliance
till said demands should be complied with, thereby retarding
the departure of the said frigate, and of the public stores on
board, be not highly culpable ?
3d. Whether, after Captain Landais' s late conduct, and the
manner in which he has retaken the command of the frigate
Alliance, it be consistent with good order, prudence, and the
public service, to permit him to retain the direction of her, and
of the public stores intended to be sent with her, accused as
he is of capital crimes, by his late commodore, and for which,
if he arrives in America, he must of course be tried ?
ANSWER TO THE QUERIES.
Paris, 26 June, 1780.
I HAVE read over all the papers in the bundle left with me,
numbered to thirty-seven. I have also read the three queries
stated to me.
These queries I apprehend can legally be answered only by
VOL. VII. 18
206 OFFICIAL.
congress, or a court-martial ; and, therefore, it would be impro
per in me to give any answer to them, because the papers will
appear before congress or a court-martial, who can judge of
them better than I. They will also hear Captain Landais in
his defence, which I cannot do. My opinion, therefore, would
have no weight either before the one or the other tribunal ; or,
supposing it to be admitted to be read, and to have any weight,
it ought not to be given, because I cannot be legally either a
witness or a judge.
I cannot, however, think that the instructions of the navy
board to Captain Landais to obey the orders of the minister
plenipotentiary, contain authority to remove him, without his
consent, from the command of a ship committed to him by
congress, because the navy board themselves had not, as I
apprehend, such authority.
Since those instructions were given, as I was informed at
Boston, congress has given to the navy board power, upon any
misbehavior of an officer, to suspend him, stating to congress
at the same time a regular charge against him. But I do not
find among these papers such authority given to any body in
Europe, nor do I find that any regular charge against Captain
Landais has been stated to congress.
There has seldom, if ever, been in France a sufficient number
of officers at a time to constitute a court-martial, and our code
of admiralty laws is so inadequate to the government of frigates
for any length of time in Europe, that it is presumed congress
will in future either omit to put frigates under any direction in
Europe, or make some additions to the laws of the admiralty
adapted to such cases. For there is an end of all order, disci
pline, and decency, when disputes arise, and there is no tribunal
to decide them, and when crimes are committed, or alleged,
and there is no authority to try or to punish them.
I have not observed among these papers any clear evidence
of Captain Landais's consent to leave the command of the
ship; and, therefore, upon the whole, rather than bring the
present dispute about the Alliance to any critical and danger
ous decision here, where the law is so much at loose, and
there can be no legal tribunal to decide, I should think your
Excellency would be most likely to be justified in pursuing the
mildest measures, by transmitting all the papers and evidence
OFFICIAL. 207
to congress, or the navy board, for a trial by a court-martial,
and ordering the commanding officer of the Alliance, with the
stores and convoy, as soon as possible to America.
I give this opinion to your Excellency, to make what use of
it you think proper.
JOHN ADAMS.
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Paris, 26 June, 1780.
SIR, — The resolutions of congress of the 18th of March,
respecting the paper bills, appeared first in Europe, as recited in
the act of the assembly of Pennsylvania ; they were next pub
lished in the English newspapers, as taken from a Boston paper,
published by the council ; at last the resolutions appeared in the
journals of congress.
A great clamor was raised and spread, that the United States
had violated their faith, and had declared themselves bankrupts,
unable to pay more than two and a half per cent. A gentleman
soon after called on me, and told me that the Court was alarmed,
and that the Count de Vergennes would be glad to consult me
upon the subject. I then received a letter from Boston, acquaint
ing me that the legislature of Massachusetts had adopted the
plan. Of this letter I sent an extract immediately to the Count,
and waited on him at Versailles, where I had the honor of a
long conversation with his Excellency on the subject, and
endeavored to convince him of the rectitude of the measure.
He desired me to converse with his first secretary, which I did
particularly.
His Excellency told me he had written to me on the subject,
and that I should receive the letter the next day. On my return
from Versailles I received a letter from Mr. Gerry, informing
me of the resolutions to pay the loan-office certificates at the
value of money at the time when they were issued. I had
before told the Count that I was persuaded this was a part of
the plan. I sent an extract of this letter also to the Count,
without loss of time. The next day I received the letter from
his Excellency, a copy of which and of my answer are inclosed.
Yesterday, Mr. Trumbull, of Connecticut, favored me with the
208 OFFICIAL.
law of that State respecting this matter, and an estimate of the
gradual progress of depreciation. These papers I forthwith
transmitted to his Excellency. I am determined to give my
sentiments to his Majesty's ministers whenever they shall see
cause to ask them, although it is not within my department,
until I shall be forbidden by congress ; and to this end I shall
go to Court often enough to give them an opportunity to ask
them if they wish to know them.
The clamor that has been raised has been so industriously
spread, that I cannot but suspect that the motive at bottom has
either been a wish to have an opportunity of continuing the
profitable speculations which artful men are able to make in a
depreciating currency, or else by spreading a diffidence in Ame
rican credit, to discourage many from engaging in American
trade, that the profits of it may still continue to be confined to
a few. I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Paris, 29 June, 1780.
SIR, — The disputes about the Alliance have been so critical
and disagreeable, that congress will pardon me for making a few
observations upon our arrangements here.
I apprehend that many of the disputes, delays, and other
inconveniences, that have attended our affairs in this kingdom,
have arisen from blending the offices of political minister, board
of admiralty, chamber of commerce, and commercial agent toge
ther. The business of the minister is to negotiate with the
Court, to propose and consult upon plans for the conduct of the
war, to collect and transmit intelligence from the other parts of
Europe, especially concerning the designs and the forces of the
enemy. This is business enough for the wisest and most labo
rious man the United States have in their service, aided by an
active, intelligent, and industrious secretary. But, added to all
this, our ministers at the Court of Versailles have ever been
overloaded with commercial and admiralty business, compli
cated and perplexed in its nature, and endless in its details.
But for this, I am persuaded much more might have been done
OFFICIAL. 209
in the conduct of the war, and the United States might have
had more effectual assistance, and France and Spain, too, fewer
misfortunes to bewail.
I would, therefore, beg leave to propose to appoint a consul
without loss of time to reside at Nantes, and to him consign all
vessels from the United States. I think it should be an Ameri
can, some merchant of known character, abilities, and industry,
who would consent to serve his country for moderate emolu
ments. Such persons are to be found in great numbers in the
United States. There are many applications from French gen
tlemen. But I think that from a want of knowledge of our lan
guage, our laws, customs, and even the humors of our people,
for even these must be considered, they never would be able to
give satisfaction or to do justice. Besides, if it is an honor, a
profit, or only an opportunity to travel and see the world for
improvement, I think the native Americans have a right to
expect it ; and further, that the public have a right to expect
that whatever advantages are honestly to be made in this way
should return sometime or other to America, together with the
knowledge and experience gained at the same time.
These consuls, as well as the foreign ministers, should all be
instructed to transmit to congress written accounts of the civil
and military constitutions of the places where they are, as well
as all the advantages for commerce with the whole world, espe
cially with the United States. These letters preserved will be
a repository of political and commercial knowledge, that in
future times may be a rich treasure to the United States. To
these consuls the commercial concerns of the public should be
committed and the vessels of war. It will be necessary some
times to send a frigate to Europe to bring intelligence, to bring
passengers, even perhaps to bring commodities or fetch stores.
But I hope no frigate will ever again be sent to cruise, or be put
under the command of anybody in Europe, consul or minister.
They may receive their orders from the navy board in America,
and be obliged to obey them. I had a great deal of expe
rience in the government of these frigates, when I had the honor
to be one of the ministers plenipotentiary at the Court of Ver
sailles, and afterwards at Nantes, Lorient, and Brest, when I
was seeking a passage home. Disputes were perpetually aris
ing between officers and their crews, between captains and their
18*
210 OFFICIAL.
officers, and between the officers of one ship and another. There
were never officers enough to compose a court-martial, and no
body had authority to remove or suspend officers without their
consent ; so that, in short, there was little order, discipline, sub
ordination, or decency.
Another thing ; when frigates are under the direction of an
authority at a distance of three or four hundred miles, so much
time is lost in writing and sending letters and waiting for answers,
it has been found an intolerable embarrassment to the service.
It is now two years since consuls were expected, and a secretary
to this mission. It is a great misfortune to the United States
that they have not arrived. Every man can see that it has been
a great misfortune, but none can tell how great. There is much
reason to believe that if our establishments here had been upon
a well-digested plan and completed, and if our affairs had been
urged with as much skill and industry as they might in that case
have been, that we should at this moment have been blessed with
peace, or at least with that tranquillity and security, which would
have resulted from a total expulsion of the English from the
United States and the West India Islands.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
TO THOMAS JEFFERSON.
Paris, 29 June, 1780.
MY DEAR SIR, — Mr. Mazzei called on me last evening to let
me know he was this morning, at three, to set off on his journey
to Italy. He desired me to write you that he has communicated
to me the nature of his errand, but that his papers being lost, he
waits for a commission and instructions from you ; that being
limited to five per cent., and more than that being given by the
powers of Europe, and, indeed, having been offered by other
States, and even by the ministers of congress, he has little
hopes of succeeding at so low an interest; that he shall,
however, endeavor to prepare the way in Italy for borrowing,
and hopes to be useful to Virginia and the United States.
I know nothing of this gentleman, but what I have learned
of him here. His great affection for you, Mr. Wythe, Mr.
Mason, and other choice spirits in Virginia, recommended him
OFFICIAL. 211
to me. I know not in what light he stands in your part ; but
here, as far as I have had opportunity to see and hear, he has
been useful to us. He kept good company, and a good deal of
it. He talks a great deal, and is a zealous defender of our
affairs. His variety of languages, and his knowledge of Ame
rican affairs, gave him advantages, which he did not neglect.
What his success will be in borrowing money, I know not.
We are impatient to learn whether Virginia and the other
States have adopted the plan of finances recommended by
congress on the 18th of March. I think we shall do no great
things at borrowing, unless that system or some other, calcu
lated to bring things to some certain and steady standard,
succeeds.
Before this reaches you, you will have learned the circum
stances of the insurrections in England, which discover so deep
and so general a discontent and distress, that no wonder the
nation stand gazing at one another in astonishment and hor
ror. To what extremities their confusions will proceed, no man
can • tell. They seem unable to unite in any principle, and to
have no confidence in one another. Thus it is, when truth and
virtue are lost. These, surely, are not the people who ought to
have absolute authority over us, in all cases whatsoever. This is
not the nation which is to bring us to unconditional submission.
The loss of Charleston has given a rude shock to our feelings.
I am distressed for our worthy friends in that quarter. But the
possession of that town must weaken and perplex the enemy
more than us.
By this time you know more than I do, of the destination
and the operations of French and Spanish armaments. May
they have success, and give us ease and liberty, if the English
will not give us peace !
I have the honor to be, with affectionate respect, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
TO B. FRANKLIN.
Paris, 29 June, 1780.
SIR, — I have the honor to inclose a copy of a letter of the
Count de Vergennes to me, of the 21st of this month, and a
copy of my answer to his Excellency, of the 22d.
212 OFFICIAL.
This correspondence is upon a subject that has lain much out
of the way of my particular pursuits, and, therefore, I may be
inaccurate in some things ; but, in the principles, I am well
persuaded I am right. I hope that things are explained so as
to be intelligible, and that there is nothing inconsistent with
that decency, which ought in such a case to be observed.
If your Excellency thinks me materially wrong in any thing,
I should be much obliged to you to point it out to me, for I am
open to conviction.
This affair, in America, is a very tender and dangerous busi
ness, and requires all the address, as well as all the firmness of
congress, to extricate the country out of the embarrassment
arising from it ; and there is no possible system, I believe,
that could give universal satisfaction to all ; but this appears
to me to promise to give more general satisfaction than any
other that I have ever heard suggested. I have added copies
of the whole correspondence.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
COUNT DE VERGENNES TO JOHN ADAMS.
{Translation.')
Versailles, 30 June, 1780.
SIR, — I have received the letter, which you did me the honor
to write me on the 22d instant, on the subject of the resolution
of congress, of the 18th of March last. I have already informed
you, that it was by no means my intention to analyze this reso
lution, insofar as it respects the citizens of the United States, nor
to examine whether circumstances authorize the arrangement or
not. I had but one object in writing to you with the confidence
I thought due to your knowledge and your attachment to the
alliance, which was to convince you that the French ought not
to be confounded with the Americans, and that there would be
a manifest injustice in making them sustain the loss with which
they are threatened.
The details into which you have thought proper to enter have
not changed my sentiments ; but I think that all further discus
sion between us on this subject will be needless, and I content
myself to remark to you, that if the King's council regards
OFFICIAL. 213
the resolution of congress in a false point of view, as you main
tain, the Chevalier de la Luzerne, who is on the spot, will not
fail to elucidate it ; and that if congress on their part shall not
adopt the representations, which that minister is charged to
make to them, they will undoubtedly communicate to us the
reasons upon which they will rest their refusal. Should these
be well founded, the King will take them into consideration,
his Majesty demanding nothing but the most exact justice.
In the opposite case, he will renew his instances to the United
States, and will confidently expect from their penetration and
wisdom, a decision conformable to his demand. His Majesty
is by so much the more persuaded that congress will give their
whole attention to this business, that that assembly, to judge
by their reiterated assurances of the fact, value differently from
yourself, sir, the union which subsists between France and the
United States, and that they will assuredly feel that the French
may deserve some preference over the other nations, who have
no treaty with America, and who have not even as yet acknow
ledged her Independence. I have the honor to be, &c.
DE VERGENNES.
TO COUNT DE VERGENNES.
Paris, 1 July, 1780.
SIR, — I had this morning the honor of your letter of the 30th
of June.
It is very certain that the representations from his Majesty,
which may be made by his minister, the Chevalier de la
Luzerne, will be attended to by congress with all possible
respect ; and its due weight will be given to every fact and
argument, that he may adduce ; and I am well persuaded,
that congress will be able to give such reasons for their final
result, as will give entire satisfaction to his Majesty, and remove
every color of just complaint from his subjects.
As in my letter of the 22d of last month, I urged such reasons
as appeared to me incontestable, to show that the resolution of
congress of the 18th of March, connected with the other resolu
tion, to pay the loan office certificates, according to the value of
money at the time they were emitted, being a determination to
pay the full value of all the bills and certificates, which were
214 OFFICIAL.
out, and the depreciation of both being more tne act and fault
of their possessors than of government, was neither a violation
of the public faith, nor an act of bankruptcy, I have the honor
to agree with your Excellency, in opinion, that any further dis
cussion of these questions is unnecessary.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
TO COUNT DE VERGENNES
Paris, 2 July, 1780.
SIR, — I have the honor to inclose a Boston paper of the 1st
of May, containing an account of the arrival of the Marquis de
Lafayette ; an extract of a letter from London ; and another from
a letter of Dr. Benjamin Rush, of Philadelphia, once a member
of congress, and a gentleman of very good intelligence. He
speaks the French language very well ; was, about ten years
ago, in Paris, and is a correspondent of Dr. Dubourg.
This letter was brought me by two young gentlemen, natives
of Philadelphia, graduates in the university there, of Quaker
families, who are students in medicine, and are come to Paris
to complete their education in the faculty. They confirm Dr.
Rush's sentiments very fully. Two other gentlemen, just arrived
from New England, confirm the same in the Eastern States.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
(Inclosed Extract)
B. RUSH TO JOHN ADAMS.
Philadelphia, 28 April, 1780.
OUR affairs wear their usual checkered aspect. Our govern-
. ments are daily acquiring new strength. Our army, which I
saw a few weeks ago at Morristown, has improved greatly in
discipline since our former correspondence, in economy and
healthiness. The number of our soldiers is small, occasioned
not by a decay of military or whiggish spirit among us, but by
the want of money to purchase recruits. The new scheme of
congress for calling in the circulating money at forty for one
OFFICIAL. 215
will, I believe, be adopted with some alterations by the States.
This will, we hope, restore to our counsels and arms the vigor
of 1775.
The French alliance is not less dear to the true whigs than
independence itself. The Chevalier de la Luzerne has made
even the tories forget in some degree, in his liberality and polite
ness, the mischianzas l of their British friends. M. Gerard is still
dear to the faithful citizens of America. We call him the
" republican minister."
WILLIAM LEE TO JOHN ADAMS.
Brussels, 8 July, 1 780.
SIR, — I have been prevented by indisposition, otherwise should
have had the honor of writing to you sooner on a subject which
appears to affect the honor of America, of congress, and of its
agents in Europe. The copy of General Clinton's letter that
was intercepted, which you sent here to Mr. Jenings, having
afterwards appeared in most of the public papers, there was a
formal contradiction of its authenticity, first in the Hague
Gazette, and inserted in such a manner as to make the world
believe that this contradiction came from Sir Joseph Yorke, the
English minister. The Leyden Gazette confirmed in some mea
sure this contradiction, in which it was followed by the Courier
du Bas-Rhin, though it had before given the letter at length,
as having been originally published by order of congress ; but,
after the intelligence of the surrender of Charleston, this same
gazetteer, — namely, the Courier du Bas-Rhin, in No. 51, of 24
June, 1780, — positively states that letter to have been a forgery,
and concludes in these injurious terms, — " Done il vaut mieux
se bien defendre et se bien battre que de supposer des lettres qui
ne peuvent abuser le public qu'un moment." You must be sen
sible of the injury it will bring to America and the cause of
liberty, if the world is permitted to be impressed with the idea
that congress and its agents are base enough to be guilty of such
1 An allusion to the entertainment under that name given in Philadelphia, in
honor of General Howe.
216 OFFICIAL.
a mean and pitiful conduct as to forge and publish the grossest
falsehoods as solid truths.
Mr. Dumas, who is styled by Dr. Franklin and Mr. Deane the
American agent at the Hague, and who is actually paid with
the money of America, has a particular connection with the
editor of the Ley den Gazette, and, I have reason to believe, has
a correspondence with the Bas-Rhin ; therefore, one would natu
rally imagine, as it was his duty, he would have taken some mea
sures to prevent such a censure on America, &c. from spreading
further than in the same circle in which the Hague Gazette cir
culates.1 The Bas-Rhin Gazette, as well as that of Berlin, is
generally looked on as a Prussian Court gazette, being printed
in the capital of the Prussian dominions on the Rhine, and, I
have no doubt, if the Prussian minister at Paris was spoken to
on the subject, a repetition of such conduct would at least be
prevented in the editor of that gazette.
As Don Solano has returned to Cadiz with his squadron, leav
ing only four ships of the line to convoy the fleet to the West
Indies, all my pleasing prospects of peace, from the hopes of the
enemy suffering some capital loss there in this campaign, are
totally vanished ; for on the arrival of Graves and "Walsingham,
who have been permitted to go unmolested, the superiority of the
enemy at sea will be so decided, that France will be fortunate,
if she loses no more than those islands she had before taken from
the English. Hitherto, Rodney has only shown his superiority
in the art of boasting, which is certainly his forte.
The original force, intended to go under M. Ternay, has unhap
pily been diminished one half ; no effectual, offensive operation
can be expected from that expedition ; and if it is true, as it is
reported, that in the fall M. Ternay goes to the West Indies, the
progress of the enemy northward, from South Carolina, may be
greater, during the fall, winter, and spring, than most people
imagine ; when, in the course of a campaign or two, the four
Eastern States and France may too late repent, one for support
ing, and the others for not crushing in the bud the dangerous and
alarming designs that began to appear in Philadelphia and con-
i This is unjust to M. Dumas. He was directed by Dr. Franklin and by Mr.
Adams to cause this letter to be inserted in the Leyden Gazette. At the same
time he suspected the trick, and first opened their eyes to it. Perhaps it had
been wiser in him not to have so hastily followed his orders.
OFFICIAL. 217
gress eighteen months ago ; if it is expected that M. Ternay is to
render any effectual service to America, it is most clear to me,
that he ought to winter in Chesapeake Bay, in Virginia, where,
with very great ease, he may be secure against a very superior
force, and prevent any attempt of the enemy for enlarging their
quarters northward from Carolina. If the Court of Versailles
should approve of such a plan, orders accordingly cannot be sent
out too soon to M. Ternay ; and if the squadron in the West
Indies is to be reinforced or relieved, that should be done wdth
clean and fresh ships from Europe.
From this, you will perceive that a speedy peace is not in my
view. Indeed, it is not. I know the enemy too well ; they will
not seriously think of peace (though they will never cease in their
attempts to divide and disunite the parties, which, I well know,
they are endeavoring at now) while they have the least glim
mering of hope left, unless it is on the terms of America again
submitting to the British yoke, and France relinquishing the
islands she has taken. Such a peace, I presume, will never take
place. I am sure it cannot while America continues united.
It is said that young Mr. Laurens was gone from Carolina
to congress, and as Mr. Laurens the elder has not yet arrived
there seems to be too much reason to apprehend his having met
with some unhappy accident at sea. Adieu.
W. LEE.
THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS TO JOHN ADAMS.
Philadelphia, 11 July, 1780.
THE inclosed resolutions and commission will explain them
selves ; l and we have only to add a request that, in the event
of your not being able to undertake the business to which they
point, you will furnish Mr. Dana with the papers, as we have
not time to make out or procure other copies for him.
We are, sir, &c.
JAMES LOVELL,
WILLIAM CHURCHILL HOUSTON.
l The resolutions and commission, authorizing Mr. Adams to execute the duties
assigned to Mr. Laurens in Holland, are to be found at large in the Secret Jour
nals of Congress, vol. ii. pp. 314-317.
VOL. VII. 19
218 OFFICIAL.
In Committee of Foreign Affairs, 12 July, 1780.
SIR, — Inclosed you have a description of the bills of exchange,
concerning which we have written you. The secret checks ac
company it. They are just furnished us by the treasury board,
and we are sorry that the paper is so indifferent, but hope it will
answer the purpose of information. We are assured the copy
is exact. It is, however, necessary to observe that, unless the
impression of the bills is very fine and clean, it will be very diffi
cult to discover the whole of the secret checks perfectly.
We are sir, &c.
JAMES LOVELL,
WILLIAM CHURCHILL HOUSTON.
THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS TO JOHN ADAMS.
Philadelphia, 11 July, 1780.
SIR, — Your letters, one of the 3d and three of the 4th of
April, were received in congress yesterday. We are to thank
you for the intelligence they contain, and are, sir,
Your very humble servants,
JAMES LOVELL,
WILLIAM CHURCHILL HOUSTON.
1 August, 1780.
P. S. Your various letters by Mr. Izard were this day read,
of dates from March 20 to 29. That of the 24th, respecting two
points on which you wish for instructions, is committed specially
to five.1 J. L. '
TO COUNT DE VERGENNES.
Paris, 13 July, 1780.
SIR, — By the treaty of alliance of the 6th of February, 1778,
1 See pa^e 137. Among the circumstances deserving of notice in the early
part of the Revolution, is the singularly laconic style of the correspondence on
the part of the committee of foreign affairs with the ministers employed abroad.
The private letters of Mr. Lovell and Mr. Gerry, which in part make up for it,
will be found in the General Correspondence.
OFFICIAL. 219
his Majesty and the United States agreed, in case of war, to
join their counsels and efforts against the enterprises of the com
mon enemy ; to make it a common cause, and aid each other
mutually with their good offices, their counsels, and their forces,
according to the exigencies of conjunctures ; and each of the
contracting parties, in the manner it may judge most proper, is
to make all the efforts in its power against the common enemy.
I have cited these clauses from the treaty, not as foundations
of any demand that I have to make, because they are neither
proper to support any demand, nor have I authority to make
any if they were, but as an apology for the liberty I take of
requesting your Excellency's attention to a few observations
upon the present conjuncture of affairs.
It is certain, from the best intelligence from London, as well
as from the debates in parliament on the several motions which
have been made for a pacification, that the British ministry are
inflexibly determined to pursue the war another campaign in
America, to send more troops and ships there, if they possibly
can obtain them, and to put to the hazard not only the national
credit, but their maritime power, and even their political exist
ence, rather than give up their designs of domination over Ame
rica ; and, indeed, this is not at all to be wondered at, that the
ministers and the nation who have so far lost their justice, their
humanity, and policy, as to deliberately form and pursue the
plan of changing the foundations of the laws and government
of thirteen Colonies, and reducing them to slavery, and who
have pursued this object with such sanguinary fury for so many
years, should persist so as to bury themselves in the ruins of the
empire rather than to fail of their purpose, when it is plain they
consider, and that not without reason, the same ruin in the inde
pendence of America and her connection with France.
The conduct of Count de Guichen, on the 17th of April and
the 15th and 19th of May, in the West Indies, does great honor
to the national bravery as well as to their science in naval tact
ics, and shows that there is no cause to fear that the enemy will
obtain any advantage there. Yet nothing has yet been done on
either side that seems decisive.
The advantages which Spain has gained in West Florida, and
particularly of late at Mobile, and the probability that she will
succeed in acquiring both the Floridas, show that the English
220 OFFICIAL.
are on the losing hand in that quarter ; but it is not the loss of
both the Floridas nor of all their West India Islands, in my
opinion, that will induce them to make peace and acknowledge
the independence of America in alliance with France. They
will see every possession they have beyond their island lopped
off', one after another, before they will do this.
I pretend not to know to what part of America M. de Ternay
and M. de Rochambeau are destined; but to whatever part it is,
whether Canada, Nova Scotia, New York, Carolina, or Georgia,
I have no hopes of any thing decisive from their operations,
although they should be instructed to cooperate with General
Washington. If they should be destined against Canada or
Nova Scotia, they may succeed ; but this success will not be
decisive. If they are intended against New York, I have no
hopes of their success. The naval force is not sufficient to com
mand the seas. Admiral Graves, added to the ships before at
New York, will be superior ; and I shall venture to give my opi
nion, that, without a superiority of naval force, clear and indis
putable, New York will never be taken. It is so situated, it is so
fortified, it is garrisoned with troops so accustomed to war, and
so embittered and inflamed by cruel passions carefully nursed
up in their breasts by their king and their generals, and it is uni
versally regarded by them a post of such essential importance,
that I confess I should despair of success against it with an army
twice as numerous as that of the Generals Washington and
Rochambeau united, while the English are masters of the seas,
or even while they have there an equality of naval power.
Most people in Europe have wondered at the inactivity of the
American army for these two years past ; but it is merely from
want of knowledge or attention. The true cause of it is, —
the English have confined themselves to their strong-holds in
seaport towns, and have been sheltered from all attacks and
insults there by the guns of their men-of-war; and they forever
will be so while they have the superiority at sea. If our army
had been three times as numerous as it was, it must have
remained inactive without a fleet to cooperate with it ; for an
attack upon New York, without a fleet, would have been only
sacrificing the lives of thousands of brave men without a possi
bility of succeeding.
Had the English two years ago marched into the country from
OFFICIAL. 221
Philadelphia, instead of retreating back with precipitation to
New York, Europe would have heard more of the exertions of
the American army ; so much more, that, in my serious opinion,
you would have heard of their total destruction. As it was,
they were closely pursued, attacked, and, if not beaten, they had
much the worst of the action ; for, besides their loss in killed and
wounded and in those who perished under the fatigue and heat
of the day, not less than five hundred deserted from them ; and
their desertions would have been multiplied in every unsuccess
ful engagement within the country.
If in the last year the British army had marched out into the
country, instead of remaining under cover of their men-of-war,
I am equally clear that they would have been ruined. The Eng
lish, ever since the alliance, have been fearfully apprehensive of
an attack upon their strong-holds upon the coast by the French.
This it was that induced them to retreat from Philadelphia to
New York, and this has kept them almost wholly confined to
that garrison the last year. I mention this, merely to wipe off
the imputation said to result from the inactivity of our army
since the alliance, by showing the true cause of it ; that it pro
ceeds not from any change of sentiments in the Americans, but
from the change of the mode of prosecuting the war on the part
of our enemies.
I am, however, clearly of opinion, and I know it to be the
general sense of America, that the English, both in North Ame
rica and in the West India Islands, have been for these two
years past absolutely in the power of their enemies ; and that
they are so now, and will continue to be so, in such a degree,
that nothing will be wanting but attention to their situation, and
a judicious application of the forces of the allies, to accomplish
the entire reduction of their power in America. In order to
show this, let me beg your Excellency's attention to a few
remarks upon the situation of the English, and upon the method
of applying the force of the allies so as to reduce them.
The English are in possession of Canada, a province vastly
extensive, and in which there is a great number of posts, at a
great distance from each other, necessary to be maintained;
among a people, too, who are by no means attached to them,
but who would readily afford all the assistance in their power
to the united forces of France and the United States, and who
19*
222 OFFICIAL.
would join them in considerable numbers. In this whole pro
vince, the English have not, comprehending the garrisons of all
their posts, more than four thousand men.
The English are in possession of Nova Scotia ; they have in
Halifax and the other posts of the province and at Penobscot
about three thousand men. But the people of this province,
being descendants and emigrants from New England chiefly, are
discontented with the British government and desirous of join
ing the United States. They are in possession of New York
Island, Staten Island, and Long Island, where they have in all
of regular British troops, perhaps thousand men. The militia,
volunteers, &c., of whom they make such an ostentatious dis
play in the despatches of their generals and in the gazette of
St. James are of very little consideration ; their numbers are
much exaggerated ; it is force, fear, and policy that enroll the
greater part of them ; there are perhaps fifteen thousand inhabit
ants of the city. These, together with the army and navy, are
fed and supplied with provisions and stores and fuel, and their
cattle and horses with forage, brought by sea from Quebec,
Halifax, Ireland, and the West Indies, except the small quan
tity which they draw from Long Island and Staten Island.
They are now in possession of Charleston, in South Carolina,
and Savannah, in Georgia. Their armies and navies in these
places, as well as the inhabitants, must be chiefly supplied by
sea in the same manner. They are still perhaps in possession
of St. Augustine, in East Florida, and Pensacola in the west.
From these places they have drawn of late years great supplies
of lumber and provisions for their West India Islands. The
number of troops in Georgia and Carolina may amount to
thousands. They are in possession of Jamaica, Barbadoes,
Antigua, St. Christophers, and St. Lucia, and other islands.
These draw supplies of provisions and lumber, &c., from Que
bec, Halifax, Pensacola, and Augustine, that is, from the Flori-
das. The number of troops they have in each island I am not
able to ascertain ; but certainly they are not strong in any of
them ; and the climate in the West Indies, and in Georgia and
Carolina, is making a rapid consumption of their men.
From this sketch it will be easily seen what a great number
of posts they have to sustain ; how these are mutually connected
with and dependent on each other, and that their existence in
OFFICIAL. 223
all of them depends upon their superiority at sea ; and that to
carry on the intercourse and communication between these
various places, a vast number of transports, provision vessels,
and merchant ships are necessary. This is so much the fact,
that the English nation has now little navigation left but what
is employed in maintaining the communication of these places
with one another and with Europe. Here then it is that the
English commerce and navy is vulnerable ; and this it is which
clearly points out to their enemies the only sure and certain way
of reducing their power in that quarter of the world ; and if it is
reduced there, it is brought into a narrow compass everywhere.
The policy and necessity of keeping always a superior fleet
both *n the West India Islands and on the coast of the conti-
nen f North America, is from all this very obvious. The Eng
lish ^ so sensible of this, that they dread it as the greatest evil
that can befall them. The appearance of the Count d'Estaing
upon the coast of North America never failed to throw the Eng
lish into the utmost terror and consternation.
The appearance of a French fleet upon our coasts has repeat
edly compelled, and ever must compel, the English to call off
from their cruises all their frigates and other ships, and to assem
ble them at New York for their security, and the defence of that
place. These are among the happy effects of such a measure, —
the communication of the United States not only with each
other but with the West Indies, with France, and all other parts
o ' Europe with which they have any concern, is immediately
opened, and they are thereby easily furnished in all parts with
every thing fitting and necessary to carry on the war with the
greatest vigor. His Majesty's fleets and armies will be amply
and much more cheaply supplied, and his subjects will reap, in
common with the inhabitants of the United States, the benefits
c ].rthis free commerce. It will give free sea-room to the few fri-
g rtes belonging to congress and the several States, to cruise for
the merchant ships, provision vessels, and transports of the enemy.
It gives opportunity also to the privateers to do the same. There
are at this day, notwithstanding the dreadful sacrifices made
at Charleston and Penobscot, sacrifices the necessity of which
would have been entirely prevented by a few ships of the line,
the continental frigates, the Confederacy which is arrived at
Philadelphia, the Alliance which will soon be there, the Trum-
224 OFFICIAL.
bull, the Deane, the Bourbon, and also a ship of fifty-six guns
which is nearly ready for sea. The State of Massachusetts has
two frigates and several smaller vessels. There are, besides these,
now in being, belonging to Newburyport, Beverly, Salem, Mar-
blehead, Portsmouth, Boston, and Rhode Island, about forty pri
vateers. There are several belonging to Philadelphia.
If a French fleet should constantly remain upon that coast, the
number of these privateers would be doubled in a very few
months. What havoc then must these armed vessels make,
especially if a few French frigates should be also ordered to
cruise for prizes among the provision vessels, merchant ships,
and transports, passing and repassing to and from America and
the West India Islands to Europe, and to and from America
and the West Indies, and to and from Quebec, Nova Scotia,
New York, Charleston, Savannah, and the Floridas. Such
depredations have several times been made by our cruisers
alone as to reduce the English at New York to very great dis
tress ; and it would be very easy in this way to reduce them to
such misery as to oblige them to surrender at discretion.
I therefore beg leave to submit it to your Excellency's consi
deration, whether there is any possible way that a marine force
can be employed against the English, so much to the advantage
of France and the disadvantage of England, as in this way ; and
whether, upon the principles of French interest and policy alone,
even without taking into consideration that of the United States,
a fleet ought not to be constantly kept in North America. The
advantages they will there have in artists, supplies, accommoda
tions, &c., above the English, are obvious.
But the question will arise, where shall they winter ? I answer,
they can winter with perfect security and advantage either at
Boston, Rhode Island, Delaware or Chesapeake Bay.
Another question will arise, whether they should all winter
together in one port, or be separated to several ports ? I appre
hend, however, that it would be most prudent to leave it to the
discretion of the commander-in-chief of the squadron to keep the
squadron together, or to detach parts of it, according to the exi
gencies of the service, advising with congress or with the Che
valier de la Luzerne from time to time.
Two ships of the line, with three frigates, stationed at Boston,
with orders to cruise occasionally for the protection of French
OFFICIAL. 225
and American trade and the annoyance of the enemy ; the same
number at Rhode Island, with the same orders ; the same num
ber at Delaware River, with similar orders ; and a like number
in Chesapeake Bay, with like orders ; which would make eight
ships of the line and twelve frigates, I have a moral certainty,
would, in one year, reduce the power of the English in North
America to absolute annihilation without striking a blow on
land. These ships would make a diversion of an equal force of
the English from the West India Islands, so that they would be
in that respect as usefully employed for his Majesty there as
anywhere. Eight ships of the line and twelve frigates stationed
together at Rhode Island, with orders to cruise for the same pur
poses, would do the same thing.
Which plan would do best, I dare not undertake to say ; but,
until further informed and instructed by congress, I should think,
however, that the best plan would be to station the fleet for the
winter either in Delaware or Chesapeake Bay ; and as the war
has lately turned to the southward, I am inclined to think that
Chesapeake Bay would be the most proper.
But, in all events, I beg leave to entreat in the most earnest
manner that a powerful fleet may be ordered to winter some
where in North America. By this means, I think there is a
moral certainty the English will be ruined there, whereas, if
dependence is had upon the assault and attack of their strong
holds, without the most absolute command of the sea, I fear it
will end in disappointment and disgrace.
There is the more urgent reason for laying these considera
tions before your Excellency, because there is a portion of the
people in America who wish to return to the domination of
Great Britain, many of whom are artful and sensible men.
They take notice of every circumstance of the conduct of
France, and represent it in such a light as they think will
throw a prejudice against the alliance into the minds of the
people. They represent the affair of Rhode Island and of
Savannah, and some other things, as proofs that the Court of
France do not mean to give any effectual aid to America, but
only to play off her strength against that of Britain, and thus
exhaust both. The refugees in England concur with them in
these representations, and the ministry and the members of
parliament in their public speeches represent the same thing.
226 OFFICIAL.
Even Mr. Hartley, who is more for peace than any man in
that kingdom, in a printed letter to the inhabitants of the
county of York, says, — " It is our duty to unravel by negotia
tion the combination of powers now acting against us;" and
he says further, in express words, that " it is apparent to all the
world, that France might long ago have put an end to that part
of the war which has been most distressing to America, if they
had chosen so to do." He must mean here the war of their fri
gates and privateers upon our trade. " Let the whole system
of France be considered," says he, " from the beginning down to
the late retreat from Savannah, and I think it is impossible to
put any other construction upon it but this, namely, — that it
has always been the deliberate intention and object of France,
for purposes of their own, to encourage the continuation of the
war in America, in hopes of exhausting the strength and re
sources of this country, and of depressing the rising power of
America." This is not only the language of Mr. Hartley, but
the general language of newspapers and pamphlets, and, I am
well informed, of conversation in England. These are very
industriously sent to America through various channels, which
cannot be stopped by laws, art, or power.
The body of the people have great confidence in the sincerity
of France ; but if these contrary opinions should be suffered to
gain ground, as they most assuredly will if something is not
done to prevent it, when all the world sees and declares as they
do, that it is the best policy of France, if she considered her
own interest alone in the conduct of the war, to keep a superior
naval force upon the coast of the continent of North America,
I leave your Excellency to judge what a melancholy effect it
will have upon our affairs. There is no event, in my opinion,
which would have so direct a tendency to give force and extent
to opinions so dangerous to both nations, as the calling off from
the continent your naval force during the winter, and not keep
ing a superiority there through the year. I scruple not to give
it as my opinion, that it will disunite, weaken, and distress us
more than we should have been disunited, weakened, or dis
tressed, if the alliance had never been made.
The United States of America are a great and powerful peo
ple, whatever European statesmen may think of them. If we
take into our estimate the numbers and the character of her peo-
OFFICIAL. 227
pie, the extent, variety, and fertility of her soil, her commerce,
and her skill and materials for ship-building, and her seamen,
excepting France, Spain, England, Germany, and Russia, there
is not a state in Europe so powerful. Breaking off such a nation
as this from the English so suddenly, and uniting it so closely
with France, is one of the most extraordinary events that ever
happened among mankind. The prejudices of nations in favor
of themselves and against all other nations, which spring from
self-love, and are often nurtured by policy for unworthy pur
poses, and which have been ever certainly cultivated by the
English with the utmost care in the minds of the Americans,
as well as of the people of every other part of their dominions,
certainly deserve the attention of the wisest statesmen ; and as
they are not to be eradicated in a moment, they require to be
managed with some delicacy.
It is too often said in France, where the prejudice against the
English has not been fostered into so much rancor, because
France never had so much to fear from England as England
has from France, " that the Americans and the English are the
same thing," not to make it appear that there are some rem
nants of prejudices against the Americans among the French,
and it must be confessed there are some in America against
France. It is really astonishing, however, that there are so few,
and it is the interest and duty of both to lessen them as fast as
possible, and to avoid with the nicest care every colorable cause
of reviving any part of them.
I beg your Excellency to excuse this trouble, because the state
of things in North America has really become alarming, and this
merely for the want of a few French men-of-war upon that coast ;
and to believe me to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
DAVID HARTLEY TO JOHN ADAMS.
London, 17 July, 1780.
DEAR SIR, — Inclosed I send you a copy of a conciliatory bill
which I moved in parliament on the 27th of the last month.
You will perceive by the tenor of it that it is drawn up in
very general terms, containing a general power to treat, with
something like a sketch of a line of negotiation. As the bill
228 OFFICIAL.
was not accepted by the ministers in this country, I have
nothing further to say relating to it. As to my own private
sentiments and endeavors, they always have been, and ever
will be, devoted to the restoration of peace upon honorable
terms. 1 shall be always ready, and most desirous to con
spire in any measures which may lead to that end.
I am, dear sir, your most obedient servant,
D. HARTLEY.
TO COUNT DE VERGENNES.
Paris, 17 July, 1780.
SIR, — In your Excellency's letter to me, of the 24th of
February last, I was honored with your opinion, in the follow
ing words : —
" With regard to the full powers, which authorize you to
negotiate a treaty of commerce with the Court of London, 1
think it will be prudent not to communicate them to anybody
whatever, and to take all possible precautions, that the Bri
tish ministry may not have a premature knowledge of them.
You will, surely, of yourself, feel the motives, which induce
me to advise you to take this precaution, and it would be
needless to explain them."
1. I should have been very happy if your Excellency had
hinted at the reasons, which were then in your mind, because
after reflecting upon this subject as maturely as I can, I am
not able to collect any reasons, which appear to me sufficient
for concealing the nature of my powers in their full extent, from
the Court of London. On the contrary, many arguments have
occurred to me, which seem to show it to be both the policy of
the United States, and my particular duty, to communicate
them.
2. Your Excellency will recollect, that my commissions em
power me to join with the ministers of the belligerent powers in
making peace ; to make a treaty of commerce with the minis
ters of his Britannic Majesty; and to represent the congress as
their minister plenipotentiary, at the Court of London. It
seems to me then, inconsistent with the design and nature of
my appointments, to conceal them from the Court of London.
3. I think, also, that announcing my powers to the Court of
OFFICIAL. 229
London would have a tendency to draw out from them some
proofs of their present designs, and it is always important to
discover early the intentions of the enemy, that the people may
be prepared, both with counsels and forces, to resist them if
hostile.
4. The English nation would expect of the ministers, that
some answer should be given to me. If it should be an inso
lent one, as there is too much cause to expect, it will prepare
the minds of the Americans, and of the other belligerent powers,
for what they are to expect, and it will alarm and arouse, if
any thing can, the people of England.
5. At this particular time, when an election approaches, it
would throw the ministry into some embarrassment ; for the
people of England sigh for peace.
6. Another consideration has weight with me ; a great part
of Europe, as well as the people of England, are amused by
the English ministers and their emissaries with reports that
there is some secret treaty between France and the United
States, by which the former have secured to themselves exclusive
privileges in some branches of the American commerce, which
misrepresentations, as they are at present an obstruction to
peace, would be cleared up by the communication of my
powers.
7. There are at present many persons of consideration in
England, who have long followed the ministry in the war
against America, who begin to see the impracticability of
succeeding, and now vote for peace, and will lay hold of
every occurrence that favors its accomplishment.
8. At this moment, under the wild impression that the sur
render of Charleston has made, it might be improper to make
the communication ; but upon the news coming of M. de
Ternay's arrival, of Don Solano's, or both, or upon the receipt
of some intelligence, which may take off a part of this impres
sion. I submit it to your Excellency's consideration, whether it
would not be proper to communicate my appointments to Lord
George Germaine. It seems to be most proper that it should be
done, so that the nation may consider them before the meeting
of parliament, and that those who wish for peace may digest then-
plans accordingly.
9. Notwithstanding the suppression of the late riots, and the
VOL. VII. 20
^30 OFFICIAL.
consequent temporary relaxation of the committees and associa
tions, the nation is in a most critical situation. Those distur
bances were not simply the effect of fanaticism and bigotry, but
of deep and general discontent and distress among the people ;
and although the ministry may at present be confident they
have suppressed them forever, they will surely find themselves
mistaken if they pursue this war. I know of no measure, that
will be more likely to increase the opposition against adminis
tration, than communicating my powers. It will at least show
all the world, that the continuance of the war and the conse
quent ruin of England is their own fault, not that of the Ameri
cans, who are ready to make peace upon terms honorable and
advantageous to Great Britain.
10. I am the more confirmed in those opinions, by the com
munication your Excellency made to me yesterday, of the
message sent by the Court of London to the Court of Madrid.
I am convinced, in my own mind, that that message is insidious
in the last degree, and that it is intended to answer two ends
only ; first, to spy out what they can of the political and military
plans of Spain ; secondly and principally, to amuse France,
Spain, and America, too, with false ideas of pacific inclinations,
simply in order to slacken and enervate their preparations for
the next campaign.
11. Sincere intentions of making peace, upon any terms which
France or America can agree to, consistent with subsisting trea
ties, I am as sure they have not, as I am of their existence. Now
I think there is no way of counteracting this insidious policy so
honorably and so effectually, as by a frank and decent commu
nication of my full powers. This will necessitate them to come
to an explanation of their real intentions concerning America ;
for there, sir, lies the obstacle to peace ; all other questions
would be soon arranged, if that was settled.
I hope your Excellency will pardon the long letters 1 write
you, because it is really a voluminous subject we have in con
templation, and mankind in general are little less interested in
it, than our particular countries. I shall hope for the honor of
your Excellency's answer upon these subjects ; and I remain
with great respect and attachment, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
OFFICIAL. 231
TO WILLIAM LEE.
Paris, 20 July, 1780.
DEAR SIR, — Yours of the 8th I received in due course of post.
The letter from Clinton arrived first at Lorient, in a Philadelphia
newspaper, which had been sent to Mr. Jay. Mr. Wharton, I
think, copied it, and sent it to Dr. Franklin, who communicated
it soon after it appeared in Boston and other newspapers, with
out a hint of its want of authenticity. Within a few days past,
I have seen a gentleman from America, who says it was a mere
jeu cFesprit, written by an officer in the army, upon the North
River. I have been all along afraid that our countrymen would at
length imitate their enemies in this kind of imposition ; and I
always thought that, whenever they did, they would be ingenious
at it. It must be agreed this is ingeniously done, and conveys a
great deal of solid truth and important instruction under this fic
tion. Yet, I cannot think the ingenuity of it a justification or
excuse. "We have no need of such aids as political lies. Our
character for truth, sincerity, and candor, is more real strength,
than ever can be derived from such impostures, however artfully
performed. The influence this practice has upon the world,
in destroying confidence, and in poisoning the morals of the
people, the pure and single source of which is truth, ought to
induce us to discountenance the practice by all means. The
liberty of the press by no means includes a right of imposing on
mankind by such detestable forgeries. I cannot, therefore, think
that the reflection you quote from the newspaper was too severe.
All that we can do, is to write to congress and beseech them to
suppress such practices. The signature of Charles Thomson,
hitherto sacred, will no longer be credited, if something is not
done to discountenance such abuses.
Don Solano has not returned to Cadiz ; but what will be done
in the West Indies, time alone can discover. Whether M. de
Ternay will go to the West Indies, stay in America, or come to
Europe, I know not. I have not contented myself with giving
my sentiments of what ought to be done, by word of mouth, but
I have stated it in writing, with my reasons at large, to more
than one minister, and of all this I shall inform congress in
detail, who will see and judge who is right.
232 OFFICIAL.
You say that a speedy peace is not at present in your view.
This is so far from being surprising to me, that I wonder you
ever should have had any pleasing prospects of peace, from the
enemy's suffering some capital loss in the West Indies. They
are in such a sulky, mulish, suicidical temper, that they would
not make peace, if you took every island they have. This is
my opinion. The suppression of the riots, committees, associa
tions, correspondences and all, have given ministry more giddy
confidence, than even the taking of Charleston. I fear America
must reconcile herself to the thought of growing up in the midst
of war, and find her resources in labor, patience, and economy,
where she may have them in sufficient abundance.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
COUNT DE VERGENNES TO JOHN ADAMS.
(Translation.)
Versailles, 20 July, 1780.
SIR, — I have received the letter which you did me the honor
to write me on the 13th of this month. I feel very sensibly the
confidence with which you have reposed in me your ideas on
the present situation of the United States, and the need they
have of the immediate assistance of some ships of the line and
some frigates. The Chevalier de Ternay and the Count de
Rochambeau have been sent with the express design which
makes the subject of your letter. They will concert their ope
rations with congress and M. Washington. And as the King has
given them no precise orders with regard to their return to Eu
rope, but has, on the contrary, left them at liberty to act as they
shall judge useful for the relief of the United States, there is
every reason to believe that they will take their station during
next winter in North America, if that shall be agreeable to con
gress, and that they will employ the ships and troops under their
command, according to the plan that shall be settled between
them and the American generals.
You may judge, sir, by this detail, that the King is very fax
from abandoning the cause of America, and that his Majesty,
without having been solicited by congress, has, on the contrary,
taken effectual measures to support it. I flatter myself, sir, that
OFFICIAL. 233
proceedings thus generous will be felt in America, and that they
will prevail over the falsehoods which the common enemy and
his wicked adherents propagate there, in order to make France
suspected, and to induce the Americans to take resolutions
which would terminate in their slavery and dishonor.
I have the honor to be, &c.
DE VERGENNES.
TO COUNT DE VERGENNES.
Paris, 21 July, 1780.
SIR, — I have received the letter you did me the honor to
write me yesterday, and am extremely sensible of your Excel
lency's confidenc§ in communicating to me the destination of
the armament under M. de Ternay and the Count de Rocham-
beau, and the probability that the ships will winter in North
America.
I assure your Excellency that scarcely any news I ever heard
gave me more satisfaction ; and nothing, in my opinion, can
afford a more effectual assistance to America, or make a deeper
or more grateful impression on the minds of her inhabitants.
I am infinitely mistaken, if the service of the King in the con
duct of the war, both in the West Indies and North America,
does not derive such essential advantages from this measure as
will demonstrate its wisdom to all the world ; as well as, to the
English and the Americans, the King's determined benevolence
to the American cause. I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Paris, 23 July, 1780.
) — I have been amused some time with dark and unin
telligible hints in letters from London, of some messenger sent
from Lord North to Madrid.
Three weeks ago I waited on the Count de Vergennes, at
Versailles, to acquaint him that I had an intention of making a
journey to Amsterdam for a few weeks, as I flattered myself I
20*
234 OFFICIAL.
might form some acquaintances or correspondences there, and
collect some intelligence, that might be useful to the United
States. His Excellency desired me to wait some time, for that
in eight or ten days he believed he should have something to
communicate to me. I assured him that I would not go till I
saw him again or heard further from him. This day sevennight,
his Excellency informed me that he was ready to let me know
that a messenger from the Court of London had arrived at Mad
rid ; that the Spanish ministry had demanded the sentiments
of the British Court concerning America. He said he was not
instructed. He was told he must previously explain himself
upon that subject. He determined to send an express to Lon
don for instructions. This the Count de Vergennes said would
take up two months, and consequently leave me time enough
to go to Holland ; but if any thing should happen in the mean
time he would give me the earliest information of it.
In the Courier de 1'Europe of the 14th of July is this para
graph.
" The report runs, that a person who has been secretary of the
Marquis d'Almodovar, during his embassy from the Court of
Madrid to that of London, arrived here (London) some weeks
ago, on board the Milfprd, coming from Oporto ; that after a
stay of eight days this frigate had orders to transport to Lisbon
this person, accompanied by Mr. Cumberland, Secretary of Lord
George Germaine, whose instructions imply that, if at the end of
twenty days he is not called to Madrid, he is to return here imme
diately. As soon as this person arrived at Lisbon, he set out for
Madrid, where, fifteen days after, Mr. Cumberland was invited to
go, and where he is at present."
There is a body of people in England who are zealous and
clamorous for peace, and the ministry find their account in
amusing and silencing them by some equivocal appearances of
negotiation. They have ever made it a part of their political sys
tem to hold out to America some false hopes of reconciliation
and peace, in order to slacken our nerves and retard our prepa
rations. They think also that they can amuse the Courts of
France and Spain with a talk about conferences and negotia
tions, while they are secretly concerting measures to succor Gib
raltar and carry on their operations the next campaign. But
serious thoughts of peace upon any terms that we can agree to,
OFFICIAL. 235
I am well persuaded they never had ; but if they ever did enter
tain any thoughts of negotiation, it must have been at the time
of their consternation for Sir Henry Clinton and their despair of
his success.
The total and absolute suppression of the tumults in London,
and the triumphant success of Clinton, beyond their most san
guine expectations, have now given them such exultation, and
confidence that the people of America will dethrone congress,
and, like the Israelites of old, demand a king, that they now
think of nothing but unconditional submission, or at least of
delusive proffers of terms which they know the majority of the
people in America will not agree to, in order to divide us, to
make a few gentlemen apostates and some soldiers deserters.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
COUNT DE VERGENNES TO JOHN ADAMS.
(Translation.)
Versailles, 25 July, 1780.
SIR, — I have received the letter which you have done me the
honor to write to me on the 17th of this month. I have read it
with the most serious attention, and in order to give you an
answer with greater exactness, I have placed it on the margin
of each paragraph which seemed to require observations on my
part. You will there see, sir, that I persist in thinking the time
to communicate your full powers to Lord Germaine is not yet
come, and you will there find the reasons on which I ground my
opinion. I have no doubt you will feel the force of them, and
that they will determine you to think with me. But if that
should not be the case, I pray you, and even require you, in the
name of the King, to communicate your letter and my answer to
the United States, and to suspend, until you shall receive orders
from them, all steps relating to the English ministry. I shall, on
my part, transmit my observations to America, in order that M.
de la Luzerne may make the members of congress possessed of
them ; and I dare to believe that that assembly will consider the
opinion of the ministry of France worthy of some attention, and
that they will not be afraid of going astray or of betraying the
236 OFFICIAL.
interests of the United States, by adopting it as a rule of their
conduct.1 I have the honor to be, &c.
DE VERGENNES.
OBSERVATIONS ON MR. ADAMS's LETTER OF 17TH JULY, 1780.
( Translation.)
I.2 The reasons, which determined the Count de Vergennes to
give Mr. Adams that advice are as plain as they appear abso
lutely decisive.
1st. To be busy about a treaty of commerce, before peace is
established, is like being busy about the ornament of a house
before the foundation is laid.
2d. In the situation in which America stands at present with
regard to England, to announce to that power that her system
of tyranny, her cruelties, and her perfidy are forgotten, is dis
covering much weakness, or at least much simpleness ; it is
inviting her to believe that the Americans have an irresistible
predilection for her ; it is fortifying her in the opinion she enter
tains, that the American patriots will submit through weariness,
or through fear of the preponderating influence of the tories.
3d. To propose a treaty of commerce, which must be founded
on confidence, and on a connection equivalent to an alliance, at a
time when the war is raging in all its fury, when the Court of
London is wishing to ruin or to subjugate America, what is it
but to give credit to the opinion which all Europe has ever enter
tained, conformable to the assertions of the English ministers,
that the United States incline towards a defection, and that they
will be faithful to their engagements with France, only so long
as Great Britain shall furnish no pretext for breaking them ?
II. A person may be furnished with plenipotentiary powers, in
a certain event, without being under the necessity of publishing
them before circumstances permit him to use them. This hap-
1 This correspondence was transmitted to America with the design of procur
ing the removal of Mr. Adams from^the sphere of negotiation in Europe. It act
ually produced the official instructions which will be found under date of 10
January, 1781, in this volume.
2 Instead of repeating the paragraphs criticized of Mr. Adams's letter, they
have been numbered to correspond with these numbers in the criticism, so that
a comparison is rendered easy. See pp. 228 - 230.
OFFICIAL. 237
pens every day. Mr. Adams is charged with three distinct com
missions. 1. To take a share in the future negotiations for peace.
2. To conclude a treaty of commerce with Great Britain. 3. To
represent the United States at the Court of London. It requires
no great effort of genius to show, that these three objects cannot
be joined in one act. It requires no more to show that the two
last cannot serve as an introduction to the first. It is necessary
first of all to obtain from England an acknowledgment of the
independence of America, and that this acknowledgment should
serve as a foundation for a treaty of peace. Not until after that
is obtained, can Mr. Adams talk of a treaty of commerce. To
propose one, while the Court of London is flattering itself with
the hopes of subduing America, and while with that view it is
making the most strenuous efforts, would in the view of that
Court be to propose what is chimerical, and would be taking
a step which it would hold as a mockery. The case would be
the same, were one at this time to talk of a minister plenipoten
tiary from the United States, appointed to reside at the Court
of his Britannic Majesty.
The only powers, therefore, which circumstances have per
mitted Mr. Adams to announce, are those which authorize him
to take a part in the negotiations for peace. The two other
powers will have no value until the conclusion of that peace ;
so that it would be at least useless to produce them at present,
and, consequently, Mr. Adams will not act inconsistently with
the design and nature of his powers, by concealing them from
the Court of London. Although the Count de Vergennes is
unacquainted with the tenor of the instructions of Mr. Adams,
yet he is persuaded that they are conformable to the foregoing
reflections, and that they do not direct him to make an imme
diate communication of his powers relative to a treaty of com
merce, any more than they order him to make a separate peace
with Great Britain. This opinion is founded on that which the
King's ministry entertain of the wisdom, prudence, and fidelity
of congress.
III. It has been observed, that the English ministry would
consider that communication as a mockery; hence it is vo
luntarily seeking to blind one's self to suppose, that it will
engage them to enter into any conference, or to say any thing
more than what is contained in the resolutions of parliament,
238 OFFICIAL.
namely, — that they will listen to the Americans and receive
them into favor, when they shall have returned to their former
allegiance. Therefore, it would be at least superfluous to draw
upon one's self such an answer, nor can the United States
need it, to know the present sentiments of the Court of London,
still less, to prepare themselves by counsels and armies to resist
it. It is astonishing to talk of preparations of counsels and
armies, when the war is raging in all its fury, when it has now
lasted six years, and England has not yet made the smallest
overture to the Americans, that can authorize them to believe
that she would agree to their independence.
IV. The English ministry would either return no answer, or
if they did, it would be an insolent one. In case of the latter,
why needlessly expose one's self to insult, and thereby become
the laughing-stock of all the nations who have not yet acknow
ledged the independence of the United States ? But there is
reason to believe that Mr. Adams would receive no answer,
because the British ministry would not think one due to a man
who assumes a character, which the Court of London must con
sider as an insult. It should not be forgotten, that that Court
steadily considers the Americans as rebellious subjects. With
such an opinion, how could Lord Germaine receive a letter from
Mr. Adams, assuming the character of minister plenipotentiary
from the United States of North America? How could that
minister bear the mention of a treaty of commerce, which can
only take place between independent nations ? These observa
tions will convince Mr. Adams, that France has no occasion for
the expedient which he proposes, to know and to appreciate the
sentiments and dispositions of the Court of London, and that
we are already perfectly acquainted with what we ought and
may expect from it, in the present situation of affairs.
V. The silence or the answer of the English ministry, which
ever it might be, will neither alarm nor arouse the people of
England. That people, without doubt, desire peace and an
accommodation with America. But we have heard as yet only
some individuals speak of independence, and these, more from a
spirit of contradiction, than from conviction. There never has
been a single motion made in parliament tending to grant that
independence. Yet the people have friends and protectors in
parliament. From this, Mr. Adams may judge of the embar-
OFFICIAL. 239
rassment into which the announcing of his powers might throw
the ministry.
VI. England, as well as the rest of Europe, is perfectly
acquainted with the nature of the engagements, which sub
sist between France and the United States. The King caused
a declaration to be made officially, on the 13th of March, 1778,
that he had not secured to himself any exclusive privilege by
the treaty of commerce of the 6th of February of the same
year, and his Majesty has confirmed that declaration in a
writing published by his order. So that the full powers of Mr.
Adams will disclose nothing new in this respect, either to Eng
land or to the other powers of Europe. Hence the false impres
sion which he thinks the Court of London has in this matter
can be no obstacle to a peace. If any such obstacle existed,
the English ministry would themselves seek to remove it, if
they were determined to make the peace depend thereon.
VII. It is certain that the whole English nation, and even the
ministers themselves, wish for peace. But it has already been
observed, that there has not been a single motion made in favor
of the independence of America. Certainly the full powers of
Mr. Adams will not change the present dispositions in that
respect, and, consequently, the communication that might be
made of them will neither facilitate nor accelerate the conclu
sion of peace.
VIII. This reflection is very wise. It proves that Mr. Adams
himself feels that there are circumstances which place him under
a necessity to conceal his powers. The King's ministry think
that such circumstances will continue till the English nation
shall show a disposition to acknowledge the independence of
the United States. That acknowledgment will not be facili
tated by proposing a treaty of commerce. For the English are
well persuaded that from this time forward they will have such
a treaty with America whenever they shall judge convenient.
They have besides, as Mr. Adams has himself mentioned in his
letter of the 19th of February last, a full knowledge of his com
mission, so that the communication of his full powers will teach
them nothing new in this respect.
IX. This paragraph has just been answered. There is not
an Englishman who is not persuaded that the United States
are disposed to grant the advantages of commerce to then*
240 OFFICIAL.
ancient metropolis ; but to persuade not merely an English
man, but any thinking being, that by granting independence
in exchange for these advantages, the Court of London were
making an honorable and advantageous peace, would be a hard
task to perform. If this was the real sentiment of the people
of England, why have they for these six years past, without
murmuring, furnished ruinous contributions in order to subdue
America ?
X. The English ministry either have sincere intentions of mak
ing peace, or they mean only to amuse and penetrate the de
signs of Spain. In the first case, they will express the condi
tions on which they desire to treat ; they will then be obliged
to explain their views and their demands with regard to Ame
rica. They will assuredly forget nothing which they think will
forward peace, and, once agreed upon independence, their first
care will be, without doubt, to be placed on an equality with
France in regard to commerce. On the contrary, if the Eng
lish ministry mean only to amuse Spain, to penetrate her designs,
and to slacken her preparations for war, Mr. Adams should do
the ministry of Madrid the justice to believe that they have saga
city enough to discover all these views, and understanding and
prudence sufficient to determine on the conduct they ought to
pursue.
XL If Mr. Adams is as sure as he is of his existence, that the
English ministry have no desire to make peace on terms equally
agreeable to France and America, to what purpose now com
municate to them powers which cannot be made use of until
after the peace ? How can Mr. Adams persuade himself that
the Court of London will be seduced by the bait of a treaty
of commerce, while it still manifests an invincible repugnance
to acknowledge the independence of America ? Whenever it
shall be disposed to acknowledge that independence, it will
of itself propose the conditions on which it will deem it pro
per to grant it, and Mr. Adams may rest assured that it will
not forget the article of commerce. Then will be the proper
time for him to produce his full powers. In the mean time,
it is necessary to labor for the establishment of the foundation
of the negotiation, namely, — the independence of America, —
and that can only be effected by carrying on the war with vigor
and success.
OFFICIAL. 241
TO COUNT DE VERGENNES.
Paris, 27 July, 1780.
SIR, — Since my letter of the 21st, and upon reading over
again your Excellency's letter to me of the 20th, I observed one
expression, which I think it my duty to consider more particu
larly. The expression I have in view, is this, " that the King,
without having been solicited by the congress, had taken mea
sures the most efficacious to sustain the American cause."
Upon this part of your letter, I must entreat your Excellency
to recollect, that the congress did as long ago as the year 1776,
before Dr. Franklin was sent off for France, instruct him, Mr.
Deane, and Mr. Lee, to solicit the King for six ships of the line,
and, I have reason to believe that the congress have been, from
that moment to this, persuaded that this object has been con
stantly solicited by their ministers at this court.
In addition to this, I have every personal, as well as public
motive to recall to your Excellency's recollection a letter or
memorial, which was presented to your Excellency in the latter
end of the month of December, 1778, or the beginning of Janu
ary, 1779,1 in which a great variety of arguments were adduced
to show that it was not only good policy, but absolutely neces
sary, to send a superiority of naval force to the coasts of the
Continent of America. This letter, together with your Excel
lency's answer, acknowledging the receipt of it, I transmitted to
congress myself, and their journals show that they received
them near a year ago ; so that congress, I am persuaded, rest
in the most perfect security in the persuasion, that every thing
has been done by themselves and their servants at this court, to
obtain this measure, and that the necessary arrangements of the
King's naval service have hitherto prevented it.
But if it was only suspected by congress, that a direct appli
cation from them to the King was expected, I am well assured
they would not hesitate a moment to make it. But I am so con
vinced by experience, of the absolute necessity of more consult
ations and communications between his Majesty's ministers and
the ministers of congress, that I am determined to omit no op-
1 See page 72 of this volume
VOL. VII. 21 p
242 OFFICIAL.
portunity of communicating my sentiments to your Excellency,
upon every thing that appears to me of importance to the com
mon cause, in which I can do it with any propriety. And these
communications shall be direct in person, or by letter to your
Excellency, without the intervention of any third person. And
I shall be very happy, and think myself highly honored, to give
my poor opinion and advice to his Majesty's ministers upon
any tiling that relates to the United States, or the common
cause, whenever they shall be asked.
I wish I may be mistaken, but it could answer no good pur
pose to deceive myself; and I certainly will not disguise my
sentiments from your Excellency. I think that Admiral Graves,
with the ships before in America, wrill be able to impede the
operations of M. de Ternay, of M. de Rochambeau, and of
General Washington, if their plan is to attack New York.
If there should be a naval battle between M. de Ternay and
Admiral Graves, the event is uncertain. From the near equality
of force, and the equality of bravery and of naval science, which
now prevails everywhere, I think we cannot depend upon any
thing decisive in such an engagement, unless it be from the
particular character of Graves, whom I know personally to be
neither a great man, nor a great officer. If there should be no
decision in a naval battle, Graves and his fleet must lay at New
York, and M. de Ternay and his, at Rhode Island. I readily
agree, that this will be a great advantage to the common cause,
for the reasons mentioned in my letter to your Excellency, of
the 13th of this month. But still I beg leave to suggest to your
Excellency, whether it would not be for the good of the common
cause to have still further resources in view ; whether circum
stances may not be such in the West Indies, as to enable M.
de Guichen to despatch ships to the reinforcement of M. de
Ternay, and whether it may not consist with the King's service
to despatch ships from Europe for that purpose ; and, further,
whether the Court of Spain cannot be convinced of the policy
of keeping open the communication between the United States
and the French and Spanish Islands in the West Indies, so as
to cooperate with France and the United States in the system
of keeping up a constant superiority of naval power, both upon
the coast of North America, and in the West India Islands.
This is the true plan which is finally to humble the English,
and give the combined powers the advantage.
OFFICIAL. 243
The English, in the course of the last war, derived all their
triumphs, both upon the continent of America and the islands,
from the succors they received from their colonies. And I am
sure that France and Spain, with attention to the subject, may
receive assistance in this war, from the same source, equally
decisive. I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
COUNT DE VERGENNES TO JOHN ADAMS.
(Translation.')
Versailles, 29 July, 1780.
SIR, — I have received the letter which you did me the honor
to write me on the 27th of this month. When I took upon my
self to give you a mark of my confidence, by informing you of
the destination of MM. de Ternay and Rochambeau, I did not
expect the animadversion which you have thought it your duty
to make on a passage of my letter of the 20th of this month.
To avoid any more of the kind, I think it my duty to inform you
that, Mr. Franklin being the sole person who has letters of cre
dence to the King from the United States, it is with him only
that I ought and can treat of matters which concern them, and
particularly of that which is the subject of your observations.
For the rest, sir, I ought to observe to you, that the passage in
my letter on which you have thought it your duty to extend your
reflections related only to sending the fleet commanded by the
Chevalier de Ternay, and had nothing further in view than to
convince you that the King did not stand in need of your solici
tations to direct his attention to the interests of the United
States. I have the honor to be, &c.
DE VERGENNES.
THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS TO JOHN ADAMS.
Philadelphia, 30 July, 1780.
SIR, — Since your arrival in Europe I have been favored with
your several despatches of the llth and 16th of December last,
the 16th of January, the 15th, 17th, 19th, 20th, 25th, 27th, and
29th of February, the 8th, 18th, 19th, and 23d of March.
It is probable the committee of foreign affairs may have ac-
244 OFFICIAL.
knowledged the receipt of these despatches, and several dupli
cates which have also been received.
I presume they have given you particular intelligence of all
material occurrences in America since your departure, it being
properly in their department, and a business which my present
engagements will by no means admit me to undertake in so
ample a manner as is necessary or would be agreeable to your
wishes. Before this comes to hand, you will doubtless have
received the disagreeable intelligence of the capitulation and
surrender of Charleston, in which the brave General Lincoln
with about two thousand continental troops, officers included,
were made prisoners.
On the evening of the 10th instant, the French squadron,
under the command of the Chevalier de Ternay, arrived off
Newport. The Count de Rochambeau has since landed his
troops on Conanicut. Three days after their arrival, Admiral
Graves, with a British squadron, arrived at New York, and
being joined by the ships there, soon put to sea; and we have
just received advice, that Graves with his whole squadron, since
their junction, is cruising off Newport. The exact number and
strength of his squadron I cannot learn ; but it is thought equal,
if not superior to Ternay's.
Without a decisive superiority of naval strength in these seas,
we cannot expect to expel the enemy from New York this cam
paign, where we have been plagued with them long enough.
We have been waiting some time in anxious expectation of
intelligence from the West Indies ; but by the latest advices
from thence nothing capital had been done as late as the 15th
instant.
I have the pleasure to inform you that the State of Massa
chusetts have established their constitution ; a desirable and
important event. I have the honor to be, &c.
SAMUEL HUNTING-TON.
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Amsterdam, 14 August, 1780.
SIR, — On the 27th of July I set out from Paris on a journey
to Amsterdam. I left Mr. Dana and Mr. Thaxter at Paris, who
will regularly transmit to congress whatever shall occur of
OFFICIAL. 245
importance to the United States to know. They will also
inclose all the English, French, and Dutch gazettes. They are
exerting themselves in this republic to man their ships of war,
in which they have great success, as they give very great pre
miums for seamen, as far as sixty ducats a man. The Russian
men-of-war are arrived and anchored in sight of the Texel, and
several of their officers have been ashore in this city. The ple
nipotentiaries are gone to Petersburg. Sweden and Denmark
have adopted the declaration of Russia. It is whispered that
the Dutch ministers to the congress at Petersburg are shackled
with instructions to insist on a warranty of their possessions in
the East and West Indies, previous to their acceding to the con
federation of the maritime powers ; but this instruction produced
a protest of the city of Amsterdam, with such reasons against it,
that it is thought the opposite party will not venture to take
upon themselves the consequences of a refusal to join in the
confederation ; so that it is expected the treaty will take
place.
It is universally considered as a great misfortune to us, by all
whom I converse with here, that Mr. Laurens is not arrived.
Some prudent person, authorized by congress, is earnestly de
sired here. He would not be publicly received, at least until
the States shall take a decided part with the other maritime
powers against England ; this case, however, may soon happen.
But there is not in Europe a better station to collect intelligence
from France, Spain, England, Germany, and all the northern
parts, nor a better situation from whence to circulate intelli
gence through all parts of Europe, than this. And it may be
depended on, that our cause has never suffered from any thing
more than from the failure of giving and receiving intelligence.
A minister here from congress would be considered as the cen
tre of communication between America and this and many other
parts of Europe ; and I have, since my arrival here, been more
convinced than ever that congress might open a considerable
loan here, and be supplied from hence with stores and with
clothing, and at the same time be gradually extending the com
merce between this country and America, to the great advan
tage of both. I have had a great deal of conversation upon the
subject of a loan, and shall have more. I am sure that a loan
might be obtained by any one, with powers from congress. But
246 OFFICIAL.
there are no powers as yet arrived in Europe that will ever suc
ceed here.
We are still in daily hope and expectation that Mr. Laurens
will arrive ; but should he decline to come, or in case any acci
dent has befallen him, I most earnestly recommend to congress
the appointment of some other gentleman, with a proper com
mission, with full powers, and especially to borrow money and
to sign proper promissory notes for the payment of it.
The King of Sweden is at Spa, from whence in the letter of
the 30th of July the public are informed that his Majesty, the
first who, during the present maritime war, has given validity
to the rights of neuters, by means of the declaration which he
caused to be made the last year to the belligerent powers, and
by means of the protection which he granted from that time to
the commerce and the navigation of his subjects, in sending out
from his ports a numerous squadron, has manifested the con
sistency of his sentiments and disposition in this respect by a
new declaration lately made to the Courts of Madrid, Versailles,
and London, an authentic copy of which here follows.1
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
DAVID HARTLEY TO JOHN ADAMS.
London, 14 August, 1780.
DEAR SIR, — I take the liberty to introduce to your acquaint
ance my friend and relation, Mr. Samuel Hartley. Some busi
ness carries him to Paris, and he is desirous of that opportunity
of being made known to you. Give me leave at the same time
to tell you, on my own account, that I wish not to lose any occa
sion of expressing my personal respects to you. I heartily wish,
likewise, that any fortunate events might bring us together in
the negotiation of public and universal peace. All my political
thoughts and views axe comprised in that one word, — peace.
I understand that it is the object of your appointment, and a
most honorable one it is. I heartily wish success to it, and, in
my limited situation, I should be happy to assist and to concur
in that end. War cannot last forever. I will not therefore
l The various official papers, transmitted by Mr. Adams with his despatches,
are omitted in this collection, they being easily to be found elsewhere.
OFFICIAL. 247
despair. Let peace and friendship return hand in hand toge
ther. I am, dear sir, &c.
DAVID HARTLEY.
TO BENJAMIN FRANKLIN.
Amsterdam, 17 August, 1780.
SIR, — I was never more amused with political speculations,
than since my arrival in this country. Every one has his pro
phecy, and every prophecy is a paradox. One says, America
will give France the go-by. Another, that France and Spain
will abandon America. A third, that Spain will forsake France
and America. A fourth, that America has the interest of all
Europe against her. A fifth, that she will become the greatest
manufacturing country, and thus ruin Europe. A sixth, that
she will become a great military and naval power, and will be
very ambitious, and so terrible to Europe. In short, it seems
as if they had studied for every impossibility, and agreed to
foretell it, as a probable future event.
I tell the first, that if the King of France would release Ame
rica from her treaty, and England would agree to our independ
ence, on condition we would make an alliance offensive and
defensive with her, America ought not to accept it, and would
not, because she will in future have no security for peace, even
with England, but in her treaty with France. I ask the second,
whether he thinks the connection of America of so little con
sequence to France and Spain, that they would lightly give it
up. I ask the third, whether the family compact added to the
connection with America, is a trifling consideration to Spain.
To the fifth I say, that America will not make manufactures
enough for her own consumption these thousand years. And,
to the sixth, that we love peace and hate war so much, that we
can scarcely keep up an army necessary to defend ourselves
against the greatest of evils, and to secure our independence,
which is the greatest of blessings ; and, therefore, while we have
land enough to conquer from the trees and rocks and wild
beasts, we shall never go abroad to trouble other nations.
To the fourth I say, that their paradox is like several others, —
namely, that Bacchus and Ceres did mischief to mankind, when
they invented wine and bread ; that arts, sciences, and civiliza-
248 OFFICIAL.
tion have been general calamities, &c. — that upon their suppo
sition, all Europe ought to agree to bring away the inhabitants
of America, and divide them among the nations of Europe, to
be maintained as paupers, leaving America to be overgrown
again with trees and bushes, and to become again the habita
tions of bears and Indians, forbidding all navigation to that
quarter of the world in future ; — - that mankind in general, how
ever, are probably of a different opinion, believing that Colum
bus, as well as Bacchus and Ceres, did a service to mankind, and
that Europe and America will be rich blessings to each other,
the one supplying a surplus of manufactures, and the other a
surplus of raw materials, the productions of agriculture.
It is very plain, however, that speculation and disputation
can do us little service. No facts are believed, but decisive
i military conquests ; no arguments are seriously attended to in
Europe, but force. It is to be hoped, our countrymen, instead
of amusing themselves any longer with delusive dreams of
peace, will bend the whole force of their minds to augment
their navy, to find out their own strength and resources, and to
depend upon themselves. I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
TO JOHN LUZAC.1
Amsterdam, 5 September, 1780.
SIR, — Inclosed is an abridgment of a pamphlet published
in London last winter.2 I beg your attentive perusal of it, and
your candid opinion, whether it would be of service to our cause,
which is the cause of mankind, and especially of Europe, to pub
lish it, and in what manner. You will please to return it to me,
if you do not make any use of it, because there is not in the
world another copy.
1 John Luzac, editor of the Leyden Gazette, and Professor of History and of
Greek Literature in the University of that place, accidentally killed by an explo
sion of a quantity of gunpowder in a canal boat, near his residence, in 1807. A
biographical notice of him, translated from the Journal de I' Empire, is to be found
in the Monthly Anthology, for October, 1809.
2 This was Governor Pownall's Memorial to the sovereigns of Europe, which I
had procured to be translated by a masterly hand, into very good French. M.
Luzac published it, and it was much read and admired. It was thought to be
highly favorable to the American cause. Letters to the Boston Patriot, 1809.
OFFICIAL. 249
It is an abridgment of a real pamphlet. This you may
depend on. Yours respectfully,
JOHN ADAMS.
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Amsterdam, 5 September, 1780.
SIR, -C- As eloquence is cultivated with more care in free
republics man in other governments, it has been found by con
stant experience that such republics have produced the greatest
purity, copiousness, and perfection of language. It is not to be
disputed that the form of government has an influence upon lan
guage, and language in its turn influences not only the form of
government, but the temper, the sentiments, and manners of the
people. The admirable models which have been transmitted
through the world, and continued down to these days, so as to
form an essential part of the education of mankind from gene
ration to generation, by those two ancient towns, Athens and
Rome, would be sufficient, without any other argument, to show
the United States the importance to their liberty, prosperity, and V
glory, of an early attention to the subject of eloquence and lan
guage.
Most of the nations of Europe have thought it necessary to
establish by public authority institutions for fixing and improv
ing their proper languages. I need not mention the academies
in France, Spain, and Italy, their learned labors, nor then* great
success. But it is very remarkable, that although many learned
and ingenious men in England have from age to age projected
similar institutions for correcting and improving the English
tongue, yet the government have never found time to interpose
in any manner ; so that to this day there is no grammar nor dic
tionary extant of the English language which has the least pub
lic authority ; and it is only very lately, that a tolerable diction
ary has been published, even by a private person, and there is
not yet a passable grammar enterprised by any individual.
The honor of forming the first public institution for refining,
correcting, improving, and ascertaining the English language, I
hope is reserved for congress ; they have every motive that can
possibly influence a public assembly to undertake it. It will
have a happy effect upon the union of the States to have a pub-
250 OFFICIAL.
lie standard for all persons in every part of the continent to
appeal to, both for the signification and pronunciation of the
language. The constitutions of all the States in the Union are
so democratical that eloquence will become the instrument for
recommending men to their fellow-citizens, and the principal
means of advancement through the various ranks and offices of
society.
In the last century Latin, was the universal language of
Europe. Correspondence among the learned, and indeed among
merchants and men of business, and the conversation of stran
gers and travellers, was generally carried on in that dead lan
guage. In the present century, Latin has been generally laid
aside, and French has been substituted in its place, but has not
yet become universally established, and, according to present
appearances, it is not probable that it will. English is destined
to be in the next and succeeding centuries more generally the
language of the world than Latin was in the last or French is
in the present age. The reason of this is obvious, because the
increasing population in America, and their universal connec
tion and correspondence with all nations will, aided by the influ
ence of England in the world, whether great or small, force their
language into general use, in spite of all the obstacles that may
be thrown in their way, if any such there should be.
It is not necessary to enlarge further, to show the motives
which the people of America have to turn their thoughts early
to this subject ; they will naturally occur to congress in a much
greater detail than I have time to hint at. I would therefore
submit to the consideration of congress the expediency and
policy of erecting by their authority a society under the name
of " the American Academy for refining, improving, and ascer
taining the English Language." The authority of congress is
necessary to give such a society reputation, influence, and
authority through all the States and with other nations. The
number of members of which it shall consist, the manner of
appointing those members, whether each State shall have a cer
tain number of members and the power of appointing them, or
whether congress shall appoint them, whether after the first
appointment the society itself shall fill up vacancies, these and
other questions will easily be determined by congress.
It will be necessary that the society should have a library con-
OFFICIAL. 251
sisting of a complete collection of all writings concerning lan
guages of every sort, ancient and modern. They must have
some officers and some other expenses which will make some
small funds indispensably necessary. Upon a recommendation
from congress, there is no doubt but the legislature of every
State in the confederation would readily pass a law making
such a society a body politic, enable it to sue and be sued, and
to hold an estate, real or personal, of a limited value in that
State. I have the honor to submit these hints to the considera
tion of congress, and to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
FRANCIS DANA TO JOHN ADAMS.
Hotel Valois, Rue Kichelieu, Paris, 8 September, 1780.
DEAR SIR, — I had the pleasure of yours of the 30th of last
month, on the 4th instant ; but my eyes being again in a bad
state, and being otherwise unwell, I desired Mr. Thaxter to
acknowledge the receipt of it. My first misfortune I have not
yet entirely recovered from, nor do I expect to till I shall be able
wholly to lay aside both the book and the pen, for a considerable
length of time. I had begun upon the business you mentioned
some time before your departure, and had made a considerable
progress in it, but my eyes have obliged me to stop short of my
purpose. This misfortune (without a pun) frequently casts a
gloomy shade over my future prospects. ' Tis really the source
of much melancholy contemplation, but I will trouble you no
more with it.
Mr. Thaxter communicated to you all our intelligence of a
public nature ; but as this letter will be handed to you by Mr.
Austin, who sets off to-morrow evening for Amsterdam, I shall
communicate some other parts of Mr. 's letter to me.
" You doubtless know, that Mr. Cumberland, one of Lord
George Germaine's secretaries, has been here some time. His
mission, as well as admission, has given cause to many conjec
tures. I am not apprehensive that Spain will make a separate
peace ; but I by no means think it prudent to receive the spies
of Britain into their capital, and even into then- palaces. There
are a great many wheels in our business, and the machine won't
work easily, unless the great wheel be turned by the waters of
252 OFFICIAL.
the Mississippi, which I neither believe, nor wish, will be the
case. Success in America would give it motion."
" My adventurers " (you will understand him here) " are in a
most perilous suspense ; God grant them a happy deliverance."
You will want no comments upon these texts. I shall only
say, Spain having secured to herself a free commerce with Ame
rica, hath now nothing to ask of her. Behold the effects of pre
cipitate concession ! If a young politician of a young country
might presume to give his opinion upon matters of such high
importance, he would say, that should America, in the end, feel
herself constrained to comply with the claims of Spain, that
alone would be the cause of bringing on the extinction of the
Spanish dominion, on the east of the great river. As a Spa
niard, therefore, he would think it unsafe and highly impolitic
to urge the claim, or even to accept of the exclusive right. It is
to be hoped, that the late important success of the combined
fleets on the commerce of Britain will not only teach them
that similar ones are easily to be obtained, but that they are
also among the most eligible, as they most effectually distress
and disable the common enemy. Such, however, is the force
of habit, that he who should urge such policy might be told,
you are but of yesterday, and know nothing.
I am happy to learn you spent your time so agreeably in
Amsterdam, and find so much good-will to our cause and
country; and I lament with you, that our worthy friend has
not arrived there* Ministers at the courts you mention would
doubtless render the councils and influence of our country more
extensive and more independent, but these are things rather to
be wished for, than expected.
I am glad to hear you have my form of our constitution ;
when you have done with it, please to forward it by the first
private hand. I have a letter from that worthy character, Judge
Sargeant ; among other things, he says, — " In the course of our
travelling, we have the pleasure to find a remarkable candor in
the people with respect to the new form of government, excepting
the third article about religion. There will be, as far as we can
learn, almost an unanimous vote in favor of it, and more than
two thirds in favor of that. This -appears to be the case at the
northward and southward, and in the middle counties where we
have been ; and the eastward counties were always in that dis-
OFFICIAL. 253
position." Thus, sir, I hope we shall have cause to rejoice in the
candor and good sense of our countrymen, and in seeing them
happy under a generous and free form of government.
I am, dear sir,
FRANCIS DANA.
TO DAVID HARTLEY.
Amsterdam, 12 September, 1780.
SIR, — I am obliged to you for a letter of the 14th of August
which was this day delivered me by your friend.
You was not misinformed when you heard that the object of
my appointment was peace. Nor do I differ from your opinion,
that this appointment was honorable, although I see no pros
pect at all of ever acting in virtue of it. War will not last for
ever, it is true ; but it will probably last long enough to wear
you and me out, and to make room for our sons or grandsons
to become the blessed peacemakers.
Peace will never come but in company with faith and honor ; 1
and when these can be allowed to live together, let friendship
join the amiable and venerable choir. Peace seems to be flying
away. The new parliament will drive her to the distance of
seven years at least, and every year of the continuance of war
will add some new humiliation to the demands upon a certain
country. So the fates have ordained, and we mortals must
submit. I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
JOHN LUZAC TO JOHN ADAMS.
Leide, le 14 Septembre, 1780.
MONSIEUR, — Je viens d'achever la lecture de la brochure, au
sujet de laquelle vous avez bien voulu demander mon avis. La
1 The words italicized alluded to some insinuations of Mr. Hartley, concern
ing a separate peace between us and England, which I considered as an infamous
perfidy. Letters to Boston Patriot, 1809.
See vol. iii. of this work, p. 137. Also Mr. Hartley's own letters and expla
nations in Mr. Sparks's edition of Franklin's Writings, vol. ix. pp. 118-126,
213 - 220. He seems to have erred in judgment more than in motive.
VOL. VII. 22
254 OFFICIAL.
partie du style est exceilente. II me paroit seulement, que dans
les huit ou dix premiers feuillets il y a des fautes de langage,
faciles a corriger, mais neanmoins trop remarquables. Quant
aux choses, elle est fortement pensee ; et quoiqu'ne brillante
imagination puisse avoir porte 1'auteur a orner peut-etre un peu
trop le tableau des effets de la revolution Americaine, je suis
convaincu pourtant, que le fond de ses idees est tres vrai, et que
ses principes ne meritent pas moins 1'attention des philanthropes
que ses vues sur 1'avenir. Ainsi je pense qu'elle merite a tous
egards d'etre rendue publique par 1'impression, et que cette pub
lication ne peut qu'inspirer des sentimens favorables aux interets
de 1'Amerique.
Je ne saurois neanmoins vous dissimuler un petit scrupule
que j'ai a ce sujet. L'auteur trace avec un pinceau vigoureux la
revolution que 1'independance de 1'Amerique operera dans le
systeme commercial de 1'Europe. Mais en faisant ce tableau il
peint la Russie depouillee de son commerce exclusif du bois de
construction, et des autres munitions navales ; la Suede de celui
du fer ; la Hollande de son cabotage et de son monopole d'epi-
ceries, etc. Je crains que cette perspective n'effarouche les
esprits. L'auteur tache ensuite, il est vrai, de prouver que cette
concurrence, cette liberte generale, cette reduction de toutes les
nations a un niveau commun, seroient un bien ; que la posses
sion de colonies lointaines est un mal ; que 1'avantage d'un com
merce exclusif n'est qu'un prejuge,etc. Mais, monsieur, ces pre-
juges sont trop profondement enracines pour qu'ils n'operent pas
encore en ce moment, Moi-meme, en plaidant la cause de
1'Amerique, et en soutenant que 1'Europe etoit interessee a son
independance, j'ai vingt fois rencontre cette objection de la part
de personnes sensees et instruites. " Oui, mais si 1'Amerique
devient libre, elle fera un jour la loi a 1'Europe. Elle nous enle-
vera nos iles, et nos colonies de la Guyane ; elle s'emparera de
toutes les Antilles ; elle engloutira le Mexique, le Perou meme,
le Chili et le Bresil ; elle nous enlevera notre commerce de fret ;
elle pay era ses bienfaiteurs d'ingratitude etc." J'y ai toujours
repondu dans les memes principes que notre auteur ; mais je
n'en suis pas moins reste persuade, que cette jalousie influe ici
sur beaucoup d'esprits ; et quiconque connoit the selfishness, qui
malheureusement ne fait que trop la base de la politique, pourra
craindre, qu'elle n'ait aussi son effet chez les puissances du nord.
OFFICIAL. 255
II seroit neanmoins dommage qu'on touchat a la brochure en
la chatrant ; mais il me semble, qu'on pourroit dans une preface
jeter un voile sur ces verites trop nues et dont certains yeux
pourroient s'offenser. Si vous le souhaitez, monsieur, je me
chargerai bien volontiers du poste d'editeur ; et je trouverai aise-
ment un libraire. Mais dans ce cas, s'il se pouvoit, je serois
charme d'avoir aussi entre les mains la brochure originale.
Je demande pardon de ne vous pas renvoyer encore les Ga
zettes de Pensylvanie. II nous en est venu quelques autres d'un
autre cote ; et comme notre feuille ne peut tout contenir a la
fois, je me propose d'en faire successivement usage d'une maniere,
qui, a ce que je me flatte, ne vous sera pas desagreable. Vous
en verrez quelques echantillons dans les feuilles ci-jointes, ainsi
que le commencement de la traduction de 1'adresse de la con
vention de Massachusetts Bay.
Je vous prie, &c. &c.
J. LUZAC.
TO JOHN LUZAC.
Amsterdam, 15 September, 1780.
SIR, — I have just now received yours of the 14th, and I wish
I had time to write you a sheet or two on the subject of it. I
am very glad to find you will undertake to be the editor ; and I
beg the favor of you to place such a preface as you like, and to
correct the language whenever it has occasion. I hope to see it
public as soon as possible.
I have met often in Europe with the same species of reasoners
that you describe ; but I find they are not numerous. Among
men of reflection the sentiment is generally different, and that
no power in Europe has any thing to fear from America. The
principal interest of America for many centuries to come will be
landed, and her chief occupation agriculture. Manufactures and
commerce will be but secondary objects, and always subservient
to the other. America will be the country to produce raw mate
rials for manufactures ; but Europe will be the country of manu
factures, and the commerce of America can never increase but
in a certain proportion to the growth of its agriculture, until its
whole territory of land is filled up with inhabitants, which will
not be in some hundreds of years.
256 OFFICIAL.
Russia and the northern powers are too well informed to fear
that America will interfere with them in the articles of their
commerce. America will demand of them in hemp, duck,
cordage, sailcloth, linens, and other articles, more than they
will ever interfere with them in the trade of tar, iron, and tim
ber. In fact, the Atlantic is so long and difficult a naviga
tion, that the Americans will never be able to afford to carry to
the European market great quantities of these articles. They
have other productions of greater profit in a smaller compass, in
such numbers and variety, that they never can interfere with the
northern powers. As to iron, we shall import it in bars from
Sweden as we ever did. We used to import Swedish iron from
England.
But, supposing we should interfere, should we interfere less
under the government of England than under our own govern
ment?
I have not the original " Memorial to the sovereigns of Europe,''
but I can get it from London.
The question to your antagonists should be, can Europe pre
vent the independence of America? If united, perhaps they
might ; but can they be united ? If Europe cannot prevent, or
rather, if any particular nations of Europe cannot prevent the
independence of America, then, the sooner her independence is
acknowledged, the better ; the less likely she will be to become
warlike, enterprising, and ambitious. The truth is, however,
that America can never unite in any war but a defensive one.
I have been much obliged to you for your favorable represent
ation of the news from America and of our affairs in general.
And am, with great respect and esteem, &c. &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Amsterdam, 16 September, 1780.
SIR, — - I have the honor to send by this opportunity a few
pamphlets and papers. The pamphlets relate to subjects which
interest the United States, and therefore ought to be communi
cated to congress for their consideration.
The attention of mankind is now turned, next to the congress
OFFICIAL. 257
of America, upon that at Petersburg. The last letters from
London say that they have information, that one of the first
measures of this confederation will be an acknowledgment of
American independence. Whether this is true or not, I am not
able to say. The councils of the sovereigns of Europe are not
easily penetrated ; but it is our duty to attend to them, and
throw into view such information as may be in our power, that
they may take no measures inconsistent with their and our inte
rests for want of light, a misfortune that may easily happen. In
this view, I could wish that the United States had a minister at
each of the maritime courts, — I mean Holland, Russia, Swe
den, and Denmark, — and, as the Cabinet of Berlin has much
influence in the politics of Europe, Prussia. I say this upon
supposition that congress can devise means of defraying the
expense, which to be sure amounts to a large sum.
I have heard that Mr. Searle has arrived at Brest, but am not
informed of his destination, nor whether he has despatches for
me. I am anxious to learn from congress what their intentions
may be respecting me. I have as yet received no authority to
draw upon any fund whatsoever for my subsistence, nor to bor
row money for that or any other purpose. I see no prospect of
my commission being of any utility. Although many persons
here think that peace will be made in the course of the ensuing
winter or spring, yet I must confess I am of a different opinion.
The idea, that France will dictate the conditions of peace, if it
is made now, cannot be borne by Englishmen as yet ; they are
not yet sufficiently humbled, although probably every year will
add some fresh humiliation to the demands upon their country.
The English privateers have taken some Russian vessels loaded
with hemp and iron, which must bring the question to a legal
decision. The admiralty will probably discharge them, and the
ministry will give up the point oifree ships free goods, provided
the Dutch agree with the northern powers ; for they will not
venture upon a war with all the world at once. Besides the
military force, which they could not stand against, they would
not be able to obtain any stores for their navy.
But the great question now is, whether the Dutch will agree.
Their deputies are instructed to insist upon a warranty of their
East and West India dominions. Whether the northern pow
ers will agree to this condition, is a question. The states-
22* Q
258 OFFICIAL.
general, however, are sitting, and will wait for despatches from
Petersburg, and will probably be much governed by events.
What events have happened in the West Indies and North
America we shall soon learn.
Digby has sailed with a part of Geary's late fleet, whether for
another expedition to Gibraltar, or whether for the West Indies
or North America, is unknown. The success of these operations
will probably influence much the deliberations both at Peters
burg and the Hague. This, time only can discover. It is said,
however, that M. Le Texier will be exempted by the States-
general from the payment of duties upon his masts, hemp, iron,
and other naval stores that he is sending over land to the
French marine. The capture of fifty-five ships at once, so
much wealth, so many seamen and soldiers, and such quan
tities of stores, is a severe stroke to the English, and cannot but
have the most excellent effects for us, both in the West Indies
and North America. The right vein is now opened, and I hope
that the Courts of France and Spain will now be in earnest in
convoying their own commerce, and cruising for that of their
enemies. This is a short, easy, and infallible method of hum
bling the English, preventing the effusion of an ocean of blood,
and bringing the war to a conclusion. In this policy, I hope
our countrymen will join, with the utmost alacrity. Privateering
is as well understood by them as by any people whatsoever ; and
it is by cutting off supplies, not by attacks, sieges, or assaults, that
1 expect deliverance from our enemies. And I should be want
ing in my duty, if I did not warn them against any relaxation
of their exertions, by sea or land, from a fond expectation of
peace. They will deceive themselves, if they depend upon it.
Never, never will the English make peace, while they have an
army in North America. I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Amsterdam, 19 September, 1780.
SIR, — The day before yesterday Mr. Dana arrived here from
Paris with the despatches which came by Mr. Searle.
I am very sensible of the honor that is done me by this appoint-
OFFICIAL. 259
ment,1 and yesterday morning I set myself seriously about dis
charging the duties of it ; and this day I have been some leagues
into the country upon the same service. There are good reasons
for concealing the names of the gentlemen to whom I have
applied for advice and assistance, but they are such as congress,
I think, would have approved, if they had themselves been here.
I was told very candidly that I might possibly be much mis,
taken in my information ; that possibly I might think that money
was more plenty here than it is, that America had more friends
than she has, and that the difficulty of negotiating a loan here
was less than it is ; that it was mysterious that congress should
empower any gentleman to negotiate a loan, without, at the
same time, empowering the same or some other to negotiate
a political treaty of alliance and commerce, consistent with
the treaties already made with other powers ; that a minister
plenipotentiary here would be advised to apply directly to the
prince and the states-general ; that he would not be affronted
or ill-treated by either, and, whether received publicly or not,
would be courted by many respectable individuals, and would
greatly facilitate a loan.
I was, however, encouraged to hope that I might have some
small success, and was advised to a particular course in order
to obtain it, that cannot as yet be communicated. I must, how
ever, apprize congress that there are many delicate questions
which it becomes my duty to determine in a short time, and
perhaps none of more difficulty than what house shall be applied
to or employed. I have no affections or aversions to influence
me in the choice ; and shall not depend upon my own judgment
alone, without the advice of such persons as congress will one
day know to be respectable. But offence will probably be taken,
let the choice fall upon whom it may, by several other houses
that have pretensions and undoubted merit. As this may occa
sion censure and complaints, I only ask of congress not to judge
of those complaints without hearing my reasons, and this request,
I presume, I need not make. I have only to add, that the mo
ment Mr. Laurens shall arrive, or any other gentleman vested
with the same commission, I will render him every service in my
1 This refers to the provisional commission to negotiate a loan, in case Mr.
Laurens should not arrive.
260 OFFICIAL.
power, and communicate to him every information I may pos
sess.
But I ought not to conclude without giving my opinion, that
it is absolutely necessary that Mr. Laurens, or whoever conies
in his place, should have a commission of minister-plenipoten
tiary. If that gentleman was now here with such a commission,
it would have more influence than perhaps anybody in America
can imagine upon the conduct of this republic, upon the con
gress at Petersburg, and upon the success of Mr. Jay at Madrid.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.1
TO M. VAN VOLLENHOVEN.
22 September, 1780.
A stranger having particular occasion to speak with the bro
ker who, some time since, negotiated in this city a loan of money
for the city of Dantzic, begs the favor of M. Van Vollenhoven to
communicate his name and place of abode, in writing, to the
bearer.
(Reply on a Slip of Paper.}
HENDRIK VAN BLOMBERG, op de blomgragt.
1 Although, when the foregoing letter was written, there were decisive rea
sons for concealing names, there are none at present. I consulted many ; but
the gentleman here intended was Mr. Bicker, a nephew of the two famous Bick
ers who defended Amsterdam more than a century before against a prince of
Orange. He was of one of the most ancient, opulent, and respectable families in
that city. This gentleman had been dismissed from the regency in 1 748, and
had applied himself to commerce in a mercantile house of more than a hundred
years' standing, by which he had accumulated a clear fortune of several millions.
A patriot without alloy of French or English influence, one of the most sensible
and well-informed men, and the most intimate, confidential friend of Mr. Van
Berckel, he was to me a sincere friend and faithful counsellor from first to last.
\ He advised me to inquire and consider what houses were too much connected
with the British ministry. These must not be chosen. But he assured me I
must ask other questions, such as, — what houses had other connections that
would be equally likely to hinder or defeat the loan ? He soon afterwards ex
plained himself to mean, houses too much connected with the French ministry,
and other houses whose solidity and credit were not sufficiently established;
and he cautioned me, in confidence, particularly with regard to M. John de Neuf-
ville. Letters to the Boston Patriot, 1809.
OFFICIAL. 261
FROM M. VAN BLOMBERG.
Amsterdam, 25 September, 1780.
SIR, — Messrs. Van Vollenhoven, notwithstanding all the cre
dit they have for the United States of North America, cannot
accept of the commission which you have done them the honor
to propose, for reasons that their branch of commerce being fixed
to the Baltic, they cannot well extend it so far as North America.
I have the honor to be, &c.
H. V. BLOMBERG.
FROM M. VAN BLOMBERG.
Amsterdam, 26 September, 1780.
SIR, — I waited yesterday for a second time on Messrs. Van
Vollenhoven, after the receipt of your favor. The affair in ques
tion is too extended to decide by letters, for which reason I beg
the favor of you to do me the honor to call on me this evening
at six o'clock, when I shall have a person with me, with whom
we can speak in confidence.
I am, with great regard, sir, &c.
H. V. BLOMBERG.
FROM M. MYLIUS.
Amsterdam, 29 September, 1780.
M. MYLIUS'S compliments to the Honorable Mr. Adams.
Whereas M. Van Blomberg is out of the city and doth not
return before Monday next, and hath ordered his clerk to bring
any word which might come from you, sir, to me, so I did take
the liberty to open your billet for M. Van Blomberg, and saw
thereby that you desired another evening's conversation in com
pany only with me, for which honor I am much obliged to you ;
whereupon, I can say that I think it will be next Tuesday even
ing, the time nearer to be appointed.
262 OFFICIAL.
(Memorandum in the same Handwriting.)
When the loan is of three millions guilders, there is
The provision for negotiating the capital, .... 2 per cent.
For the undertakers to furnish the capital, .... 2 per cent.
Brokerage, ^ per cent.
Expenses of stamped paper for the bonds, printing, and proto
collating the same, &c., % per cent.
5 per cent.
And for the yearly paying off of 10 per cent., as is stipulated, and which shall
be prolonged or continued again for ten years,
For provision to the house of the loan, .... 1 per cent.
The undertakers, 1 per cent.
Brokerage, | per cent.
2i per cent.
And in case there might be more negotiated than the prolongation of 10 per
cent., then the expenses of that greater part are as above, 5 per cent.
BENJAMIN FRANKLIN TO JOHN ADAMS.
Passy, 2 October, 1780.
SIR, — By all our late advices from America, the hopes you
expressed, that our countrymen, instead of amusing themselves
any longer with delusive dreams of peace, would bend the whole
force of their minds to find out their own strength and resources,
and to depend upon themselves, are actually accomplished. All
the accounts I have seen, agree that the spirit of our people was
never higher than at present, nor their exertions more vigorous.
Inclosed I send you extracts of some letters from two French
officers, a colonel and lieutenant-colonel in the army of M. de
Rochambeau, which are the more pleasing, as they not only give
a good character of our troops, but show the good understanding
that subsists between them and those of our allies. I hope we
shall soon hear of something decisive performed by their joint
operations, for your observation is just, that speculations and
disputations do us little service. Our credit and weight in
Europe depend more on what we do than on what we say ; and
I have long been humiliated with the idea of our running about
from court to court begging for money and friendship, which are
the more withheld the more eagerly they are solicited, and would
OFFICIAL. 263
perhaps have been offered, if they had not been asked. The
supposed necessity is our only excuse. The proverb says, " God
helps them that help themselves," and the world, too, in this
sense, is very godly.
As the English papers have pretended to intelligence, that our
troops disagree, perhaps it would not be amiss to get these ex
tracts inserted in the Amsterdam Gazette.
With great respect, I have the honor to be, sir,
Your Excellency's most obedient and most humble servant,
B. FRANKLIN.
TO M. DUMAS.
Amsterdam, 4 October, 1780.
SIR, — I have just received your favor of the 3d, and thank
you for the early information of the arrival of the courier from
the plenipotentiaries of this republic at Petersburg. I hope that
this republic will agree, without delay, to the armed neutrality ;
but I should be glad to see a copy of the despatches, if possible,
or at least as exact an account of their substance as may be. I
should be glad also to learn, whether the object of the congress is
simply to form a plan for supporting each other and making a
common cause in defence of those principles only which the
three northern powers have already adopted, or whether they
have in contemplation a more extensive regulation of maritime
affairs.
I do not see how this congress can have a peace between the
belligerent powers for its object, when the parties who compose
it have already so positively declared for a neutrality. I wish
with all my heart that another republic had a minister at the
congress, or at least at the Court of Petersburg. Neither the
cause nor the country of America are understood in any part of
Europe, which gives opportunity to the English to represent things
as they choose. Onesta e sempre la causa di colui che parla
solo.
I do not expect peace so soon as next spring. And I should
dread the interposition of the congress at Petersburg in the busi
ness. They understand not the subject. It is impossible they
should. America is not represented there, and cannot be heard.
If they should take into consideration the affair of peace, I should
264 OFFICIAL.
be apprehensive of some recommendations to save the pride, or
what they would call the dignity of England, which would be
more dangerous and pernicious to America than a continuance
of the war. I do not dread a continuance of war ; I should
dread a truce ten times more.
If all the powers at the congress at Petersburg would agree
together to acknowledge American independency, or agree to
open a free commerce with America and admit her merchant
ships and vessels of war into their ports, like those of the other
belligerent powers, this I think would be just. Indeed, that per
fect neutrality which they profess, requires it. Refusing admit
tance to the American flag while they admit that of England, is
so far from a neutrality, that it is taking a decided part in favor
of England and against one of the belligerent powers ; a power,
too, which in point of numbers, wealth, industry, capacity, mili
tary, and naval power, as well as commerce, is quite as respect
able as several of those which are or will be represented in the
congress at Petersburg.
I have the honor to be, &c. &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
TWENTY -SIX
LETTERS
UPON
INTERESTING SUBJECTS
RESPECTING THE
REVOLUTION OF AMERICA,
WRITTEN IN HOLLAND, IN THE YEAR MDCCLXXX.
THE following is the account of the composition of these letters, as given by
Mr. Adams.
" At dinner one day, with a large company, at the house of a great capitalist,
1 met the giant of the law in Amsterdam, Mr. Calkoen. He was very inquisitive
concerning the affairs of America, and asked me many ingenious questions. But
he had spent his life in such ardent study of his institutes, codes, novelles, and
pandects, with his immensely voluminous comments upon them, that he had
neglected entirely the English language, and was very inexpert in the French.
Interpreters were, therefore, necessary ; but conversation that requires interpret
ers on both sides, is a very dull amusement. Though his questions were always
ready, and my answers not less so, yet the interpretation was very slow and con
fused. After some time, one of the gentlemen asked me if I had any objection
to answering Mr. Calkoen's questions in writing. I answered, none at all. It
was soon agreed, that the questions and answers should be written. Accordingly,
in a few days, Mr. Calkoen sent me his questions in Dutch, Mr. Le Roy, now of
New York, was obliging enough to translate them for me into English, and I
wrote an answer to each question in a separate letter. They gave so much
satisfaction to Mr. Calkoen, that he composed, from the information contained in
VOL. VII. 23
266 OFFICIAL.
them, a comparison between the revolt of the low countries from Spain, and the
Revolution of the United States of America, in which his conclusion was, that as
it was a kind of miracle that the former succeeded, it would be a greater miracle
still if the latter should not. This composition was read by him to a society of
gentlemen of letters, about forty in number, who met at stated times in Amster
dam ; and by that means, just sentiments of American affairs began to spread,
and prevail over the continual misrepresentations of English and Stadtholderian
gazettes, pamphlets, and newspapers.
" The publications of General Howe and General Burgoyne, in vindication of
themselves, were procured to be translated into French, and propagated, together
with many other pamphlets, which assisted in the same design, and contributed
to excite the citizens to those applications, by petition to the regencies of the
several cities, which finally procured the acknowledgment of American independ
ency, the treaty of commerce, and a loan of money."
These letters were collected and printed in London, in 1786, by Mr. Adams,
but not published. They were reprinted in 1789, in New York, and published
with the title here prefixed, by John Fenno, and they also make a part of the
volume published in Boston, in 1809, under the title, Correspondence of the late
President Adams.
TO MR. CALKOEN.
Amsterdam, 4 October, 1780.
SIR, — You desire an exact and authentic information of the
present situation of American affairs, with a previous concise
account of their course before, during, and after the commence
ment of hostilities.
To give a stranger an adequate idea of the rise and progress
of the dispute between Great Britain and America would require
much time and many volumes ; it comprises the history of Eng
land and the United States of America for twenty years ; that of
France and Spain for five or six ; and that of all the maritime
powers of Europe for two or three. Suffice it to say, that imme
diately upon the conquest of Canada from the French in the
year 1759, Great Britain seemed to be seized with a jealousy
against the Colonies, and then concerted the plan of changing
their forms of government, of restraining their trade within nar
rower bounds, and raising a revenue within them by authority
of parliament, for the avowed or pretended purpose of protecting,
securing, and defending them. Accordingly, in the year 1760,
OFFICIAL. 267
orders were sent from the board of trade in England to the cus
tom-house officers in America, to apply to the supreme courts
of justice for writs of assistance to enable them to carry into a
more rigorous execution certain acts of parliament called the acts
of trade (among which the famous act of navigation was one,
the fruit of the ancient English jealousy of Holland) by break
ing open houses, ships, or cellars, chests, stores, and magazines,
to search for uncustomed goods. In most of the Colonies these
writs were refused. In the Massachusetts Bay the question,
whether such writs were legal and constitutional, was solemnly
and repeatedly argued before the supreme court by the most
learned counsel in the Province.
The judges of this court held their commissions during the
pleasure of the governor and council ; and the chief justice dying
at this time, the famous Mr. Hutchinson was appointed, proba
bly with a view of deciding this cause in favor of the crown,
which was accordingly done. But the arguments advanced
upon that occasion by the bar and the bench, opened to the
people such a view of the designs of the British government
against their liberties and of the danger they were in, as made
a deep impression upon the public, which never wore out.
From this moment, every measure of the British court and
parliament and of the king's governors and other servants con
firmed the people in an opinion of a settled design to overturn
those constitutions under which their ancestors had emigrated
from the old world, and with infinite toil, danger, and expense,
planted a new one. It would be endless to enumerate all the
acts of parliament and measures of government ; but, in 1764,
Mr. George Grenville moved a number of resolutions in parlia
ment, which passed, for laying a vast number of heavy duties
upon stamped paper ; and, in 1765, the act of parliament was
made, called the stamp act. Upon this, there was a universal
rising of the people in every Colony, compelling the stamp-offi
cers by force to resign, and preventing the stamped papers from
being used, and, indeed, compelling the courts of justice to pro
ceed in business without them. My Lord Buckingham perceiv
ing the impossibility of executing this statute, moved, by the
help of Mr. Pitt, for the repeal of it, and obtained it, which
restored peace, order, and harmony to America ; which would
have continued to this hour, if the evil genius of Great Britain
268 OFFICIAL.
had not prompted her to revive the resistance of the people by
fresh attempts upon their liberties and new acts of parliament
imposing taxes upon them.
In 1767 they passed another act of parliament laying duties
upon glass, paper, and painters' colors, and tea. This revived
the discontents in America ; but government sent over a board
of commissioners to oversee the execution of this act of parlia
ment and all others imposing duties, with a multitude of new
officers for the same purpose ; and, in 1768, for the first time, it
sent four thousand regular troops to Boston, to protect the reve
nue officers in the collection of the duties.
Z*oth to commence hostilities, the people had recourse to non
importation agreements and a variety of other measures, which,
in 1770, induced parliament to repeal all the duties upon glass,
paper, and painters' colors, but left the duty upon tea unrepealed.
This produced an association not to drink tea. In 1770, the ani
mosity between the inhabitants of Boston and the king's troops
grew so high, that a party of the troops fired upon a crowd of
people in the streets, killing five or six and wounding some
others. This raised such a spirit among the inhabitants, that,
in a body, they demanded the instant removal of the troops ;
which was done, the governor ordering them down to Castle
Island, some miles from the town.
In 1773, the British government, determined to carry into exe
cution the duty upon tea, empowered the East India Company
to export it to America. They sent some cargoes to Boston,
some to New York, some to Philadelphia, and some to Charles
ton. The inhabitants of New York and Philadelphia sent the
ships back to London, and they sailed up the Thames, to pro
claim to all the nation, that New York and Pennsylvania would
not be enslaved. The inhabitants of Charleston unloaded it
and stored it in cellars where it could not be used, and where it
finally perished. The inhabitants of Boston tried every measure
to send the ships back, like New York and Philadelphia ; but
not being permitted to pass the castle, the tea was all thrown
into the sea.
This produced several vindictive acts of parliament, — one for
starving the town of Boston by shutting up the port ; another
for abolishing the constitution of the Province by destroying
their charter ; another for sending persons to England to be
tried for treason, cVc.
OFFICIAL. 269
These acts produced the congress of 1774, who stated the rights
and grievances of the Colonies, and petitioned for redress. Their
petitions and remonstrances were all neglected, and treated with
contempt. General Gage had been sent over with an army to
enforce the Boston port bill and the act for destroying the char
ter. This army, on the 19th of April, 1775, commenced hostili
ties at Lexington, which have been continued to this day.
You see, sir, by this most imperfect and hasty sketch, that this
war is already twenty years old. And I can truly say, that the
people, through the whole course of this long period, have been
growing constantly every year more and more unanimous and
determined to resist the designs of Great Britain.
I should be ashamed to lay before a gentleman of Mr. Cal-
koen's abilities so rude a sketch, if I had not an equal confidence
in his candor and discretion, which will induce me, as I may
have leisure, to continue to sketch a few observations uoon vour
questions.
5 October.
YOUR first proposition is, " to prove, by striking facts, that an
implacable hatred and aversion reigns throughout America."
In answer to this, I beg leave to say, that the Americans are
animated by higher principles, and better and stronger motives,
than hatred and aversion. They universally aspire after a free
trade with all the commercial world, instead of that mean mono
poly, in which they were shackled by Great Britain, to the dis
grace and mortification of America, and to the injury of all the
rest of Europe ; to whom it seems as if God and nature intended
that so great a magazine of productions, the raw materials of
manufactures, so great a source of commerce, and so rich a
nursery of seamen, as America is, should be open. They despise,
sir, they disdain the idea of being again monopolized by any
one nation whatsoever ; and this contempt is at least as power
ful a motive of action as any hatred whatsoever.
Moreover, sir, they consider themselves contending for the
purest principles of liberty, civil and religious ; for those forms
of government, under the faith of which their country was
planted ; and for those great improvements of them, which
23*
270 OFFICIAL.
have been made by their new constitutions. They consider
themselves not only as contending for these great blessings,
but against the greatest evils that any country ever suffered ;
for they know, if they were to be deceived by England, to break
their union among themselves, and their faith with their allies,
they would ever after be in the power of England, who would
bring them into the most abject submission to the government
of a parliament the most corrupted in the world, in which they
would have no voice nor influence, at three thousand miles dis
tance from them.
But if hatred must come into consideration, I know not how
to prove their hatred better, than by showing the provocations
they have had to hatred.
If tearing up from the foundation those forms of government
under which they were born and educated, and thrived and
prospered, to the infinite emolument of England ; if imposing
taxes upon them, or endeavoring to do it, for twenty years, with
out their consent ; if commencing hostilities upon them, burning
their towns, butchering their people, deliberately starving prison
ers, ravishing their women, exciting hosts of Indians to butcher
and scalp them, and purchasing Germans to destroy them, and
hiring negro servants to murder their masters ; — if all these, and
many other things as bad, are not provocations enough to hatred,
I would request Mr. Calkoen to tell me what is or can be. All
these horrors the English have practised in every part of Ame
rica, from Boston to Savannah.
2. Your second proposition is " to show that this is general, at
least so general, that the tories are in so small a number, and of
such little force, that they are counted as nothing."
If Mr. Calkoen would believe me, I could testify as a witness ;
I could describe all the sources, all the grounds, springs, princi
ples, and motives to toryism through the continent. This would
lead me into great length ; and the result of all would be, my
sincere opinion, that the tories throughout the whole continent
do not amount to the twentieth part of the people. I will not,
however, obtrude my testimony, nor my opinion ; I will appeal
to witnesses who cannot be suspected, General Burgoyne and
General Howe. Burgoyne has published a Narrative of his Pro
ceedings, in which he speaks of the tories. I left the pamphlet
at Paris, but it may easily be had from London.
OFFICIAL. 271
General Howe has also published a Narrative relative to his
Conduct in America, to which the reader is referred.1
I have quoted to you General Howe's words ; and one would
think this was sufficient to show how much or how little zeal
there is for the British cause in North America. When we con
sider that, in the period here mentioned, the English army had
been in possession of the cities of Boston, Newport, New York,
and Philadelphia, and that they had marched through the Jer-
sies, part of Maryland, and Pennsylvania, and with all their arts,
bribes, threats, and flatteries, which General Howe calls their
efforts and exertions, they were able to obtain so few recruits,
and very few of these Americans, I think that any impartial
man must be convinced that the aversion and antipathy to the
British cause is very general ; so general, that the tories are to be
accounted but a very little thing.
The addresses which they have obtained to the King and his
generals, when their army was in Boston, Newport, New York,
Philadelphia, Savannah, and Charleston, show the same thing.
It is well known that every art of flattery and of terror was
always used to obtain subscribers to these addresses. Yet the
miserable numbers they have obtained, and the still more despi
cable character of most of these small numbers, show that the
British cause is held in very low esteem. Even in Charleston,
the capital of a Province which contains two hundred thousand
whites, they were able to obtain only two hundred and ten sub
scribers, and among these there is not one name that I ever
remember to have heard before.
I am sorry I have not Burgoyne's Narrative, which shows in
the same point of light the resources the English are likely to
find in the tories to be nothing more than a sure means of get
ting rid of a great number of their guineas.
To learn the present state of America, it is sufficient to read
the public papers. The present state of Great Britain and its
dependencies may be learned the same way. The omnipotence
of the British parliament, and the omnipotence of the British
navy, are like to go the same way.
1 Here follow, in the original copy, several extracts from General Howe's
Narrative, showing his disappointments in the performance of the promises of aid
given by the royalists in America. These extracts were omitted in the republi-
cation in 1809, and are therefore omitted here.
272 OFFICIAL.
6 October.
YOUR third proposition is " to show that America, notwith
standing the war, daily increases in strength and force."
It is an undoubted fact that America daily increases in
strength and force ; but it may not be so easy to prove this to
the satisfaction of a European who has never been across the
Atlantic ; however, some things may be brought into considera
tion, which may convince, if properly attended to.
1. It may be argued from the experience of former wars, dur
ing all which the population of that country was so far from
being diminished or even kept at a stand, that it was always
found at the end of a war that the numbers of people had
increased during the course of it, nearly in the same ratio as in
time of peace. Even in the last French war, which lasted from
1755 to 1763 (during which time the then American Colonies
made as great exertions, had in the field as great a number of
men, and put themselves to as great an expense in proportion to
the numbers of people, as the United States have done during
this war) it was found that the population had increased nearly
as fast as in times of peace.
2. If you make inquiry into the circumstances of the different
parts of America at this day, you find the people in all the States
pushing their settlements out into the wilderness upon the fron
tiers, cutting down the woods, and subduing new lands with as
much eagerness and rapidity as they used to do in former times
of war or peace. This spreading of the people into the wilder
ness is a decisive proof of the increasing population.
3. The only certain way of determining the ratio of the in
crease of population is, by authentic numerations of the people
and regular official returns. This has, I believe, never been done
generally in former wars, and has been generally omitted in this.
Yet some States have made these returns. The Massachusetts
Bay, for example, had a valuation about the year 1773 or 1774,
and again the last year, 1779, they had another. In this period
of five years, that State was found to have increased, both in
number of people and in value of property, more than it ever
had grown before in the same period of time. Now the Massa
chusetts Bay has had a greater number of men employed in the
OFFICIAL. 273
war, both by land and sea, in proportion to the numbers of her
inhabitants, than any other State of the thirteen. She has had
more men killed, taken prisoners, and died of sickness, than any
other State ; yet her growth has been as rapid as ever, from
whence it may be fairly argued that all the other States have
grown in the same or a greater proportion.
4. It has been found by calculations, that America has doubled
her numbers, even by natural generation alone, upon an average,
about once in eighteen years. This war has now lasted near
six years ; in the course of it, we commonly compute in Ame
rica that we have lost by sickness and the sword and captivity
about five-and-thirty thousand men. But the numbers of peo
ple have not increased less than seven hundred and fifty thou
sand souls, which give at least an hundred thousand fighting
men. We have not less, probably, than seventy thousand fight
ing men in America more than we had on the day that hostili
ties were first commenced, on the 19th of April, 1775. There
are near twenty thousand fighting men added to the numbers in
America every year. Is this the case with our enemy, Great
Britain ? Which then can maintain the war the longest ?
5. If America increases in numbers, she certainly increases in
strength. But her strength increases in other respects, — the
discipline of her armies increases ; the skill of her officers increases
by sea and land ; her skill in military manufactures, such as
those of saltpetre, powder, firearms, cannon, increases ; her skill
in manufactures of flax and wool for the first necessity increases ;
her manufactures of salt also increase ; and all these are aug
mentations of strength and force to maintain her independence.
Further, her commerce increases every year, — the number of
vessels she has had this year in the trade to the West Indies ;
the number of vessels arrived in Spain, France, Holland, and
Sweden, show that her trade is greatly increased this year.
But, above all, her activity, skill, bravery, and success in pri
vateering increase every year ; the prizes she has made from the
English this year will defray more than one half of the whole
expense of this year's war. I only submit to your consideration
a few hints which will enable you to satisfy yourself by reflec
tion how fast the strength and force of America increase.
274 OFFICIAL.
7 October.
YOUR fourth question is, — " Whether America, in and of
itself, by means of purchasing or exchanging the productions of
the several provinces, would be able to continue the war for six,
eight, or ten years, even if they were entirely deprived of the
trade with Europe ; or their allies, exhausted by the war, and
forced to make a separate peace, were to leave them ? "
This is an extreme case. And where is the necessity of put
ting such a supposition ? Is there the least appearance of
France or Spain being exhausted by the war ? Are not their
resources much greater than those of England, separated as she
is from America ? Why should a suspicion be entertained that
France or Spain will make a separate peace ? Are not these
powers sufficiently interested in separating America from Eng
land ? All the world knows that their maritime power and
the possession of their Colonies depend upon separating them.
Such chimeras as these are artfully propagated by the English
to terrify stockjobbers ; but thinking men and well-informed
men know that France and Spain have the most pressing mo
tives to persevere in the war. Besides, infractions so infamous
of solemn treaties made and avowed to all mankind are not
committed by any nation. In short, no man who knows any
thing of the real wealth and power of England on one hand, and
of the power and resources of France, Spain, and America on
the other, can believe it possible, in the ordinary course of human
events, and without the interposition of miracles, that France
and Spain should be so exhausted by the war as to be forced to
make a separate peace.
The other supposition here made is equally extreme. It is in
the nature of things impossible that America should ever be
deprived entirely of the trade of Europe. In opposition to one
extreme, I have a right to advance another. And I say, that if
all the maritime powers of Europe were to unite their navies to
block up the American ports and prevent the trade of Europe,
they could not wholly prevent it. All the men-of-war in Europe
would not be sufficient to block up a seacoast of two thousand
miles in extent, varied as that of America is by such an innume
rable multitude of ports, bays, harbors, rivers, creeks, inlets, and
OFFICIAL. 275
islands ; with a coast so tempestuous, that there are many occa
sions in the course of the year when merchant vessels can push
out and in, although men-of-war cannot cruise. It should be
remembered that this war was maintained by America for three
years before France took any part in it. During all that time,
the English had fifty men-of-war upon that coast, which is a
greater number than they ever will have again ; yet all their
vigilance was not sufficient to prevent American trade with
Europe. At the worst time we ever saw, one vessel in three
went and came safe. At present, there is not one in four taken.
It should also be remembered, that the French navy have never,
until this year, been many days together upon the American
coast. So that we have in a sense maintained the trade of the
continent five years against all that the English navy could do,
and it has been growing every year.
Why then should we put cases that we know can never hap
pen ? However, I can inform you that the case was often put
before this war broke out ; and I have heard the common farm
ers in America reasoning upon these cases seven years ago. I
have heard them say, if Great Britain could build a wall of
brass a thousand feet high all along the seacoast, at low-water
mark, we can live and be happy. America is, most undoubt
edly, capable of being the most independent country upon earth.
It produces every thing for the necessity, comfort, and conve-
niency of life, and many of the luxuries too. So that, if there
were an eternal separation between Europe and America, the
inhabitants of America would not only live but multiply, and,
for what I know, be wiser, better, and happier than they will be
as it is.
That it would be unpleasant and burthensome to America to
continue the war for eight or ten years is certain. But will it
not be unpleasant and burthensome to Great Britain too ?
There are between three and four millions of people in Ame
rica. The kingdom of Sweden, that of Denmark, and even the
republic of the United Provinces, have not each of them many
more than that number ; yet these States can maintain large
standing armies even in time of peace, and maintain the ex
penses of courts and governments much more costly than the
government of America. What then should hinder America
from maintaining an army sufficient to defend her altars and
276 OFFICIAL,
her firesides ? The Americans are as active, as industrious, and
as capable as other men.
America could undoubtedly maintain a regular army of twenty
thousand men forever. And a regular army of twenty thousand
men would be sufficient to keep all the land forces, that Great
Britain can send there, confined to the seaport towns, under
cover of the guns of their men-of-war. Whenever the British
army shall attempt to penetrate far into the country, the regular
American army will be joined by such reinforcements from the
militia, as will ruin the British force. By desertions, by fatigue,
by sickness, and by the sword, in occasional skirmishes, their
numbers will be wasted, and the miserable remains of them
Burgoyned.
V.
9 October.
THE fifth inquiry is, " Whether a voluntary revolt of any one
or more of the States in the American confederation is to be
apprehended : and if one or more were to revolt, whether the
others would not be able to defend themselves ? "
This is a very judicious and material question. I conceive
that the answer to it is easy and decisive. There is not the
least danger of a voluntary revolt of any one State in the Union.
It is difficult to prove a negative, however ; and still more diffi
cult to prove a future negative. Let us, however, consider the
subject a little.
Which State is the most likely to revolt, or submit ? Is it
the most ancient Colony, as Virginia, or the Massachusetts ? Is
it the most numerous and powerful, as Virginia, Massachusetts,
or Pennsylvania ? I believe nobody will say, that any one of
these great States will take the lead in a revolt or a voluntary
submission.
Will it be the smallest and weakest States that will be most
likely to give up voluntarily ? In order to satisfy ourselves of
this, let us consider what has happened; and by the knowledge
of what is passed, we may judge of what is to come.
The three smallest States are Rhode Island, Georgia, and
Delaware.
The English have plainly had it in view to bring one of these
OFFICIAL. 277
States to a submission, and have accordingly directed very great
forces against them.
Let us begin with Rhode Island. In the latter end of the
year 1776, General Howe sent a large army of near seven thou
sand men, by sea, under a strong convoy of men-of-war, detached
by Lord Howe, to take possession of Newport, the capital of
Rhode Island. Newport stands upon an island. It was neither
fortified nor garrisoned sufficiently to defend itself against so
powerful a fleet and army, and, therefore, the English made
themselves masters of the place. But what advantage did they
derive from it ? Did the Colony of Rhode Island, small as it is,
submit ? So far from it, that they were rendered the more eager
to resist ; and an army was assembled at Providence, which con
fined the English to the prison of Rhode Island, until the fall
of the year 1779, when they were obliged to evacuate it, and
our army entered it in triumph.
The next little State which the English attempted, was Dela
ware. This State consists of three counties only, situated upon
the river Delaware, below Philadelphia, and is the most exposed
to the English men-of-war of any of the States, because they
are open to invasion not only upon the ocean, but all along the
river Delaware. It contains not more than thirty thousand souls.
When the English got possession of Philadelphia, and had the
command of the whole navigation of the Delaware, these people
were more in the power of the English than any part of Ame
rica ever was, and the English generals, admirals, commissioners,
and all the tories, used all their arts to seduce this little State,
but they could not succeed ; they never could get the appearance
of a government erected under the King's authority. The people
continued their delegation in congress, and continued to elect
their governors, seriate, and assemblies, under their new con
stitution, and to furnish their quota to the continental army,
and their proportion to the militia, until the English were
obliged to evacuate Philadelphia. There are besides, in this
little State, from various causes, more tories, in proportion, than
in any other. And as this State stood immovable, I think we
have no reason to fear a voluntary submission of any other.
The next small State that was attempted was Georgia. This
State is situated at the southern extremity of all, and at such a
distance from all the rest, and such difficulties of communication,
VOL. VII. 24
278 OFFICIAL.
being above an hundred miles from Charleston, in South Caro
lina, that it was impossible for the neighboring States to afford
them any assistance. The English invaded this little State, and
took the capital, Savannah, and have held it to this day ; but
this acquisition has not been followed by any submission of the
province; on the contrary, they continue their delegation in
congress, and their new officers of government. This Province,
moreover, was more immediately the child of England than
any other ; the settlement of it cost England more than all the
rest, from whence one might expect they would have more
friends here than any where.
New Jersey is one of the middling-sized States. New Jersey
had a large British army in Philadelphia, which is on one side,
and another in New York, which is on the other side, and the
British army has marched quite through it ; and the English
have used every policy of flattery, of terror, and severity, but
all in vain, and worse than in vain ; all has conspired to make
the people of New Jersey some of the most determined against
the English, and some of the most brave and skilful to resist
them.
New York, before the commencement of hostilities, was sup
posed to be the most lukewarm of the middling States, in the
opposition to the designs of the English. The English armies
have invaded it from Canada and from the ocean, and have
long been in possession of three islands, New York Island, Long
Island, and Staten Island; yet the rest of that Province has
stood immovable, through all the varieties of the fortune of
war, for four years, and increases in zeal and unanimity every
year.
I think, therefore, there is not even a possibility, that any one
of the thirteen States should ever voluntarily revolt or submit.
The efforts and exertions of General Howe in New York,
Long Island, Staten Island, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Dela
ware, and Maryland, to obtain recruits ; the vast expense that
he put his master to in appointing new corps of officers, even
general officers ; the pains they took to enlist men, among all
the stragglers in those countries, and among many thousands
of prisoners which they then had in their hands ; all these mea
sures obtaining but three thousand six hundred men, and very
few of these Americans, according to General Howe's own
OFFICIAL. 279
account, shows, I think, to a demonstration, that no voluntary
revolt or submission is ever to be apprehended.
But even supposing that Rhode Island should submit, what
could this small colony of fifty thousand souls do, in the midst
of Massachusetts, Connecticut, and New Hampshire ?
Supposing Delaware, thirty thousand souls, should submit,
what influence could it have upon the great States of New
Jersey. Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Virginia, among which it
lies?
If Georgia, at the extremity of all, should submit, what influ
ence could this little society of thirty thousand souls have upon
the two Carolinas and Virginia ? The Colonies are at such vast
distances from one another, and the country is so fortified every
where, by rivers, mountains, and forests, that the conquest or
submission of one part has no influence upon the rest.
10 October.
THE sixth task is to show, " that no person in America is of
BO much influence, power, or credit, that his death, or corruption
by English money, could be of any namable consequence."
This question is very natural for a stranger to ask; but it
would not occur to a native American, who had passed all his
life in his own country ; and upon hearing it proposed, he could
only smile.
It should be considered, that there are in America no kings,
princes, or nobles ; no popes, cardinals, patriarchs, archbishops,
bishops, or other ecclesiastical dignitaries. They are these, and
such like lofty subordinations, which place great bodies of men
in a state of dependence upon one, which enable one or a few
individuals, in Europe, to carry away after them large numbers,
wherever they may think fit to go. There are no hereditary
offices, or titles, in families; nor even any great estates that
descend in a right line to the eldest sons. All estates of intes
tates are distributed among all the children ; so that there are
no individuals nor families who have, either from office, title, or
fortune, any extensive power or influence. We are all equal in
America, in a political view, and as much alike as Lycurgus's
haycocks. All public offices and employments are bestowed
280 OFFICIAL.
by the free choice of the people, and at present, through the
whole continent, are in the hands of those gentlemen who have
distinguished themselves the most by their counsels, exertions,
and sufferings, in the contest with Great Britain. If there ever
was a war, that could be called the people's war, it is this of
America against Great Britain ; it having been determined on
by the people, and pursued by the people in every step of its
progress.
But who is it in America that has credit to carry over to the
side of Great Britain any numbers of men ? General Howe
tells us that he employed Mr. Delancey, Mr. Cortland Skinner,
Mr. Chalmers, and Mr. Galloway, the most influential men they
could find ; and he tells you their ridiculous success.
Are they members of congress who, by being corrupted,
would carry votes in congress in favor of the English ? I can
tell you of a truth there has not been one motion made in con
gress, since the declaration of independency, on the fourth of July,
1776, for a reconciliation with Great Britain ; and there is not
one man in America of sufficient authority or credit to make a
motion in congress for a peace with Great Britain, upon any
terms short of independence, without ruining his character forever.
If a delegate from any one of the thirteen States were to make
a motion for peace upon any conditions short of independency,
that delegate would be recalled with indignation by his consti
tuents as soon as they should know it. The English have art
fully represented in Europe that congress have been governed
by particular gentlemen ; but you may depend upon it it is
false. At one time the English would have made it believed
that Mr. Randolph, the first President of Congress, was its soul.
Mr. Randolph died, and congress proceeded as well as ever.
At another time, Mr. Hancock was all and all. Mr. Hancock
left the congress, and has scarcely been there for three years ; yet
congress has proceeded with as much wisdom, honor, and forti
tude as ever. At another time, the English represented that
Mr. Dickinson was the ruler of America. Mr. Dickinson op
posed openly, and upon principle, the declaration of independ
ency ; but, instead of carrying his point, his constituents differed
with him so materially that they recalled him from congress,
and he was absent for some years ; yet congress proceeded with
no less constancy ; and Mr. Dickinson lately, finding all America
OFFICIAL. 281
unalterably fixed in the system of independency, has fallen in
like a good citizen, and now supports it in congress with as
much zeal as others. At another time, the English have been
known to believe that Dr. Franklin was the essential member of
congress ; but Dr. Franklin was sent to France in 1776, and has
been there ever since ; yet congress has been as active and as
capable as before. At another time, Mr. Samuel Adams was
represented as the man who did every thing ; yet Mr. Samuel
Adams has been absent for the greatest part of three years,
attending his duty as Secretary of State in the Massachusetts
Bay ; yet it does not appear that Mr. Adams's absence has
weakened the deliberations of congress in the least. Nay, they
have sometimes been silly enough to represent your humble ser
vant, Mr. John Adams, as an essential member of congress ; it
is now, however, three years since congress did him the honor
to send him to Europe, as a Minister Plenipotentiary to the
Court of Versailles, and he has never been in congress since ;
yet congress have done better since he came away than they
ever did before.
In short, sir, all these pretences are the most ridiculous ima
ginable. The American cause stands upon the essential, unal
terable character of the whole body of the people ; upon their
prejudices, passions, habits, and principles, which they derived
from their ancestors, their education, drew in with their mothers'
milk, and have been confirmed in by the whole course of their
lives ; and the characters whom they have made conspicuous,
by placing them in their public employments,
Are but bubbles on the sea of matter borne ;
They rise, they break, and to that sea return.
The same reasoning is applicable to all the governors, lieute
nant-governors, secretaries of state, judges, senators, and repre
sentatives of particular states. They are all eligible, and elected
every year by the body of the people ; and would lose their
characters and influence the instant they should depart, in their
public conduct, from the political system that the people are
determined to support.
But are there any officers of the army who could carry over
large numbers of people? The influence of these officers is
confined to the army ; they have very little among the citizens.
24*
282 OFFICIAL.
But if we consider the constitution of that army, we shall see
that it is impossible that any officer could cany with him any
numbers, even of soldiers. These officers are not appointed by a
king, or a prince, nor by General Washington ; they can hardly
be said to be appointed by congress. They have all comrmV
sions from congress, it is true ; but they are named and recom
mended, and are generally appointed, by the executive branch
of government in the particular State to which they belong,
except the general officers, who are appointed by congress.
The continental army consists of the quotas of officers and
troops furnished by thirteen different States. If an officer of
the Massachusetts Bay forces, for example, should go over to
the enemy, he might, possibly, carry with him half a dozen sol
diers belonging to that State ; yet I even doubt, whether any
officer whatever, who should desert from that State, could per
suade so many as half a dozen soldiers to go with him.
Is it necessary to put the supposition, that General Washing
ton should be corrupted ? Is it possible, that so fair a fame as
Washington's should be exchanged for gold or for crowns ? A
character so false, so cruel, so blood-thirsty, so detestable as that
of Monk might betray a trust ; but a character so just, so humane,
so fair, so open, honorable, and amiable as Washington's, never
can be stained with so foul a reproach.
Yet I am fully of opinion, that even if Mr. Washington should
go over to the English, which I know to be impossible, he would
find none or very few officers or soldiers to go with him. He
would become the contempt and execration of his own army as
well as of all the rest of mankind.
No, sir ! the American cause is in no danger from the defec
tion of any individual. Nothing short of an entire alteration in
the sentiments of the whole body of the people can make any
material change in the councils or in the conduct of the arms of
the United States ; and I am very sure that Great Britain has
not power or art sufficient to change essentially the temper, the
feelings, and the opinions of between three and four millions of
people at three thousand miles distance, supported as they are
by powerful allies.
If such a change could ever have been made, it would have
been seven years ago, when offices, employments, and power in
America were in the hands of the King. But every ray of royal
OFFICIAL. 283
authority has been extinguished now between four and five years,
and all civil and military authority is in hands determined to
resist Great Britain to the last.
> ,- VII.
YOUR seventh inquiry is, — " Whether the common people in
America are not inclined, nor would be able to find sufficient
means to frustrate by force the good intentions of the skilful
politicians ? "
In answer to this, it is sufficient to say, that the commonalty
have no need to have recourse to force to oppose the intentions
of the skilful ; because the law and the constitution authorize
the common people to choose governors and magistrates every
year ; so that they have it constantly in their power to feave out
any politician, however skilful, whose principles, opinions, or sys
tems they do not approve.
The difference, however, in that country, is not so great as it
is in some others, between the common people and the gentle
men ; for noblemen they have none. There is no country where
the common people, I mean the tradesmen, the husbandmen, and
the laboring people, have such advantages of education as in
that ; and it may be truly said, that their education, their under
standing, and their knowledge are as nearly equal as their birth,
fortune, dignities, and titles.
It is therefore certain, that whenever the common people shall
determine upon peace or submission, it will be done. But of
this there is no danger. The common people are the most una
nimously determined against Great Britain of any ; it is the
war of the common people ; it was undertaken by them, and
has been, and will be supported by them.
The people of that country often rose in large bodies against
the measures of government while it was in the hands of the
King. But there has been no example of this sort under the
new constitutions, excepting one, which is mentioned in General
Howe's Narrative, in the back part of North Carolina. This was
owing to causes so particular, that it rather serves to show the
strength of the American cause in that State than the contrary.
About the year 1772, under the government of Tryon, who has
284 OFFICIAL.
since made himself so obnoxious to all America, there were some
warm disputes in North Carolina concerning some of the inter
nal regulations of that Province ; and a small number of people
in the back parts rose in arms, under the name of Regulators,
against the government. Governor Tryon marched at the head
of some troops drawn from the militia, gave battle to the regu
lators, defeated them, hanged some of their ringleaders, and pub
lished proclamations against many others. These people were
all treated as having been in rebellion, and they were left to
solicit pardon of the Crown. This established in the minds of
those regulators such a hatred towards the rest of their fellow-
citizens, that in 1775, when the war broke out, they would not
join with them. The King has since promised them pardon for
their former treasons, upon condition that they commit fresh
ones against their country. In 1777, in conjunction with, a
number of Scotch Highlanders, they rose" ; and Governor Cas-
well marched against them, gave them battle, and defeated
them. This year they have risen again, and been again de
feated. But these people are so few in number, there is so
much apparent malice and revenge, instead of any principle, in
their disaffection, that any one who knows any thing of the
human heart will see that, instead of finally weakening the
American cause in North Carolina, it will only serve to give a
keenness and an obstinacy to those who support it.
Nothing, indeed, can show the unanimity of the people through
out America in a stronger light than this, — that the British
army has been able to procure so few recruits, to excite so few
insurrections and disturbances. Nay, although the freedom of
the press and the freedom of speech are carried to as great lengths
in that country as in any under the sun, there has never been a
hint in a newspaper, or even in a handbill, nor a single speech
or vote in any assembly, that I have heard of, for submission,
or even for reconciliation.
VIII.
16 October.
THE eighth inquiry is, — " What England properly ought to
do to force America to submission, and preserve her in it ?
OFFICIAL. 285
How much time, money, and how many vessels would be
wanted for that purpose ? "
I assure you, sir, I am as much at a loss to inform you in this
particular as Lord George Germaine would be. I can fix upon
no number of men, nor any sum of money, nor any number of
ships that I think would be sufficient. But most certainly no
number of ships or men which Great Britain now has, or ever
can have, nor any sum of money that she will ever be able to
command, will be sufficient.
If it were in the power of Great Britain to send a hundred
thousand men to America, and they had men-of-war and trans
ports enough to convey them there in safety amidst the dangers
that await them from French, Spanish, and American men-of-
war, they might possibly get possession of two or three pro
vinces, and place so many garrisons in various parts as to pre
vent the people from exercising the functions of government
under their new constitutions ; and they might set up a sham
appearance of a civil government under the King ; but I do not
believe that a hundred thousand men could gain and preserve
them the civil government of any three States in the Confedera
tion. The States are at such distances from one another, there
are such difficulties in passing from one to another by land, and
such a multitude of posts are necessary to be garrisoned and
provided in order to command any one Colony, that an army
of a hundred thousand men would soon find itself consumed in
getting and keeping possession of one or two States. But it
would require the armies of Semiramis to command and pre
serve them all.
Such is the nature of that country, and such the character of
the people, that if the English were to send ever so many ships,
and ever so many troops, they never would subdue all the Ame
ricans. Numbers, in every State, would fly to the mountains,
and beyond the mountains, and there maintain a constant war
against the English. In short, if the English could conquer
America, which they never can, nor any one State in it, it
would cost them a standing army of an hundred thousand men
to preserve their conquest; for it is in vain for them ever to
think of any other government's taking place again under the
King of England, but a military government.
As to the number of ships, it must be in proportion to the
286 OFFICIAL.
number of troops ; they must have transports enough to carry
their troops, and men-of-war enough to convoy them through
their numerous French, Spanish, and American enemies upon
the seas.
As to the sums of money, you will easily see, that adding two
hundred millions more to the two hundred millions they already
owe, would not procure and maintain so many ships and troops.
It is very certain the English can never send any great num
bers more of troops to America. The men are not to be had ;
the money is not to be had ; the seamen, and even the trans
ports, are not to be had.
I give this to Mr. Calkoen as my private opinion concerning
the question he asks. As Mr. Calkoen observes, this is a ques
tion that had better not be publicly answered ; but time will
show the answer here given is right. It would, at present, be
thought extravagance or enthusiasm. Mr. Adams only requests
Mr. Calkoen to look over this letter a few years hence, and
then say what his opinion of it is. Victories gained by the
English, in taking seaport towns, or in open field fighting, will
make no difference in my answer to this question. Victories
gained by the English will conquer themselves sooner than the
Americans. Fighting will not fail, in the end, to turn to the
advantage of America, although the English may gain an
advantage in this or that particular engagement.
IX.
THE ninth question is, " how strong the English land force is
in America ? How strong it was at the beginning ? And whe
ther it increases or diminishes ? "
According to the estimates laid before parliament, the army
under General Howe, General Carleton, and General Burgoyne,
amounts to fifty-five thousand men, besides volunteers, refugees,
tories, in short, all the recruits raised in Canada, and all othei
parts of America, under whatever denomination. If we suppose
that all these, in Canada and elsewhere, amounted to five thou
sand men, the whole, according to this computation, amounted
to sixty thousand land forces.
OFFICIAL. 287
This estimate, however, must have been made from the num
ber of regiments, and must have supposed them all to be full.
General Howe, himself, however, in his Narrative, page 45,
tells us, that his whole force, at the time when he landed on
Long Island, in 1776, amounted to twenty thousand one hun
dred and twenty-one rank and file, of which one thousand six
hundred and seventy-seven were sick.
By a regular return of General Burgoyne's army, after its cap
tivity in 1777, it amounted, in Canadians, Provincials, British
and German troops, to upwards of ten thousand men. We may
suppose, that four thousand men were left in Canada for the
garrison of Quebec, Montreal, and the great number of other
posts in that Province. To these numbers if we add the offi
cers, we may fairly allow the whole land force at that time to
be forty thousand combatants.
This is all the answer that I am able to give from memory to
the question " How strong the British army was ? "
In order to give an answer to the other, — " How strong it
is ? " — let us consider —
1. There has been no large reinforcement ever sent to Ame
rica since that time. They have sent some troops every year ;
but these never amounted to more than recruits, and, probably,
rather fall short of filling up the vacancies which were made in
the course of the year by desertion and death, by sickness and
by the sword ; so that, upon the whole, I think it may be safely
said, that the army never has been greater than it was in 1776.
But we must deduct from this ten thousand men taken with
Burgoyne, one thousand Hessians taken at Trenton and Prince
ton, and indeed many more, taken by two or three hundred at a
time, upon other occasions.
In the next place, we must deduct, I suppose, about ten thou
sand more sent since the French war to Jamaica, St. Lucia,
Barbadoes, and the other West India Islands.
So that, upon the whole, I think we make an ample allow
ance, if we state the whole number now in New York, Carolina,
and Georgia, including all refugees, &c., at twenty thousand
men, officers included.
This is, in part, an answer to the question, " Whether their
force increases or diminishes ? " But it should be further con
sidered that there is a constant and rapid consumption of their
288 OFFICIAL.
men. Many die of sickness, numbers desert, there have been
frequent skirmishes, in which they have ever had more men
killed and wounded than the Americans ; and now, so many of
their troops are in Carolina and Georgia, where the climate is
unhealthy, that there is great reason to expect the greatest
part of that army will die of disease. And whoever consi
ders the efforts the English have made in Germany, Ireland,
Scotland, and England, as well as America, for seven years suc
cessively, to raise men, the vast bounties they have offered, and
the few they have obtained ; whoever considers the numbers
they must lose this year by the severity of duty and by sickness,
in New York, Carolina, Georgia, and the West India Islands,
and the numbers that have been taken going to Quebec, North
America, the East and West Indies, will be convinced that all
the efforts they can make, will not enable them for the future to
keep their numbers good.
X.
THE tenth head of inquiry is, " How great is the force of Ame
rica ? The number of men ? Their discipline, &c., from the
commencement of the troubles ? Is there a good supply of
warlike stores? Are these to be found partly or entirely in
America ? Or must they be imported ? "
The force of America consists of a regular army, and of a
militia ; the regular army has been various at different times.
The first regular army, which was formed in April, 1775, was
enlisted for six months only ; the next was enlisted for one year :
the next for three years ; the last period expired last February.
At each of these periods, between the expiration of a term of
enlistment, and the formation of a new army, the English have
given themselves airs of triumph, and have done some brilliant
exploits. In the winter of 1775 - 6, indeed, they were in Boston ;
and although our army, after the expiration of the first period
of enlistment for six months, was reduced to a small number,
yet the English were not in a condition to attempt any thing.
In the winter of 1776 - 7, after the expiration of the second term
of enlistment, and before the new army was brought together,
the English marched through the Jersies. After the expiration
of the last term of enlistment, which was for three years, and
OFFICIAL. 289
ended last January or February, the English went to their old
exultations again, and undertook the expedition to Charleston.
In the course of the last spring and summer, however, it seems
the army has been renewed ; and they are now enlisted, in
general, during the war.
To state the numbers of the regular army according to the
establishment, that is, according to the number of regiments at
their full complement, I suppose the continental army has some
times amounted to fourscore thousand men. But the American
regiments have not often been full, any more than the English.
There are in the war office, at Philadelphia, regular monthly
returns of the army, from 1775 to this day, but I am not able,
from memory, to give any accurate account of them ; it is suffi
cient to say, that the American regular army has been generally
superior to that of the English ; and it would not be good policy
to keep a larger army, unless we had a prospect of putting an
end to the British power in America by it. But this, without a
naval superiority, is very difficult, if not impracticable ; the Eng
lish take possession of a seaport town, fortify it in the strongest
manner, and cover it with the guns of their men-of-war, so that
our army cannot come at it. If France and Spain should
cooperate with us so far as to send ships enough to maintain
the superiority at sea, it would not require many years, perhaps
not many months, to exterminate the English from the United
States. But this policy those courts have not adopted, which is
a little surprising, because it is obvious that by captivating the
British fleet and army in America, the most decisive blow would
be given to their power, which can possibly be given in any
quarter of the globe.
What number of regular troops General Washington has at
this time under his immediate command, I am not able pre
cisely to say ; I presume, however, that he has not less than
twenty thousand men, besides the French troops under the
Comte de Rochambeau. Nor am I able to say, how many
General Gates has to the southward.
But besides the regular army, we are to consider the militia,
Several of the Colonies were formed into a militia, from the
beginning of their settlement. After the commencement of
this war, all the others followed their example, and made laws,
by which all the inhabitants of America are now enrolled in a
VOL. VII. 25 «*
290 OFFICIAL.
militia, which may be computed at five hundred thousand men.
But these are scattered over a territory of one hundred and fifty
miles in breadth, and at least fifteen hundred miles in length,
lying all along upon the sea-coast. This gives the English the
advantage, by means of their superiority at sea, to remove sud
denly and easily from one part of the continent to another, as
from Boston to New York, from New York to Rhode Island,
from New York to Chesapeake or Delaware Bay, or to Savannah
or Charleston ; and the Americans the disadvantage, of not
being able to march either the regular troops or the militia to
such vast distances, without immense expense of money and
of time. This puts it in the power of the English to take so
many of our seaport towns, but not to make any long and suc
cessful marches into the interior country, or make any perma
nent establishment there.
As to discipline, in the beginning of the war there was very
little, either among the militia or the regular troops. The Ame
rican officers have, however, been industrious ; they have had
the advantage of reading all the books which have any reputa
tion concerning military science ; they have had the example of
their enemies, the British officers, before their eyes a long time,
indeed, from the year 1768 ; and they have had the honor of
being joined by British, German, French, Prussian, and Polish
officers, of infantry and cavalry, of artillery and engineering ; so
that the art of war is now as well understood in the American
army, and military discipline is now carried to as great perfec
tion, as in any country whatever.
As to a supply of warlike stores : at the commencement of
hostilities, the Americans had neither cannon, arms, or ammuni,
tion, but in such contemptible quantities as distressed them
beyond description ; and they have all along been straitened,
at times, by a scarcity of these articles, and are to this day.
They have, however, at present, an ample field artillery ; they
have arms and powder ; and they can never be again absolutely
destitute, because the manufactures of all sorts of arms, of can
non of all sorts, of saltpetre and powder, have been introduced
and established. These manufactures, although very good, are
very dear, and it is difficult to make enough for so constant
and so great a consumption. Quantities of these articles are
imported every year ; and it is certain they can be imported
OFFICIAL. 291
and paid for by American produce, cheaper than they can be
made.
But the Americans, to make their system perfect, want five
hundred thousand stands of arms, that is, — one at least for
every militia man, with powder, ball, and accoutrements in pro
portion. This, however, is rather to be wished for than expected.
The French fleet carried arms to America ; and if the commu
nication between America and France and Spain should become
more frequent by frigates and men-of-war, and, especially, if this
republic should be compelled into a war with England, America
will probably never again suffer much for want of arms or ammu
nition.
The English began the war against the northern Colonies ;
here they found the effects of ancient militia laws ; they found
a numerous and hardy militia, who fought and defeated them
upon many occasions. They then thought it necessary to aban
don these, and fall upon the middle Colonies, whose militia had
not been so long formed ; however, after several years' experience,
they found they were not able to do any thing to the purpose
against them. They have lastly conceived the design of attack
ing the southern Colonies ; here, the white people, and conse
quently the militia, are not so numerous, and have not yet been
used to war. Here, therefore, they have had some apparent suc
cesses ; but they will find in the end their own destruction in
these very successes. The climate will devour their men ; their
first successes will embolden them to rash enterprises ; the peo
ple there will become inured to war, and will finally totally
destroy them ; for, as to the silly gasconade of bringing the
southern Colonies to submission, there is not even a possibility
of it. The people of those States are as firm in principle, and
as determined in their tempers against the designs of the Eng
lish, as the middle or the northern States.
XI.
17 October.
YOUR eleventh question will give an opportunity of making
some observations upon a subject that is quite misunderstood in
every part of Europe. I shall answer it with great pleasure,
292 OFFICIAL.
according to the best of my information, and with the utmost
candor.
The question is, —
" How great is the present debt of America ? What has she
occasion for yearly to act defensively ? Are those wants sup
plied by the inhabitants themselves, or by other nations ? If in
the latter case, what does America lose of her strength by it ?
Are they not, in one manner or other, recompensed again by
some equivalent advantage ? If so, in what manner ? What
would be required to act offensively, and by that means shorten
the war ? "
All Europe has a- mistaken apprehension of the present debt
of America. This debt is of two sorts, — that which is due
from the thirteen United States, in congress assembled; and
that which is owing from each of the thirteen States in its
separate capacity. I am not able to say, with precision, what
the debt of each separate State is ; but all these added together,
fall far short of the debt of the United States.
The debt of the United States consists of three branches : —
1. The sums which have been lent them by France and Spain,
and by M. Beaumarchais & Co. These have been for purchas
ing some supplies of cannon, arms, ammunition, and clothing
for the troops ; for assisting prisoners escaped from England,
and for some other purposes. But the whole sum amounts to
no great thing.
2. The loan-office certificates, which are promissory notes
given to individuals in America who have lent paper money to
the congress, and are their securities for the payment of the
principal and interest. These the congress have equitably deter
mined shall be paid, according to the value of the paper bills, in
proportion to silver, at the time of their dates.
3. The paper bills which are now in circulation, or which
were in circulation on the 18th day of March last. These bills
amounted to the nominal sum of two hundred millions of dol
lars ; but the real value of them to the possessors is estimated
at forty for one, amounting to five millions of Spanish dollars,
or one million and a quarter sterling. This is the full value of
them, perhaps more ; but this estimation of them has given satis
faction in America to the possessors of them, who certainly
obtained them in general at a cheaper rate.
OFFICIAL. 293
These three branches of debt, which are the whole (according
to a calculation made last May, and sent me by a member of
congress who has been four years a member of their treasury
board, and is perfect master of the subject) amount in the whole
to five millions sterling and no more. The national debt of
America then is five millions sterling.
In order to judge of the burden of this debt, we may compare
it with the numbers of people. They are three millions. The
national debt of Great Britain is two hundred millions. The
number of people in England and Scotland is not more than six
millions. Why should not America, with three millions of peo
ple, be able to bear a debt of one hundred millions as well as
Great Britain, with six millions of people, a debt of two hun
dred millions ?
We may compare it with the exports of America. In 1774,
the exports of America were six millions sterling. In the same
year the exports of Great Britain were twelve millions. Why
would not the exports of America, of six millions, bear a national
debt of one hundred millions, as well as the twelve millions of
British exports bear a debt of two hundred millions ?
We may compare it in this manner with the national debt of
France, Spain, the United Provinces, Russia, Sweden, Denmark,
Portugal, and you will find that it is but small in comparison.
We may compare it in another point of view. Great Britain
has already spent in this war sixty millions sterling ; America,
five millions. Great Britain has annually added to her national
debt more than the whole amount of her annual exports ; Ame
rica has not added to hers in the whole course of five years' war
a sum equal to one year's exports.
The debt of Great Britain is, in a large proportion of it, due
to foreigners, for which they must annually pay the interest by
sending cash abroad. A very trifle of the American debt is yet
due to foreigners.
Lord North borrowed last year twelve millions ; and every
future year of the war must borrow the same or a larger sum.
America could carry on this war a hundred years by borrowing
only one million sterling a year.
The annual expense of America has not hitherto exceeded
one million a year ; that of Great Britain has exceeded twenty
millions some years. America may therefore carry on this war
25*
294 OFFICIAL.
a hundred years, and at the end of it will be no more in debt, in
proportion to her present numbers of people and her exports in
1774, than Great Britain is now.
There is another consideration of some weight ; the landed
interest in America is vastly greater, in proportion to the mer
cantile interest than it is in Great Britain. The exports of
America are the productions of the soil annually r, which increase
every year. The exports of Great Britain are manufactures,
which will decrease every year while this war with America
lasts.
The only objection to this reasoning is this, — that America
is not used to great taxes, and the people there are not yet dis
ciplined to such enormous taxation as in England. This is true ;
and this makes all their perplexity at present ; but they are capa
ble of bearing as great taxes in proportion as the English ; and
if the English force them to it, by continuing the war, they will
reconcile themselves to it ; and they are in fact now taxing
themselves more and more every year, and to an amount, that
a man who knew America only twenty years ago would think
incredible.
Her wants have hitherto been supplied by the inhabitants
themselves, and they have been very little indebted to foreign
nations. But, on account of the depreciation of her paper, and
in order to introduce a more stable currency, she has now occa
sion to borrow a sum of money abroad, which would enable her
to support her credit at home, to exert herself more vigorously
against the English, both by sea and land, and greatly assist her
in extending her commerce with foreign nations, especially the
Dutch. America would not lose of her strength by borrowing
money ; but, on the contrary, would gain vastly. It would ena
ble her to exert herself more by privateering, which is a mine of
gold to her. She would make remittances in bills of exchange
to foreign merchants for their commodities ; and it would ena
ble many persons to follow their true interest in cultivating the
land, instead of attending to manufactures, which, being indis
pensable, they are now obliged more or less to follow, though
less profitable. The true profit of America is the continual aug
mentation of the price and value of land. Improvement in land
is her principal employment, her best policy, and the principal
source of her growing wealth.
OFFICIAL. 295
The last question is easily answered. It is, — " What would
be required to act offensively, and by that means shorten the
war ? "
To this I answer, nothing is wanted but a loan of money and
a fleet of ships.
A fleet of ships, only sufficient to maintain a superiority over
the English, would enable the infant Hercules to strangle all the
serpents that environ his cradle. It is impossible to express in
too strong terms the importance of a few ships of the line to the
Americans. Two or three French, or Dutch, or Spanish ships
of the line, stationed at Rhode Island, Boston, Delaware River,
or Chesapeake Bay, would have prevented the dreadful sacrifice
at Penobscot. Three or four ships of the line would have pre
vented the whole expedition to Charleston. Three or four ships
of the line more, added to the squadron of the Chevalier de Ter-
nay, would have enabled the Americans to have taken New
York.
A loan of money is now wanted, to give stability to the cur
rency of America ; to give vigor to the enlistments for the army ;
•fco add alacrity to the fitting out privateers ; and to give an
ample extension to their trade.
The Americans will labor through, without a fleet, and with
out a loan. But it is ungenerous and cruel to put them to such
difficulties, and to keep mankind embroiled in all the horrors of
war, for want of such trifles, which so many of the powers of
Europe wish they had, and could so easily furnish. But if
mankind must be embroiled, and the blood of thousands must
be shed, for want of a little magnanimity in some, the Ameri
cans must not be blamed ; it is not their fault.
XII.
WE are now come to your twelfth head of inquiry, which is,
" What countenance have the finances ? How much does the
expense exceed the yearly income ? Does the annual revenue,
deriving from the taxes, increase or diminish, in the whole, or in
any particulars ? and what are the reasons to be given for it ? "
Here I am apprehensive I shall find a difficulty to make
myself understood, as the American finances, and mode of
296 OFFICIAL.
taxation, differ so materially from any that I know of in
Europe.
In the month of May, 1775, when the congress came together,
for the first time, after the battles of Lexington and Concord,
they found it necessary to raise an army, or, rather, to adopt an
army already raised, at Cambridge, in order to oppose the Bri
tish troops, and shut them up in the prison of Boston. But they
found that the Colonies were but just got out of debt, had just
paid off the debts contracted in the last French war. In the
several treasuries of the Colonies they found only a few thou
sand pounds. They had before them a prospect of a stagna
tion, or interruption of their trade, pretty universally, by the
British men-of-war. They had a thousand perplexities before
them, in the prospect of passing through thirteen revolutions of
government, from the royal authority to that under the people.
They had armies and navies to form ; they had new constitu
tions of government to attend to ; they had twenty tribes of
Indians to negotiate with ; they had vast numbers of negroes to
take care of; they had all sorts of arms, ammunition, artillery,
to procure, as well as blankets and clothing and subsistence for
the army ; they had negotiations to think of in Europe, and
treaties to form, of alliance and commerce ; and they had even
salt to procure, for the subsistence of the inhabitants, and even
of their cattle, as well as their armies.
In this situation, with so many wants and demands, and no
money or revenues to recur to, they had recourse to an expe
dient, which had been often practised in America, but nowhere
else ; they determined to emit paper money.
The American paper money is nothing but bills of credit, by
which the public, the community, promises to pay the possessor
a certain sum in a limited time. In a country where there is no
coin, or not enough, in circulation, these bills may be emitted to
a certain amount, and they will pass at par ; but as soon as the
quantity exceeds the value of the ordinary business of the peo
ple, it will depreciate, and continue to fall in its value, in pro
portion to the augmentation of the quantity.
The congress, on the 18th of March last, stated this deprecia
tion at forty for one. This may be nearly the average, but it
often passes much lower. By this resolution, all the bills in cir
culation on that day (and none have been emitted since) amount
OFFICIAL. 297
to about one million and a quarter sterling. To this if you add
the money borrowed upon loan certificates, and the debt con
tracted abroad in France and Spain, the whole does not amount
to but- little more than five millions.
Yearly income we have none, properly speaking. We have
no imposts or duties laid upon any articles of importation, ex
portation, or consumption. The revenue consists entirely in
grants annually made by the legislatures, of sums of money for
the current service of the year, and appropriated to certain uses.
These grants are proportioned upon all the polls and estates,
real and personal, in the community ; and they are levied and
paid into the public treasury with great punctuality, from whence
they are issued in payments of the demands upon the public.
You see then that it is in the power of the legislatures to raise
what sums are wanted, at least as much as the people can bear ;
and they are usually proportioned to the public wants, and the
people's abilities. They are now constantly laying on and pay
ing very heavy taxes, although for the first three or four years
of the war the obstructions of trade, &c., made it difficult to
raise any taxes at all. The yearly taxes, annually laid on, have
increased every year for these three years past, and will continue
to be increased in proportion to the abilities of the people. This
ability, no doubt, increases in proportion as population increases,
as new lands are cultivated, and as property is in any way added
to the common stock ; it will also increase as our commerce
increases, and as the success in privateering increases.
But by the method of taxing, you see that it is in the power
of the legislature to increase the taxes every year, as the public
exigencies may require; and they have no other restraint or
limit than the people's ability.
XIII.
26 October.
YOUR thirteenth inquiry is, " What resources might America
hereafter still make use of?"
There are many resources, yet untried, which would certainly
be explored, if America should be driven to the necessity of them.
1. Luxury prevails in that young country, notwithstanding all
the confident assertions of the English concerning their distress,
298 OFFICIAL.
to a degree, that retrenching this alone would enable them to
carry on the war. There are expenses in wheel carriages, horses,
equipage, furniture, dress, and the table, which might be spared,
and would amount to enough to carry on the war.
2. The Americans might, and, rather than the English should
prevail against them, they would, be brought to impose duties
upon articles of luxury and convenience, and even of necessity,
as has been done by all the nations of Europe. I am not able
at present, and upon memory, to entertain you with accurate
calculations ; but in general it may be said, with certainty, that,
if as heavy duties were laid upon articles of consumption and
importation as are laid in England, or even in Holland, they would
produce a revenue sufficient to carry on this war without bor
rowing at all. I hope, however, they will never come to this.
I am clear they need not. Such systematical and established
revenues are dangerous to liberty ; which is safe, while the reve
nue depends upon annual grants of the people, because this
secures public economy.
3. If there should be hereafter any accession to the population
of America, by migrations from Europe, this will be a fresh
resource ; because, in that country of agriculture, the ability to
raise a revenue will bear a constan^ proportion to the numbers
of people.
4. There are immense tracts of uncultivated lands. These
lands are all claimed by particular States ; but if these States
should cede these claims to the congress, which they would do
in case of necessity, the congress might sell these lands, and
they would become a great resource ; no man can say how
great, or how lasting.
5. There is a great deal of plate in America ; and if she were
driven to extremities, the ladies, I assure you, have patriotism
enough to give up their plate to the public, rather than lose their
liberties, or run any great hazard of it.
6. There is another resource still. The war may be carried
on by means of a fluctuating medium of paper money. The
war has been carried on in this manner hitherto ; and I firmly
believe, if the people could not find a better way, they would
agree to call in all the paper, and let it lie as a demand upon
the public, to be hereafter equitably paid, according to its fluc
tuating value, in silver ; and emit new bills to depreciate, and
OFFICIAL. 299
carry on the war in the same way. This, however, would occa
sion many perplexities and much unhappiness ; it would do
injustice to many individuals, and will and ought to be avoided,
if possible.
"7. A loan in Europe, however, would be the best resource, as
it would necessarily extend our trade, and relieve the people
from too great a present burden. Very heavy taxes are hurtful,
because they lessen the increase of population, by making the
means of subsistence more difficult.
8. There are resources of agriculture, manufactures, and labor,
that would produce much, if explored and attempted.
9. The resources of trade and privateering ought to be men
tioned again. The real cause of our doing so little hitherto, is
this : — The congress, in 1774, agreed upon a non-exportation,
to begin in September, 1775. This induced the merchants in
every part of America to send their ships and sailors to Eng
land, from whence the most of them never returned. The con
sequence of which was, that the Americans have been distressed
for want of ships and seamen ever since. But the number of
both has increased every year, in spite of all that the English
have taken and destroyed. The vast number of ships and sea
men taken this year will repair those losses ; and no man can
say to what an extent trade and privateering will be carried the
next and the succeeding years.
XIV.
THE fourteenth question is, — " What is the quantity of paper
money in circulation ? What credit the inhabitants have for it
in their daily business ? What designs the inhabitants have, by
maintaining its credit ? What by preventing its increase ? And
in what manner do they realize it ? "
The quantity of paper bills in circulation on the 18th of March
last, was two hundred millions of paper dollars.
The congress then stated the value of it, upon an average, at
forty for one ; amounting in the whole to five millions of silver
dollars, or one million and a quarter sterling. This they did, by
resolving to receive one silver dollar in lieu of forty paper ones,
in the payment of taxes. This was probably allowing more
300 OFFICIAL.
than the full value for the paper ; because, by all accounts, the
bills passed from hand to hand, in private transactions, at sixty
or seventy for one.
The designs of the inhabitants, in preserving its credit as much
as they can, are very good and laudable. The designs are, that
they may have a fixed and certain medium, both for external
and internal commerce ; that every man may have an equal
profit from his industry and for his commodities ; that private
and public debts may be justly paid ; and that every man may
pay an equal and proportional share of the public expenses.
And this is their design in preventing its increase ; because it is
impossible, if the quantity is increased, to prevent the deprecia
tion of the whole in circulation.
They realize it in various ways. Some have lent it to the
public, and received loan-office certificates for it, upon interest,
which are to be paid in proportion to their value in silver at the
time of their dates. Some purchase with it the produce of the
country, which they export to the West Indies and to Europe ;
and, by this means, supply the French and Spanish fleets and
armies, both upon the continent of America and in the West
India Islands. Others purchase merchandises imported with it ;
others purchase bills of exchange upon France, Spain, &c. ;
others purchase silver and gold with it ; and others purchase
houses and lands. Others have paid their debts with it, to such
a degree, that the people of America were never so little in debt,
in their private capacities, as at present.
XV.
YOUR fifteenth quaere is, " Does not the English army lay out
its pay in America ? At how much can the yearly benefit be
calculated ? Are not the prisoners provided for in America ?
Who has the care of their maintenance ? How was Burgoyne's
army supplied ? "
When the English army was in Boston, they bought all that
they could, and left considerable sums there in silver and gold.
So they did at Rhode Island. Since they have been in New
York, they have purchased every thing they could, of provisions
and fuel, on Long Island, Staten Island, New York Island, and
OFFICIAL. 301
in those parts of the States of New York and New Jersey where
they have been able to carry on any clandestine traffic. When
they were in Philadelphia, they did the same ; and General
Howe tells you, that he suspects that General Washington,
from political motives, connived at the people's supplying Phi
ladelphia, in order essentiality to serve his country, by insinu
ating it into large sums of silver and gold. They are doing the
same now, more or less, in South Carolina and Georgia ; and
they cannot go into any part of America, without doing the
same.
The British prisoners, in the hands of the Americans, receive
their clothing chiefly from the English ; and flags of truce are
permitted to come out from their lines, for this purpose. They
receive their pay, also, from their master, and spend the most of
it where they are ; they also purchase provisions in the country,
and pay for them in hard money.
I am not able to ascertain exactly the yearly benefit ; but it
must be considerable ; and the addition now of a French fleet
and army to supply, will make a great addition of cash and
bills of exchange, which will facilitate commerce and privateer
ing. And the more troops and ships Great Britain and France
send to America, the greater will this resource necessarily be to
the Americans.
XVI.
•
THE sixteenth inquiry is, " Who loses most by desertion ? Do
the English and German deserters serve voluntarily and well in
the American army? How can those who do not enter into the
army subsist ? "
These questions I answer with great pleasure. There has
been, from the beginning of the war to this day, scarcely an
example of a native American's deserting from the army to the
English. There have been, in the American army, some scatter
ing Scotch, Irish, and German soldiers ; some of these have
deserted, but never in great numbers ; and among the prisoners
they have taken, it is astonishing how few they have ever been
able to persuade, by all their flatteries, threatenings, promises,
and even cruelties, to enlist into their service.
The number of deserters from them has been all along con-
VOL. VII. 26
302 OFFICIAL.
siderably more. Congress have generally prohibited their offi
cers from enlisting deserters ; for some particular services per
mission has been given, and they have served well.
Those who do not enlist into the army have no difficulty to
subsist. Those of them who have any trades, as weavers, tai
lors, smiths, shoemakers, tanners, curriers, carpenters, bricklayers,
in short, any trade whatsoever, enter immediately into better
business than they ever had in Europe, where they gain a better
subsistence and more money ; because tradesmen of all denomi
nations are now much wanted ; those who have no trade, if they
are capable of any kind of labor, are immediately employed in
agriculture, &c., labor being much wanted, and very dear.
I am not able to tell the precise numbers that have deserted ;
but if an hundred thousand were to desert, they would find no
difficulty in point of subsistence or employment, if they can and
will work.
xvn.
THE seventeenth inquiry is, " Whether we have any inform
ation that we can rely on, concerning the population ? Has it
increased or diminished, since the war ? "
In some former letters, I have made some observations upon
the subject of the increase of mankind in America.
In the year 1774 there was much private .conversation among
the members of congress, concerning the number of souls in
every Colony. The delegates of each were consulted, and the
estimates made by them were taken down as follows : —
In New Hampshire 150,000
Massachusetts 400,000
Rhode Island 59,678
Connecticut 192,000
New York 250,000
New Jersey 130,000
Pennsylvania and Delaware 350,000
Maryland 320,000
Virginia 640,000
North Carolina 300,000
South Carolina 225,000
Total 3,016,678
OFFICIAL. 303
This, however, was but an estimate, and some persons have
thought there was too much speculation in it. It will be ob
served, that Georgia was not represented in the first congress,
and, therefore, is not included in the estimate.
In a pamphlet published in England about a year ago, entitled,
" A Memorial to the Sovereigns of Europe, on the present State
of Affairs, between the Old and New World," written by Mr.
Pownall, a member of parliament, and formerly Governor of Mas
sachusetts, and Lieutenant-Governor of New Jersey, we are told,
that " The Massachusetts had, in the year 1722, ninety-four thou
sand inhabitants ; in 1742, one hundred and sixty-four thousand ;
in 1751, when there was a great depopulation, both by war and
the smallpox, one hundred and sixty-four thousand four hun
dred and eighty-four ; in 1761, two hundred and sixteen thou
sand ; in 1765, two hundred and fifty-five thousand five hundred ;
in 1771, two hundred and ninety-two thousand ; in 1773, three
hundred thousand.
In Connecticut, in 1756, one hundred and twenty-nine thou
sand nine hundred and ninety-four ; in 1774, two hundred and
fifty-seven thousand three hundred and fifty-six. These num
bers are not increased by strangers, but decreased by wars and
emigrations to the westward and to other States ; yet they have
nearly doubled in eighteen years.
In New York, in 1756, ninety-six thousand seven hundred and
seventy-six ; in 1771, one hundred and sixty-eight thousand and
seven ; in 1774, one hundred and eighty-two thousand two hun
dred and fifty-one.
In Virginia, in 1756, one hundred and seventy-three thousand
three hundred and sixteen ; in 1764, two hundred thousand ; in
1774, three hundred thousand.
In South Carolina, in 1750, sixty-four thousand ; in 1770, one
hundred and fifteen thousand.
In Rhode Island, in 1738, fifteen thousand ; in 1748, twenty-
eight thousand four hundred and thirty -nine.
As there never was a militia in Pennsylvania before this war,
with authentic lists of the population, it has been variously esti
mated on speculation. There was a continual importation for
many years of Irish and German emigrants, yet many of these
settled in other provinces ; but the progress of population, in the
ordinary course, advanced in a ratio between that of Virginia
304 OFFICIAL.
and that of Massachusetts. The city of Philadelphia advanced
more rapidly, — it had, in 1749, two thousand and seventy-six
houses ; in 1753, two thousand three hundred ; in 1760, two
thousand nine hundred and sixty-nine ; in 1769, four thousand
four hundred and seventy-four ; from 1749 to 1753, from sixteen
to eighteen thousand inhabitants ; from 1760 to 1769, from thirty-
one thousand three hundred and eighteen to thirty-five thousand.
There were, in 1754, various calculations and estimates made
of the numbers on the continent. The sanguine made the num
bers one million and a half ; those who admitted less specula
tion into the calculation, but adhered closer to facts and lists as
they were made out, stated them at one million two hundred and
fifty thousand. Governor Pownall thinks that two million one
hundred and forty-one thousand three hundred and seven would
turn out nearest to the real amount in 1774. But wThat an amaz
ing progress, which in eighteen years has added a million to a
million two hundred and fifty thousand, although a war was
maintained in that country for seven years of the term ! In this
view, one sees a community unfolding itself, beyond any exam
ple in Europe.
Thus, you have the estimates made by the gentlemen in con
gress, in 1774, and that of Governor Pownall for the same epo-
cha. That made in congress is most likely to be right. If, in
their estimate, some States were rated too high, it has been since
made certain that others were too low.
But, admitting Mr. Pownall's estimate to be just, the numbers
have grown since 1774 so much, notwithstanding the war and
the interruption of migrations from Europe, that they must be
wellnigh three millions. If the calculation made by the mem
bers of congress was right, the numbers now must be nearer four
millions than three millions and a half.
I have observed to you, in a former letter, that the Massachu
setts Bay has been lately numbered, and found to have increased
in numbers as much as in former periods, very nearly.
I now add, that in Delaware, which in 1774 was estimated at
thirty thousand, upon numbering the people since, they appeared
to be forty thousand.
Pennsylvania is undoubtedly set too low in both estimates.
OFFICIAL. 305
XVIII.
QUESTION eighteenth. " Do sufficient tranquillity, content
ment, and prosperity reign in those places where the war does
not rage ? Can one sufficiently subsist there without feeling the
oppression of the taxes ? Does plenty abound there ? Is there
more than is necessary for consumption ? Are the people well
affected and encouraged to pursue the war and endure its cala
mities ? or is there poverty and dejection ? "
There has been more of this tranquillity and contentment, and
fewer riots, insurrections, and seditions throughout the whole
war, and in the periods of its greatest distress, than there was
for seven years before the war broke out, in those parts that I
am best acquainted with. As to subsistence, there never was
or will be any difficulty. There never was any real want of any
thing but warlike stores and clothing for the army, and salt and
rum both for the army and the people ; but they have such plen
tiful importations of these articles now, that there is no want,
excepting of blankets, clothing, and warlike stores for the army.
The taxes are rising very high, but there never will be more
laid on than the people can bear, because the representatives who
lay them tax themselves and their neighbors in exact proportion.
The taxes indeed fall heaviest upon the rich and the higher
classes of people.
The earth produces grain and meat in abundance for the con
sumption of the people, for the support of the army, and for
exportation.
The people are more universally well affected and encouraged
to pursue the war than are the people of England, France, or
Spain, as far as I can judge.
As to poverty, there is hardly a beggar in the country. As to
dejection, I never saw, even at the time of our greatest danger
and perplexity, so much of it as appears in England or France
upon every intelligence of a disastrous event.
The greatest source of grief and affliction is the fluctuation of
the paper money ; but this, although it occasions unhappiness,
has no violent or fatal effects.
26*
306 OFFICIAL.
XIX.
QUESTION nineteenth. " Is not peace very much longed for in
America ? Might not this desire of peace induce the people to
hearken to proposals, appearing very fair, but which really are
not so, which the people might be too quick in listening to,
and the government forced to accept ? "
The people, in all ages and countries, wish for peace ; human
nature does not love war ; yet this does not hinder nations from
going to war, when it is necessary, and often indeed for frivo
lous purposes of avarice, ambition, vanity, resentment, and
revenge. I have never been informed of more desire of peace in
America than is common to all nations at war. They in gene
ral know that they cannot obtain it, without submitting to con
ditions infinitely more dreadful than all the horrors of this war.
If they are ever deceived, it is by holding out to them false
hopes of independence, and Great Britain's acknowledging it.
The people of America are too enlightened to be deceived in
any great plan of policy. They understand the principles and
nature of government too well to be imposed on by any propo
sals short of their own object.
Great Britain has tried so many experiments to deceive them,
without effect, that I think it is scarcely worth her while to try
again. The history of these ministerial and parliamentary tricks
would fill a volume. I have not records nor papers to recur to ;
but if Mr. Calkoen desires it, I could give him a sketch from
memory of these artifices and their success, which, I think, would
convince him there is no danger from that quarter.
XX.
QUESTION twentieth. " Have there not been different opinions
in congress, with regard to this (that is, — to proposals appearing
fair which were not so,) from whence animosities have arisen ? "
There has never been any difference of sentiment in congress
since the declaration of independency, concerning any proposals
of reconciliation. There have been no proposals of reconcilia
tion made since the 4th of July, 1776, excepting twice.
The first was made by Lord Howe, who, together with his
OFFICIAL. 307
brother, the General, were appointed by the King commissioners
for some purpose or other. The public has never been informed
what powers they had. Lord Howe sent a message by Gene
ral Sullivan to congress, desiring a conference with some of its
members. There were different sentiments concerning the pro
priety of sending any members until we knew his Lordship's
powers. A majority decided to send. Dr. Franklin, Mr. John
Adams, and Mr. Rutledge were sent. Upon their report, there
was a perfect unanimity of sentiment in congress.
The second was the mission of Lord Carlisle, Governor John-
stone, and Mr. Eden, in 1778. Upon this occasion again there
was a perfect unanimity in congress.
Before the declaration of independency, Lord North moved
several conciliatory propositions in parliament, in which a good
deal of art was employed to seduce, deceive, and divide. But
there was always an unanimity in congress upon all these plans.
There were different opinions concerning the petition to the
King, in the year 1775 ; and before that, concerning the non-
exportation agreement. There have been different opinions
concerning articles of the confederation; concerning the best
plans for the conduct of the war ; concerning the best officers
to conduct them; concerning territorial controversies between
particular States, &c. ; but these differences of opinion, which
are essential to all assemblies, have never caused greater ani
mosities than those which arise in all assemblies where there
is freedom of debate.
XXL
27 October.
QUESTION twenty-hrst. " Are there no malcontents in Ame
rica against the government, who are otherwise much inclined
for the American cause, who may force the nation, or congress,
against their resolutions and interests, to conclude a peace ? "
There is no party formed in any of the thirteen States against
the new constitution, nor any opposition against the government,
that I have ever heard of, excepting in Pennsylvania, and in
North Carolina. These by no means deserve to be compared
together.
In Pennsylvania there is a respectable body of people, who are
zealous against Great Britain, but yet wish for some alteration
308 OFFICIAL.
in their new form of government ; yet this does not appear to
weaken their exertions ; it seems rather to excite an emulation
in the two parties, and to increase their efforts.
I have before explained the history of the rise and progress of
the party, in North Carolina, consisting of regulators and Scotch
Highlanders ; and General Howe has informed you of their fate.
This party has ever appeared to make North Carolina more
stanch and decided, instead of weakening it.
The party in Pennsylvania will never have an inclination to
force the congress, against their interests, to make peace ; nor
would they have the power, if they had the will.
The party in North Carolina, whose inclination cannot be
doubted, is too inconsiderable to do any thing.
XXII.
QUESTIONS twenty-second and twenty-third. " General Monk
repaired the King's government in England : Might not one
American general or another be able, by discontent or corrup
tion, to do the same ? Would the army follow his orders on
such an occasion ? Could one or more politicians, through
intrigues, undertake the same with any hopes of success, should
even the army assist him in such a case ? "
I have before observed, that no politicians, or general officers,
in America, have any such influence. Neither the people nor
the soldiers would follow them. It was not attachment to men,
but to a cause, which first produced, and has supported, the
revolution ; it was not attachment to officers, but to liberty,
which made the soldiers enlist. Politicians in America can
only intrigue with the people ; these are so numerous, and so
scattered, that no statesman has any great influence but in his
own small circle. In courts, sometimes, gaining two or three
individuals may produce a revolution ; no revolution in Ame
rica can be accomplished without gaining the majority of the
people ; and this not all the wealth of Great Britain is able to
do, at the expense of their liberties.
Question twenty-fourth. " The revolution must have made a
great change in affairs, so that many people, though at present
free of the enemy's incursions, have lost their daily subsistence.
OFFICIAL. 309
Have the occupations, which come instead of their old ones,
been sufficient to supply their wants ? "
All the difficulties which were ever apprehended, of this sort,
are long since past. In 1774, some were apprehensive that the
fishermen, sailors, and shipwrights would be idle ; but some
went into the army, some into the navy, and some went to
agriculture ; and if there had been twice as many, they would
all have found employment. The building of frigates and priva
teers has employed all the carpenters. Manufactories, besides,
have been set up, of cannon, arms, powder, saltpetre, salt. Flax
and wool have been raised in greater quantities, and coarse
manufactures of cloth and linen been increased. In short, the
greatest difficulty is, that there are not hands encfugh. Agricul
ture alone, in that country, would find employment enough for
millions, and privateering for thousands, more than there are.
XXHL
QUESTION twenty-fifth. " Do they who have lost their posses
sions and fortunes by the war, endure it patiently, as compa
triots, so that nothing can be feared from them ? "
Losing fortunes in America has not such dreadful conse
quences, to individuals or families, as it has in Europe. The
reason is obvious ; because the means of subsistence are easier
to be obtained, so that nobody suffers for want. As far as I am
acquainted with the sufferers, they have borne their losses, both
of property and relations, with great fortitude ; and, so far from
producing in their minds a desire of submission, they have only
served to irritate them, to convince them more fully of the pre
carious and deplorable situation they would be in under the
government of the English, and to make them more eager to
resist it.
Question twenty-sixth. " How has it gone wTith the cultiva
tion of the land before the troubles, at their commencement, and
at present ? What change has taken place ? "
Agriculture ever was, and ever will be, the dominant interest
in America. Nevertheless, before this war, perhaps, she ran
more into commerce than was for her interest. She depended
too much, perhaps, upon importations for her clothing, utensils,
310 OFFICIAL.
&c., and indulged in too many luxuries. When the prospect
opened, in 1775, of an interruption of her commerce, she applied
herself more to agriculture ; and many places that depended
upon the lumber trade, the fishery, &c., for the importation of
even their bread, have turned their labor and attention to raising
corn, wool, flax, and cattle, and have lived better, and advanced
in wealth and independence faster, than ever they did. For
example, the towns in the neighborhood of the sea, in the Mas
sachusetts Bay, used to depend upon the fishery and commerce
to import them their wheat and flour from Philadelphia, Mary
land, and Virginia, and rice from South Carolina and Georgia ;
the communication being interrupted by sea since the war, they
have planted -their own corn.
The eastern parts of the Massachusetts Bay, before the war,
depended on the commerce of lumber for the West India mar
ket, and of masts, yards, and bowsprits for the royal navy of
Great Britain, to procure them clothes, meat, and strong liquors.
Since the war, they have cultivated their lands, raised their own
corn, wool, flax, and planted the apple tree instead of drinking
rum, in consequence of which, they are more temperate, wealthy,
and independent than ever.
North Carolina depended upon the commerce of pitch, tar,
and turpentine and tobacco, for the importation of many things.
Since the war, they have turned their labor to raise more of the
things which they wanted.
Maryland, Virginia, and North Carolina depended upon the
trade of tobacco to import coarse cloths for their negroes. Since
the war, they have raised less tobacco, and more wheat, wool,
and cotton, and made the coarse cloths themselves.
So that, upon the whole, the lessening of commerce, and the
increase of agriculture, have rendered America more independent
than she ever was.
XXIV.
QUESTION twenty-seventh. " How was the situation of man
ufactures, manual art, and trade in general, at the beginning of
this war ? What change have they suffered ? "
Manufactures in general never flourished in America. They
were never attended only by women and children who could not
OFFICIAL.
work in the field, and by men at certain seasons of the year, and
at certain intervals of time, when they could not be employed in
the cultivation of the lands ; because that labor upon land, in that
country, is more profitable than in manufactures. These they
could import and purchase, with the produce of their soil, cheaper
than they could make them. The cause of this is the plenty of
wild land. A day's work, worth two shillings, upon wild land,
not only produced two shillings in the crop, but made the land
worth two shillings more. Whereas, a day's work of the same
price, applied to manufactures, produced only the two shillings.
Since the war, however, freight and insurance have been so
high, that manufactures have been more attended to. Manu
factures of saltpetre, salt, powder, cannon, arms, have been intro
duced ; clothing, in wool and flax, has been made, and many
other necessary things ; but these, for the reason before given,
will last no longer than the war or than the hazard of their trade.
America is the country of raw materials, and of commerce
enough to carry them to a good market ; but Europe is the
country for manufactures and commerce. Thus Europe and
America will be blessings to each other, if some malevolent
policy does not frustrate the purposes of nature
XXV.
QUESTION twenty-eight. " Has America gained, or lost, by
the mutual capture of ships ? How much is the benefit or pre
judice of it, by calculation ? "
America has gained. She took early, from the English, ord
nance and ammunition ships, and supplied herself in that way
with those articles when she had them not, and could not other
wise obtain them ; she has taken, in this way, a great number
of British and German soldiers ; she has taken a vast number
of seamen, who have generally enlisted on board our privateers ;
she has taken great quantities of provisions, clothing, arms, and
warlike stores ; she has taken every year more and more, since
1775, and will probably continue to take more and more every
year, while the war lasts. I have certain intelligence, that there
have been this year carried into Boston and Philadelphia only,
ninety-nine vessels, in the months of July and August. On
312 OFFICIAL.
board of these vessels there were not less than eight hundred
seamen; many of the ships were very rich. The vessels the
English have taken from the Americans were of small value ;
this year they have been few in number.
I am not able to give you an exact calculation. The Quebec
ships were worth from thirty to forty thousand pounds sterling
each, and there were two-and-twenty of them in number.
Privateering is a great nursery of seamen ; and if the Ameri
cans had not imprudently sacrificed such a number of their fri
gates and privateers in the attack and defence of places, these
alone would, by this time, wellnigh have ruined the British
commerce, navy, and army.
XXVI.
I BELIEVE you will be pleased, when I tell you, that we are
now come to the twenty-ninth, and last question, which is,
" What are the real damages sustained, or still to be suffered,
by the loss of Charleston? And what influence has it had
upon the minds of the people ? "
An interruption of the commerce of indigo and rice ; the loss
of many negroes, which the English will steal from the planta
tions, and send to the West India islands for sale ; a great deal
of plunder of every sort ; much unhappiness among the people;
and several lives of very worthy men will be lost ; but the cli
mate will be death to European troops ; and, at an immense
expense of men and money, they will ravage for a while, and
then disappear.
The effect of the surrender of Charleston, and the defeat of
Gates, has only been to awaken the people from their dreams
of peace.
The artifices of the English, holding out ideas of peace, seem
to have deceived both the Americans and their allies, while they
were only contriving means to succor Gibraltar, and invade
Carolina. The people are now convinced of their mistake, and
generally roused. But these disasters will have no more effect
towards subduing America, than if they had taken place in
the East Indies. I have the honor to be, sir,
Your humble servant,
JOHN ADAMS.
M. BICKER TO JOHN ADAMS. ,
(Translation.')
Amsterdam, 6 October, 1780.
SIR, — I am much mortified to find that the visit which you
paid at my instigation has met with no better success.1 The
significant, positive, and reiterated expressions used by that
house, lead me to believe that you should abandon the idea of
opening the affair in question to it at all. It does not surprise
me that you should not have found there so much confidence in
the solidity of your United States as you would like to guarantee
to us. I have had the honor already, Monsieur, to remark to you
that this can spring up only through much patience, and after
the appearance of some person properly accredited. I might
indeed direct you to others ; but the meeting too many refusals,
sometimes of itself ruins an excellent project. The broker,
Blomberg, is engaged. He might be asked if he could not find,
perhaps, another person than the one named (J. D. B.) who
would be willing warmly to enlist in such an enterprise ; and
before you shall address yourself to him, I will offer to you my
unbiased opinion upon his solidity and his habits of thinking.
In the mean time, I have the honor to be,
With the most perfect consideration,
H. BICKER.
P. S. Under the seal of secrecy, I must say to you, that the
house of Staphorst has favored me with a visit, in order to beg
me to recommend it to you.
i M. Bicker recommended the Vollenhovens as a house of unquestionable solid
ity, wholly Dutch, biased neither by France nor England. But these were
txw rich to hazard so dangerous an experiment. They declined, upon my appli
cation to them at that time, and have repented since, as I believe, for they have
endeavored to retrieve their error, and have succeeded, though not to so great
advantage as they might have reaped, if they had accepted my offer.
Letters to the Boston Patriot, 1809.
VOL. VII, 27
314 OFFICIAL.
BENJAMIN FRANKLIN TO JOHN ADAMS.
Passy, 8 October, 1780.
SIRj — I received the letter you did me the honor of writing
by Mr. Andrews, and shall render him every service I can in his
application. '
We begin to be in pain for Mr. Laurens, who was to have
sailed three days after Mr. Searle. If that took place, he has
been out ten or eleven weeks. I hope he did not sail so soon,
otherwise it is probable that he is either lost or taken.
I do not just now recollect my having written, as from myself,
any letter to the grand pensionary. I drew indeed the letter that
was sent by the commissioners, acquainting him with the treaty
of commerce, to which we had no answer. But I will search,
and if I can find such a one, will send you a copy with a copy
of the other.
I shall be glad to hear if you are like to make any progress in
the affair of a loan, which I understand Mr. Laurens was charged
with. I send you inclosed a copy of a note of congress, respect
ing your salaries. I hope you will be able to do without my
assistance ; if not, I must furnish you. But I have been obliged
to accept M. Neufville's bills, on account of his acceptances of
those drawn on Mr. Laurens, and I shall, with some difficulty,
be able to pay them ; though these extra demands often embar
rass me exceedingly.
We hear that the Alliance is arrived at Boston.
I beg leave to recommend to your civilities Mr. Searle, a
member of congress for Pennsylvania, with whose conversation
you will be pleased, as he can give you good information of the
state of our affairs when he left America.
I ought to acquaint you, a governo, as the merchants say, that
M. le Comte de Vergennes, having taken much amiss some pas
sages in your letters to him, sent the whole correspondence to
me, requesting that I would transmit it to congress. I was
myself sorry to see those passages. If they were the effects
merely of inadvertence, and you do not, on reflection, approve
of them, perhaps you may think it proper to write something
for effacing the impressions made by them. I do not presume
OFFICIAL. 315
to advise you, but mention it only for your consideration. The
vessel is not yet gone that carries the papers.
With great regard, I have the honor to be, sir,
Your most obedient and most humble servant,
B. FRANKLIN.
TO THOMAS DIGGES.
Amsterdam, 14 October, 1780.
SIR, — Yours of the 6th and 10th are received. Upon what
principle is it that they confine Mr. Laurens as a prisoner of
State, after so many precedents as have been set ? Sullivan,
Sterling, Lee, Lovell, and many others have been exchanged as
prisoners of war.
Mr. Laurens was in England when hostilities commenced, I
believe. He came into public in America, after the declaration
of independence ; after the extinction of all civil authority under
the crown ; and after the formation of complete new govern
ments in every State. To treat a citizen of a State thus com
pletely in possession of a sovereignty de facto, is very extraordi
nary. Do they mean to exasperate America, and drive them to
retaliation ? Are these people governed by reason at all, or by
any principle, or do they conduct according to any system ? or
do they deliver themselves up entirely to the government of their
passions and their caprice ? I saw so many contradictions in
the papers about Mr. Laurens, that I hoped your first account
was a mistake, but your letter of the 20th makes me think the
first account right.
Pray inform me constantly of every thing relative to him, and
let me know if any thing can be done for him, by way of France
or any other.
Cornwallis's and Tarlton's gasconade serves to diminish the
esteem of mankind for the people of England, by giving fuel to
their passions, and making them throw off the mask. I do not
believe that his advantage is half so great, nor the American
loss half so much, as they represent. Time you know is the
mother of truth. Audi alter am partem, and wait the conse
quences. Fighting is the thing. Fighting will do the business.
Defeats will prove the way to victories. Patience ! Patience !
// y en a beaucoup, en Amerique. F. R. S.
316 OFFICIAL.
TO BENJAMIN FRANKLIN.
Amsterdam, 14 October, 1780.
SIR,— The extracts of letters you were so good as to send
me, have been inserted in the papers, and I should be obliged
to you for future communications of the same kind. Notwith
standing the flow of spirits, and the vigorous exertions of our
countrymen this year, I am sorry to say 1 cannot see a prospect
of any thing decisive this campaign. The fatal defect in the
plan of the campaign in not sending a sufficient number of
ships with M. de Ternay, or soon after him, will render abortive
all the great exertions and immense expenses of the year.
And, at the same time, Cornwallis will spread too much devasta
tion at the southward, where the want of numbers of whites, the
great numbers of blacks, and, above all, the want of discipline
and experience, will make the people long unhappy and unfor
tunate.
The ill luck of Carolina pursues her citizens even to sea, and
to Europe, I think. Can nothing be done for the relief of Mr.
Laurens ? Will you be so good as to apply to court, and see if
they will send us somebody of mark to exchange for him?
After exchanging so many military men as prisoners of war, it
is pitifully spiteful to use Mr. Laurens as they do ; but they
cannot conceal the meanness of their character.
I have felt the mortification of soliciting for money as well as
you. But it has been because the solicitations have not suc
ceeded. I see no reason at all that we should be ashamed of
asking to borrow money. After maintaining a war against Great
Britain and her allies for about six years, without borrowing
any thing abroad, when England has been all the time borrow
ing of all the nations of Europe, even of individuals among our
allies, it cannot be unnatural, surprising, or culpable, or dishonor
able for us to borrow money. When England borrows, annu
ally, a sum equal to all her exports, we ought not to be laughed
at for wishing to borrow a sum, annually, equal to a twelfth
part of our annual exports. We may, and we shall, wade
through, if we cannot obtain a loan ; but we could certainly
go forward with more ease, convenience, and safety by the help
of one.
OFFICIAL. 317
I think we have not meanly solicited for friendship anywhere.
But to send ministers to every great Court in Europe, espe
cially the maritime courts, to propose an acknowledgment of
the independence of America, and treaties of amity and of com
merce, is no more than becomes us, and in my opinion is our
duty to do. It is perfectly consistent with the genuine system of
American policy, and a piece of respect due from new nations to
old ones. The United Provinces did the same thing, and were
never censured for it, but in the end they succeeded. It is
necessary for America to have agents in different parts of
Europe, to give some information concerning our affairs, and to
refute the abominable lies that the hired emissaries of Great Bri
tain circulate in every corner of Europe, by which they keep up
their own credit and ruin ours. I have been more convinced of
this, since my peregrinations in this country, than ever. The
universal and profound ignorance of America here, has asto
nished me. It will require time and a great deal of prudence
and delicacy to undeceive them. The method you have oblig
ingly begun of transmitting me intelligence from America, will
assist me in doing, or at least attempting, something of this kind,
and I therefore request the continuance of it, and have the honor
to be, with respectful compliments to Mr. Franklin and all
friends, sir, your most obedient servant,
JOHN ADAMS.
BARON VAN DER CAPELLEN TO JOHN ADAMS.
Appeltern, 1C Octobre, 1780.
MONSIEUR, — Ayant appris que le congres vous a muni des
memes pouvoirs qu'il avoit confie au Colonel Laurens dont la ^
facheuse catastrophe me desole, et qu'entre autres votre mission
a pour but une negociation pour 1'Amerique Unie, je prends
la liberte de vous prier de m'en envoyer le plutot possible les con
ditions ; un parent m' ay ant temoigne de 1'inclination d'y placer
20,000 florins de Hollande.
Si vous cherchez quelque correspondant a Rotterdam je puis
vous recommander mon ami Adriaan Valck, negociant, demeu-
rant, si je ne me trompe sur le Leuvenhave. II me rite toute
votre confiance, et est tres zele pour la bonne cause. Le digne
Tegelaar vous est connu, de meme que mon intime Van der
27*
318 OFFICIAL.
Kemp. Ce dernier peut a 1'avenir etre de grande utilite pour le
congres. II a beaucoup de connoissances, de la droiture, et une
intrepidite que 1'on ne chercheroit pas chez un predicateur men-
nonite.
Du reste, monsieur, si je puis vous servir dans ma petite
sphere, soyez persuade que c'est avec un devouement parfait a la
cause Americaine et la plus haute consideration pour votre per-
sonne, que j'ai Phonneur d'etre,
Monsieur, votre tres humble, tres obeissant serviteur,
J. D. VAN DER CAPELLEN.1
BENJAMIN FRANKLIN TO JOHN ADAMS.
Passy, 20 October, 1780.
SIR, — Understanding that in case of Mr. Laurens's absence
you are charged with the affair of procuring a loan in Holland,
I think it right to acquaint you, that by a letter from Mr. Jay of
the 12th instant, from Madrid, we are informed that the King
of Spain has been so good as to offer his guaranty for the pay
ment of the interest and principal of a loan of money for the
use of the United States. Mr. Grand thinks that no consider
able use can be made here of that guaranty, on account of the
considerable loan Mr. Necker is about to make ; but that possi
bly it may have weight in Holland. Orders will be sent to the
Spanish ambassador here, by the next post, respecting this mat
ter. I regret much the taking of Mr. Laurens. His son, I under
stand, sailed a fortnight after him for France, but has not yet
arrived.
The Ariel has been at sea, but meeting with a terrible storm
which carried away all her masts, has returned into port to refit.
I have the honor to be, &c. &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
j P. S. By a former letter from Mr. Jay, I find the sum to be
one hundred and fifty thousand dollars, for which the King of
Spain would be answerable, payable in the space of three years.
1 Of Baron Van der Capellen, see an account in the note to page 270 of the
Diary ^ in vol. iii. of the present work.
OFFICIAL. 319
TO BARON VAN DER CAPELLEN.
Amsterdam, 22 October, 1780.
SIR, — I have this day received the letter which you did me
the honor to write me on the 16th instant. I beg you, sir, to
accept of my sincere thanks for this instance of your attention
to the United States of America. I have long desired the honor
of an acquaintance with the Baron Van der Capellen, whose
virtuous attachment to the rights of mankind and to the cause
of America, as founded in the clearest principles, has been long
long known and admired in America.
I beg leave to communicate to you in confidence, as I have
done to a very few as yet in this place, that, although Mr. Lau-
rens was destined to this country on an important negotiation
for the United States, yet the congress, lest an accident might
happen to Mr. Laurens, have been pleased to send to me a com
mission in part at least of the same import, although I had
before a commission for another service. I have kept my com
mission secret in hopes of Mr. Laurens's arrival. But all hopes
of this, by the barbarous severity of the English, are now at an
end ; and I must set myself in earnest about the business of my
commission.
I have not yet settled the conditions, nor determined upon a
house. I should be happy, sir, to have your advice in respect to
both.
You give me great pleasure, by informing me that a relation
of yours has discovered an inclination to place twenty thousand
florins in the American funds. As soon as a house is chosen,
and the terms fixed, I shall with pleasure accept the offer.
I shall give great attention, sir, to the gentlemen you are so
good as to recommend to me.
Mr. Trumbull is, as I believe, in London. He will doubtless
pay his respects to you when he comes this way.
I have the honor to be, &c. &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
320 OFFICIAL.
TO B. FRANKLIN.
•
Amsterdam, 24 October, 1780.
SIR, — I have this moment the honor of your letter of the 20th
of this month, and it is as cold water to a thirsty soul. I have
been busily employed in making inquiries, in forming acquaint
ances, and in taking advice. In hopes of Mr. Laurens's arrival,
and wishing him to judge for himself, I have not decided upon
some questions that necessarily arise. I am not able to promise
any thing, but I am led to hope for something. The contents
of Mr. Jay's letter will certainly be of great weight and use. I
am assured of the good-will of a number of very worthy and
considerable people, and that they will endeavor to assist a
loan.
Let me entreat your Excellency to communicate to me every
thing you may further learn respecting the benevolent intentions
of the Court of Madrid, respecting this matter. I will do myself
the honor to acquaint you with the progress I make. I was
before in hopes of assisting you somewhat, and your letter has
raised these hopes a great deal, for the English credit certainly
staggers here a little.
The treatment of Mr. Laurens is truly affecting. It will make
a deep and lasting impression on the minds of the Americans ;
but this will not be a present relief to him. You are, no doubt,
minutely informed of his ill usage. Can any thing be done in
Europe for his comfort or relief ?
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Amsterdam, 27 October, 1780.
SIR, — It seems to be now certain, that some of Mr. Laurens's
papers were taken with him.
There have been sent to His Most Serene Highness, the Prince
of Orange, copies of letters from M. de Neufville, Mr. Gillon, Mr.
Stockton, and Colonel Derrick, and a copy of the plan of a treaty
projected between the city of Amsterdam and Mr. William Lee.
The Prince was much affected at the sight of these papers,
OFFICIAL. 321
and laid them before their Noble and Grand Mightinesses, the
States of Holland and West Friesland. One gentleman, at least,
was present, who was concerned in the transaction with Mr. Lee,
who handsomely avowed the measure.1 The Regency of Amster
dam have since given in writing a unanimous avowal of it, and
of their determination to support it. The letters of M. de Neuf-
ville and Mr. Gillon are said to be decent and well guarded. So
that upon the whole it seems to be rather a fortunate event, that
these papers have been publicly produced. I wish I could say
the same of Mr. Laurens's captivity, but I cannot. The rigor of
his imprisonment, and the severity of their behavior towards him,
are not at all abated. I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS TO JOHN ADAMS.
28 October, 1780.
DEAR SIR, — I shall endeavor to write largely to you, en ami,
but I will not risk the sailing of the vessel for that purpose at
this moment. It is reported Mr. Searle is taken. Our affairs in
Holland must, in such case, be very bad, as you will not have
received any powers for acting instead of Mr. Laurens, who is
too probably taken and carried to England from Newfoundland ;
and I also know of other fatalities to my letters.
Your friend and humble servant,
JAMES LOVELL, Committee of Foreign Affairs.
1 Upon this occasion I ought to observe that although M. Van Berckel, with all
that honor, integrity, and fortitude, which marked his character through the
whole course of his life, frankly avowed the measure, and although the Regency
of Amsterdam resolved to support it, yet it is certain, the discovery of it spread a
universal consternation throughout the seven Provinces. I do not remember to
have found one person who pretended to see the wisdom of it, though no man
doubted the purity of the design. It was irregular. Mr. Lee had no authority.
The city could scarcely be said to have authority to bind itself to a man who had
none. The city could not pledge the faith of the nation. The utmost amount of
it could be no more than an invitation to congress to send an ambassador to the
Hague. I have always believed that the regency was importuned into this mea
sure by M. de Neufville, who was then a very busy and a very popular man upon
the exchange of Amsterdam. Letters to the Boston Patriot, 1809.
322 OFFICIAL.
M. DUMAS TO JOHN ADAMS.
La Haie, 1 Novembre, 1780.
MONSIEUR, — Quoique j'aie eu 1'honneur de vous ecrire depuis
la faveur de votre lettre du 4e, je dois neanmoins me souvenir
que je n'y ai proprement pas repondu. Je n'ai pu me procurer
une copie de la depeche de Petersbourg, parceque les plenipoten-
tiaires ont exige qu'elle ne fut point communique e. Mais elle
porte en substance, — 1». Une convention proposee par 1'Impe-
ratrice de Russie, ou, aux cinq articles connus entre les cours du
nord, cette princesse dans deux ou trois articles de plus, sans vou-
loir proprement rien garantir a la republique,lui assure neanmoins
son secours au cas qu'elle soit attaquee en haine de la dite con
vention. 2o. Que 1'envoye d'Angleterre a Petersbourg a declare
a 1'Imperatrice, que la Grande Bretagne respectera la navigation
de la neutralite armee, pourvu que cette republique ici en soit
exclue. 3o. Que 1'envoye de Prusse les a assures que le roi son
maitre accedera a la neutralite armee. 4o. Un article separe de
la convention, que, lorsque la neutralite armee aura pris tcute sa
consistance, elle pourra procurer la paix en offrant sa mediation
aux puissances belligerantes.
Au reste, il n'y a pas encore de congres forme a Petersbourg ;
mais il n'est pas impossible qu'il s'y en forme un, lorsque les
choses seront parvenues a une certaine maturite ; et dans ce cas
il seroit certainement necessaire qu'il y eut, comme vous dites,
un ministre Americain, des qu'il s'y agiroit d'une pacification
generale, c'est-a-dire, de 1'ancien et du nouveau monde. Mais,
encore une fois, il n'y a pas encore de congres a Petersbourg, et
jusqu'ici il n'en a pas meme ete question. Je vous ai seulement
marque, dans celle de mes lettres qui a occasione la votre, qu'il
regne un concert (ou une intelligence ) manifesto entre les minis-
tres etrangers (excepte celui d'Angleterre) et le Cabinet de
Petersbourg, pour parvenir au grand but de 1'imperatrice, qui est
d'affranchir toutes les mers de la prevention de toute puissance
qui voudroit dominer seule, et inquieter la navigation des neu-
tres toutes les fois qu'elle seroit en guerre.
J'apprendrai avec bien du plaisir, monsieur, que vous jouissez
d'une parfaite sante ; et j'espere d'en etre temoin oculaire, des
que 1'assemblee d'Hollande ici se sera separee ; ce qui vraisem*
blablement aura lieu dans peu de jours.
OFFICIAL. 323
Au reste, vous aurez cleja appris la resolution prise par la
province d'Hollande, d'acceder a cette neutralite. II s'agit que
les six autres prennent la meme resolution. Deux ou trois 1'ont
deja fait. Mais il faut que les autres le fassent aussi, sans quoi
rien ne pourra se conclure.
Je suis, monsieur, avec un grand respect,
DUMAS.
P. S. Si vous savez quelque chose de Fetat de M. Laurens, ,
depuis qu'il est enferme a la Tour, je vous supplie de m'en faire
part.
Americanus sum, nee quidquam American! a me alienum
puto. Patior cum illis, ita ut olim gavisurus cum iisdem.
TO M. VAN BLOMBERG.
Amsterdam, 3 November, 1780.
MR. ADAMS presents his compliments to Mr. Van Blomberg ;
hopes his health continues to return to him ; wishes to know the
answer of Mr. Bowens ; 1 because Mr. Adams has delayed the
business already so long, that it is become necessary to come to
a conclusion as soon as possible.
FROM M. VAN BLOMBERG.
Amsterdam, 4 November, 1780.
M. VAN BLOMBERG returns his respect to Mr. Adams, will send
immediately to the gentleman who called on Mr. Adams yester
day, desiring him still this afternoon, not doubting but he will,
if he can. M. Van Blomberg must beg to be excused being pre
sent at the conference, as his ill state of health will not permit
him to do any business.
i This Mr. Bowens and sons was a capital house in Amsterdam, near relations
of Mr. Bicker, who recommended them to me after the Yollenhovens had refused.
Although these gentlemen received me very kindly and politely, as the Vollen-
hovens had done, and had given me some hopes, yet the Prince's denunciation of
M. Van Berckel and the burgomasters of Amsterdam had excited such an alarm
that the Bowens were intimidated and refused.
Letters to the Boston Patriot, 1809.
324 OFFICIAL.
TO M. BICKER.
Amsterdam, 6 November, 1780.
SIR, — M. Blomberg is so ill that he cannot speak upon busi
ness, which obliges me to beg the favor of your advice, whether
I ought to give more than according to the following plan.
A. Interest, .... 5 per cent, per annum for 10 years.
To the house for negotiating the
capital, .... 1 per cent.
To the undertakers to furnish
the capital, ... 1 per cent.
Brokerage, .... -^ per cent.
And for the yearly paying off of ten per cent.
To the house of the loan, . 1 per cent.
B. To the undertakers, . . 1 per cent.
C. Brokerage, .... J per cent.
I had the pleasure of half an hour's conversation with M.
Bowens, who desired me to consult with M. Blomberg, and
send him my conditions.
A gentleman of great worth and skill advised me not to give
J more than four per cent, interest. America is willing, however,
to give a just interest, and all other reasonable terms, but she
would not, like a young spendthrift heir, give any thing, to get
money.
I am sorry to give you so much trouble, amidst the sickness
in your family ; but the sickness of several persons upon whom
I depended obliges me to do it, and to request your answer as
soon as convenient. With great respect, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
M. DUMAS TO JOHN ADAMS.
La Haie, 7 Novembre, 1780.
MONSIEUR, — Vous aurez pu voir par le supplement de la
Gazette de Leyde de ce jour, que je vous ai ponctuellement obei,
en faisant inserer les extraits concernant M. Laurens. On a
seulement omis les deux ou trois dernieres lignes, ou white eyes
est charge de la bassesse du traitement indigne qu'eprouve M.
OFFICIAL. 325
Lauren s, parce qu'on n'auroit pu les mettre sans s'exposer. Du
reste, je vous suis tres oblige, monsieur, de cette communica
tion, dont j'ai fait boil usage ici avant que cela ait paru en pub
lic ; ce qui n'est pas indifferent. Je me recommande pour cette
raison, et aussi pour la part intime que je prends au sort de M.
Laurens, a la continuation de votre bonte, a mesure que vous
recevrez de ses nouvelles ; et je vous promets de les publier ou
supprimer, selon que vous le jugerez necessaire pour le bien de
M. Laurens, dont la mauvaise sante est ce qui m'inquiete le plus.
J'espere de pouvoir faire un petit voyage a Amsterdam, et de
vous y voir en parfaite sante ; en attendant je suis, avec un tres-
grand respect, &c. &c.
DUMAS.
FROM M. BICKER.
( Translation.)
Amsterdam, 7 November, 1780.
SIR, — I am very glad that you have had an interview with
M. Bowens ; but grieved that his broker Blomberg should be so
ill that you find yourself constrained to have recourse to another.
Upon this point you will permit me to recommend you to con
sult Mr. Bowens himself, or else let his bookkeeper find some
one through whom you may gain intelligence. Whether there
be any who speak French or English, I do not know, for such
persons are rare. Mortier and Meerkemaer are among ihe high
est in repute, but they act under Messrs. Staphorst for Mr. A. G.
I return your plan with some remarks which I submit for the
consideration of the person or persons who will some day have
the honor to become your agents, to wit : —
A. Five per cent, is not, in my opinion, too high a rate of inte
rest, inasmuch as all the great sovereigns as well as the powers
of the north eagerly take money at that price.
B. C.1 Two conditions until now never known to me, and,
therefore, superfluous. They must have been suggested to you
by some venal or interested soul.
1 These capitals correspond to those found in the letter to which it is an
answer, p. 324.
VOL. VII. 28
326 OFFICIAL.
On the other hand I see no condition specified for the pay
ment of the annual interest, a duty which requires the most
labor and well deserves the compensation of one per cent. Let me
explain myself. Bonds to the amount of one million, yield fifty
thousand as annual interest, one per cent, on which makes but
five hundred florins. On that account I have always been paid
two per cent. I have the honor to be, &c.
H. BICKER.
TO M. BOWENS.
Amsterdam, 7 November, 1780.
SIR, — I waited on M. Blomberg yesterday, but found him too
ill to speak upon business. I must, therefore, request you to
recommend to me another broker for the present, one who speaks
French or English, if possible. I don't mean to quit M. Blom
berg, whom I esteem very much, but I suppose it will not be
amiss to have two. Messrs. Mortier and Meerkemaer have been
mentioned to me.
Meantime I will venture to propose to M. Bowens's considera
tion the following plan.
Interest ..... 5 per cent, per annum for ten years.
To the house for negotiating the capital, 1 per cent.
To the undertakers to furnish the capital, 1 per cent.
Brokerage, \ per cent.
For the yearly paying off of ten per cent.
To the house of the loan, . . 1 per cent.
To the same for paying off the annual interest, 1 per cent of the interest.
I should be glad of your sentiments, as soon as may be con
venient. I am, with great respect, sir,
Your very humble servant,
JOHN ADAMS.
(Memorandum on the foregoing Letter.)
10 November, 1780.
RETURNED to me, on the 10th of November, at one o'clock, by
M. Bowens's bookkeeper, with an answer that he had made
some inquiries, and could not see any hopes of success, and,
therefore, declined the trust.
OFFICIAL. 327
TO M. DUMAS.
Amsterdam, 9 November, 1780.
SIR, — I have the honor of yours of the 7th. Inclosed are a
few more extracts concerning the treatment of Mr. Laurens ;
you will publish such parts as you judge proper. This event
will have more serious and lasting consequences than are
imagined ; it is therefore proper that the facts should be pre
served. It may be prudent to observe a delicacy concerning
white eyes ; l but Europe, in general, is much mistaken in that
character ; it is a pity that he should be believed to be so amia
ble ; the truth is far otherwise. Nerone neronior is nearer the
truth. I shall be very happy to see you at Amsterdam, and
am with much respect, &c. JOHN ADAMS.
TO M. BICKER.
Amsterdam, 10 November, 1780.
I WROTE three days ago to M. Bowens, and proposed to him
my conditions, and had no answer till this moment.
M. Bowens's bookkeeper has this moment called upon me
with M. Bowens's answer, — that he has made some inquiry,
and cannot see any hopes of success, and therefore declines
accepting the trust.
I am now at a full stand. I should be very much obliged to
you for your further advice.
The gentleman advises me to Messrs. Christian Tenkate and
Mm. Van Vlooten as brokers. I should be glad of your opinion
of them. I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
FROM M. BICKER.
(Translation.)
Amsterdam, 11 November, 1780.
SIR, — The brokers Tenkate, when I was in business, had free
entry at my house. I think them capable ; but I found them so
i This name, which is found frequently in the letters written in Holland at this
period, is supposed to mean the King of England.
328 OFFICIAL.
liable to influence through their own interests, that I never could
close with them. As to Mr. Van Vlooten, I think his residence
is at Utrecht, and that he has fair opportunities of placing the
money of citizens of that Province, who are not however capital
ists to set agoing the negotiation in question.
I have the honor to be, &c.
H. BICKER.
TO COMMODORE GILLON.
Amsterdam, 12 November, 1780.
SIR, — I have received the letter which you did me the honor
to write me the 12th of November.
It would give me great pleasure to do any thing in my power
consistent with the duty I owe to my constituents, to assist you ;
but the advices you allude to are as great an obstruction to you
as to me. I have left no measure unattempted that prudence
could justify, but have neither procured any money, nor obtained
the least hope of obtaining any. I have heretofore entertained
hopes of obtaining something, but these hopes are all at an end.
There are bills of exchange already here that must, I fear, be
protested, and others on their way that must share the same
fate, as Mr. Franklin cannot accept them, and no one else has
any prospect.
In this situation I should be criminal to comply with the
request in your letter. Indeed, if there was money of the Uni
ted States here at my disposal, and more than enough to answer
the bills drawn and to be drawn, I could not justify lending it
to any particular State without express instructions. There are
commissioners now in Europe from Virginia, Pennsylvania, and
the Massachusetts, who would have similar reasons for requesting
my aid. But a precedent of this sort should never be set with
out the highest authority for it. If there could be any State for
which I should hazard such an irregularity, it would be South
Carolina, on account of her suffering situation.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
OFFICIAL. 329
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Amsterdam, 16 November, 1780.
SIR, —r On the 10th of this month Sir Joseph Yorke presented
to the states-general the following memorial.1
Whether Sir Joseph Yorke, after twenty years' residence in
this republic, is ignorant of its constitution, or whether, knowing
it, he treats it in this manner, on purpose the more palpably to
insult it, I know not. The sovereignty resides in the states-
general ; but who are the states-general ? Not their High
Mightinesses who assemble at the Hague to deliberate ; these
are only deputies of the states-general. The states-general are
the regencies of the cities and the bodies of nobles in the several
Provinces. The burgomasters of Amsterdam, therefore, who are
called the regency, are one integral branch of the sovereignty of ^
the seven United Provinces, and the most material branch of all,
because the city of Amsterdam is one quarter of the whole repub
lic, at least in taxes. /
What would be said in England if the Count de Welderen,
ambassador at the Court of London, had presented a memorial
to the King, in which he had charged any integral part of their
sovereignty, as the whole house of lords, or the whole house of
commons, with conspiracies, factions, cabals, sacrificing general
interests to private views, and demanded exemplary punishment
upon them ? The cases are in nature precisely parallel, although
there are only three branches of the sovereignty in England, and
there are a greater number than three in Holland.
There are strong symptoms of resentment of this outrageous
memorial in Amsterdam ; but whether the whole will not eva
porate, I know not. Many persons, however, are of opinion that
a war is inevitable, and insurance cannot be had even to St.
Eustatia, since this memorial was made public, under twenty
or twenty-five per cent. /
This memorial is sd like the language of Lord Hillsborough
and Governor Bernard, that I could scarcely forbear substituting
Boston for Amsterdam, and Otis, or Hancock, or Adams, for
i The memorial is here omitted. It may be found in the Diplomatic Corre
spondence of the Revolution, vol. v. p. 372. *
28*
330 OFFICIAL.
Van Berckel, as I read it. I should not wonder if the next
memorial should charge the republic with rebellion, and except
two or three from pardon. I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Amsterdam, 1 7 November, 1 780.
SIR, — From the time of the arrival of my commission, I have
been constantly employed in forming acquaintances, making
inquiries, and asking advice ; but am sorry to be obliged to
say, that hitherto I see no certain prospect of borrowing any
money at all.
For some years past, all the information I could obtain from
this country led me to think that America had many friends in
this republic, and that a considerable sum might be borrowed
here, provided application was made to Dutch houses of old
families and numerous connections. And after my arrival here,
I had the opinion of persons who I had every reason to think
knew best, that if proper powers should arrive from the thirteen
United States, money might be had. But now that all agree,
that full powers have arrived, I do not .find the same encourage-
ment. This nation has been so long in the habit of admiring
the English, and disliking the French, so familiarized to call
England the natural ally, and France the natural enemy of the
republic, that it must be the work of time to eradicate these
prejudices, although the circumstances are greatly altered. Add
to this the little decision and success which have appeared in the
conduct of the affairs of America and her allies, and the series
of small successes which the English have had for the last
twelve months ; the suspense and uncertainty in which men's
minds have been held respecting the accession of the Dutch to
the armed neutrality ; and at last the publication of some papers
taken with Mr. Laurens, the part the Stadtholder has acted, and
the angry memorial of Sir Joseph Yorke concerning them ; all
these things together have thrown this nation into a state of
astonishment, confusion, and uncertainty, to such a degree, that
no house that I have as yet thought it prudent to apply to, dares
to undertake the trust. The times are now critical indeed. The
question will be decided in a few days, whether the republic
OFFICIAL. 331
shall join the armed neutrality or not. Four Provinces have
voted for it ; two others have voted in such a manner that their
deputies may agree to it ; and most men say it will be decided
by the plurality.
The King of England demands a disavowal of the Amsterdam
treaty, and the punishment of the regency. They will not be ^
punished, nor their conduct disavowed. The King of England,
therefore, must take such measures as he shall think his dignity
and the essential interests of his people require. What these
will be, time alone can discover. Many think he will declare
war, but more are of a different opinion.
Congress, who have been long used to contemplate the cha
racters and the policy of this King and his ministers, will see
that they are now pursuing towards this republic the same
maxims which have always governed them. Their measures
in America, for many years, were calculated to divide the many
from the few in the towns of Boston, New York, Philadelphia,
and Charleston ; next, to divide the Provinces from their capi
tals ; and then to divide the rest of the continent from those
Provinces which took the earliest a decided part.
Their plan now is, to divide the people of Amsterdam from
their burgomasters, and to single out M. Van Berckel for the
fate of Barnevelt, Grotius, or De Witt ; to divide the other cities
of Holland from Amsterdam, and the other Provinces of the
republic from Holland. But they will succeed no better in
Holland than in America, and then* conduct bids fair to make
M. Van Berckel the most respected and esteemed of all the
citizens.
In the present critical state of things, a commission of a minis
ter plenipotentiary would be useful here. It would not be
acknowledged, perhaps not produced, except in case of war.
But if peace should continue, it would secure its possessor the
external respect of all. It would give him a right to claim
and demand the prerogatives and privileges of a minister pleni
potentiary, in case any thing should turn up which might require
it. It would make him considered as the centre of American
affairs, and it would assist, if any thing would, a loan.
I cannot conclude without observing, that I cannot think it
would be safe for congress to draw for money here, until they
shall receive certain information that their bills can be honored.
OFFICIAL.
There are bills arrived, which, if Mr. Franklin cannot answer,
must, for what I know, be protested.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
TO BARON VAN DER CAPELLEN.
Amsterdam, 20 November, 1 780.
SIR, — I have the honor to inclose a small pamphlet lately
published, which in this critical moment may do some good.1
The hour draws nigh when this republic is to determine whe
ther it will accede to the armed neutrality ; but let their deter
mination of that question be as it will, if they do not disavow
the conduct of Amsterdam, and punish M. Van Berckel and
the burgomasters, the King of Great Britain has threatened,
and, if I am not deceived by his past conduct, he will attempt
to carry his threat into execution. If he declares war, or, which
is more probable, commences hostilities without a declaration,
it will be on pretence of an insult and an injury, committed by
beginning a correspondence and a treaty with his subjects in
rebellion, although they were at that time as completely in pos
session of an independence and a sovereignty de facto as Eng
land or Holland were.
I hope for the honor of your answer to the proposal I made
you, by the time limited, and am,
With the utmost respect,
JOHN ADAMS.
TO M. JOHN LUZAC.
Amsterdam, 20 November, 1780.
SIR, — I have received your obliging letter and a dozen copies
of the " Pensees." I am much obliged to you, sir, for these
copies, and for an excellent preface, which is worth more than
the book.
1 The Abridgment of Pownall's Memorial, which had been translated into
French at my request, and printed by Mr. Luzac under the title of Pensees
Extraits, &c. It was afterwards published in English, in London, under the
whimsical title of A Translation into Common Sense and Plain English. Letters
to Boston Patriot, 1809. The title and translation were both made by Mr. Adams
himself, as appears from the copy remaining among his manuscripts.
OFFICIAL. 333
I should be glad to pay for a couple of dozens more of these
pamphlets. They come out in the critical moment to do good,
if ever. If the impression they make now should not be deep, it
will sink deeper ere long ; for I see plainly by a certain " memo
rial," that the King of England and his ministers have in their
hearts war against this republic ; join or not join the armed neu
trality, it will come, if, after a long experience of those charac
ters, I have not mistaken them. They do not charge faction,
cabal, &c. &c. &c., but in earnest.
I am, sir, with great esteem, your humble servant,
JOHN ADAMS.
TO BENJAMIN FRANKLIN.
Amsterdam, 24 November, 1 780.
SIR, — The letter which your Excellency did me the honor to
write me on the 13th is received, and I have accordingly accepted
the bills, and shall draw upon your Excellency about the time
they become payable, for money to enable me to discharge them,
provided I should not succeed in my endeavors to borrow it
here.
I have hitherto no prospect at all. When I first arrived here,
I had such informations as made me believe that a sum of
money might be had upon the credit of the United States.
But the news from Carolina and New York and the West
Indies, but, above all, the affair of the burgomasters and Sir
Joseph Yorke's Memorial, have struck a panic which must have
time to wear off. At present, I meet with only one gentleman
who thinks any thing can be done, and I fear that he deceives
himself.
I hope by this time your Excellency's health is restored, and
have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
BARON VAN DER CAPELLEN TO JOHN ADAMS.
Zwol, 28 Novembre, 1 780.
MONSIEUR, — J'etois sur le point de vous ecrire lorsque je me
vis honore de votre lettre du 20 du courant. Je vous ai beau-
coup d' obligation de la brochure Fran^aise, que vous avez eu la
334 OFFICIAL.
bonte de m'envoyer. Elle ne manquera pas de guerir bien des
prejuges ; mais aussi, a ce que j'ai deja remarque, elle alarmera
les peuples commercans, qui craigneront qu'ils ne seront pas en
etat de sontenir la concurrence des Americains ni dans les peche-
ries, ni dans le commerce de cabotage et de fret, ni dans celui
des Indes. C'est une remarque qu'un ami tres eclaire me fit
apres la lecture de la dite brochure.
Quant a la proposition dont vous m'avez honore ; j'en ai pese
le pour et le contre avec cette prevention en faveur du premier,
qui est Peffet naturel de mon zele pour le bonheur des deux peu
ples, et de mon desir ardent de les voir se rapprocher, se lier,
s'unir, malgre les efforts de ceux, qui, malheureusement avec
trop de succes, ne cessent d'accumuler obstacle sur obstacle,
afin de prevenir, pour toujours, s'il leur est possible, un evene-
ment si desirable. J'ai consulte sur cette affaire delicate mes
meilleurs amis, et le resultat a etc ; qu'entamer ouvertement en
mon nom une negociation en faveur des Etats Unis seroit don-
ner de gaiete de coeur dans les embuches que mes ennemis ne
cessent de dresser sous mes pas. Et surement, monsieur, la per-
l/ secution entamee contre Monsieur Van Berckel et ses complices,
c'est a dire contre tons ceux qui ont eu quelque correspondance
avec les Americains, montre ce que j'aurois a attendre, si je me
rendois coupable de ce que le roi d' Angleterre ne manqueroit pas
de faire valoir cornme un acte, par lequel j'aurois favorise et sou-
tenu la rebellion dans ses etats. Quelle ne seroit pas la satis
faction que 1'on demanderoit d'une part, et que, sans hesiter, Ton
donneroit de 1'autre, contre un magistrat oblige de maintenir les
traites avec la Grande Bretagne, que notre republique, cheris-
sant ses fers, n'a pas encore trouve bon de revoquer ; contre un
individu, qui, deja 1'objet de la haine la plus eftrenee, reclamant
depuis si longtems vainement la protection des loix, seroit seul
responsable de ses actions, sans pouvoir, comme M. Van Berckel
et autres, se retrancher sur les ordres de ses superieurs, dont ils
n'ont ete que les executeurs !
D'ailleurs, monsieur, je suis persuade que mon nom ne contri-
bueroit en rien a la reussite. Jamais le credit de 1' Amerique n'a
ete si bas qu'a cette heure. La prise de Charleston, 1'invasion
de la Georgie et de la Caroline meridionale ; la defaite du Gene
ral Gates, echecs que les Americains n'ont pas encore compenses
par aucun avantage de quelque consideration ; Pinaction des
OFFICIAL. 335
flottes cornbinees de Solano et Guichen ; la superiorite decidee
des Anglais aux Indes Occidentals et a New York ; la defection
d' Arnold revue, corrigee et augmentee paries nouvellistes Anglais.
Voila plus qu'il n'en faut pour faire chanceler un credit meme
etabli. Ajoutez a ceci la crainte d'etre enveloppe comme com
plice de M. Van Berckel, et, ce qui restera a jamais un obstacle
chez bien des gens dans ce pays, la peur que 1'on a de desobliger
le Prince d' Orange ; et calculez s'il y & pour le present la moin-
dre esperance pour la reussite d'une negociation a laquelle je me
serois prete, s'il eut ete faisable, avec tout le zele dont je suis
anime pour la cause de la liberte generale du genre humain.
J'avois meme trace un plan, qui auroit beaucoup facilite 1'entre-
prise. Monsieur Tegelaar auroit administre le comptoir gene
ral et je vous aurois propose d'employer trois ou quatre personnes
^influence et de probite dans les differentes provinces pour y rece-
voir les deniers de 1'emprunt, et y payer deux fois par an les
interets. Pour les profits je les aurois cedes entierement aux
employes, me contentant d'un simple dedommagement. Mon
plan de. conduite dans le monde politique exige ce renoncement,
afin de tenir, comme je 1'ai pu faire jusqu'ici, mes ennemis dans
1'impossibilite de m'attribuer les motifs par lesquels ils agissent
eux memes.
Cependant, monsieur, je vous prie de ne pas trop presser votre
depart. Les affaires de la republique sont dans une violente
crise. Le temps seul pourroit dans peu lever une grande partie
des empechements susdits. Le congres lui meme peut y con-
tribuer beaucoup en ne nous laissant pas, comme jusqu'ici, sans
informations authentiques touchant le veritable etat des affaires de
1'Amerique. C'est d'elle que depend tout son credit. II n'ac-
querra jamais de la consistance dans ce pays, si longtemps que
1'on n'y sera point gueri des ses prejuges touchant la faiblesse de
1'Amerique et en faveur de la toute puissance de la Grand Bre-
tagne. Le congres devroit envoyer regulierement une ou deux
fois par mois de petits paquebots, uniquement afin de ne jamais
laisser le champ libre au nouvellistes Anglois. Lorsque Henri
IV. fit arreter le Marechal de Biron il envoya des couriers par
toute 1'Europe, et jusqu'ici (d'autant que je sache) 1'on n'a de la
defection d' Arnold que les recits surement exageres du ministre
Britannique.
Je crains d'abuser de votre attention ; mais je ne saurois,
336 OFFICIAL.
avant de finir, m'empecher de vous avertir de vous mefier de la
jalousie qui devore les negocians de ce pays. Rabattez toujours
quelque chose des informations que 1'on vous donne a leur sujet.
Je suis sur que la reussite de la negociation ne depend pas autant
que 1'on veut vous persuader du choix de la maison qui s'en
charge, que des causes sus-mentionnees. II est tres indifferent
pour les preteurs de qui ils recoivent les contrats, signes d'ailleurs
en forme requise, et les interets. Ce qui les interesse plus, c'est
que ce soit le plus pres possible du lieu de leur demeure, pour
eviter les frais de transport. Vous connoissez mieux que moi
les affaires de M. Tegelaar. Mais si celui ci ne convient pas (ce
dont je ne saurois juger) je ne vois aucune objection pour ne
pas confier 1'entreprise a Monsieur J. de Neufville. II a fait
autrefois de fortes depenses. II a essuye des pertes, mais avec
tout cela il est entre dans le commerce avec un million de florins.
II a fait de grandes affaires et les fait aujourd'hui plus grandes
que jamais. II est un des plus anciens et des plus zeles amis
de 1'Amerique. II jouit de la confiance et de la consideration
de la REGENCE DE AMSTERDAM. La confiance qu'elle a eu en lui
de 1'employer dans cette negociation secrete lui donne du relief,
lequel joint a un peu d'imprudence de sa part lui attire de la
jalousie, et peut-etre de Penvie. La maison qu'il seroit le plus
naturel d'employer seroit celle de Fizeaux et Grand. Mais la
connection du dernier avec un General Anglais servant en Ame-
rique me rite surement reflection.
Quant a la conduite des Anglais, je crains que leur but (outre
v celui en general d'amuser la republique par des negociations et
des memoires de part et d'autre) ne soit de nous entrainer en
guerre avant d'etre admis a la neutralite armee, afin de dormer
occasion aux puissances confederees de pouvoir nous refuser
comme n'ayant pas la qualification requise, savoir, d'etre une
puissance neutre. Ou bien, si cela leur manque, de nous faire
la guerre sous le pretexte specieux d' avoir viole la neutralite par
notre correspondance avec les rebelles de la couronne, afin de
fournir aux puissances liguees une anse pour pouvoir, s'ils le veu-
lent ou si 1'influence des Anglais les y porte, nous refuser les
secours stipules sous pretexte de la non-existence du casusfoede-
ris. La republique, meme la Province de Hollande, a ce que 1'on
debite, va faire un desaveu formel de ce que la ville d' Amster
dam a fait. C'est tout ce que je crois etre en son pouvoir, car
OFFICIAL. 337
de faire punir les complices de ce complot est au dessus de leurs
forces. Si done le memoire de Monsieur Yorke n'est pas une
simple rodomontade, la guerre est inevitable, et une guerre quasi
vero pour un demele, qui n'est pas du ressort de la neutralite
armee.
J'espere de retourner a Amsterdam dans trois semaines, et je
suis, en attendant, avec tout le respect possible, monsieur,
Votre tres humble, &c.
CAPELLEN DE POL.
TO B. FRANKLIN.
Amsterdam, 30 November, 1780.
SIR, — I was duly honored with your Excellency's letter of the
8th of October, by Mr. Searle.
I thank you, sir, for inclosing the resolution of congress re
specting my salary and Mr. Dana's. I wish I could see a pros
pect of relieving you from this burden, as well as that of the
bills of exchange drawn upon Mr. Laurens, but at present there
is not a prospect of obtaining a shilling. What turn affairs may
take, it is impossible to foresee. Some gentlemen tell me, that
a few months, or, indeed, weeks, may produce events which will
open the purses to me ; but I think our want of credit here is
owing to causes that are made permanent. I never had any
just idea of this country, until I came here, if, indeed, I have
now. I have received money of the house of Horneca, Fizeaux,
and Grand, on account of Mr. F. Grand, of Paris, for my sub
sistence, and, if you have no objection, I will continue in this
way.
Mr. Searle's conversation is a cordial to me. He gives a
charming, sanguine representation of our affairs, such as I am
very well disposed to believe, and such as I should give myself,
if interrogated according to the best of my knowledge. But
we have a hard conflict yet to go through.
The correspondence you mention between his Excellency the
Count de Vergennes and me, I transmitted regularly to congress
in the season of it, from Paris, and other copies since my arrival
in Amsterdam, both without any comments.
The letter I mentioned, I believe was from your Excellency
to M. Dumas, who informs me that there has been none to the
VOL. V1T. 29 V
338 OFFICIAL.
grand pensionary, but the one which your Excellency wrote
when I was at Passy, which I remember very well.
The republic, it is said, for it is hard to come at the truth, have,
on the one hand, acceded to the armed neutrality, and, on the
other, have disavowed the conduct of Amsterdam.
This, it is hoped, will appease all nations for the present ; and
it may, for what I know. We shall see.
I should be the less surprised at Great Britain treating the
United Provinces like an English Colony, if I did not every day
hear the language and sentiments of English colonists. But if
she treats all her Colonies with equal tyranny, it may make
them all, in time, equally independent.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
P. S. A gentleman here has received a commission from
England, to hire as many vessels as he possibly can, to carry
troops to America. This I have certain information of. It is
also given out, that Sir J. Yorke has demanded and obtained
permission of the States to do it; but this, I believe, is an, Eng
lish report. It is also said that the burgomasters of the city have
signified abroad, that it would be disagreeable if anybody should
hire the ships. But this may be only bruit. It shows the Eng
lish want of shipping, their intention to send troops, and their
cunning to get away from this nation both their ships and sea
men.
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Amsterdam, 30 November, 1780.
SIR, — The state of parties in this republic is still critical.
Many anonymous pamphlets appear on both sides. Those
which proceed from the English party, are virulent against M.
Van Berckel. The republic itself wavers, according to events
and causes which are impenetrable. A few days ago, the plan
appeared to be, to accede to the armed neutrality, in order to
satisfy one party, and to disavow the conduct of Amsterdam, in
forming with Mr. Lee the project of a treaty, in order to appease
the other. Fifteen cities even in the Province of Holland, have
disavowed this measure ; Haerlem and Dort are the only two,
OFFICIAL. 339
which have approved it. The grand pensionary of Holland has
sent after the courier, who had been despatched to the plenipo
tentiaries at Petersburg, and brought him back to the Hague.
What alteration is to be made, is unknown. It is now given
out, that they have determined to increase the fortifications of
the maritime towns, and augment their garrisons.
I see every day more and more of the inveterate prejudices of
this nation in favor of the English, and against the French ;
more and more of the irresistible influence of the Stadtholder,
and more and more of the irresolution, uncertainty, and con
fusion of the nation. How the whole will conclude, I know
not. One thing, however, is certain, that congress can depend
upon no money from hence. I have, confiding in the assurances
of Dr. Franklin, accepted all the bills drawn upon Mr. Lauren s,
which have yet been presented to me, amounting to thirty-four
thousand three hundred and fifty-eight guilders ; but I have no
prospect of discharging them, or even of deriving my own sub
sistence from any other source than Passy. Congress will,
therefore, I presume, desist from any further drafts upon Hol
land, at least until they receive certain information that money
has been borrowed, of which I see no present prospect.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
TO BARON VAN DER CAPELLEN.
Amsterdam, 9 December, 1 780.
SIR, — I have received the letter which you did me the honor
to write me, on the 28th ultimo. The pamphlet which I took
the liberty to send you may possibly excite in some minds a
curiosity to read the original memoire, and turn the attention of
many to a subject that deserves a serious consideration. It is
very probable that Mr. Pownall meant to alarm this republic,
and, perhaps, other nations, by several things which he has
inserted in his work, for he is by no means a friend of Ame
rica. The truths he tells of America do not come from a willing
witness.
These little alarms and jealousies, of merchants or of nations,
are not much to be regarded. The American question, one of
the greatest that was ever decided among men, will be deter-
340 OFFICIAL.
mined by the cabinets of Europe, according to great national
interests. But let these decide as they will, America will be
independent. It is not in the power of Europe to prevent it
Little mercantile apprehensions, and less family competitions
and alliances among princes, may light up a general war in
Europe. It is possible that a jealousy of the house of Bourbon
may enkindle a war of several powers against those nations who
follow the several branches of that family. But this would pro
mote, rather than retard, American independence. American
independence is no longer a question with one man of sense in
the world, who understands any thing of the subject.
That merchant must be a very superficial thinker, indeed, who
dreads the rivalry of America independent, in the fisheries, in
freight, and in the coasting trade, and yet would not be afraid
of it connected with Great Britain. The possibility of Ame
rica's interfering with any nations in any of these things, will
certainly be retarded by her independence.
I believe with you that the credit of America was never lower
in the low countries, than at this hour ; but I am unfortunate
enough to differ from your opinion concerning the causes of it.
The tales of Gates and Arnold, and the French and Spanish
fleets, &c., are ostensible reasons. The true one is the appa
rent obstinacy and fury of England, manifested several ways,
particularly in the treatment of Mr. Laurens, and the rage at
the discovery of his papers ; these have intimidated everybody.
Every one dreads the resentment of the English party, and no
one dares to stand forth in opposition to it. So be it. Let
them go on lending their money and hiring their ships to Eng
land, to enable her to murder people, of whom neither the lender
nor the borrower is worthy. Time will show them how much
wisdom there is in their unfeeling sacrifice of every sentiment
and every principle, upon the altar of mammon. The less Ame
rica has to do with such people, the better it will be for her.
As to authentic informations, sir, no information from Ame
rica would alter sentiments, which are formed upon motives,
which lie altogether in Europe. No information from America
could alter the constitution of this republic; give the Stadt-
holder less decisive influence in it, or destroy the relations
between the families of Hanover and Orange. I should not,
therefore, think it wise nor honest in me to deceive America
OFFICIAL. 841
with any kind of hopes of assistance, in any way, from this
republic.
There are a few, very few individuals, among the foremost of
whom, you, sir, will ever be remembered, who would wish, from
generous motives, to do us service, but they are so overborne by
the opposite party, that they never will be able to do much,
excepting in a case, in which we should have no need of their
assistance. I have the honor to be, &c.
• JOHN ADAMS.
THE COMjMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS TO JOHN ADAMS.
Philadelphia, 12 December, 1780.
SIR, — In addition to other papers respecting your ministra
tion, I now forward an act of congress of this day.1
You know it has been much, if not entirely, the practice of
the committee of foreign affairs to let the resolves which they
transmit speak for themselves. In the present case, however,
there is no danger of a too warm expression of the satisfaction
of congress, even if, in performing singly the duty of our whole
committee, I should write in the approving language of a per
sonally affectionate and very partial friend.
JAMES LovELL,/or the Committee of Foreign Affairs.
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Amsterdam, 14 December, 1780.
gIR) _ I am every day accepting the bills of exchange which
were drawn upon Mr. Laurens ; but I have no prospect of
obtaining money to discharge them from any other person than
Dr. Franklin.
For some years before I came to Holland, every person I saw
from this place assured me that, in his opinion, money might be
1 Congress took into consideration the report of the committee on the let
ter of June 26th, from the Hon. J. Adams ; whereupon, —
Ordered, That the said letter be referred to the committee of foreign affairs,
and that they be instructed to inform Mr. Adams of the satisfaction which con
gress receive from his industrious attention to the interests and honor of these
United States abroad, especially in the transactions communicated to them by
that letter.
29*
342 OFFICIAL.
borrowed, provided application was made with proper powers
directly from congress to solid Dutch houses. After my arrival
here, these assurances were repeated to me by persons whose
names I could mention, and who I thought could not be de
ceived themselves, nor deceive me. But now that powers have
arrived, and application has been made to Dutch houses un
doubtedly solid, those houses will not accept the business. In
short, I cannot refrain from saying, that almost all the profes
sions of friendship to America which have been made, turn out,
upon trial, to have been nothing more than little adulations to
procure a share in our trade. Truth demands of me this obser
vation. Americans find here the politeness of the table, and a
readiness to enter into their trade ; but the public finds no dis-
. position to afford any assistance, political or pecuniary. They
impute this to a change in sentiments, to the loss of Charleston,
the defeat of General Gates, to Arnold's desertion, to the inac
tivity of the French and Spaniards, &c. &c. &c. But I know
better. It is not love of the English, although there is a great
deal more of that than is deserved, but it is fear of the Eng
lish and the Stadtholderian party.
I must, therefore, entreat congress to make no more drafts
upon Holland until they hear from me that their bills can be
accepted, of which, at present, I have no hopes.
People of the first character have been, and are still constantly
advising that congress should send a minister plenipotentiary
here, and insist upon it, that this would promote a loan. It is
possible it may ; but I can see no certainty that it will. Send
ing a few cargoes of produce would do something.
J The Dutch are now felicitating themselves upon the depth and
the felicity of their politics. They have joined the neutrality,
and have disavowed Amsterdam, and this has appeased the
wrath of the English, the appearance of which, in Sir Joseph
Yorke's Memorial, terrified them more than I ever saw any part
of America intimidated in the worst crisis of her affairs. The
late news we have of advantages gained by our arms in several
skirmishes in Carolina contributes a little to allay the panic.
But all in Europe depends upon our successes. I say, —
" Careat successibus opto
Quisquis ab eventu facta notanda putat."
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
OFFICIAL. 343
THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS TO JOHN ADAMS.
Philadelphia, 18 December, 1780.
SIR, — You will receive herewith inclosed a duplicate of my
letter of the 30th of July, with a list of the original letters and
duplicates which I have had the honor to receive from you since
that time.
The pleasure and satisfaction which I have received from the
perusal of those letters, especially that of the 26th of June, with
the despatches accompanying it, makes me lament the want of
leisure to answer your correspondence. But necessity compels
me to confide in the committee of foreign affairs, to give you the
needful and particular intelligence from this part of the world.
It is expected a secretary for foreign affairs will soon be esta
blished, and constantly devoted to the business proper for such
department ; which will remedy many disadvantages we at pre
sent labor under. I have the honor to be, &c.
SAMUEL HUNTINGTON.
BARON VAN DER CAPELLEN TO JOHN ADAMS.
Zwol, 24 Decembre, 1 780.
MONSIEUR, — J'aurois deja eu le plaisir de re*pondre de bouche
a votre honoree de ce mois si la gelee m'avoit permis de m'em-
barquer, Mardi passe, comme je 1'avois projete.
Je prendrai la liberte d'en suivre le fil dans celle-ci. Si
Gouverneur Pownall peut avoir eu dessein d'alarmer cette repub-
lique, et peut-etre d'autres nations, il eut e*te plus prudent de ne
pas publier la brochure en Fran^ais sans quelque antidote en
forme de note sur les passages les plus dangereux. Vous vous
rappellerez, monsieur, que cela a ete mon opinion lorsque j'eus
1'honneur de vous en parler a Amsterdam.
Pour ce qui est du credit de 1'Amerique, j'avois pris la liberte
de vous tracer dans ma derniere cumulativement toutes les causes
qui cooperent a son abaissement actuel. L'invasion de la Geor-
gie et de la Caroline Meridionale, la prise de Charleston, la perte
des fregates continentales, la defaite de Gates, 1'inaction des
flottes combinees de Guichen et de Solano, la superiorite deci-
dee des Anglais aux isles et a New York meme, la defection
344 OFFICIAL.
d' Arnold, le mecontentement de 1'armee et la jalousie entre elle
et le corps politique, 1'etat toujours fluctuant de Monsieur Necker
et 1'incertitude de la duree du phenomene d'une bonne adminis
tration en France, et enfin, ce qui est plus que tout ceci et que
j'avois oublie par megarde d'ajouter a ma precedente, la depre
ciation monstrueuse des papiers Americains, depreciation qui
ne peut qu'aboutir a une banqueroute nationale si le congres ne
trouve pas le moyen de les sauver par de la monnaie sonnante ;
tout ceci, monsieur, ne sont nullement des tales. Ce sont des
faits qui influent sur la nation en general ; qui meme font trem
bler les amis de 1'Amerique, parmi lesquels j'en connois de tres
eclaire*s, qui apprehendent beaucoup les suites d'une annihilation
totale du cours des papiers. Us craignent que 1'Angleterre ne
saisisse les momens ou 1'armee, faute de paye, n'existera plus ou
sera fort affoiblie ; ou la milice pour la meme raison ne sera pas
assemblee en nombre suffisant ; ils redoutent les troubles, les
derangemens, la confusion, que doit occasioner une banque
route nationale dans toutes les classes du peuple, et ils tremblent
a la perspective, qu'a la fin ce peuple se lassera de soutenir une
guerre qui entraine avec elle des calamites qu'aucun peuple n'a
jamais eprouvees, savoir, un manque total d'especes et tout ce
qui re suite d'une si terrible situation. II en coute moins de ver-
ser son sang pour sa patrie, que de souffrir a la longue 1'indi-
gence pour 1'amour d'elle. Si le peuple Americain trouve encore
dans sa vertu et dans son patriotisme une ressource centre cette
epreuve, surement c'est un peuple encore unique a cet egard
comme il est a bien d'autres. Vous concevez, monsieur ; toutes
ces inquietudes ne sont pas les miennes. C'est la fagon dont
ma nation envisage les affaires de 1'Amerique que je depeins.
Tout credit, soit d'un peuple, soit d'un particulier, depend
uniquement de deux choses, savoir, de 1'opinion que 1'on a de la
bonne foi de 1'emprunteur, et de la possibilite ou il se trouve de
faire face a ses engagemens. Quant a 1'Amerique, le premier
article n'est jamais revoque en doute ; mais je suis mortifie de
ne pas pouvoir en dire autant du second, et je puis vous assurer,
monsieur, que selon la nature de la chose, ce ne sera que par des
informations authentiques du veritable etat des affaires dans le
nouveau monde que vous r6ussirez a persuader les capitalistes
du vieux de lui preter leur argent. N'attendez pas qu'on le fasse
par principes. Une telle generosite surpasseroit les bornes de la
OFFICIAL. 345
vertu du gros des hommes. Cependant je puis vous assurer que
la grande pluralite de ma nation, certainement plus de quatre-
cinquiemes parties, aime les Americains et souhaite une bonne
reussite. Etant du pays, parlant la langue, frequentant toutes
les classes de mes concitoyens, je suis plus a meme de former un
jugement juste la-dessus, que ceux qui sont prives de ces moy-
ens d'information. Ce n'est que les gens attaches a la cour que
1'on ne gagnera jamais ; mais, graces a dieux, ce ne sont pas les
seuls ; ce sont meme les moindres de ceux de qui 1'on a quelque
chose a esperer. Je vous conjure pour cela, monsieur, de ne pas
donner a vos seigneurs et maitres une idee de la situation des
affaires dans ce pays, et surtout de la fac.on de penser de ses
habitans en general, laquelle, a la fin, pourroit ne pas se trouver
justifiee par 1'evenement, et occasioner des mesures qui eloigne-
roient de plus en plus les deux republiques faites 1'une pour
1'autre, et que je souhaiterois ardemment de voir plus en plus
s'unir. La notre est dans une violente crise, dont en bonne poli-
tique, avant de se determiner, on doit absolument attendre Tissue,
qui peut tourner du bon cote. Une guerre avec les Anglais me
paroit inevitable. S'ils ne la cherchoient pas, ils ne hasarderoient
pas de nous pousser a bout par des outrages, qui ne leur sont
utiles a rien, que jamais peuple n'a avale, ni endure si long-
temps que nous avons ete contraints de le faire. C'est bien
dommage, dans ces circonstances, que la saisie des papiers de
Monsieur Laurens a fourni aux Anglais un pretexte specieux a
maltraiter la republique, ou plutot la ville d' Amsterdam, que 1'on
veut perdre a tout prix, et de qui je crains que 1'influence de la
cour n'empeche les autres membres de 1'etat de prendre la
defense. Mais quoiqu'il arrive, la lumiere peut naitre des tene-
bres memes. L'Amerique ne peut se tirer d'affaires sans notre
argent. II faut done, pour favoriser ses interets, attendre patiem-
ment et saisir avec addresse le moment favorable pour 1'attraper.
Tot ou tard il se presentera, peut-etre plutot que 1'on s'y attend.
On doit prendre les hommes comme ils sont.
J'ai recu par le canal de son Excellence John Jay une lettre
du Gouverneur Livingston du 15 Mars. Elle me renvoie pour
des details a la lettre du Gouverneur Trumbull (qui paroitra
dans peu) et ne contient d'ailleurs aucune nouvelle, n'etant pro-
prement que 1'accusation de la reception de la mienne. " The
chief difficulty we have now to struggle with " (ce sont les paroles
346 OFFICIAL.
du gouverneur) " is the depreciation of our currency ; but as con
gress has lately most assiduously applied to financiering, I hope
they will discover some way to extricate us out of that perplex
ity."
Je crois que jamais ces papiers ne seroient tombes si bas, je
crois meme qu'ils se seroient parfaitement soutenus, si, a chaque
emission, le congres avoit pu imposer des taxes proportionelles ;
dans ce cas les papiers auroient circule. L'Etat les recevant
toujours au juste prix, les particuliers n'auroient pas os£ ou pu
les refuser a pari, et ces taxes les auroient tour a tour fait rentrer
dans la caisse de 1'etat, qui par ce moyen la auroit pu trouver
les nouvelles sommes dont il avoit besoin en empruntant sans
interets les papiers deja en circulation au lieu d'etre dans la
necessite de faire toujours de nouvelles emissions, et d'augmenter
plus qu'il ne falloit la quantite de ces papiers. II y a moins
d'argent dans le monde que 1'on ne pense. La meme piece se
represents, et pour ainsi dire se reproduit plusieurs fois, et 1'Ame-
rique ne me paroit pas avoir besoin de 200 millions de dollars
pour suffire a tous ses objets de guerre ou de commerce inte-
rieur.
J'assure de mes respects Messrs. Searle, Gillon, Dana, et le
gentilhomme que j'ai eu 1'honneur de voir souvent chez vous
sans pouvoir me rappeler son nom ; et j'ai 1'honneur d'etre avec
une profonde veneration, monsieur, &c.
CAPELLEN DE POL.
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Amsterdam, 25 December, 1780.
SIR, — Affairs are still in suspense. This day being Christ
mas, and yesterday Sunday, there was no public exchange
held on either. But business, and especially stockjobbing, goes
on without ceasing, being done at the coffee-houses on Sundays
and holydays, when it cannot be held upon 'change.
The English mail, which had been interrupted by contrary
winds for three posts, arrived on Saturday. The English ga
zettes of the 19th announced that Sir Joseph Yorke was recalled,
and a Dutch war was inevitable. Private letters informed that
the Count de Welderen was about leaving the British Court,
that an embargo was laid on all Dutch ships in Great Britain,
OFFICIAL. 347
that the stocks had fallen two per cent., and that a war was
unavoidable. The stockjobbers, Englishmen, and others at the
coffee-houses had very melancholy countenances and more than
common anxiety. News was also propagated from the Hague,
that Sir Joseph Yorke was gone. Others said he had received
his orders to go. As there was no exchange, the public judgment
is not yet made up, whether there will be war or not. Some
gentlemen of knowledge and experience think all this a farce, con
certed at the Hague, between Sir Joseph and his friends there, and
the ministry in England, in order to spread an alarm, intimidate
the States into an answer, which may be accepted with a color
of honor, &c., or to do something worse, that is, rouse a spirit
among the mobility against the burgomasters of Amsterdam. I
cannot, however, but be of opinion, that there is more in this,
and that the ministry will carry their rage to great extremities.
They have gone too far to look back, without emboldening their
enemies, confounding their friends, and exposing themselves to
the contempt and ridicule of both. A few hours, however, will
throw more light upon this important subject. The plot must
unravel immediately.1 I have the honor, to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
1 I cannot pass this letter without an observation upon it. This conduct of the
Court of London and the Court of Holland was very skilfully adapted to the con
stitution and the state of society in the United Provinces. The sovereignty, by
the constitution, is a pure aristocracy residing in the regencies, which consist of
about four thousand persons. The common sense, or the common feelings of
human nature had instituted, or rather forced up by violence, an hereditary stadt-
holder, to protect the common people or democracy against the regencies or
aristocracy. But as the stadtholdership was always odious to the aristocracy,
there had been frequent disputes between them, which must have terminated in
the expulsion of the House of Orange and the abolition of the stadtholdership,
if it had not been for the interposition of the commons, — the common people.
These, having no house of commons, no house of representatives to protect them,
or even to petition, had no mode of interposing, but by mobs and insurrections.
This kind of democracy has always been dreadful in all ages and countries.
Accordingly Barnevelt had been sacrificed at one time, the De Witts at another,
and in 1748 more sacrifices would have been made, if the aristocracy had not
learned some wisdom by tragical experience, and given way in some degree to
the popular enthusiasm. If there is any credit to be given to history or tradition,
there has never existed on this globe a character more pure, virtuous, patriotic,
or wise, than John De Witt, or a greater hero than Cornelius. Yet these two
citizens were murdered by their fellow-citizens at the Hague, with circumstances
of cruelty and brutality too shocking to describe. Yet the most savage of these
assassins is universally believed in Holland to have received a pension for life
from our great deliverer, King William.
The apprehension at this time was very general, that M. Van Berckel and one
or two of the burgomasters, Hooft at least, were to be immolated like the De
348 OFFICIAL.
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Amsterdam, 31 December, 1780.
SIR, — It will scarcely be believed in congress, that at a time
when there are the strongest appearances of war, there has not
been a newspaper nor a letter received in this city from Lon
don, since the 19th or 20th of the month. There are symptoms
of a more general war. If Britain adheres to her maxims, this
republic will demand the aid of Russia, Sweden, Denmark, and
Prussia, in pursuance of the treaty of armed neutrality. These
powers will not be duped by the artifice of the British Court,
and adjudge this war not a casus fasderis, when all the world
agrees, that the accession of the republic to the armed neutrality
is the real cause of it, and the treaty between Mr. Lee and M.
de Neufville, only a false pretence. If the armed neutral con
federacy takes it up, as nobody doubts they will, all these pow
ers will be soon at war with England, if she does not recede. If
the neutral powers do not take it up, and England proceeds,
she will drive this republic into the arms of France, Spain, and
America. In this possible case, a minister here from congress
v would be useful. In case the armed neutrality take it up, a
minister authorized to represent the United States to all the
neutral courts, might be of use.
The Empress Queen is no more. The Emperor has procured
his brother Maximilian to be declared coadjutor of the bishopric
Witts ; and not a few expected that the American ambassador would not escape.
I do not accuse, nor will I suspect that the two courts wished to proceed to such
bloody extremities as in the case of De Witt ; but that they expected to excite
I insurrections that should compel the republic to submit to the English policy,
\1 there can be little doubt. There is nothing so instructive to aristocracy and
democracy as the history of Holland, unless we except that of France for the last
five-and-twenty years ; nothing which ought so forcibly to admonish them to
shake hands and mutually agree to choose an arbitrator between. Let me not
be misunderstood. I have been too often misunderstood already, sometimes
ignorantly, and sometimes wilfully. I mean not an hereditary arbitrator. An
hereditary executive power can be limited by nothing less than an hereditary
aristocracy. When one is admitted the other must be as the only antidote to the
poison. A proper equilibrium may be formed between elective branches as well
and perhaps better than between hereditary ones. And our American balance
has succeeded hitherto as well as that in England, and much better than that in
Holland. May it long endure ! But to that end, in my humble opinion, the pre
sident's office must be less shackled than it has been.
Letters to the Boston Patriot, 1809.
OFFICIAL. 349
of Minister and Cologne, which affects Holland and the low
countries. He is supposed to have his eye on Liege ; this may
alarm the Dutch, the King of Prussia and France. The war
may become general, and the fear of it may make peace, —
that is, it might, if the King of England was not the most deter
mined man in the world. But, depressed and distracted and
ruined as his dominions are, he will set all Europe in a blaze
before he will make peace. His exertions, however, against us
cannot be very formidable. Patience, firmness, and perseverance
are our only remedy ; these are a sure and infallible one ; and,
with this observation, I beg permission to take my leave of con
gress for the year 1780, which has been to me the most anxious
and mortifying year of my whole life. God grant that more
vigor, wisdom, and decision may govern the councils, negotia
tions, and operations of mankind, in the year 1781.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS TO JOHN ADAMS.
Philadelphia, 1 January, 1781.
SIR, — You will receive herewith inclosed a commission as
minister plenipotentiary to the United Provinces of the low
countries, with instructions for your government on that import
ant mission, as also a plan of a treaty with those States, and
likewise a resolve of congress relative to the declaration of the
Empress of Russia, respecting the protection of neutral ships, &c.
Proper letters of credence on the subject of your mission will
be forwarded by the next conveyance ; but it is thought inexpe
dient to delay the present despatches on that account.
I have the honor to be, &c. &c.
SAMUEL HUNTINGTON, President.
FRANCIS DANA TO JOHN ADAMS.
Hotel Valois, Rue Richelieu, Paris, 1 January, 1781.
DEAR SIR, — I will no longer omit to acquaint you of my safe
arrival here ; I should have done it before, but I wished first to
obtain the sight of the British declaration against the Dutch,
VOL. VII. 30
350 OFFICIAL.
which I could not effect, till the last evening. Will the Dutch
remain firm, and in good earnest set about the equipment of
their navy ? If they will, we may hope something from their
exertions. Let me have your sentiments upon this important
event, so far, at least, as it may in any way effect our particular
business. It appears to me to have thrown open the door wide ;
and let us enter without hesitation. If the second matter is
necessary to accomplish the first, I would, if in your case, under
take it provisionally. All circumstances considered, I am per
suaded such a step would meet with the approbation of those
whom it immediately concerns. It is sometimes necessary to
step over a prescribed line, and when this is done with a sincere
intention to promote the general interest of one's country, by
seizing upon an unexpected event, the man who will not suffer
it to pass away unimproved, is entitled to much merit. He
hazards something, but it is with the purest views. I have pre
sumed to offer to your consideration these hints, not doubting
but you will take them in good part ; besides, I sincerely wish
the honor of effecting both these matters may be yours ; and it
really appears to me vain to expect one, without being willing
to do the other. Would they hesitate upon this provisional
ground ? Is it not easy to give them assurances that it is safe
and firm ? But I have said, perhaps, more than enough on this
subject. I shall hope for your sentiments in return.
I have some reason to wish you would give a gentle hint to a
certain gentleman of our acquaintance, about whom we do not
differ in opinion, to be somewhat more upon the reserve.
Soon after my arrival here, which was on the evening of the
23d, I had a visit from Francisco, a long one, during which we
went over much political ground, which convinced me every
thing we had heard of the very extraordinary conversation of
this man, was strictly true.1 Our country, according to him, was
already conquered; the power of Great Britain rising above
all control ; that of her enemies almost spent ; Holland abso
lutely to be crushed in the course of three months ; the armed
neutrality in consequence annihilated; the British manifesto
extolled for its cogent reasons above all the similar acts of the
belligerent powers ; all Europe blind to their own interests,
1 Presumed to be Silas Deane. See a letter of Dr. Franklin to R. R. Living
ston. Sparks's Franklin, vol. ix. p. 177.
OFFICIAL. 351
which, in fact, were in direct repugnance with those of Ame
rica, particularly those of Holland and all the northern powers ;
congress a mere cipher, having lost all its influence everywhere
in America ; and to crown the whole, an apology for the infa
mous apostate Arnold. I kept my temper and heard him out.
You may easily conjecture what my feelings were on such an
occasion, and I manifested them in some part of my replies.
I have read General C.'s letter to Governor Greene, in Mr.
Luzac's Leyden paper, of the 27th of last month. What does
he mean by this reflection ? Referring to the part of the letter
which speaks of Vermont, " Vu que Tissue en sera probable-
ment de porter le nombre des Etats-Unis a quatorze, au cas qu'
aucun de ceux qui composent actuellement V Union Americaine n'en
soit finalement demembre a la paix." It is holding up an idea
which ought not to appear, and I do not see that it was natural
in this place. I am at a loss, therefore, how it came to be
inserted by M. Luzac.
If the commodore has not sailed, I presume the change of
public affairs has cleared away all difficulties. You will please
to present my regards to him, Mr. Searle, Mr. Thaxter, and
any others who you think care about me, not forgetting the
young gentlemen.
No news yet of Comte d'Estaing, de Guichen, and convoy.
The winds have been favorable several days, and 'tis probable
they are at this time at Brest. I cannot yet learn what assist
ance America may hope for the approaching campaign. I pray
God she may not be again flattered by any false hopes. Let
our allies give essential aid or withdraw all they have sent;
when our country will see they must work out their own politi
cal salvation. I wish to write you much more largely, but I
have several letters besides this to copy into my book, and have
not time. Yours to the doctor, I delivered to him yesterday ; he
read it, but said nothing. Its contents I know nothing of.
I am, with the greatest respect, &c.
FRA. DANA.
P. S. I wish you to give me a secret address.
'352 OFFICIAL.
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Amsterdam, 5 January, 1781.
SIR, — On the 10th of November, 1780, the memorial of Sir
Joseph Yorke to the states-general was presented, for a dis
avowal, satisfaction proportioned to the offence, and punish
ment of the guilty.
28th November. A formal disapprobation of the states-gene
ral, of the conduct of the Regency of Amsterdam.
12th December. Second memorial of Sir Joseph Yorke, for a
satisfaction proportioned to the offence, and the punishment of
the guilty.
14th. Answer of the states-general despatched by express to
London, importing, that their High Mightinesses had taken the
said memorials ad referendum.
16th. Order of his Britannic Majesty to Sir Joseph Yorke to
withdraw from the Hague, without taking leave, despatched by
express ; arrived at the Hague on the 23d.
19th. Letter of the Count de Welderen to the states-gene
ral, acknowledging the receipt of those of the 12th and of the
15th ; declaration of the states-general, touching their accession
to the confederation of the north.
20th. Signature of the manifesto of his Britannic Majesty,
published the 21st in the London Gazette extraordinary.
21st. Expedition of an express to Sir Joseph Yorke, arrived
at the Hague on the night of the 23d, with the manifesto pub
lished the 21st.
22d. Resolution of the states-general to refer the affair of the
satisfaction, and punishment of the guilty, to the provincial court
of justice.
25th. The departure of Sir Joseph Yorke for Antwerp.
26th. Expedition of an express to the Count de Welderen,
with orders to present the declaration touching the confederation
of the north, and to withdraw from London without taking
leave.
28th. The ordinary packet from London not yet arrived, and
the last letters from London are of the 19th.
In this rapid succession have events rolled one after another,
until the war has seemingly become inevitable.
OFFICIAL. 353
The Prince of Orange has made a requisition or a proposition
to the states-general, to augment their navy with fifty or sixty
vessels of war, and their army to fifty or sixty thousand men.
The ships of war will be agreed to, but the troops not, as I am
told. Once more I beg leave to say, I can believe nothing until
it is past. I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS TO JOHN ADAMS.
In Congress, 10 January, 1781.
SIR, — Congress consider your correspondence with the Count
de Vergennes on the subject of communicating your plenipo
tentiary powers to the ministry of Great Britain, as flowing
from your zeal and assiduity in the service of your country ;
but I am directed to inform you that the opinion given to you
by that minister, relative to the time and circumstances proper
for communicating your powers and entering upon the execu
tion of them is well founded.
Congress have no expectations from the influence which the
people of England may have on the British counsels, whatever
may be the dispositions of that nation or their magistrates to
wards these United States. Nor are they of opinion that a
change of ministers would produce a change of measures ; they
therefore hope you will be very cautious of admitting your mea
sures to be influenced by presumptions of such events or their
probable consequences. (By order of congress.)
I am, sir, with great respect, &c.
SAMUEL HUNTINGTON, President.
TO FRANCIS DANA.
Amsterdam, 18 January, 1781.
MY DEAR SIR, — Yesterday I had the pleasure of yours of the
7th ; both the packets came safe and in good order.
As to a secret address, you may address under cover, a \/
Madame la veuve de M. Henry Schorn, op de Agterburg wal,
by de Hoogstraat, Amsterdam.
It is not possible to suppress all suspicions, after the conver-
30 * w
354 OFFICIAL.
sation you heard ; but your own coolness and judgment will be
sufficient, without any hint from me, to be cautious about men
tioning these suspicions until evidence shall appear.
The newspapers are all paid for a year from the time of sub
scription, which was in the spring ; it is not worth while to sub
scribe anew for the Gazette de France, nor for more than one
foreign gazette. As I take the English papers here at a horrid
expense, I wish you would pay Mr. Genet, and let me know the
amount. My most cordial respects to that gentleman, for whom
I have the highest esteem ; I think you may depend upon his
friendship and sincerity. My respects to Dr. Folke, and thanks
for the newspaper. I have conceived a great esteem for that
young gentleman. Mr. Edwards is gone to France ; I shall get
published the contents of his newspaper.
This nation can hardly yet believe that the English are or will
be at war with them. Instead of depending upon themselves,
they now look up to Russia and the northern powers ; if these
should fail them, which I think however they cannot, I know not
what would be the consequence.
But I shall never get a ducat until it is decided whether the
neutral union will support the republic. Every party, and every
man almost, is afraid to do the least thing that England can
complain of and make a noise about, lest the blame of involving
the country in war should be thrown upon them. What I shall
do, I know not. Congress draws upon me, but I shall have no
resource but from Dr. Franklin to pay a farthing ; if that fails
me, I am undone. I wish our countrymen would assume cou
rage enough to augment the taxes upon themselves, and reduce
the needless expenses, so as to do without succors which are
unattainable.
At least I think nothing will ever be done here, until a treaty
is concluded between the two republics. There are a million
jealousies about the Escaut, about trade with the Emperor's
dominions, about the succession of the empire, or rather another
election in the House of Austria, &c. Individuals dare nothing
in this country until the countenance of government is given,
nor in any other part of Europe. A treaty with this country is
so great a work that it would require time, and this is said not
to be the proper time to talk about it.
Affectionately yours,
JOHN ADAMS.
OFFICIAL. 355
TO BARON VAN DER CAPELLEN.
Amsterdam, 21 January, 1781.
SIR, — I have not been able to find an opportunity to acknow
ledge the receipt of the esteemed favor with which you honored
me on the 24th of December, until now.
I think it very probable that the several causes you have enu
merated cooperate to lessen the credit of the United States ; but
I think, at the same time, it is because the facts are misrepre
sented and exaggerated by the friends of England. Let us con
sider them for a few moments one by one.
The invasion of Georgia and South Carolina is the first.
But why should the invasion of these two States affect the
credit of the thirteen, more than the invasion of any two others ?
Massachusetts and Rhode Island have been invaded by armies
much more formidable. New York, Connecticut, New Jersey,
Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, and Virginia, have been all
invaded before. But what has been the issue ? Not conquest,
not submission. On the contrary, all those States have learned
the art of war and the habits of submission to military disci
pline, and have got themselves well armed, nay, clothed and
furnished with a great deal* of hard money by these very inva
sions. And what is more than all the rest, they have got over
the fears and terrors that are always occasioned by a first inva
sion, and are a worse enemy than the English ; and besides,
they have had such experience of the tyranny and cruelty of the
English as have made them more resolute than ever against
the English government. Now, why should not the invasion
of Georgia and Carolina have the same effects ? It is very cer
tain, in the opinion of the Americans themselves, that it will.
Besides, the unexampled cruelty of Cornwallis has been enough
to revolt even negroes ; it has been such as will make the Eng
lish objects of greater horror there than in any of the other
States.
The capture of Charleston is the second. But why should
the capture of Charleston have a greater effect than that of
Boston or Philadelphia, the latter of which was of vastly more
importance to the common cause than Charleston ?
The loss of the continental frigates. This is a grief to be sure ;
356 OFFICIAL.
but why were these four or five frigates of so much more import
ance than several times that number that we had lost before ?
We lost several frigates with Philadelphia, and shipping to a
much greater value than at Charleston. We lost frigates with
New York ; but, above all, we lost at Penobscot armed vessels
to five times a greater amount than at Charleston. But all
these losses have been suddenly repaired, insomuch that our
armed vessels in the course of the last summer have taken more
prizes than they ever did, by half. They did more damage to
the English than the whole maritime power of France and Spain
have done from the beginning of the war. We can afford to
lose a great many frigates, because they cost us nothing. I am
assured, from an accurate calculation from the public accounts,
the prizes taken by the continental navy have amounted to a
large sum, more than the whole sum expended in building,
equipping, manning, victualling, and paying the ships from the
beginning of the war.
The defeat of Gates. But why should this defeat discourage
America, or weaken her credit in Europe, more than the defeat
on Long Island, the loss of Fort Washington, the defeat at
Brandywine, at Germantown, the loss of Canada, Ticonderoga,
&c. ; much greater defeats and more deplorable losses ?
The inaction of the combined fleet of De Guichen and
Solano. But if we consider that the Spaniards got their fleet
and army and artillery safe to America to put their dominions
there in a state of safety ; that the French have convoyed home
safe their merchant fleets ; that De Guichen fought Rodney
twice or three times on equal terms, and the English gained
no advantage; and the French fleet is now at Brest under
D'Estaing to keep the English in awe ; perhaps it is better for
the common cause than if they had put more to hazard.
The decided superiority of the English in the islands. But if
we consider the French and Spanish ships that are still in the
West Indies, and the disabled condition of the English fleet,
their want of men, and especially the weakness of their garrisons
in their islands, and the strength of the French and Spanish gar
risons, we are sure the English are not in a condition to attempt
any thing against them.
The superiority of the English at New York is but just suffi
cient to prevent their enemies from destroying them.
OFFICIAL. 357
The defection of Arnold will be considered by every man who
considers all the circumstances that attended it, as a proof of the
weakness of the English, and the decisive strength and confi
dence of the Americans.
When we consider the crimes he had committed, and the
unpopularity into which he had justly fallen ; when we consi
der that an officer of his high rank, long services, and brilliant
reputation was not able to carry over with him a single officer
or soldier, nor even his own valet, nor his wife, nor his child ;
when we consider the universal execration in which his treason
is held by the whole army and the whole continent ; when we
consider the firmness and dignity with which Andre was pun
ished, we must conclude that the American army and people
stand strong ; as strong against the arts and bribes as the arms
and valor of their enemies.
The discontent of the army. There never was an army with
out anxiety and a constant agitation of hopes and fears. When
the officers think their pay is not enough, what can they do but
represent them to government for redress ? This has constantly
been done. But what are the discontents in the English army
and navy ? Much greater I assure you than in the American
service.
The jealousy between the army and the body politic is not to
be dreaded ; it only shows that the spirit of liberty is still alive
and active in the people. The Baron Van der Capellen, I am
sure, will applaud the people for keeping a watchful eye over
the army, to see that it does not ravish from them that liberty
for which all have been contending.
Mr. Necker seems to stand upon firm ground ; and the changes
in the French ministry probably have been for the better. But
it is scarcely possible to believe that any change in the French
ministry should do any considerable injury to the common
cause. The changes already made were because enough was
not done. France's importance, nay her existence as a maritime
and. commercial power, is so much at stake in this business,
that it is impossible she should forsake the cause.
The depreciation of the paper money is the most difficult to
be answered, because it is the most difficult to explain to a gen
tleman who has not been in the country and seen its operation.
The depreciation of the money has been a real advantage, because
358 OFFICIAL.
it is a tax upon the people, paid as it advances, and, therefore,
prevents the public from being found in debt. It is true it is an
unequal tax, and therefore causes what your friend, G. Living
ston, justly calls perplexity, but by no means disables or weakens
the people from carrying on the war. The body of the people
lose nothing by it. The merchant, the farmer, the tradesman, the
laborer loses nothing by it. They are the moneyed men, the capi
talists, those who have money at interest and live upon fixed sala
ries, — that is, the officers of government, — who lose by it, and
who have borne this tax. This you see is an ease and relief to the
people at large. The consequence of this depreciation has been,
that while England has increased her national debt sixty mil
lions by this war, ours is not a tenth part of it, not six millions.
Who then can hold out longest ?
This depreciation has no tendency to make the people submit
to Great Britain, because that submission would not relieve, but
increase the perplexity ; for submission would not procure us
peace. We must raise men and money to fight France, Spain,
Holland, Russia, Sweden, and Denmark. The congress, instead
of attempting to save the paper money by hard cash, has ordered
it all in at the depreciated value, and this measure is adopted by
the States without any difficulty, which is the only method of
justice or policy.
Nobody need fear that the English will seize the moments
when our army shall be feeble for want of pay. There have
been several moments when our army has been reduced to
almost nothing, not for want of pay, but from the expiration
of their periods of enlistment. These moments the English
seized, before they had sent half their army to the West India
Islands. But what was the consequence ? When our army
was reduced to a few hundreds, and theirs more than double
what it is now, they marched through the Jerseys, and what
was the consequence ? Their post at Trenton was attacked and
taken, another body of their troops was attacked and defeated
at Princeton, and General Washington took post at Morristown
in their rear, and they dared not move another step the whole
winter.
The affairs of Trenton, Bennington, and, lately, of the summit
of King's Mountain, prove beyond reply, that if our army is
reduced ever so low, and theirs extend themselves ever so far,
OFFICIAL. 359
their necessary advanced posts are in our power, in the power
even of a handful of militia. No, sir ; their power to hurt us
lies more in keeping hid in a fortified seaport town, protected by
their men-of-war, than by marching into the country.
As to a total failure of specie, we are in no danger of it. The
English are furnishing us with silver and gold every day. What
is become of all the millions they have sent to America during
this war ? What, of all the cash that France sends to pay and
subsist her fleet and army ? The truth is that silver and gold
now circulate freely in America, and there are greater quantities
of it than anybody in Europe imagines.
As to the danger of the people's submitting from indigence, the
danger of that, if ever there was any, is past. In 1776 and 1777,
the people suffered very much, and the army, too, for want of
salt, sugar, rum, and clothing. But at this day their trade is so
far extended, they make such numbers of prizes, and have intro
duced and established so many necessary manufactures, that
they have a plentiful supply. We have been more distressed
for want of salt and powder than any thing else ; but there is
now an abundance of both manufactured in the country and
imported too.
As to the ability of America to pay. It depends upon a /
few words. America has between three and four millions of
people. England and Scotland have between five and six. The
lands in America produce as much as any other lands. The
exports of America in 1774 were twelve millions, including too
a great part of the commodities of the growth of America.
England is two hundred millions in debt. America is six mil
lions. England has spent sixty millions in this war. America
six. Which people then are the ablest to pay ? Yet England
has credit, America not. Is this from reasoning or prejudice ?
Numbers of people, their industry, the quantity and quality of
their lands and the value of their exports, are the only rules that
I know of to judge of the ability of a people to pay taxes and
debts. In all these respects American credit will bear the most
rigorous examination.
The country that sends them money will get the most by it ;
their principal and interest will be safe, and what is more, their
money will be laid out among them in the purchase of clothing
and supplies, so that the trade will be promoted by it.
360 OFFICIAL.
When England and every other nation of Europe is obliged
to borrow money every year to carry on war, England to the
amount of her whole annual exports, it is not to be wondered
that America has occasion to borrow a sum after six years war,
equal to a twelfth or a twenty -fourth part of her annual exports.
With such a loan we could carry on the war more at our ease ;
our poor soldiers would be more warm and comfortable ; but if
we cannot obtain it, we shall not have it to pay ; and I am
positively certain we can carry on the war longer without a loan
than Great Britain can with.
You may depend upon it, sir, I shall be cautious, and main
tain the most severe regard to truth in my representations to
congress. But I dare not deceive them with false hopes. No
man living has more at heart than I have a friendly and a lasting
connection between the two republics. The religion, the govern
ment, and the commerce of the two countries point out such a
connection. Old prejudices and habits of veneration for Hol
land in the minds of all Americans, who have ever considered
the Dutch as their friends and allies, (for it should be remem
bered that we have been as long in alliance and friendship with
this country as England, and have as good a right, for what I
know, to the benefit of the treaties as the English) make the
Americans rivals for such a connection. And, therefore, if the
truth will not warrant me in representing to congress so much
zeal and warmth in this nation for a connection with America
as I could wish, it will not be my fault, but my misfortune and
my grief. I am, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
TO M. DUMAS.
Amsterdam, 25 January, 1781.
DEAR SIR, — I have to acknowledge the receipt of your favors
of the 15th and 24th, the latter inclosing a letter to congress,
which I will do myself the honor to inclose with my first de
spatches. This method will be very agreeable to me, if you
choose to continue it.
There are bruits here of a seventy -four gunship with six home
ward bound East Indiamen taken from the English by some
OFFICIAL. 361
French men-of-war near the Cape of Good Hope. The report
comes from Lisbon, but waits confirmation.
I do not see or hear any thing of the manifesto yet, nor about
another thing that gives me more anxiety than any other, —
the determination of the court of justice of Holland upon the
conduct of Amsterdam.
I have fixed my eye upon that court of justice, because I think
that the full justification of the regency of Amsterdam ought to
be inserted in the manifesto. The British manifesto cannot be
answered without it. The world will never think the republic
in earnest until this is done. Keeping it in suspense is consi
dered as a design to leave open a passage to retreat. It is treat
ing noire ami with great indignity, and in some measure depriv
ing the public of his counsel and assistance at a time when it is
most wanted. It is suffering the spirit of the people to subside
and their passions to cool, a matter of the last importance in
war.
" There is a tide in the affairs of men,
Which, taken at the flood, leads on to fortune."
However, the maxims of government here are different from
most other countries ; and the nation itself and its rulers must
be the best judges of its interest, duty, and policy.
My mind has a long habit of looking forward, and guessing
what future events will be the consequence of those, that are past ;
and although we are very shortsighted, yet we can sometimes
reason upon sure principles, and prophesy with a good degree
of certainty. Upon this plan, then, what will be the conduct
of the neutral union, and what that of England ? I cannot see
but the neutral confederacy must demand restitution of all the
Dutch ships, upon pain of war. And England must, unless she
departs from every maxim that has governed her, not only
throughout this reign, but several others before it, unless she
departs from the character of the nation too, as well as the
maxims of the court, refuse to restore the Dutch ships. The
consequence will be, — Russia, Sweden, Holland, France, Spain,
and America, all at war against England at once. A rare and
curious phenomenon to be sure !
But what will be the consequence of this ? Peace ? By no
means.
The neutral union moving slowly, and unused to war at sea,
VOL. VII. 31
362 OFFICIAL.
will depend upon England's giving up, and will not exert them
selves. England, whose navy has lived among flying balls for
some time, will be alert and active and do a great deal of mis
chief before her enemies are properly aroused. I think, in the
end, they will be aroused, and the consequence of it will be, that
England will be ruined and undergo a terrible convulsion. Say,
are these reveries wholly chimerical? You are sensible that
our country, America, has two objects in view, — one is a treaty
of amity and commerce, at least, with this republic ; the other is
a loan of money. You will be so good as to keep these points
always in view, and inform me if you discover any disposition
towards both or either in persons capable of effecting it or put
ting things in a train for that purpose. The court is supposed
to be decided against America ; but is this certain ? It has had
an inclination towards England, but having got over that, why
should it be against America ? I am persuaded that nothing
can be done without the court.
Do you think it would be prudent in me to endeavor to get
introduced to one or more persons in power, the grand pension
ary of Holland, or any members of the states-general, in order
to have some conversation upon American affairs ? Do you
suppose I should succeed, if I were to attempt to obtain such a
conference ? If it is the interest of the two republics to connect
themselves together, as you and I believe it to be, it would not
be amiss to have these interests explained mutually, and objec
tions, if there are any, considered and obviated.
I am, sir, respectfully and affectionately yours,
JOHN ADAMS.
M. DUMAS TO JOHN ADAMS.
La Hale, 28 Janvier, 1781.
HONORED AND DEAR SIR, — J'ai 1'honoree votre du 25e, dont le
contenu m'a fait grand plaisir, non seulement par 1'approbation
que vous donnez, de vous adresser de temps en temps des let-
tres pour le Congres, mais aussi par 1'entretien agreable que
m'ont procure les matieres interessantes dont elle est rem-
plie.
OFFICIAL. 363
II faudra attendre, que la prise des vaisseaux des Indes Ang
lais pres du cap de Bonne Esperance, par 1'escadre Frangaise,
se confirme, pour la croire.
II est apparent que le manifeste ne paroitra ici, qu'apres la
reponse de Petersbourg au courier depeche d'ici le 29 Decembre
pour donner connoissance a 1'imperatrice de celui du Roid'Ang-
leterre, et pour demander le secours de cette princesse, &c. En
attendant, il n'y a pas grand mal que cette piece n'ait pas encore
paru ; on ne m'en a pas dit grand bien ; et Ton espere qu'on la
changera en mieux.
La decision de la cour d'Hollande ne pourra avoir lieu qu'au-
tour du milieu de Fevrier ; et 1'on n'en est nullement en peine.
Du reste, je pense comme vous, que toutes ces lenteurs sont
mauvaises, et qu'on s'en trouvera mal.
Vos reflexions sur la conduite que tiendront les nouveaux
allies d'un cote, et F Angleterre de 1'autre, ont beaucoup plu a un
membre des Etats Generaux, a qui je n'ai pu refuser d'en donner
un extrait en Frangais ; car il n'entend pas 1' Anglais.
Je ne perdrai pas un instant de vue les deux objets dont vous
me parlez, monsieur ; et plut a dieu, que je pusse des ce moment
vous inviter ici. II faut voir le tour que prendront les choses
lo. Entre cette republique etl' Angleterre. 2o. Entre la meme et
la Russie, &c. Je crois que vous avez decide le premier de ces
points, et que 1' Angleterre ne se relachera point vis-a-vis de la
republique. Je pense aussi comme vous quant a 1'autre ; et
que 1'imperatrice ne peut plus reculer, mais qu'elle prendra
hautement le parti de la republique, et par consequent, qu'il y
aura guerre entre elle et 1' Angleterre. Dans ce cas la, et des
que cette guerre auroit eclatee, il conviendroit d'agir aupres de
1'imperatrice comme chef de 1'alliance, pour faire reconnoitre
1'Amerique a la fois par les quatre puissances ; et mon opinion
est que cela ne seroit pas difficile alors, du moins de la part de
1'imperatrice. Mais tant qu'il y a encore quelque possibilite a
raccommoder les choses, de maniere que cette republique reste
neutre avec les trois couronnes du Nord, on ne peut rien enta-
mer de pareil. Voyons done arriver le nouveau courier de
Petersbourg ; et selon le tour que prendront les choses, il ne me
sera peut-etre pas difficile de vous menager une entrevue, en
lieu tiers, qui pourra conduire plus loin.
Le second objet depend en grande partie du premier ; et la
364 OFFICIAL.
facilite a cet egard seroit infiniment plus grande, lorsqu'il exist-
eroit un traite d'amitie, &c. Je suis, &c. &c.
DUMAS.
TO M. DUMAS.
Amsterdam, 2 February, 1781.
DEAR SIR, — Nulla dies sine linea, said a great geometrician,
and you are so good an American that you will agree with me
that we ought to let no day nor hour pass, in which we can do
any service to our country, without embracing the opportunity.
Such an occasion is the present, when the popular affections
and even the sentiments of men in power seem to be turning
towards America.
When I landed in Spain, I was told by the viceroy of Galicia
that he had received orders from the Court of Madrid to treat
all Americans who should arrive within his government as the
best friends of Spain.
Would it not be wisdom and policy, as well as humanity, for
their High Mightinesses to publish some permission to Dutch
men-of-war, privateers, letters of marque, and even merchant
men, to carry their prizes into American ports, and even to trade
with that country ? And also some permission to American
privateers and other vessels to come freely into the ports of this
republic, bring in their prizes, sell them, and even have them
condemned in the courts of admiralty ? What reasonable objec
tion or argument can there be against this ? What damage
can it do the republic ? Cannot we contrive to have this sug
gested to all the northern courts ?
By the tenth article of the treaty of alliance with France, the
Most Christian King and the United States agree to invite or
admit other powers who may have received injuries from Eng
land to make common cause with them, and to accede to that
alliance under such conditions as shall be freely agreed to and
settled between all the parties.
Is not this a proper opportunity for congress to propose to the
King of France to join in such an invitation to all the neutral
powers, as we yet call them, though it seems they are all within
a hair's breadth of being belligerent powers ? What think you
of this ? Adieu.
JOHN ADAMS.
OFFICIAL. 365
TO MESSRS. JOHN DE NEUFVILLE AND SONS.
Amsterdam, 2 February, 1781.
GENTLEMEN, — Having adjusted the form of the obligations
to be given in the proposed loan, nothing remains but to agree
upon the other terms, respecting the commission to be allowed
to your house for receiving the money from the lenders and pay
ing it out upon the drafts of congress, and paying the interest
half-yearly to the lenders, and finally paying off and discharg
ing the obligations.
I have had much conversation upon this subject with several
gentlemen of character and experience, and am advised that
one per cent, to the house for receiving the money and paying
it to the orders of congress, one per cent, for paying off the inte
rest, and one per cent, for paying off the principal finally to the
lenders, is a just and reasonable allowance. This I am willing
to allow.
There is the affair of brokerage, also, which will require some
explanation between us. I should be glad if you would inform
me how much you expect to be allowed for brokerage, when you
engage and employ the broker.
But there is one point I beg leave to reserve to myself and to
any other minister or agent who may be sent here in my stead ;
it is this, — that I, while I stay, and my successor after me, shall
have a right to employ any broker that I or he may choose ;
and, whenever one or the other may think proper, to dispose of
the obligations, or as many of them as I or he may think proper,
and to allow what brokerage we shall find necessary, the money,
however received upon them, to be paid into the hands of your
house.
I should be glad of your answer as soon as may be, and, in
the mean time, I have no further objection to your getting the
form of the obligations and coupons translated into Dutch and
printed with all expedition.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.1
1 In this place a few words of explanation are necessary. Such was the dejec
tion and despondency of the whole nation, that I was candidly told by all the
gentlemen in whom I had any confidence, that a loan was desperate ; except M.
366 OFFICIAL.
TO M. DUMAS.
Amsterdam, 6 February, 1781.
DEAR SIR, — I have received your favors of the 3d and 5th
with their inclosures all in good order. I have but one copy of
the treaty of alliance, otherwise I would send you one with
pleasure. I am of your opinion that no propositions should be
yet made to the states-general as a body ; but hints and ideas
may be suggested to individuals, in order to prepare men's
minds by familiarizing them with such speculations. It is very
true there are critical moments, after which things go of them
selves ; but it is necessary to prepare things for a crisis, that
every thing may be ready when it arrives. The act of the mid
wife often assists the birth, and avoids fatal dangers in consti
tutions the most vigorous. And the corps diplomatique ^ with all
their superb pomp, are but a company of grannies.
Mr. Searle declares that congress gave Mr. Laurens a com
mission of minister plenipotentiary, and they gave me the same.
But if Mr. Searle is not mistaken, which I rather believe, the
full powers to me were omitted to be sent me by some neglect.
For I tell you candidly I have no other powers but a commis
sion to borrow money.
As to Mr. Franklin's power, the matter stands thus : — The
three commissioners at the Court of Versailles, — Dr. Franklin,
Mr. Lee, and myself, — had full power, by a resolution of con
gress, to treat and make a treaty of commerce with any power
in Europe. Whether the dissolution of that commission annuls
that full power, may be a question ; but the subsequent appoint
ment of Mr. Laurens, with full powers to treat with this repub-
de Neufville, who was very confident that he could obtain a considerable sum,
and was extremely importunate with me to open a loan in his house. That gen
tleman's politeness and hospitality drew all Americans to his house ; and he had
made them believe that he could do much, if I would authorize him. I had spies
enough upon me from England, France, and America too, very ready to impute
blame to me. Congress were constantly drawing upon me, and there was the
utmost danger that their bills would be protested. If this event should happen,
I knew that representations in private letters would go to America and to France,
that this fatal calamity was wholly owing to my negligence and obstinacy in
refusing to open a loan in M. de Neufville's house. I thought it my duty, there
fore, to try the experiment. It could do no harm ; for we had certainly at that
moment no credit to lose. Letters to the Boston Patriot, 1809.
OFFICIAL. 367
lie, would, I suspect, be legally or diplomatically considered as
a supersedeas of that authority here. So that, considering things
candidly, I am afraid there is nobody now in Europe fully author
ized to treat with this republic but Mr. Laurens.
The accessions of the nations which compose the neutral
confederacy to the treaty of alliance, would, however, be an
event so brilliant and decisive for America that there is not a
doubt to be made that congress would joyfully ratify it in the
first moment, whether it was made by Dr. Franklin or me, or
even if it was made by the King of France without consulting
either of us, upon equitable conditions. I find the people are
alike in some particulars in every part of the world. This nation
is now flattering itself with hopes of peace. They think that
when England sees the neutral union going to war with her,
she will give up, beg pardon, change the ministry, make peace,
rise in arms against the ministry, &c. &c. &c. Alas ! There
will be no such thing. There must fly a great many cannon-
balls first. I should have thought this cool, penetrating nation
more intimately acquainted with the English heart. The pride,
the self-conceit, the vanity of that people is infinite. Nine in ten
of that whole people fully and firmly believe themselves able to
fight and beat all the maritime powers of the world. Their
imaginations are all on fire. They think of nothing but drown
ing Holland, sinking the whole Russian, Danish, and Swedish
fleets, exhausting the finances of France and Spain, and, above
all, of Americans loving, admiring, and adoring them so much,
as very soon humbly to implore their King to take them under
his gracious protection without even making a condition.
No, sir. Combinations, political arrangements, and magnificent
parade will not do with the English in their present state of intox
ication. Nothing but hard blows, taking their fleets of merchant
ships, and burning, taking, sinking, or destroying their men-of-war,
will bring them to reason. Nor this neither, until it is carried to
such a length as to deprive so many of the people of their sub
sistence as to make them rise in outrages against the govern
ment. I am sorry that things must go to such an extremity,
but I have not the leas.t doubt that they will.
With great respect, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
368 OFFICIAL.
TO FRANCIS DANA.
Amsterdam, 8 February, 1781.
DEAR SIR, — I had yesterday the pleasure of receiving two
letters from you, — one dated February 1st, and one without a
date, — but I suppose written the day before. With these, I
received the packets, but there are in them no letters from my
wife. The resolution of congress of the 12th of December, gives
me great pleasure, as it proves that we had the good fortune to
be possessed of the true principles of congress, and to enter
fully into their views in the resolutions of last March, respecting
the paper money ; but I cannot recollect what were the two
papers in the duplicate, more than in the original ; there is no
minute in the book to show.
I assure you, sir, I have not had more satisfaction in the reso
lution, than in the affectionate manner in which Mr. Lovell and
you have communicated it to me. I am prepared in my own
mind to receive from congress resolutions of a different nature ;
but of these we will say nothing until we see them.
I must beg you to send a key to the ciphers ; the letter is
wholly unintelligible to me for want of one. I see by the jour
nals that we are authorized to accede to the principles of the
Empress of Russia ; but I find no commission for that purpose,
nor any resolution of congress authenticated by the secretary, or
the committee. Will you talk with D. D. and Fun about what
is proper to be done ? 1
All accounts from all parts of America show that a great spi
rit reigns triumphant ; a vigor, an elasticity appears in all parts,
notwithstanding the croaking of Sullivan, Pickering, and Fran
cisco ; the last has been here, and gone away without doing me
the honor of a visit. Rodney's and Vaughan's repulse is a grand
stroke, a balance for five or six Jersey affairs. All things, in all
quarters, conspire to show that the English will have their fill
1 The allusions in this letter are not perfectly easy to explain. From the tenor
of the answer, which is even more enigmatical, it is inferred that D. D. and Fun
stand for Dr. Franklin and Count de Vergennes. Francisco is Silas Deane.
The references to General John Sullivan and T. Pickering, then Quarter-Mas
ter-General, grew out of publications made by them at the time, explaining the
depressed condition of the army, which terminated in the revolt of the Pennsyl
vania line.
OFFICIAL. 369
of glorious war. Gillon's hour of sailing is uncertain ; not for
a long time, I fear. Do you learn any thing of Davis's arrival,
or capture or loss ? If I had a commission as minister here, I
verily believe I could borrow money. Without it, no man ever
will, in any considerable quantity.
JOHN ADAMS.
TO BENJAMIN FRANKLIN.
Amsterdam, 15 February, 1781.
THIS morning, the house of Botereau & Co. of this city pre
sented to me sixty-six bills of exchange drawn by congress on
the 26th day of October last, in favor of Nathaniel Tracy of
Newburyport, amounting to the sum of ten thousand pounds
sterling, payable at ninety days' sight.
I was obliged to ask the favor of the house to wait until I
could write to your Excellency, to see if you can furnish the
funds to discharge these bills. Without your warranty they
must be protested ; for I have not yet obtained a single ducat,
nor any certain assurance of one.
I have at length fixed my plan, and when it shall be made
certain that the war with England is to continue, the prospectus
will be published and the experiment tried. Some persons think
I shall get some money ; but there is no certainty of it. If this
people should make peace with England, which they will if
they can, we shall get no money at all. I think, however, that
a peace is impossible, and, therefore, am not without hopes of
borrowing some money.
I must request the honor of your Excellency's answer by the
return of post ; because at that time M. Botereau will expect
an answer from me. With great respect, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
TO M. BICKER.
Amsterdam, 20 February, 1781.
SIR, — Your questions to me to-day have induced me to com
municate to you a copy of my commission.
You see that I have not the title of ambassador nor of minis
ter plenipotentiary by virtue of this commission, nor have I, in
370 OFFICIAL.
express words, power to make a treaty of amity and commerce,
much less a treaty of alliance offensive and defensive.
My power is to negotiate a loan ; but it may be negotiated
with any person or persons, bodies politic and corporate ; and
the congress promises in good faith to ratify and confirm what
ever shall be done by me in the premises or relating thereto.
Dr. Franklin, Mr. Deane, and Mr. Lee, who made a treaty of
amity and commerce and another treaty of alliance offensive
and defensive with the King of France, had not, by their com
mission, the title of ambassadors nor of ministers plenipoten
tiary.
Now, if it is necessary to make a treaty in order to obtain a
loan, I suppose I have power to do it ; and accordingly I would
readily enter into conferences upon the subject, and if we could
agree on the terms, one article of which should be a loan, I
would not hesitate to execute a treaty, and I should have no
doubt of the ratification of congress.
You have, however, a copy of my commission, and you may
judge for yourself how extensive the powers are which it con
tains. I have no objection to your showing it to such person
or persons as you think proper, in confidence.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
M. BICKER TO JOHN ADAMS.
Amsterdam, 21 Fevrier, 1781.
MONSIEUR, — Pour que je ne fusse trop preoccupe de mon
systeme, j'ai profite de votre permission de consulter autrui,
quoique seulement une personne, mais qui en valait bien dix en
fait de connoissances, sur votre commission du congres des
treize Etats ; mais malgre que messieurs Franklin, Deane, Lee,
n'ont eu d'autres titres que vous, monsieur, nous -n'y pouvons
trouver d'autre autorite ni d'autres agremens que de lever de
1'argent, et cela par toute 1'Europe et principalement parmi des
particuliers ; car il est un peu recherche de vouloir expliquer et
etendre les paroles, with any person or persons, bodies politic and
corporate, qu'il seroit par la sous-entendu de pouvoir traiter avec
des souverains ou avec des membres d'iceux.
Pardonnez ma franchise, monsieur, et croyez moi avec une
parfaite consideration, &c. &c. BICKER.
OFFICIAL. 371
BENJAMIN FRANKLIN TO JOHN ADAMS.
Passy, 22 February, 1781.
SIR, — I received the letter your Excellency did me the honor
of writing to me the 15th instant, respecting bills presented to
you for acceptance, drawn by congress in favor of N. Tracy for
ten thousand pounds sterling, payable at ninety days' sight ; and
desiring to know if I can furnish funds for the payment.
I have lately made a fresh and strong application for more
money. I have not yet received a positive answer. I have,
however, two of the Christian graces, — faith and hope. But
my faith is only that of which the apostle speaks, — the evi
dence of things not seen. For, in truth, I do not see at present
how so many bills drawn at random on our ministers in France,
Spain, and Holland, are to be paid, nor that any thing but omni
potent necessity can excuse the imprudence of it. Yet I think
the bills drawn upon us by the congress ought at all risks to be
accepted. I shall accordingly use my best endeavors to procure
money for their honorable discharge against they become due, if
you should not in the mean time be provided. And if those
endeavors fail, I shall be ready to break, run away, or go to pri
son with you, as it shall please God.
Sir George Grand has returned to me the remainder of the
book of promises, signed by us, which his house had not an
opportunity of issuing. Perhaps the late change of affairs in
that country may open a way for them. If, on consulting him,
you should be of that opinion, I will send them to you.
Late advices from congress mention that Colonel Laurens is
coming over as envoy extraordinary to this Court, and Colonel
Palfrey as consul-general. They may be expected every day.
With great respect, &c. &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
TO M. BICKER.
Arms of Apasterdam, 1 March, 1781.
SIR, — I received your letter at Leyden inclosing the copy I
had the honor to send you, and thank you for your candid judg
ment of its extent and import.
372 OFFICIAL.
I have now the honor to inform you that on my return to
Amsterdam the 25th of February, I received a letter from con
gress inclosing another commission in proper form, containing
full powers to treat with their High Mightinesses, and to con
clude and sign a treaty. I received also authority to accede to
the principles of the armed neutrality.
I should now be still more obliged by your candid opinion,
what is the best course for me to take.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
TO M. DUMAS.
Amsterdam, 1 March, 1781.
DEAR SIR, — The letters I received at Leyden obliged me to
leave you sooner than I intended ; but I shall soon see you
again at the Hague.
I have received important despatches from congress, upon
which I want your advice. I hope it is no bad news. You will
say nothing, reflect well upon the times, and be prepared to
answer me serious questions upon public affairs ; nothing per
sonal, nor selfish, nor little. I shall see you in the course of
next week, if nothing turns up to prevent it, which I do not
foresee. Do not raise your expectations too high. Remember
nil admirari. Adieu. JOHN ADAMS.
TO M. DUMAS.
Leyden, 8 March, 1781.
DEAR SIR, — I send you the letters ; if any thing is necessary
to be added to the memorial before the signature, you will be so
good as to add it. I should be obliged to you for a line by the
bearer in return, and the news if any. My first demarche, you
see, is on the Prince's birthday, which is, no doubt, a good
omen both to his highness and your servant. You will please
to put a wafer under ttie seals.1
JOHN ADAMS.
1 I soon returned to Leyden, and determined to begin by communicating the
resolution of congress to the ambassadors of the neutral courts ; first, to that from
Russia. Letters to the Boston Patriot, 1809.
OFFICIAL. 373
A MEMORIAL TO THE STATES-GENERAL.
To their High Mightinesses, the States- General of the United
Provinces of the Low Countries.
HIGH AND MIGHTY LORDS, — The subscriber, a minister pleni
potentiary from the United States of America, has the honor to
lay before your High Mightinesses, as one of the high contract
ing parties to the marine treaty, lately concluded, relative to the
rights of neutral vessels, a resolution of congress of the 5th of
October last, concerning the same subject.
As the American Revolution furnished the occasion of a
reformation in the maritime law of nations of so much import
ance to a free communication among mankind by sea, the sub
scriber hopes it may not be thought improper that the United
States should become parties to it, entitled to its benefits and
subjected to its duties. To this end, the subscriber has the
honor of requesting that the resolution of congress may be taken
into the consideration of your High Mightinesses, and trans
mitted to the Courts of Russia, Sweden, and Denmark.
The subscriber beg leaves to subjoin that he should esteem it
one of the most fortunate events of his life, if this proposition
should meet with the approbation of your High Mightinesses
and the other powers who are parties to the neutral confederacy,
and he be admitted as the instrument of pledging the faith of
the United States to the observance of regulations which do so
much honor to the present age.
The Hague, 8 March, 1781.
JOHN ADAMS.
TO THE PRINCE DE GALITZIN, MINISTER OF THE EMPRESS OF RUSSIA.
Leyden, 8 March, 1781.
SIR, — I have lately received from congress, as one of their
ministers plenipotentiary, their resolution of the 5th of October
last, relative to the rights of neutral vessels, a copy of which I
do myself the honor to inclose to your Excellency, as the repre
sentative of one of the high contracting parties to the marine
VOL. VII. 32
374 OFFICIAL.
treaty, lately concluded concerning this subject. As I am fixed
by my duty, for the present, to this part of Europe, I have no
other way of communicating this measure t of congress to the
northern courts, but by the favor of their ministers in this repub
lic. I must, therefore, request of your Excellency, if there is no
impropriety in it, to transmit the resolution to the minister of
foreign affairs of her Imperial Majesty.
Your Excellency will permit me to add that I should esteem
myself very fortunate to be the instrument of pledging in form
the faith of the United States of America to a reformation in
the maritime law of nations which does so much honor to the
present age. I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
Transcripts of the above letter were sent on the same day to
the Baron de Saphorin, Envoy of the King of Denmark at the
Hague ; and to the Baron d'Ehrenswerd, Envoy of the King of
Sweden at the same place.
TO M. VAN BERCKEL, FIRST COUNSELLOR PENSIONARY OF THE
CITY OF AMSTERDAM.
Leyden, 8 March, 1781.
SIR, — I have the honor to inclose a resolution of congress of
the 5th of October last, and to inform you that I have this day
communicated it to their High Mightinesses, the states-general,
and to the ministers of Russia, Sweden, and Denmark at the
Hague.
With the greatest respect, I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
TO THE DUG DE LA VAUGUYON, AMBASSADOR OF FRANCE AT THE
HAGUE.
Leyden, 8 March, 1781.
SIR, — I have the honor to inclose a copy of a resolution of con
gress of the 5th of October last, and to inform your Excellency that
I have this day communicated it to their High Mightinesses, the
OFFICIAL. 375
states-general of the United Provinces, and to the ministers of
the Courts of Russia, Sweden, and Denmark at the Hague.
Your Excellency will permit me to hope for your concurrence
in support of this measure, as there may be occasion, and to
assure you of the great respect and consideration with which
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
M. DUMAS TO JOHN ADAMS.
La Hale, Vendredi a 4£ lieures 9 Mars, 1781.
MONSIEUR, — Le principal personnage par lequel je dois com-
mencer, n'etant pas chez lui ce matin, et ne devant rentrer que
tard, je dois differer jusqu'a demain matin a dix heures, qui est
le temps qu'on m'a dit ou je le trouverai chez lui. Des que
j'aurai fait ma commission chez lui, &c., j'aurai 1'honneur de
vous en rendre compte. En attendant, je suis avec un grand
respect, monsieur,
DUMAS.
M. DUMAS TO JOHN ADAMS.
La Hale, 10 Mars, 1781.
MONSIEUR, — J'ai porte ce matin vos divers paquets, en com-
mencant, selon vos ordres, par le President de L. H. P. Sur les
questions qu'il m'a faites, d'oii elle venoit ? quel en etoit le con-
tenu ? &c., je vous ai nomme, ainsi que le lieu actuel de votre
sejour, et votre qualite de ministre plenipotentiaire des Etats
Unis en Europe. J'ai dit le contenu en substance ; et je lui ai
laisse mon nom sur une carte, et ma demeure. Quant aux trois
ministres du Nord, comme c'est aujourd'hui leur jour de courier,
je n'ai pu etre admis que chez celui de Danemarc, qui m'a
charge de vous assurer, monsieur, qu'il enverra votre lettre a sa
cour. J'ai laisse aux deux autres, avec une carte, celles qui
etoient pour eux. M. le Due de la Vauguyon m'a dit qu'il vous.
repondroit. J'envoie ce soir a notre ami celle qui lui est desti-
nee. J'ai 1'honneur d'etre, &c.
DUMAS.
OFFICIAL.
TO MESSRS. JOHN DE NEUFVILLE AND SONS.
Leyden, 11 March, 1781.
SIR, — I received this morning your favor of yesterday with
the inclosures. You seem to think that the loan has been opened
too soon ; but I am not of that opinion. Better too soon than
too late. If it had been too late, you see, the time would have
been passed and could never be recalled. But if it is only too
soon, there is nothing wanting but a little patience to wait, and
the true time will come in its course.
I should be obliged to you to send along the obligations as
soon as convenient, that I may sign them and dispose of them.
I can find persons in my travels who will take them and give
me the money for them. I think to stand my own broker,
undertaker, and banker. I should be obliged to you, if you
would countersign some of the obligations before you send
them to me, because there are persons ready to take some of
them. Do not be amused. The mediation of Russia cannot
interrupt or retard our affairs. If that mediation produces no
thing, and the war goes on, it will not affect our loan. If it
produces an acknowledgment of American independence and of
the rights of neutral vessels, as it is given out that it will, surely
this will not retard our loan. In all cases, be not deceived. I will
not be. My business is to try the experiment, and to know whe
ther we have credit and friends or not. If we find we have not,
there is no harm done. Every one in that case will follow his
own taste, which you know there is no disputing.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.1
i Upon this letter a few notes may be necessary. I found, by experience, that
there was in Holland a public and a secret doctrine among the merchants, capi
talists, and brokers, like those of the ancient Egyptian priests ; and I am afraid
there is something too much like it in all countries and in all ages in society,
which sometimes greatly embarrasses honest men and sincere inquirers after
truth. A very respectable gentleman told me, — " If, sir, you were to write me
a letter, and ask my opinion, whether M. de Neufville's house is a solid house,
and M. de Neufville's credit a solid credit, I should answer you in the affirmative.
Yes, sir, a very solid house and a very solid credit. Nevertheless, I caution
you, in confidence, to have a care." M. de Neufville was generally, and I believe
justly, reputed an honest, well-meaning man ; but the knowing ones thought he
had not a clear head, and remembered various injudicious speculations in which
he had been engaged, which had proved very disadvantageous to him. Such,
OFFICIAL. 377
TO FRANCIS DANA.
Leyden, 12 March, 1781.
DEAR SIR, — I do not know whether I have acknowledged
yours of the 12th of February ; that of the 25th came to me
yesterday. The letter inclosed was from Mr. I. Smith, of 18
December. He says they were busily employed in raising their
quota for the army during the war or for three years, and that
the other provinces were doing the same. He says Mrs. Dana
was well a few days before ; that Davis had arrived after hav
ing thrown over his letters, being chased by an American. This
is all. I have letters from the president and from Lovell, the last
unintelligible, in ciphers but inexplicable by his own cipher ; some
dismal ditty about my letters of 26th of July ; I know not what.
But, my dear sir, I hasten to the most interesting part of your
letter, — your project of a repassage of the mountains, — I shud-,
der at the thoughts of it, when I consider what a bad traveller
you are, and that robbers by the way may take you to their
dens. I do not know how to part with you. I want your ad
vice constantly now, every day, yet I think you are doing more
good where you are than you could here. I know that by con
versation with A. Z.1 you might do good ; but there are so many
hazards that I dare not advise you. I think with you that we
shall have nothing to do in our principal department, yet the
mediations of the Emperor and Empress seem to require attention
from us, although I am persuaded it is only the artifice of Eng
land to embroil all Europe. I will commit to you a secret ; let
however, was his public reputation, that I still nattered myself he would obtain
something to help me discharge my American bills, and lessen the burden on the
Court of France ; and in this I was encouraged by Mr. Luzac, Mr. Dumas, and
several others of my friends, which occasioned my writing as I did in this letter.
Again, there was an ambitious burgomaster in Amsterdam, Mr. Rendorp, secretly
in the interest of the stadtholder and the English, who found means upon this
occasion and upon several others to insinuate discouragement to M. deNeufville.
And at this time he began to find by experience that he should dispose of very
few, if any, of my obligations, and was very desirous that I should impute his ill
success to the hope of peace held out by a confused rumor which began to spread
in Europe of an intended mediation of the two imperial courts. After all, what
ever was the cause, my hopes were blasted as well as those of M. de Neufville.
I obtained only the three thousand guilders which M. Luzac had promised ; and
M. de Neufville obtained only two thousand among all his friends.
Letters to the Boston Patriot, 1809.
1 Congress.
32*
378 OFFICIAL.
it be kept so. I have received a commission, dated 28 Decem
ber, for this republic. I want your advice ; but I can ask it by
letter while you are at Paris. I suppose it was the intention of
congress that I should employ Dumas as my secretary here ; but
I have no orders or hints about it ; there is no commission to
him, which makes me think A. Z. intended I should be at liberty
to employ him or not, as I shall judge proper. I suppose A.
Z. intended to leave the way open to employ him, by their not
sending a commission to you. Upon the whole, I do not know
how to advise you. We will consider of it a little longer, if you
please.
I can give you no assurances or lively hopes of money or
friendship in this country. They are furious for peace. Multi
tudes are for peace with England at any rate, even at the
expense and risk of joining them in the war against France,
Spain, America, and all the rest. They are in a torpor, a stu
por such as I never saw any people in before ; but they cannot
obtain peace with England on any other terms than joining her
in the war ; and this they will not, because they cannot do.
I sometimes think that their affections would lead them to do
it, if they dared. JOHN ADAMS.
THE DUKE DE LA VAUGUYON TO JOHN ADAMS.
La Haie, ce 14 Mars, 1781.
J'ai regu, monsieur, la lettre que vous m'avez fait 1'honneur de
m'ecrire, ainsi que la copiede la resolution du congres des feats
Unis de 1' Amerique septentrionale qui y etoit jointe ; vous m'an-
noncez que vous avez donne une communication ministerielle
au president de 1'assemblee des etats generaux ainsi qu'aux
envoyes des cours de Petersbourg, Stockholm, et Copenhagen,
et vous me priez d'appuyer cette demarche de mes bons offices.
Je suis persuade, monsieur, que vous sentez parfaitement 1'im-
possibilite de la seconder sans un ordre expres du roi, quelque
soit mon zele personnel pour les vrais interets de 1' Amerique
septentrionale. Recevez, monsieur, 1'assurance tres sincere des
sentimens de la consideration la plus distinguee, &c. &c.
LE Due DE LA VAUGUYON.
OFFICIAL. 379
M. DUMAS TO JOHN ADAMS.
La Hale, 17 Mars, 1781.
MONSIEUR, — Je n'eus le temps hier au soir que de vous envoyer
la lettre que S. E. M. 1'Ambassadeur de France m'avoit fait
remettre pour vous en r^ponse de celle du Se courant, que je lui
avois remise de votre part. Messrs, les P. d'A., D., et H., m'ont
tous charge de vous temoigner leur reconnoissance de la bonte
que vous avez eu de leur communiquer la resolution du con-
gres ; et ceux d'A. en particulier leur regret de ce que les cir-
constances actuelles ne leur permettent pas de repondre form-
ellement aux lettres que vous leur avez ecrites. Celui de D.
etoit convenu avec moi, que nous ferions aujourd'hui un tour a
Leide ensemble, et que j'aurois 1'honneur de vous le presenter
pour faire connoissance. Mais il a du partir hier pour Dort.
Ainsi ce sera pour une autre fois.
Le contre-manifeste de la republique a celui du roi Britan-
nique vient enfin de paroitre. Vous le verrez bientot paroitre
traduit dans les Gazettes Franchises ; ainsi je puis me dispenser
de vous 1'analyser. II est long. Est il aussi vigoureux que
long? C'est ce dont vous jugerez. Je suis avec un grand
respect, &c. DUMAS.
TO M. DUMAS.
Leyden, 17 March, 1781.
DEAR SIR, — I received this morning your favor of the 16th,
inclosing a polite letter from the Duke de la Vauguyon.
I hope to receive another from you this evening, and that it
will contain an account of the fate of my memorial. Has it been
laid before their High Mightinesses, or not ? and what was done
with it ? Pray, has the president, by the constitution of this
country, a right to pocket, suppress, or deliver to the stadtholder
papers addressed to their High Mightinesses ?
Is the delusion almost over ? When will mankind cease to
be the dupes of the insidious artifices of a British minister and
stockjobber? Peace is a tub easily thrown out for the amuse
ment of the whale, while the minister opens his budget, concerts
his taxes, and contracts for his loan, and it never fails to be taken
for a fish.
380 OFFICIAL.
This is the best place for business in the world. I have writ
ten my name eight or nine thousand times to papers since I saw
you. Pray do you know if M. de Neufville has any person at
the Hague to dispose of my obligations ? If he has not, will
you think of a proper person, as a broker or undertaker, or both,
and inform me ?
I am, with great esteem, your servant,
JOHN ADAMS.
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Leyden, 19 March, 1781.
SIR, — I have received your Excellency's letter of the 1st of
January, with the commission and instructions inclosed. I am
very sensible of this fresh instance of the confidence of congress,
and shall do every thing in my power to discharge the duties
of this new trust ; but I am obliged to say that no commission
that ever was given required more patience, fortitude, and cir
cumspection than this ; virtues which I much fear have not fallen
in sufficient quantities to my share.
I have experienced since my residence in this republic a great
change in the external behavior of several persons of rank, who,
upon my first arrival, received me with distinction, but, from the
moment of the publication of the papers taken with Mr. Lau-
rens, have been afraid to see me. The nation has indeed been
in a violent fermentation and crisis. It is divided in sentiments.
There are stadtholderians and republicans ; there are proprietors
in English funds, and persons immediately engaged in com
merce ; there are enthusiasts for peace and alliance with Eng
land ; and there are advocates for an alliance with France,
Spain, and America ; and there is a third sort who are for
adhering in all things to Russia, Sweden, and Denmark ; some
are for acknowledging American independence, and entering
into treaties of commerce and alliance with her ; others start at
the idea with horror, as an everlasting impediment to a return
to the friendship and alliance with England ; some will not
augment the navy without increasing the army ; others will let
the navy be neglected rather than augment the army.
In this perfect chaos of -sentiments and systems, principles
and interests, it is no wonder there is a languor, a weakness and
OFFICIAL. 381
irresolution that is vastly dangerous in the present circumstances
of affairs. The danger lies not more in the hostile designs and
exertions of the English, than in the prospect of seditions and
commotions among the people, which are every day dreaded
and expected. If it were not for a standing army and troops
posted about in several cities, it is probable there would have
been popular tumults before now; but everybody that I see,
appears to me to live in constant fear of mobs and in a great
degree of uncertainty, whether they will rise in favor of war or
against it, in favor of England or against it, in favor of the
Prince or of the city of Amsterdam, in favor of America or
against it. I have ventured, in the midst of these critical cir
cumstances, pressed as I am to get money to discharge the bills
of exchange which congress have drawn and I have accepted,
to open a loan ; but this is looked upon as a very hardy and
dangerous measure, which nobody but an American would have
risked, and I am obliged to assure congress that people are as
yet so much afraid of being pointed out by the mob or the sol
diery, as favorers of this loan, that I have no hopes at all of
succeeding for several months, if ever.
I have been advised to do nothing in consequence of my
commission to the States at present, for fear of throwing before
the people new objects of division and dissension. I have, how
ever, communicated to their High Mightinesses and to the min
isters of Russia, Denmark, Sweden, and France, the resolution
of congress of the 5th of October, relative to the principles of
the neutral confederation. The memorial and letters I have
transmitted to congress.
Whenever I shall communicate to their High Mightinesses
the full powers of congress, the course will be this. They will
lie long upon the table ; then taken ad referendum, that is, sent
to the several provinces, cities, and bodies of nobles who com
pose the sovereignty, or, as some say, the deputies of the sove
reignty ; these will deliberate and deliberate and deliberate, and
probably some will be for, and some against making a treaty ;
at least, it is supposed that Zealand and one or two other Pro
vinces will be against it. But, in the mean time, there will be
much communication and negotiation among individuals at
least, between this country and Russia, Sweden and Denmark,
upon the subject ; and if it is true, as I am informed in a letter
382 OFFICIAL.
from Mr. Gerry, that a minister is appointed to the Court of
Petersburg, as I hope it is, and that the same minister or some
other is empowered to treat with Sweden and Denmark, it is not
impossible, I think it indeed probable, that we may succeed with
these four nations *at once ; for, let me add, there is not, in my
apprehension, the least prospect of a general peace. England
is at her old game of seduction and division, and is laboring
under the pretence of employing the Emperor of Germany and
the Empress of Russia in mediations for peace, insidiously to
embroil all Europe in the war.
From motives of philanthropy I hope she will not succeed,
unless the same feelings of humanity should prompt me to wish
all mankind at war with that nation, for her humiliation, who
is at this time if ever one was, hostis humani generis.
I have the honor to be, &c. &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
TO M. DUMAS.
Leyden, 19 March, 1781.
DEAR SIR, — The inclosed extracts are of so much importance,
that I send them to you for your opinion, whether it is prudent
to communicate them to the Russian minister or not. The
intelligence is such that I can make no official communication ;
if you think it will do any good and no harm, or at least more
good than harm, you may communicate it in confidence to
friends. Mr. Dana's commission, which perhaps is to treat with
any or all the northern powers, is to come by Colonel Palfrey,
and duplicates by young Colonel Laurens, as I conjecture. I
have read the manifesto l with pleasure, because it is a reason
able and a manly performance ; it would have been better perhaps
without the last clause, which will be taken both by friends and
enemies as a sigh for peace with England ; but much may be
said in excuse of it. I wish, too, they had left out their disap
probation of Amsterdam, which was not necessary, and never
did their High Mightinesses any honor : at least I venture to
think so. Adieu.
JOHN ADAMS.
1 The counter-manifesto of the states-general to Great Britain.
OFFICIAL. 383
TO FRANCIS DANA.
Leyden, 22 March, 1781.
DEAR SIR, — I have received several letters from you, but have
been so busy signing my name that I could not answer.
I give you joy of Laurens's arrival. It is a great event. I
hope he brought you an important paper, which Lovell men
tions in his letter to you, and Gerry in an excellent one to me. I
rejoice, sir, in your honor and in the public good, but I feel
myself weakened and grieved at the personal loss of a treasure
of advice and ability. I hope to see you here in your route.
Pray commit to writing all your observations on our first errand,
and give them to me. I hope your old commission is not super
seded. In case of negotiation, of which however there is no like
lihood for years, I shall summon you. Mr. Laurens must have
letters and important papers for me. I hope to have them soon.
There is no one knows the banking commission but M. de
Neufville and me ; it is not more however than precedents ; but
let them lie about it if they will ; I am not afraid of their lies.
Statia is gone, and the Dutch yet dead ; when they will come
to life, I know not.
JOHN ADAMS.
TO MESSRS. JOHN DE NEUFVILLE AND SONS.
Leyden, 27 March, 1781.
GENTLEMEN, — I have just received yours, inclosing the Let-
tres Hollandaises, and thank you for your attention. You give
me great joy by your account of the arrival of a vessel from
Boston. I hope we shall soon hear of more.
As to the loan, I am not indifferent about its success. My
own reputation with some people, in Europe and America, will
depend in some measure upon it. But this has little weight
with me. It is of importance to America to have a comptoir or
banker in Amsterdam upon whom congress could occasionally
draw, as they have at Paris and Madrid. And my instructions
from congress are such as rendered it my indispensable duty
to open a loan and try the experiment. If it does not sue-
384 OFFICIAL.
ceed I shall have done my duty. But the same duty requires
that I should write an account to congress and to Dr. Frank
lin of its success ; to congress that they may draw their bills
in future upon Paris and Madrid ; to Dr. Franklin, that he
may be able to obtain the money of the Court of Versailles
to discharge the bills I have already accepted. In this case,
Mr. Grand, the banker in Paris, will give orders, as I expect,
to the house of Horneca, Fizeaux, & Co., at Amsterdam, to
pay the bills. This, you see, will make it public that my loan
has not succeeded. And the whole will divert that part of
the trade of America which would naturally have flowed to
Amsterdam to France and Spain. I shall be mortified at this ;
but there wrill be one consolation ; we shall have no interest to
pay but what we please and when we please ; for the money
obtained of those courts has been generously granted without
any terms whatsoever, respecting the terms of interest or the time
of payment of interest or principal.
We shall be under more obligations at Paris and Madrid, and
less elsewhere. I am not therefore anxious, nor will I depart a
single doit from the terms, if the whole falls through. I have
already gone farther than will be for the good of my reputation,
or promote the intercourse between the two countries.
The secret intelligence you give me I am rejoiced to hear. It
shall remain a secret with me. I have a great deal of news, too,
which I must keep a secret at present, but which holds out hopes
of great and good things to our righteous cause. I expect to
learn more of it every hour.
I am, with great respect, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
TO JOHN JAY.
Leyden, 28 March, 1781.
SIR, — It is so long since I wrote you, that I am almost
ashamed to recollect. I have been in the most curious country,
among the most incomprehensible people, and under the most
singular constitution of government in the world. I have not
been able to write you what could or would be done here,
because I was not able to discover, nor did I ever yet find one
man in the country who would pretend to say what course the
OFFICIAL. 385
republic would take. At this moment, although I think there
cannot be a peace between them and England, yet I do not
see a probability of their being in earnest in the war for some
time.
I can tell you one thing, however, for certain, — that the con
duct of Spain has great influence here. Her delay in acknow
ledging our independence, contributes amazingly to the indeci
sion of the republic. If Spain had fully entered into the sys
tem, this country would soon follow. I must, therefore, beg of
you to communicate to me as much concerning this subject as
you are at liberty to do. All nations it is to be feared will wait
for Spain, and thus prolong the evils of war to unnecessary
lengths. My best compliments to your family, and believe me
to be, with great esteem, sir,
Your most obedient servant,
JOHN ADAMS.
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Amsterdam, 6 April, 1781.
SIR, — This day the skipper of a treck-schuyt brought me
your Excellency's important despatches by Colonel Laurens.
The Colonel delivered them to Mr. Dana at Paris, with perfect
propriety. Mr. Dana, with equal propriety, delivered them to
a gentleman of character, who undertook to deliver them at
Amsterdam, but unfortunately forgot them at Valenciennes;
from Valenciennes, they travelled partly by post, partly by the
diligence, and partly by the treck-schuyt, that is, the barks which
ply in this country in the canals, and by a kind of miracle arrived
safe. I had been apprised of them and their misfortune long
before they reached me, and suffered torments enough on their
account, although I took all the precautions in my power to
recover them. Their wonderful preservation affords some hopes
that they are destined to do good. Yet the prospect is but dis
tant.
I am very sensible of the honor done me by these fresh in
stances of the confidence of congress, and most sincerely wish
it were in my power to give any encouragement of success.
But my proposals for a loan, although apparently well received
by the public, have as yet had no success, and I have no power
VOL. VII. 33 Y
386 OFFICIAL.
to discharge the bills of exchange drawn upon Mr. Laurens and
me, and accepted, but from Mr. Franklin. The war has struck
such a damp and gloom, excited so great a fermentation and
so many apprehensions of popular commotion and many other
dangers, some real and some imaginary, that I think still as I
have constantly written to congress, we shall find no private
credit, until we are publicly received by the States and by the
Prince ; and when that will be, I know not. I fear it will be
long, but shall soon try the experiment. The powers and cre
dentials are perfect, and Mr. Dana's appointment to Russia
will aid me, if any thing can. The delay of Spain is an obstruc
tion to us here and everywhere.
If one were to judge by the paragraphs which appear in the
English newspapers, and in the Courier du Bas Rhin, one
would think that there was a most malignant spirit against
Mr. Van Berckel and the burgomasters of Amsterdam, and a
determination to sacrifice him, if possible. I rather think,
however, that these paragraphs are the fabrication of some
of the old instruments of Sir Joseph Yorke. They are not most
certainly the sense of this nation, in whose estimation, in gene
ral, the gentlemen of Amsterdam stand high.
I will not dissemble, however, to congress. The councils of this
people are the most inscrutable of any I ever saw. There is a
standing army, and that is marched and cantoned about in new
places. This army, and every civil officer in public trust, is
supposed to have a decided inclination to England, and against
America, but especially against France. There are mutual sus
picions of designs of innovation, but I hope not well founded.
All this, together with the novelty of war, and the defenceless
state of the nation, intimidates everybody.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
TO B. FRANKLIN.
Leyden, 10 April, 1781.
SIR, — Relying on your virtues and graces of faith and hope,
I accepted the bills to the amount of ten thousand pounds ster
ling, drawn in favor of Mr. Tracy.
I have received advice from congress, of more bills drawn
OFFICIAL. 387
upon me. When they arrive and are presented, I must write
you concerning them, and desire you to enable me to discharge
them ; for I am sorry to be obliged to say, that although I have
opened a loan, according to the best plan I could, and the plan
and the loan seem to be countenanced by the public, yet there
is little money obtained, scarcely enough to defray the expense
of obligations and stamps ; and it is daily more and more clear
to me, that we shall never obtain a loan here, until our inde
pendence is acknowledged by the States. Till then, every man
seems to be afraid that his having any thing to do in it, will be
made the foundation of a criminal process, or a provocation to
the resentment of the mob.
The time is very near when some of the bills I accepted be
come payable. I must entreat your Excellency's answer to this
as soon as convenient, and to point out to me whether you choose
that the house of Fizeaux, Grand & Co., or any other, should
pay the money. It is a most grievous mortification to me to
find that America has no credit here, while England, certainly,
still has so much ; and to find that no gentleman in public
life here dare return me a visit, or answer me a letter, even
those who treated me when I first arrived here with great
politeness. I am entreated, however, to keep this secret, but
have no motive to secrete it from you ; on the contrary, you
ought to know it.
I am told there will be great alterations very soon. But I
have seen by experience that no man in this country knows
what will be in the morrow.
Let me ask the favor of you, sir, to give my best respects to
Colonel Laurens and Mr. Franklin.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
M. DUMAS TO JOHN ADAMS.
La Haie, 14 Avril, 1781.
MONSIEUR, — Quoique je n'aie encore vu personne, je prends
neanmoins la plume pour avoir 1'honneur de vous dire, qu'apres y
avoir bien murement pense depuis que nous nous sommes quittes
il me semble que vous ne pourrez vous passer, pour eviter tout
blame et inimitie, lorsque vous viendrez ici pour la demarche en
*
388 OFFICIAL.
question, de faire votre premiere visite chez M. 1'ambassadeur de
France, afin de lui donner connoissance verbale de votre der-
niere commission et lettres de creance, et de la nccessite indispensa
ble ou vous vous trouvez d'en donner connoissance directs et imme
diate a ceux a qui elles s'adressent. Ainsi, sans soumettre la de
marche meme et son detail essentiel a d'autre vue et determination
que la votre seule, vous conserverez 1'amitie et les bons offices
personnels (qu'il faut bien distinguer des ministeriels, pour les-
quels il faudroit un ordre de sa cour) que pourra vous rendre la
seule personne qui soit dans le cas, pour le present, de les avouer
et temoigner hautement. Au lieu que 1'omission de cette poli-
tesse diplomatique et 1'aveu froid qui s'ensuivroit immanqua-
blement vis-a-vis de ceux ici, qui deferent de plus en plus aux
avis de 1'ambassadeur, qu'on n'a aucune connoissance de votre
mission, &c., feroit surement un effet plus ou moins nuisible et
mortifiant, en detruisant, ou du moins reculant pour long temps,
ce que nous voulons avancer. Voila, monsieur, ce que je crois
devoir vous conseiller positivement, tant pour votre agrement
personnel dans la suite, que pour le bien de la chose, comme
une chose qui ne sauroit etre d' aucune mauvaise consequence,
ni ce que vous appellez aprecedent.
On me mande de Paris, " nous allons vous envoyer une esca-
dre au Texel. Elle sera bien commandee. Nous commen^ons a
esperer que les cinq vaisseaux de ligne et les deux mille hommes
que nous envoyons au cap, y arriveront avant Johnston qui
d'ailleurs n'est pas de force a se mesurer avec nos cinq vaisseaux."
J'ai 1'honneur d'etre, &c.
DUMAS.
TO THE DUG DE LA VAUGUYON.
Leyden, 16 April, 1781.
SIR, — I have the honor to acquaint your Excellency, that I
have received from congress full powers and instructions to treat
with the states-general, and to conclude a treaty of amity and
commerce consistent with the relations already formed between
the United States and France ; and that I have also received a
letter of credence, as a minister plenipotentiary to their High
Mightinesses, and another to His Most Serene Highness, the
Prince of Orange. With the greatest respect, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
OFFICIAL. 389
TO B. FRANKLIN.
Leyden, 16 April, 1781.
SIR, — I yesterday had the honor of yours of the 7th. The
letter inclosed is a bitter satire on the nation which produced it.
Is it possible that Arnold should show his face among men,
after such a letter ? If it is not a bribe, it is robbery com
mitted in the American service, for it is well known that
Arnold had no such sum when the war began. He is now
employed in stealing tobacco and negroes ; so is Cornwallis.
A fair employment for peers, for Arnold is the peer of them all.
I think the Southern States will have the honor, after all, of
putting the continent in a right way to finish the business of
the war ; there has been more sheer fighting there, in proportion,
than anywhere.
All the papers, English, French, and Dutch, assure the world
that I have succeeded in a loan. I wish they would prove their
words. I am told it will do by and by. So I am, that the
nation will act vigorously by and by. I wish both may prove
true ; but I have not one grain of your faith nor hope. There
are capitalists who believe us able and honest to pay, arid that
we shall prevail, and they have inclinations enough they say to
the loan ; but the true motive of their conduct is fear of being
pointed out, to mobs and soldiers, as persons who have con
tributed to the commencement or continuance of the war with
England. I wrote you some days ago, that I had not succeeded
at all, and requesting your orders how the bills accepted should
be paid. Some of them become payable the beginning of May,
and on the 15th of that month the sixty-six bills, amounting to
ten thousand pounds sterling, which were drawn in favor of Mr.
Tracy, become due. I congratulate you on your success at
Versailles. If Spain would make a treaty with Mr. Jay, it
would assist us here. Everybody asks, why does Spain delay.
You and I know very well, but cannot tell. But so it is. One
always negotiates ill, when one is not in a condition to make
one's self feared. If America could dissemble enough to threaten
other nations with a return to Great Britain, they would be
ready to hang themselves to prevent it. But America is too
honest and sincere to play this game. England would have all
33*
390 OFFICIAL.
the mountains of Mexico and Peru in a few years, if America
should join her. Yet we are slighted. God forgive them, and
enable America to forget their ungenerosity.
America has fought Great Britain and Ireland six years, and
not only Great Britain, but many States of Germany, many tribes
of Indians, and many negroes, their allies. Great Britain has
been moving earth and hell to obtain allies against us, yet it is
improper in us to propose an alliance ! Great Britain has bor
rowed all the superfluous wealth of Europe, in Italy, Germany,
Holland, Switzerland, and some in France, to murder us, yet it
is dishonorable in us to propose to borrow money ! By heaven,
I would make a bargain with all Europe, if it lay with me.
Let all Europe stand still, neither lend men nor money nor
ships to England nor America, and let them fight it out alone.
I would give my share of millions for such a bargain. Ame
rica is treated unfairly and ungenerously by Europe. But thus
it is, mankind will be servile to tyrannical masters, and basely
devoted to vile idols.
With great respect, your obedient servant,
JOHN ADAMS.
THE DUG DE LA VAUGUYON TO JOHN ADAMS.
La Haie, ce 17 Avril, 1781.
J'ai regu, monsieur, la lettre par laquelle vous m'informez que
le congres des Eta'ts Unis de 1'Amerique septentrionale vous a
revetu du caractere de son ministre plenipotentiaire aupres des
Etats generaux des Provinces Unies. J'ignore si vous vous pro-
posez de presenter vos lettres de creance a leurs hautes puis
sances dans ce moment, mais si telle est votre intention je desi-
rerois bien avoir 1'honneur de vous entretenir auparavant et vous
communiquer des vues qui me paroissent interesser mutuelle-
ment la cause commune.
Soyez bien persuade, je vous prie, monsieur, de la verite des
sentimens inviolables de la consideration distinguee avec, &c.
LE Due DE LA VAUGUYON.
OFFICIAL. 391
FRANCIS DANA TO JOHN ADAMS.
Leyden, 18 April, 1781.
I FEEL myself happy that congress have made it my duty to
consult your Excellency upon the mission with which they have
charged me for the Court of Petersburg. To this end, I have
already laid before you all the papers which I have received from
congress any way relating to it, and also my correspondence
with his Excellency the Comte de Vergennes, and Dr. Franklin,
upon the same subject, as well as my letters to the president of
congress, from the time I received this commission. From all
these, your Excellency will be fully instructed in the several
matters on which I wish to have your advice ; but to bring
some of them more immediately under your view, I beg leave
to state the following questions : —
Whether, all circumstances considered, your Excellency thinks
it expedient for me to proceed to Petersburg in the character
of a private citizen of the United States only, and to wait there
for a favorable moment to announce my public character ?
Whether, previous to my going in such a character, you judge
it expedient for me to communicate my design to Prince Galit-
zin, the Russian Ambassador at the Hague (secreting from him
at the same time my public character) and to take his opinion
thereon, according to the intimation given to me by the Comte
de Vergennes at our conference ?
Whether it is advisable to communicate my real character to
the Court of Petersburg, and to ask their permission before I
undertake the journey ?
Whether, in case you think it advisable for me to proceed to
Petersburg in a private character only, without further commu
nications to any one, you conceive it to be the intention of con
gress that I should present their resolutions relative to the rights
of neutral vessels to the Court of Petersburg on my arrival
there, or whether this is left to my discretion, to be regulated by
the then state of affairs at that Court ?
Your Excellency will readily perceive the propriety of my
writing to you on this business, although we have already had
a conference upon it, and of my requesting your sentiments in
writing also.
392 OFFICIAL.
I shall be happy to make a more particular communication
of my own sentiments and views in further conversation, if you
think it needful, before you give me yours.
I am, with the greatest respect and esteem, &c.
FRANCIS DANA.
TO FRANCIS DANA.
Leyden, 18 April, 1781.
DEAR SIR, — I am at no loss what advice to give you in
answer to the questions in your letter of this day, because they
relate to a subject on which I have long reflected, and have
formed an opinion as fully as my understanding is capable of.
I think, then, it is necessary for you to prepare for a journey to
St. Petersburg, without loss of time ; that you travel in the
% character of a gentleman, without any distinction of public or
private, as far as the publication of your appointment already
N made in France will permit.
I should think it altogether improper to communicate to the
ambassador your design of travelling to St. Petersburg as a
private gentleman, secreting from him at the same time your
public character. It would expose you to something very disa
greeable. The ambassador would ask you why you asked his
advice, when it is well known that private gentlemen travel in
every country in Europe without molestation. Besides, the
ambassador, I have reason to believe, would not give you any
advice without instructions from his Court ; and this would
require so much time, that the most favorable opportunity
which now presents itself would be lost. And, after applying
to the ambassador, and being advised against the journey, or to
postpone it for instructions from his Court, it would be less
respectful to go than to go now, when the circumstances of the
times are very favorable.
The same reason applies equally against writing to the Court
beforehand. The best opportunity would be lost, and the Court
would never encourage you to corne until they had determined
to receive you, and you would have no opportunity to assist the
deliberations upon the subject, by throwing in any light, by
answering objections, or explaining the views of congress.
OFFICIAL. 393
After your arrival at St. Petersburg, I should advise you, unless
upon the spot you discover reasons against it, unknown to us at
present, to communicate your character and mission to
or the minister of foreign affairs in confidence, asking his advice,
but at the same time presenting him a memorial ready prepared
for the . If he informs you, it is best for you to
reside there as a private gentleman, or to travel for a time into
Sweden or Denmark, or to return here to Holland, where I shall
be happy to have your company and counsels, take his advice.
The United States of America have nothing dishonorable to
propose to any court or country. If the wishes of America,
which are for the good of all nations as they apprehend, are not '
deemed by such courts or nations consistent with their views
and interest, of which they are the supreme judges, they will
candidly say so, and there is no harm done. On the contrary,
congress will be applauded for their candor and good intentions.
You will make your communication to the French ambassador
of course according to your instructions. This method was
taken by this republic in her struggle with Spain ; nay, it was
taken by the republican parliament in England, and by Oliver
Cromwell. It was taken by Switzerland and Portugal in simi
lar cases with great success. Why it should be improper now,
I know not.
I conceive it to be the intention of congress, that you should
communicate their resolutions relative to the rights of neutral^
vessels ; and I am the more entirely of this opinion, because I
have already communicated those resolutions to their High
Mightinesses, the states-general, and to their Excellencies the
ministers of Russia, Denmark, and Sweden, at the Hague, in
pursuance of the letters I had received from the president ; and
I should now think it improper in me to sign a treaty according
to those resolutions, if invited thereto, because it would be inter
fering with your department.
America, my dear sir, has been too long silent in Europe.
Her cause is that of all nations and all men ; and it needs
nothing but to be explained, to be approved. At least, these
are my sentiments. I have reasons in my mind which were
unknown to their Excellencies the Count de Vergennes and
Dr. Franklin, when you consulted them ; reasons which it is
improper for me to explain at present. But the reasons I have
394 OFFICIAL.
given appear to me conclusive. No measure of congress was
ever taken in a more proper time, or with more wisdom, in my
•opinion, than the appointment of a minister at the Hague and
at St. Petersburg. The effects of it may not appear in sudden
and brilliant success, but the time was exactly chosen, and the
happy, fruits of it will appear in their course.
Although I shall be personally a sufferer by your appoint
ment, yet I sincerely rejoice in it for the public good. When
our enemies have formed alliances with so many princes in
Germany and so many savage nations against us, when they
are borrowing so much of the wealth of Germany, Italy, Hol-
land, and Switzerland, to be employed against us, no wise court
or reasonable man can blame us for proposing to form relations
with countries whose interest it is to befriend us. An excess
of modesty and reserve is an excess still. It was no dishonor
to us to propose a treaty to France, nor for our ministers to
reside there more than a year without being acknowledged.
On the contrary, all wise men applauded the measure, and I am
confident the world in general will now approve of an applica
tion to the maritime powers, although we should remain with
out a public reception as long as our ministers did in France
and Spain ; nay, although we should be rejected. In this case,
congress and their constituents will all be satisfied. They will
have neglected no duty in their power ; and the world will then
fsee the power and resources of three or four millions of virtuous
men inhabiting a fine country, when contending for every thing
which renders life worth supporting. The United States will
then fix a medium, establish taxes for the payment of interest,
acquire the confidence of their own capitalists, and borrow money
at home ; and when this is done, they will find capitalists abroad
willing enough to venture in their funds.
With ardent wishes for your health and success,
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
M. DUMAS TO JOHN ADAMS.
LaHaie, 18 Avril, 1781.
MONSIEUR, — Je fus hier au soir chez un ami de poids, qui,
sur ce que je lui temoignai ma surprise de ce que votre memoire
OFFICIAL. 395
avoit ete remis au Greffe, c'est a dire, comme jete ou rejele,
comme on me 1'avoit fait entendre, me dit, que 1'expression
etoit outree, et que ce qui etoit remis la etoit considere comme
depose jusqu'a nouvel ordre.
On attend tous les jours des depeches de Petersbourg ; et Ton
est assure davance qu'elles seront satisfaisantes. J'espere d'en
savoir d'avantage Vendredi au soir.
On me fit demander hier au soir votre adresse ; ainsi je ne
doute pas que vous n'ayez regu aujourd'hui une lettre de cer-
taine part, et qu'elle ne soit cordiale et polie. Je n'ai pas encore
fait visite a cette part la. Je vous en dirai la raison quand nous
nous verrons ; et vous 1'approuverez. Je persiste dans ce que
je vous en ai ecrit dernierement.
Je viens d'apprendre que Messrs. Searle et Dana sont avec
vous. Si vous avez la bonte de me donner demain de vos nou-
velles et des leurs, je me ferai un devoir de vous visiter et de les
complimenter Samedi matin. Mais je voudrois etre sur aupa-
ravant que nous ne nous manquerons, ni ne croiserons ; or 1'un
ou 1'autre pourroit arriver, si vous veniez ici, ou si vous alliez
a Amsterdam dans le temps que j'irois a Leide.
Je crois que les Etats d'Hollande se separeront Vendredi pour
un peu de temps. Je suis, &c. &c.
DUMAS.
TO PETER VAN BLEISWVCK.
Leyden, 19 April, 1781.
SIR, — I have the honor to inclose to your Excellency a copy
of a memorial to their High Mightinesses, the states-general of
the United Provinces.
With the greatest respect and consideration,
I have the honor to be, &c. &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
396 OFFICIAL.
TO M. FAGEL.
Leyden, 19 April, 1781.
SIR, — I have the honor to inclose to your Excellency a copy
of a memorial to their High Mightinesses, the states-general of
the United Provinces of the low countries.
With the greatest respect and consideration,
I have the honor to be, &c. &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
MEMORIAL TO THEIR HIGH MIGHTINESSES, THE STATES-GENERAL
OF THE UNITED PROVINCES OF THE LOW COUNTRIES.
HIGH AND MIGHTY LORDS, — The subscriber has the honor
to propose to your High Mightinesses, that the United States
of America, in congress assembled, have lately thought fit to
send him a commission (with full powers and instructions) to
confer with your High Mightinesses concerning a treaty of amity
and commerce, an authentic copy of which he has the honor to
annex to this memorial.
At the times when the treaties between this republic and the
Crown of Great Britain were made, the people, who now com
pose the United States of America, were a part of the English
nation ; as such, allies of the republic, and parties to those trea
ties ; entitled to all their benefits, and submitting cheerfully to all
their obligations.
It is true, that when the British administration, renouncing
the ancient character of Englishmen for generosity, justice, and
humanity, conceived the design of subverting the political sys
tems of the Colonies ; depriving them of the rights and liberties
of Englishmen, and reducing them to the worst of all forms of
government ; starving the people, by blockading their ports, and
cutting off their fisheries and commerce ; sending fleets and
armies to destroy every principle and sentiment of liberty, and
to consume their habitations and their lives ; making contracts
for foreign troops, and alliances with savage nations, to assist
them in their enterprise ; casting, formally, by act of parliament,
three millions of people at once out of the protection of the
crown : then, and not till then, did the United States of Ame-
OFFICIAL. 397
rica, in congress assembled, pass that memorable act, by which
they assumed an equal station among the nations.
This immortal declaration, of the 4th of July, 1776, when Ame
rica was invaded by a hundred vessels of war, and, according
to estimates laid before parliament, by fifty-five thousand of
veteran troops, was not the effect of any sudden passion or
enthusiasm, but a measure which had been long in deliberation
among the people, maturely discussed in some hundreds of
popular assemblies, and by public writings in all the States ;
it was a measure which congress did not adopt, until they had
received the positive instructions of their constituents in all the
'States; it was then unanimously adopted by congress, sub
scribed by all its members, transmitted to the assemblies of the
several States, and by them respectively accepted, ratified and
recorded among their archives ; so that no decree, edict, statute,
placart, or fundamental law of any nation, was ever made with
more solemnity, or with more unanimity or cordiality adopted,
as the act and consent of the whole people, than this ; and it
has been held sacred to this day by every State, with such
unshaken firmness, that not even the smallest has ever been
induced to depart from it, although the English have wasted
many millions, and vast fleets and armies, in the vain attempt
to invalidate it. On the contrary, each of the thirteen States
has instituted a form of government for itself, under the authority
of the people ; has erected its legislature in the several branches ;
its executive authority with all its offices ; its judiciary depart
ments and judges ; its army, militia, revenue, and, some of them,
their navy ; and all these departments of government have been
regularly and constitutionally organized under the associated
superintendency of congress, now these five years, and have
acquired a consistency, solidity, and activity equal to the oldest
and most established governments. It is true, that in some
speeches and writings of the English it is still contended, that
the people of America are still in principle and affection with
them ; but these assertions are made against such evident truth
and demonstration, that it is surprising they should find at this
day one believer in the world. One may appeal to the writings
and recorded speeches of the English for these last seventeen
years, to show, that similar misrepresentations have been inces
santly repeated through that whole period, and that the con-
VOL. VII. 34
398 OFFICIAL.
elusion of every year has, in fact, confuted the confident asser
tions and predictions of the beginning of it. The subscriber
begs leave to say from his own knowledge of the people of
America (and he has a better right to obtain credit, because he
has better opportunities to know than any Briton whatsoever,)
that they are unalterably determined to maintain their inde
pendence. He confesses, that notwithstanding his confidence,
through his whole life, in the virtuous sentiments and uniformity
of character among his countrymen, their unanimity has sur
prised him ; that all the power, arts, intrigues, and bribes, which
have been employed in the several States, should have seduced
from the standard of virtue, so contemptible a few, is more
fortunate than could have been expected. This independence
stands upon so broad and firm a bottom of the people's inte
rests, honor, conscience, and affections, that it will not be
affected by any successes the English may obtain, either in
America, or against the European powers at war, nor by any
alliances they can possibly form ; if, indeed, in so unjust and
desperate a cause, they can obtain any. Nevertheless, although
compelled by necessity, and warranted by the fundamental laws
of the colonies, and of the British constitution, by principles
avowed in the English laws, and confirmed by many examples
in the English history, by principles interwoven into the history
and public right of Europe, in the great examples of the Hel
vetic and Batavian revolutions, and many others, and frequently
acknowledged and ratified by the diplomatic body, principles
founded in eternal justice, and the laws of God and nature, to
cut asunder forever, all the ties which had connected them with
Great Britain ; yet the people of America did not consider
themselves as separating from their allies, especially the repub
lic of the United Provinces, or departing from their connections
with any of the people under their government ; but, on the
contrary, they preserved the same affection, esteem, and respect
for the Dutch nation, in every part of the world, which they and
their ancestors had ever entertained.
When sound policy dictated to congress the precaution of
sending persons to negotiate natural alliances in Europe, it was
not from a failure in respect that they did not send a minister to
your High Mightinesses, with the first whom they sent abroad ;
but, instructed in the nature of the connections between Great
OFFICIAL. 399
Britain and the republic, and in the system of peace and neu
trality, which she had so long pursued, they thought proper to
respect both so far, as not to seek to embroil her with her allies,
to excite divisions in the nation, or lay embarrassments before
it. But, since the British administration, uniform and perse
vering in injustice, despising their allies as much as their colonists
and fellow subjects, disregarding the faith of treaties, as much
as that of royal charters, violating the law of nations, as they
had before done the fundamental laws of the Colonies and the
inherent rights of British subjects, have arbitrarily set aside all
the treaties between the crown and the republic, declared war,
and commenced hostilities, the settled intentions of which they
had manifested long before, all those motives, which before
restrained the congress, cease ; and an opportunity presents, of
proposing such connections, as the United States of America
have a right to form, consistent with those already formed with
France and Spain, which they are under every obligation of
duty, interest, and inclination to observe sacred and inviolate ;
and consistent with such other treaties, as it is their intention
to propose to other sovereigns.
If there was ever among nations a natural alliance, one may
be formed between the two republics. The first planters of the
four northern States found in this country an asylum from per
secution, and resided here from the year one thousand six hun
dred and eight to the year one thousand six hundred and twenty,
twelve years preceding their migration. They ever entertained,
and have transmitted to posterity, a grateful remembrance of
that protection and hospitality, and especially of that religious
liberty they found here, having sought them in vain in England.
The first inhabitants of two other States, New York and New
Jersey, were immediate emigrants from this nation, and have
transmitted their religion, language, customs, manners, and cha
racter ; and America in general, until her connections with the
house of Bourbon, has ever considered this nation as her first
friend in Europe, whose history, and the great characters it
exhibits, in the various arts of peace, as well as achievements
of war, by sea and land, have been particularly studied, admired,
and imitated in every State.
A similitude of religion, although it is not deemed so essential
in this as it has been in former ages to the alliance of nations, is
400 OFFICIAL.
still, as it ever will be, thought a desirable circumstance. Now
it may be said with truth, that there are no two nations, whose
worship, doctrine, and discipline are more alike, than those of
the two republics. In this particular, therefore, as far as it is of
weight, an alliance would be perfectly natural.
A similarity in the forms of government is usually considered
as another circumstance, which renders alliances natural ; and
although the constitutions of the two republics are not perfectly
alike, there is yet analogy enough between them, to make a
connection easy in this respect.
In general usages, and in the liberality of sentiments in those
momentous points, the freedom of inquiry, the right of private
judgment, and the liberty of conscience, of so much importance
to be supported in the world, and imparted to all mankind, and
which, at this hour, are in more danger from Great Britain, and
that intolerant spirit which is secretly fomenting there, than
from any other quarter, the two nations resemble each other
more than any others.
The originals of the two republics are so much alike, that the
history of one seems but a transcript from that of the other ; so
that every Dutchman instructed in the subject, must pronounce
the American revolution just and necessary, or pass a censure
upon the greatest actions of his immortal ancestors ; actions
which have been approved and applauded by mankind, and
justified by the decision of heaven.
But the circumstance, which, perhaps, in this age has stronger
influence than any other in the formation of friendships between
nations, is the great and growing interest of commerce ; of the
whole system of which through the globe, your High Mighti
nesses are too perfect masters, for me to say any thing that is
not familiarly known. It may not, however, be amiss to hint,
that the central situation of this country, her extensive naviga
tion, her possessions in the East and West Indies, the intelli
gence of her merchants, the number of her capitalists, and the
riches of her funds, render a connection with her very desirable
to America ; and, on the other hand, the abundance and variety
of the productions of America, the materials of manufactures,
navigation, and commerce ; the vast demand and consumption
in America of the manufactures of Europe, of merchandises
from the Baltic and from the East Indies, and the situation of
OFFICIAL. 401
the Dutch possessions in the West Indies, cannot admit of a
doubt, that a connection with the United States would be use
ful to this republic. The English are so sensible of this, that
notwithstanding all their professions of friendship, they have
ever considered this nation as their rival in the American trade ;
a sentiment which dictated and maintained their severe act of
navigation, as injurious to the commerce and naval power of
this country, as it was both to the trade and the rights of the
colonists. There is now an opportunity offered to both, to
shake off this shackle for ever. If any consideration whatever
could have induced them to have avoided a war with your High
Mightinesses, it would have been the apprehension of an alli
ance between the two republics ; and it is easy to foresee, that
nothing will contribute more to oblige them to a peace, than
such a connection once completely formed. It is needless to
point out particularly, what advantages might be derived to
the possessions of the republic in the West Indies from a trade
opened, protected, and encouraged between them and the con
tinent of America ; or what profits might be made by the Dutch
East India Company, by carrying their effects directly to the
American market ; or how much even the trade of the Baltic
might be secured and extended by a free intercourse with Ame
rica, which has ever had so large a demand, and will have more
for hemp, cordage, sailcloth, and other articles of that commerce ;
how much the national navigation would be benefited by build
ing and purchasing ships there ; how much the number of sea
men might be increased, or how much advantage to both
countries would arise from having their ports mutually opened
to their men-of-war and privateers and their prizes.
If, therefore, an analogy of religion, government, original, man
ners, and the most extensive and lasting commercial interests
can form a ground and an invitation to political connections,
the subscriber flatters himself that in all these particulars the
union is so obviously natural, that there has seldom been a
more distinct designation of Providence to any two distant
nations to unite themselves together.
It is further submitted to the wisdom and humanity of your
High Mightinesses, whether it is not visibly for the good of
mankind, that the powers of Europe, who are convinced of the
justice of the American cause (and where is one to be found
34* z
402 OFFICIAL.
that is not ?) should make haste to acknowledge the independ
ence of the United States, and form equitable treaties with
them, as the surest means of convincing Great Britain of the
impracticability of her pursuits ; whether the late marine treaty
concerning the rights of neutral vessels, noble and useful as it
is, can be established against Great Britain, who will never
adopt it, nor submit to it, but from necessity, without the inde
pendence of America ; whether the return of America, with her
nurseries of seamen, and magazines of materials for navigation
and commerce, to the domination and monopoly of Great Bri
tain, if that were practicable, would not put the possessions of
other nations beyond seas wholly in the power of that enormous
empire, which has been long governed wholly by the feeling of
its own power, at least without a proportional attention to jus
tice, humanity, or decency. When it is obvious and certain
that the Americans are not inclined to submit again to the
British government, on the one hand, and that the powers of
Europe ought not, and could not, with safety, consent to it, if
they were, on the other, why should a source of contention be
left open for future contingencies to involve the nations of
Europe in still more bloodshed, when, by one decisive step of
the maritime powers, in making treaties with a nation long in
possession of sovereignty, by right, and in fact, it might be
closed ?
The example of your High Mightinesses would, it is hoped, be
followed by all the maritime powers, especially those which are
parties to the late marine treaty ; nor can an apprehension that
the independence of America would be injurious to the trade of
the Baltic be any objection. This jealousy is so groundless
that the reverse would happen. The freight and insurance in
voyages across the Atlantic are so high, and the price of labor
in America so dear, that tar, pitch, turpentine, and ship timber
never can be transported to Europe at so cheap a rate as it has
been and will be afforded by countries round the Baltic. This
commerce was supported by the English before the Revolution
with difficulty, and not without large parliamentary bounties.
Of hemp, cordage, and sailcloth, there will not probably be a
sufficiency raised in America for her own consumption in many
centuries, for the plainest of all reasons, — because these articles
may be imported from Amsterdam, or even from Petersburg and
OFFICIAL. 403
Archangel, cheaper than they can be raised at home. America
will, therefore, be for ages a market for these articles of the Bal
tic trade.
Nor is there more solidity in another supposition propagated
by the English to prevent other nations from pursuing their true
interests, that the colonies of other nations will follow the exam
ple of the United States. Those powers who have as large pos
sessions as any beyond seas have already declared against Eng
land, apprehending no such consequences. Indeed, there is no
probability of any other power of Europe following the example
of England, in attempting to change the whole system of the
government of colonies arid reducing them by oppression to the
necessity of governing themselves ; and without such manifest
injustice and cruelty on the part of the metropolis, there is no
danger of colonies attempting innovations. Established govern
ments are founded deep in the hearts, the passions, the imagina
tions, and understandings of the people ; and without some vio
lent change from without, to alter the temper and character of
the whole people, it is not in human nature to exchange safety
for danger, and certain happiness for very precarious benefits.
It is submitted to the consideration of your High Mightinesses,
whether the system of the United States which was minutely
considered and discussed, and unanimously agreed on in con
gress, in the year 1776, in planning the treaty they proposed to
France, to form equitable commercial treaties with all the mari
time powers of Europe, without being monopolized or governed
by any ; a system which was afterwards approved by the King
and made the foundation of the treaties with his Majesty ; a
system to which the United States have hitherto constantly
adhered, and from which they never will depart, unless com
pelled by some powers declaring against them, which is not
expected, is not the only means of preventing this growing
country from being an object of everlasting jealousies, rivalries,
and wars among the nations. If this idea is just, it follows
that it is the interest of every State in Europe to acknowledge
American independency immediately. If such benevolent policy
should be adopted, the new world will be a proportional blessing
to every part of the old.
The subscriber has the further honor of informing your High
Mightinesses, that the United States of America, in congress
404 OFFICIAL.
assembled, impressed with a high sense of the wisdom and
magnanimity of your High Mightinesses, and of your inviolable
attachment to the rights and liberties of mankind, and being
desirous of cultivating the friendship of a nation eminent for its
wisdom, justice, and moderation, have appointed the subscriber
to be their minister plenipotentiary to reside near you, that he
may give you more particular assurances of the great respect
they entertain for your High Mightinesses, beseeching your
High Mightinesses to give entire credit to every thing which
their said minister shall deliver on their part, especially when
he shall assure you of the sincerity of their friendship and
regard. The original letter of credence, under the seal of con
gress, the subscriber is ready to deliver to your High Might
inesses or to such persons as you shall direct to receive it. He
has also a similar letter of credence to his Most Serene High
ness the Prince Stadtholder.
All which is respectfully submitted to the consideration of
your High Mightinesses, together with the propriety of appoint
ing some person or persons to treat on the subject of his mis
sion, by
JOHN ADAMS.1
Leyden, 19 April, 1781.
1 The black cloud that hung over the whole of the southern provinces ; the
solemn gloom that pervaded the whole nation ; the universal uncertainty and
timidity that had seized upon all minds, determined me to bring my own mission
to a trial. If I should be rejected arid ordered out of the country, our situation
would not be worse. If I should be received, my object would be gained ; but,
if I should neither be received nor rejected, but taken ad referendum, as the
most intelligent men assured me I should be, I should then stand in a fair diplo
matic character, waiting the result of the national deliberations, under the pro
tection of the government, the public faith, and the national honor. Both my
self and my friends would be in a situation of more safety and security. I deter
mined, therefore, to communicate my commission and credentials to the govern
ment, both to their High Mightinesses and to the Stadtholder. I wrote my
memorials, and signed them on the 19th of April, 1781, — one to the states-gene
ral, the other to the Prince of Orange. It was my wish that Mr. Luzac, who
wrote admirably well in French by the acknowledgment of all Europe, should
translate the memorials into French, but Mr. Dumas was very desirous of per
forming that service ; and Mr. Luzac undertook to get them translated into Dutch
by his brother-in-law, — a bookseller, printer, and editor of a gazette at Delpht, —
who had the reputation of one of the most masterly writers in the nation in their
own language.
About this time, considering the connection between the United States and
France, it was very obvious that prudence required I should communicate my
design to the French ambassador. I was not, however, without apprehensions of
the consequence of it, for I could not doubt that the Count de Vergennes had
OFFICIAL. 405
MEMORIAL TO THE PRINCE OF ORANGE.
Leyden, 19 April, 1781.
To his Most Serene Highness, the Prince of Orange and Nassau,
Hereditary Stadtholder and Governor of the Seven United
Provinces of the Low Countries.
THE subscriber has the honor to inform your Most Serene
Highness that the United States of America, in congress assem-
information of my appointment sooner than I had ; and I had a thousand reasons
to believe that my whole system in Holland, and even my residence in it, was
disagreeable to him. I might presume, and I did presume, that the Duke had
instructions from the Count to counteract me. But the inconveniences that would
arise from concealing my design from the French ambassador, appearing to over
balance those in the other scale, I wrote to his Excellency information that I had
received from congress full powers and credentials as a minister plenipotentiary
to the states-general and the Prince of Orange. I received a reply from the Duke
immediately, " that he had received my letter, but that I had not informed him
whether it was my design to present my full powers to their High Mightinesses ;
if such was my intention, he desired a previous conference with me." I went
immediately to the Hague, and made my visit to the Hotel de France. The
Duke entered at once into conversation with me, to dissuade me from presenting
my credentials. He detained me two hours. I answered all his questions and
replied to all his arguments. But, as is usual, neither was convinced ; and I took
my leave with as full a determination as ever to pursue my plan. The next
morning, at eight o'clock, the Duke appeared at my lodgings, at the principal
inn of the city, at the sign of the Parliament of England, and renewed his efforts
to divert me from my purpose. He went over all the ground we had trod the
day before, and ran about all Europe, especially the northern maritime confede
ration, to find arguments against the step I proposed to take. Although his
topics appeared to me extremely frivolous, I listened to them with all the respect
which was due to the ambassador of France, and to the personal character of the
Duke, which I sincerely esteemed. It is but justice to say, that in all my inter
course with the Duke de la Vauguyon, I was uniformly treated by him, his
Duchess, their children, and domestics, with the utmost politeness, and indeed
with the freedom and familiarity of friendship.
In this transaction I committed two faults : — 1. In not insisting that these dis
cussions should be in writing. 2. In not committing them to writing when they
were fresh in my mind. The only excuse that can be made for both is that I
had not time. Too many objects pressed upon me at once. At the distance of
eight-and-twenty years it would be in vain to attempt a recollection of them by
memory, and they must be lost forever, unless some future Dalrymple or Fox,
after a century or two should find access to the diplomatic archives of France,
and there find some account of them in the Duke's despatches to his Court.
The Duke detained me between four and five hours at this second interview,
urging all the time his objections and reasons against my going to the States.
There was no solidity in them ; I knew them, to be mere pretexts.
At last, when he found I was not convinced, he desired me to postpone my
visit to the president of their High Mightinesses, until he could write to the
Count de Vergennes, and have his opinion. I answered, by no means. Why ?
Because I know beforehand the Count's opinion will be point blank against me ;
406 OFFICIAL.
bled, impressed with a deep sense of your wisdom and magna
nimity, and being desirous of cultivating the friendship of your
Highness and of the Seven United Provinces of the Netherlands,
who have ever distinguished themselves by an inviolable attach
ment to freedom and the rights of nations, have appointed the
subscriber to be their minister plenipotentiary at your Court,
that he may give you more particular assurances of the great
respect they entertain for your Highness and for the people over
whom you preside as stadtholder, beseeching your Highness to
give entire credit to every thing which their said minister shall
deliver on their part, especially when he shall assure you of the
sincerity of their friendship and regard. The original letter of
credence, under the seal of congress, he is desirous of the honor
of delivering, whenever and in whatever manner your Highness
shall judge proper to receive it. He has the further honor of
and I had rather proceed against his judgment, without officially knowing his
opinion, than with it, as I am determined in all events to go. The Duke had
one resource still left. It was, to persuade me to join him in writing, or let him
alone write a request to the King of France, that he would order his ambassadors
to unite with me in my endeavors to obtain an acknowledgment of my public cha
racter. I answered again, by no means. " Why ? " " Because, Monsieur le Due,
if I must speak out in plain English or plain French, I know the decision of the
King's council will be directly and decidedly against me ; and I am decidedly
determined to go to the president, though I had a resolution of the King in coun
cil against me and before my eyes. Besides, the moments are critical, and there
is no time to be lost ; whereas, the correspondence and negotiations you propose
may be spun out for years. Moreover, I think that neither the King nor his
ministers ought to commit themselves in this business." " What ! " said the Duke ;
" will you take the responsibility of it upon yourself? " " Indeed, Monsieur le Due,
I will ; and I think I alone ought to be responsible, and that no other ambassa
dor, minister, council, or court, ought to be answerable for any thing concerning
it." " Are you willing to be responsible, then ? " " Indeed, I am ; and upon my
head may all the consequences of it rest." " Are you then determined ? " " De
termined, and unalterably determined I am."
The Duke, upon hearing this, changed his countenance and the tone of his
voice, and said, very pleasantly, " Well, I can say no more. If you are determined,
and actually go to the states-general, though ft will be against my opinion and
advice, and although I can give you no assistance in my official capacity, yet, as
a man and an individual, I will give you all the countenance in my power." I
thanked his Excellency for his declaration, which I received in the most friendly
manner ; and I assured him it was all the aid I expected or desired, as I fully
agreed with him, that neither his public character, or the conduct of his Court,
ought, in any manner or degree, to be compromised in the affair.
Notwithstanding all this, after our treaty was made with Holland, the Count
de Vergennes ordered the French minister to announce formally to congress, in
the name of the King, that his Majesty had assisted the United States in forming
the connection between them and the states-general of the United Provinces ;
and his Majesty received a formal vote of thanks from congress for that favor.
Letters to the Boston Patriot, 1809.
OFFICIAL. 407
informing your Highness, that the said United States have
honored him with full powers to form a treaty of amity and
commerce with the states-general, and also with letters of cre
dence as minister plenipotentiary to their High Mightinesses ;
in consequence of which, he has done himself the honor to pre
sent a memorial, a copy of which is here annexed.
The subscriber, in the discharge of these trusts, considers him
self rather as proposing a renovation of old friendships than the
formation of new ones, as the Americans have ever been the
good and faithful allies of this nation, and have done nothing
to forfeit its esteem. On the contrary they are confident they
have a better title to it, as they have adhered steadfastly through
every trial to those principles which formed and supported the
connection, principles which founded and have supported this
republic, while others have wantonly abandoned them.
The subscriber thinks himself particularly fortunate to be thus
accredited to a nation which has made such memorable exer
tions in favor of the rights of men, and to a prince, whose illus
trious line of ancestors and predecessors have so often supported
in Holland and England those liberties for which the United
States of America now contend ; and it will be the completion
of his wishes, if he should be so happy as to recommend the
cause of his country to the favorable attention of your Most
Serene Highness and of this people.
JOHN ADAMS.
BENJAMIN FRANKLIN TO JOHN ADAMS.
Passy, 21 April, 1781.
SIR, — Agreeable to my faith I have obtained a promise of
money sufficient to pay the bills you have accepted, and shall
accordingly accept those you draw on me for that purpose. I
request only that you would send me immediately a list of the
bills, and of the times of their becoming due, that I may be
always provided, and that as the money will come gradually
into my hands, you would not draw upon me for the whole
sum at once, but for the sums as they become demandable of
you. Mr. Grand will write by this courier to the house of Fizeaux
& Grand to take your bills in that way, and furnish you with
the money. Mr. Neufville has written to me about another bill
408 OFFICIAL.
that is come into his hands, which he desires me to accept, or
engage to pay. There seems to me a risk in doing so without
seeing the bill, as our enemies are not too honest to attempt
counterfeiting. I wish, therefore, that you would look at it, and
if you find it good, accept it.
I must now beg you would concur with me, in writing ear
nestly to congress, to hazard no more drafts where they have no
funds. I believe there is hardly another instance in the world
of a people risking their credit so much, who, unfortunately, have
so little, and who must by this proceeding, if continued, soon
have none at all. The necessity of their affairs is the only
excuse for it. This court is our firm friend, but the best friends
may be wearied and worn out, by too frequent and unexpected
demands. I have the honor to be, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
M. DUMAS TO JOHN ADAMS.
La Hale, 26 Avril, 1781.
MONSIEUR, — Je n'ai rien, pour le coup, de nouveau a vous
marquer, si ce n'est que je viens d'apprendre qu'un certain nom-
bre de marchands de la grande ville fera enfin la basse demarche
aupres du ministere Britannique d'envoyer des deputes a Lon-
dres negocier la restitution de ce qui leur appartient des effets
captures a Saint Eustache. Quelques bons patriotes, quoiqu'ils
y perdent aussi, ont refuse de souscrire a cette deputation, a la
tete de laquelle sera M. H. Ceux de E- m ont refuse aussi
de participer a cette petitesse. J'espere que votre demarche, dans
la premiere semaine du mois prochain, relevera par ses bons effets
le courage des autres. Je viens de mettre au net ma traduction,
pour 1'avoir prete a remettre a 1'imprimeur des que vous le juge-
rez a propos apres la demarche faite. J'en suis toujours plus
content; et je me persuade de plus en plus, que vous avez rai-
son de ne pas vouloir differer d'avantage. II est bon d'ailleurs
que cela se fasse lorsque les Etats d'Hollande se trouveront
assembles ici. Or ils le seront le 4 du mois prochain. Ayez
la bonte, monsieur, de vouloir m'avertir quand vous quitterez
Amsterdam, et quand vous comptez de vous rendre ici "pour la
demarche. J'ecris ce soir a Bruxelles a une maison dont on m'a
donne 1'adresse, et qui se charge ordinairement de faire venir
OFFICIAL. 409
des effets de Paris a bon compte par des rouliers, afin de savoir
leurs conditions, et Padresse de leur correspondant a Paris. Des
que j'aurai reponse, je vous en ferai part ; et alors vous pourrez
avoir vos coffres quand vous voudrez et surement.
Je suis, &c. &c.
DUMAS.
TO THE DUKE DE LA VAUGUYON.
Leyden, 1 May, 1781.
SIR, — By the tenth article of the treaty of alliance between
France and America, the Most Christian King and the United
States agree to invite or admit other powers, who may receive
injuries from England, to make common cause with them, and
to accede to that alliance, under such conditions as shall be
freely agreed to and settled between all the parties.
It will be readily acknowledged, that this republic has received
injuries from England ; and it is not improbable, that several
other maritime powers may be soon, if they are not already, in
the same predicament. But, whether his Majesty will think fit
to invite this nation at present to accede to that alliance, accord
ing to the article, must be submitted to his wisdom.
It is only proper for me to say, that whenever your Excellency
shall have received his Majesty's commands, and shall judge it
proper to take any measures, either for admitting or inviting
this republic to accede, I shall be ready, in behalf of the United
States, to do whatever is necessary and proper for them to do
upon the occasion. I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Leyden, 3 May, 1781.
SIR, — On the 1st of May I went to the Hague, and wrote to
his Excellency, Peter Van Bleiswyck, Grand Pensionary of Hol-
VOL. vn. 35
410 OFFICIAL.
land, that, having something of importance to communicate to
him, I proposed to do myself the honor to wait on him the next
morning at half past eight, if that time should be agreeable to
him ; but if any other hour was more convenient, I requested his
Excellency to mention it. The answer, which was not in writ
ing, was, that half past eight should be the time.
Accordingly, the next morning I waited on him, and was
politely received. I informed him, that I had asked his permis
sion to make him this visit, in order to inform him that I had
received from my sovereign, the United States of America, full
powers to treat with the states-general, and a letter of credence
as a minister plenipotentiary to their High Mightinesses, and
another to his Most Serene Highness, the Prince ; and that it
was my intention to communicate those powers and letters to
their High Mightinesses and to his Most Serene Highness on
Friday next, the 4th of May.
His Excellency said he would acquaint the states-general and
his Highness with it ; that, in his private opinion, he thought
favorably of it ; but that he must wait the orders of his masters ;
that it was a matter somewhat delicate for the republic, but — . I
replied, as to the delicacy of it in the present state of open war
between England and Holland, I hoped that it would not be any
obstacle ; that I thought it the interest of the republic, as well
as that of America. His Excellency rejoined, — "one thing is
certain ; we have a common enemy."
As this was a visit simply to impart my design, and as I knew
enough of the delicate situation and of the reputed sentiments
of this officer to be sensible that he did not wish to enter into
any very particular conversation at this time upon public affairs,
I here arose to take my leave. His Excellency asked me, if I
had any good news from America ? I answered, none very late.
He then said he should be very glad to form an acquaintance
with me. I answered, this would be very flattering to me, and
thus took my leave.
To-morrow morning, I propose to go to the President of the
states-general, to Secretary Fagel, and to the Secretary of the
Prince. This moment, for the first time, I have received the
congress account of General Morgan's glorious victory over
Tarleton, I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
OFFICIAL. 411
M. DUMAS TO JOHN ADAMS.
La Haie, 6 May, 1781.
MONSIEUR, — La meme personne qui m'avoit donne 1'avis, que
vous m'aviez en partant laisse le maitre de suivre, me dit hier
matin qu'apres y avoir bien pense, il y trouvoit un si grand
inconvenient qu'il me le deconseilloit tres serieusement, comme
une demarche incompatible avec le caractere que vous venez
de deployer ; en un mot qu'il ne convient pas que vous vous
abaissiez a faire parvenir ainsi indirectement la piece en ques
tion, qui paroitroit cependant manifestement venir de votre part.
J'ai done pris, avec son avis et approbation, un autre parti, qui
remplira egalement le but de faire connoitre a la nation la parole
qu'on lui porte. Des 500 exemplaires, j'en remettrai 300 au
libraire qui a soin de 1'imprimer, avec permission d'en faire son
profit, en les envoyant a ses correspondants dans toutes les pro
vinces, et les distribuant aussi ici. En meme temps j'en ferai
parvenir des copies aux Gazetiers, afin qu'ils puissent en faire
usage. II restera 200 exemplaires, dont je vous reserve cent,
et j'en garderai cent pour en distribuer a ceux qu'il est a propos
qui en aient d'abord. L'impression sera achevee Mercredi ; et
j'attend 1'honneur de votre prompte reponse, pour savoir si vous
approuvez ce parti, que je crois le plus convenable ; afin de le
mettre en execution sans perte de temps.
La meme personne m'a dit, que la deliberation dans les pro
vinces sur la note en question ne se fera pas avant trois ou
quatre semaines. Par la meme raison susdite, et de 1'avis de la
meme personne, j'ai omis la commission ; mais je la montrerai
aux amis surs. Je suis curieux de savoir ce qui s'est passe entre
vous, monsieur, et la derniere personne que vous avez visitee
avant de partir. S'il vous arrive de bonnes nouvelles, je me
recommande. Permettez-moi de placer ici mes respects pour
M. Searle, pour M. Dana, et pour M. Gillon.
J'ai 1'honneur d'etre, &c. &c.
DUMAS.
412 OFFICIAL.
TO M. DUMAS.
Amsterdam, 7 May, 1781.
DEAR SIR, — I have this moment received yours of the 6th.
I have no objection against your plan. I informed the grand
pensionary and the president that I should think it rny duty
to publish my memorial. I persist in the same opinion.
The manner is indifferent to me. I shall avow the pub
lication. Your omission of the commission will be agree
able to me.
I communicated to the last person I saw at the Hague all
that I had done. He still persisted in the opinion, that the time
was a little too early ; but this point apart, approved of every
step I had taken, and promised to support it " comme homme"
I never had a more agreeable or satisfactory interview with
him.
I shall be agreeably surprised, if the Provinces determine so
soon as in three or four weeks. The time for them to take is
their own. I shall wait it with entire respect, if it should be
eight or ten weeks.
If other people will allow me to judge for myself in what I
am responsible for, they will always find me willing to allow
them the same prerogative.
I have the honor to be, &c. &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Amsterdam, 7 May, 1781.
SIR, — On the 4th of May, I did myself the honor to wait on
Peter Van Bleiswyck, Grand Pensionary of Holland, and pre
sented him a letter containing a copy of my memorial to the
states-general, &c. His Excellency said, that it was necessary
for me to go to the president and secretary of their High Might
inesses, and that it was not customary for foreign ministers to
communicate any thing to the pensionary of Holland. I told
OFFICIAL. 413
him that I had been advised by the French ambassador to pre
sent copies to him, and they were only copies which I had the
honor to offer him. He said he could not receive them ; that I
must go to the president ; " but," said he, " it is proper for me
to apprise you, that the president will make a difficulty, or rather
will refuse to receive any letter or paper from you, because the
State you say you represent is not acknowledged to be a sove
reign State by the sovereign of this nation ; the president will
hear what you have to say to him, make report of it to their
High Mightinesses, and they will transmit it to the several pro
vinces for the deliberation of the various members of the sove
reignty." I thanked his Excellency for this information, and
departed.
I then waited on the president of their High Mightinesses
for the week, the Baron Linden de Hemmen, a deputy of
the province of Guelderland, to whom I communicated, that
I had lately received from my sovereign, the United States
of America in congress assembled, a commission, with full
powers and instructions to treat with the states-general con
cerning a treaty of amity and commerce ; that I had also
received a letter of credence as minister plenipotentiary to
their High Mightinesses ; and I prayed him to lay before their
High Mightinesses either the originals or a memorial, in which
I had done myself the honor to state all these facts and to
inclose copies.
The president said that he could not undertake to receive from
me either the originals or any memorial, because America was
not yet acknowledged as a sovereign State by the sovereign of
this country ; but that he would make report to their High
Mightinesses of all that I had said to him, and that it would
become the subject of deliberation in the several provinces ;
that he thought it a matter of great importance to the republic.
I answered, that I was glad to hear him say that he thought it
important ; that I thought it was the interest of the two repub
lics to become connected. I thanked him for his politeness, and
retired, after having apprised him that I thought, in the present
circumstances, it would be my duty to make public in print my
application to their High Mightinesses.
I had prepared copies of my memorial, &c., for the secretary,
M. Fagel ; but as the president had refused to receive the ori-
35*
414 OFFICIAL.
ginals, I thought it would be inconsistent for the secretary to
receive copies ; so I omitted the visit to hi.s office.
I then waited on the Baron de Ray, the secretary of the
Prince, with a letter addressed to his Most Serene Highness,
containing a memorial informing him of my credentials to his
Court, and copies of the memorial to their High Mightinesses.
The secretary received me politely, took the letter, and pro
mised to deliver it to the stadtholder. He asked me where I
lodged. I answered, at the Parliament of England, a public
house of that name.
Returning to my lodgings, I heard, about two hours after
wards, that the Prince had been to the assembly of the states-
general for about half an hour ; and in about another hour, the
servant of the house where I lodged announced to me the Baron
de Ray. I went down to the door to receive him, and invited
him into my room. He entered, and said that he was charged
on the part of the Prince with his compliments to me, and to
inform me, that, as the independence of my country was not
yet acknowledged by the sovereign of his, he could not receive
any letter from me, and therefore requested that I would receive
it back, which I did respectfully. The secretary then politely
said he was very much obliged to me for having given him an
opportunity to see my person, and took his leave.
The president made report to their High Mightinesses as soon
as they assembled, and his report was ordered to be recorded ;
whereupon the deputies of each of the Seven Provinces de
manded copies of the record to be transmitted to the respective
regencies for their deliberation and decision ; or, in the techni
cal language of this country, it was taken ad referendum on the
same day.
The next morning I waited on the French ambassador, the
Due de la Vauguyon, and acquainted him with all the steps I
had taken. He said he still persisted in his opinion, that the
time was not the most favorable ; but as the measure was taken,
I might depend upon it, he would, as an individual, support
and promote it to the utmost of his power.
It would take a large space to explain all the reasons and
motives which I had for choosing the present time in prefer
ence to a later ; but I think I can demonstrate, that every
moment's delay would have been attended with danger and
OFFICIAL. 415
inconvenience. All Europe is in a crisis, and this ingredient
thrown in at this time will have more effect than at any other.
At a future time I may enlarge upon this subject.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.1
TO JOHN LAURENS.
Amsterdam, 8 May, 1781.
SIR, — I have received the letter you did me the honor to write
me on the 28th of April. I sincerely congratulate you on the
most essential aid you have obtained from the Court of Ver
sailles, who upon this occasion have done as much honor to
their own policy as essential service to the United States. By
a conduct like this, which it is easy for France to hold, and
which does as much service to the common cause as the same
sum of money possibly could in any other way, a foundation
will be laid of affection and confidence which will last long after
this war shall be finished. I wish that other nations had as
much wisdom and benevolence as France, indeed, as much
knowledge of their own true interests ; in this case, the burden
upon France would be less.
I accept with pleasure the trust with which you honor me ;
but I shall not think myself at liberty to draw any bills in con
sequence of it, until the invoices and vouchers are produced to
me, to the satisfaction of Major Jackson, who will be so good as
to give me his approbation in writing. I am very happy to find
1 At the foot of this letter to congress I find in my handwriting a note. —
20 February, 1782. " The late evacuation of the barrier towns, and the demoli
tion of their fortifications, may serve as a comment on the Duke de la Vauguyon's
opinion against the point of time. But if it shows that he was right for his coun
try, it shows also that I was right for mine, and the Dutch only have been wrong
in being blind." I had been very busily and confidentially employed in consult
ations with my Dutch friends, many of whom were members of the sovereignty,
and among the best characters and most respectable men in the nation. I had
not taken a step without their advice and full approbation. They were unani
mously of my opinion, that our American negotiations, both for a political and
commercial connection, and for a loan of money, should be kept as distinct as
possible from French influence. They were also unanimous for sending a copy
in three languages to every member of the constitutional sovereignty in all the
Provinces, amounting in the whole to between four and five thousand persons.
This was accordingly done. Letters to the Boston Patriot, 1809.
416 OFFICIAL.
it is in your power to assist Commodore Gillon upon this occa
sion, whose industry and skill and perseverance have merited
every assistance that can be legally given him.
Major Jackson, sir, shall have every advice and assistance in
my power to afford him ; and I am much mortified that I am
not to have an opportunity of showing you in person the respect
which I have for your character, as well as that affection which
I feel for the son of one of the worthiest friends I ever had.
Alas ! when will he be able to obtain his own liberty, who has
so nobly contended for that of others ?
I have communicated my credentials to the states-general,
who, after the deliberations which the form of their constitution
requires, will determine whether they can receive them or not.
It will probably be long before they decide. It is of vast im
portance to obtain, if possible, an acknowledgment of our inde
pendence by the maritime powers before the conferences for
peace shall be opened. Otherwise, it is not possible to foresee
how many intrigues and how much chicanery we may have to
encounter. I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
TO THE DUKE DE LA VAUGUYON.
Amsterdam, 14 May, 1781.
SIR, — I have the honor to inclose copies of the Memorials
which I promised your Excellency ; and I beg pardon for not
having done it sooner. I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
THE DUG DE LA VAUGUYON TO JOHN ADAMS.
La Haie, 16 Mai, 1781.
J'AI regu, monsieur, avec la lettre que vous m'avez fait Fhon-
neur de m'adresser le 14 de ce mois, les copies des deux Memoires
dont elle etoit accompagnee.
J'ai 1'honneur d'etre, &c. &c.
LE Due DE LA VAUGUYON.
OFFICIAL. 417
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Amsterdam, 16 May, 1781.
SIR, — I have the honor to inclose copies of the Memorials
which I had the honor to present on the 4th instant to the pre
sident of their High Mightinesses and to the secretary of his
Most Serene Highness. The former has been published in
English, French, and Dutch, and has been favorably received
by the public ; but the public voice has not that influence upon
government in any part of Europe that it has in every part of
America, and, therefore, I cannot expect that any immediate
effect will be produced upon the states-general. They will pro
bably wait until they can sound the disposition of the northern
powers, Russia particularly ; and if they should not join in the
war, their High Mightinesses will probably be willing to be
admitted to accede to the treaty of alliance between France
and America.
t The Dutch fleet of about ten sail of vessels from the Texel
and the Maese has sailed. The news from the southern States
of America of continual fighting, in which our countrymen have
done themselves great honor, the capture of half the convoy
under Hotham, by the Chevalier de la Motte Piquet, and the
destruction made at Gibraltar by the Spaniards, have raised the
spirits of this nation from that unmanly gloom and despond
ency into which they were thrown by the capture of St. Eusta-
tia, Demerara, and Essequibo. But, after all, this country at
present is divided in sentiments ; it is an Alexandrine, that
"like a wounded snake drags its slow length along."
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Amsterdam, 16 May, 1781.
SIR, — There has been much said in the public papers con
cerning conferences for peace, concerning the mediation of the
Emperor of Germany and the Empress of Russia, &c. &c. &c.
I have never troubled congress with these reports, because I
have never received any official information or intimation of
A2
418 OFFICIAL.
any such negotiation, either from England or France, or any
other way. If any such negotiation has been going on, it has
been carefully concealed from me. Perhaps something has
been expected from the United States, which was not expected
from me. For my own part, I know from so long experience,
at the first glance of reflection, the real designs of the English
government, that it is no vanity to say they cannot deceive me,
if they can the Cabinets of Europe. I have fully known, that
all their pretensions about peace were insidious, and therefore
have paid no other attention to them, than to pity the nations
of Europe, who, having not yet experience enough of British
manoeuvres, are still imposed on to their own danger, disgrace,
and damage. The British ministry are exhausting all the
resources of their subtilty, if not of their treasures, to excite
jealousies and divisions among the neutral, as well as bellige
rent powers. The same arts precisely, that they have practised
so many years to seduce, deceive, and divide America, they are
now exerting among the powers of Europe ; but the voice of
God and man is too decidedly against them to permit them
much success.
As to a loan of money in this republic, after having tried
every expedient, and made every proposition that I could be
justified or excused for making, I am in absolute despair of
obtaining any, until the states-general shall have acknow
ledged our independence. The bills already accepted by me
are paying off as they become due, by the orders of his Excel
lency Dr. Franklin ; but he desires me to represent to congress
the danger and inconvenience of drawing before congress have
information that their bills can be honored. I must entreat
congress not to draw upon me, until they know I have money.
At present I have none, not even for my subsistence, but what
I derive from Paris.
The true cause of the obstruction of our credit here is fear,
which can never be removed but by the states-general acknow
ledging our independence ; which, perhaps, in the course of
twelve months they may do, but I do not expect it sooner.
This country is indeed in a melancholy situation ; sunk in ease,
devoted to the pursuits of gain, overshadowed on all sides by
more powerful neighbors, unanimated by a love of military
glory, or any aspiring spirit, feeling little enthusiasm for the
OFFICIAL. 419
public, terrified at the loss of an old friend and equally terrified
at the prospect of being obliged to form connections with a new
one, incumbered with a complicated and perplexed constitution,
divided among themselves in interest and sentiment, they seem
afraid of every thing. Success on the part of France, Spain,
and especially of America, raises their spirits, and advances the
good cause somewhat, but reverses seem to sink them much
more.
The war has occasioned such a stagnation of business, and
thrown such numbers of people out of employment, that I think
it is impossible things should remain long in the present insipid
state. One system or another will be pursued ; one party or
another will prevail ; much will depend on the events of the
war. We have one security, and I fear but one, and that is
the domineering character of the English, who will make peace
with the republic upon no other terms, than her joining them
against all their enemies in the war ; and this I think it is impos
sible she ever should do. I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
M. DUMAS TO JOHN ADAMS.
La Hale, 18 May, 1781.
MONSIEUR, — Depuis ma derniere du 13e qui en renfermoit
une de France pour vous, je serois en peine de son sort, si je ne
savois que Messrs, de Neufville ont regu le paquet qui la conte-
rioit.
Le memoire est presentement suffisament connu par toute la
republique, et par toute 1'Europe, tant par les envois du libraire,
que par les Gazetiers qui 1'ont repete a 1'envi 1'un de 1'autre.
Le Courier du Bas Rhin a double sa feuille pour ne pas mor-
celer, dit il, cette piece interessante. Les reflexions qu'il y a
ajoutees, comme, que le president a accepte le memoire et lui
a servi de parrain, sont de son cru, et nullement du mien, qui
lui ai simplement recommande de ne rien changer.
Du reste, la piece est generalement approuvee, meme par ceux
a qui elle ne fait pas plaisir ; et 1'homme que j'ai apposte pour
me rapporter ce qu'on en dit, m'a proteste n'avoir pas entendu
un mot de critique, mais beaucoup d'eloges. Quant aux suites
420 OFFICIAL.
qu'elle pourra avoir, tout le monde garde la-dessus un profond
silence.
Ce matin Messieurs d' Amsterdam ont fait a 1'assemblee
d'Hollande une forte et serieuse remontrance, qui, parfaitement
inattendue et imprevue, a consterne les uns et fait plaisir a
d'autres. J'en aurai copie demain ou apres demain, et ne man-
querai pas de vous faire part de son contenu.
En attendant, je dois finir malgre moi, pour ne pas manquer
la poste. Je suis, &c. &c.
DUMAS.
TO M. DUMAS.
Amsterdam, 19 May, 1781.
DEAR SIR, — I have received two letters from you, one cover
ing a letter from Leghorn.
In the English copy of the Memorial, there are several errors
of the press, and one which is very material ; the word treaties
with France and Spain instead of the word relations.
Please to give my compliments to Mr. Manson, the Redacteur
of the Courier du Bas Rhin, for the honor he has done to this
Memorial in giving an additional sheet to his subscribers for the
sake of it, and for the respectful manner in which he mentions it.
It has been very well received here; but whether it will ever
have any other effect than a little applause in words, I know not.
One thing I know ; if it is disregarded, the posterity of this peo
ple will wish that their ancestors had laid it more at heart ; for
it is no rash opinion, that not only the prosperity, but the exist
ence of this republic, depends upon an early connection with
America.
This will be thought extravagant by that national pride and
self-sufficiency which is common to all ; but those who have
reflected upon the combination of causes and effect in the poli
tical and commercial world, and who have looked forward to
see how these must operate in futurity, will easily see that this
republic will be totally overshadowed and exhausted on both
sides, that of France as well as that of England, if she does not,
by forming an early connection with America, turn a share of its
commerce into this channel. After a peace with England, it
OFFICIAL. 421
will not be in the power of policy to affect it. Now, it might
be easily done by a treaty and by a loan.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
TO BENJAMIN FRANKLIN.
Amsterdam, 23 May, 1781.
SIR) — I have the honor of your letter of the 19th with its
inclosures, and I thank your Excellency for the pains you have
taken to communicate the news from America, which I think
can scarcely be called bad, though General Greene lost the field.
I had before received and published in the Amsterdam Gazette
the same accounts. The gazetteers are so earnest after Ame
rican news, that I find it the shortest method of communicating
the newspapers to all.
I have received from congress their resolution of the 3d of
January, 1781, to draw bills upon me in favor of Lee & Jones,
at six months sight, for the full amount of the balance due on
the contract made with them for a quantity of clothing for the
army. I have also a letter from Mr. Gibson, of the treasury
office, of January 28th, which informs me that the amount of
Jones & Lee's account is sixteen thousand two hundred and
forty-four pounds one shilling sterling.
I have just received from Gottenburg the inclosed letters, —
one to your Excellency and one to Mr. Jay. I received both
unsealed, with a direction to take copies. I have put my own
seal upon that to your Excellency, and request the favor of you
to put yours upon that to Mr. Jay, and to convey it in the safest
manner. It contains matter of great importance, which ought
to be carefully concealed from every eye but yours and Mr.
Jay's ; for which reason I should be cautious of conveying it,
even with the despatches of the Spanish ambassador, especially
as there are intimations in Mr. Lovell's letter of too much curi
osity with regard to Mr. Jay's despatches, and as Mr. Jay him
self complains that his letters are opened. I hope this instruc
tion will remove all the difficulties with Spain, whose accession
to the treaty w^ould be of great service to the reputation of our
cause in every part of Europe.
VOL. VII. 36
422 OFFICIAL.
It seems to me of vast importance to us to obtain an acknow
ledgment of our independence from as many other sovereigns as
possible, before any conferences for peace shall be opened ; be
cause, if that even^ should take place first, and the powers at
war with Great Britain, their armies, navies, and people, weary
of the war and clamoring for peace, there is no knowing what
hard conditions may be insisted on from us, nor into what
embarrassments British arts and obstinacy may plunge us.
By the tenth article of the treaty of alliance, the contracting
parties agree to invite or admit other powers who may have
received injuries from Great Britain to accede to that treaty.
If Russia and the northern powers, or any of them, should be
involved in the war in support of the Dutch, would it not be a
proper opportunity for the execution of this article ? Or, why
would it not be proper now to invite the Dutch ?
I have the honor to inclose a memorial to their High Might
inesses. My mission is now a subject of deliberation among
the regencies of the several cities and the bodies of nobles who
compose the sovereignty of this country. It is not probable
that any determination will be had soon. They will probably
confer with Russia and the northern powers about it first. Per
haps, if these come into the war, nothing will be done but in con
cert with them. But if these do not come into the war, this
republic, I think, in that case, will readily accede to the treaty
of alliance between France and America ; for all ideas of peace
with England are false and delusive. England will make peace
with the Dutch upon no other condition than their joining her
in the war against all her enemies, which it is impossible for
them to do, even if their inclinations were that way, which they
are not. The public voice here is well decided against Eng
land.
I have the honor to be much of your Excellency's opinion
respecting duties. I mentioned tobacco, to show what duties
America was able to bear. Whatever sums a people are able
to bear in duties upon exports or imports upon the decencies,
conveniences, or necessaries of life, they are undoubtedly able
to raise by a dry tax upon polls and estates, provided it is
equally proportioned. Nay, more, because the expense of col
lecting and guarding against frauds is saved.
Our countrymen are getting right notions of revenue ; and
OFFICIAL. 423
whenever these shall become general, I think there can be no
difficulty in carrying on the war.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
TO M. DUMAS.
Amsterdam, 1 June, 1781.
SIR, — Inclosed are two letters, — one to the president of their
High Mightinesses, and the other to the secretary of the Prince, —
which, after you have perused, I should be obliged to you to
superscribe, seal, and deliver, yourself, or send by the post, as
you shall judge most proper. The way of the post would avoid
all questions and disagreements, and, therefore, perhaps is best.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE ASSEMBLY OF THE STATES-GENERAL.
Amsterdam, 1 June, 1781.
SIR, — I have received from my sovereign, the United States
of America, in congress assembled, their express instructions to
notify to their High Mightinesses, the states-general, the com
plete and final ratification of the confederation of the Thirteen
United States, from New Hampshire to Georgia, both included,
on the 1st day of March last.
I do myself the honor to inclose an authentic copy of this
important act, and to request the favor of you, sir, to commu
nicate it to their High Mightinesses in such a manner as you
shall judge most convenient ; as in the present circumstances of
affairs I know of no more proper mode of discharging this part
of my duty.1 I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
M. BERENGER TO JOHN ADAMS.
%
A La Hale, le 5 Juin, 1781.
MONSIEUR, — Je viens de recevoir une lettre de M. le Comte
de Vergennes par laquelle il m'ordonne d'avoir 1'honneur de vous
1 Another letter of the same tenor and date was addressed to Baren de Ray,
secretary of the Stadtholder.
424 OFFICIAL.
dire, que les interets des Etats Unis exigent votre presence a
Paris, et qu'il desireroit que vous voulussiez bien vous y rendre,
aussitot que vos affaires en Hollande vous le permettront. Je
vous supplie, monsieur, de me faire part de vos intentions a cet
egard, afin que je puisse en informer M. le Comte de Vergennes.
J'ose me flatter que vous me donnerez cette marque de bonte,
et que vous serez bien persuade du plaisir que j'ai a saisir cette
occasion de vous offrir 1'hommage du devouement et du respect
avec lesquels j'ai 1'honneur d'etre, monsieur, &c.
BERENGER, Secretaire de V Ambassade de France.
M. DUMAS TO JOHN ADAMS.
La Haie, 6 Juin, 1781.
MONSIEUR, — Selon vos ordres du ler du courant, j'ai cachete
de mon cachet la lettre que vous m'avez envoyee pour M. le
President de Leurs Hautes Puissances, et mis de ma main
1'addresse en Hollandois, avec le nom de celui qui preside, et
qui est le Baron Pallant de Glinthuisen ; et je la lui portai hier
matin, en lui disant que je 1'avois recue de M. Adams avec
ordre de la lui remettre. II la regut sans la decacheter, en me
disant de revenir le lendemain, pour apprendre ce qu'il avoit a
faire apres avoir consulte la-dessus avec ceux dont il devoit
prendre 1'avis. Je me rendis ce matin chez lui. II avoit a la
main le couvert decachete, et les papiers. II me dit que 1'adresse,
qu'il apprenoit etre de ma main, et mon annonce que la lettre
etoit de M. Adams, sans aj outer Plenipo. comme elle etoit
signee, 1'avoit trompe ; que si Ton vouloit ecrire, c'etoit a L. H.
P. et comme particulier, en forme de requete, qu'on devoit le
faire ; qu'il ne pouvoit se charger de ces papiers ; que je devois
les reprendre ; et sur mon refus, il les a mis dans mon chapeau,
en me disant que j'avois tort de vous aviser d'aller si vite.
A moins d'attirer sur moi personellement une noise des plus
ine gales, je ne pouvois que le laisser faire. J'ai cru seulement
devoir lui observer, que vous* ne pouviez mettre vous meme une
adresse que vous ignoriez ; et que c'etoit par votre ordre que
j'avois mis ce qui m'avoit paru convenir ; qu'une preuve que je
ne pensois pas a le surprendre, c'est que je lui avois porte moi-
meme la lettre, demarche qui m'avoit paru plus franche, et plus
respectueux de ma part a tous egards, que la voie de la poste,
OFFICIAL. 425
dont vous m'aviez laisse Palternative ; que vous ne faisiez point
ces demarches de votre chef, encore moins par mon avis, mais
par les ordres de votre souverain ; qu'il me paroissoit, qu'organe
de la parole qu'adresse une nation a 1'autre, vous aviez saisi les
seules methodes qui, jusqu'ici, avoient ete en votre pouvoir pour
la faire parvenir ; qu'il me sembloit qu'une preuve authentique
de la confederation Americaine finalement completee et perfec-
tionnee, devoit etre regardee par la republique comme une piece
importante pour elle-meme, et propre a 1'eclairer sur les vraies
dispositions des Etats Unis contre 1'ennemi de cette republique ;
enfin que je vous ferois, monsieur, un rapport fidele de ce qui
venoit de se passer au sujet de ces papiers ; et que j'ignorois ce
que vous jugeriez a propos d'en faire ulterieurement.
La personne a qui j'avois fait tenir 1'autre lettre, m'a fait prier
de passer chez lui cet apres-diner ; et apres m' avoir regu avec
beaucoup de politesse et de cordialite m'a dit et repete expresse-
ment, que la restitution qu'il avoit ordre de faire entre mes
mains, de la lettre que vous lui aviez ecrite, avoit sa raison,
ainsi que celle que le president avoit faite de ce qui lui etoit
adresse, dans la qualite que vous aviez prise de ministre pleni-
potentiaire ; et que, comme votre admission, en cette qualite,
etoit en deliberation parmi les provinces respectives, le Prince
devoit attendre a cet egard une resolution de L. H. P., comme
elles-memes devoient attendre la-dessus les instructions de leurs
commettants. En un mot, que c'etoit une affaire de pure eti
quette ; que je devois bien le comprendre, et vous le faire com-
prendre aussi, avec les egards qu'on a d'ailleurs pour vous, mon
sieur, personellement.
II me reste a attendre vos ordres, pour savoir si vous jugez a
propos que je vous renvoie les deux lettres et les deux copies, ou
que je les garde en depot; et d'ajouter que le president m'a dit,
que si la lettre lui etoit arrivee par la poste, il n'auroit pu que
la supprimer, sans en faire aucun usage.
J'espere qu'en tout ceci vous approuverez la conduite de celui
qui est toujours avec le plus grand respect, &c.
C. W. F. DUMAS.
36*
426 OFFICIAL.
TO M. BERENGER.
Amsterdam, 8 June, 1781.
SIR, — I have received the letter which you did me the honor
to write me on the 5th of this month, informing me that you
have received a letter from the Count de Vergennes, by which
his Excellency directs you to tell me that the interests of the
United States require my presence at Paris, and that he should
desire that I would go there as soon as my affairs in Holland
will permit me.
I should be extremely obliged to you, sir, if you would con
fide to me the nature of the business that requires me at Paris,
that I might be able to form some judgment, whether it is of so
much importance and so pressing as to make it necessary for me
to go forthwith.
His Excellency Dr. Franklin, and Colonel Laurens, have
arranged affairs in such a manner, that the accounts of the
Indian are to be produced to me, and I am to draw bills to
discharge them, so that it would retard the departure of that
interesting vessel, if I were to go now ; and it is of some import
ance to the public that I should complete my despatches to go
to congress by her. I am also unfortunately involved in a good
deal of business, in accepting and discharging bills of exchange,
a course of business which would be put into some confusion, if
I were to go immediately ; and the general affairs of congress in
this republic might suffer somewhat by my absence. But, not
withstanding all, if I were informed that it is any thing respect
ing a general pacification, or an invitation of this republic to
accede to the alliance between France and the United States,
or any other affair of sufficient weight to justify my quitting
this post immediately, I would do it. Otherwise, it would, as I
humbly conceive, be more for the public interest that I should
wait until some of the business that lies upon me here is de
spatched, and the rest put into a better order. Let me beg the
favor of your sentiments, sir. Whenever I go, I must beg the
favor of you to furnish me with a passport.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
OFFICIAL. 427
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Amsterdam, 15 June, 1781.
SIR, — The long expected courier has at last arrived at the
Hague from St. Petersburg. The contents of his despatches
are not public, but all hopes of assistance from the armed neu
trality seem to be dissipated. The question now is, what is
to be done next. Some are for alliances with the House of
Bourbon and America ; but a thousand fears arise. France, the
Emperor, and the Republic, have Provinces so intermixed toge
ther in Brabant and Flanders, that it is supposed the Emperor
would be much alarmed at an alliance between France and Hol
land, lest they should soon agree to divide his Provinces between
them. The people in these Provinces would, it is supposed, have
no objection. They all speak the French language, are of the
same religion, and the policy of France in governing conquered
Provinces, according to their ancient usages, and with great
moderation, has taken away all aversion to a change of masters.
Some people think that an alliance between France and Hol
land would occasion a general war. This, I think, would be an
advantage to America, although philanthropy would wish to
prevent the further effusion of human blood.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Amsterdam, 23 June, 1781.
SIR, — The answer from St. Petersburg, as it is given to the
public, is this : —
" Her Majesty, the Empress of all the Russias, declares, that,
as much as she has been satisfied with the zeal with which their
High Mightinesses have accepted her mediation, so much and
more has her compassionate heart been affected with the diffi
culties formed by the Court of London, in referring the reconci
liation with the Republic to a subsequent and general negotia
tion of peace between all the belligerent powers, under the com
bined mediation of her Imperial Majesty, and his Majesty the
Roman Emperor. As soon as this negotiation shall take place,
428 OFFICIAL.
her Majesty promises beforehand to the Republic all the assist
ance which depends upon her, to the end that the Republic may,
without delay, return into the rank of neutral powers, and thereby
enjoy entirely, and without restraint, all the rights and advan
tages which her accession to the engagements between her
Imperial Majesty and the Kings, her high allies, ought to
assure to her.
" In this expectation, the intention of her Imperial Majesty is,
conjointly with their Majesties, to make immediately a new
attempt at the Court of London to persuade that Court to that
moderation and those pacific sentiments which their High Might
inesses on their part have manifested. The Empress natters
herself that the times, and the events which may unexpectedly
happen, will bring forth circumstances of such a nature as will
put her in a situation to make appear, in a manner the most effi
cacious, her good will and her affection, of which she sincerely
desires to be able to give proofs to their High Mightinesses."
This answer gives great scope to speculation and conjecture ;
but I shall trouble congress with a very few remarks upon it.
1. In the first place, and without insinuating her opinion con
cerning the justice or injustice of the war between Great Bri
tain and the United Provinces, she imputes the ill-success of her
mediation between them to the Court of London, and not at all
to the Republic.
2. She applauds the moderation and pacific sentiments of their
High Mightinesses, and implicitly censures the Court of London
for opposite dispositions.
Thus far the declaration is unfavorable to the English, and a
pledge of her imperial honor, at least not to take any part in
their favor.
3. It appears that the Court of London has proposed a nego
tiation for peace between all the belligerent powers, under the
mediation of the Empress and the Emperor. But, as it is cer
tain the Court of London does not admit the United States of
America to be one of the belligerent powers, and as no other
power of Europe, except France, as yet admits it to be a power,
it is very plain to me, that the British ministry mean nothing
but chicanery, to unman and disarm their enemies with delusive
dreams of peace, or to intrigue them or some of them into a peace
separately from America, and without deciding our question.
OFFICIAL. 429
4. The declaration says not, that the Empress has accepted
this mediation, nor upon what terms she would accept it.
Here we are left to conjecture. The Dutch ambassadors at St.
Petersburg wrote last winter to the Hague, that the Empress
\vould not accept of this mediation with the Emperor but upon
two preliminary conditions, namely, — that the Court of Lon
don should acknowledge the independence of America, and
accede to the principles of the late marine treaty, concerning
the rights of neutrals. To this she may have since added, that
Holland should previously be set at peace and become a neutral
power, or she may have altered her sentiments. Here, we can
only conjecture.
5. It appears that the Kings of Denmark and Sweden have
joined, or are to join, the Empress in a new effort with the Court
of London, to persuade it to make peace with Holland. But
how vigorous or decisive this effort is to be, or what will be the
conduct, if they should still be unsuccessful, is left only to con
jecture.
6. There are hints at future events, and circumstances which
her Majesty foresees, but the rest of the world do not, which may
give her occasion to show her good will. Here is nothing de
clared, nothing promised, yet it leaves room to suppose that her
Majesty and her high allies may have insisted on conditions
from the Court of London, which accepted, may give peace to
the Republic, or rejected, may oblige Russia, Sweden, and Den
mark to join Holland in the war. But all this is so faint, re
served, and mysterious, that no dependence whatever can be
placed upon it. I am sorry to see the idea of a negotiation for
a general peace held up, because I am as well persuaded it is
only an insidious manoeuvre of the British ministry, as I am that
many powers of Europe, and especially Holland, will be the dupe
of it. I confess I should dread a negotiation for a general peace
at this time, because I should expect propositions for short truces,
uti possidetiS) and other conditions, which would leave our trade
more embarrassed, our union more precarious, and our liberties
at greater hazard than they can be in a continuance of the war ;
at the same time, it would put us to as constant, and almost as
great an expense. Nevertheless, if proposals of peace, or of con
ferences and negotiations to that end should be proposed to me,
which they have not as yet been from any quarter, it will be my
430 OFFICIAL.
duty to attend to them with as much patience and delicacy, too,
as if I believed them sincere.
Americans must wean themselves from the hope of any signal
assistance from Europe. If all the negotiations of congress can
keep up the reputation of the United States so far as to prevent
any nation from joining England, it will be much. But there
are so many difficulties in doing this, and so many deadly blows
are aimed at our reputation for honor, faith, integrity, union,
fortitude, and power, even by persons who ought to have the
highest opinion of them and the tenderest regard for them, that
I confess myself sometimes almost discouraged, and wish myself
returning through all the dangers of the enemy to America, where
I could not do less, and possibly might do more, for the public
good. I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
M. DUMAS TO JOHN ADAMS.
La Hale, 25 Juin, 1781.
MONSIEUR, — Je me proposois d' avoir 1'honneur de vous ecrire
demain. Mais S. E. M. 1'ambassadeur de France m'ayant fait
chercher dans ce moment, pour me dire de vous ecrire, que comme
vous aviez demande a M. de Berenger, Charge des Affaires de
France, les raisons pour lesquelles on souhaitoit votre presence
et un entretien avec vous en France, il savoit ces raisons, et que
si vous voulez vous donner la peine de venir ici a la Haie, il
vous les communiquera, J'ai 1'honneur d'etre, &c.
DUMAS.
P. S. II se passe ici des choses tres-interessantes touchant
1'etat interne de cette republique, dont vous avez sans doute oui'
parler. C'est une vraie crise, qui se decidera cette semaine ou
la prochaine. Je ne crois pas sur de confier rien de plus au
papier sur une affaire aussi delicate, ou d'ailleurs 1'Amerique
n'est point interessee, si ce n'est par les suites que peut avoir
sa decision. Nous pourrons en causer, si vous venez ici.
OFFICIAL. 431
TO COUNT DE VERGENNES.1
Versailles, 7 July, 1781.
SIR, — I have the honor to inform your Excellency, that upon
an intimation from you, signified to me by M. Berenger, and
afterwards by the Due de la Vauguyon, that the interests of the
United States required me here, I arrived last night in Paris,
and am come to-day to Versailles, to pay my respects to your
Excellency, and receive your further communications. As your
Excellency was in council when I had the honor to call at your
office, and as it is very possible that some other day may be
more agreeable, I have the honor to request you to appoint the
time which will be most convenient for me to wait on you.
I have the honor to be, with great respect, sir,
Your most obedient, and most humble servant,
JOHN ADAMS.
The foregoing letter I sent by my servant, who waited until
the Count descended from council, when he delivered it into his
hand. He broke the seal, read the letter, and said he was very
sorry he could not see Mr. Adams, but he was obliged to go into
the country immediately after dinner ; that Mr. Adams seroit
dans le cas de voir M. de Rayneval, who lived at such a sign in
such a street. After dinner, I called on M. Rayneval, who said,
— M. le Due de la Vauguyon has informed me, that there is a
question of a pacification, under the mediation of the Emperor
1 Let me here recapitulate. I was minister plenipotentiary for making peace ;
minister plenipotentiary for making a treaty of commerce with Great Britain ;
minister plenipotentiary to their High Mightinesses, the states-general ; minister
plenipotentiary to his Serene Highness, the Prince of Orange and Stadtholder ;
minister plenipotentiary for pledging the faith of the United States to the armed
neutrality ; and what perhaps, at that critical moment, was of as much import
ance to the United States as any of those powers, I was commissioner for nego
tiating a loan of money to the amount of ten millions of dollars ; and upon this
depended the support of our army at home and our ambassadors abroad.
While I was ardently engaged and indefatigably occupied in studies and efforts
to discharge all these duties, I was suddenly summoned to Versailles to consult
with the Count de Vergennes upon something relative to peace. What should
I do ? My country and the world would consider my commission for peace as
the most important of all my employments, and the first to be attended to. I hesi
tated not a moment, left all other business in as good a train as I could, and set
off for Paris. Letters to the Boston Patriot, 1809.
432 OFFICIAL.
of Germany and the Empress of Russia, and that it was neces
sary that I should have some consultations at leisure with the
Count de Vergennes, that we might understand each other's
views ; that he would see the Count to-morrow morning, and
write me when he would meet me ; that they had not changed
their principles or their system ; that the treaties were the found
ation of all negotiation. I said, — that I lodged at the hotel de
Valois, where I did formerly ; that I should be ready to wait on
the Count when it would be agreeable to him, and to confer
with him upon every thing relative to any propositions which
the English might have made. He said the " English had not
made any propositions, but it was necessary to consider certain
points, and make certain preparatory arrangements, to know
whether we were British subjects, or in what light we were to
be considered, &c.," smiling. I said, I was not a British sub
ject, that I had renounced that character many years ago, for
ever ; and that I should rather be a fugitive in China or Malabar,
than ever reassume that character.
On the 9th, was brought me by one of the Count de Ver
gennes' s ordinary commissaries, the following billet.
M. DE RAYNEVAL TO JOHN ADAMS.
(Translation.}
Versailles, 9 July, 1781.
SIR, — I have the honor to inform you, that the Count de
Vergennes would like to have an interview with you, and that it
would give him pleasure if you would meet him here on Wednes
day next, at nine o'clock in the morning.
Expecting the honor to see you, I have that of being, &c.
GERARD DE RAYNEVAL.
TO M. DE RAYNEVAL.
Paris, 9 July, 1781.
SIR, — I have this moment the honor of your billet of this
day's date, and will do myself the honor to wait on his Excel-
OFFICIAL. 433
lency the Count de Vergennes at his office, on Wednesday next,
at nine o'clock in the morning, according to his desire.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
Accordingly, on Wednesday, I went to Versailles, and met the
Count at his office, with M. de Rayneval, at nine o'clock, who
communicated to me the following articles proposed by the two
Imperial Courts ; 1 that Spain had prepared her answers ; that
of France was nearly ready ; did not know that England had
yet answered.
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Paris, 11 July, 1781.
SIR, — I have only time by Major Jackson, to inform congress,
that upon information from the Count de Vergennes, that ques
tions concerning peace, under the mediation of the two Imperial
Courts, were in agitation, that required my presence here, I
undertook the journey,' and arrived here last Friday night, the
6th of the month, and have twice waited on the Count de Ver
gennes at Versailles, who this day communicated to me the
inclosed propositions.
These propositions are made to all the belligerent powers, by
the Courts of Petersburg and Vienna, in consequence of some
wild propositions made to them by the Court of London, " that
they would undertake the office of mediators, upon condition
that the league, as they call it, between France and their rebel
i These articles were given me in French, and they graciously condescended
to let me see the original communication from the two Imperial Courts as far
and no farther than these three articles extended. All the rest was carefully
covered up with a book. I desired to see and have a copy of the whole ; but no,
that could not be permitted.
I returned to Paris, where I was alone. Congress had taken from me my
bosom friend and fellow sufferer, — in whose society I always found satisfaction,
and in whose enlightened counsels, ample assistance and confidence, — Mr. Dana,
and sent him on a mission to Russia. My private secretary, Mr. Thaxter, I was
obliged to leave in charge of my family and affairs in Holland. I had, therefore,
every thing to write, translate, and copy with my own hand.
Letters to the Boston Patriot, 1809.
VOL. VII. 37 B2
434 OFFICIAL.
subjects in America should be dissolved, and these left to make
their terms with Great Britain, after having returned to their
allegiance and obedience."
France and Spain have prepared their answers to these pro
positions of the Empress and Emperor, and I am desired to
give my answer to the articles inclosed. It is not in my power
at this time to inclose to congress my answer, because I have
not made it, nor written it, but congress must see, that nothing
can come of this manoeuvre, at least for a long time. Thus
much I may say, that I have no objection to the proposition of
treating with the English separately, in the manner proposed,
upon a peace, and a treaty of commerce with them, consistent
with our engagements with France and Spain; but that the
armistice never can be agreed to by me. The objections
against it are as numerous as they are momentous and deci
sive. I may say further, that as there is no judge upon earth,
of a sovereign power, but the nation that composes it, I can
never agree to the mediation of any powers, however respect
able, until they have acknowledged our sovereignty, so far at
least as to admit a minister plenipotentiary from the United
States, as the representative of a free and independent power.
After this, we might discuss questions of peace or truce with
Great Britain, without her acknowledging our sovereignty, but
not before.
I fancy, however, that congress will be applied to for their
sentiments, and I shall be ever ready and happy to obey their
instructions, because I have a full confidence, that nothing will
will be decided by them, but what will be consistent with their
character and dignity. Peace will only be retarded by relax
ations and concessions, whereas firmness, patience, and perse
verance will insure us a good and lasting one in the end. The
English are obliged to keep up the talk of peace, to lull their
enemies, and to sustain their credit. But I hope the people of
America will not be deceived. Nothing will obtain them real
peace, but skilful and successful war.
I have the honor to be, &c. &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
OFFICIAL. 435
•
Articles to serve as a Basis to the Negotiation for the ReistaUisliment of Peace.
{Translation.')
ARTICLE I.
THE reestablishment of peace in America shall be negotiated
between Great Britain and the American Colonies, but without
the intervention of any of the other belligerent parties, not even
that of the two Imperial Courts, unless their mediation should
be formally asked and granted upon this object.
ARTICLE II.
This separate peace cannot, however, be signed, but conjointly
and at the same time with that of the powers whose interests
shall have been negotiated by the mediating courts. With that
proviso, although each peace may be separately treated, yet,
since they cannot be conclnded without each other, care shall
be taken to inform the mediators constantly of the progress and
state of that which regards Great Britain and the Colonies, to
the end that the mediation may be able to regulate itself for
the guidance of the negotiation under its own protection, by the
state of that relating to the Colonies ; and both of the pacifi
cations, which shall have been concluded at the same time,
although separately, shall be solemnly guaranteed by the medi
ating courts, and every other neutral power, whose guaranty the
belligerent parties may think proper to claim.
ARTICLE III.
To render the negotiations for peace independent of the events
of war, always uncertain, which might put a stop to, or at least
retard their progress, there shall be a general armistice between
all parties during the term of one year, reckoning from of
the month of of the present year ; or of years,
reckoning from of the month of of the year 1782.
Should it happen that peace should not be reestablished in the
first period, and during either of these periods, all things shall
remain in the state in which they shall be found to have been
on the day of signing the present preliminary articles.
436 OFFICIAL.
TO COUNT DE VERGENNES.
Paris, 13 July, 1781.
SIR, — I have the honor to inclose to your Excellency some
remarks upon the articles to serve as a basis of the negotiation
for the reestablishment of peace, which you did me the honor to
communicate to me.
As I am unacquainted, whether you desired my sentiments
upon these articles merely for your own government, or with a
design to communicate them to the Imperial Courts, I should
be glad of your Excellency's advice concerning them. If your
Excellency is of opinion there is any thing exceptionable, or
which ought to be altered, I should be glad to correct it ; or if I
have not perceived the points, or questions, upon which you
desired my opinion, I shall be ready to give any further answers.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
Answer of the Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States of America, to the
Articles to serve as a Basis to the Negotiation for the Reestablishment of Peace.
ARTICLE i. The United States of America have no objection,
provided their allies have none, to a treaty with Great Britain,
concerning the reestablishment of peace in America, or to
another concerning the reestablishment of commerce between
the two nations, consistent with their obligations to France
and Spain, without the intervention of any of the other bellige
rent parties, and even without that of the two Imperial Courts ;
at least, unless their mediation should be formally demanded
and granted upon this object, according to the first article com
municated to me.
ARTICLE n. The United States have nothing to say, pro
vided their allies have not, against the second article.
ARTICLE HI. To the armistice, and the statu quo, in the third
article, the United States have very great objections ; which,
indeed, are so numerous and decisive, and at the same time
so obvious, as to make it unnecessary to state them in detail.
The idea of a truce is not suggested in these articles ; but as
it is mentioned in some observations shown me by his Excel
lency the Count de Vergennes, it may be necessary for me to
OFFICIAL. 437
add, that the United States are so deeply impressed with an
apprehension, that any truce whatsoever would not fail to be
productive of another long and bloody war at the termination
of it, and that a short truce would be in many ways highly dan
gerous to them, that it would be with great reluctance that they
should enter into any discussion at all upon such a subject.
Two express conditions would be indispensable preliminaries
to their taking into consideration the subject of a truce at all.
The first is, — that their allies agree, that the treaties now sub
sisting remain in full force during and after the truce, until the
final acknowledgment of their independence by Great Britain.
The second is, — the antecedent removal of the British land
and naval armaments from every part of the United States.
Upon these two express conditions as preliminaries, if a truce
should be proposed for so long a period, or for an indefinite
period, requiring so long notice, previous to a renewal of hostili
ties, as to evince that it is on the part of Great Britain a virtual
relinquishment of the object of the war, and an expedient only
to avoid the mortification of an express acknowledgment of the
independence and sovereignty of the United States, they, with
the concurrence of their allies, might accede to it.
It is requisite, however, to add ; first, that the United States
cannot consider themselves bound by this declaration, unless it
should be agreed to before the opening of another campaign.
Secondly, that it is not in the power of the Crown of Great Bri
tain, by the constitution of that kingdom, to establish any truce,
or even armistice with the United States, which would not be
illusory without the intervention of an act of parliament, repeal
ing or suspending all their statutes, which have any relation to
the United States, or any of them. Without this, every officer
of the navy would be bound by the laws, according to the max
ims of their constitution, to seize every American vessel that he
should find, whose papers and destination should not be found
conformable to those statutes, and every French, Spanish, Dutch,
or other foreign vessel, which he should find going to, or coming
from America, notwithstanding any convention that it is in the
power of the Crown to make.
After all, the greatest difficulty does not lie in any thing as
yet mentioned. The great question is, in wThat character are
the United States to be considered ? They know themselves
37*
438 OFFICIAL.
to be a free, sovereign, and independent State, of right and in fact.
They are considered and acknowledged as such by France.
They cannot be represented in a congress of ministers from the
several powers of Europe, whether their representative is called
ambassador, minister, or agent, without an acknowledgment of
their independence, of which the very admission of a represent
ative from them is an avowal. Great Britain cannot agree with
their representative upon a truce or even an armistice, without
admitting their freedom and independence.
As there is upon earth no judge of a sovereign State but the
nation that composes it, the United States can never consent
that their independence shall be discussed or called in question
by any sovereign or sovereigns, however respectable, nor can
their interests be made a question in any congress in wThich their
character is not acknowledged and their minister admitted. If,
therefore, the two Imperial Courts would acknowledge and lay
down as a preliminary the sovereignty of the United States, and
admit their minister to a congress, after this, a treaty might be
commenced between the minister of Great Britain and the
minister of the United States, relative to a truce, or peace and
commerce in the manner proposed, without any express acknow
ledgment of their sovereignty by Great Britain, until the treaty
should be concluded.
The sovereigns of Europe have a right to negotiate concern
ing their own interests, and to deliberate concerning the ques
tion, whether it is consistent with their dignity and interests to
acknowledge expressly the sovereignty of the United States, and
to make treaties with them by their ministers in a congress or
otherwise, and America could make no objection to it ; but
neither the United States nor France can ever consent that the
existence of their sovereignty shall be made a question in such
congress ; because, let that congress determine as it might, their
sovereignty, with submission only to Divine Providence, never
can, and never will be given up.
As the British Court, in first suggesting the idea of a congress
to the Imperial Courts, insisted upon the annihilation of the
league, as they were pleased to call it, between France and their
rebel subjects, as they were pleased again to phrase it, and upon
the return of these to their allegiance and obedience, as prelimi
naries to any congress or mediation, there is too much reason
OFFICIAL. 439
to fear that the British ministry have no serious intentions or
sincere dispositions for peace, and that they mean nothing but
amusement. Because the support of the sovereignty of the
United States was the primary object of the war on the part of
France and America ; the destruction of it, that of Great Bri
tain. If, therefore, the treaty between France and America were
annulled, and the Americans returned to the domination and
monopoly of Great Britain, there would be no need of troubling
all Europe with a congress to make peace. All points between
France, Spain, and Great Britain might be easily adjusted
among themselves. Surely the affairs of Great Britain are in
no part of the world so triumphant, nor those of any of their
enemies so adverse, as to give this ministry any serious hopes
that France and America will renounce the object of the war.
There must, therefore, be some other view.
It is not difficult to penetrate the design of the British ministry
upon this, any more than upon many former occasions. They
think that a distrust of them, and a jealousy that they would
not adhere with good faith to the propositions of reconciliation
which they have made from time to time, were, in the minds of
the Americans, the true cause why these propositions were not
accepted. They now think, that, by prevailing on the two Impe
rial Courts and other Courts, to warranty to the Americans any
similar terms they may propose to them, they shall remove this
obstacle ; and, by this means, although they know that no pub
lic authority in America will agree to such terms, they think they
shall be able to represent things in such a light as to induce
many desertions from the American army and many apostacies
from the American independence and alliance. In this way they
pursue their long practised arts of seduction, deception, and divi
sion. In these again, as in so many former attempts, they would
find themselves disappointed, and would make very few desert
ers or apostates.- But it is to be hoped that the powers of Europe
will not give to these superficial artifices, with which that minis
try have so long destroyed the repose of the United States and
of the British dominions at home and abroad, and disturbed the
tranquillity of Europe, so much attention as to enable them to
continue much longer such evils to mankind.
JOHN ADAMS.
440 OFFICIAL.
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Paris, 15 July, 1781.
SIR, — I have the honor to inclose a copy of a letter to the
Count de Vergennes, and of certain articles and their answers.
The British Court proposed to the Imperial Courts, a congress,
upon two preliminary conditions, the rupture of the treaty with
France, and the return of America to their obedience. The two
Imperial Courts have since proposed the inclosed articles. Spain
and France have prepared their answers. England has not an
swered yet, and no ministers are yet commissioned or appointed
by any power. If she accepts the terms, I should not scruple to
accept them too, excepting the armistice and the statu quo. I
mean I should not insist upon a previous explicit acknowledg
ment of the sovereignty of the United States, before I went to
Vienna. I see nothing inconsistent with the character or dignity
of the United States, in their minister going to Vienna, at the
same time when ministers from the other powers are there, and
entering into treaty with a British minister without any expli
cit acknowledgment of our independence before the conclusion
of the treaty. The very existence of such a congress would be
of use to pur reputation.
But I cannot yet believe that Britain will waive her prelimi
naries. She will still insist upon the dissolution of the treaty,
and upon the return of the Americans under her government.
This, however, will do no honor to her moderation or pacific
sentiments, in the opinion of the powers of Europe.
Something may grow out of these negotiations in time, but
it will probably be several years before any thing can be done.
Americans can only quicken these negotiations by decisive
strokes. No depredations upon their trade, no conquests of
their possessions in the East or West Indies will have any
effect upon the English to induce them to make peace, while
they see they have an army in the United States, and can flatter
themselves with the hope of conquering or regaining America ;
because they think that with America under their government,
they can easily regain whatever they may lose now in any part
of the world. Whereas, the total expulsion of their forces in the
United States would extinguish their hopes, and persuade them
OFFICIAL. 441
to peace, sooner than the loss of every thing else. The bellige
rent powers and the neutral powers may flatter themselves with
the hopes of a restoration of peace, but they will all be disap
pointed while the English have a soldier in America. It is
amazing to me that France and Spain do not see it, and direct
their forces accordingly. I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.1
TO COUNT DE VERGENNES.
Paris, 16 July, 1781.
SIR) — Since my letter of the 13th, upon further reflection, I
have thought it necessary to explain myself a little more parti
cularly in some points, to your Excellency. If I comprehend
the facts, the British Court first proposed to the Imperial Courts
a congress and a mediation, upon two conditions. 1st. The dis
solution of the treaties between France and the United States.
2d. The return of the Americans under the British government.
In consequence of this proposal from the Court of St. James,
the two Imperial Courts have made the proposition of the arti
cles which were shown to me to the Courts of France, Spain,
and England, neither of which has yet given its answer. Their
Imperial Majesties have omitted the two conditions which the
British Court insisted on as preliminaries, and mean to admit
a representative of the United States to the congress to nego
tiate separately with the British minister, without ascertaining
the title or character of the American representative, until the
two pacifications shall be accomplished.
I am in my own mind apprehensive, though I devoutly wish
I may be mistaken, that the British Court, in their answer to the
articles, will adhere to their two preliminaries. It is very con
venient for the English to hold up the idea of peace ; it serves
them to relieve their credit at certain times, when it is in dis
tress ; it serves to disconcert the projects of the neutral powers,
to their disadvantage; it enables their friends in the United
1 As I received no answer to my letter to the Comte de Vergennes, of the
13th of July, and as I was very desirous of obtaining his sentiments, or at least
some further information or explanations from him, I wrote again with this view,
on the 16th. Letters to the Boston Patriot, 1809.
442 OFFICIAL.
Provinces to keep the Dutch nation in that state of division,
sloth, and inactivity, from which they derive so much plunder
with so much safety. But I cannot persuade myself that the
English will soberly think of peace while they have any military
force in the United States, and can preserve a gleam of hope of
conquering or regaining America. While this hope remains, no
depredations on their commerce, no loss of dominions in the
East or West Indies, will induce them to make peace ; because
they think, that with America reunited to them, they could
easily regain whatever they may now lose. This opinion of
theirs may be extravagant and enthusiastical, and they would
not find it so easy to recover their losses ; but they certainly
entertain it, and while it remains, I fear they will not make
peace.
Yet it seems they have negotiated themselves into a delicate
situation. If they should obstinately adhere to their two preli
minaries, against the advice of the two Imperial Courts, this
might seriously affect their reputation, if they have any, for
moderation and for pacific dispositions, not only in those
Courts, but in all the Courts and countries of Europe; and
they would not easily answer it to their own subjects who are
weary of the war. Peace is so desirable an object, that human
ity, as well as policy, demands of every nation at war a serious
attention to every proposition which seems to have a tendency
to it, although there may be grounds to suspect that the first
proposer of it was not sincere. I think that no power can judge
the United States unreasonable in not agreeing to the statu quo
or the armistice. But perhaps I have not been sufficiently expli
cit upon another point.
The proposal of a separate treaty between the British minister
and the representative of the United States seems to be a bene
volent invention to avoid several difficulties ; among others, first,
that England may be allowed to save her national pride, by think
ing and saying that the independence of America was agreed to
voluntarily, and was not dictated to her by France or Spain ;
secondly, to avoid the previous acknowledgment of American
independence and the previous ascertaining the title and charac
ter of the American representative, which the Imperial Courts
may think wrould be a partiality inconsistent with the character
of mediators and even of neutrals, especially as England has
OFFICIAL. 443
uniformly considered any such step as a hostility against them ;
though I know not upon what law of nations or of reason.
I cannot see that the United States would make any conces
sion or submit to any indignity, or do any thing inconsistent
with their character, if their minister should appear at Vienna
or elsewhere with the ministers of other powers, and conduct
any negotiation with a British minister, without having the
independence of the United States, or his own title and charac
ter acknowledged or ascertained by any other power, except
France, until the pacification should be concluded. I do not
see that America would lose any thing by this, any more than
by having a minister in any part of Europe with his character
unacknowledged by all the powers of Europe. In order to
remove every embarrassment, therefore, as much as possible, if
your Excellency should be of the same opinion, and advise me
to it, I would withdraw every objection to the congress on the
part of the United States, and decline nothing but the statu quo
and the armistice, against which such reasons might be given,
as I think would convince all men that the United States are
bound to refuse them. If your Excellency should think it
necessary for me to assign these reasons particularly, I will
attempt some of them ; but it is sufficient for me to say to your
Excellency that my positive instructions forbid me to agree either
to the armistice or statu quo.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
COUNT DE VERGENNES TO JOHN ADAMS.
-y (Translation.)
Versailles, 18 July, 1781.
SIR, — I have received the letter which you did me the honor to
write to me on the 13th instant. It was owing to the confidence I
placed in your information and in your zeal for your country, that
I intrusted to you the propositions of the two Imperial Courts,
and requested that you would make such observations as you
might think them susceptible of. Things are not yet sufficiently
advanced to admit of communicating them to the two mediating
Courts. As you have seen in the sketch of our answer, there are
preliminaries to be adjusted with respect to the United States,
444 OFFICIAL.
and, so long as they are not adjusted, you cannot appear, and,
consequently, you cannot permit yourself the smallest ministe
rial act in the face of the two mediators. By so doing, you
would expose yourself to the risk of compromising to no pur
pose (en pure perte) the character with which you are invested.
I have the honor to be, &c.
DE VERGENNES.1
TO COUNT DE VERGENNES.
Paris, 18 July, 1781.
SIR, — I have received the letter which your Excellency did
me the honor to write me this day. I assure your Excellency I
never had a thought of appearing upon the scene, or of taking
ministerially or otherwise any step towards the two mediators.
I must confess to your Excellency that I have too many jealous
ies of the motives, and too many apprehensions of the conse
quences of this negotiation, to be willing to take any part in it
without an express vocation. The English are tottering on such
a precipice, and are in such a temper, that they will not hesitate
at any measure which they think can move every latent passion,
and awaken every dormant interest in Europe in order to embroil
all the world. Without looking much to consequences, or weigh
ing whether the quarrels they wish to excite will be serviceable
to them or not, they seem to think the more confusion they can
make the better ; for which reason my fears from the proposed
mediation are greater than my hopes.
Nevertheless, if properly called upon, it will be my duty to
attend to every step of it ; but there are many questions arise in
my mind, upon which, in due time, I should wish to know your
Excellency's opinion.
1 This letter was addressed in these words : — "A Monsieur Adams, Agent
des Etats Unis de 1'Amerique Septentrionale, a 1'Hotel de Valois, Rue Richelieu,
a Paris ; (franked) de Vergennes," all in the handwriting of the clerk who wrote
the letter. The letter was signed by the Count de Vergennes. Whether the
word agent was a blunder of the clerk, or the art and design of the Count, is of
no consequence now. He knew I was minister plenipotentiary, both for peace
and to the states of Holland ; but what reason he had for avoiding to acknow
ledge it, I know not. It excited some reflections and suspicions at the time,
because it seemed to be conformable to the views of the mediating courts, which
the Court of France ought not to have countenanced.
Letters to the Boston Patriot, 1809.
OFFICIAL. 445
The two Imperial Courts have proposed that there should be
an American representative at the congress. This is not merely
by implication, but expressly acknowledging, that there is a bel
ligerent power in America of sufficient importance to be taken
notice of by them and the other powers of Europe. One would
think after this, that the two Imperial Courts would have com
municated their propositions to congress. The propositions they
have made and communicated to the Courts of France, Spain,
and England, imply that America is a power, a free and inde
pendent power, as much as if they had communicated them also
to congress at Philadelphia. Without such a formal communi
cation and an invitation to the United States in congress, or to
their representative here, by the two Imperial Courts, I do not
see how an American minister can, with strict propriety, appear
at the proposed congress at Vienna at all. I have never heard it
intimated that they have transmitted their propositions to Phila
delphia ; certainly I have received no instructions from thence,
nor have I received any intimations of such propositions from any
minister of either of the mediating Courts, although, as my mis
sion has been long public and much talked of, I suppose it was
well known to both that there was a person in Europe vested by
America with power to make peace. It seems, therefore, that
one step more might have been taken, perfectly consistent with
the first, and that it may yet be taken, and that it is but reason
able to expect that it will be.
How is the American minister to know that there is a congress,
and that it is expected that he should repair to it ? and that any
minister from Great Britain will meet him there ? Is the British
Court or their ambassador to give him notice ? This seems less
probable than that the mediators should do it.
The dignity of North America does not consist in diplomatic
ceremonials or any of the subtleties of etiquette ; it consists solely
in reason, justice, truth, the rights of mankind, and the interests
of the nations of Europe, all of which, well understood, are
clearly in her favor. I shall, therefore, never make unnecessary
difficulties on the score of etiquette, and shall never insist upon
any thing of this sort which your Excellency or some other
minister of our allies does not advise me to as indispensable ;
and, therefore, I shall certainly go to Vienna or elsewhere, if your
Excellency should invite or advise me to go. But, as these
VOL. VII. 38
446 OFFICIAL.
reflections occurred to me upon the point of propriety, I thought
it my duty to mention them to your Excellency.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
TO COUNT DE VERGENNES.
Paris, 19 July, 1781.
SIR, — In my letter of the 18th I had the honor to mention
some things which lay upon my mind ; but still I am appre
hensive that, in a former letter, I have not conveyed my full
meaning to your Excellency.
In my letter of the 16th I submitted to your Excellency's opi
nion and advice, whether an American minister could appear at
the congress at Vienna without having his character acknow
ledged by any power more expressly than it is now. This was
said upon the supposition, and taking it for granted, that it was
the intention of the mediating Courts to admit a representative
of the United States to the congress with such a commission
and such a title as the United States should think fit to give
him, and that during his whole residence and negotiations at
Vienna, whether they should terminate in peace or not, he
should enjoy all the prerogatives which the law of nations has
annexed to the character, person, habitation, and attendants of
such a minister. It is impossible that there should be a treaty
at Vienna between Great Britain and the people of America,
whether they are called United States or American Colonies,
unless both nations appear there by representatives, who must
be authorized by commissions or full powers, which must be
mutually exchanged, and consequently admitted to be what
upon the face of them they purport to be.
The commission from the United States for making peace,
which has been in Europe almost two years, is that of a minis
ter plenipotentiary; and it authorizes him to treat only with
ministers vested with equal powers. If he were to appear at
Vienna, he would certainly assume the title and character of a
minister plenipotentiary, and could enter into no treaty or con
ference with any minister from Great Britain, until they had
mutually exchanged authentic copies of their full powers. This,
it is true, would be an implied acknowledgment of his character
OFFICIAL. 447
and title and of those of the United States too ; but such an
acknowledgment is indispensable, because without it there can
be no treaty at all. In consequence, he would expect to enjoy
all the prerogatives of that character; and the moment they
should be denied him, he must quit the congress, let the conse
quences be what they might.
And, I rely upon it, this is the intention of the two Imperial
Courts ; because, otherwise, they would have proposed the con
gress upon the basis of the two British preliminaries, — a rup
ture of the treaty with France, and a return of the Americans to
their submission to Great Britain ; and because I cannot sup
pose it possible that the Imperial Courts could believe the Ame
ricans capable of such infinite baseness as to appear upon the
stage of the universe to acknowledge themselves guilty of rebel
lion, and supplicate for grace ; nor can I suppose they meant to fix
a brand of disgrace upon the Americans in the sight of all nations,
or to pronounce judgment against them ; one or all of which
suppositions must be made before it can be believed that these
Courts did not mean to protect the American representative in
the enjoyment of the privileges attached to the character he must
assume ; and because, otherwise, all their propositions would be
to no effect, for no congress at Vienna can make either the one
or the other of the two proposed peaces without the United States.
But, upon looking over ^gain the words of the first article, there
seems to be room for dispute, of which a British minister, in the
present state of his country, would be capable of taking advan
tage. The terms used seem to be justly exceptionable. There
are no "American Colonies" at war with Great Britain. The
power at war is the United States of America. No American
Colonies have any representative in Europe, unless Nova Scotia
or Quebec or some of the West India Islands may have an agent
in London. The word colony, in its usual acceptation, implies
a metropolis, a mother country, a superior political governor,
ideas which the United States have long since renounced forever.
I am therefore clear in my own opinion that a more explicit
declaration ought to be insisted on, and that no American repre
sentative ought to appear without an express assurance that,
while the congress lasts, and in going to it and returning from it,
he shall be considered as a minister plenipotentiary from the
United States of America, and entitled to all the prerogatives of
448 OFFICIAL.
such a minister from a sovereign power. The congress might
be to him and to his country but a snare, unless the substance
of this is bond fide intended ; and, if it is intended, there can be
no sufficient reason for declining to express it in words.
If there is a power upon earth that imagines that America
will ever appear at a congress before a minister of Great Bri
tain or any other power, in the character of repenting subjects,
soliciting an amnesty or a warranty of an amnesty, that power
is infinitely deceived. There are few Americans who would
hold their lives upon such terms. I know of none who would
not rather choose to appear upon a scaffold in their own country
or in Great Britain. All such odious ideas ought to be laid
aside by the British ministry before they propose mediations.
The bare mention of such a thing to the United States by Great
Britain would be considered only as another repetition of injury
and insult. The proposal of a rupture of the treaty is little less
to France. But it is possible, that in the future course of this
negotiation there may be a proposal of a congress of ministers
of the several mediating and belligerent powers, exclusive of the
United States, to deliberate on the question, in what character
the United States are to be considered, whether a representative
of the people of North America can be admitted, and what shall
be his title and privileges.
All that I can say to this case at present is this. The United
States have assumed their equal station among the nations.
They have assumed a sovereignty which they acknowledge to
hold only from God and their own swords. They can be repre
sented only as a sovereign ; and, therefore, although they might
not be able to prevent it, they can never consent that any of these
things shall be made questions. To give their consent, would
be to make the surrender of their sovereignty their own act.
France has acknowledged all these things, and bound her
honor and faith to the support of them, and, therefore, although
she might not be able to prevent it, she can never consent that
they should be disputed. Her consent would make the sur
render of the American sovereignty her act. And what end can
it answer to dispute them, unless it be to extend the flames of
war ? If Great Britain had a color of reason for pretending that
France's acknowledgment of American independence was a
hostility against her, the United States would have a stronger
OFFICIAL. 449
reason to say, that a denial of their sovereignty was a declara
tion of war against them. And as France is bound to support
their sovereignty, she would have reason to say, that a denial of
it is a hostility against her. If any power of Europe has an
inclination to join England and declare war against France and
the United States, there is no need of a previous congress to
enable her to do it with more solemnity, or to furnish her with
plausible pretexts. But, on the other hand, if the powers of
Europe are persuaded of the justice of the American pretensions,
and think it their duty to humanity to endeavor to bring about
peace, they may easily propose that the character of the United
States shall be acknowledged and their minister admitted.
I cannot but persuade myself that the two Imperial Courts
are convinced of the justice of the American cause, of the stabi
lity of the American sovereignty, and of the propriety and neces
sity of an acknowledgment of it by all the powers of Europe.
This, I think, may be fairly and conclusively inferred from the
propositions themselves. Was there ever an example of a con
gress of the powers of Europe to exhort, to influence, to over
awe the rebellious subjects of any one of them into obedience ?
Is not every sovereign adequate to the government, punishment,
or pardon of its own criminal subjects ? Would it not be a pre
cedent mischievous to mankind and tending to universal despot
ism, if a sovereign which has been proved to be unequal to the
reformation or chastisement of the pretended crimes of its own
subjects should be countenanced in calling in the aid of all
or any of the other powers of Europe to assist it ? It is quite
sufficient that England has already been permitted to hire twenty
thousand German troops, and to have the number annually
recruited for seven years, in addition to her own whole force ; it
is quite sufficient that she has been permitted to seduce innu
merable tribes of savages, in addition to both, to assist her in
propagating her system of tyranny, and committing her butcher
ies in America, without being able to succeed. After all this,
which is notorious to all Europe, it is impossible to believe that
the Imperial Courts mean to give their influence in any degree
towards bringing America to submission to Great Britain.
It seems to me, therefore, most certain that the Imperial
Courts perceive that American independence must be acknow
ledged ; and, if this is so, I think there can be no objection
38* C2
450 OFFICIAL.
against ascertaining the character of the American minister
before any congress meets, so that he may take his place in
it as soon as it opens.
But, if any sentiments of delicacy should induce those Courts
to think it necessary to wait for Great Britain to set the exam
ple of such acknowledgment, one would think it necessary to
wait until that power shall discover some symptoms of an incli
nation that way. A congress would have no tendency, that I
know of, to give her such a disposition ; on the contrary, a con
gress in which Great Britain should be represented, and France
and the United States not, would only give her an opportunity
of forming parties, propagating prejudices and partial notions,
and blowing up the coals of war.1
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
TO COUNT DE VERGENNES.
Paris, 21 July, 1781.
SIR, — Since my letter of the 19th, another point has occurred
to me, upon which it seems necessary that I should say some
thing to your Excellency before my departure for Holland, which
will be on Monday morning.
An idea has, I perceive, been suggested of the several States
of America choosing agents separately to attend the congress at
Vienna, in order to make peace with Great Britain, so that there
would be thirteen instead of one. The constitution of the Uni
ted States, or their confederation, which has been solemnly
adopted and ratified by each of them, has been officially and
authentically notified to their Majesties, the Kings of France
1 I lived in daily and hourly hopes and expectations of an answer to some of
my letters and communications, or of an invitation to some personal conference,
in which I might be favored with some intimations of his Excellency's sentiments
of approbation or disapprobation, or his advice, criticisms, or corrections of any
thing he might think required any alteration. But nothing appeared. All was
total silence and impenetrable mystery. Such a dead reserve, such a fixed deter
mination not to commit himself to any thing, not even to an acknowledgment of
the obligations of his own treaty with the United States, appeared to me to be
poor encouragement to us to be over-communicative with the French ministry.
I waited till the 21st of the month, when, being very anxious to return to Ho'l-
land, where I had reason to believe I could negotiate for peace with Great Bri
tain much more rapidly than in France, I wrote the following letter.
Letters to the Boston Patriot, 1809.
OFFICIAL. 451
and Spain, and to their High Mightinesses, the states-general
of the United Provinces of the Low Countries, and communi
cated to all the other Courts and nations of the world, as far as all
the gazettes of Europe are able to spread it ; so that it is now as
well and universally known as any constitution of government
in Europe. By this constitution, all power and authority of
negotiating with foreign powers is expressly delegated to the
United States in congress assembled. It would, therefore, be a
public disrespect and contempt offered to the constitution of the
nation, if any power should make any application whatever to
the governors or legislature of the separate States. In this
respect the American constitution is very different from the
Batavian. If the two Imperial Courts should address their
articles to the States separately, no governor or president of
any one of those commonwealths could even communicate it to
the legislature ; no president of a senate could lay it before the
body over which he presides ; no speaker of a house of repre
sentatives could read it to the house. It would be an error and
a misdemeanor in any of these officers to receive and commu
nicate any such letter. All that he could do, would be, after
breaking the seal and reading it, to send it back. He could not
even legally transmit it to congress. If such an application,
therefore, should be made and sent back, it would consume
much time to no purpose, and perhaps have other worse effects.
There is no method for the Courts of Europe to convey any
thing to the people of America but through the congress of the
United States, nor any way of negotiating with them but by
means of that body. I must, therefore, entreat your Excellency,
that the idea of summoning ministers from thirteen States may
not be countenanced at all.
1 know very well, that if each State had in the confederation
reserved to itself a right of negotiating with foreign powers, and
such an application should have been made to them separately
upon this occasion, they would all of them separately refer it to
congress, because the people universally know and are well
agreed, that all connections with foreign countries must, in
their circumstances, be made under one direction. But all these
things were very maturely considered in framing the confedera
tion, by which the people of each State have taken away from
themselves even the right of deliberating and debating upon
452 OFFICIAL.
these affairs, unless they should be referred to them by congress
for their advice, or unless they should think proper to instruct
their delegates in congress of their own accord.
This matter may not appear to your Excellency in so import
ant a light as it does to me, and the thought of such an applica
tion to the United States may not have been seriously enter
tained ; but as it has been mentioned, although only in a way
of transient speculation, I thought I could not excuse myself
from saying something upon it, because I know it would be
considered in so unfavorable a light in America, that I am per
suaded congress would think themselves bound to remonstrate
against it in the most solemn manner.1
I have the honor to be. &c. &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
1 The answer to the articles relative to America, proposed by the two Imperial
Courts, and the letters to the Count de Vergennes, I have the satisfaction to
I believe, defeated the profound and magnificent project of a congress at Vienna,
« for the purpose of chicaning the United States out of their independence.
It moreover established the principle, that American ministers plenipotentiary
were not to appear without their public titles and characters, nor to negotiate but
with their equals, after an exchange of full powers.
The correspondences of the cabinets of Madrid, London, Vienna, and St.
Petersburg, relative to this negotiation, are impenetrable secrets ; and those of
Versailles would have been equally so to this hour, if my friend, Mr. Dana, had
not been in Russia.
(The letters of the Marquis de Verac, of the 2d and 1 2th September, to Mr
Dana, here alluded to, as explaining the views of the French cabinet, are to be
found imperfectly translated in the Diplomatic Correspondence of the Revolution,
vol. viii. pp. 291-304. So striking is the coincidence of thought and tone be
tween Mr. Adams's answer, and the answers of the Court of France afterwards
given to the mediators, that for facility of comparison the latter are placed in the
Appendix A to this volume.)
Mr. Adams further says : — •
The letters of the Marquis de Verac to Mr. Dana are so perfectly concord
ant, paragraph by paragraph, and almost word for word, with the conversations
of the Duke de la Vauguyon with me at the Hague many months before, that I
have no doubt both were dictated at Versailles by the Count de Vergennes and
his confidential secretary, M. de Rayneval. It is to be regretted that these con
versations were not reduced to writing at the time. But the Duke endeavored
to avoid a written correspondence on the subject, and I had very powerful rea
sons for not forcing him to it. I will not venture to say, that the advice to
both was not wise. I leave it to the judgment of more learned and experienced
statesmen. I did not see or feel the force of it at the time, and ventured to pro
ceed in opposition to it. And my temerity was rewarded with success, and even
beyond my own expectations. Letters to the Boston Patriot, 1809.
OFFICIAL. 453
THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS TO JOHN ADAMS.
Philadelphia, 21 July, 1781.
SIR, — I do not find by President Huntingdon's letter-book
that he has forwarded the within resolve l of July 12th, respect
ing your powers of September 29, 1779. Therefore I take the
opportunity of two vessels which are to sail in a few days, to
communicate it doubly.
Your humble servant,
JAMES LovELL,/or the Committee of Foreign Affairs.
(Private. Partly in Cipher.)
The whole of the proceedings here in regard to your two
commissions are, I think, ill judged ; but I persuade myself
no dishonor was for you intended. The business greatly, in
every view, chagrins me. This you will have learned from my
former letters written in a half light.
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Amsterdam, 3 August, 1781.
SIR, — I have the honor to inclose copies of some papers
which passed between the Count de Vergennes and me lately
at Paris. The conjecture, that the British Court would insist
upon their two preliminaries, is become more probable by the
publication of the King's, speech at the prorogation of parlia
ment.
" The zeal and ardor which you have shown for the honor of
my crown," says the King, " your firm and steady support of a
just cause, and the great efforts you have made to enable me to
surmount all the difficulties of this extensive and complicated
1 By the United States in congress assembled, 12 July, 1781, —
Resolved, That the commission and instructions for negotiating a treaty of com
merce between these United States and Great Britain, given to the Honorable
John Adams on the 29th day of September, 1779, be, and they are hereby revoked.
Extract from the Minutes.
CHARLES THOMSON, Secretary.
454 OFFICIAL.
war, must convince the world that the ancient spirit of the Bri
tish nation is not abated or diminished.
" While I lament the continuance of the present troubles and
the extension of the war, I have the conscious satisfaction to
reflect, that the constant aim of all my counsels has been to
bring back my deluded subjects in America to the happiness
and liberty they formerly enjoyed, and to see the tranquillity of
Europe restored.
" To defend the dominions, and to maintain the rights of this
country, was, on my part, the sole cause, and is the object of the
war. Peace is the earnest wish of my heart ; but I have too
firm a reliance on the spirit and resources of the nation, the
powerful assistance of my parliament, and the protection of a
just and all-ruling- Providence, to accept it upon any other terms
or conditions than such as may consist with the honor and dig
nity of my crown, and the permanent interest and security of my
people."
We all know very well what his meaning is, when he men
tions " the honor and dignity of his crown, and the permanent
interest and security of his people." Could the minister who
J composed this speech expect that anybody would believe him
when he said, that the constant aim of all his counsels had been
to bring back the Americans to the happiness and liberty they
formerly enjoyed ?
The whole of this speech is in a strain which leaves no room
to doubt that the cabinet of St. James is yet resolved to perse
vere in the war to the last extremity, and to insist still upon the
return of America to British obedience, and upon the rupture of
7 the treaty with France, as preliminaries to the congress at Vienna.
Thus, the two Imperial Courts will find themselves trifled with
by the British. It is not to be supposed that either will be the
voluntary bubble of such trickish policy. The Empress of Rus
sia is supposed to be as sagacious as she is spirited ; yet she
seems to have given some attention to the pacific professions of
the English. If she should see herself intentionally deceived, she
will not probably be very patient.
The Emperor, in his late journey through Holland, made him
self the object of the esteem and admiration of all ; affable and
familiar, as a great sovereign can ever allow himself to be with
dignity, he gave to many persons unequivocal intimations of his
OFFICIAL. 455
sentiments upon public affairs. Patriotism seemed to be the
object which he wished to distinguish. Whoever espoused with
zeal the honor and interest of his own country was sure of some
mark of his approbation ; whoever appeared to countenance
another country in preference to his own, found some symptom
of his dislike ; even the ladies, French or Dutch, who had any
of the English modes in their dress, received from his Majesty
some intimation of his disapprobation of their taste. Every
body here, since his departure, is confident of his entire detest
ation of the principles on which the English have conducted this
war, and of his determination to take no part in it in their favor.
His sentiments concerning America are inferred from a very sin
gular anecdote, which is so wTell attested, that it may not be
improper to mention it to congress.
His Majesty condescended in a certain company to inquire
after the minister of the United States of America to their High
Mightinesses ; said he was acquainted with his name and cha
racter, and should be glad to see him. A lady in company asked
his Majesty if he would drink tea with him at her house. He
replied in the affirmative, in the character of the Count of Falk-
enstein. A lady in company undertook to form the party ; but,
upon inquiry, the American was at Paris. It is supposed, with
good reason, that there could be nothing personal in this curi
osity, and, therefore, that it was intended as a political signifi
cation of a certain degree of complaisance towards America.
Thus it is, that the words, gestures, and countenances of sove
reigns are watched, and political inferences drawn from them ;
but there is too much uncertainty in this science to depend
much upon it. It seems, however, that the Emperor made him
self so popular here as to excite some appearance of jealousy in
Prussia. For my own part, I think that the greatest political
stroke which the two Imperial sovereigns could make, would be,
upon receiving the answer from England adhering to her preli
minaries, immediately to declare the United States independ
ent. It would be to their immortal honor ; it would be in the
character of each of these extraordinary geniuses ; it would be a
blessing to mankind ; it would even be friendship to England.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
456 OFFICIAL.
BENJAMIN FRANKLIN TO JOHN ADAMS.
Passy, 16 August, 1781.
SIR, — I have the honor to inform your Excellency that I yes
terday received despatches from congress refusing for the present,
the dismission I had requested, and ordering me upon an addi
tional service, that of being joined with yourself and Messrs. Jay,
H. Laurens, and T. Jefferson, in negotiations for peace. I would
send you a copy of the commission, and of another which
authorizes us to accept of the mediation of the Emperor and
the Empress of Russia, but that I suppose you may have them
in the inclosed packet. I shall be glad to learn from your Excel
lency what steps have already been taken in this important
business. With great regard, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
(Inclosed in tJie Preceding.)
THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS TO JOHN ADAMS.
Philadelphia, 20 June, 1781.
SIR, — You will receive inclosed a letter addressed to his
Most Christian Majesty, with a copy of the same for your
information.
Also a commission constituting the four gentlemen therein
named, in addition to yourself, our ministers for negotiating
peace. Also another commission and duplicate, authorizing
them to accept of the mediation of the Emperor of Germany
and Empress of Russia, in one of which you will observe the
Emperor is first named, and in the other the Empress. These
are to be made use of as circumstances shall render expedient.1
I have also inclosed instructions (in cipher) for your govern
ment, in addition to those formerly given you for negotiating
peace with Great Britain.
You will immediately communicate the receipt of these
l These papers are all found in the Secret Journals of Congress, vol. ii. pp.
434-449.
OFFICIAL. 457
despatches to Dr. Franklin and Mr. Jay, to whom duplicates
are also forwarded with similar directions.
I have the honor to be, &c.
SAMUEL HUNTINGTON, President.
P. S. Since writing the foregoing, for want of another con
veyance, I have determined to send this by the same convey
ance that carries the duplicates to Dr. Franklin. I have there
fore taken out the letter to the King of France and copy men
tioned in the foregoing. S. H.
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Amsterdam, 16 August, 1781.
SIR, — Mr. Temple has held offices of such importance, and
a rank so considerable in America, before the revolution, that
his return to his native country at this time, cannot fail to cause
much speculation, and it is to be feared some diversity of sen
timents concerning him. As he came from London to Amster
dam, and did me the honor of a visit, in which he opened to me
his design of returning, and his sentiments upon many public
affairs, it will be expected in America by many, although it has
not been requested by Mr. Temple, that I should say something
concerning him.
I was never before personally acquainted with this gentleman,
but I have long known his public character and private reputa
tion. He was ever reputed a man of very delicate sentiments
of honor, of integrity, and of attachment to his native country,
although his education, his long residences in England, his
numerous connections there, and the high offices he held under
the British government, did not even admit of a general opinion,
that his sentiments were in all respects perfectly conformable to
those of the most popular party in the Colonies. Nevertheless,
he was never suspected, to my knowledge, of concurring in, or
countenancing any of those many plots which were laid by
other officers of the Crown against our liberties, but on the
contrary, was known to be the object of their jealousy, revenge,
and malice, because he would not. He was, however, intimate
VOL. vn. 39
458 OFFICIAL.
with several gentlemen, who stood foremost in opposition, par
ticularly Mr. Otis, who has often communicated to me intelli
gence of very great importance, which he had from Mr. Temple,
and which he certainly could have got no other way, as early I
believe as 1763 and 1764, and onwards.
I cannot undertake to vindicate Mr. Temple's policy in re
maining so long in England ; but it will be easily in his power
to show what kind of company he has kept there ; what kind of
sentiments and conversation he has maintained, and in what
occupations he has employed his time. It is not with a view to
recommend Mr. Temple to honors or emoluments, that I write
this. It would not be proper for me, and congress know very
well, that I have not ventured upon this practice, even in cases
where I have much more personal knowledge than in this. But
it is barely to prevent, as far as my poor opinion may go, jealous
ies and alarms upon Mr. Temple's arrival. Many may suspect
that he comes with secret and bad designs, in the confidence of
the British ministry, of which I do not believe him capable.
Mr. Temple, it is most certain, has fallen from high rank and
ample emoluments, merely because he would not join in hostile
designs against his country. This, I think, should at least entitle
him to the quiet enjoyment of the liberties of his country, and
to the esteem of his fellow-citizens, provided there are no just
grounds of suspicion of him. And I really think it a testimony
due to truth, to say, that after a great deal of the very freest
conversation with him, I see no reason to suspect his intentions.
I have taken the liberty to give Mr. Temple my own senti
ments concerning the suspicions which have been and are enter
tained concerning him, and the causes of them, and of all parts
of his conduct which have come to my knowledge, with so little
disguise, that he will be well apprised of the disappointments he
may meet with, if any. I hope, however, that he will meet a
more friendly reception in America, and better prospects of a
happy life there than I have been able to assure him. Whether
any services or sufferings of Mr. Temple could support any claim
upon the justice, gratitude, or generosity of the United States, or
of that of Massachusetts in particular, is a question upon which
it would be altogether improper for me to give any opinion, as I
know not the facts so well as they may be made known, and as
I am no judge if I knew the facts. But this I know ; that when-
OFFICIAL. 459
ever the facts shall be laid before either the great council of the
United States or that of Massachusetts, they will be judged of
Dy the worthy representatives of a just, grateful, and generous
people, and, therefore, Mr. Temple will have no reason to com
plain if the decision should be against him.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
TO B. FRANKLIN.
Amsterdam, 25 August, 1781.
SIR, — Last evening I received your Excellency's letter of the
16th of this month, accompanied with a letter from the president
of congress containing the commissions you mention.
You desire to know what steps have already been taken in
this business. There has been no step taken by me in pursu
ance of my former commission, until my late journey to Paris,
at the invitation of the Count de Vergennes, who communicated
to me certain articles proposed by the mediating Courts, and
desired me to make such observations upon them as should
occur to me. Accordingly, I wrote a number of letters to his
Excellency of the following dates, — July 13th, inclosing an
answer to the articles, 16th, 18th, 19th, 21st. I would readily
send you copies of the articles and of those letters ; but there are
matters in them which had better not be trusted to go so long a
journey especially as there is no necessity for it. The Count
de Vergennes will readily give you copies of the articles and of
my letters, which will prevent all risk.
I am very apprehensive that our new commission will be as
useless as my old one. Congress might, very safely I believe,
permit us all to go home, if we had no other business, and stay
there some years ; at least, until every British soldier in the
United States is killed or captivated. Till then, Britain will
never think of peace but for the purposes of chicanery.
I see in the papers that the British ambassador at Petersburg
has received an answer from his Court to the articles. What
this answer is, we may conjecture from the King's speech. Yet
the Empress of Russia has made an insinuation to their High
Mightinesses which deserves attention. Perhaps you may have
460 OFFICIAL.
seen it ; but, lest you should not, I will add a translation of it
which I sent to congress in the time of it, not having the ori
ginal at hand.
I must beg the favor of your Excellency to communicate to
me whatever you may learn which has any connection with this
negotiation ; particularly the French, Spanish, and British an
swers to the articles, as soon as you can obtain them. In my
situation, it is not likely that I shall obtain any information of
consequence but from the French Court. Whatever may come
to my knowledge I will communicate to you without delay.
If Britain persists in her two preliminaries, as I presume she
does, what will be the consequence ? Will the two Imperial
Courts permit this great plan of a congress at Vienna which is
public, and made the common talk of Europe, to become another
sublime bubble like the armed neutrality ? In what a light will
these mediating Courts appear, after having listened to a propo
sition of England so far as to make propositions themselves, and
to refer to them in many public acts, if Britain refuses to agree
to them, and insists upon such preliminaries as are at least an
insult to France and America, and a kind of contempt to the
common sense of all Europe ? Upon my word I am weary of
such roundabout and endless negotiations as that of the armed
neutrality and this of the congress at Vienna, I think the Dutch
have at last discovered the only effectual method of negotiation,
that is, by fighting the British fleets, until every ship is obliged
to answer the signal for renewing the battle by the signal of dis
tress. There is no room for British chicanery in this. If I ever
did any good since I was born, it was in stirring up the pure
minds of the Dutchmen, and setting the old Batavian spirit in
motion after having slept so long.
Our dear country will go fast asleep in full assurance of hav
ing news of peace by winter, if not by the first vessel. Alas !
what a disappointment they will meet. I believe I had better
go home and wake up our countrymen out of their reveries
about peace. Congress have done very well to join others in
the commission for peace who have some faculties for it. My
talent, if I have one, lies in making war. The grand signer
will finish the proces des trois rois sooner than the congress at
Vienna will make peace, unless the two Imperial Courts act
with dignity and consistency upon the occasion, and acknow-
OFFICIAL. 461
ledge American independency at once, upon Britain's insisting
on her two insolent preliminaries.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
FRANCIS DANA TO JOHN ADAMS.
St. Petersburg, 28 August, 1781.
MY DEAR SIR, — It is not through want of attention that I
have omitted to this time to acquaint you of our arrival in this
city. We reached it, after some perils, on the 27th of August,
N. S., sufficiently fatigued, I assure you. For, from Leipsic, I
began to travel day and night, and continued this practice all
along the remaining distance. At Berlin we rested, or were
rather stopped, nine days, by an unfortunate accident of our
voiture's being overthrown and broken into pieces, between
Leipsic and Berlin, the first time I attempted to travel in the
night. I there bought a new one, which was warranted to carry
us to St. Petersburg and back again in the utmost safety. This,
however, failed in essential parts, and required many repairs on
the way. Notwithstanding the above accident, I found our
advance so slow through the abominable defects of German
posts, that I resolved to risk all again and persist in travelling
in the night ; fortunately, nothing of the like kind happened to
us. We rested afterwards a day or two at the following
places, — Dantzic, Konigsberg, Memel, Riga, and Narva, — at
most of which stages our voiture demanded repairs. This gave
me an opportunity, perhaps not wholly unprofitable to our coun
try, to make inquiries into the commerce of these towns ; for they
are all of them ports. On the whole, from Amsterdam to this
city, we were fifty-one days. Mr. Jenings gave me all August
to get in; but for the accident to my first voiture, and some
detentions for the repairs of my second, I should have accom
plished my journey twelve or fourteen days sooner with equal
fatigue.
After all, you will not be surprised to learn I am told in effect
that I am here too soon ; that the proper time is not yet come.
In the name of common sense, I was about to ask you, what
this gentry can mean ? But I believe we are at no loss to
answer this question. I am promised, however, in the most
39*
462 OFFICIAL.
flattering terms, every assistance in matters touching the joint
or common interests of the two houses ; yet I am told not to
expect it in matters that may be injurious to one without being
advantageous to the other. Such frivolous reasons appeared to
me to have been assigned, to show the time is not yet come,
that I have presumed to question them. This, I imagine, may
give offence when I would not wish to do it. But must an
implicit faith be put in all things that may come from a certain
quarter ? Happily all our communications have hitherto been
in writing, so that they, whose right it is to judge each of us,
may do it understandingly. I am not disappointed in this dif
ference, of sentiments upon my main business, yet I am some
what shocked that I have been here twelve days, since he knew
in a proper way of my being in town, and have not received the
least mark of attention from our friend^ except what may be
contained in civil words only. The reason of this we may con
jecture, and perhaps we shall not be far from the truth. I sus
pect Ishmael may have been a little instrumental in this conduct.
It cannot be without design, I think. I have candidly, and, I
believe, decently, given my own sentiments upon the subject,
and told our friend what measures I intended to pursue, to
endeavor at least to come at the end in view. He received my
letter on the evening of the 25th ; but I have yet had no answer.
It was a long one, it is true ; and he, not understanding Eng
lish, must have it translated ; so that I do not absolutely con
clude that he will not answer it. He communicated to me in
confidence what had been communicated to me before in the
same way, touching a proposal made, to speak in plain English,
by the mediators, agreeable to our utmost wishes. He did not
tell me, as the other person had done, that the mediation was
rejected on account of that proposition by the Court of London.
This I suppose to be the truth, though not a lisp of it is to be
heard yet without doors here. I wish soon to receive a confirm
ation of it from your hand, when I can make that use of it I
now want exceedingly to make of it. I take it to be a matter
of great consequence to our interests, and I build many hopes
upon it in aid of my business. It seems to open the real good
dispositions of those sovereigns for our cause. I have made use
of an argument of this sort to our friend in my last. Do not
withhold from me a moment any information which you think
OFFICIAL. 463
can be improved to our advantage. Let no supposition that I
may be otherwise informed of it stay your hand. What comes
from you, I shall think myself at liberty to make use of at my
discretion. You must have gained informations on your late
tour which will be of importance to me.
Your son is still with me at the Hotel de Paris. He is desi
rous of my procuring him a private instructor. I should like
this very much, as I should be fond of having him with me ;
but I cannot yet obtain proper information upon this head. I
shall endeavor to do the best with him. Your sentiments on
this point may not be amiss. I beg you to write to me under
cover to Messrs. Strahlborn & Wolft', Banquiers a St. Peters
burg. I had like to have forgot our news of the action between
the Dutch and English ; the former, it is agreed, have acquitted
themselves most nobly. But why were they sent out so feeble
upon so important a business ?
My best regards to Mr. Thaxter and all our Amsterdam
friends. Pray tell him he must write me all the public news,
especially from our country. This is the finest city I have seen
in Europe, and far surpasses all my expectations. Alone, it is
sufficient to immortalize the memory of Peter the First. More
of the real grandeur of the city and empire hereafter. In the
mean time, I beg to assure you of the continuance of that high
respect and warm affection I have entertained for you long
since. Your friend, &c.
FRANCIS DANA.
BENJAMIN FRANKLIN TO JOHN ADAMS.
Passy, 31 August, 1781.
SIR, — I duly received the letter you did me the honor of
writing to me the 17th instant, inclosing a copy of one from Mr.
John Ross, acquainting me with the presentation to you. of fifty-
one bills drawn in his favor, the 22d of June last, on Mr. Henry
Lauren s, for the sum of forty thousand nine hundred and fifty
guilders, and desiring to know whether I will pay them.
I have already paid, or provided for the payment of all the
former congress bills on Mr. Laurens, on Mr. Jay, and on your
self and me, drawn upon us when we had no funds in our hands
464 OFFICIAL.
to pay them. I have been exceedingly embarrassed and dis
tressed by this business ; and being obliged to apply repeatedly
for aids to this Court, with one unexpected demand after another,
I have given trouble and vexation to the ministers, by obliging
them to find new funds for me, and thereby deranging their plans.
They have, by their minister at Philadelphia, complained of these
irregular, unfounded drafts, to congress ; and I am told that he
received a promise about the end of March last that no more
should be issued. I have been obliged lately to apply for more
money to discharge such of these bills as I had engaged for and
were yet unpaid, and for other purposes, and I obtained it on a
promise not to accept or engage for any that should be drawn
after the end of March, if such should be drawn, which was not
expected, as the congress had promised not to draw but upon
known funds. I have received no advice or orders relating to
those bills of Mr. Ross. I cannot conceive why they were drawn
on Mr. Laurens, known to be a prisoner in the Tower. You will
see, by the inclosed copy of a letter from M. de Vergennes, that
I am told very fairly and explicitly, that if I accept any more
such bills, I am not to expect any assistance from him in paying
them. I am, therefore, obliged to be explicit with you. I can
not accept, nor have any thing to do with the acceptance of
them. I have obtained what you see mentioned in the Count's
letter, which I was almost ashamed to ask, and hardly expected.
I cannot worry such good friends again for these new drafts.
Mr. Ross's demand was near twenty thousand pounds sterling.
I suppose these bills will be followed by more. You once wrote
to me that you thought a few protests of such bills might be of
service to our affairs in Holland. Perhaps none can arrive that
may bear a protest with less inconvenience. And I think the
practice will never cease, if not stopped by protesting. The
bills are not drawn upon you, nor recommended to your care
by congress, and unless you have reason to believe, that in the
term of six months you may, by earnest application, obtain
remittances to discharge, I cannot advise your accepting them.
I have the honor to be, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
OFFICIAL. 465
THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS TO JOHN ADAMS.
Philadelphia, 1 September, 1781.
SIR, — Inclosed, you have some important instructions passed
in congress upon the 16th of last month.1 They will probably
reach you first through our minister at Versailles, an opportu
nity to France having earliest presented itself. Should that not
be the case, you will be careful to furnish copies to Dr. Franklin
and Mr. Jay.
I remain, &c.
JAMES LovELL,/or the Committee of Foreign Affairs.
TO B. FRANKLIN.
Amsterdam, 4 October, 1781.
SIR, — Since the 25th of August, when I had the honor to
write to you, this is the first time I have taken a pen in hand to
write to anybody, having been confined and reduced too low to
do any kind of business, by a nervous fever.
The new commission for peace has been a great consolation
to me, because it removed from the public all danger of suffer
ing any inconvenience at a time when, for many days together,
there were many chances to one that I should have nothing more
to do with commissions of any sort. It is still a great satisfac
tion to me, because I think it a measure essentially right, both
as it is a greater demonstration of respect to the powers whose
ministers may assemble to make peace, and as it is better calcu
lated to give satisfaction to the people of America in all parts,
as the commissioners are chosen from the most considerable
places in that country.
It is probable that the French Court is already informed of the
alteration. Nevertheless, I should think it proper that it should
be officially notified to the Count de Vergennes ; and, if you are
of the same opinion, as you are near, I should be obliged to you
if you would communicate to his Excellency an authentic copy
of the new commission.
1 See the Secret Journals of Congress, vol.ii. pp. 470, 472.
D2
466 OFFICIAL.
I should think, too, that it would be proper to give some inti
mation of it to the public in the Gazette or Mercure de France,
the two papers which are published with the consent of the
Court, and, if you are of the same opinion, upon consulting the
Count de Vergennes, I should be glad to see it done.
Have you any information concerning Mr. Jefferson, whether
he has accepted the trust ? Whether he has embarked, or pro
poses soon to embark ? I saw a paragraph in a Maryland paper
which expressed an apprehension that he was taken prisoner by
a party of horse in Virginia.
I feel a strong curiosity to know the answer of the British
Court to the articles to serve as a basis, &c., and should be
much obliged to your Excellency for a copy of it, if to be pro
cured, and for your opinion, whether there will be a congress or
not. I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
BENJAMIN FRANKLIN TO JOHN ADAMS.
Passy, 5 October, 1781.
SIR, — I congratulate your Excellency on your recovery. I
hope this seasoning will be the means of securing your future
health, by accommodating your constitution to the air of that
country.
Here are advices from Admiral de Grasse, which left him the
13th of August coming out of the Straits of Bahama with twenty-
eight sail of the line, bound to Chesapeake Bay, unless he should
meet at sea a call to New York from General Washington.
He took with him, from the islands, three thousand six hundred
land troops, which, with his marines, make near six thousand
men capable of acting either against Cornwallis or in the siege
of New York ; and the eight sail, under M. de Barras, at Boston,
joining him, will make a sea force superior to any expected of
the enemy in those seas, so that we may hope for some good
news from that quarter.
Since the letter your Excellency honored me with of the 25th
of August, I have learnt nothing new of the mediation. It
seems to be at present in a state of stagnation. Any farther
proceedings in it that may come to my knowledge shall be
immediately communicated to you. This Court appears atten-
OFFICIAL. 467
tive not only to the interest of the United States, but to their
honor. England seems not yet tired enough of the war to think
seriously of an accommodation, and till then our commission
will hardly afford us much employment, or make it necessary
for us to appoint a secretary in its service. I send, however,
inclosed, a copy of the minute of congress relating to that
appointment. I have not heard of Mr. Dana's arrival at Peters
burg ; if your Excellency has received any communicable advices
from him I shall be glad to see them, and to know whether he
is likely to continue there. Inclosed is a letter for him and
another for yourself ; they appear to me to have been, opened ;
but they are in the state I received them under cover from Mr.
Nesbitt of Lorient.
A letter from America that has been shown me, mentions a
resolution of congress to exchange General Burgoyne for Mr.
Laurens ; but I have never seen that resolution. Do you know
any thing of it ? I have a letter from Mr. Burke on the subject
of the General which I am at a loss to answer.
I received Mr. Thaxter's letter relating to the mast contracts,
and communicated it to M. de Vergennes, who, I suppose, will
write about that affair to M. de la Luzerne. Is it possible that
a project of supplying England with that article from any of the
United States can be executed ? I have no conception of the
means.
I am glad to hear that the loan from Holland is likely to suc
ceed ; for, without it, those obtained here for our service will not
afford payment of the list shown me the other day by M. Grand,
of your acceptances falling due in November, December, Janu
ary, and February next, amounting to Banco 217,932 §. It is a
demand I had no previous knowledge of, and, therefore, I hope
it is not expected of me to answer it. I have accepted the bills
mentioned in yours of the 24th past as drawn by you upon me
on that day. But the great sum above mentioned it will be out
of my power to accept, if you should draw for it, no provision
being made for it in our last grants.
With great respect, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
468 OFFICIAL.
FRANCIS DANA TO JOHN ADAMS.
St. Petersburg, -^ October, 1781.
DEAR SIR, — This letter, together with a packet for congress,
will be delivered to you by Mr. Stephen Sayer, who sets off
from hence to-morrow for Amsterdam. He knows nothing from
me about my business or affairs. Indeed I have had but little
acquaintance with him, less than I should have had, had he not
been unfortunately confined by sickness almost the whole time
I have been here. The account he will be able to give you,
touching the principal characters on the political stage here, will
be, I believe, nearly the true one. My hopes, however, are much
stronger than his. I think things are in a good train, and that
we have nothing to fear but the influence of British gold upon
a certain character to impede them for a while.
The packet for congress contains only duplicates of one for
warded about the 10th of September, O. S., from hence by water
for Amsterdam, under cover to Messrs, de Neufville & Son, which
was to be submitted to your perusal, except my letter to the pre
sident of T\ instant. You will break it up to read that, and
then be pleased to forward it by the earliest opportunity. But
I shall expect you to give me your sentiments in return with
your wonted integrity. I stand much in need of your friendly
and substantial advice. If you find any opinions which are not
just, correct them with freedom. You know me too well to
suppose I shall not take this in good part. You will much
oblige me by some account of matters upon your last tour. I
want to know whether they wear the same aspect in that, as I
have supposed them to do in this political hemisphere. These
communications may serve to correct the notions of both of us
concerning them. When I have said the independence of the
United States was certainly the basis of the first plan of pacifi
cation, I have not grounded my assertion upon the propositions
of the mediators. I have such assurances of this fact that I do
not doubt it. "What I have said of the Emperor, I think myself
at present equally well founded in ; and I wish you may not
find my conjecture about Holland true, and that she may be
earlier prepared to do as she ought to do. Does not her politi
cal pendulum still vibrate between belligerent and neutral ? I
OFFICIAL. 469
have indeed more hopes of her, from the spirit with which the
regency of Amsterdam seem to be now supported. If you
should be called upon to negotiate a treaty with her, you will
pardon my suggesting to you that the project sent to you is
very defective. If the copy which Mr. Thaxter made out for
me is a true one, there is no provision in it upon the following
points, — the right to participate in commercial privileges granted
to the most favored nation, (the second article I think does not
reach this) ; not to disturb national fisheries ; ships of war, &c.,
freely carrying their prizes whithersoever they please ; foreign
privateers fitting out or selling prizes in the ports of either
party ; free trade, except contraband articles, with an enemy ;
free ships, free goods ; description of contraband and lawful
effects ; sea papers, in case of one party being at war ; searches
at sea ; searches in port. Is it to be supposed all these par
ticulars were omitted as being against us ? There is a new
point which I have already mentioned to you, — the abolition
of the law of Amsterdam, which prohibits a captain of a foreign
nation in that port receiving on board his vessel even one of his
own countrymen, either as passenger or mariner, without permis
sion from the city magistrate, under a very heavy penalty. This
law is unjust in itself, is a snare for strangers, especially under
the infamous practices of their petty officers, who employ some
villanous sailors to go on board strange vessels to ship them
selves, and then to come away and give information to them.
Some of our countrymen have already suffered severely under it.
You will consider this law, I am sure, in its proper light.
There is another matter of much more consequence still, about
which I am unable to give particular information, though you
may obtain this, it is probable, from some of our mercantile
countrymen at Amsterdam. The abominable abuse of the
weigh-houses, where, after goods are weighed, certain officers
(who have a good understanding with their own merchants, as
some of them have confessed to me,) in a most arbitrary manner
not only settle the tare, but make enormous deductions, under
pretence of the goods being of an inferior quality or damaged,
and this, without giving themselves the trouble of making the
proper examination. Their decision is conclusive, or, at least
as things stand, upon appeal, redress is sought in vain ; for by
this craft we make much gain, say the Dutch merchants. Those
VOL. VII. 40
470 OFFICIAL.
of them to whom I have talked upon this matter, have freely
acknowledged the iniquity of the practice, but say there is no
helping it at present; when we make a commercial treaty with
you, it must be provided against. I know your views are so
direct, you have the real interest of our country so much at
heart, that you can never be offended at the liberty I take, or
consider it as an impertinent interference in your department.
We were last separated so suddenly, and my mind was too
much agitated by the weight of the business that lay before
me, when compared with my abilities, to recollect these things
which did not immediately concern me. I am now more at
ease, though I feel the want of the gentleman's company and
abilities who had flattered me that I should not want them.
I wish he had had the fortitude, shall I say, to face dangers,
no, there were none in the way, but to dissipate his unpro
mising apprehensions. Pray tell him (for I have not time to
tell him myself) that I have not once, even in my dreams, been
troubled with the idea of being banished into Siberia. If my
company is not welcome here, at least, I shall be permitted to
return to the place from whence I came, without being com
pelled to go from thence to the place of execution. He that
attempts nothing will accomplish nothing. And if there is
nothing dishonorable in the thing attempted, and some good
may come of it, why shrink from making it ? Is a fear of being
a little mortified, by failing of success, to deter one ? If such
personal considerations had prevailed everywhere, the grandest
revolution that has ever taken place in the world could never
have existed. When I see such instances of indecision in men
of real abilities and worth, I think of an observation of yours,
that no American, however well disposed he may be towards
his country, and however sincerely he may wish it success, who
has not been bred up in it, under the immediate influence and
the early perils of this revolution, is fit to be intrusted with the
management of its important affairs.
My dear sir, I am afraid I shall become tedious to you, and,
besides, I have only room to express my sincere wishes that you
may speedily recover from the effects of your late dangerous ill
ness, of which I was made acquainted a few days since by a let
ter from M. de Neufville. This accounts for your long silence, at
which I began to be surprised. I beg you to present my regards
OFFICIAL. 471
to Mr. Thaxter, in a special manner, and to all other friends in
Amsterdam, and to believe me to remain, &c.
FRANCIS DANA.
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Amsterdam, 15 October, 1781.
SIR, — I wish, if it were possible, to communicate to congress
the present state of every affair, which they have been pleased to
confide in any measure to me. I have received the new com
mission for peace, and the revocation of my commission and
instructions of the 29th of September, 1779. To both of these
measures of congress, as to the commands of my sovereign, I
shall pay the most exact attention. The present commission
for peace, is a demonstration of greater respect to the powers of
Europe, and must be more satisfactory to the people of America,
than my former one ; besides that it guards against accidents,
which, in my late sickness, I had reason to think may well hap
pen. I am, however, apprehensive that this commission will lie
a long time neglected, and as useless as the former one.
I am myself seriously of opinion, that the English will not treat
with the United States for many years. They will see all their
dominions in the East and West Indies conquered by the French
and Spaniards ; they will see their government reduced to the
limits of their own island, before they will do it. The present
ministers must die off, and the King too, before there will be
any treaty between Britain and America. The nation will stand
by the King and ministry through every loss, while they perse
vere ; whereas both would sink into total contempt and ridicule,
if they were to make peace. While they persevere, they are mas
ters of the purses and commerce, too, of the whole nation. Make
peace, and they lose a great part of this influence. National
pride, when it has become an habitual passion by long indulgence,
is the most obstinate thing in the world ; and this war has been
made so completely, though so artfully, the national act, as well
as that of king and ministers, that the pride of the nation was
never committed more entirely to the support of any thing. It
is not to be supposed that the present ministry will treat with
America, and if there should be a change, and the leaders of
472 OFFICIAL.
opposition should come in, they will not treat with America in
any character, that she can with honor or safety assume. They
might propose a peace separate from France, or they might with
draw their troops from the United States, but they would not
make a general peace. The congress at Vienna will prove but
a magnificent chimera, as the British ministry ever intended it
should be. It has already answered their insidious ends, and
now they are giving it a dismission, by insisting upon their two
preliminaries; so that upon the whole, according to the best
judgment I can form, it will not be worth while for congress to
be at the expense of continuing me in Europe, with a view
to my assisting at any conferences for peace, especially as Dr.
Franklin has given me intimations, that I cannot depend upon
him for my subsistence in future.
My commission for borrowing money has hitherto been equally
useless. It would fill a small volume to give a history of my
negotiations with people of various stations and characters, in
order to obtain a loan; and it would astonish congress to see the
unanimity with which all have refused to engage in the business,
most of them declaring they were afraid to undertake it. I am
told that no new loan was ever undertaken here, without meet
ing at first with all sorts of contradiction and opposition for a
long time ; but my loan is considered not only as a new one,
but as entering deep into the essence of all the present political
systems of the world, and no man dares engage in it, until it is
clearly determined what characters are to bear rule, and what
system is to prevail in this country.
There is no authority in Europe more absolute, not that of
the two empires, not that of the simple monarchies, than that
of the states-general is in their dominions, and nobody but M.
de Neufville dares advance faster in a political manoeuvre than
the States. M. de Neufville has done his utmost, and has been
able to do nothing ; three thousand guilders, less than three hun
dred pounds, is all that he has obtained. Notwithstanding this,
there is a universal wish that the world may be made to believe
that my loan is full. It is upon 'change, by a unanimous dis
simulation, pretended to be full, and there are persons (who they
are I know not) who write to London, and fill the English papers
with paragraphs that my loan is full. M. de Neufville has adver
tised in the customary form, for all persons possessed of Ameri-
OFFICIAL. 473
can coupons^ to come and receive the money at the end of the
first six months. These persons cannot be more than three in
number.
My letters of credence to their High Mightinesses have been
taken ad referendum by the several Provinces, and are now under
consideration of the several branches of the sovereignty of this
country ; but no one city or body of nobles has as yet deter
mined upon them. None have declared themselves in favor of
my admission to an audience, and none have decided against
it ; and it is much to be questioned whether any one will deter
mine soon.
I have often written to congress, that I never could pretend to
foretell what the states-general would do. I never found any
body here who guessed right ; and upon reading over all the
negotiations of Jeannin, Torcy, d'Avaux, and d'Estrades, in this
country, I found every one of those ministers were, at the seve
ral periods of their residence here, in the same uncertainty. It
appears to have been for this century and a half, at least, the
national character, to manage all the world as long as they
could, to keep things undetermined as long as they could, and,
finally, to decide suddenly upon some fresh motive of fear. It
is very clear to me, that I shall never borrow money until I have
had an audience ; and if the States pursue their old maxims of
policy, it may be many years before this is agreed to. I am
much inclined to believe that nothing decisive will be done for
two or three years, perhaps longer ; yet it may be in a month.
Parties are now very high, and their passions against each other
warm ; and to all appearance, the good party is vastly the most
numerous ; but we must remember, that the supreme executive
is supposed to be determined on the other side, so that there is
real danger of popular commotions and tragical scenes.
The question really is, whether the republic shall make peace
with England, by furnishing her ships and troops according to
old treaties, and joining her against all her enemies, France,
Spain, America, and as many more as may become enemies in
the course of the war. The English party dare not speak out
and say this openly ; but if they have common sense they must
know that England will make peace with them upon no other
terms. They pretend that upon some little concessions, some
trifling condescendencies, England would make peace with Hoi-
40*
474 OFFICIAL.
land separately. Some pretend that a separate peace might be
had upon the single condition of agreeing not to trade with
America ; others, upon the condition of considering naval stores
as contraband goods ; but the commercial cities are almost una
nimously against both of these articles. The English party are
sensible of this, yet they entertain hopes, by keeping the repub
lic in a defenceless state, that commerce will be so far ruined,
and the common people in the great trading cities reduced to
such want and misery, as to become furious, demand peace at
any rate, and fall upon the houses and persons of those who will
not promote it.
The English party, I think, will never carry their point so far
as to induce the nation to join the English. There are three
considerations, which convince me of this beyond a doubt.
First, corrupted and abandoned as a great part of this nation,
as well as every other in Europe,is, there is still a public national
sense and conscience, and the general, the almost universal sense
of this nation is, that the English are wrong, and the Americans
right, in this war. The conduct of the Americans is so like that
of their venerable and heroic ancestors, it is evidently founded
in such principles as are uniformly applauded in their history,
and as every man has been educated in a habitual veneration
for, that it is impossible for them to take a part in the war
against America. This was universally conspicuous upon the
publication of my memorial to the States. Secondly, the com
mercial part of these Provinces, I think, will never give up the
American trade. Thirdly, England is so exhausted and so
weak, and France, Spain, and America so strong, that joining
the former against the three latter, would be the total ruin of
the republic. Nevertheless, the court party will find means of
delay, and will embarrass the operations of war in so many
ways, that it will be long before any decisive measures will be
taken in favor of America.
Whether, under all these circumstances, congress will think
proper to continue me in Europe, whether it will be in their
power to furnish me with the means of subsistence, as Dr.
Franklin in his letter to me thinks I cannot depend upon him,
and I have no hopes at all of obtaining any here, I know not,
and must submit to their wisdom. But after all, the state of
my health, which I have little reason to hope will be restored
OFFICIAL. 475
without a voyage home, and more relaxation from care and
business than I can have in Europe, makes it very uncertain
whether I shall be able to remain here. In short, my prospects
both for the public and for myself are so dull, and the life I am
likely to lead in Europe so gloomy and melancholy, and of so
little use to the public, that I cannot but wish it may suit with
the views of congress to recall me.
I have the honor to be, &c. &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
GEORGE WASHINGTON TO JOHN ADAMS.
Head Quarters, near York, in Virginia, 22 October, 1781.
SIR, — As the transmission of the inclosed paper through the
usual channel of the department of foreign affairs would, on the
present occasion, probably be attended with great delay, and
recent intelligence of military transactions must be important
to our ministers in Europe at the present period of affairs, I
have thought it would be agreeable both to congress and your
Excellency that the matter should be communicated imme
diately by a French frigate despatched by Admiral de Grasse.
Annexed to the capitulation is a summary return of the pri
soners and cannon taken in the two places of York and Glou
cester.
I have added, upon the principles above mentioned, a copy of
General Greene's report of his last action in South Carolina.
I have the honor to be your Excellency's most obedient and
most humble servant,
GEORGE WASHINGTON.
BENJAMIN FRANKLIN TO JOHN ADAMS.
Passy, 7 November, 1781.
SIR, — I have been honored with the following letters from
your Excellency during the last month, namely, — of the 4th,
10th, 18th, 22d, 25th, 26th, and 27th, — which I should have
answered sooner, but that I waited for a safe opportunity, hav
ing reason to believe that all your letters to me by the post are
opened, and apprehending the same of mine to you. I send
476 OFFICIAL.
herewith the covers and seals of those letters, that you may
judge whether the impression of your seal is not, as I suppose
it to be, a counterfeit. I shall now answer your letters in the
order of their dates.
October 4th. I am pleased to find you are of the same opi
nion with me as to the proper charges in our accounts.
October 10th. I have now received the resolution of con
gress for exchanging General Burgoyne against Mr. Laurens,
and have sent it to England, though without much hopes of
success ; as I believe the ministers there had rather at present
have the General's absence than his company. They would
keep Mr Laurens to hang him at the peace, if the war should
end in their favor ; and they would have no objection to Ame
ricans recalling and hanging Burgoyne.
I wonder at your being so long without hearing from Mr.
Dana, and I am afraid some misfortune has happened to him.
I have communicated here your observations relating to masts,
and make no doubt you have recommended to congress the tak
ing effectual measures on their part to prevent that mischievous
commerce. If the English could be removed from Penobscot,
another of their means of supply would be cut off.
I have already acquainted you that I will help you to pay to
your acceptances as far as you have sent me an account of them.
I have even ordered a considerable remittance into the hands of
Fizeaux & Grand, to facilitate those payments. But I must
repeat my request to you not to accept any bills with an ex
pectation of my paying them, that are drawn after the end of
March last ; and I further beg you would accept no more of the
old ones drawn on Mr. Laurens, without first acquainting me
with the number or value, and knowing from me whether I can
provide for the payment. If the loan so long expected from
Holland does at length take place, as I am now told it is likely
to do, my embarrassment, occasioned by all these demands,
will, I hope, be removed by it. If not, I must scuffle and shift
as I can. God help us all.
October 18th. I know nothing of Beer but from Mr. Coffyn's
recommendation. I am afraid he is one of those poor, helpless
bodies that God throws into the world to try its charity. I had
been told that the Dutch had sent to borrow such workmen from
France. I recommended it to send the escaped prisoners arriv-
OFFICIAL. 477
ing at Dunkirk rather to Amsterdam than to Paris, because I
think there arrive as many American vessels in Holland as in
France, wherein they might return home ; and there is not one
of those prisoners who does not put us to eight or ten louis
expense in his land journey, first to Paris and then to the sea
ports, when he might go to Holland in the track-schuyts for per
haps one or two. I am sensible that you have not, as you say,
any public money in your hands, and having accepted bills for
more than is in mine, my case in that respect does not differ from
yours. These poor, unfortunate men must however be relieved ;
unnecessary expense in doing it being avoided, we can relieve
more of them. We cannot do for them all we wish ; we shall
do the best we can. I think it quite right you should have
money always at command for that purpose, and am of opinion
the small sum obtained by the loan at Messrs, de Neufville's
will be very properly applied in assisting the prisoners. I there
fore give my advice frankly to use it in that service ; and when
that is expended you should undoubtedly be supplied with more,
and will have the credit you desire at Messrs. Fizeaux & Grand's
as long as we have any.
October 22d. By accepting a mediation, I apprehend no
more is meant, than consenting to hear and consider what a
common friend may propose towards accommodating a differ
ence. A mediator is not a judge or arbitrator. When arbitra
tors are chosen, there is commonly an engagement to abide by
their determination ; but no such engagement is made with
respect to a mediator. Mediations are, however, subject to this
hazard, — that the mediator, piqued against the party who rejects
his advice, joins with the other to compel his acceptance of it.
This, perhaps, was a little the case lately in the mediation of
Spain between France and England.
I have just learnt, by a letter from Commodore Gillon, that
Captain Jackson has left his ship and is returning to France.
I think with you, that it will be proper he should proceed
immediately to Holland to take care of the goods there. But I
own I have not so much confidence in his prudent conduct as
to wish the business left entirely to his discretion. I still feel
the mischief and absurdity of his buying goods under the notion
of only filling a vacancy left in a loaded ship, and doing this to
such excess as to make two ships more necessary to receive
478 OFFICIAL.
them. I had a reluctance to any concern with Gillon. I was
urged into it by Colonel Laurens, on the considerations that the
ten thousand pounds sterling's worth he wanted to dispose of
were such as the army needed, were already shipped, and the
conveyance likely to be a safe one, &c. I consented to pay for
those goods, and for as much more as might be wanted to fill a
remaining vacancy in the ship, not exceeding the value of five
thousand pounds more. I proposed that these payments should
be made on your drafts, that your Excellency might have occa
sion to inspect the conduct of the business, and be some check
upon it. I wish I had empowered you, or requested your care
more explicitly. I do not think the least blame lies on you.
Captain Jackson, too, might be ignorant of the bulk of the
goods till they were assembled ; but methinks Messrs. Neuf-
ville might have known it, and would have advised against so
enormous a purchase, if augmenting the commissions, and the
project of freighting their own ships had not blinded their eyes.
You will judge that it must be a monstrous surprise to me, to
have an account brought against me of fifty thousand instead of
five thousand pounds. I agreed, however, to accept the bills on
Mr. Jackson's representation, — that the goods were bought and
shipped ; that the relanding and returning, or selling them, would
make a talk and discredit us ; that they were such only as were
absolutely necessary, &c. ; and I accepted his drafts instead of
yours, as he said the ship only waited his return to sail, and the
obtaining your signature would occasion a delay of eight or ten
days. Thus I was drawn in at the broad end of the horn, and
must squeeze out at the narrow end as well as I can. I find my
self confoundedly pinched, but I deserve it in some degree for
my facility and credulity. At present, I am not sure of money
either to buy the ships or pay their freight, as proposed in yours
of the 27th, and, therefore, cannot engage to do either. When
Captain Jackson shall arrive in Holland, your Excellency will
be so good as to advise him, and I hope he will take your
advice. I should apprehend it is now too late to go north
about ; and to send two slow-sailing Dutch ships down the
channel, to run the gauntlet through all the frigates and priva
teers, seems to me nearly the same thing as to consign them
directly to some port in England or Jersey. It was not to give
you trouble or to avoid it myself, that I referred Messrs. Neuf-
OFFICIAL. 479
ville to you for advice, but really because I thought you under
stood such business better than myself, were on the spot, and
equally concerned for the advantage of our constituents. To
me it seemed, that the vessels having contracted to go with
their cargoes to America, ought not to have staid behind on
pretence of a right to more freight, because the convoying ship
had sailed without them. They might have protested, and have
gone without convoy. If they had a right to more freight, I
suppose they would have recovered it ; and if taken, have a
claim to some indemnification. I did not understand the com
pelling a new agreement by stopping our goods. I thought it
ungenerous in Messrs, de Neufville as well as unjust. The regu
larity or irregularity of their proceedings being, at least, as I
imagined, points of maritime law or custom, I had that addi
tional reason for deference to your judgment.
22 October. I accepted your draft of the 22d for two thou
sand crowns, in favor of Fizeaux & Grand, and it will be duly
paid.
25th. The letter from Dr. Waterhouse, of which you were so
kind as to send me a copy, is coolly and sensibly written, and
has an effect in lessening the force of what is written against
Gillon by Messrs. Jackson & Searle. On the whole, I hardly
know as yet what to think of the matter. If Gillon really pro
duced to Jackson the ten thousand pounds' worth of goods, why
did he keep back from him the bills of exchange that were to
pay for them, and with which Gillon might have paid his debts ?
And if he could not produce them, why did Jackson keep the
bills, carry them to sea, and not return them to me ? When we
see him perhaps he may explain this ; at present, I am in the
dark. He promised me a fuller letter by the first post ; but I
have not received it. Commodore Gillon writes me that Jack
son & Searle are parted ; that the former (with your son and
some others of the passengers) is gone to France in an Ameri
can privateer, and the latter in the Ariel. I hope soon to hear
of their safe arrival, particularly on the child's and your account.
Young Cooper is gone to Geneva. Perhaps you may think of
sending your son there for the winter, in which case, if I can be
of any use to you, command me.
October 26th. The reason of my thinking we could not
depend on receiving any more money here, applicable to the
480 OFFICIAL.
support of congress's ministers, is given in the same letter, of
August 6th, to which yours of October 26th is an answer,
namely, — " that what aids are hereafter granted, will probably
be transmitted by the government directly to America." Should
that be the case, and no money be put into my hands to be at my
disposal, what must I do with regard to the salaries of ministers ?
I cannot go to Versailles with a sneaking petition, requesting
money for my subsistence, for the subsistence of Mr. Adams, of
Mr. Jay, and of Mr. Dana. I believe none of the gentlemen
would like my taking such a step, and I think the congress
would be ashamed of it. It was, therefore, I thought it right to
give the earliest notice of what I apprehended might happen,
that we might all join in representing it to congress, in order to
obtain the necessary remittances. You may depend that, as
long as I have in my hands disposable money belonging to con
gress, I shall never refuse to obey their orders in paying your
salary ; and when I have no such money, I hope you will con
sider my not paying as the effect of an impossibility, and not as
you express it, a refusal. The congress should certainly either
supply their foreign ministers, or find such as can and will serve
them gratis, or not send any at all. I hope you have written on
this subject, and though I do not yet clearly see how our money
affairs will wind up, I shall accept your draft for another quar
ter whenever you please to make it.
October 27th. I daily expect the return of Major Jackson,
and think, as I have said above, the season over for sending
those goods before winter ; therefore, if I understood such affairs,
I should defer a little the giving any orders about the ships
freighted, or the goods he has put aboard them. I did, as you
observe, stop the money Colonel Laurens was sending over in
Gillon's ship, because I saw I should want it to support the
credit of congress in paying their bills. I think you might have
done the same to pay your acceptances, if I had not engaged
for them ; and I believe you have an equal right with me to
take care of the congress property vested in those goods, as their
minister ; and being on the spot, can better judge from circum
stances of the steps proper to be taken. I therefore request you
would, yourself, give such orders as you shall find necessary and
think most for the public interest, remembering that I cannot
undertake either to buy the ships or pay the freight. Perhaps
OFFICIAL. 481
it may be best to sell the whole, and purchase with the money
the same kind of goods in France, which cannot but be more
agreeable to government here, and probably they would arrive
as soon.
I hope the coming winter will thoroughly establish your
health.
With great esteem and respect,
I have the honor to be, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
TO THE DUG DE LA VAUGUYON.
Amsterdam, 24 November, 1781.
MR. ADAMS presents his most respectful compliments to his
Excellency, the Due de la Vauguyon, and begs leave to acquaint
him, that by the last night's post he received from congress some
important despatches, which it is his duty to communicate to
the ambassador of France. Mr. Adams requests his Excellency
to inform him what hour will be most convenient for him to
wait on him at the Arms of Amsterdam. Meantime, he most
sincerely congratulates his Excellency on the glorious news from
America by the Due de Lauzun, of the surrender of Lord Corn-
wallis with his whole army to the arms of the allies.
This card I sent by my secretary, Mr. Thaxter. The Duke
returned for answer, that he would call upon me at my house
between twelve and one, to congratulate me on the news from
America. Accordingly, about one, he came and spent with me
about an hour and a half.
I communicated to him my fresh instructions, and agreed to
send him a copy of them to-morrow or next day, by the post-
wagon (chariot-de-poste). He said he had not received any
instructions from Versailles upon the subject, but might receive
some by next Tuesday's post. He asked me what step I pro
posed to take in consequence of these instructions ? I answered
none, but with his participation and approbation ; that I would
be always ready to attend him at the Hague, or elsewhere, for
the purpose of the most candid and confidential consultations,
&c. He said that he thought that the subject was very well
VOL. VII. 41 E 2
482 OFFICIAL.
seen (tres lien vu) and the measure very well concerted (tres Men
combine) and that it would have a good effect at this time to
counteract the artifice of the British ministry, in agreeing to the
mediation of Russia for a separate peace with this republic.1
i Instructions of Congress to John Adams.
In Congress, 16 August, 1781.
On the report of the committee to whom was recommitted their report on the
communications from the honorable, the minister of France, and who were in
structed to report instructions to the Honorable John Adams, respecting a treaty
of alliance with the United Provinces of the Netherlands, —
Resolved, That the minister plenipotentiary of these United States at the Court
of Versailles be directed to inform his Most Christian Majesty that the tender of
his endeavors to accomplish a coalition between the United Provinces of the
Netherlands and these States has been received by congress as a fresh proof of
his solicitude for their interests ; that, previous to the communication of this, his
Most Christian Majesty's friendly purpose, congress, impressed with the import
ance of such a connection, had confided to Mr. John Adams full powers to enter,
on the part of the United States, into a treaty of amity and commerce with the
United Provinces, with a special instruction to conform himself therein to the
treaties subsisting between his Most Christian Majesty and the United States ;
that congress do, with pleasure, accept his Most Christian Majesty's interposition,
and will transmit further powers to their minister at the Hague to form a treaty
of alliance between his Most Christian Majesty, the United Provinces, and the
United States, having for its object, and limited in its duration, to the present
war with Great Britain ; that he will be enjoined to confer, on all occasions, in
the most confidential manner, with his Most Christian Majesty's minister at the
Hague ; and that provisional authority will also be sent to admit his Catholic
Majesty as a party.
Resolved, That the minister plenipotentiary of these United States at the
Hague be, and he is hereby instructed to propose a treaty of alliance between
his Most Christian Majesty, the United Provinces of the Netherlands, and the
United States of America, having for its object, and limited in its duration to,
the present war with Great Britain, and conformed to the treaties subsisting
between his Most Christian Majesty and the United States.
That the indispensable conditions of the alliance be, that their High Might
inesses, the states-general of the United Provinces of the Netherlands, shall
expressly recognize the sovereignty and independence of the United States of
America, absolute and unlimited, as well in matters of government as of com
merce ; that the war with Great Britain shall be made a common cause, each
party exerting itself according to its discretion in the most effectual hostility
against the common enemy ; and that no party shall conclude either truce or
peace with Great Britain, without the formal consent of the whole first obtained ;
nor lay down their arms, until the sovereignty and independence of these Uni
ted States shall be formally or tacitly assured by Great Britain in a treaty which
shall terminate the war.
That the said minister be, and he hereby is further instructed to unite the two
republics^by no stipulations of offence, nor guarantee any possessions of the Uni
ted Provinces ; to inform himself, from the minister of these United States at the
Court of Spain, of the progress of his negotiations at the said Court; and, if an
alliance shall have been entered into between his Catholic Majesty and these
United States, to invite his Catholic Majesty into the alliance herein intended ;
if no such alliance shall have been formed, to receive his Catholic Majesty, should
OFFICIAL. 483
TO THE DUC DE LA VAUGUYON.
Amsterdam, 25 November, 1781.
SIR, — I have the honor to inclose to your Excellency a copy
of the fresh instructions of congress, of the 16th of August last,
which I received by the post on the 23d instant. I have also
received a further commission from congress, with full powers
to confer, treat, agree, and conclude with the person or persons
vested with equal powers by His Most Christian Majesty, and
their High Mightinesses, the states-general of the United Pro-
he manifest a disposition to become a party to the alliance herein intended,
according to the instructions given to the said minister at the Court of Spain.
That in all other matters, not repugnant to these instructions, the said minister
at the Hague do use his best discretion.
Resolved, That the minister plenipotentiary of these United States at the
Hague be, and he hereby is instructed to confer in the most confidential manner
with his Most Christian Majesty's minister there.
Ordered, That the foregoing resolutions be communicated to our ministers at
the Courts of Versailles and Madrid, that they may furnish every information
and aid in their power to our minister at the Hague in the accomplishment of
this business.
Resolved, That the following commission be issued to Mr. John Adams for the
purpose aforesaid.
The United States, in congress assembled, to all who shall see these presents,
send greeting : —
Whereas a union of the force of the several powers engaged in the war against
Great Britain may have a happy tendency to bring the said war to a speedy and
favorable issue ; and it being the desire of these United States to form an alli
ance between them and the United Provinces of the Netherlands ; know ye,
therefore, that we, confiding in the integrity, prudence, and ability of the Hon.
John Adams, have nominated, constituted, and appointed, and by these presents
do nominate, constitute, and appoint him, the said John Adams, our minister
plenipotentiary, giving him full powers, general and special, to act in that qua
lity, to confer, treat, agree, and conclude with the person or persons vested with
equal powers by his Most Christian Majesty, and their High Mightinesses, the
states-general of the United Provinces of the Netherlands, of and concerning a
treaty of alliance between his Most Christian Majesty, the United Provinces of
the Netherlands, and the United States of America ; and whatever shall be so
agreed and concluded for us and in our name, to sign, and thereupon to make
such treaty, convention, and agreements as he shall judge conformable to the ends
we have in view ; hereby promising, in good faith, that we will accept, ratify,
and execute whatever shall be agreed, concluded, and signed by him our said
minister.
In witness whereof, we have caused these presents to be signed by our presi
dent and sealed with his seal.
Done at Philadelphia, this sixteenth day of August, in the year of our Lord
one thousand seven hundred and eighty-one, and in the sixth year of our inde
pendence, by the United States in congress assembled.
THOMAS M'KEAN, President.
484 OFFICIAL.
vinces of the Netherlands, of and concerning a treaty of alliance
between His Most Christian Majesty, the United Provinces of
the Netherlands, and the United States of America.
This measure was apparently concerted between the congress
and the French minister residing near them, and seems to be
very happily adapted to the present times and circumstances.
I beg leave to assure your Excellency, that I shall be at all
times ready to attend you, at the Hague, or elsewhere, to con
fer with you, in the most entire confidence, respecting this nego
tiation, and shall take no material step in it, without your appro
bation and advice.
There are three ways of proposing this business to their High
Mightinesses ; 1st, your Excellency may alone propose it in the
name of His Most Christian Majesty ; 2dly, it may be proposed
jointly by the minister of his Majesty, and the minister of the
United States ; or, 3dly, it may be proposed by the minister of
the United States alone, and as a consequence of his former
proposal of a treaty of commerce. I beg leave to submit these
three measures to your Excellency's consideration, and shall
very cheerfully comply with any, which you may most approve.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
TO JOHN JAY.
Amsterdam, 26 November, 1781.
SIR, — By the last post I received from Lorient a set of fresh
instructions from congress, dated the 16th of August, and with
the more pleasure, as I am enjoined to open a correspondence
with your Excellency upon the subject of them.
I presume you have a copy by the same vessel ; but as it is
possible it may have been omitted, I shall venture to inclose a
copy, and hope it may pass unopened. I have communicated
it to the French ambassador here, who says it is " tres Men vu ;
tres Men combine." I shall take no step in it, without his know
ledge and approbation. I shall hope for your Excellency's com
munications as soon as convenient.
The Dutch have an inclination to ally themselves to France
and America, but they have many whimsical fears, and are much
embarrassed with party quarrels. In time, I hope, they will
OFFICIAL. 485
agree better with one another, and see their true interests more
clearly. This measure of congress is very well timed.
I congratulate you on the glorious news of the surrender of
Cornwallis. Some are of opinion it will produce a congress at
Vienna ; but I cannot be of that sentiment. The English must
have many more humiliations before they will agree to meet us
upon equal terms, or upon any terms that we can approve.
What is the true principle of the policy of Spain, in delaying
so long to declare themselves explicitly ? Her delay has a bad
effect here.
Mr. Dana has been gone northward these four months, but I
have no letters from him. Whether the post is unfaithful, or
whether he chooses to be talked about as little as possible at
present, which I rather suspect, I do not know.
My respects to Mr. Carmichael, and to your family, if you
please. With great esteem, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
TO BENJAMIN FRANKLIN.
Amsterdam, 26 November, 1781.
SIR, — I presume you have a copy from congress of their in
structions to me of the 16th of August last ; but, as it is possi
ble it may be otherwise, I have inclosed one. I have commu
nicated them to the Due de la Vauguyon. I shall do nothing
in the business without communicating it beforehand to him,
with the most entire confidence, and receiving his approbation
and advice. He informs me, that he has not yet received any
instructions from his court respecting it.
These instructions have arrived at a very proper time to coun
teract another insidious trick of the British ministry, in agreeing
to the mediation of Russia for a separate peace with Holland.
With unfeigned joy I congratulate your Excellency on the
glorious news of the surrender of Cornwallis to the arms of the
allies. How easy a thing would it be to bring this war to a
happy conclusion, if Spain and Holland would adopt the sys
tem of France, and cooperate in it with the same honor and
sincerity! There is nothing wanting but a constant naval
superiority in the West Indies, and on the coast of the United
States, to obtain triumphs upon triumphs over the English, in
41*
486 OFFICIAL.
all quarters of the globe. The allies now carry on the war in
America with an infinite advantage over the English, whose
infatuation, nevertheless, will continue to make them exhaust
themselves there, to the neglect of all their possessions in other
parts of the world. I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
TO JOHN JAY.
Amsterdam, 28 November, 1781.
SIR, — I had the honor to write to you on the 26th instant by
the post, a conveyance which I am determined to try until I am
certainly informed of its infidelity ; in which case I will ask the
favor of the French or Spanish ambassador, to inclose my des
patches.
I received, by the last post, a duplicate of despatches from
congress, the originals of which I received some time ago. I
presume you have received the same from congress, or from
Passy ; but, if otherwise, I will inclose in a future letter a com
mission and instructions for assisting at the conferences for
peace, at Vienna or elsewhere, whenever they may take place.
In this commission, congress have added Mr. Franklin, Presi
dent Laurens, your Excellency, and Mr. Jefferson; a measure
which has taken off my mind a vast load, which, if I had ever
at any time expected I should be called to sustain alone, would
have been too heavy for my forces.
The capture of Cornwallis and his army is the most masterly
measure, both in the conception and execution, which has been
taken this war. When France and Spain shall consider the
certain success, which will ever attend them while they main
tain a naval superiority in the West Indies and on the coast of
North America, it is to be hoped, they will never depart from
that policy. Many here are of opinion that this event will bring
peace, but I am not of that mind. Alt/hough it is very true that
there are distractions in the British Cabinet, a formidable fac
tion against Lord G. Germaine, and, it is said, the Bedford
party are determined to move for peace, the rage of the na
tion is still too violent. I hope, however, that Minorca and
Gibraltar will not be long after York and Gloucester in their
surrender. And in this case, perhaps, when the English shall
OFFICIAL. 487
see that all the forces of France and Spain are at liberty to act
against their possessions in the East and West Indies, they
may begin to confess they have gone too far. Notwithstand
ing, there is reason to fear that their sulky obstinacy will hold
out until all their dominions beyond seas are gone. Indeed, I
know not whether we need regret even such an event.
It is entertaining to see the arts with which they amuse the
credulity of the nation where I am. The word peace is the
charm that dissolves all their resentment and resolution ; and
there is no tale too absurd or too gross to obtain immediate
belief if it tend to that end. Our late triumphs, however,
have had an effect here. I have received Several visits of
congratulation, in consequence of them, from persons of con
sequence from whom I did not expect them. But there are
invisible fairies, who disconcert in the night all the operations
of the patriots in the day.
There will, probably, be a proposal soon of a triple alliance
between France, America, and Holland. If Spain would join,
and make it quadruple, it would be so much the better.
General Greene's last action in South Carolina, in consequence
of which that State and Georgia have both reestablished their
governments, is quite as glorious for the American arms as the
capture of Cornwallis. The action was supported, even by the
militia, with a noble constancy. The victory on our side was
complete, and the English lost twelve hundred men.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Amsterdam, 4 December, 1781.
SIR, — I have received those instructions with which I was
honored by congress, on the 16th of August, and communicated
them forthwith to the French ambassador, to their High Might
inesses, and to the American ministers at Versailles and Madrid.
The Due de la Vauguyon was of opinion, that they were very
well considered and very well timed, to counteract another trait
of British policy, in agreeing to the mediation of Russia for a
separate peace with Holland. The British ministry mean only
to aid the stocks, and lull the Dutch.
488 OFFICIAL.
There is no longer any talk of a congress at Vienna. The
late news of General Washington's triumphs in Virginia, and
of the friendly and effectual aid of the Counts de Rochambeau
and de Grasse, have made a great impression here, and all over
Europe. I shall punctually observe my instructions, and con
sult in perfect confidence with the Due de la Vauguyon, in the
execution of my late commission. A quadruple alliance, for the
duration of the war, would, probably, soon bring it to a conclu
sion ; but the Dutch are so indolent, so divided, so animated
with party spirit, and, above all, so entirely in the power of then-
chief, that it is very certain they will take the proposition ad
referendum immediately, and then deliberate upon it a long
time.
This nation is not blind ; it is bound and cannot get loose.
There is great reason to fear, that they will be held inactive,
\l until they are wholly ruined. Cornwallis's fate, however, has
somewhat emboldened them, and I have received unexpected
visits of congratulation from several persons of note ; and there
are appearances of a growing interest in favor of an alliance
with France and America. If I were now to make the propo
sition, I think it would have a great effect. I must, however,
wait for the approbation of the Duke, and he, perhaps, for
instructions from Versailles, and, indeed, a little delay will, per
haps, do no harm, but give opportunity to prepare the way.
The general cry at this time in pamphlets and public papers,
is for an immediate connection with France and America.
The consent of Zealand is expected immediately to the loan
of five millions for his Most Christian Majesty. My loan rests
as it was, at a few thousand guilders, which, by the advice of
Dr. Franklin, I reserve for the relief of our countrymen, who
escape from prison in England in distress. I have ordered a
hundred pounds for President Laurens in the tower, at the ear
nest solicitation of his daughter, who is in France, and of some
of his friends in England ; but for further supplies have referred
them to Dr. Franklin. I some time since had an intimation
that the British ministry were endeavoring to form secret
contracts with traitorous Americans to supply masts for the
royal navy. According to my information, the British naviga
tion in all parts of the world is at present distressed for masts,
especially those of the largest size. Congress will take such
OFFICIAL. 489
measures as to their wisdom shall appear proper to prevent
Americans from this wicked and infamous commerce. I wrote
to Dr. Franklin upon the subject, who communicated my letter,
as I requested, at court, and his Excellency supposes that the
Count de Vergennes will write to congress, or to the Chevalier
de la Luzerne,upon the subject.
The continental goods left here by Commodore Gillon, are
detained for freight and damages &c., very unjustly as I con
ceive. I am doing all in my power to obtain possession of them,
and send them to America, or dispose of them here, at as little
loss as possible, according to the desire and advice of Dr. Frank
lin. It is not necessary to trouble congress to read a volume of
letters upon the subject of these goods. All that can be done
by me, has been and shall be done to save the public interest.
This piece of business has been managed as ill as any that has
ever been done for congress in Europe, whether it is owing to
misfortune, want of skill, or any thing more disagreeable.
The Court of Russia does not at present appear to be acting
that noble part, which their former conduct gave cause to expect.
Mr. Dana is at Petersburg, but he prudently avoids writing. If
he sees no prospect of advantage in staying there, he will be
very silent, I believe, and not stay very long.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
TO M. DUMAS.
Amsterdam, 6 December, 1781.
DEAR SIR, — I received your kind congratulations from Ley-
den, on the glorious captivity of Cornwallis, and have since re
ceived your favor of the 3d, inclosing two packets from America.
You ask, what news? I answer, none. They were the ori
ginals of despatches from General Washington and General
Knox, containing the capitulation and other papers which are
public. A large reinforcement is gone to my friend Greene
from General Washington. The French troops winter in Vir
ginia. General Washington returns to North River, to join the
body that was left on the North River under General Heath.
Our countrymen will keep thanksgiving as devoutly as their
490 OFFICIAL.
allies sing te deum, and, I warrant you, will pass the winter as
joyously and quietly.
I wrote on the 25th November to the French ambassador,
and inclosed what I promised. An expression in your letter
makes me suspect whether the letter has been received. Shall
I beg the favor of you to ask the question, and let me know ?
If that letter has miscarried, there is foul play. I will come in
person and deliver the duplicate, in that case, and bring you
with me to Amsterdam, if you please. My new instructions
are very well timed, and we shall make it do to get an answer I
hope, and to cement a triple or quadruple alliance in time, which
may set all the fools in Europe at defiance.
With great esteem, your humble servant,
JOHN ADAMS.
THE DUG DE LA VAUGUYON TO JOHN ADAMS.
( Translation.)
The Hague, 7 December, 1781.
SIR, — I have received the letter you did me the honor to
write me, and the copy of the resolutions of congress, of the
16th of August last, which you have been pleased to address to
me. I flatter myself that you do not doubt of my earnestness to
concert with you the ulterior measures which they may require,
as soon as the King shall have authorized me. But, until his
Majesty shall have transmitted to me his orders on this point, I
can only repeat to you the assurances of my zeal for every thing
interesting to the common cause of France and North America,
as well as that of the peculiar satisfaction I shall derive in all
circumstances from my connections with you.
I have the honor to be, &c.
DE LA VAUGUYON.
TO JOHN LUZAC.
Amsterdam, 13 December, 1781.
SIR, — I have received your friendly letter of the 10th of this
month. The new translation of the American constitutions into
the Dutch language I have not yet seen, but intend to embrace
the first opportunity of sending some copies of it to be placed in
OFFICIAL. 491
the principal public libraries in America, and the more willingly
for the dedication of it to Mr. Van Berckel, a gentleman whose
great merit and long services have been but ill requited by as
base and false accusations as were ever laid to the charge of
injured innocence.
Mr. Van der Kemp had the goodness to leave at my house
two copies of the new translation of the constitution of the Massa
chusetts and the other pieces accompanying it, for which I am
much obliged to him and to you. I regret very much my ina
bility to read the comparison between the constitution of this
republic and that of the Massachusetts, and the more, because
the author, who has the reputation of one of the best writers, has
given encouragement to hope for a comparison between the
Belgic and American revolutions.
I thank you, sir, for your friendly sympathy with me in my
sickness, and for your obliging wishes for the happiness of my
country. My country, sir, is happy ; and it is not in the power
of all her enemies to make her otherwise. Whether I shall live
to see her in peace and in the full enjoyment of that grandeur
and glory which will inevitably be the speedy consequence of it,
is a matter that I very cheerfully submit to higher powers.
Whether a constitution which was never firm shall succumb
under the exertions to which the times have called it, a little
sooner or a little later, is not a thing of much consequence,
since, as long as it lasts, I shall have the consolation to reflect
that no man's forces were ever employed in a better cause.
Inclosed is a letter from General Knox which contains some
things worth publishing, but does not give us very sanguine
hopes of possessing Charleston this year.
Now, sir, to the subject of your friendly complaint. I very
readily acknowledge your constant attachment to the principles
of the American Revolution, and the respect which has been
long paid, and the services rendered to the American cause in
Europe by the Leyden Gazette, and, therefore, I shall not forget
it nor its author. But it is not in my power to do it much service,
nor does it stand in need of my assistance. It has nothing to fear
from any other gazette. The extensive correspondence, its exact
method, and its accuracy of style, as well as other advantages,
will effectually secure it against the rivalry of any other.
It is very rarely that I receive any intelligence sooner than
492 OFFICIAL.
you do. Generally, mine arrives after you have given the same
things to the public. The reason is, that almost all my letters
come by the way of Cadiz, Bilbao, Nantes, Lorient, or Brest, and
are obliged to go to Paris in company with similar despatches for
the French Court and to Dr. Franklin in their way to me. By
this means the post commonly brings you in the Spanish and
French publications the news sooner than my letters arrive to
me ; in two or three instances, indeed, it has been otherwise ;
but in the case of General Greene's letter it was nearly so.
When newspapers come to me, or letters with any intelli
gence of importance, here are generally fifteen or twenty Ame
rican travellers in this town who think they have a right to the
news from me. If I were to send them off to Leyden imme
diately, they would think it hard; whereas I can give them to a
printer in this town who will return them at any moment when
called for. Besides this, you will allow that it is of some import
ance to the public cause, that the French Gazette of Amsterdam
should be in the good system, and that it should have some repu
tation. Mr. Tronchin is a total stranger to me.
M. Cerisier's talents and sentiments I esteem very much, and
am very sure it is in his power, and think it is in his inclination
to do signal service to the cause of truth. Yet I agree with you
that he is not so accurate as some others. He writes too much,
and has too many calls upon him, to be always correct. I wish,
in a late instance of Greene's letter, he had eat his chicken with
out crying roast meat. He has no right from me to boast of any
established correspondence with America, for I have promised
him nothing. He has taken pains, I know, for the last twelve
months to form acquaintances among the Americans here, who
may have agreed to correspond with him. From them he may
sometimes get news here, for they generally receive newspapers
with their letters.
If I were to send every piece of fresh news to Leyden, I sup
pose he would make me a friendly complaint too. How shall I
settle it ? Shall I give it to him upon condition that he sends
it to you as soon as he has translated it? Shall I send it to you
upon condition that you send it to him as soon as you have
copied it ? The public service and my duty require of me that
I should communicate to the public as soon as possible, without
giving it to anybody to husband it, and deal it out by little and
OFFICIAL. 493
little for their private interest or the reputation of the gazette. I
assure you I never had a thought of excluding you to your pre
judice, nor shall I ever countenance any such thing. I have
scarce room left to subscribe myself, sir,
Your friend and servant,
JOHN ADAMS.
TO FRANCIS DANA.
Amsterdam, 14 December, 1781.
MY DEAR SIR, — This day was brought me your kind favor of
August 28th, the first line I have received from you since we
parted. A line from my dear son of August 21st, O. S., which
I received three days ago, was the first from him.
The public news from America you have before now. It is
grand ; and I congratulate you upon it with a grateful heart.
Our allies have this year adopted a system which you and I
have long prayed for, and have reason to be thankful for its tri
umphant success.
Soon after my return from Paris I was seized with a malig
nant, nervous fever which had wellnigh cost me a life. The
consequences of it, in weakness, lameness, &c., are not yet
gone off. I am better, but still almost incapable of that atten
tion to business which is necessary. My son Charles sailed
with Commodore Gillon, put into Corunna, went Irom thence
to Bilbao, and is about sailing in the Cicero with Major Jackson
for home. Mr. Thaxter has escaped with a very slight touch of
a fever. So much for the family.
I have lately received from congress a new commission and
instructions to this republic, to propose a triple or quadruple
alliance with the consent and approbation of the French Court.
This measure pleases me extremely, and nothing could be better
timed ; but I must beg you to conceal it. I have received a new
commission for peace, in which J. A., B. R, H. L., J. J., and
T. J., are the ministers. I have likewise received a revocation
of my commission to make a treaty of commerce with Great
Britain. These last novelties, I suppose, would nettle some
men's feelings ; but I am glad of them. They have removed
the cause of envy, I had like to have said ; but I fear I must
retract that, since J. A. still stands before B. F. in the commis-
VOL. VII. 42
494 OFFICIAL.
sion. You know from what quarter this whole system comes.
They have been obliged to adopt our systems of war and politics,
in order to gain influence enough by means of them to lessen us.
But I will consent, upon these terms, to be diminished down to
the size of a Lilliputian, or of an animalcule in pepper water.
There is no present prospect of peace, or negotiation for it ; and
I confess I never expect to be called to act in consequence of
any of these commissions about peace, and, therefore, may be
the more indifferent.
When I was at Paris, the articles of the mediating Courts
were given me, and my sentiments desired, which I gave in
detail in a correspondence which congress have received from
me in two different ways ; so that they will have no expecta
tions of a congress at Vienna, unless the late Cornwallization
should excite them anew. In what a light does Nerone Nero-
nior appear by his last speech, and by his answers to the addresses
of both houses in consequence of it ? Clapping his hands to his
hounds and mastiffs to persevere in worrying the innocent,
although he knows they have nothing to hope for but death.
This evening were brought me your despatches to congress of
the 54F of September, with all the papers inclosed in very good
order. I shall send them by Dr. Dexter by the way of France,
as there is no prospect of a conveyance from here sooner. I am
exceedingly pleased with this correspondence, and hope that you
have still harmonized with your noble correspondent. I am
afraid that he is too right in his conjectures ; but I am happy
to find that your sentiments upon the article are the same which
I had expressed in my letters to the C. de V. upon the subject.
The articles, however, are not sufficiently explicit. You have
before now seen the answers of France and Spain to the Impe
rial Courts. Pray send me copies of them, if you can obtain
them. I was told the substance, but have no copies. I was,
however, happy to find France, Spain, and America so well
agreed in sentiment. I am very glad to find you can make any
use of your ward. I leave to your judgment every thing con
cerning him. Make him write to me every week by the post.
I am pleased with his observations in his travels, and with his
cautious prudence in his letters.
We must be patient and must humor our allies as much as
possible, consistently with our other duties. I see no near hopes
OFFICIAL. 495
of your being received, any more than myself ; but if, without
being received, we can gain and communicate information, we
shall answer a good end. I am, at present, apparently, and I
believe really, upon good terms with the D. de la V. ; and the
miffs at Versailles and Passy seem to be wearing away. Let
me entreat you to write me as often as possible.
Our country, by all accounts, is in great spirits. Paper money
quite stopped ; every thing conducted in silver. Trade flourish
ing, although many privateers and merchant vessels are taken.
Crops the finest ever known. Great Britain has not lost less v
than twenty thousand men the last twelve months in America.
They will not be able to send ten, but if they could send twenty,
they would only give opportunity for more Cornwallizations
and Burgoynizations.
With every sentiment of affection and esteem,
Your obliged friend and servant,
JOHN ADAMS.
P. S. December loth. To-day Mr. S. arrived with your
other letters. I shall take the best care, and answer soon. I
am still more happy to find you still patient and in good spirits.
We shah1 do very well. I think you may expect some good
news from me ere long.
JOHN JAY TO JOHN ADAMS.
Madrid, 15 December, 1781.
gIR) — The two last posts brought me your favors of the 26th
and 28th ultimo. It really gives me great satisfaction at length
to see a prospect of a regular correspondence between us. The
failure of my former attempts had almost discouraged me, though,
from the frequent miscarriage of letters to and from me, I had rea
son to impute your silence more to that than to any other cause.
I have not received a syllable from congress, nor from any of
its members, by the vessel which brought you the instructions of
the 16th August ; but I by no means infer from thence that they
did not write, for on more than one occasion I know that letters
for me have been put into the post-office, which never came to my
hands ; and I advise you never to write to me but under a per
suasion that your letter will be inspected before I receive it,
496 OFFICIAL.
As to the instructions, I had neither seen nor heard of them
till the reception of your letter. They appear to me to be wise,
and I shall be happy to see the object of them fully and speed
ily attained.
As to the progress of my negotiations here, I can only inform
you that the last offers of America were made so long ago as
July last. The Court has not as yet found it convenient to give
me an answer. I could give you a particular history of delays,
but it would be useless. I could also communicate to you my
conjectures as to the real cause of them, but by the post it would
be improper. In a word, it is not in my power to write any thing
of importance but what I ought not to write by such a convey
ance, unless in cipher.
Delay is, and has long been the system, and when it will cease,
cannot be divined. Mr. Del Campo, the minister's first and con
fidential secretary, has been appointed near three months to con
fer with me, and yet this appointment was not announced to
me till the last week. I have not yet had a conference with
him. He has been sick, and it seems is not yet sufficiently
recovered to do business, &c. &c. &c.
It will not be necessary to send me copies of the commission
and instructions you mention. The originals intended for me
were brought by Major Franks in September last. I think it
probable that duplicates for me accompany those you have
received ; and I am the more inclined to this opinion from hav
ing lately received a packet directed by Secretary Thomson, in
which I found nothing but his cipher indorsed in his handwrit
ing, but no letter or line from him or others. It was committed
to the care of Mr. Barclay, consul in France. He sent it to
me by the post, and on comparing the date of his letter to me
from Lorient with the time I received it, I find it was thirteen
days on the way ; it had evident marks of inspection.
I am very much of your opinion, and for the same reason, —
that peace is yet at a distance ; and, therefore, that I cannot
soon expect to have the pleasure of seeing you, which I much
desire for many reasons.
As to Gibraltar and Minorca, it is difficult to conjecture when
or in what manner the operations against them will terminate ;
for my own part, I think their fate will remain in suspense for
some time yet.
OFFICIAL. 497
The Dutch certainly do not want spirit ; and I ascribe their
want of vigor more to the embarrassments they experience from
the nature of their government and the Anglican connections
of the ruling family, than to any other cause. A national con
vention under the protection of France, would, in my opinion,
be the most effectual remedy for these evils.
General Greene's last action does great honor to him as well
as to the American arms. This and the surrender of Lord
Cornwallis are most joyful and interesting events. I am anxious
to know what influence they will have on the British counsels.
If the alliance in agitation should promise to take effect and
draw near to a conclusion, it would have much influence here
and elsewhere.
You shall have immediate advice of the first change that may
happen in' our affairs here.
My expectations are not very sanguine ; but I confess to you
that it would not surprise me, if the various delays practised
here should in the end prove more advantageous than injurious
to our interests.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN JAY.
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Amsterdam, 18 December, 1781.
SIR, — Having received an invitation to the Hague, in order
to have some conversation with some gentlemen in the govern
ment, concerning the further steps proper for me to take in the
present conjuncture, I had determined to have undertaken the
journey to-day, but the arrival in town of the Due de la Vau-
guyon, determined me to postpone it until to-morrow.
At noon, to-day, his Excellency did me the honor of a visit,
and a long conversation upon the state of affairs, at my house.
He informed me, that upon the communication I had made to
him, when he was here last, in person, and afterwards by letter,
of my new commission and instructions, he had written to the
Count de Vergennes ; that he had explained to that minister his
own sentiments, and expected an answer. His own idea is, that
I should go to the Hague in some week, when there is a presi-
42* F2
498 OFFICIAL.
dent whose sentiments and disposition are favorable, and demand
an answer to my former proposition, and afterwards, that I should
go round to the cities of Holland, and apply to the several regen
cies.
He thinks that I may now assume a higher tone, which the
late Cornwallization will well warrant. I shall, however, take
care not to advance too fast, so as to be unable to retreat. His
advice is, to go to the Hague to-morrow, and meet the gentle
men who wish to see me there, and this I shall do.
I have been very happy hitherto, in preserving an entire good
understanding with this minister, and nothing shall ever be want
ing on my part to deserve his confidence and esteem.
I have transmitted by two opportunities, one by Captain Trow-
bridge, from hence, another by Dr. Dexter by the way of France,
despatches from Mr. Dana, at Petersburg, by which congress will
perceive that material advantages will arise from that gentle
man's residence in that place, whether he soon communicates
his mission to that court or not.
The English papers, which I forward by this opportunity, will
inform congress of the state of things and parties in England.
The ministry talk of a new system. Perhaps they may attempt
Rhode Island once more in exchange for Charleston, and try
their skill at intercepting our trade.
T have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
TO THE DUKE DE LA VAUGUYON.
The Hague, 19 December, 1781.
SIR, — It has been insinuated to me, that the Spanish ambas
sador here has instructions from his court to enter into nego
tiation with their High Mightinesses, concerning an alliance
between Spain and the republic. If this fact has come to your
Excellency's knowledge, and there is no inconvenience nor
impropriety in communicating it to me, I should be very much
obliged to you for the information, not from curiosity merely,
but for my government, in the steps I may have to take.
By rny late instructions, of which your Excellency has a copy,
I am to inform myself concerning the progress of American
negotiations at the Court of Spain, and, if an alliance shall
OFFICIAL. 499
have been entered into between his Catholic Majesty and the
United States, to invite his Catholic Majesty into the alliance
proposed between France, their High Mightinesses, and the
congress. If no such alliance shall have been formed, to
receive his Catholic Majesty, should he manifest a disposition
to become a party, &c.
Congress have wisely enjoined it upon me, to confer in the
most confidential manner with your Excellency, and I have
made it a law to myself, to take no material step in this nego
tiation without your approbation ; but my instructions seem to
make it necessary to take some measures, at least, to sound the
disposition of the Spanish ambassador. I would, therefore, beg
leave to propose to your consideration, and to request your
opinion, whether you think it advisable for me to do myself the
honor of making a visit to the Spanish ambassador, and com
municating to him the substance of rny instruction, as far as it
relates to the Court of Madrid ; or whether it would be better to
communicate it by letter ; or whether your Excellency will be
so good as to take upon yourself this communication, and
inform me of the result of it.
I am advised here to wait on the president of their High Might
inesses as soon as possible, and demand a categorical answer to
my former proposition, and then to wait on the grand pension
ary and Mr. Secretary Fagel, and, in turn, upon the pensionaries
of all the cities of Holland, to inform them of the demand made
to the president. But I submit to your consideration, whether
it will not be expedient to communicate the project of a triple or
quadruple alliance, to some confidential members of the States,
as to the pensionaries of Dort, Haerlem, and Amsterdam, for
example, with permission to them to communicate it, where
they shall think it necessary, in order to give more weight to
my demand.
The Court of Great Britain are manifestly availing themselves
of the mediation of Russia, in order to amuse this republic, and
restrain it from exerting itself in the war, and forming connec
tions with the other belligerent powers, without intending to
make peace with her upon any conditions which would not be
ruinous to her. It is, therefore, of the last importance to Hol
land, as well as of much consequence to the other belligerent
powers, to draw her out of the snare, which one should think
500 OFFICIAL.
might be now easily done by a proposition of a triple or quadru
ple alliance.
To-morrow morning, at ten, I propose to do myself the honor
of waiting on your Excellency, if that honor is agreeable, in
order to avail myself more particularly of your sentiments upon
these points.
In the mean time, I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
THE DUG DE LA VAUGUYON TO JOHN ADAMS.
(Translation.')
The Hague, 20 December, 1781.
SIR, — I have received the letter you have done me the honor
to address me. I shall be very eager to have that of conversing
with you on the different subjects to which it relates, and shall
expect to see you at ten o'clock to-morrow morning, as you
desire.
Receive, sir, my renewed assurances of the inviolable senti
ments with which I have the honor to be, &c.
DE LA VAUGUYON.
THE DUC DE LA VAUGUYON TO JOHN ADAMS.
( Translation.)
Versailles, 30 December, 1781.
SIR, — You desired that on my arrival at Versailles, I should
communicate to the Count de Vergennes your disposition to
adopt the measure you have been advised to pursue by several
well-disposed members of the States of Holland, and that I
should at the same time make known to him your determina
tion not to take that step without his approbation.
The minister directs me to inform you, that he sees no objec
tion to the visit which you wish to make to the president of the
assembly of the states-general, to the ministers of the republic,
and to the deputies of the principal cities of the Province of
Holland, provided that, without leaving with either of them any
official writing, you limit yourself to the inquiry, whether the
memorial which you transmitted to them several months since
OFFICIAL. 501
has been made the subject of deliberation by their High- Might
inesses, and what answer you may communicate to the congress
of the United States of North America.
I do not know the precise time of my return to the Hague,
but I see no reason to suppose that my absence will be longer
than I intended,
Receive, sir, my renewed assurance, &c.
DE LA VAUGUYON.
BARON VAN DER CAPELLEN TO JOHN ADAMS.
Zwol, 6 Janvier, 1782.
VOTRE Excellence saura de Monsieur de Neufville que j'ai
^intention de placer encore douze mille florins dans les fonds
de 1'Amerique. Peut-etre que je serais en etat d'y ajouter
encore cinq mille ; mais ceci n'est pas encore decide. Je pre-
fere 1'emprunt dont votre Excellence est charge, a celui qui se
fait sous la garantie de la France et de cette republique, parce-
que je ne pretends pas etre si ridicule que mes compatriotes,
qui jusqu'a cette heure n'oseroient Conner leur argent a 1'Ame-
rique sans une telle caution ! Aussi puis-je assurer votre Ex
cellence que leur conduite, a tout egard, commence a me cho-
quer. Je commence a me sentir pour eux plus que de 1'indiner-
ence. J'ai honte d'etre Hollandois, et je suis fache de la peine
que j'ai si souvent prise, meme avec cette chaleur qui fut 1'effet
de mon attachement pour les deux peuples, afin de prevenir
que votre Excellence ne se format une idee, que je croyois alors
trop desavantageuse, du caractere de la nation. Je vois que
j'aurois plutot du me rappeler la reponse de Statilius a Brutus.
Sapientis non esse propter malos et stultos in periculum et tur-
bas se dare. Je ne regrette point le sacrifice d'une des plus
belles occasions pour faire une fortune eclatante. Je ne veux
point de fortune. Mais je regrette le sacrifice de mon repos, et
cela propter malos et stultos ! Voila tous ces marchands, qui
jadis firent tant de bruit, et qui par leurs serieuses requetes
pourroient forcer la faction Anglaise, du moins 1'embarrasser
extremement ; voila cette classe de citoyens laquelle seule est
en possession de s'assembler pour deliberer sur leurs interets
communs, sans que 1'on ose leur en faire un crime ; ne voit
on pas tous ces negocians, meme ceux qui sont ruines, se taire
502 OFFICIAL.
comme s'ils avoient des cadenas a la bouche. Si un petit reste
d'attachement pour un pays que je crois perdu sans ressource
pourroit encore me faire souhaiter quelque evenement, qui put
servir en guise de remede que 1'on donne a un mourant, ce
seroit de voir votre Excellence demander d'un ton convenable a
la grandeur de 1'Amerique Unie et a I'indignite de 1'acceuil que
1'on a fait a son ambassadeur, une reponse categorique au me-
moire, que votre Excellence a presente de sa part a leurs Hautes
Puissances. Un tel pas, dans les circonstances actuelles, feroit
eclat. Beaucoup de gens eclaires le souhaitent, et vraiment il
n'est plus temps de temporiser. C'est en toujours temporisant
que certaine grande ville n'a jamais fait rien qui vaille. Sa con-
duite, surtout durant cette guerre, me paroit tres peu politique.
Comme les Espagnols devant Gibraltar, elle s'epuise et perd son.
temps en de vains efforts contre certain gros personnage, au lieu
qu'avec beaucoup moins de ces memes efforts elle auroit pu nous
procurer une alliance avec la France et 1'Amerique, mesure dont
la necessite est reconnue de tout le monde, tandis qu'il y a tou
jours eu des gens, qui etoient bien eloignes d'approuver cet autre
pas. D'ailleurs la retraite de ce certain personnage auroit ete une
suite necessaire d'une telle alliance. Messieurs de la grande
ville ont done, a mon avis, tire leur poudre aux moineaux !
Mais il sied tres mal a un ex-politique de se meler des affaires
d'Etat. Je demande pardon d'avoir si longtemps occupe votre
Excellence, et j'ai 1'honneur d'etre avec tout le respect possible,
de votre Excellence le tres humble, &c.
J. D. VAN DER CAPELLEN.
TO BARON VAN DER CAPELLEN.
Amsterdam, 14 January, 1782.
SIR, — Returning last evening from the Hague, I had the
pleasure to find your kind favor of the 6th of this month, and
am very glad to hear of your intention to place twelve thousand
florins in the American funds. I am also much pleased to find
that you prefer the loan with which I am intrusted, to that made
under the warranty of France and this republic, because it is a
more frank and manly acknowledgment of our first pretensions,
and it is treating America more in her true character.
OFFICIAL. 503
From the decent reception I met with in the course of the last
week, from all the ministers of the republic, and the deputies
of all the cities of Holland, and the affectionate and friendly
reception from several of them, I am much encouraged to
believe, that the final resolutions of the States, although they
may be too long delayed, will yet be finally just both towards
this country and America. I hope I may not be mistaken.
The longer a decision is delayed, the less important it will be
to America, most certainly, and the more important to the
republic ; for it may be depended on that the cause of America
will grow every day stronger, and that of her enemies every day
weaker, wherever or however this nation may declare itself.
Is the answer of Statilius to Brutus perfectly just ? Is it not
the duty of a wise man sometimes to expose himself to dangers,
even for the good of fools and knaves ? Is not the sentiment
in another ancient writing more just, that a whole city is worth
saving for the sake of ten honest men, for five, or even for two ?
It is certain that a statesman can never do good to his country
or city, without conferring a benefit upon some of very worthless,
and even of detestable character. I am, however, far from think
ing, that worthy men are in this nation so rare. It is most cer
tain that the time approaches very fast, when the republic must
decide. I agree perfectly with you, that a certain great city
might have accomplished a treaty with France and America,
with half the efforts which they have made in vain against a
certain personage. I am a stranger to the great city, and to the
characters that govern it ; but if common fame is not more than
commonly impudent upon this occasion, self love is the same
there as I have often seen it elsewhere ; and the private ambition
of an individual is everywhere capable of obstructing for a time
the wisest plans and most generous efforts of disinterested men.
Yet I have generally observed, that well-disposed men have
redoubled their ardor and exertions, upon finding themselves
embarrassed by such motives of individuals.
A gentleman has had the goodness to read to me in French
the preface to a certain collection lately printed in Dutch, which
is a masterly composition.
With great esteem and respect,
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
504 OFFICIAL.
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Amsterdam, 14 January, 1782.
gIR) — Having received the advice of several gentlemen, mem
bers of the States, and also the opinion of the Due de la Vau-
guyon, and the Comte de Vergennes, I went to the Hague
on Tuesday, the 8th day of this month, and the next morning,
at ten, waited on the president of their High Mightinesses, M.
Van den Sandheuvel, of Dort, a city of Holland, to whom I
made a verbal requisition in the following words : —
" The 4th of May last I had the honor of a conference with
the president of their High Mightinesses, in which I informed
him that I had received a commission from the United States
of America, with full powers and instructions to propose and
conclude a treaty of amity and commerce between the United
States of America and the United Provinces of the Netherlands.
I had the honor in the same conference to demand an audience
of their High Mightinesses, for the purpose of presenting my
credentials and full powers. The president assured me, that he
would report every thing that I had told him, to their High
Mightinesses, so that the matter might be transmitted to the
several members of the sovereignty, to be submitted to their
deliberation and decision. I have not yet been honored with
an answer ; and for this reason I have the honor of addressing
myself to you, sir, to demand from you, as I do demand, a cate
gorical answer, which I may transmit to my sovereign."
The president assured me, that he would not fail to make
report to their High Mightinesses. After this, I sent a servant to
the Grand Pensionary Bleiswyck, to know at what hour I should
have the honor of a little conversation with him. The answer
returned to me, with the compliments of the grand pensionary,
was, that he was sick, unable to attend the assembly of the
States, and to receive any visits at home from anybody ; but
if my business was of a public nature, I might communicate it
to his secretary, which would be as well as to himself. Upon
this, I requested M. Dumas to call upon the secretary, and com
municate my intentions to him, which he did.
I went next morning, at ten, to the secretary of their High
Mightinesses, M. Fagel, and communicated to him the step I
OFFICIAL. 505
had taken the day before, who told me that he had already been
informed of it, for that the president, according to his promise,
had made his report to their High Mightinesses ; that it was
true, that the Baron de Lynden de Hemmen had made his
report to their High Mightinesses, on the 4th of last May, of
my proposition to him, and that it had been forthwith taken ad
referendum by all the Provinces, but that no member of the
sovereignty had yet returned any answer at all, either in the
affirmative or negative ; that my proposition of yesterday had
in like manner been taken ad referendum by all the Provinces,
and that it was necessary to wait to see what answer they would
give.
The secretary, who is perfectly well with the court, as his
ancestors and family have been for a long course of years, and
who is as complaisant to England as any man in this country,
received me with perfect politeness, and when I took leave,
insisted upon accompanying me through all the anti-chambers
and long entries quite to my chariot door in the street, where
he waited until we entered and drove off.
After this, I went to the house of Dort, the pensionary of
which city, M. Gyselaer, received me with confidence and affec
tion ; told me, that all he could say to me in his public charac
ter was, that he thanked me for the communication I had made
to him, and would communicate it to the deputation and to the
regency of his city, and that he hoped I should have as friendly
an answer as I desired, for that he personally saw me with great
pleasure, and very readily acknowledged my character, and that
of my country.
I went next, at the hour agreed on, to the house of Haerlem,
where I was received by the whole deputation, consisting of two
burgomasters, two schepens, and a pensionary. Here passed a
scene, which really affected my sensibility, and gave me great
pleasure. The five gentlemen were all aged and venerable
magistrates, who received me with an affection and cordiality,
which discovered, in their air and countenance, the sincerity
and satisfaction they felt in the words of their pensionary, when
he told me, that they were only deputies ; that by the constitu
tion of Haerlem, like all the others in the republic, the sove
reignty resided in their constituents, the regency ; that they
thanked me for the communication I had made to them, that
VOL. VII. 43
506 OFFICIAL.
they would communicate it to the regency of their city, and
that for themselves, they heartily wished it success ; for that the
United States, as sufferers for, and defenders of the great cause
of liberty, might depend upon the esteem, affection, and friend
ship, of the city of Haerlem, and that they heartily wished a
connection between the two republics, and they congratulated
us on the capture of Lord Cornwallis, to which we returned to
them a congratulation for the recapture of St. Eustatia, and
took our leave.
At the house of Leyden, we were received by the pensionary,
who told us he had the orders of his burgomasters to receive me,
to thank me for the communication, and to promise to commu
nicate it to their regency.
At the house of Rotterdam, we were received by the whole
deputation, consisting of two burgomasters, two schepens, or
judges, and the pensionary. We received thanks for the com
munication, and a promise to lay it before the regency.
At the house of Gouda and the Brille, the same reception and
the same answer. At another house, where the deputies of five
small cities lived together, the same answer. At the house,
where the deputies of Alcmaer and Enkhuisen reside, we were
received by the whole deputations, obtained the same answers,
with the addition of professions of esteem, and wishes that in
time there might be closer connections between the two nations.
Thus I had been introduced to the ministers of the republic,
and to the deputies of all the cities of Holland, except Amster
dam. In my messages to the deputations, I had followed the
order of the cities, according to the rank they held in the con
federation. I had sent to the house of Amsterdam in its course.
The messenger, the first time, found only one of the burgomas
ters at home, M. Rendorp, who returned for answer, that the
gentlemen were not then together, but that they would send me
word at what time they would receive me ; but no answer came
for a day or two. I sent again. The messenger found only the
same burgomaster, who returned the same answer. On Friday
morning, having no answer, I sent a third time. The answer
from the same burgomaster was, that the gentlemen were then
setting off for Amsterdam, being obliged to return upon busi
ness, and could not then see me, but would send me word.
Upon this, I concluded to return to Amsterdam too, and to
OFFICIAL. 507
make the communication there in writing to the regency ; but
reflecting that this step would occasion much speculation and
many reflections upon Amsterdam, I desired M. Dumas to wait
on M. Vischer, the pensionary, who remained in town, and con
sult with him. The result was, that I made my visit to the
house of Amsterdam, and made the communication to M. Vis
cher, who received me like a worthy minister of the great city.
It may not be amiss to conclude this letter by observing, that
every city is considered as an independent republic. The bur
gomasters have the administration of the executive, like little
kings. There is in the great council, consisting of the burgo
masters and counsellors, a limited legislative authority. The
schepens are the judges. The deputies are appointed by the
regency, which consists of the burgomasters, counsellors, and
schepens ; and in the large cities, the deputies consist of two
burgomasters, two schepens or counsellors, and one pensionary.
The pensionary is the secretary of state, or the minister of the
city, The pensionaries are generally the speakers upon all
occasions, even in the assembly of the States of the Province.
These operations at the Hague have been received by the
public with great appearance of approbation and pleasure, and
the gazettes and pamphlets universally cry against the mediation
of Russia, and for an immediate alliance with France and Ame
rica. But the leaders of the republic, those of them I mean who
are well intentioned, wish to have the two negotiations, that for
peace under the mediation of Russia, and that for an alliance
with France, Spain, and America, laid before the States and
the public together, not so much with an expectation of accom
plishing speedily an alliance with Bourbon and America, as
with a hope of checking the English party, and preventing
them from accepting a peace with England, or the mediation
of Russia to that end, upon dangerous or dishonorable terms.
If it was in any other country, I should conclude from all appear
ances, that an alliance with America and France, at least, would
be finished in a few weeks ; but I have been long enough here
to know the nation better. The constitution of government is
so complicated and whimsical a thing, and the temper and cha
racter of the nation so peculiar, that this is considered every
where as the most difficult embassy in Europe. But at present,
it is more so than ever ; the nation is more divided than usual,
508 OFFICIAL.
and tney are afraid of everybody, afraid of France, afraid of
America, England, Russia, and the northern powers, and, above
all, of the Emperor, who is taking measures, that will infallibly
ruin the commerce of this country, if they do not soon change
their conduct. I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
TO B. FRANKLIN.
Amsterdam, 25 January, 1782.
SIR, — Your letter of the llth, with a copy of that of M.
le Comte de Vergennes, of 31st of December, I had the honor
to receive by the last post. By your leaving it to me to judge
how far it is proper for me to accept further drafts on Mr. Lau-
rens, with any expectation of your enabling me to pay them, I
am somewhat embarrassed. If I accept any bill at all, it must
be in full confidence of your paying it, for there is not a possi
bility of my getting any money here.
I lately applied to one of the first houses, an old Dutch house
which has traded to America a hundred years, and whose credit
is as clear and solid as any one in the republic. I asked him
frankly, if he would undertake a loan for me. His answer was,
sir, I thank you for the honor you do me ; I know the honor and
profit that would accrue to any house from such a trust ; I have
particular reasons of my own, of several sorts, to be willing to
undertake it, and I will tell you frankly, I will make the necessary
inquiries, and give you an answer in two days ; and if I find it
possible to succeed, I will undertake it ; but there are four per
sons who have the whole affair of loans through the republic
under their thumbs ; these persons are united ; if you gain one
you gain all, and the business is easy ; but without them, there
is not one house in this republic can succeed in any loan. After
the two days he called on me to give me an account of his pro
ceedings. He said he first waited on one of the regency, and
asked him if it was proper for him to put in a requete, and ask
leave to open such a loan. He was answered he had better say
nothing to the regency about it, for they would either give him
no answer at all, which was most probable, or say it was im
proper for them to interfere, either of which answers would do
more hurt than good. It was an affair of credit which he might
OFFICIAL. 509
undertake without asking leave ; for the regency never inter
fered to prevent merchants getting money. With this answer
he went to one of the undertakers, whose answer was, that at
least until there was a treaty it would be impossible to get the
money ; as soon as that event should happen, he was ready to
undertake it.
I have been uniformly told that these four or five persons
had such a despotic influence over loans ; I have heretofore
sounded them in various ways, and the result is, that I firmly
believe they receive ample salaries, upon the express condition x
that they resist an American loan. There is a phalanx formed
by British ministry, Dutch Court, proprietors of English stocks,
and great mercantile houses in the interest of the British minis
try, that support these undertakers and are supported by them.
We may therefore reckon boldly that we shall get nothing
here, unless in the form of the late five millions lent to the King
of France, and warranted by the republic, until there is a treaty.
I believe, however, I shall venture to accept the bills, of which
I have given you notice, in hopes of your succeeding better than
your fears.
Yesterday was brought me one more bill drawn on Mr. Lau-
rens on the 6th July, 1780, for five hundred and fifty guilders,
No. 145. I have asked time to write to your Excellency about
this too, and shall wait your answer before I accept it.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
BENJAMIN FRANKLIN TO JOHN ADAMS.
Passy, 12 February, 1782.
SIR, — I received the honor of yours dated the 7th instant,
acquainting me with the presentation of several more bills
drawn on Mr. Lauren s. I think you will do well to accept
them, and I shall endeavor to enable you to pay them. I should
be glad to see a complete list of those you have already accepted.
Perhaps, from the series of numbers and the deficiencies, one
may be able to divine the sum that has been issued, of which
we have never been informed as we ought to have been. Igno
rance of this has subjected me to the unpleasant task of making
repeated demands which displease our friends by seeming to
43*
510 OFFICIAL.
have no end. The same is the case with the bills on Mr. Jay
and on myself. This has, among other things, made me quite
sick of my Gibeonite office, — that of drawing water for the
whole congregation of Israel. But I am happy to learn from
our minister of finance, that after the end of March next no fur
ther drafts shall be made on me, or trouble given me by drafts
on others.
The Duke de la Vauguyon must be with you before tHs
time. I am impatient to hear the result of your states on the
demand you have made of a categoric answer, &c. I think
with you that it may be wrong to interrupt or perplex their
deliberations by asking aids during the present critical situation
of affairs.
I understood that the goods had all been delivered to Mr.
Barclay, and I punctually paid all the bills. That gentleman
now writes me that those purchased of Gillon are detained on
pretence of his debts. These new demands were never men
tioned to me before. It has been, and will be a villanous affair
from beginning to end.
With great esteem and respect, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
TO SECRETARY LIVINGSTON.
Amsterdam, 14 February, 1782.
DEAR SIR, — Yesterday the duplicate of your letter of the
23d of October was brought to me ; the original is not yet
arrived. It is with great pleasure I learn that a minister is
appointed for foreign affairs, who is so capable of introducing
into that department an order, a constancy, and an activity
which could never be expected from a committee of congress,
so often changing, and so much engaged in other great affairs,
however excellent their qualifications or dispositions. Indeed,
sir, it is of infinite importance to me to know the sentiments of
congress ; yet I have never known them in any detail or with
any regularity since I have been in Europe. I fear congress
have heard as little from me since I have been in Holland. My
despatches by the way of St. Eustatia and by several private
vessels and by the South Carolina have been vastly unfortu
nate.
OFFICIAL. 511
My situation, sir, has been very delicate ; but as my whole
life, from my infancy, has been passed through an uninterrupted
series of delicate situations, when I find myself suddenly trans
lated into a new one, the view of it neither confounds nor dis
mays me. I am very sensible, however, that such a habit of
mind borders very nearly upon presumption, and deserves very
serious reflections. My health is still precarious. My person
has been thought by some to have been in danger ; but at pre
sent I apprehend nothing to myself or the public.
This nation will have peace with England, if they can obtain
it upon honorable terms, but upon no other. They cannot
obtain it upon any other, without giving offence to France, and
England will not make peace upon such conditions. I shall,
therefore, probably remain here in a very insipid and insignifi
cant state a long time without any affront or answer. In the
parties which divide the nation I have never taken any share.
I have treated all men of all parties whom I saw alike, and
have been used quite as well by the Court party as their anta
gonists. Both parties have been in bodily fear of popular com
motions, and the politics of both appear to me to be too much
influenced by alternate fears, and I must add, hopes of popular
commotions. Both parties agree in their determinations to
obtain peace with England, if they can ; but Great Britain will
not cease to be the tyrant of the ocean until she ceases to be
the tyrant of America. She will only give up her claims of
empire over both together.
The Dutch have an undoubted right to judge for themselves,
whether it is for their interest to connect themselves with us or
not. At present I have no reason to be dissatisfied. I have, in
pursuance of the advice of the Count de Vergennes and the Due
de la Vauguyon, added to that of several members of the States,
demanded an answer. I was received politely by all parties,
though you will hear great complaints from others that I am
not received well. They have their views in this ; they know
that this is a good string for them to touch. I stand now in an
honorable light, openly and candidly demanding an answer in
my public character. But it is the republic that stands in a less
respectable situation, not one member of the sovereignty having
yet ventured to give an answer in the negative. The dignity
of the United States is, therefore, perfectly safe, and if that of
512 OFFICIAL,
this republic is questionable, this is their own fault, not ours.
Your advice, to be well with the government, and to take no
measures which may bring upon me a public affront, is perfectly
just. All appearance of intrigue, and all the refinements of
politics, have been as distant from my conduct as you know
them to be from my natural and habitual character.
Your advice, to spend much of my time at the Hague, I shall
in future pursue, though I have had reasons for a different con
duct hitherto. As to connections with the ministers of other
powers, it is a matter of great delicacy. There is no power but
what is interested directly or indirectly in our affairs at present.
Every minister has at his own Court a competitor who keeps
correspondences and spies to be informed of every step ; and
open visits to or from any American minister are too dangerous
for them to venture on. It must be managed with so much art,
and be contrived in third places, and with so much unmeaning
intrigue, that it should not be too much indulged, and after all
nothing can come of it. There is not a minister of them all that
is intrusted with any thing, but from time to time to execute
positive instructions from his Court.
A loan of money has given me vast anxiety. I have tried
every experiment and failed in all ; and am fully of opinion that
we never shall obtain a credit here until we have a treaty.
When this will be, I know not. If France has not other objects
in view of more importance, in my opinion she may accomplish
it in a short time. Whether she has or not, time must discover.
Mr. Barclay is here, doing his utmost to despatch the public
effects here ; but these will turn out the dearest goods that con
gress ever purchased, if they ever arrive safe. It has been insi
nuated, I perceive, that I was privy to the purchase of a parcel
of English manufactures among these goods. This is a mis
take. It was carefully concealed from me, who certainly should
not have countenanced it, if I had known it. Mr. Barclay will
exchange them all for the manufactures of Germany or Holland,
or sell them here. The ordinance of congress against British
manufactures is universally approved as far as I know, as a hosti
lity against their enemies of more importance than the exertions
of an army of twenty thousand men.
With great esteem, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
OFFICIAL. 513
TO SECRETARY LIVINGSTON.
Amsterdam, 19 February, 1782.
SIR, — On the 14th instant I had the honor to acknowledge
the receipt of your duplicate of the 23d of October. To-day
Major Porter brought me your favor of the 20th of November,
and the original of that of the 23d of October.
I congratulate you, sir, on the glorious news contained in these
despatches ; but I cannot be of your opinion, that, great as it is,
it will defeat every hope that Britain entertains of conquering a
country so defended. Vanity, sir, is a passion capable of inspir
ing illusions which astonish all other men ; and the Britons are,
without exception, the vainest people upon earth. By examin
ing such a witness as Arnold, the ministry can draw from him
evidence which will fully satisfy the people of England that the
conquest of America is still practicable. Sensible men see the
error ; but they have seen it these twenty years, and lamented
it till their hearts are broken. The intention of government
seems to be to break the spirit of the nation, and to bring affairs
into so wretched a situation, that all men shall see that they
cannot be made better by new ministers or by the punishment
of the old ones.
It is suggested that some plan of conciliation will be brought
into parliament ; but it will be only as deceitful as all the former
ones. They begin to talk big, and threaten to send Arnold with
seventeen thousand men to burn and destroy in the northern
States ; but this will prove but an annual vapor. I rejoice the
more in Colonel Willet's glorious services, for a personal know
ledge and esteem I have for that officer. Zoutman's battle on
Doggerbank shows what the nation could do. But — It is
somewhat dangerous to write with perfect freedom concerning
the views and principles of each party as you desire. Indeed,
the views of all parties are enveloped in clouds and darkness.
There are unerring indications that all parties agree secretly in
this principle, that the Americans are right, if they have power.
There is here and there an individual who says the Americans
are wrong ; but these are very few. The English party are sus
pected to have it in view to engage the republic to join the Eng
lish in the war against France, Spain, and America.
G2
514 OFFICIAL.
The Prince is supposed to wish that this were practicable, but
to despair of it. Some of the great proprietors of English stocks,
several great mercantile houses in the service of the British minis
try, are thought to wish it too ; but if they are guilty of wishes
so injurious to their country and humanity, none of them dares
openly avow them. The stadtholder is of opinion that his
house has been supported by England ; that his office was cre
ated and is preserved by her. But I do not see why his office
would not be as safe in an alliance with France as with England,
unless he apprehends that the republican party would in that
case change sides, connect itself with England, and by her
means overthrow him. There are jealousies that the stadtholder
aspires to be a sovereign ; but these are the ordinary jealousies
of liberty, and, I should think, in this case, groundless. The
opposite, which is called the republican party, is suspected of
desires and designs of introducing innovations. Some are sup
posed to aim at the demolition of the stadtholdership ; others, of
introducing the people to the right of choosing the regencies ;
but I think these are very few in number, and very inconsidera
ble in power, though some of them may have wit and genius.
There is another party, at the head of which is Amsterdam,
who think the stadtholdership necessary, but wish to have some
further restraint or check upon it. Hence the proposition for
a committee to assist his Highness. But there is no appearance
that this project will succeed. All the divisions of the republican
party are thought to think well of America, and to wish a con
nection with her and France. The opposite party do not openly
declare themselves against this ; but peace is the only thing in
which all sides agree. No party dares say any thing against
peace ; yet there are individuals very respectable, who think that
it is not for the public interest to make peace.
As to congress' adapting measures to the views and interests
of both parties, they have already done it in the most admirable
manner. They could not have done better if they had been all
present here, and I know of nothing to be added. They have
a plenipotentiary here with instructions ; they have given power
to invite the republic to accede to the alliance between France
and America, with a power to admit Spain. All this is commu
nicated to the Comte de Vergennes and the Due de la Vauguyon ;
and I wait only their advice for the time of making the propo-
OFFICIAL. 515
sition. I have endeavored to have the good graces of the lead
ers, and I have no reason to suspect that I do not enjoy their
esteem ; and I have received from the Prince repeatedly, and in
strong terms by his secretary, the Baron de Larray, assurances
of his personal esteem.
I wrote, sir, on the 3d and 7th of May, as full an account of
my presenting my credentials, as it was proper to write, and am
astonished that neither duplicates nor triplicates have arrived.
I will venture a secret. I had the secret advice of our best
friends in the republic to take the step I did, though the French
ambassador thought the time a little too early. My situation
would have been ridiculous and deplorable indeed, if I had not
done it, and the success of the measure, as far as universal
applause could be called success, has justified it. Those who
detested the measure, sir, were obliged to applaud it in words.
I am surprised to see you think it places us in a humiliating
light. I am sure it raised me out of a very humiliating position,
such as I never felt before, and shall never feel again, I believe.
I have lately, by the express advice of all our best friends, added
to that of the Due de la Vauguyon and the Comte de Vergennes,
demanded a categorical answer. I knew very well I should not
have it ; but it has placed the United States and their minister
in a glorious light, demanding candidly an answer, and the
republic has not yet equal dignity to give it. In this manner we
may remain with perfect safety to the dignity of the United
States and the reputation of her minister, until their High
Mightinesses shall think fit to answer, or until we shall think
it necessary to repeat the demand, or make a new one, which I
shall not do without the advice of the French ambassador, with
whom I shall consult in perfect confidence.
My motives for printing the memorial were, that I had no
other way to communicate my proposition to the sovereign of
the country. The gentlemen at the Hague, who are called their
High Mightinesses, are not the sovereign ; they are only depu
ties of the states-general, who compose the sovereignty. These
joint-deputies form only a diplomatic body, not a legislative nor
an executive one. The states-general are the regencies of cities
and bodies of nobles. The regencies of cities are the burgo
masters, and schepens or judges and counsellors, composing in
the whole a number of four or five thousand men, scattered all
516 OFFICIAL.
over the republic. I had no way to come at them but by the
press, because the president refused to receive my memorial. If
he had received it, it would have been transmitted of course to
all the regencies ; but in that case it would have been printed ;
for there is no memorial of a public minister in this republic,
but what is printed.
When the president said, " Sir, we have no authority to receive
your memorial, until your title and character are acknowledged
by our constituents and sovereigns ; we are not the sovereign ; "
I answered, " In that case, sir, it will be my duty to make the
memorial public in print, because I have no other possible way
of addressing myself to the sovereign, your constituents."
The president made no objection, and there has been no objec
tion to this day. Those who dreaded the consequence to the
cause of Anglomany have never ventured to hint a word against
it. The Anglomanes would have had a triumph if it had not
been printed, and I should before this day have met with many
disagreeable scenes, if not public affronts. This openness has
protected me. To conciliate the affections of the people, to place
our cause in an advantageous light, to remove the prejudices
that Great Britain and her votaries excite, to discover the views
of the different parties, to watch the motions that lead to peace
between England and Holland, have been my constant aim
since I have resided here. The secret aid of government in
obtaining a loan I have endeavored to procure, but it can never
be obtained until there is a treaty. I have hitherto kept a
friendly connection with the French ambassador, and that with
out interruption. The new commission for peace, and the revo
cation of that for a treaty of commerce with Great Britain, I
have received. My language and conduct are those of a private
gentleman ; but those members of congress who think this pro
per, know that I have held public places in Europe, too public
and conspicuous for me to be able to remain incognito in this
country ; nor is it for the interest of the republic that I should
attempt it.
I should be extremely obliged to you, sir, if you would let me
know the dates of all the letters that have been received from
me, since I have been in Holland, that I may send further copies
of, such as have miscarried.
/' The States of Holland have accepted the mediation of Russia,
OFFICIAL. 517
on condition of saving the rights of the armed neutrality. There
has been a balancing between a treaty with France and the
acceptance of this mediation. Amsterdam said nothing. The
mediation was accepted ; but several provinces have declared for
a treaty with France. People of the best intentions are jealous
of a peace with England upon dishonorable terms ; but France
will prevent this, though she does not choose to prevent the
acceptance of the mediation, as she might have done, by con
senting to my making the proposition of a triple or quadruple
alliance. Her ambassador says, the King must not oppose the
Empress of Russia, who will be of importance in the final settle
ment of peace.
France has never discovered much inclination to a treaty with
the republic. The demolition of the barrier towns may explain
this, as well as the ambassador's opinion against presenting my
memorial at the time it was done. I believe that France, too,
can explain the reason of the delay of Spain, where we make a
less respectable appearance than in this republic. The delay of
Spain is fatal to our affairs. Yet I know the American minister
there to be equal to any service, which makes me regret the
more the delay of that kingdom. The constant cry is, " why is
Spain silent ? We must wait for Spain." Nothing gives greater
advantage to the English party.
The nature of the government in an absolute monarchy, would
render it improper to make any application or memorial public.
The nature of this government rendered it indispensably neces
sary. The business must begin in the public, that is, in all the
regencies. De Witt and Temple, it is true, made a treaty in
five days ; but De Witt risked his head by it, upon the pardon
and confirmation of the regencies. But it was a time and a
measure which he knew to be universally wished for. The case
at present is different. M. Van Bleiswyck, though he told me
he thought favorably of my first application, would not have
dared to take a single step without the previous orders of his
masters, as he told me.
It is the United States of America which must save this
republic from ruin. It is the only power that is externally
respected by all parties, although no party dares as yet declare
openly for it. One half the republic nearly, declares every day
very indecently against France, the other against England ; but
VOL. VII. 44
518 OFFICIAL.
neither one nor the other declares against America, which is
more beloved and esteemed than any other nation of the world.
We must wait, however, with patience. After oscillating a
little longer, and grasping at peace, finding it unattainable, I
think they will seek an alliance with America, if not with
France. I had a week ago a visit from one of the first person
ages in Friesland, who promised me that in three weeks I should
have an answer from that Province.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
DAVID HARTLEY TO JOHN ADAMS.
Golden Square, London, 19 February, 1782.
DEAR SIR, — I take the opportunity by means of Mr. Laurens
Jr., of addressing a few lines to you, for the purpose of expressing
my entire concurrence with your benevolent sentiments concern
ing peace and the blessed peacemakers. I agree with you that
peace must come in company with faith and honor ; and, when these
meet, I join with you in saying, — let friendship join the amiable
and venerable choir. It is some months since I received the favor
of your letter containing these sentiments. But as the justice,
humanity, and benevolence of these sentiments are eternal, I
conclude that the sentiments themselves will always remain
yours. My only object in writing is to say thus much to you,
and to express my most sincere wish that the actual exercise of
the blessed office of peacemakers may be called forth in the per
sons of those who are now in appointment to that honorable
trust from America. If I should ever have it in my power to con
tribute to that blessed end, be assured that my utmost endeavors
shall always be exercised (as they always have been) to establish
peace and friendship through the paths of honor and good faith.
Permit me to inquire of you who are entitled to treat on the
part of America, and whether Mr. Laurens, the late president,
be of the number. I am, dear sir, &c.
D. HARTLEY.
OFFICIAL. 519
TO JB. FRANKLIN.
Amsterdam, 20 February, 1782.
SIR, — Yesterday I had the honor of yours of the 12th, and
will take an early opportunity to send you all the lights I can
obtain by inferences from the numbers of the bills. Those
already presented, I shall accept, according to your advice.
Your office is certainly a disagreeable one in many respects,
and mine grows every day more and more disgusting to me. I
wish myself at home again every hour in the twenty-four, and
I hope ere long to obtain permission to go. Affairs here are in
such a situation that I could not be justified in going until con
gress shall appoint another or recall me, or I would ask leave
to return in the Alliance. Is Mr. Lauren s exchanged ? If he
is, and will come over here and take his own place, I would
venture to go home without leave.
The Due de la Vauguyon is returned. I had the honor to
make my compliments to him on Saturday at the Hague, where
I attended Dr. Maclaine's church on Sunday, and the Prince's
review upon the parade afterwards, and where I propose in
future to spend more of my time.
You need not be anxious about the result of my demand of
an answer. It was a measure to which I was advised by the
Due de la Vauguyon, and by the Comte de Vergennes, and by
several worthy gentlemen in the government here. It was
intended to bring necessarily into deliberation a connection with
France and America on one side, at the same time whpn they
considered the mediation of Russia on the other, in order to pre
vent their accepting the mediation without limitations.
The great city has lately faltered very much in point of firm
ness. I cannot but wish that the proposition for an accession
to the alliance between France and America could have been
made last week, the critical moment when it would have infal
libly, I think, prevented the acceptation. But France did not
think it politic to do any thing against the views of Russia.
But nothing but delay will come of this mediation. The Uni
ted States, however, stand here in a more respectable light than
in Spain. Here they are openly and candidly demanding an
answer. If they receive one in the negative, it will be no more
520 OFFICIAL.
than the republic has a right to give, and we shall lose nothing,
but remain exactly where we were. If they give no answer for
a year to come, the dignity of the United States is safe ; that of
the United Provinces will be hurt by the delay, if any. In
Spain, the United States have been waiting in the person of
one of their presidents, now going on three years, and have no
answer. Now I say it is better to be open. Here the constitu
tion demanded publicity. In Spain it forbids it. But the dig
nity of the United States is injured more than it would have
been, if the demand to that Court could have been made pub
lic. For my own part, I own, as a private citizen, or as a pub
lic man, I would not advise the United States to wait for ever,
either in Spain or Holland. If it does not suit their affairs to
make a bargain with us, let them tell us so candidly, and let us
all go home, that at least we may not be under the necessity of
calling upon your Excellency for water to drink, which had
much better quench the thirst of our army.
I should be very much obliged to you for a copy of the repli
cation of the two imperial courts and of the new proposition of
the Court of London, of which I have only had a confused inti
mation.
The affair of the goods has been a villanous affair indeed, as
you observe ; but they cannot be intrusted to more prudent
hands than those of Mr. Barclay, where I leave them.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
TO M. DE LAFAYETTE.
Amsterdam, 20 February, 1782.
MY DEAR GENERAL, — Yesterday Major Porter brought me
your kind favor of the first of this month, together with some
letters from America, in one of which is a resolution of congress,
of the 23d of November, « That the secretary of foreign affairs
acquaint the ministers plenipotentiary of the United States, that
it is the desire of congress that they confer with the Marquis de
la Fayette, and avail themselves of his informations relative to
the situation of public affairs in the United States." This in
struction is so agreeable to my inclinations, that I would under
take a journey to Paris, for the sake of a personal interview with
OFFICIAL. 521
my dear General, if the state of my health, and the situation of
affairs in which I am here engaged, did not render it improper.
Permit me, however, to congratulate you on your arrival with
fresh and unfading laurels, and to wish you all the happiness,
which the sight of your family, the applause of the public, and
the approbation of your sovereign, can afford you. I should be
extremely happy in your correspondence, sir, and if there is any
thing in this country which you would wish to know, I should
be glad to inform you as far as is in my power. This repub
lic is balancing between an alliance with France and America,
on the one hand, and the mediation of Russia for a separate
peace, on the other. The bias is strong for peace, but they
do not see a prospect of obtaining it by the mediation. They
are determined, however, to try the experiment, but are so
divided about it, that all is languor and confusion. I fancy
they will oscillate for some time, and, at last, finding the nego
tiations for a separate peace an illusion, they will join them
selves to the enemies of their enemy.
Upon your return to America, I should be obliged to you, if
you would say to some of the members of congress, that if they
should think fit to recall me, it is absolutely necessary, in my
humble opinion, that they should have some other person here
invested with the same powers.
With the sincerest affection and esteem,
I have the honor to be, my dear General, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
TO SECRETARY LIVINGSTON.
Amsterdam, 21 February, 1782.
SIR, — I know very well the name of the family where I spent
the evening with my wrorthy friend Mr. , before we set off,
and have made my alphabet accordingly ; but I am, on this occa
sion, as on all others hitherto, utterly unable to comprehend the
sense of the passages in cipher. The cipher is certainly not
taken regularly under the two first letters of that name. I have
been able sometimes to decipher words enough to show that I
have the letters right ; but, upon the whole, I can make nothing
of it, which I regret very much upon this occasion, as I suppose
the ciphers are a very material part of the letter.
44*
522 OFFICIAL.
The friendly and patriotic anxiety with which you inquire
after my motives and reasons for making the proposition of the
4th of May, and for printing the memorial, has put me upon
recollecting the circumstances. If the series of my letters had
arrived, I think the reasons would have appeared, but not with
that force in which they existed at the time. I have never
expressed, in writing, those reasons so strongly as I felt them.
The hopes have never been strong in anybody, of inducing the
republic to a sudden alliance with France and America. The
utmost expectation, that many of the well-intentioned have
entertained, has been to prevent the government from joining
England. I am sorry to be obliged to say it, and if it ever
should be made public, it might be ill taken. But there is no
manner of doubt, that the most earnest wish of the cabinet has
been to induce the nation to furnish the ships and troops to the
English according to their interpretation of the treaty. Amster
dam distinguished itself; and its ancient and venerable burgo
master, Temminck, and its eldest pensionary, Van Berckel, have
distinguished themselves in Amsterdam.
When Mr. Laurens's papers were discovered, they were sent
forthwith to the Hague. The Prince, in person, laid them before
the States. Sir Joseph Yorke thundered with his memorials
against Amsterdam, her burgomasters, and pensionary. The
nation was seized with amazement, and flew to the armed
neutrality for shelter against the fierce wrath of the King.
Instantly, Sir Joseph Yorke is recalled, and a declaration of
war appears, levelled against the city, against the burgomas
ters, and M. Van Berckel. Sir George Rodney, in his despatches,
pursues the same partiality and personality against Amsterdam.
What was the drift of all this ? Manifestly to excite seditions
against Temminck and Van Berckel. Here then is a base and
scandalous system of policy, in which the King of Great Britain,
and his ministry and admiral, all condescend to engage, mani
festly concerted by Sir Joseph Yorke, at the Hague, and, I am
sorry to add, too much favored by the cabinet, and even openly
by the Prince, by his presenting Laurens's papers to the States,
to sacrifice Temminck and Van Berckel to the fury of an enraged
populace.
This plan was so daringly supported by writers of the first
fame on the side of the court, that multitudes of writings
OFFICIAL. 523
appeared, attempting to show that what Temminck and Van
Berckel had done was high treason. All this had such an effect,
that all the best men seemed to shudder with fear. I should
scarcely find credit in America, if I were to relate anecdotes. It
would be ungenerous to mention names, as well as unnecessary.
I need only say, that I was avoided like a pestilence by every
man in government. Those gentlemen of the rank of burgomas
ters, schepens, pensionaries, and even lawyers, who had treated
me with great kindness and sociability, and even familiarity
before, dared not see me, dared not be at home when I visited
at their houses, dared not return my visit, dared not answer, in
writing, even a card that I wrote them. I had several messages
in a roundabout way, and, in confidence, that they were extremely
sorry they could not answer my cards and letters in writing, be
cause " on fait tout son possible pour me sacrifier aux Anglo-
manes"
Not long after, arrived the news of the capture of St. Eustatia,
&c. This filled up the measure. You can have no idea, sir, no
man, who was not upon the spot, can have any idea, of the gloom
and terror that was spread by this event. The creatures of the
court openly rejoiced in this, and threatened, some of them in
the most impudent terms. I had certain information, that some
of them talked high of their expectations of popular insurrections
against the burgomasters of Amsterdam, and M. Van Berckel ;
and did Mr. Adams the honor to mention him as one that was
to be hanged by the mob in such company.
In the midst of this confusion and terror, my credentials arrived
from Paris, through a hundred accidents and chances of being
finally lost. As soon as I read my despatches, and heard the
history of their escape by post, diligence, and treck-schuyts, it
seemed to me as if the hand of Providence had sent them on
purpose to dissipate all these vapors. With my despatches,
arrived from Paris intimations of their contents, for there are no
secrets kept at Paris. The people, who are generally eager for a
connection with America, began to talk, and paragraphs appeared
in all the gazettes, in Dutch and French and German, contain
ing a thousand ridiculous conjectures about the American ambas
sador and his errand. One of my children could scarcely go to
school, without some pompous account of it in the Dutch papers.
I had been long enough in this country to see tolerably well
524 OFFICIAL.
where the balance lay, and to know that America was so much
respected by all parties, that no one would dare to offer any
insult to her minister, as soon as he should be known. I wrote
my memorial and presented it, and printed it in English, Dutch,
and French. There was immediately the most universal and
unanimous approbation of it expressed in all companies, pam
phlets, and newspapers, and no criticism ever appeared against
it. Six or seven months afterwards a pamphlet appeared in
Dutch, which was afterwards translated into French, called Con
siderations on the Memorial ; but it has been read by very few.
and is indeed not worth reading.
The proposition to the president being taken ad referendum,
it became a subject of the deliberation of the sovereignty. The
Prince, therefore, and the whole court, are legally bound to treat it
with respect, and me with decency. At least, it would be crimi
nal in them to treat me or the subject with indecency. If it had
not been presented and printed, I am very sure I could not long
have resided in the republic ; and what would have been the con
sequence to the friends of liberty, I know not. They were so
disheartened and intimidated, and the Anglomanes were so
insolent, that no man can say, that a sudden frenzy might not
have been excited among the soldiery and the people, to demand
a junction with England, as there was in the year 1748. Such a
revolution would have injured America and her allies, have pro
longed the war, and have been the total loss and ruin of the
republic.
Immediately upon the presentation of my memorial, M. Van
Berckel ventured to present his requete and demand for a trial.
This contributed still further to raise the spirits of the good people,
and soon afterwards the burgomasters of Amsterdam appeared
with their proposition for giving the Prince a committee for a
council, and in course their attack upon the Duke ; all of which
together excited such an enthusiasm in the nation, and among
the officers of the navy, as produced the battle of the Dogger-
bank, which never would have happened, in all probability, but
would have been eluded by secret orders and various artifices,
if the spirit raised in the nation by the chain of proceedings, of
which the American memorial was the first and an essential
link, had not rendered a display of the national bravery indispen
sable for the honor of the navy, and, perhaps, for the safety of
the court,
OFFICIAL. 525
The memorial, as a composition, has very little merit ; yet
almost every gazette in Europe has inserted it, and most of
them with a compliment; none with any criticism. When 1
was in Paris and Versailles afterwards, no man ever expressed
to me the smallest disapprobation of it, or the least apprehension
that it could do any harm. On the contrary, several gentlemen
of letters expressed higher compliments upon it than it deserved.
The King of Sweden has done it a most illustrious honor, by
quoting one of the most material sentiments in it, in a public
answer to the King of Great Britain ; and the Emperor of Ger
many has since done the author of it the honor to desire, in the
character of Count Falkenstein, to see him ; and what is more
remarkable, has adopted the sentiment of it concerning religious
liberty into a code of laws for his dominions, the greatest effort
in favor of humanity, next to the American revolution, which
has been produced in the eighteenth century.
As my mission to this republic was wisely communicated to
the Court of Versailles, who can say that this transaction of
congress had not some influence in producing De Grasse in
Chesapeake Bay ? Another thing I ought to mention ; I have
a letter from Mr. Jay, informing me, that in the month of June
last, M. Del Campo was appointed by the Court of Madrid to
treat with him ; the exact time when my memorial appeared at
Madrid. You may possibly say, that my imagination and self-
love carry me extraordinary lengths ; but when one is called
upon to justify an action, one should look all round. All I
contend for, is, that the memorial has certainly done no harm ;
that it is probable it has done some good, and that it is possible
it has done much more than can be proved. A man always
makes an awkward figure when he is justifying himself and
his own actions ; and I hope I shall be pardoned. It is easy to
say, " il abonde trap dans son sens ; il esl vain et glorieux ; il est
plein de lui-meme ; il ne voit quelui;" and other modest things of
that sort, with which even your Malesherbes, your Turgots, and
Neckers, are sometimes sacrificed to very small intrigues.
Your veterans in diplomacy and in affairs of state, consider us
as a kind of militia, and hold us, perhaps, as is natural, in some
degree of contempt ; but wise men know that militia sometimes
gain victories over regular troops, even by departing from the
rules. Soon after I had presented the memorial, I wrote to the
526 OFFICIAL.
Due dc la Vauguyon upon the subject of inviting or admitting,
in concert, the republic to accede to the alliance between France
and America. The Duke transmitted that letter to the Count
de Vergennes, which produced the offer to congress from the
King, to assist us in forming a connection with the republic,
and the instructions upon the subject, which I shall execute as
soon as the French ambassador thinks proper. With him it
now lies, and with him, thank God, I have hitherto preserved a
perfectly good understanding, although I differed from him in
opinion concerning the point of time to make the former propo
sition.
The evacuation of the barrier towns has produced an import
ant commentary upon the conversation I had with the Duke,
and his opinion upon that occasion. How few weeks was it,
after the publication of my memorial, that the Roman Emperor
made that memorable visit to Brussels, Ostend, Bruges, Ant
werp, and all the considerable maritime towns in his Provinces
of Brabant and Flanders ? How soon afterwards his memorable
journeys to Holland and to Paris ? Was not the American
memorial full of matter for the Emperor's contemplation, when
he was at Ostend, Antwerp, and Bruges ? Was it not full of
matter, calculated to stimulate him to hasten his negotiations
with France concerning the abolition of the barrier towns?
Was not the same matter equally calculated to stimulate
France to finish such an agreement with him, as we have
seen the evidence of in the actual evacuation of those towns ?
If this evacuation is an advantage to France and to America,
as it undoubtedly is, by putting this republic more in the power
of France, and more out of a possibility of pursuing the system
of Orange by joining England, and my memorial is supposed to
have contributed any thing towards it, surely it was worth the
while.
The period since the 4th of May, 1781, has been thick sown
with great events, all springing out of the American revolution,
and connected with the matter contained in my memorial. The
memorial of M. Van Berckel, the proposition of the burgomas
ters of Amsterdam, their attack upon the Duke of Brunswick,
and the battle of Doggerbank, the appointment of Senor del
Campo, to treat with Mr. Jay, the success of Colonel Laurens,
in obtaining orders for the French fleet to go upon the coast of
OFFICIAL. 527
America ; their victory over Graves, and the capture of Corn-
wallis ; the Emperor's journey to his maritime towns, to Hol
land, and to Paris ; his new regulations for encouraging the
trade of his maritime towns ; his demolition of the barrier fortifi
cations ; and his most liberal and sublime ecclesiastical reform
ation ; and the King of Sweden's reproach to the King of Eng
land for continuing the war, in the very words of my memorial ;
these traits are all subsequent to that memorial, and they are too
sublime and decisive proofs of the prosperity and glory of the
American cause, to admit the belief, that the memorial has done
it any material harm.
By comparing facts and events, and dates, it is impossible not
to believe, that the memorial had some influence in producing
some of them. When courts, princes, and nations, have been
long contemplating a great system of affairs, and their judg
ments begin to ripen, and they begin to see how things ought to
go, and are going, a small publication, holding up these objects
in a clear point of view, sometimes sets a vast machine in motion
at once, like the springing of a mine. What a dust we raise,
said the fly upon the chariot wheel. It is impossible to prove,
that this whole letter is not a similar delusion to that of the
fly. The counsels of princes are enveloped in impenetrable se
crecy. The true motives and causes, which govern their actions,
little or great, are carefully concealed. But I desire only that
these events may be all combined together, and then that an
impartial judge may say, if he can, that he believes that that
homely, harmless memorial had no share in producing any part
of this great complication of good.
But be all these speculations and conjectures as they will, the
foresight of which could not have been sufficiently clear to have
justified the measure, it is sufficient for me to say that the mea
sure was absolutely necessary and unavoidable. I should have
been contemptible and ridiculous without it. By it I have
secured to myself and my mission universal decency and respect,
though no open acknowledgment or avowal.
I write this to you in confidence. You may entirely suppress
it, or communicate it in confidence, as you judge, for the public
good.
I might have added that many gentlemen of letters of various
nations have expressed their approbation of this measure ; I will
528 OFFICIAL.
mention only two. M. d'Alembert and M. Raynal, I am well
informed, have expressed their sense of it in terms too flattering
for me to repeat. I might add the opinion of many men of let
ters in this republic.
The charge of vanity is the last resource of little wits and
mercenary quacks, the vainest men alive, against men and mea
sures that they can find no other objection to. I doubt not but
letters have gone to America containing their weighty charge
against me ; but this charge, if supported only by the opinion
of those who make it, may be brought against any man or thing.
It may be said that this memorial did not reach the Court of
Versailles until after Colonel Laurens had procured the promise
of men and ships. But let it be considered, Colonel Laurens
brought with him my credentials to their High Mightinesses,
and instructions to Dr. Franklin to acquaint the Court of Ver
sailles with it, and request their countenance and aid to me.
Colonel Laurens arrived in March. On the 16th of April I
acquainted the Due de la Vauguyon, at the Hague, that I had
received such credentials, and the next day waited on him in
person, and had, that day and the next, two hours' conversation
with him each day upon the subject, in which I informed him
of my intention to go to their High Mightinesses. All this he
transmitted to the Count de Vergennes ; and though it might
procure me the reputation of vanity and obstinacy, I shall for
ever believe that it contributed to second and accelerate Colo
nel Laurens's negotiations, who succeeded to a marvel, though
Dr. Franklin says he gave great offence. I have long since
learned that a man may give offence and yet succeed. The
very measures necessary for success may be pretended to give
offence.
The earnest opposition made by the Due de la Vauguyon,
only served to give me a more full and ample persuasion and
assurance of the utility and necessity of the measure. His zeal
convinced me that he had a stronger apprehension that I should
make a great impression somewhere than I had myself. « Sir,"
says he, « the King and the United States are upon very inti
mate terms of friendship. Had not you better wait until we
can make the proposition in concert ? " « God grant they may
ever continue in perfect friendship," said I ; " but this friendship
does not prevent your Excellency from conducting your nego-
OFFICIAL. 529
tiations without consulting me. Why then am I obliged, in
proposing a simple treaty of commerce, which the United States
have reserved the entire right of proposing, to consult your
Excellency ? If I were about to propose an alliance, or to
invite or admit the Dutch to accede to the alliance between the
King and the States, I should think myself obliged to consult
your Excellency." " But," said he, " there is a loan talked of
to be opened by the United States here, under the warranty of
the King. How will it look for you to go to the states with
out my concurrence ? " " Of this I know nothing," said I, " but
one thing I know, that if such a loan should be proposed, the
proposition I design to make to the states, instead of obstruct
ing, will facilitate it, and your proposal of a loan will rather
countenance me."
" Is there not danger," said he, " that the Empress of Russia
and the other northern powers will take offence at your going
to the states-general before them ? " " Impossible," said I ;
"they all know that the Dutch have been our old friends and
allies ; that we shall have more immediate connections of com
merce with Holland than with them. But what is decisive in
this matter is, America and Holland have now a common
enemy in England at open war, which is not the case with the
northern powers."
" Had you not better wait, until I can write to the Count de
Vergennes, and have his opinion ? " "I know already, before
hand," said I, "what his opinion will be." "Ay, what?"
" Why, directly against it." " For what reason ? " " Because
the Count de Vergennes will not commit the dignity of the
King or his own reputation, by advising me to apply, until he
is sure of success, and in this he may be right ; but the United
States stand in a different predicament. They have nothing to
lose by such a measure, and may gain a great deal."
" But," said he, " if Holland should join England in the war,
it will be unfortunate." " If there was danger of this," said I,
"a proposition from the United States would be one of the
surest means of preventing it ; but the situation of Holland is
such that I am persuaded they dare not join England. It is
against their consciences, and they are in bodily fear of a hun
dred thousand men from France." " God," said he, " you have
used an argument now that you ought to speak out boldly and
VOL. VII. 45 H 2
530 OFFICIAL.
repeat peremptorily in all companies, for this people are governed
very much by fear." " I have, however, spoken upon this sub
ject with delicacy, upon all occasions, and shall continue to do
so," said I, " but shall make no secret that I am sensible of it."
After turning the subject in all the lights it could bear, I told
him that I believed he had urged every objection against the
measure that could be thought of, but that I was still clear in
my former opinion. "Aje you decided to go to the states?"
" Yes, sir. I must say I think it my duty." " Very well ; in
that case," said he, " you may depend upon it, I will do all in
my power, as a man, to countenance and promote your appli
cation." I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
M. DUMAS TO JOHN ADAMS.
La Haie, 24 F6vrier, 1782.
MONSIEUR, — Vous aurez vu ce matin, par ma lettre d'avis et
traite d'hier de f. 10,000 a vue, lesquelles vous auront ete pre
sentees par M. Moliere, negociant de votre ville, ce qui concerne
la transaction touchant votre hotel ici. Le nombre de ceux qui
m'ont temoigne le plaisir que cela leur fait est grand. Les
Anglomanes gardent le silence avec moi. Un seul, des plus
outre s, me demanda hier si le fait etoit vrai ; je lui dis qu'oui,
et qu'il voyoit devant lui le tentator et le patrator du delit. Sur
quoi point de replique.
Celle-ci est principalement pour vous informer, monsieur, que
je sais de science certaine, que 1'on a pris en Frise la resolution
provinciale de reconnoitre 1'independance dont 1'Amerique unie
est en pleine possession. J'ai lieu d'esperer, que quelqu'autre
chose viendra a 1'appui de cette demarche. Laissons leur faire
cela sans bouger de notre cote. En attendant, le mauvais temps
se passera ; vous rangerez votre hotel ici ; et puis nous ferons
une petite tournee ensemble qui ne sera pas inutile, et qui pourra
nous faire autant de bien politiquement que physiquement.
J'espere de recevoir demain de vos nouvelles, et notamment que
vous vous portez parfaitement bien.
Votre tres humble, &c.
DUMAS.
OFFICIAL. 531
M. DUMAS TO JOHN ADAMS.
La Haie, 26 F6vrier, 1782.
MONSIEUR, — Dans une lettre de ce meme jour, qui est deja a
la poste, j'ai oublie de vous faire part d'un article essentiel, qui
est, que le rapport de M. Van der Santheuvel, le president, fait
a L. H. P., de votre derniere requisition, a ete pris ad referendum
le dernier jour de 1'assemblee d'Hollande, par toutes les villes de
cette province. Nous verrons ce qui en resultera. Les Etats se
rassembleront demain Mercredi en huit.
A la hate, &c. &c.
DUMAS.
TO JOHN JAY.
Amsterdam, 28 February, 1782.
SIR, — I have the pleasure to inform you that Friesland has
taken the provincial resolution to acknowledge the sovereignty
of the United States of America, and to admit their minister to
an audience, and has instructed her deputies in the assembly
of their High Mightinesses, at the Hague, to make a motion in
eight days from this.
The states of Holland have also taken my last requisition,
and transmitted it to the several cities ; and to-morrow it is to be
taken into consideration in the regency of Amsterdam. Dort
has made a motion in the states of Holland to acknowledge
American independence and admit me to an audience. Their
High Mightinesses have encouraging news from Petersburg,
and from the East and West Indies ; so that at present there
are appearances that our affairs will go very well here, and come
to a speedy treaty. If any thing should delay it, it will be
the example of Spain ; but I do not believe that will, a great
while. One thing is past a doubt ; if Spain should now make
a treaty with you, this republic would immediately follow the
example, which, if any thing can, would accelerate the negotia
tions for peace. By the tenth article of the treaty of alliance
between France and America, the parties agree to invite in con
cert other powers to make common cause and accede. Permit
532 OFFICIAL.
me to suggest an idea. Suppose you write to the French
ambassador at Madrid, and cite the words of that tenth article,
and request him to join you in an invitation to the King of
Spain. Excuse this freedom. You will judge whether it will
do.
I should be exceedingly obliged to you for the earliest intelli
gence, whether there is any prospect with you or not.
With great esteem, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
TO THE DUG DE LA VAUGUYON.
Amsterdam, 1 March, 1782.
SIR, — As Friesland has taken the provincial resolution to
acknowledge the independence of America, it seems to be high
time for me to prepare for the execution of my instructions from
congress of the 16th of August, which I had the honor to com
municate to you on the 25th of November, and which had been
previously communicated to the minister of foreign affairs at
Versailles.
From these instructions it appears that his Most Christian
Majesty had made, by his minister, to congress a tender of his
endeavors to accomplish a coalition between the United Pro
vinces of the Netherlands and the United States ; and that this
tender was accepted by congress as a fresh proof of his Majesty's
solicitude for their interests.
By another resolution I am instructed to propose a treaty of
alliance between his Most Christian Majesty, the United Pro
vinces of the Netherlands, and the United States of America,
having for its object, and limited in its duration to, the present
war with Great Britain, and conformed to the treaties subsist
ing between his Most Christian Majesty and the United States.
The system of operations was thus settled at Philadelphia
between the King, by his minister, and the congress, and for
obvious and wise reasons the minister of congress at the Hague
was to make the proposition to their High Mightinesses, and the
ambassador of his Majesty was to countenance and support it,
either publicly or privately, as he should judge proper, until the
states-general should listen to it so far as to enter into the nego*
tiation.
OFFICIAL. 533
In pursuance of these principles, it seems to be necessary
for me to go to the president of their High Mightinesses, and,
without offering him any thing in writing, to make him the
proposition in the following words, or others equivalent.
Monsieur, — I have done myself the honor of demanding this conference, in
order to desire you to inform their High Mightinesses, that, by the tenth article
of the treaty of alliance between France and the United States of America, the
Most Christian King and the United States, " sont convenues, d'inviter de con
cert, ou d'admettre les puissances, quiaurontde griefs centre 1'Angleterre, a faire
cause commune avec eux, et a acc6der a la presente alliance sous les conditions
qui seront librement agreees et convenues entre toutes les parties." That the
United States have lately transmitted to their minister plenipotentiary at the
Hague a fresh commission, with full powers, general and special, to confer, treat,
agree, and conclude with the person or persons vested with equal powers by his
Most Christian Majesty and their High Mightinesses, the states-general of the
United Provinces of the Netherlands, of, and concerniug a treaty of alliance
between his Most Christian Majesty, the United Provinces of the Netherlands,
and the United States of America, having for its object, and limited in its dura
tion to, the present war with Great Britain, and conformed to the treaties sub
sisting between his Most Christian Majesty and the United States.
As it is most certain that no member of this republic, nor any impartial power
of Europe, can deny it to be " une puissance qui a des griefs contre 1'Angleterre,"
in the name and behalf of the said United States, and in obedience to their
express instructions, and in virtue of the said tenth article of the said treaty of
alliance, I have the honor to propose such a triple alliance to their High Might
inesses, the states-general.
A combination of the counsels and arms of all those powers against whom
Great Britain, in the wantonness of her ambition, has declared war, appears to
be the easiest and the only certain method of preventing the unnecessary effu
sion of human blood, which is not, however, more sacred nor precious in the
sight of Americans than in that of your High Mightinesses and the other pow
ers of Europe, — the only way of bringing this war to a speedy conclusion for
the happiness of mankind, — the only way in which a safe, solid, and honorable
peace can be soon obtained by any of the powers at war ; but if their High
Mightinesses should be of a different opinion, they are the supreme judges of the
policy of this nation, and have their own choice ; and America, with the gene
rous assistance of her august and glorious ally, can sustain the war in future for
any given period of time with as little inconvenience as any other of the belli
gerent powers.
Upon this occasion, moreover, I take the liberty to repeat the requisition of
the 9th of January, of a categorical answer to the demand of an audience of
their High Mightinesses of the 4th of May last, because, whether their High
Mightinesses shall think fit or not to enter into the proposed triple or quadruple
alliance ; whether they shall think fit or not to enter into the proposed treaty of
amity and commerce with the United States, it seems indispensably necessary
that their High Mightinesses should declare whether they consider the United
45*
534 OFFICIAL.
States as an independent State or not ; whether they consider their inhabitants
as friends or enemies ; that the men-of-war, privateers, and merchants of each
nation may know how to govern themselves in relation to the subject of prizes
and reprisals at sea.1
Friesland has taken so decided a part, and the other provinces,
especially Holland, are animated with such a spirit, that I can
not but flatter myself such a proposition would now run with
rapidity through the seven Provinces, and contribute very much
to accelerate the period of this bloody and ruinous war.
I have the honor to request your Excellency's sentiments upon
the subject, and to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
THE DUKE DE LA VAUGUYON TO JOHN ADAMS.
(Translation.)
The Hague, 4 March, 1782.
SIR, — I have received the letter you did me the honor to
address to me from Amsterdam, the 1st instant. I am not
in a situation to answer it in the capacity of King's minister,
not having any ulterior instructions on the subject to which it
relates ; but as you request my private opinion, I will give it to
you with the greatest sincerity.
After having seriously reflected on the views which you have
communicated to me, whatever inclination I may have to adopt
your opinions, I cannot conceal from myself the inconveniences
attending the execution of the plan, which you appear disposed
to follow. I should apprehend that it might retard rather than
accelerate the ultimate success, and I believe I have good rea
sons for this opinion. I shall have the honor of explaining more
fully by word of mouth the motives which decide my conduct,
if, as M. Dumas gives me to hope, you should visit the Hague in
the course of a few days.
Receive, sir, my renewed assurances of inviolable attachment
and profound respect, &c.
DE LA VAUGUYON.
^ l This draft will be found materially to vary from that found in the Diploma
tic Correspondence of the Revolution. There can be no doubt that this is the
perfected one.
OFFICIAL. 535
TO M. BERGSMA.
Amsterdam, 5 March, 1782.
gIR) — I have received from the hands of Mr. Menkema the
resolution of the States of Friesland of the 26th of February.
I beg you would accept of my best thanks for the honor you
have done me in communicating to me so early this important
measure ; a resolution which does honor to that spirit of liberty
which distinguishes your province, and is so apparently equita
ble, that the example cannot fail to be followed by all the other
provinces.
The situation of this republic is such, that she cannot rationally
expect peace upon any terms consistent with her honor and
essential interests, until there is a general peace. Great Britain
will never agree to a peace with this nation, but from motives
that will equally stimulate her to make peace with America.
She will never make peace with either, while she entertains a
hope of any advantage in continuing the war. And there is
every reason to believe that nothing would contribute more to
extinguish such hopes than a decided acknowledgment of Ame
rican sovereignty by this republic.
Such an acknowledgment, too, will probably have a great
influence with Spain and with all the powers which are parties
to the armed neutrality.
In short, there is no event which would have a stronger tend
ency to accelerate a general peace so much wished for by man
kind.
The true system of this republic is to be neutral as much as
possible in the wars of Europe. This will also be the true sys
tem of America ; and an intimate friendship between the two
republics will enable each to assist the other in maintaining
their neutrality.
The Province of Friesland will have the honor with posterity
of having first penetrated into the true plan of policy for the
republic ; and she is indebted to no man more for this advan
tage than to you.
I have the honor to congratulate you and the Province upon
the occasion, and to subscribe myself, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
536 OFFICIAL.
TO M. DE LAFAYETTE.
Amsterdam, 10 March, 1782.
MY DEAR GENERAL, — The proceedings of late in the British
parliament, I think, abundantly prove that the British troops will
evacuate New York and Charleston, and go to Quebec, Hali
fax, and the West India Islands, provided they can escape in
the course of the ensuing summer.
It cannot be a question to any sensible man, whether it would
cost most time, blood, and treasure to France and Spain to take
them all prisoners where they now are, or to fight them in detail
in the West India Islands. No man knows better than you
what is necessary in order to strike this sublime stroke, and thus
finish the war, namely, — a superior fleet and a good sum of
money.
The Province of Friesland has taken the resolution to acknow
ledge the sovereignty of the United States of America, and to give
audience to their minister, and has communicated to the states-
general. Holland has committed the same subject to the com
mittee for great affairs, and the body of nobles and all the cities
have it under deliberation. Guelderland, Zealand, and Overys-
sel, too, have taken the resolution of Friesland into considera
tion. With great affection and esteem, I am, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
M. DUMAS TO JOHN ADAMS.
La Haie, 10 Mars, 1782.
MONSIEUR, — Apres que vous futes parti, je recus un billet de
notre ami, pour me prier de lui envoyer au plus vite une copie
du projet de reponse que vous avez vu et desapprouve, en m'as-
surant qu'il en feroit un bon usage. Je le lui envoyai avec ce
correctif au bas.
" Je crois necessaire d'aj outer, que M. A. ne se contenteroit
pas de cette reponse, et ne la recevroit pas, parcequ'elle ne seroit
pas categorique, comme il Pa demandee. D'ailleurs on ne peut
pas dire avec connoissance de cause, que Padmission d'un min-
istre des Etats Unis eprouve des difficultes aux autres cours ;
car il n'y en a pas une des neutres oii il y en ait un ; et quant
OFFICIAL. 537
au belligerantes, on salt qu'ils y en ont, et que la republique en
est une. M. A. est venu ouvertement et rondement offrir, avec
1'amitie sincere de son souverain, ses lettres de creance et pleins
pouvoirs. II convient de les admettre ou refuser tout aussi ron
dement. Ce procede est digne des deux nations."
J'allois imme*diatement apres chez 1'ami moi-meme. Je le
trouvai occupe de 1'afFaire avec une autre personne devant
qui il me somma de declarer hautement et nettement ce qui
vous satisferoit. Rien, sinon une audience telle qu'il la demande,
ai-je repondu.
La resolution d'avant-hier ne plait ni a 1'une ni a 1'autre des
parties ; et par dessus le marche elle est suivie d'un vigoureux
protest de huit villes, qui lui servira de pendant.
Je suis, &c. &c.
DUMAS.
TO SECRETARY LIVINGSTON.
Amsterdam, 11 March, 1782.
SIR, — The promise, which was made me by M. Bergsma,
that I should have an answer from the Province of Friesland in
three weeks, has been literally fulfilled. This gentleman, who,
as well as his Province, deserves to be remembered in America,
sent me a copy of the resolution in Dutch as soon as it passed.
It is now public in all the gazettes, and is conceived in these
terms.
" The requisition of Mr. Adams, for presenting his letters of
credence from the United States of North America to their High
Mightinesses, having been brought into the assembly and put
into deliberation, as also the ulterior address to the same pur
pose, with a demand of a categorical answer, made by him, as is
more amply mentioned in the minutes of their High Mightinesses
of the 4th of May, 1781, and the 9th of January, 1782 ; whereupon,
it having been taken into consideration, that the said Mr. Adams
would probably have some propositions to make to their High
Mightinesses, and to present to them the principal articles and
foundations upon which the congress, on their part, would enter
into a treaty of commerce and friendship, or other affairs to pro
pose, in regard to which despatch would be requisite ;
538 OFFICIAL.
" It has been thought fit and resolved, to authorize the gen
tlemen, the deputies of this Province at the generality, and to
instruct them, to direct things at the table of their High Might
inesses in such a manner, that the said Mr. Adams be admitted
forthwith as minister of the congress of North America, with
further order to the said deputies, that if there should be made,
moreover, any similar propositions by the same, to inform imme
diately their Noble Mightinesses of them. And an extract of
the present resolution shall be sent them for their information,
that they may conduct themselves conformably.
" Thus resolved at the Province House, the 26th of February,
1782. A. I. V. SMINIA."
This resolution has, by the deputies of Friesland, been laid
before their High Mightinesses at the Hague, and after delibera
tion, the deputies of the Provinces of Guelderland, Zealand,
Utrecht, and Groningen, have taken copies of it, to be com
municated more amply to their constituents. In the states of
the Province of Holland and West Friesland, the requisition of
the 9th of January had been committed to the committee of
grand affairs, and taken into deliberation by the body of nobles,
and ad referendum by all the eighteen cities.
The sovereignty of the United States of America would
undoubtedly be acknowledged by the seven United Provinces,
and their minister received to an audience in state, in the course
of a few weeks, if the regency of the city of Amsterdam had not
visibly altered its sentiments ; but all things are embroiled. The
opposition to M. Van Berckel, and the glittering charms of an
embassy to Petersburg or Vienna, which have been artfully dis
played, as it is said, before the eyes of one man, and many
secret reasonings of similar kind with others, have placed the
last hopes of the English and Dutch Courts in a city, which had
long been firm in opposition to the desires of both. The public
in general, however, expect that the example of the Frisians
will be followed. Wherever I go, everybody, almost, congratu
lates me upon the prospect of my being soon received at the
Hague. The French gazettes all give their opinions very deci
dedly that it will be done, and the Dutch gazettes all breathe
out, God grant that it may be so. I confess, however, that I
doubt it ; at least, I am sure that a very little thing may prevent it.
OFFICIAL. 539
It is certain, that the Court will oppose it in secret with all their
engines, although they are already too unpopular to venture to
increase the odium, by an open opposition.
Friesland is said to be a sure index of the national sense. The
people of that Province have been ever famous for the spirit of
liberty. The feudal system never was admitted among them ;
they never would submit to it, and they have preserved those
privileges, which all others have long since surrendered. The
regencies are chosen by the people ; and on all critical occasions
the Frisians have displayed a resolution and an activity beyond
the other members of the state. I am told that the Frisians
never undertake any thing but they carry it through, and, there
fore, that I may depend upon it, they will force their way to a
connection with America. This may be the case if the war
continues, and the enemies of Great Britain continue to be suc
cessful ; but I have no expectations of any thing very soon,
because I have much better information than the public, of the
secret intrigues both at the Hague and Amsterdam. Patience,
however. We have nothing to fear. Courtiers and aristocrats,
as well as the people, all say, " you know very well we love the
Americans, and will ever be their good friends." This love and
friendship consists, however, rather too much in mere words,
" Be ye warmed," &c., and a strong desire of gain by our com
merce. I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
M. DUMAS TO JOHN ADAMS.
La Hale, 12 Mars, 1782.
MONSIEUR, — En vous confirmant mes deux lettres d'hier,
celle-ci est pour vous faire part d'une resolution que la ville de
Dort vient de prendre, par laquelle elle donne a M. de Gyselaer,
son digne pensionnaire, une marque touchante et honorable de
son estime et de son approbation, et d'ailleurs non equivoque
de sa disposition par rapport aux affaires publiques. Par cette
resolution elle s' attend qu'il ne se chargera d'aucun emploi
ministerial dans une autre viile votante de la province, mais
qu'il restera constamment attache a la ville de Dort ; et en
revanche elle augmente d'un tiers les appointemens dont il a
540 OFFICIAL.
joui jusqu'ici en vertu de sa place. Partagez avec moi, mon
sieur, la joie que j'en ressens.
Dans une lettre de la nieme ville, arrive e ce matin de bonne
main, on m'a fait lire ces paroles energiques : " Nous brulons
ici du desir de reconnoitre Findependance Americaine."
Je suis, comme vous savez, pour toujours, &c.
DUMAS.
M. DUMAS TO JOHN ADAMS.
(Without Date.}
MONSIEUR, — Une petite absence de chez moi durant la plus
grande partie de la journe*e d'hier, a retarde les incluses. J'espere
que leur retard est sans consequence. Elles sont arrive es toutes
deux d' Amsterdam, et notamment le cachet de 1'une dans 1'etat
ou vous la verrez. J'ai une lettre de M. Carmichael, qui me dit
entre autres ;
" I wish Mr. Adams all the success he can desire. You will
please to inform him that I have received letters from our new
secretary of foreign affairs, dated the 20th December. If he has
not a copy of the resolutions of congress touching this depart
ment, I will send it to him, and will forward any letters he may
choose to send vid Cadiz. I hear that this Court negotiates a
loan for five millions of florins chez vous. Please to inform me
how the subscriptions fill, and at what periods the money is
paid, and whether by bills of exchange or how. I think I shall
know this from others ; but we never can have too many sources
of information."
Notre ami ici est d'avis, qu'il faudroit que vous eussiez un
entretien et explication avec M. le Bourguemaitre Hooft, et
autres regents d' Amsterdam, pour etre assure de la maniere
dont ils en agiront ici la semaine prochaine et les suivantes,
s'ils insisteront franchement et presseront que votre affaire soit
mise au plutot sur le tapis, et au cas qu'oui, concerter avec eux,
si une demarche de votre part, par exemple, d'aller chez M. le
Greffier, lui fixer verbalement un terme, par exemple le 15 d' Avril
prochain, pour avoir une reponse categorique; passe lequel terme,
vous vous verriez dans le cas d'ecrire a votre souverain en conse
quence, &c. Vous userez, monsieur, de cette idee, de la maniere
OFFICIAL. 541
que vous jugerez vous-meme la meilleure. Si ces Messieurs
d' Amsterdam agreent et desirent la demarche, qui devra etre
communiquee comme la precedente aux villes, ils devront vous
donner leur parole de la soutenir de tout leur pouvoir a 1'assem-
blee provinciale ici, que Ton vouloit separer, a quoi Dort, Har
lem, et Amsterdam se sont opposees, par la raison de diverses
choses importantes a finir avant de se separer, et notamment le
concert des operations avec la France sur lesquelles les instruc
tions de M. 1'ambassadeur sont en chemin pour demander expli
cation categorique, et PafTaire de votre admission. Ce refus
de se separer a beaucoup surpris et mortifie ceux qui n'y sont
pas accoutume ; il a etc forcement unanime, car les trois villes
susdites auroient pu prendre les resolutions qu'elles auroient
voulu en 1'absence des autres.
Monsieur. Vous aurez regu ce soir une lettre que j'ai
fait enregistrer No. 4, par le chariot de poste, parti d'ici a une
heure apres Midi. Je dois aj outer de la part de notre ami ici,
qu'il est necessaire que vous vous abouchiez au plutot avec M.
Van Berckel, le pensionnaire, et M. Bicker le fils, et que tous
trois vous ayiez une conference serieuse et decisive, des demain
s'il est possible, chez M. Van Berckel, sur 1'idee que je vous ai
proposee dans la susdite lettre. Notre ami ecrit la-dessus ce
soir a M. Bicker, et le previent que vous le mettrez au fait, et
M. Van Berckel aussi, de ce qu'il propose ; car il n'ecrit qu'en
termes generaux a M. Bicker, pour ne pas exposer le secret au
sort d'une lettre. M. Bicker est intime avec M. Hooft. Ainsi
cette matiere peut le mieux se traiter, comme je le dis ci-dessus,
entre vous trois. II n'y a, pour preambule, qu'a offrir et exiger
une parfaite cordialite. Si vous pouviez arreter la-dessus quel-
que chose de fixe avant Samedi, notre ami croit que ce seroit
un coup de partie. La chose presse, parcequ'il y a toute appa-
rence que votre admission va etre incessament mise en delibe
ration ici. Pour cet effet, notre ami se donne des mouvements,
et ecrit en divers autres endroits d'une maniere dont je suis
parfaitement satisfait ; car il m'a montre ses lettres. Ainsi, si
les mesures reussissent de votre cote (je parle de votre confe
rence avec les deux messieurs susdits) comme j'espere qu'elles
reussiront de ces cotes-ci, votre voyage de Samedi prochain ici
pourra avoir des suites importantes. En attendant, je dis a tout
VOL. VTl. 46
f,42 OFFICIAL.
le monde ici ce que vous m'avez autorise de dire hautement,
that nothing short of a categorical answer will satisfy you.
Je n'ai pas eu le temps de signer ma lettre de ce matin. Cela
m'auroit fait manquer le chariot de poste. Ce defaut de form-
alite ne doit pas vous empecher de vous y fier. Je vous la con-
firme, et suis pret a la signer quand vous voudrez, ainsi que
toutes celles ou il s'agira de temoigner mon zele et ma fidelite
pour les interests de notre souverain, et le respectueux attache-
ment avec lequel je suis pour toujours, monsieur, &c. &c.
DUMAS.
TO M. DUMAS.
Amsterdam, 13 March, 1782.
SIR, — I have received your two letters, both without date,
and one without name. My respects and thanks to Mr. Car-
michael, &c. I have some of the resolutions of congress touch
ing that department, but cannot say whether I have all.
I have had last evening an agreeable interview with the two
worthy gentlemen you mention. They are both of opinion that
it is better to wait and see what will be proposed by the grande
besogne. As to any ministerial step to be taken by me at pre
sent, it had better be omitted. Let us leave the members to
their own inquiries and reflections and judgment.
As to the conciliatory project, I have an utter detestation of
it, between you and me. Besides, Friesland will not agree to
it, so that it cannot pass, if Holland should adopt it. Friesland
has set the right example, and will be followed by all in time.
The members of the regency here are thinking very seriously,
and will determine right in the end, if we do not furnish them
an excuse by talking of conciliatory propositions.
I shall fall naturally in the way of several mercantile houses
here, and shall see if their aid can be obtained in their way.
The late visit of the ambassador here, and his conversation with
several persons, will have a good effect. The British cause will
become more and more disgusting, contemptible, and ridiculous
every day. There is no danger of proselytes to that side ; so
that all must come into the sentiments of Friesland ere long.
Do not let us be impatient. It is not possible to make r^ht
and wrong meet half way. Is not the grand pensionary at the
bottom of the conciliatory project?
OFFICIAL. 543
I have altered my design of coming to the Hague ; shall not
come on Saturday ; perhaps not for some weeks.
With great esteem, yours,
JOHN ADAMS.
TO FRANCIS DANA.
Amsterdam, 15 March, 1782.
MY DEAR SIR, — Your favor of $ February arrived last night ;
and I thank you for the copy inclosed. I think that if the
Court of St. James is capable of taking a hint, she may see
herself advised to acknowledge the sovereignty of the United
States, and admit their minister to the congress.
There seems to be a change of system in England, but the
change is too late ; the kingdom is undone past redemption.
Minorca, St. Kitts, Demerara, Essequibo, &c. gone ; fleets com
bining to stop the channel ; and, what is worse than all, deficits
of taxes to pay interest appearing to the amount of half a mil
lion sterling in three years, and stocks at fifty-four or fifty-three ;
French and Dutch united, too, in the East Indies, against them.
The French have nothing to do but take prisoners the garrisons
of New York and Charleston. The volunteers in Ireland again
in motion.
The Dutch are now occupied in very serious thoughts of
acknowledging American independence. Friesland has already
done it. This is the second sovereign state in Europe that has
done it. But a certain foreign faction are exhausting all their
wiles to prevent it. But, would you believe it, all their hopes are
in Amsterdam ? But what can be the meaning of these people ?
How do they expect to get their islands ? How do they expect
to exist ? We shall soon see something decisive.
I am of late taken up so much with conversations and visits
that I cannot write much ; but what is more, my health is so
feeble that it fatigues me more to write one letter than it did
to write ten when we were together at Paris. In short, to con
fess to you a truth that is not very pleasant, I verily believe
your old friend will never be again the man he was ; that hideous
fever has shaken him to pieces, so that he will never get firmly
compacted together again.
I have bought a house at the Hague fit for the Hotel des
544 OFFICIAL.
Etats Unis, or, if you will, 1' Hotel du Nouveau Monde. It is in
a fine situation, and there is a noble spot of ground. This
occasions great speculations. But my health was such, that I
could not risk another summer the air of Amsterdam. The
house will be for my successor, ready furnished. I shall live
in it myself but a short time.
I see no objection against your attempt, as you propose to
find out the real dispositions of the Empress or her ministers.
You cannot take any noisy measures like those I have taken
here. The form of government forbids it. You can do every
thing that can be done in secret. I could do nothing here in
secret. Thank God, public measures have had marvellous suc
cess.
My boy should translate Sallust, and write to his papa.
Charles sailed 10 December from Bilbao in the Cicero, Cap
tain Hill. Does John study the Russian language ?
Pray what is the reason that the whole armed neutrality can
not agree to declare America independent, and admit you in
behalf of the United States to accede to that confederation ?
It is so simple, so natural, so easy, so obvious a measure, and
at the same time so sublime and so glorious. It is saying, let
there be light and there was light. It finishes all controversies
at once, and necessitates a universal peace, and even saves old
England from total destruction and the last stages of horror
and despair. It is so much in the character and to the taste
of the Emperor and Empress that it is amazing that it is not
done. However, thank God, we have no particular reason to
wish for peace ; the longer the war continues how, the i better
for us. If the powers of Europe will, in spite of all reason -'and
remonstrance, continue to sport with each other's blood, it is
not our fault. We have done all in our power to bring about
peace. One thing I think certain, — that ; the British forces will
evacuate the United States, if not taken prisoners, this season.
I cannot get a copy of the miniature of General Washing
ton made for less than twelve ducats ; but will have it done
notwithstanding, if you persist in the desire. We will also
endeavor to send you a secretary, and execute your other orders
as soon as we can.
Adieu, my dear friend, adieu,
JOHN ADAMS.
OFFICIAL. 545
M. DUMAS TO JOHN ADAMS.
LaHaie, 16 Mars, 1782.
MONSIEUR, — Voici une petite cargaison de lettres qui m'ont
ete remises par M. le Due de la Vauguyon pour vous.
J'ai bien re^u Phonoree votre du 14, et ferai bon usage du.
contenu, premierement avec nos amis, et puis avec les autres.
Quant au projet conciliatoire, je puis vous assurer, that the con
valescent is not at the bottom of it. Ceux memes qui Pont congu
et modifie ne Pont jamais regarde que comme leur pis aller au
cas qu'il ne leur fut pas possible de faire (mieux) ; et dans ce
cas-meme ils ont desire qu'avant d'en faire usage il fut soumis
a votre jugement. Ils sont a present sumsamment instruits que
vous ne voulez pas en entendre parler. Au reste on m'avertit
de tous cotes que le parti Anglomane prepare toutes ses batter
ies pour former la plus violente opposition a votre admission,
par une resolution de cette province. Faites valoir dans vos
quartiers, monsieur, comme je fais ici, Pidee d'un acte de navi
gation, par lequel les ports des feats Unis pourroient etre ou-
verts aux Prisons seuls, a Pexclusion des villes d'Hollande qui
ne se declareront pas actuellement, en recompense de la resolu
tion de Frise ; car cette operation trancheroit le no3ud Gordien
qu'on opposeroit, en pretendant qu'une province seule ne sau-
roit traiter avec une puissance etrangere, sans le consentement
des autres.
J'ai ecrit avant hier au soir une lettre par la poste a M. Van
Berckel, avec priere de vous en communiquer le contenu.
J'espere qu'il Pa fait. Vous y aurez vu, que les ministres des
sept villes protestantes sont d'accord ici sur votre sujet, en
attendant leurs instructions ; que Pon est sur d'avance de celles
de Dort ; et tres probablement de celles de Leide et Rotterdam ;
j'ajouterai que la deliberation sur votre sujet est renvoyee a
Vendredi prochain, afin de laisser le temps aux villes, et notam-
ment a Amsterdam, d'assembler la-dessus leurs conseils ; et que
le succes, bon ou mauvais, depend surtout de la vigueur, ou du
contraire, du Vroedschap (ou conseil) d' Amsterdam. Ne vous
attendez qu'a de la mauvaise volonte de la part de M. R p.
Ayez, s'il se peut, un entretien avec M. de Marseveen, afin que
46* 12
546 OFFICIAL.
lui et les autres amis determinant M. Hooft a 1' exertion de tout
son credit et pouvoir.
II ne s'agit pas seulement de lier la republique avec nous, qui
pourrions peut-etre 1'abandonner a elle-meme sans tant de con
sequence, mais aussi et surtout d'achever d'arracher cette repub
lique d'entre les griffes du Leopard, ce qui importe a nos amis et
a toute 1'Europe encore plus qu'a nous ; et voila pourquoi, me
dit-on, we must not be too rash, if a little longer temporizing can
do it.
Dans ce moment 1'ambassadeur me fait demander de passer
chez lui. Je ne fermerai la presente qu'a mon retour, afin de
pouvoir y aj outer, s'il y a quelque chose de plus a vous marquer.
Mais pour ne plus commettre une incongruite a force d'etre
presse, je signerai toujours le respect, &c. &c.
DUMAS.
P. S. It may perhaps be worth your while, sir, to come here
towards the end of next week, and hear from the ambassador
that the C. V. is and will be more your friend than you seemed
to apprehend he was.
M. DUMAS TO JOHN ADAMS.
La Hale, 16 Mars, 1782.
MONSIEUR, — En vous proposant, monsieur, de venir faire un
tour ici vers la fin seulement de la semaine prochaine, mon
intention etoit simplement de ne pas interrompre les confe
rences que vous pourriez avoir encore avec quelques uns de ces
messieurs, avant qu'ils aient tenu le conseil de leur ville, d'ou
dependra la conduite que leurs deputes tiendront ici sur le sujet
de votre demande. Sans cela, rien n'empecheroit que je n'eusse
plutot 1'honneur de vous revoir ici.
Je vous dirai historiquement, mais de science certaine, que le
prince stadtholder a regu ce matin une lettre des seigneurs Etats
de Frise, resolue le lie et expediee le 12e, dans laquelle on ex
pose a S. A. S. " qu'il a existe depuis quelque temps parmi les
habitans de la province, un mecontentement dangereux au sujet
de la direction des affaires, surtout de celles concernant la guerre ;
que ce mecontentement, loin de diminuer, s'affermit de plus en
plus, au grand regret des Etats ; que cette disposition de leurs
OFFICIAL. 547
sujets importe trop aux Etats, pour ne pas mettre tout en oeuvre
pour qu'elle n'ait pas des suites plus dangereuses encore ; que
la personne de M. le Due de Brunswick, consideree comme con-
seiller de S. A. S., est tenue generalement pour la cause de la.
marche lente et pitoyable des affaires, et s'est attire par-la une
haine de la part de la nation, dont les suites sont a craindre ;
que les seigneurs Etats, en vrais peres de la patrie, ne sauroient
cacher cela a S. A., mais doivent requerir S. A., afin d'ecarter
autant que possible toute diffidence, de persuader au Seigneur
Due, de la meilleure maniere que faire se pourra, de se retirer
de la personne de S. A. et de la republique."
II y a dans la Gazette de Rotterdam un article qui vous
regarde, monsieur. On y ecrit d'Ostende, que les lettres de
Londres du 8e recues la, annoncent que M. Laurens ayant
declare n'avoir aucun pouvoir pour traiter, mais que c'etoit
vous, monsieur, qui etiez muni de pouvoirs pour traiter avec la
Grande Bretagne dans le futur congres general, le ministere
avoit depeche tout de suite des passeports pour vous en Hol-
lande, et que vous etiez par consequent attendu a Londres la
semaine prochaine. En comparant avec cela, que Ton me dit
il y a trois jours que 1'emissaire Wentworth venoit de recevoir
un courier de Londres avec d'importantes depeches, et que ce
meme jour le nouvel envoye ajoint de Russie, avoit eu une con
ference ici, soit avec M. Adams, soit avec quelque autre agent
Americain, je suis violemment tente de croire que Particle sus-
dit de Rotterdam a ete forge ici par 1'emissaire, et lache dans
le public pour donner de 1'ombrage et de Pinquietude, soit a nos
amis ici, soit a la France, et pour nous rendre suspects aux uns
et aux autres, s'il pouvoit. Je n'ai pas hesite la-dessus devant
des gens respectables qui m'ont parle de 1'article, et je Pai traite
avec le mepris qu'il merite, soit qu'il vienne de Londres ou d'ici.
Je suis toujours, &c. &c.
DUMAS.
P. S. Demain notre ami prendra des mesures efficaces pour
que PEmissaire Wentworth parte tout de suite.
548 OFFICIAL.
TO JOHN LUZAC.
Amsterdam, 20 March, 1782.
SIR, — This morning I received the letter which you did me
the honor to write me on the 19th of this month, with the two
copies inclosed, of the petition of the merchants, manufacturers,
and traders of Leyden, to the great council of that city, praying
for the conclusion of commercial connections with the United
States of America.
You will be pleased to present my acknowledgments to the
responsible body, whose intentions you execute, for their obliging
attention to me, which does me much honor ; and it is with
great sincerity that I join in their wishes, and rejoice in the
pleasing prospect of seeing the two republics acknowledged to
be sisters, which cannot fail to have the most favorable effects
upon the manufactures, commerce, and prosperity of Leyden.
Accept of my particular thanks, sir, for the affectionate and
obliging manner in which you have made the communication,
and believe me to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
M. DUMAS TO JOHN ADAMS.
La Haie, 20 Mars, 1782.
MONSIEUR, — L'incluse pour vous m'est parvenue, je ne sais
d'oii ni comment, avec une Gazette de Rotterdam ou Ton a
insere la requete des negociants de la dite ville a leurs magis-
trats. Je suppose qu'il y en a une pareille sous ce couvert.
Vous aurez vu par les gazettes, qu'avant hier pareille demarche
s'est faite a Leide par 64 negociants et fabriquants. J'ai lieu
de croire que demain il en sera presente une semblable par les
commer^ants combines des villes de cette province, aux Etats
d'Hollande et Generaux.
On m'a donne la substance de la resolution prise a Amster
dam. A un seul terme pres, dont on pourroit vouloir abuser,
j'en suis content. II dependra toujours de vous, monsieur,
pu'on n'en abuse pas avec succes, en refusant d'entrer en con
ference et explication, a moins que prealablement on ait accepte
OFFICIAL. 549
vos lettres de creance, et que vous soyez ecoute sous le carac-
tere que ces lettres constatent.
Je pense qu'apres demain la matiere sera tout de bon sur le
tapis. En attendant, pour ne pas donner des lumieres aux
curieux indiscrets, qui voudroient visiter cette lettre, je n'ose y
mettre diverses bonnes choses que je sais.
Je crois vous devoir avertir, que selon ce qu'on m'a assure, le
Sieur Wentworth est parti cet apres-diner pour Amsterdam, ou
il lui reste, dit-il, quelques affaires a regler ; et qu'il a envoye le
gros de son bagage par Rotterdam a Anvers, ou il continuera
peut-etre de resider. Car il ne lui sera pas permis de venir et
resider ici pour le present ; le sujet pretexte de sa venue ici
etant termine, ainsi que j'en suis informe de la meilleure part.
Je suis, &c.
DUMAS.
J'ai fait un tres grand usage de votre excellente lettre du 14.
Mais je ne puis vous le dire que de bouche, quand nous nous
verrons.
T. DIGGES TO JOHN ADAMS.
Hotel, First Bible, Wednesday night, 10 o'clock.
SIR, — I am just arrived here from London, and instead of
personally waiting upon you, I make so free as to send a mes
senger with this and its inclosure, together with a few late
newspapers.
I have a matter of public moment to mention to you ; as well
as to speak to a private affair of consequence to myself, which
will, I think, lead me in a very few days to Dr. K, at Paris.
My present purpose is to beg for half an hour's conversation
with you. I am at present, and shall be for to-morrow, totally
unknown in the hotel. A line directed for me, or any message
to the gentleman who arrived this night, and lodges in the room
number ten, will be duly attended to.
With great respect, sir,
Your very obedient servant,
T. DIGGES.
550 OFFICIAL.
(Inclosed in the Preceding.)
D. HARTLEY TO JOHN ADAMS.
London, 11 March, 1782.
DEAR SIR, — Having been long informed of your benevolent
sentiments towards peace, I wrote a letter to you on the 19th
of last month, through the hands of Mr. Laurens, Jr., to renew
that subject with you, because I was aware at that time, from
conferences and correspondences to which I had been a party,
that the topic of peace would soon become general. I under
stand that Mr. Jay, Dr. Franklin, Mr. Laurens, and yourself, are
empowered, by a special commission, to treat. I hope the pow
ers of that commission will soon be called forth into action, and
that success may attend. The public proceedings of parliament,
and the proposed bill to enable the crown to conclude peace or
truce with America, are, or will certainly be, made known to
you. The first object will be to procure a meeting of authorized
persons, and to consult upon the preliminaries of time, place,
and manner ; but the requisites, above all others, are mutual
good dispositions to conciliate and to accommodate, in the con
fident hope, that if the work of peace were once well begun, it
would soon become general. Permit me to ask whether the
four gentlemen above specified are empowered to conclude as
well as to treat) and whether jointly so, or severally. The bill
now depending in parliament on the part of this country, is to
conclude as well as to treat. As to other provisions of it, I can
not speak positively, but I understand, from the best authority,
that the general scope of it is to remove the parliamentary
obstructions now subsisting, which would frustrate the settle
ments which may be made at the termination of the war. I
heartily wish success to the cause of peace.
I am, dear sir, with great respect,
Your most obedient servant,
D. HARTLEY.
P. S. Mr. Digges, who will deliver this to you, will explain
many things of great importance on the subject of peace. I
have been witness of the authority upon which they have been
OFFICIAL. 551
delivered to him ; when the first application was made to him,
he consulted me, as knowing that such topics had more than
once passed through my hands. I have recently had many con
ferences on my own part with the ministry here, relating to the
mode of entering into negotiations of peace, and am fully
informed of the subject of Mr. Digges's commission to you.
You may, therefore, be assured that it comes to you from the
highest authority.
TO T. DIGGES.
21 March, 1782.
MR. ADAMS will stay at home, for the gentleman in number ten,
whom he will receive at ten o'clock this day, sans ceremonie, pro
vided the gentleman is content the conversation should pass in
presence of Mr. Thaxter, Mr. Adams's secretary.
But such is the situation of things here and elsewhere, that it
is impossible for Mr. Adams to have any conversation with any
gentleman from England, without witness ; and, indeed, Mr.
Adams's advice to the gentleman is to proceed forthwith to
Paris, and communicate whatever he has to say to Dr. Franklin
and the Comte de Vergennes in the first place, without seeing
Mr. Adams, who will certainly think himself bound to commu
nicate whatever may be made known to him, without loss of
time, to those ministers, as he has no authority to treat, much
less to conclude, but in concert with them and others.
TO M. DUBBLEDEMUTZ.
Amsterdam, 22 March, 1782.
gIR) — I have received the letter which you did me the honor
to write me the 18th of this month, with a copy inclosed of the
petition of the committee of the merchants of the city of Rotter
dam, to their magistrates, presented last Saturday. You will
please to accept of my thanks for this very acceptable present,
and of my hearty congratulations upon that remarkable harmony
and unanimity in the sentiments of the various cities and pro
vinces of the republic, concerning the present subject of their
deliberations, — a treaty with America.
552 OFFICIAL.
The unanimity of the republic in this important measure, and
the forcible arguments adduced in support of it, by the bodies of
merchants and manufacturers in the several cities, will probably
have a great influence, even in England, for a general peace ; in
such case the commerce will be free, and the city of Rotterdam,
from her situation, will have as large a share, at least in propor
tion, as any other. I wish it all the prosperity it can desire, and
beg leave to subscribe myself, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
M. DUMAS TO JOHN ADAMS.
La Haie, 22 Mars, 1782.
MONSIEUR, — Mardi ou Mercredi prochain nous pourrons selon
toute apparence dire avec Ovide, Dicite, lo Pcean, &c. ; c'est a
dire, notre soeur la Hollande, comme nous pourrons deja dire,
notre sosur la Frise ; et puis les autres ne tarderont pas de com-
pleter la fraternite. Hier 1'affaire de votre admission fut tout
de bon sur le tapis ; il n'y eut aucun debat la-dessus. Neuf
villes, savoir, Dort, Harlem, Delft, Leide, Amsterdam, Gouda,
Schoonhoven, Purmerend, et la neuvieme je 1'ai oubliee, donne-
rent leurs suffrages pour 1'affirmative sans aucune contradic
tion, pas meme de M. le grand pensionnaire, qui se montra fort
traitable ; et les deputes des neuf autres ne garderent le silence
que parce qu'ils n'avoient pas encore recu leurs instructions.
Notre ami declara, qu'il ne souffrira pas que cette assemblee se
separat sans qu'on prit une resolution definitive a ce sujet, et
lui ainsi qu'un autre ami m'ont assure qu'elle passera unanime-
ment Mardi ou Mercredi prochain.
Ayez la bonte, monsieur, de me dire d'abord en reponse si la
copie de la resolution que vous avez re^ue des Etats de Frise,
est ce qu'on appelle une copie authentique, c'est a dire, si elle
est signee de la main de M. Sminia, le Secretaire des Etats de
Frise. On me 1'a demande ; et j'ai lieu de croire, que c'est pour
se conduire en consequence; c'est a dire, qu'on vous enverra aussi
une copie signee de M. Clotterboke, le Secretaire des Etats
d' Hollande. Notre ami est surpris que vous ne soyez pas venu
aujourd'hui ici. II dit qu'il est bon de vous montrer ici pendant
OFFICIAL. 553
quelques jours ; et je crois que M. 1'ambassadeur sera bien aise
aussi de pouvoir vous dire ce que je vous ai marque il y a quel
ques jours de la part de M. de Vergennes.
Pour le coup je crois etre sur que Wentworth est parti hier
tout de bon pour Amsterdam ; a. moins qu'il ne se soit cache
dans quelque gouttiere. Je suis, &c.
DUMAS.
Je soup^onne qu'il s'agira encore d'une petite ruse, pour oter
quelque chose a Pauthenticite de votre admission ; mais vous
pourrez eviter facilement ce petit piege, si tant est qu'on veuille
1'essayer, en refusant tout net de presenter vos lettres de creance
autrement que comme tous les ministres publics les presentent,
c'est a dire, en pleine audience a 1'assemblee des etats generaux
et non a une commission. Apres cette premiere audience, on
pourra, tant qu'on voudra, traiter par commissaires, a la bonne
heure ; mais 1'audience doit preceder, pour prevenir toute chi
cane a 1'avenir.
II est bon de ne rien dire encore du contenu de cette lettre a
d'autres qu'a Messrs. Van Berckel, Bicker, et Marseveen ; si
vous jugez a propos de leur en parler. Tout autre ne doit savoir
rien de la resolution que lorsqu'elle sera prise et communique e.
M. DUMAS TO JOHN ADAMS.
LaHaie, 23 Mars, 1782.
MONSIEUR, — Celle-ci n'est que pour confirmer la mienne
d'hier, et que 1'affaire va grand train. J'ai vu ce matin M. 1'am-
bassadeur qui m'a entretenu tres gracieusement et avec une
bonne humeur charmante. II pense, tout comme notre ami, que
votre apparition ici pour quelques jours est a propos, non pour
faire aucune demarche, mais seulement pour vous montrer sans
affectation.
Une depeche secrete d'un ministre de la republique a certaine
cour, leur donne 1'avis, de la part du souverain de cette cour-la,
non seulement de la part intime qu'il prend et prendra toujours
aux interets de la republique, mais aussi celui de ne rien attendre
VOL. VII. 47
554 OFFICIAL.
de la^Dretendue mediation, et d'etre persuadee que cette media
tion n'aboutira a rien, et n'est qu'un etre de raison.
Permettez, monsieur, &c. &c.
DUMAS.
TO BENJAMIN FRANKLIN.
Hague, 26 March, 1782.
SIR, — One day last week I received, at Amsterdam, a card
from Digges, inclosing two letters to me from Mr. David Hartley.
The card desired to see me upon business of importance ; and
the letters from Mr. Hartley contained an assurance that, to his
knowledge, the bearer came from the highest authority. I
answered the card, that, in the present situation of affairs here
and elsewhere, it was impossible for me to see any one from
England, without witness ; but if he was willing to see me in
presence of Mr. Thaxter, my secretary, and that I should com
municate whatever he should say to me to Dr. Franklin and the
Comte de Vergennes, I would wait for him at home at ten o'clock ;
but that I had rather he should go to Paris without seeing me, and
communicate what he had to say to Dr. Franklin, whose situa
tion enabled him to consult the court without loss of time. At
ten, however, he came, and told me a long story about con
sultations with Mr. Penn, Mr. Hartley, Lord Beauchamp, and, at
last, Lord North, by whom he was finally sent to inquire of me
if I, or any other, had authority to treat with Great Britain of a
truce. I answered, that " I came to Europe last, with full
powers to make peace ; that these powers had been announced
to the public upon my arrival, and continued in force until last
summer, when congress sent a new commission, containing the
same powers to five persons, whom I named ; that if the King
of England were my father, and I the heir apparent to his
throne, I would not advise him ever to think of a truce, because
it would be but a real war under a simulated appearance of
tranquillity, and would end in another open and bloody war,
without doing any real good to any of the parties."
He said that the ministry would send some person of conse
quence over, perhaps General Conway, but they were apprehen
sive that he would be ill treated or exposed. I said that if they
resolved upon such a measure, I had rather they would send
OFFICIAL. 555
immediately to Dr. Franklin, because of his situation near the
French Court ; but there was no doubt, if they sent any respect
able personage properly authorized, who should come to treat
honorably, he would be treated with great respect ; but that if
he came to me, I could give him no opinion upon any thing
without consulting my colleagues, and should reserve a right of
communicating every thing to my colleagues, and to our allies.
He then said that his mission was finished ; that the fact to
be ascertained was, simply, that there was a commission in
Europe to treat and conclude, but that there was not one person
in Great Britain who could affirm or prove that there was such
a commission, although it had been announced in the gazettes.
I desired him, and he promised me, not to mention Mr. Laurens
to the ministry, without his consent, and without informing him
that it was impossible he should say any thing in the business,
because he knew nothing of our instructions ; because, although
it was possible that his being in such a commission might induce
them to release him, yet it was also possible it might render them
more difficult concerning his exchange.
The picture he gives of the situation of things in England is
gloomy enough for them. The distress of the people, and the
distractions in administration and parliament, are such as may
produce any effect almost that can be imagined.
The only use of all this, I think, is to strike decisive strokes at
New York and Charleston. There is no position so advanta
geous for negotiation as when we have all an enemy's armies
prisoners. I must beg the favor of you, to send me by one of
the Comte de Vergennes's couriers to the Due de la Vauguyon,
a copy, in letters, of our peace instructions. I have not been able
to decipher one quarter part of mine. Some mistake has cer
tainly been made.
Ten or eleven cities in Holland have declared themselves
in favor of American independence, and it is expected that to
day or to-morrow this Province will take the decisive reso
lution of admitting me to an audience. Perhaps some of the
other Provinces will delay it for three or four weeks ; but the
Prince has declared that he has no hopes of resisting the torrent,
and, therefore, that he shall not attempt it. The Due de la
Vauguyon has acted a very friendly and honorable part in this
business, without, however, doing any ministerial act in it.
With great respect, &c. JOHN ADAMS.
556 OFFICIAL.
M. DE LAFAYETTE TO JOHN ADAMS.
Paris, 2 7 March, 1782.
MY DEAR SIR, — I beg you will accept my best thanks for the
two letters you have been pleased to write, giving the particulars
of your situation in Holland, and favoring me with your opinions
upon the operations of the next campaign.
I am happy to find you are likely to get the better of British
cabals, and hope our independence will be soon acknowledged
throughout the United Provinces. Such a measure from a re
publican and commercial nation will prove particularly agree
able to America. You will vastly oblige me, my dear friend, to
let me hear of the progress of your negotiations, and I do assure
you, that independent of public considerations, the high regard
and warm attachment I feel for you, will greatly contribute to
my satisfaction.
On my departure from America I have been desired by Mr.
Morris to represent the necessity of a pecuniary assistance. It
has been granted, but four or six millions are wanting to make
up the sum. Could it be possible to find them in Holland upon
American credit ?
The defensive plans of General Conway are so very absurd,
that I think, with you, a general evacuation will probably take
place. However, we ought not to be too sanguine. In all cases, I
am entirely of your opinion about what we ought to do. I can
not write so confidentially by post as I could wish, and will be
more particular when an opportunity offers. I had a letter from
Mr. Jay ; things there as usual. General Washington writes
me that every thing in the several departments is taking a good
turn, and great improvements are made. He appears much
satisfied with the present situation of affairs.
You are to receive a visit, not from a friend — that I had from
the ministers here. You will vastly oblige me with the particu
lars. But let me know what I am to say and not to say. The
next safe opportunity, I will write you a confidential letter, and
wish it was in your power to let me have a cipher to correspond
with you. I shall remain some weeks more in France, and am
sure congress will approve of the delay.
With the highest regard, &c.
LAFAYETTE.
OFFICIAL. 557
M. DUMAS TO JOHN ADAMS.
La Hale, 28 Mars, 1782.
MONSIEUR, — La grande oeuvre est accomplie. Aujourd'hui
les Etats d'Hollande ont resolu, que leurs deputes aux etats
generaux seront instruits de diriger les choses dans 1'assemblee
de L. H. P. a telle fin, que M. Adams soit admis pour leur pre
senter ses lettres de creance de la part des Etats Unis ; et les
Etats ont charge expressement M. le grand pensionnaire de vous
donner incessamment connoissance de cette resolution. Le corps
des nobles a declare, qu'il ne concouroit ni ne s'opposoit a cette
resolution. Stgillum veri simplex.
Je n'ajouterai done rien a ce que dessus, qui vient de m'etre
communiqud par M. Zeberg avec ses complimens sinceres pour
votre excellence. Je n'ai pu voir les autres, qui sont actuellement
a celebrer 1'ceuvre en bonne compagnie, et le verre en main, au
sortir de 1'assemblee, sans retourner chez eux, oii je les ai cherche
en vain.
Je suis d'avis qu'il est convenable, monsieur, que vous te-
moigniez par une lettre a M. le Due de la Vauguyon, la part
que vous prenez au facheux accident arrive la nuit du Mardi au
Mercredi. Je suis, &c.
DUMAS.
M. DUMAS TO JOHN ADAMS.
La Haie, 29 Mars, 1782.
MONSIEUR, —
Traduction de la Resolution de leurs Nobles et grandes Puissances
les Seigneurs £tats de Hollande et de West Frise.
Vendredi, 29 Mars, 1782.
" II a &i& trouve bon et arrete, que 1'affaire soit dirigee de la
part de leurs nobles et grandes puissances a la generalite a telle
fin, et que 1'on y insiste de la maniere la plus forte, pour que M.
Adams soit admis et reconnu au plutot par leurs H. P. comme
Envoye des Etats Unis d'Amerique ; et le conseiller pension
naire est charge de donner connoissance sous main au susdit
47*
558 OFFICIAL.
Sieur Adams de cette resolution de leurs nobles et grandes
puissances."
En attendant que M. le grand pensionnaire fasse ce dont il
est charge, en vous informant officiellement ou ministeriellement
de la resolution ci-dessus, qui m'a ete communiquee par notre
ami, je vous en envoie en mon propre et prive nom la copie et
la traduction, sans prejudice de ce que vous en apprendrez de
la part de M. de Bleiswyck meme. II envoya hier son secre
taire chez moi, pour savoir si vous etiez ici. Je repondis que
vous etiez a Amsterdam, que vous veniez quelquefois ici sur la
fin de la semaine, mais que je doutois que vous fissiez le voy
age cette fois, parceque vous m'aviez dit avoir des affaires a
Amsterdam. Aujourd'hui le secretaire est revenu me prier de
passer chez son maitre demain matin a dix heures et demie. Je
le ferai, determine cependant a ne pas recevoir une information
verbale pour vous la transmettre, ni autre commission que de
vous acheminer une lettre, s'il m'en remet une pour votre excel
lence. Car ceci est une formalite entre vous, monsieur, et lui;
et je ne suis nullement qualifie pour recevoir ce qui n'est du qu'a
vous dans ce cas. D'un autre cote je crois que 1'on ne doit pas
vous donner la peine d'un voyage ici pour cela seul, lorsque 1'on
peut s'acquitter de la commission par ecrit, comme ont fait les
Prisons. Je consulterai encore ce soir nos amis la-dessus ; et
si je ne vous dis rien de plus la-dessus demain, c'est qu'ils auront
approuve mon idee. Je suis, &c. &c.
DUMAS.
M. DUMAS TO JOHN ADAMS.
{Copie de ma Lettre ti, Notre Ami.')
La Haie, 30 Mars, 1782.
" SELON vos desirs, monsieur, je vous rends compte de ce qui
s'est passe il y a un moment. On m'a regu tres poliment, et
tout s'est passe de meme. On m'a prie affectueusement de
faire la notification, comme un service que je rendrois. J'ai
temoigne le grand regret que j'avois, de ne pouvoir, faute de
qualification requise pour le cas, exe cuter une commission si
OFFICIAL. 559
peu penible, et meme si agreable, moi qui ne plaindrois aucune
peine pour des services plus difficiles ; mais que la demarche
etant un honneur que L. N. et G. P. vouloient faire au carac-
tere, j'etois un canal impropre pour faire parvenir cet honneur
autrement que par une lettre cachetee de ministre a ministre,
que j'offrois de porter moi-meme. On m'a fait entendre alors,
que cela n'etoit pas necessaire, et qu'on se serviroit peut-etre de la
voie de la poste. On m'a demande 1'adresse (que j'ai portee
ensuite au secretaire en un billet en ces termes, M.
demeure au Keyzer* s-gragt prcs du Spiegelstraet a Amsterdam.)
J'ai raconte alors historiquement, que la copie de la resolution
Frisonne avoit ete remise en mains propres, de la part et par
ordre de qui il appartenoit, en une lettre cachetee, a laquelle je
savois que M. . . . avoit fait une r^ponse, qui avoit ete fort goutee
en Frise. Nous avons ensuite parle de nouvelles corn-antes,
entre autres du bruit d'une pretendue pacification entre la
Grande Bretagne et 1' Amerique ; sur quoi j'ai dit que je savois
de science certaine, que la pacification ne pouvoit se faire qu'en
Europe, et notamment de la part des fitats Unis par cinq pleni-
potentiaires, dont M. etoit le premier en date ; que ceux
pres des cours de V. et de M. en etoient ; que rien ne
se concluroit que du su, consentement et concert de ces cours,
et vraisemblablement aussi de cette republique, si elle ne per-
doit pas du temps pour serrer le noeud d'une amitie cordiale ;
que je savois enfin, que quand la Grande Bretagne enverroit la
commission la plus solennelle en Amerique, elle seroit renvoyee
de la en Europe, pour y traiter avec les plenipotentiaires susdits
a un congres de paix generale."
Monsieur, — Hier au soir M. le grand pensionnaire m'envoya
encore son secretaire pour me prier de passer chez lui ce matin
a, dix heures et demie ; et vous venez de voir ce qui s'est passe en
consequence. M. 1'ambassadeur qui a vu ce qui est dessus,
1'approuve. J'espere que ma conduite aura votre approbation
aussi. Rien ne presse a present pour que vous veniez ici ; au
contraire, je compte d'avoir 1'honneur de vous voir chez vous
Lundi au soir. Ce voyage est concerte entre M. 1'ambassadeur,
notre ami et moi, pour une tres bonne ceuvre de votre part, dont
je ne puis vous faire 1'ouverture que de bouche. J'irai Lundi a
une heure par le chariot de poste. Si votre cocher pouvoit se
560 OFFICIAL.
trouver a 1'endroit et a Pheure ou le chariot de poste qui part de
La Haie Lundi prochain a une heure apres Midi arrive, je serois
plus vite rendu chez vous, et nous pourrions tout de suite parler
de choses pour le lendemain. Je suis, &c.
DUMAS.
TO PETER VAN BLEISWYCK.
Amsterdam, 31 March, 1782.
SIR, — I have received the letter, which you did me the honor
to write me on the 30th, inclosing the resolution of the states of
Holland and West Friesland, taken on the 28th of this month,
upon the subject of my admission to the audience demanded on
the 4th of May, and 9th of January last.
I am very sensible of the honor that is done me, by this instance
of personal attention to me in their Noble and Grand Might
inesses, and I beg of you, sir, to accept of my acknowledgments
for the obliging manner in which you have communicated to me
their resolution.
But my sensibility is, above all, affected by those unequivocal
demonstrations, which appear everywhere, of national harmony
and unanimity in this important measure ; which cannot fail to
have the happiest effects in America, and in all Europe, even in
England itself, as well as in this republic, and which, there is
great reason to hope, will forcibly operate towards the accom
plishment of a general peace.
In the pleasing hope that all the other Provinces will soon
follow the example of Holland and Friesland,
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
BARON VAN DER CAPELLEN TO JOHN ADAMS.
Zwol, ce 31 Mars, 1782.
MONSIEUR, — Les magistrats de Deventer ont pris Jeudi au
soir une resolution, dans les formes, pour recevoir votre excel
lence en qualite de ministre plenipotentiaire des treize Etats
Unis de 1'Amerique. Vendreai au matin la requete des citoy-
ens de cette ville a ete presentee et les magistrats y ont repondu
qu'ils avoient deja pris la resolution mentionnee. La ville de
OFFICIAL. 561
Campen, a ce que j'ai ete informe, est tres bien disposee. Elle
a accroche son consentement pour les impots a la conclusion
d'un traite de commerce avec 1'Amerique. Une requete pre
sentee a Zwol a opere une resolution de presser de la part de
cette ville le comite charge de 1'examen des memoires de votre
excellence de donner son pre-avis afin d'en faire un point de
deliberation dans la ville meme. Ceci est assez constitutionel,
mais il tire trop en longueur. C'est pourquoi j'ai tache de faire
voir la necessite de suivre 1'exemple de Deventer, et de donner
ordre aux deputes de la ville a la diete de se declarer immediate-
ment pour 1'independance, &c., et j'ai de 1'esperance que mes
efforts reussiront. Mais je crains les nobles. Ces viles creatures
ont ici la moitie de la re*gence. J'espere neanmoins que les
requetes qui se preparent a la campagne auront quelque influ
ence sur eux. Les predicateurs meme commencent a les appuyer.
Un d'eux a prie le bon dieu aujourd'hui, qu'il veuille benir les
efforts du peuple !
Le demon aristocratique a encore joue son role a Zwol meme.
Les corps de metiers qui sont nombreux ici et des centaines de
citoyens desiroient de signer aussi la requete, mais quelques uns
a qui leur orgueil inspire 1'idee d'une superiorite qui n'existe pas,
refusoient de signer si cela dut se faire par une foule, et 1'on fut
oblige d' avoir de la deference pour eux. Je ne suis pourtant pas
eloigne de conseiller a ces gens de signer une requete separee,
et je crois que mon conseil a quelque influence sur eux. L'on
commence a crier ouvertement que c'est plus-que temps de reparer
le tort qu'on m'a fait et de me readmettre a 1'assemblee. Mon
attachement a 1'Amerique 'et ma conduite dans 1'affaire de la
brigade Ecossaise m'ont rendu cher aux yeux de mes concitoyens
qui sentent a present combien il auroit ete dangereux et nuisi-
ble si la republique s'eut laisse entrainer insensiblement par
1'Angleterre a se ranger de son cote, comme 1'on avoit projete
de faire par le moyen de cette demande insidieuse.
La province de Gueldre s'assemble le 16 Avril. Je suis bien
fache que ce ne soit pas plus tot, et j'ai 1'honneur d'etre, &c. &c.
CAPELLEN DE POL.
J2
562 OFFICIAL.
T. DIGGES TO JOHN ADAMS.
London, 2 April, 1782.
DEAR SIR, — I wrote you from Ostend, the 27th ultimo, and
stated what I had done with Dr. Franklin. I arrived here the
last mail-day, but too late to look about me, and to write so fully
as I could wish. I found the entire kick-up of the great ones
to make much noise, and to give universal pleasure. As the
parliament is not sitting, no fixed measure of the new people is
yet talked of, and other reports are various and vague. Mr. Lau-
rens being out of town, and still in the West of England, I had
not the opportunity of making my first communications with
him, or of mentioning any thing from you. As General Conway
was privy to, and at the bottom of my message to you, I was
not many hours in town before I communicated to him the sum
and substance of what I brought. From him I went to the man
whose province it now is to act in any negotiations with Ame
rica (Lord Shelburne). I am intimate with him, and he was
pleased with the communication and matter of my errand, in
every instance, but that of the necessity of communicating any
serious or direct proffer, going from hence, to the French minis
try. I have had much conversation with him and others of the
new ministers, on the matter ; they all talk of peace with Ame
rica, if it can be got by great and direct offers ; but what this
great offer is, I cannot learn, for they rather draw back when the
question is put, is this the offer of independence ? Notwith
standing such shyness, their insinuations go to that point ; but
I should be glad to be ascertained of the real fact. I found all
ranks of people delighted with the change of men. All and
every visage speaks a general joy from the prospect of getting
better times and peace with America ; but a quiet thinking
American, even in the midst of this clamor, is apt to reason
with himself and things, and to say, to what point will all those
changes tend ? "Will my country, or those European friends
who have helped her, be benefited by the new system, and set
of men ? Certainly not, without that new set of men go heartily
to the work of peace. Every declaration among the great and
leading men, is for peace ; but I suspend my opinion, until I see
some actual measures adopted for the obtaining that desirable
OFFICIAL. 563
object. A peace with America, separately from France, seems
universally scouted ; and, within a few days, an opinion seems
to go generally abroad, that the present ministers are likely to
detach Holland from its present connection with the house of
Bourbon. This I look upon as only a manoeuvre to help the
stocks ; yet it is confidently said, that the Marquis of Carmar
then will be sent forthwith to Holland, and that a messenger is
already gone to the two imperial courts, to desire them to again
open their intercessions for peace. There are vast exertions
making in the navy, and no increase of army. The new men
have the wishes of the people very much with them, and there
is an appearance of unanimity, which during my eight or nine
years' residence here I have never seen before. Lord Shelburne
is the only new minister suspected of not wishing to go to the
length of declaring American independence ; but I think his
good sense and excellent information of things in America,
must make him think the measure a necessary one, whatever he
may hold out as his intention. He may be said to be prime
minister, for the great work is in his department, he having all
the southern district of Europe, the whole of home and Irish
matters, the East and West Indies, and every thing relative to
America. There seems a little disunion between him and the
premier, Lord Rockingham, but I cannot tell where the disunion
lays. If the whole of them do not pull together, it will not be
long a popular ministry. My communication and interest with
Lord Shelburne have procured me a promise of a carte blanche to
look for any of my papers that may be transferred from Lord
Hillsborough's office to his ; but this cannot be done till some
consequent arrangements take place, and, indeed, I am rather
chagrined by his telling me, that it never happens that the whole
of papers are turned from one to the other office, when a minister
retires ; for the custom is to make a sweep of office, as they term
it, and to destroy every paper that the retiring minister does not
choose to take away with him. I fear, in this way, Mr. Lau-
rens is likely to lose his, or a chief part of them. Mr. Galloway
had the examination of them, and, not longer ago than six
monthsj a considerable part of them, and extracts of them,
were arranged for publication, for the virtuous and honest pur
pose to gull John Bull into a belief that there yet remained a
chance from the vast numbers of friends to government in Ame-
564 OFFICIAL.
rica ; their distresses, want of resources, &c., gave every hope of
success to his Majesty's arms from another vigorous campaign !
Strange as this may appear, I had it from such authority as I
cannot doubt. When Lord G. Germaine walked out of office,
he took the most of Mr. Laurens's papers with him.
I have been very busy for a day or two in the business of
Captain Luke Ryan and Captain Macator, both condemned,
and likely to suffer. There were some prisoners brought up
from mill prison, by habeas corpus, as evidence to prove Ame
rican property and commission in the last-mentioned ship,
Macator's, and I have obtained from the new admiralty a
promise, that these witnesses shall not be remanded to prison,
but left on parol.
There is a young man soon going to his home, by way of
Amsterdam, in one or some American vessel that may be going
from thence, provided he can obtain a passage ; he has been a
hostage, and now set at large, so that likely, in a day or two, I
may give you a line by him. I am, &c.
T. DIGGES.
TO M. DE LAFAYETTE.
Amsterdam, 6 April. 1782.
MY DEAR GENERAL, — I am just honored now with yours of
the 27th March. All things were working rapidly together here
for our good, until, on the 3d instant, the Russian ministers at
the Hague presented the memorial which you have seen in the
gazettes. This will set twenty little engines to work, to embroil
and delay ; but I believe, that in the course of four or five weeks,
we shall triumph over this, which I take to be the last hope of
the Anglomanes. The voice of this nation was never upon any
occasion declared with more unanimity, and the numerous peti
tions have already done an honor and a service to the American
cause, that no artifice can retract or diminish.
As to the visit, Mr. Franklin is informed of the whole. It is
nothing. The new British ministry are in a curious situation.
There is but one sensible course for them to take, and that is, to
make the best peace they can with all their enemies. We shall
see whether they have resolution and influence enough to do it.
As to credit here, I am flattered with hopes of it, provided
OFFICIAL. 565
a treaty is made, not otherwise. Whether that will be done, and
when, I know not I can never foresee any thing in this coun
try, no, not for one day, and I dare not give the smallest hopes.
Your confidential letter had better be sent by the Comte de
Vergennes express to the Duke de la Vauguyon. I hope we
shall have a good account soon of Jamaica.
I am extremely sorry, that Mr. Jay meets with so much delay
in Spain. The policy of It is totally incomprehensible.
I am happy to find that your sentiments correspond with mine,
concerning what we ought to do, and have no doubt that all
will be well done, in time. What is there to resist the French
and Spanish force in the West Indies ? or in the channel ? or in
North America ? or in the East Indies ? If my Dutchmen fairly
concert operations with France and Spain, and the seas are kept
with any perseverance, all the commerce of Great Britain is at
stake. Yet, your caution not to be too sanguine is very good.
Spain does not yet seem to be sufficiently awake, and the Eng
lish admirals, under the new ministry, will do all they can.
I fancy they will try the last efforts of despair this summer,
but their cause is desperate indeed. Never was an empire ruined
in so short a time, and in so masterly a manner. Their affairs
are in such a state, that even victories would only make their
final ruin more complete.
With great affection and esteem,
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
C. DE GYSELAER TO JOHN ADAMS.
6 April, 1782.
JE dois vous communiquer, que Monsieur Van der Capellen
du Marsch me marque, que la Province de Gueldres a prise une
resolution pour votre admission conforme a celle de la Hollande,
Mercredi passe. Je suis, &c. &c.
C. DE GYSELAER.
VOL. VII. 48
566 OFFICIAL.
BARON VAN DER CAPELLEN TO JOHN ADAMS.
Zwol, le 6 Avril, 1782.
MONSIEUR, — J'ai la satisfaction de communiquer a votre
excellence que les Etats d'Overyssel ontresolu hier, nemine con-
tradicente, de reconnoitre votre excellence comme ministre des
Etats Unis de 1'Amerique septentrionale. Dieu en soit beni!
J'ai 1'honneur d'etre, &c. &c.
J. D VAN DER CAPELLEN.
TO M. DUBBLEDEMUTZ.
Amsterdam, 7 April, 1782.
SIR, — I have received your favor of yesterday, inclosing a
gazette, with a new petition or address to the magistrates of
Rotterdam.
While the people entertain such sentiments, and hold such
a language, their liberties and prosperity can never be essentially
in danger.
I should be very happy to see you at any time while I stay in
Amsterdam, or after my removal to the Hague. If 1 should
come to the Hague the latter end of this week, or the beginning
of next, I should be glad to receive you there, but I cannot at
present indicate the day.
With much respect,
I have the honor to be, sir, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
THE DUG DE LA VAUGUYON TO JOHN ADAMS.
La Hale, ce 9 Avril, 1782.
JE me suis empresse, monsieur, de transmettre a M. le Comte
de Vergennes les temoignages de franchise et de loyaute que
vous m'avez donne. Ce ministre me repond qu'ils confirment
de plus en plus sa confiance dans votre attachement invariable
aux principes de 1'alliance ; et il me charge de vous communi
quer des details tres interessants dont j'aurai 1'honneur de vous
OFFICIAL. 567
faire part incessament s'il m'est possible d'aller passer quelques
jours a Amsterdam, airisi que je me le propose.
Recevez, monsieur, une nouvelle assurance des sentiments
inviolables d'attachement et de consideration tres distinguee
avec lesquels, J'ai 1'honneur d'etre, &c.
LE Due DE LA VAUGUYON.
TO THE DUG DE LA VAUGUYON.
Amsterdam, 10 April, 1782.
gIR) — I have this moment received the letter, which you did
me the honor to write me yesterday, with a letter inclosed from
Dr. Franklin.
The approbation of the Comte de Vergennes is a great satis
faction to me, and I shall be very happy to learn from you, sir,
at Amsterdam, the details you allude to.
I have a letter from Digges, at London, 2d of April, informing
me, that he had communicated what had passed between him
and me, to the Earl of Shelburne, who did not like the circum
stance that every thing must be communicated to our allies.
He says, that Lord Carmarthen is to be sent to the Hague, to
negotiate a separate peace with Holland. But, according to all
appearances, Holland, as well as America, will have too much
wit to enter into any separate negotiations.
I have the pleasure to inform you, that Gillon has arrived at
the Havana, with five rich Jamaica ships as prizes. M. Le Roy
writes, that the English have evacuated Charleston.
The inclosed fresh requite of Amsterdam will show your Excel
lency, that there is little probability of the Dutchmen being
deceived into separate conferences.
With the most profound respect,
I have the honor to be, sir, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
B. E. ABBEMA TO JOHN ADAMS.
Amsterdam, 11 Avril, 1782.
MONSIEUR, — Je serois bien flatte", si j'etois le premier a vous
informer que les Etats de la Province d' Utrecht ont pris hier
568 OFFICIAL.
unanimement la resolution de concourir avec les autres provinces
a votre admission, comme ministre plenipotentiaire du congres
des Provinces Unies de PAmerique. Je viens d'en recevoir la
nouvelle de mon frere, membre du tiers Etat de la dite province.
Je profite toujours de cette occasion de vous assurer, &c.
B. E. ABBEMA.
TO M. ABBEMA.
Amsterdam, 11 April, 1782.
SIR, — Your favor of this morning, announcing the unani
mous resolution of the States of Utrecht, taken yesterday in favor
of American independence, is just come to hand. I had received
a few minutes before a French gazette of Utrecht containing the
same article ; but I am very happy to receive it in a more
authentic manner from a gentleman of so distinguished a repu
tation for patriotism. The unanimity and ardor with which
this measure is adopted by the whole nation is to me an affect
ing circumstance, and an augur of much good to both nations.
With great esteem and consideration,
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
TO j. u. PAULI.
Amsterdam, 11 April, 1782.
SIR, — I am honored with your letter of the 5th instant, and
thank you for your polite invitation to Hamburgh, a journey
which it would give me pleasure to make, but which various
occupations will oblige me at least to postpone for some time.
In answer to your inquiries, sir, I have only to say, that, at
present, I have no powers from the United States of America to
treat with the Hanseatic cities ; but their situation is such, that
there will be infallibly a considerable trade between them and
America ; and, therefore, I know of no objection against the
congress entering into negotiations with them.
If any gentleman authorized by them should have any propo
sals to make, I will transmit them with pleasure to congress for
OFFICIAL. 569
their consideration, only desiring that they may be either in the
English or French language, as the German is unknown to me
and to most of the members of congress.
I have the honor to be, sir, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
JOHN LUZAC TO JOHN ADAMS.
Leyden, 16 April, 1782.
HONORABLE SIR, — The corporate body of manufacturers and
merchants of this city having presented yesterday to the honor
able great council of Leyden an address of thanksgiving and
further prayer, concerning the future commerce of our republic
with the United States of America, I find myself honored with
their orders to present your Excellency with some printed copies
of it. This epoch, sir, is one of the most desirable I could ever
wish. Zealous for the good of my country, and rejoicing in the
noble exertions of my fellow-citizens for its prosperity, by a
mutual friendship and intercourse with our sister republic, it is
a peculiar satisfaction to me that those very circumstances
afford me an opportunity of testifying to your Excellency their
ardent wishes for our common cause, the cause of liberty and
mankind, and their sincere regard for a minister, who, by his
personal talents and character, inspires them with a true esteem
and affection for those he represents. I am, &c.
J. LUZAC.
TO BENJAMIN FRANKLIN.
Amsterdam, 16 April, 1782.
SIR, — Yesterday noon, Mr. William Vaughan, of London,
came to my house with Mr. Laurens, the son of the president,
and brought me a line from the latter, and told me that the presi
dent was at Haerlem, and desired to see me. I went to Haerlem,
and found my old friend at the Golden Lion. He told me he
was come partly for his health and the pleasure of seeing me,
and partly to converse with me, and see if he had at present
just ideas and views of things, at least to see if we agreed in sen
timent, and having been desired by several of the new ministry
to do so. I asked him if he was at liberty ? He said, No ; that
48*
570 OFFICIAL.
he was still under parol, but at liberty to say what he pleased
to me. I told him that I could not communicate to him, being
a prisoner, even his own instructions, nor enter into any con
sultation with him as one of our colleagues in the commission
for peace ; that all I should say to him would be as one private
citizen conversing with another ; but that, upon all such occa
sions, I should reserve a right to communicate whatever should
pass to our colleagues and allies.
He said, that Lord Shelburne and others of the new ministers
were anxious to know whether there was any authority to treat
of a separate peace, and whether there could be an accommoda
tion upon any terms short of independence ; that he had ever
answered them, that nothing short of an express or tacit acknow
ledgment of our independence, in his opinion, would ever be
accepted, and that no treaty ever would or could be made sepa
rate from France. He asked me if his answers had been right.
I told him that I was fully of that opinion. He said that the
new ministers had received Digges's report, but his character
was such that they did not choose to depend upon it ; that a
person by the name of Oswald, I think, set off for Paris to see
you about the same time that he came away to see me.
I desired him, between him and me, to consider, without say
ing any thing of it to the ministry, whether we could ever have
a real peace with Canada or Nova Scotia in the hands of the
English ; and whether we ought not to insist, at least, upon a
stipulation that they should keep no standing army or regular
troops, nor erect any fortifications upon the frontiers of either.
That, at present, I saw no motive that we had to be anxious for
a peace ; and, if the nation were not ripe for it upon proper
terms, we might wait patiently till they should be so.
v/ I found the old gentleman perfectly sound in his system of
politics. He has a very poor opinion both of the integrity and
abilities of the new ministry, as well as the old. He thinks they
know not what they are about ; that they are spoiled by the
same insincerity, duplicity, falsehood, and corruption with the
former. Lord Shelburne still natters the King with ideas of
conciliation and a separate peace, &c. ; yet the nation and the
best men in it are for a universal peace and an express acknow
ledgment of American independence, and many of the best are
for giving up Canada and Nova Scotia. His design seemed to
OFFICIAL. 571
be solely to know how far Digges's report was true. After an
hour or two of conversation, I returned to Amsterdam, and left
him to return to London.
These are all but artifices to raise the stocks ; and, if you
think of any method to put a stop to them, I will cheerfully
concur with you. They now know sufficiently that our com
mission is to treat of a general peace, and with persons vested
with equal powers ; and, if you agree to it, I will, — never to
see another minister that is not a plenipotentiary.
It is expected that the seventh Province, Guelderland, will
this day acknowledge American independence. I think we are
in such a situation now, that we ought not, upon any consider
ation, to think of a truce, or any thing short of an express
acknowledgment of the sovereignty of the United States. I
should be glad, however, to know your sentiments upon this
point. I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
TO SECRETARY LIVINGSTON.1
The Hague, 22 April, 1782.
SIR, — On the 22d day of April I was introduced by the
chamberlain to His Most Serene Highness, the Prince of
Orange.
Knowing that his Highness spoke English, I asked his per
mission to speak to him in that language, to which he answered,
smiling, " if you please, sir." Although French is the language
of the Court, he seemed to be pleased, and to receive as a com
pliment my request to speak to him in English.
I told him I was happy to have the honor of presenting the
respects of the United States of America and a letter of cre
dence from them to his Most Serene Highness, and to assure
him of the profound veneration in which the House of Orange
had been held in America, even from its first settlement, and
that I should be happier still to be the instrument of further
cementing the new connections between the two nations, pro-
1 The letter to Secretary Livingston of 19 April, containing the official docu
ments of the several States of Holland, relative to the acknowledgment of Mr.
Adams as minister, is omitted. It may be found in the Diplomatic Correspond
ence, vol. vi. p. 330.
572 OFFICIAL.
fessing the same religion, animated by the same spirit of liberty,
and having reciprocal interests, both political and commercial,
so extensive and important ; and that in the faithful and diligent
discharge of the duties of my mission, I flattered myself with
hopes of the approbation of his Most Serene Highness.
His Highness received the letter of credence, which he opened
and read. The answer that he made to me was in a voice so low
and so indistinctly pronounced, that I comprehended only the
conclusion of it, which was, that " he had made no difficulty
against my reception." He then fell into familiar conversation
with me, and asked me many questions about indifferent things,
as is the custom of princes and princesses upon such occasions.
How long I had been in Europe ? How long I had been in
this country ? Whether I had purchased a house at the Hague ?
Whether I had not lived some time at Leyden ? How long I
had lived at Amsterdam ? How I liked this country ? &c.
This conference passed in the prince's chamber of audience
with his Highness alone. I had waited some time in the ante
chamber, as the Due de la Vauguyon was in conference with
the Prince. The Duke, on his return through the antechamber,
meeting me unexpectedly, presented me his hand with an air of
cordiality, which was remarked by every courtier, and had a very
good effect.
The Prince has since said to the Due de la Vauguyon, that
he was obliged to me for not having pressed him upon the affair
of my reception in the beginning. He had reason ; for, if I had,
and he had said or done any thing offensive to the United States
or disagreeable to me, it would now be remembered, much to the
disadvantage of the Court.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
TO SECRETARY LIVINGSTON.
The Hague, 23 April, 1782.
SIR, — On the 23d of April I had the honor of a conference
with M. Van Citters, President of their High Mightinesses, to
whom I presented the following memorial : —
" HIGH AND MIGHTY LORDS, — The underwritten, minister pie-
OFFICIAL. 573
nipotentiary of the United States of America, has the honor to
inform your High Mightinesses that he is charged, by the instruc
tions of his sovereign, to propose to the states-general of the Uni
ted Provinces of the Netherlands a treaty of amity and com
merce between the two republics, founded upon the principle of
equal and reciprocal advantage, and compatible with the engage
ments already entered into by the United States with their
allies, as also with such other treaties as they design to form
with other powers. The undersigned has, therefore, the honor
to propose that your High Mightinesses would nominate some
person or persons with full powers to confer and treat with him
on this important subject. JOHN ADAMS."
Their High Mightinesses, on the same day, appointed a grand
committee to treat, to whom I was introduced with great form
ality by two noblemen, and before whom I laid a project of a
treaty, which I had drawn up conformable to the instructions
of congress. I prayed the gentlemen to examine it, and propose
to me their objections, if they should have any, and to propose
any further articles which they should think proper. It has been
examined, translated, printed, and sent to the members of the
sovereignty.
The greatest part of my time for several days has been taken
up in receiving and paying of visits from all the members and
officers of government and of the Court, to the amount of one
hundred and fifty and more.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
TO SECRETARY LIVINGSTON.
The Hague, 23 April, 1782.
SIR, — I ought not to omit to inform congress, that on the
23d of April the French ambassador made an entertainment for
the whole corps diplomatique in honor of the United States, at
which he introduced their minister to all the foreign ministers at
this Court.
There is nothing, I suppose, in the whole voluminous ceremo
nial, nor in all the idle farce of etiquette, which should hinder a
574 OFFICIAL.
minister from making a good dinner in good company, and,
therefore, I believe they were all present, and I assure you I was
myself as happy as I should have been, if I had been publicly
acknowledged a minister by every one of them ; and the Due de
la Vauguyon more than compensated for all the stiffness of some
others, by paying more attention to the new brother than to all
the old fraternity.
Etiquette, when it becomes too glaring by affectation, imposes
no longer either upon the populace or upon the courtiers, but
becomes ridiculous to all. This will soon be the case every
where with respect to American ministers. To see a minister
of such a State as and assume a distant
mysterious air towards a minister of the United States, because
his Court has not yet acknowledged their independence, when
his nation is not half equal to America in any one attribute of
sovereignty, is a spectacle of ridicule to any man who sees it.
I have had the honor of making and receiving visits in a pri
vate character from the Spanish minister here, whose behavior
has been polite enough. He was pleased to make me some
very high compliments upon our success here, which he consi
ders as the most important and decisive stroke which could have
been struck in Europe.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
TO SECRETARY LIVINGSTON.
The Hague, 24 April, 1782.
SIR, — On the 24th day of April I had the honor to be intro
duced to the Princess, from whom I met a very gracious recep
tion. As it is necessary to say something upon these occasions,
I could think of nothing better than what follows.
MADAME, — Je suis ravi d'avoir 1'honneur de presenter une
republique vierge, un monde enfant, a la bienveillance et a la
protection de votre altesse royale ; d'une princesse aussi illustre,
par ses perfections et vertus personnelles, que par sa connexion
avec la maison d' Orange si reveree en Amerique, et avec uri
OFFICIAL. 575
de ces grands monarques dans le siecle desquels on se fait un
honneur de vivre.
Votre altesse royale me permettra de faire des voeux pour que
ses serenissimes enfans et leur posterite puissent jouir parmi les
generations les plus reculees de 1'Amerique, de la meme vene
ration profonde qui y a toujours ete entretenue pour leurs
ancetres.
Her royal Highness thanked me for the compliment, and pro
mised to do what depended upon her to render my residence at
the Hague agreeable to me ; and then asked me several ques
tions similar to those of his Most Serene Highness.
I have, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
TO M. HODSHON.
Amsterdam, 26 April, 1782.
MR. HODSHON is desired to make the necessary inquiries, and
as soon as he will give me under his hand his engagement to
furnish congress with four or five millions of guilders, by the
last day of July next, so that I may write forthwith, that they
may draw for that sum, I will agree to his opening the loan
upon the terms we have agreed upon.
JOHN ADAMS.
PROPOSALS FOR OPENING A LOAN.
MR. ADAMS proposes, —
1. If the houses of Fizeaux, Grand & Co., John Hodshon &
Son, Messrs. Crommelins, Messrs. Van Staphorst, Messrs. De la
Lande and Fynje, and Mr. John de Neufville & Son, will all
join together in an American loan, Mr. Adams will open it,
without demanding any stipulation for any certain sum.
2. If the first proposition is not agreed to, Mr. Adams will open
a loan with as many of those houses as will agree together, and
enter into a stipulation with him to furnish the sum of five mil
lions by the month of August.
576 OFFICIAL.
3. If no number of houses will join, Mr. Adams will open the
loan with any one that will first undertake and contract to fur
nish that sum.
4. Mr. Adams proposes that all these gentlemen should meet
and consult upon the matter, and propose their thoughts.
April 3 0,1782.
M. DUMAS TO JOHN ADAMS.
Lallaie, 30 Avril, 1782.
MONSIEUR, — Vous verrez par 1'incluse de M. Nolet, de Schie
dam, et par la copie de ma reponse provisionnelle, ce que vous
jugerez a propos de leur repondre vous-meme ; en vous souve-
nant cependant, que vous avez accepte un dejeuner chez M. et
Mad. Boreel ici, le 6e de Mai. On m'a dit que ces Messieurs V
de Schiedam donneront un repas de cent couverts, et qu'il y
aura beaucoup de personnes de Rotterdam. Je dois vous faire
souvenir aussi, que ces messieurs voudroient savoir le jour une
semaine d'avance, a cause des preparatifs. Si vous pouviez
done des a present, leur fixer un jour de la 2e semaine du mois
de Mai, vous leur feriez grand plaisir. Je pense que le meilleur
seroit, monsieur, que vous leur indiquassiez 1'heure ou vous serez
a Delft dans votre voiture, afin que vous puissiez entrer la dans
leur yacht, si vous ne voulez pas qu'il vienne vous prendre ici ;
ce qui selon moi, vaudroit encore mieux. Vous prendrez apres
cela le parti qui sera le plus de votre gout.
Je suis, &c.
DUMAS.
(The two following Letters explain the preceding.)
JACOB NOLET TO JOHN ADAMS.
Schiedam, ce 19 Avril, 1782.
MONSIEUR, — Le corps des negociants de cette ville souhai-
tant joindre leurs acclamations a ceux de toute la nation, au
sujet de 1'independance des Etats Unis de 1'Amerique septen-
trionale publiquement reconnue par nos augustes souverains.
OFFICIAL. 577
m'a charge de m'informer aupres de votre excellence, du jour, de
1'heure, et du lieu, qu'il lui conviendra d'accorder audience a six
deputes du dit corps de nos negociants, charges d'exprimer en
leur nom, les vifs sentimens de joie et de satisfaction sincere,
qu'ils ressentent de cet heureux evenement, comme aussi de
1'avantage de pouvoir vous presenter leurs respects en qualite
de ministre des dits Etats.
Vous comblerez les voeux et les esperances de nos negociants
si vous daignez accorder a leurs deputes 1'honneur de s'entrete-
nir quelques instants, avec votre excellence, sur les interets du
commerce de notre ville.
Oserois je me promettre, monsieur, que vous daignerez con-
descendre a nos desirs ! Une reponse favorable de votre part
nous honorera infiniment. Dans cette flatteuse attente, et en
implorant sur votre personne et qualite respectables la protec
tion du Tout Puissant, j'ai 1'honneur d'etre avec les sentimens
de la plus haute estime et du respect le plus profond, mon
sieur, &c. &c.
JACOBUS NOLET.
JACOB NOLET TO M. DUMAS.
Schiedam, ce 29 d'Avril, 1782.
MONSIEUR, — II m'est impossible de vous exprimer le con-
tentement de nos negociants en apprenant la reception dis-
tinguee dont votre digne maitre, son Excellence Monsieur
Adams, a daigne recevoir nos deputes de commerce, comme
aussi le plaisir qu'ils sentent de se voir honorer dans la pre
miere ou seconde semaine du mois de Mai prochain, de sa
presence, et de celui de la votre.
« Excusez moi, monsieur, que je prends la liberte de vous
adresser la presente en vous priant de vouloir effectuer, du
moins s'il est possible, que la visite de son excellence ne soit
dilayee au dela du temps present; a cause que le monsieur et
Mtre. B. J. Pielat Van Bulderen, secretaire de cette ville, qui
comme un protecteur fidele de notre commerce n'a difficulte
d'etre notre avocat et interprete aupres de son excellence, se voit
oblige de sortir de ville au milieu du mois prochain, et lequel
nous souhaiterions de le voir assister aupres de la reception de
son excellence.
VOL. VII. 49 K2
578 OFFICIAL.
Nous aurons I'honneur, monsieur, d'attendre de votre part
fixement de ce jour, et de la maniere que son excellence choisira
de faire le tour ; soit par sa voiture, soit paxjagt; soit par voiture
jusqu'a Delft, et de la (a cause du mauvais chemin) par jagt.
Esperant que vous tacherez de vouloir persuader son excellence
de fixer son arrive e dans la ville un peu a bonne heure, nous
vous sollicitons de vouloir etre aussi toujours, monsieur, notre
protecteur cheri, et de vous assurer de notre estime et affec
tion.
J'ai I'honneur de me signer,
Avec bien du respect, &c.
JACOB NOLET.
TO M. DUMAS.
Amsterdam, 2 May, 1782.
SIR, — Your favor of the 30th I had the honor to receive yes
terday, with Mr. Nolet's letter and your answer. What shall I
say to this affectionate, as well as polite invitation to dine at
Schiedam ? I am now, and shall be a long time, exceedingly
fatigued with the affair of the loan, which takes up the greater
part of my attention and time. The treaty of commerce is also,
you know, under consideration, and the merchants of the Ame
rican Coffee House have proposed a public dinner here ; but I
have begged to be excused. You see the difficulties, for which
reasons I earnestly wish that our kind friends of Schiedam
would be so good as to excuse us ; but I will leave the whole
to you, and if we cannot be excused, I will conform to the day
you agree upon. But there is another affair, which not only,
perplexes me in this business of the dinner, but in many other
matters of importance. There is a serious negotiation going
on for peace between the Courts of London and Versailles, and
Dr. Franklin, who has sent me the whole, has invited Mr. Lau-
rens, Mr. Jay, and me to Paris, to consult and treat. This may
make it necessary to go at a short warning.
I hope you are in possession of the house at the Hague, and
advise you to live in it. Your answer to Mr. Nolet is very just.
It is my opinion, with submission to congress, that it is the
OFFICIAL. 579
interest and duty of the United States to send you a commis
sion to be secretary of this legation and charge d'affaires, with
a salary of five hundred pounds sterling a year during the time
that there is a minister here, and at the rate of a thousand a
year when there is not ; and you have my consent to transmit
this opinion to congress, by sending an extract of this letter, or
otherwise, by as many ways as you please. I shall write the
same myself. I wrote as much, more than a year ago, but
know not whether the letter has been received, as a vast num
ber of my letters have been thrown overboard, and many taken.
If the dinner at Schiedam should be agreed on, there will be
no difficulties in finding a way for us three to go all together.
All that is before said about the negotiation for peace, you
know must be kept secret. But if I go to Paris, I shall break
up my house here entirely, and dismiss all my servants.
I have the honor to be, with compliments to the ladies, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
VERBAL MESSAGE OF C. W. F. DUMAS TO THE CITY OF SCHIEDAM.
THE following verbal message on the part of Mr. Adams to
the secretary of the city of Schiedam was given by M. Dumas
on the 8th of May, 1782.
SIR, — The diversity of sentiments which exists in this repub
lic, in relation to the circumstances in which it stands to the
United States of America, having appeared to Mr. Adams capa
ble of causing some embarrassment to the merchants of Schie
dam, if he accepted their polite invitation, he has thought that
he could not better prove the regard and affection which he has
for those gentlemen, than by declining their polite request. He
has therefore charged me, sir, to assure you of his extreme sen
sibility for the honor and friendship they have manifested in his
person to his sovereign ; and of his intention, not only to make
mention of it in his first despatches to congress, but also to show
on all occasions how much he is disposed to reciprocate this cor
dial civility, by every means in his power.
DUMAS.
580 OFFICIAL.
TO B. FRANKLIN.
Amsterdam, 2 May, 1781.
SIR, — I am honored with your favor of the 20th of April, and
Mr. Laurens's son proposes to carry the letter to his father forth
with. The instructions by the courier from Versailles came safe,
as all other despatches by that channel, no doubt, will do. The
correspondence by Mr. Hartley I received by Captain Smedley,
and will take the first good opportunity, by a private hand, to
return it, as well as that with the Earl of Shelburne.
Mr. Laurens and Mr. Jay will, I hope, be able to meet at Paris,
but when it will be in my power to go, I know not. Your pre
sent negotiation about peace falls in very well to aid a propo
sition, which I am instructed to make, as soon as the Court of
Versailles shall judge proper, of a triple or quadruple alliance.
This matter, the treaty of commerce, which is now under delibe
ration, and the loan, will render it improper for me to quit this
station, unless in case of necessity. If there is a real disposition
to permit Canada to accede to the American association, I
should think there could be no great difficulty in adjusting all
things between England and America, provided our allies also
are contented. In a former letter, I hinted that I thought an
express acknowledgment of our independence might now be
insisted on; but I did not mean, that we should insist upon
such an article in the treaty. If they make a treaty of peace
with the United States of America, this is acknowledgment
enough for me.
The affair of a loan gives me much anxiety and fatigue. It
»/ is true, I may open a loan for five millions, but I confess I have
no hopes of obtaining so much. The money is not to be had.
Cash is not infinite in this country. Their profits by trade have
been ruined for two or three years ; and there are loans open for
France, Spain, England, Russia, Sweden, Denmark, and several
other powers as well as their own national, provincial, and colle
giate loans. The undertakers are already loaded with burdens
greater than they can bear, and the brokers in the republic are
so engaged, that there is scarcely a ducat to be lent, but what is
promised. This is the true cause why we shall not succeed ;
yet they will seek a hundred other pretences. It is considered
OFFICIAL. 581
such an honor and such an introduction to American trade to be
the house, that the eagerness to obtain the title of American
banker, is prodigious. Various houses have pretensions, which
they set up very high ; and let me choose which I will, I am sure
of a cry and clamor. I have taken some measures to endeavor
to calm the heat, and give general satisfaction, but have as yet
small hopes of success. I would strike with any house that would
ensure the money, but none will undertake it, now it is offered,
although several were very ready to affirm that they could, when
it began to be talked of. "Upon inquiry, they do not find the
money easy to obtain, which I could have told them before.
It is to me, personally, perfectly indifferent which is the house,
and the only question is, which will be able to do best for
the interests of the United States. This question, however
simple, is not easy to answer. But I think it clear, after very
painful and laborious inquiries for a year and a half, that no
house whatever will be able to do much. Enthusiasm, at some
times and in some countries, may do a great deal ; but there has
as yet been no enthusiasm in this country for America, strong
enough to untie many purses. Another year, if the war should
continue, perhaps we may do better.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
M. DE LAFAYETTE TO JOHN ADAMS.
Paris, 7 May, 1782.
I HEARTILY give you joy, my dear sir, upon the happy conclu
sion of your Dutch negotiations. Everybody here congratulates
me, not only as a zealous American, but also as your long pro
fessed friend and admirer. And though the court air has not so
much altered my republican principles as to make me believe
the opinion of a king is every thing, I was the other day pleased
to hear the King of France speak of you to me in terms of the
highest regard. This Dutch declaration, in the present crisis, I
take to be particularly important. To the victory you have
gained, I wish you may join a successful skirmish, and bring
about a useful loan of money. I had a letter from Mr. Living
ston, dated February 19th. Nothing important in it, but that
49*
532 OFFICIAL.
he urges the necessity of a pecuniary assistance, and the advan
tages we are to derive from operations in North America.
As this opportunity is safe, I may tell you the French succor
for this year does not exceed six millions of livres. So far as
respects operations, I have my hopes.
Mr. Franklin the other day communicated a letter from you,
and I entirely coincide with every sentiment you have therein
expressed. It suffices to say, that the letter respected proposi
tions of peace. I am entirely of your opinion, that should Eng
land amuse us with emissaries, not vested with proper powers,
it is not consistent with the dignity of America to continue the
correspondence.
But I do not believe it will be the case. Mr. Oswald has
returned to Mr. Franklin. A gentleman is expected to Count
de Vergennes. It appears they wish for a general peace ; our
independence to be the ground of it. It remains to know how
they understand it. The treaty to be negotiated at Paris. I
heartily wish for peace. This campaign, in Europe at least, is
going to be a Spanish one. I think it the interest of America
to have a peace, on conditions, however, without which, I had
rather fight for ten years longer. I may, I hope, before long con
verse with you at Paris, for, in the present situation of affairs,
you will, no doubt, think it the sentiment of congress, and the
people at large, that my presence at the French Court is likely
to leave our cause better than my immediate return to America.
Mr. Franklin is very desirous you should come here, and I am
the more anxious for it, either before my departure, which I con
tinue to announce as immediate, or in case propositions are
seriously made, that I have a great desire to converse freely
with you.
This will be delivered by Mr. Ridley, so that I have been more
confidential than I should have hazarded to be by post. Mr. Jay
will have little objection to come, and, as Mr. Franklin says, the
Spaniards had four years, we may give them forty.
With the highest regard, &c.
LAFAYETTE.
OFFICIAL. 583
W. AND J. WILLINK, NIC. AND JAC. VAN STAPHORST, AND DE LA
LANDE AND FYNJE TO JOHN ADAMS.
Amsterdam, 11 May, 1782.
SIR, — M. Fynje having communicated to us his conversation
with your Excellency last evening, we beg leave to assure you,
that we will gladly do all that lays in our power to give you
satisfaction. We, therefore, to convince you of our inclination
in this respect, do, without any hesitation, accept of the terms
you proposed, of 4| per cent, for the remedium and other charges.
The other point we have proposed to your Excellency, since
we are greatly of opinion that it would contribute very much to
the success of the loan, which we most heartily do wish to
execute with honor and reputation. Since your Excellency,
however, doth not choose to comply with our wishes, we think it
our duty to consider such measures as may enable us to agree
with your Excellency in this point also.
As it now will be necessary to have an interview with the
undertakers, and we should be glad to have the concurrence of
M. Van Vlooten, who yet considers himself bound until he is
discharged either by your Excellency or M. Hodshon, we beg
leave, therefore, to desire your Excellency to furnish us with a
note from him to this purpose.
We have the honor to be, &c.
WlLHELM AND JAN WlLLINK,
NIC. AND JACOB VAN STAPHORST,
DE LA LANDE AND FYNJE.
TO FRANCIS DANA.
The Hague, Hotel des Etats Unis, 13 May, 1782.
MY DEAR FRIEND, — Yours of April g, is just come to hand.
Last night, for the first time, I slept in this house, and I hope
that the air of the Hague will have a good effect upon my health,
otherwise I must embark for the blue hills.
The independence of America has been acknowledged by this
republic with a solemnity and unanimity, which has made it, in
a peculiar sense, the national act. The publication of the memo-
584 OFFICIAL.
rial, of the 19th April, 1781, set all the writers of gazettes and
pamphlets to work, to propagate and illustrate the hints thrown
out by it, so that in the course of a year's time the people were
universally convinced, and their zeal was animated to such a
degree, that when the plot came to its unravelling, they threw
out testimonies and arguments in their requetes, which must do
great service to the American cause. The enemy have per
ceived this, and have done all they could to prevent an exten
sive publication of them.
Pray let me know what gazettes or periodical papers are pub
lished with you, and in what languages, and whether there is
any indulgence to the press with you.
I have laid before their High Mightinesses a plan of a treaty,
which I hear no objection to, and am told by the grand pension
ary will be settled in about three weeks. The other matter is
not yet stirred. I shall wait for the advice of allies in this case,
although I ventured to go against it in the former.
Once in my life the words piddling; &c., cost me very dear ; but
I shall never get them out of my head. I shall be plagued with
piddling politicians as long as I live ; at least, until I retire from
the political career to the blue hills. There are at this moment
so many politicians piddling about peace, general and separate,
that I am sick to death of it. Why is there not one soul in
Europe capable of seeing the plainest thing in the world ? Any
one of the neutral powers saying to the rest, "America is one of
us, and we will all share in her commerce. Let us all as one
declare it." These words once pronounced, peace is made, or,
at least, soon and easily made. Without it, all may nibble and
piddle and dribble and fribble, waste a long time, immense trea
sures, and much human blood, and they must come to it at last.
The new British ministers blunder at first setting out. They
had but one system to choose, which could succeed, and that
they have missed.
They must come to it finally ; but it will be after an opposi
tion is formed and cemented, which will give them much trouble,
and make them unpopular.
No news from America a long time, except of the safe arrival
of my dear Charles. Yours, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
OFFICIAL. 585
TO MESSRS. W. AND J. WILLINK, N. AND J. VAN STAPHORST, AND
DE LA LANDE AND FYNJE.
The Hague, 13 May, 1782.
GENTLEMEN, — I have received the letter, which you did me
the honor to write me on the llth of this month, in which you
agree to accept the terms of four and one quarter per cent, for
the remedium and other charges.
To this I answer, that I understand your meaning to be, to
accept of the four and a quarter per cent, for receiving and pay
ing the money at first, for receiving and paying off the annual
interest, and for finally receiving and paying off the capital, for
the brokerage, for the remedium for the undertakers, and for all
other charges of the loan. In this sense I agree, in my capacity
as agent for negotiating a loan for the United States, that you
shall be allowed four and a quarter per cent.
As to the other point, if you will open the loan for three mil- J
lions only at first, it would be, perhaps, better ; but whether you
open it for three or five, no other loan in behalf of the United
States shall be opened by me, without your consent, or, at least,
without the consent of two of the three houses, until it is full,
except in one case, which is, that the loan in your hands should
linger a long time without filling up, and I should obtain the
warranty of the states-general, or of the states of Holland, or of
the regency of Amsterdam, for opening a new loan, in which
case I should submit the choice of a house to their High Might
inesses, to their Noble and Grand Mightinesses, or to the vene
rable magistrates of the city and; in either of these cases, your
three houses will stand as fair to be employed, as any other.
You may, therefore, I think, confidently affirm in your pros
pectus, that no other loan will be opened, until this is full, by
me.
You will please to inform Mr. Van Vlooten, that I have agreed \J
with you, and that I shall be very glad if he will, forthwith,
engage in the business with you, upon such terms as you and
he shall agree on.
I have the honor to be, with great respect, gentlemen,
Your most obedient and most humble servant,
JOHN ADAMS.
586 OFFICIAL.
MESSRS. WILLINK AND OTHERS TO JOHN ADAMS.
Amsterdam, 16 May, 1782.
SIR? — "We did not receive the letter, which your Excellency
did us the honor to write to us, till yesterday morning about
twelve o'clock, in answer to which we now take the liberty to
propose to your Excellency the final terms on which we are
willing to open a loan in behalf of the United States of North
America.
Your Excellency shall authorize us to negotiate a sum of five
millions of guilders, though we shall now only open a loan for
* three millions at the rate of five per cent, per annum for the time
of ten years, and to be redeemed in the five following years,
each year a fifth part, for which three thousand bonds of
1000 f. each shall be given, signed by your Excellency, and
countersigned by us, as also paragraphed by a notary ; and the
coupons for the annual interest signed by your secretary, or
anybody whom you will appoint for it.
The bonds shall all be dated the first of June, though the sub
scribers have it in their choice to pay or furnish the money in
June, July, August, September, or October, as they shall think
proper, provided that the first coupon is for 12, 11, 10, 9 or 8
months, according to the term they pay in; your Excellency
promising to open no other loan at any other house or houses
in the republic, till the whole loan for five millions is completed,
for which we are not without hopes of succeeding.
We shall hand to your Excellency the original bonds, on which
your Excellency will be pleased to procure us the ratification of
congress, as we are obliged to engage ourselves for this to the
public ; after receiving which, congress may dispose directly of
the sums that then shall be in cash.
"We must beg leave to observe to your Excellency, that our
meaning as to the terms of 4| per cent, is, that we charge them
for the receiving and paying out of the money now, for the reme-
dium to the undertakers, for brokerage, and for the expenses of
the notary, the stamps, &c. We shall further charge, annually,
one per cent, on the amount of the interest, for the paying out
of it.
And to convince your Excellency that we are willing to make
OFFICIAL. 587
the terms as low as we really can, we shall charge on the
final redeeming of the loan, for paying out of the money and
charges thereon depending, only one half per cent.
We flatter ourselves with your Excellency's full approbation,
and have, therefore, got the prospectus ready printed, to be dis
tributed the moment your Excellency will be pleased to give us
your agreement to it.
We have the honor to be, &c.
WlLHEM AND JAN WlLLINK,
NIC. AND JAC. VAN STAPHORST,
DE LA LANDE AND FYNJE.
TO SECRETARY LIVINGSTON.
The Hague, 16 May, 1782.
SIR, — On the 12th of this month, I removed into the Hotel
des Etcits- Unis de VAmerique, situated upon the canal, called the
Fleweele Burgwal, at the Hague, where I hope the air will
relieve my health in some degree from that weak state to which
the tainted atmosphere of Amsterdam has reduced it.
The American cause has gained a signal triumph in this
country. It has not persuaded an ancient rival, and an avowed,
natural, hereditary enemy, to take a part against Great Britain ;
but it has torn from her bosom an intimate, affectionate friend,
and a faithful ally of a hundred years continuance. It has not
persuaded an absolute monarchy to follow the dictates of its
own glory and interest and the unanimous wish of the people,
by favoring it ; but, availing itself only of the still small voice
of reason, urging general motives and national interests, with
out money, without intrigue, without imposing pomp, or more
imposing fame, it has prevailed against the utmost efforts of
intrigue and corruption, against the almost universal inclination
of persons in government, against a formidable band of capital
ists and the most powerful mercantile houses in the republic,
interested in English funds and too deeply leagued in English
affairs.
Although these obstacles are overcome so far as to have
obtained an acknowledgment of our independence, yet it is easy
to see that they are not annihilated ; and, therefore, we cannot
588 OFFICIAL.
expect to receive such cordial and zealous assistance as we might
receive, if the government and the people had but one heart.
I wish it were in my power to give congress, upon this occa
sion, assurances of a loan of money, but I cannot. I have taken
every measure in my power to accomplish it, but I have met
with so many difficulties that I almost despair of obtaining any
thing. I have found the avidity of friends as great an obstacle
as the ill-will of enemies. I can represent my situation in this
affair of a loan, by no other figure than that of a man in the
midst of the ocean negotiating for his life among a school of
sharks. I am sorry to use expressions which must appear severe
to you ; but the truth demands them.
The title of American banker, for the sake of the distinction
of it, the profit of it, and the introduction to American trade, is
solicited with an eagerness beyond description. In order to
obtain it, a house will give out great words and boasts of what
it can do ; but not one will contract to furnish any considerable
sum of money ; and I certainly know, let them deceive them
selves as they will, and deceive as many others as they may, by
their confident affirmations, that none of them can obtain any
considerable sum. The factions that are raised here about it
between the French interest, the republican interest, the stadt-
holderian interest, and the Anglomane interest, have been con
ducted with an indecent ardor, thwarting, contradicting, calum
niating each other, until it is easy to foresee the effect will be to
prevent us from obtaining even the small sums that otherwise
might have been found. But the true and decisive secret is,
there is very little money to be had. The profits of their trade
have been annihilated by the English for several years. There
is, therefore, no money but the interest of their capitalists, and
all this is promised for months and years beforehand to book
keepers, brokers, and undertakers, who have in hand loans open
for France, Spain, England, Russia, Sweden, Denmark, for the
states-general, the States of Holland, the States of Friesland,
the East and West India companies, &c. &c. &c.
But the circumstance which will be fatal to my hopes at this
time is this, — there is just now unexpectedly opened a loan of
nine millions for the India Company, under the warranty of the
States, in which they have raised the interest one per cent, above
the ordinary rate. I had obtained an agreement of the under-
OFFICIAL. 589
takers for two millions ; but, before it was completed, this loan
appeared, which frightened the undertakers so as to induce them
to fly off. I must, therefore, entreat congress to make no depend
ence upon me for money.
There is one subject more upon which I beg leave to submit
a few hints to congress. It is that of M. Dumas, whose charac
ter is so well known to congress, that I need say nothing of it.
He is a man of letters and of good character ; but he is not rich,
and his allowance is too small at present for him to live with
decency. He has been so long known here to have been in
American affairs, although in no public character that I know
of, but that of an agent or correspondent appointed by Dr.
Franklin, or perhaps by a committee of congress, that, now our
character is acknowledged, it will have an ill effect, if M. Dumas
remains in the situation he has been in. To prevent it, in some
measure, I have taken him and his family into this house ; but
I think it is the interest and duty of America to send him a
commission as secretary to this legation, and charge des affaires,
with a salary of five hundred a year sterling, while a minister
is here, and at the rate of a thousand a year while there is none.
There is another gentleman, whose indefatigable application
to the affairs of the United States, and whose faithful friendship
for me, in sickness and in health, demand of me, by the strong
est claims of justice and of gratitude, that I should mention him
to congress, and recommend him to their favor. This gentle
man is Mr. Thaxter, whose merit, in my opinion, is greater than
I dare express.
Edmund Jenings of Brussels has honored me with his cor
respondence, and been often serviceable to the United States as
well as friendly to me. His manners and disposition are very
amiable, and his talents equal to any service ; and I cannot but
wish that it might be agreeable to the views of congress to give
him some mark of their esteem.
How shall I mention another gentleman, whose name, per
haps, congress never heard, but who, in my opinion, has done
more decided and essential service to the American cause and
reputation within these last eighteen months than any other
man in Europe ?
It is Mr. A. M. Cerisier, beyond all contradiction one of the
greatest historians and political characters in Europe, author of
VOL. VII. 5®
590 OFFICIAL.
the Tableau de PHistoire des Provinces Unies des Pays Bas, of
the Politique Hollandois, and many other writings in high esteem,
by birth a Frenchman, educated in the University of Paris, but
possessed of the most genuine principles and sentiments of liberty,
and exceedingly devoted by principle and affection to the Ame
rican cause. Having read some of his writings, and heard much
of his fame, I sought and obtained an acquaintance with him,
furnished him with intelligence and information in Ameri
can affairs, and introduced him to the acquaintance of all
the Americans who have come to this country, from whom
he has picked up a great deal of true information about our
affairs, and perhaps some mistakes. His pen has erected a
monument to the American cause more glorious and more
durable than brass or marble. His writings have been read like
oracles, and his sentiments weekly echoed and reechoed in
gazettes and pamphlets, both in French and Dutch, for fifteen
months. The greatest fault I know in him is his too zealous
friendship for me, which has led him to flatter me with expres
sions which will do him no honor, however sincerely and disin
terestedly they might flow from his heart.
Congress must be very sensible that I have had no money to
lay out in secret services, to pay pensions, to put into the hands
of continental agents, or in any other way to make friends. I
have had no money but my salary, and that has never been
paid me without grudging. If I have friends in Europe, they
have not most certainly been made by power, nor money, nor
any species of corruption, nor have they been made by making
promises or holding out alluring hopes. I have made no pro
mises, nor am under any obligation, but that of private friend
ship and simple civility, to any man ; having mentioned such as
have been my friends, because they have been friends to the
United States, and I have no other in Europe at least, and
recommended them to the attention of congress, as having ren
dered important services to our country, and able to render still
greater, I have done my duty, whatever effect it may have.
If some small part of those many millions which have been
wasted by the most worthless of men could have been applied
to the support and encouragement of men of such great value,
it would have been much better. It is high time, it is more
than time, that a proper discernment of spirits and distinction
OFFICIAL. 591
*
of characters were made; that virtue should be more clearly
distinguished from vice, wisdom from folly, ability from imbe
cility, and real merit from proud, imposing impudence, which,
while it pretends to do every thing, does nothing but mischief.
The treaty of commerce is under consideration, and will not,
that I foresee, meet with any obstacle.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
TO MESSRS. W. AND J. WILLINK AND OTHERS.
The Hague, 17 May, 1782.
GENTLEMEN, — Your favor of the 16th instant, I received last
night by Mr. Fynje.
In order to give as general satisfaction as may be, and in order
to bring this business to a conclusion, I shall agree to the terms
proposed in it, with the following explanation and alteration,
which are indispensably necessary.
The explanation is this, that my " promise to open no other
loan at any other house or houses in the republic, till the whole
loan of five millions is completed," shall be understood to be per
sonally binding upon me alone, and that neither my successor in
the agency shall be bound by it, nor congress. This explanation
I have all along made, verbally, to Mr. Fynje, who has, no doubt,
communicated it to you.
The alteration is this, — I cannot agree to allow " the half per
cent, for the final redeeming of the loan." The two per cent,
must be both for receiving and paying the money at first, and
for receiving and paying off the capital at last.
The one per cent, annually on the amount of the interest, for
receiving and paying it out, I agree to.
I agree, also, to two per cent, for the remedium to the under
takers.
And to go as far as I possibly can to give you satisfaction, I
agree to allow one half per cent, for brokerage, notary stamps,
signatures, and all other charges and expenses whatever, which
attend the loan.
These conditions will stand better in one view, thus, —
592 OFFICIAL.
For negotiating the whole loan, receiving the money, and paying it
out to the order of congress, or their minister ; to the house,
per cent 1
For finally receiving and paying off the capital, and all charges
attending it ; to the house, per cent 1
For the remedium to the undertakers, per cent 2
For brokerage, notary, stamps, and all other charges and expenses
of the loan, one half per cent. ...... -
To this, add for receiving and paying out the annual interest,
one per cent, upon the amount of the interest paid.
These terms will be considered as severe and discouraging,
and, to remove all difficulties as much as possible, I have ven
tured the utmost length I can ever go. I therefore pray the
gentlemen to give me their answer immediately, whether they
accept them or not. Because if there is the least difficulty
about accepting them, I entreat the gentlemen to give me
notice of it, and to give themselves no further trouble about
the affair, but leave me to strike a bargain with another house,
at least as advantageous to the United States.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
MESSRS. WILLINK AND OTHERS TO JOHN ADAMS.
Amsterdam, 17 May, 1782.
SIR, — We received by Mr. Fynje your ^icellency's esteemed
favor of the 17th instant, by which you are pleased to agree to
all the terms we proposed by our letter of the 16th instant, with
this exception, that the allowance for remedium of, negotiating
and paying out the money, brokerage, notary, stamps, and all
expenses whatsoever, and also for, the final redeeming of the
negotiated sum, altogether is to be fixed at 4| per cent, at once ;
which being considered by us, we accept of it, to open the loan,
and to pay out in consequence of the negotiated sum or sub
scription 95| per cent, all expenses of negotiating and redeeming
to our charge.
We observe the explanation of the promise of opening no
other loan until the five millions are completed, which, by our
writing, is also considered only relative to your Excellency's
person.
OFFICIAL. 593
We beg leave to assure your Excellency of our best endeavors
to promote the success of this loan, and to desire your influencing
recommendation in our favor with the United States, for their
commands. We have the honor to subscribe, &c.
WlLHEM AND JAN WlLLINK,
NIC. AND JAC. VAN STAPHORST,
DE LA LANDE AND FYNJE.
TO M. DE LAFAYETTE.
The Hague, 21 May, 1782.
MY DEAR GENERAL, — Yours of the 7th of this month was
yesterday brought me by Mr. Ridley ; and I thank you for your
kind congratulations on the progress of our cause in the low
countries. Have a care, however, how you profess friendship
for me ; there may be more danger in it than you are aware of.
I have the honor and consolation to be a republican on prin
ciple ; that is to say, I esteem that form of government the best
of which human nature is capable. Almost every thing that is
estimable in civil life has originated under such governments.
Two republican powers, Athens and Rome, have done more
honor to our species than all the rest of it. A new country can
be planted only by such a government. America would at this
moment have been a howling wilderness inhabited only by bears
and savages, without such forms of government ; and it would
again become a wilderness under any other. I am not, how
ever, an enthusiast who wishes to overturn empires and monarch
ies for the sake of introducing republican forms of government,
and, therefore, I am no king-killer, king-hater, or king-despiser.
There are three monarch s in Europe for whom I have as much
veneration as it is lawful for one man to have for another, —
the King of France, the Emperor of Germany, and the King of
Prussia, are constant objects of my admiration, for reasons of
humanity, wisdom, and beneficence, which need not be enlarged
on. You may well think, then, that the information you give
me, that the King of France was pleased the other day to speak
to you of me in terms of the highest regard, gave me great plea
sure.
I shall do all in my power to obtain here a loan of money, but
50* L 2
594 OFFICIAL.
with very faint hopes of success. In short, there is no money
here but what is already promised to France, Spain, England,
Russia, Sweden, Denmark, the government here ; and what will
be fatal to me is, the East India Company have just opened a
loan for nine millions of florins under the warranty of the States
of Holland, and with an augmented interest.
My hopes of a speedy peace are not sanguine. I have sus
picions of the sincerity of Lord Shelburne, Dunning, and others
of his connections, which I wish may prove groundless ; but,
until they are removed, I shall not expect a peace. Shelburne
affects to be thought the Chatham of the day, without any of
his great qualities. I much fear that all their manoeuvres about
peace will turn out but artifices to raise the stocks. The Bri
tish cabinet is so divided, that my expectations are not very
high. Let us be upon our guard, and prepared for a continu
ance of the war. The Spaniards will demand cessions, and the
Dutch, restitutions, which the English will not yet agree to, if
they should get over all the claims of France and America. I
should be very happy to have a personal conversation with you ;
but this will hardly take place until full powers arrive in Paris
from London ; and I know very well that, whether in America,
Versailles, or Paris, you will be constantly useful to America,
and congress will easily approve of your stay where you are,
until you shall think it more for the public good to go elsewhere.
With great affection and esteem,
I have the honor to be,
JOHN ADAMS.
TO MESSRS. WILLINK AND OTHERS.
The Hague, 24 May, 1782.
GENTLEMEN, — I have received the letter from Mr. Van Stap-
horst of the 22d, with a prospectus, and to-day that of Messrs.
Willink has come to hand. I am glad the prospectus is pub
lished, and wish the bonds to be prepared as soon as possible,
and sent to me to sign. They shall not wait long for my sig
nature. My friend, Mr. Thaxter, is so ill of a fever, that I can
not leave him, and, therefore, cannot come to Amsterdam at pre
sent ; if this gentleman, who is all my dependence, should not
OFFICIAL. 595
be able to sign the coupons, I must authorize your houses or any
of you to sign them.
The report from Cadiz, that I authorized American privateers
to take Portuguese ships, and that I should authorize them to
take Danish ones, is totally groundless. I have no such author
ity, nor has any other. On the contrary, all the proceedings of
congress enjoin the most exact observance of the principles of
the armed neutrality, and the most equitable respect to the ves
sels of every neutral power, among whom Denmark and Portu
gal are undoubtedly numbered.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
TO JOHN HODSHON.
The Hague, 13 June, 1782.
SIR, — I called the day before yesterday at your house, but
had not the good fortune to find you at home. My business
was to pay you my respects, and to present you my sincere
thanks for your kindness and politeness to me in assisting my
removal from Amsterdam to the Hague, and to pay you the
expense of it. But, not finding you at home, and being obliged
to return to the Hague, I do myself the honor to write you this
letter for the same purposes, and to beg the favor of you to make
out the account, and I shall desire a gentleman to call on you
to discharge it.
I have further to beg of you, sir, to accept of my thanks for
the generous manner in which you conducted the whole affair
of the loan, especially in nobly releasing me from my engage
ments with you, if, upon inquiry, I should find I could do better
for the public. I am very sorry to have been the innocent occa
sion of giving you any disagreeable feelings upon this occasion ;
but I found that a party spirit and very disagreeable altercations
would have been the consequence of persevering, and, upon the
whole, I thought it would be better for you, as well as the pub
lic, to proceed with the society who now have the loan under
their direction.
But justice and gratitude will forever oblige me to say that
your conduct through the whole affair was that of a man of
596 OFFICIAL.
honor, a gentleman, and a true friend of the United States of
America.
I have the honor to be, &c.,
JOHN ADAMS.
TO B. FRANKLIN.
The Hague, 13 June, 1782.
SIR, — I had yesterday, at Amsterdam, the honor of receiving
your Excellency's letter of June 2.
The discovery that Mr. Grenville's power was only to treat
with France, does not surprise me at all. The British ministry
are too much divided among themselves, and have too formida
ble an opposition against them in the King and the old ministers,
and are possessed of too little of the confidence of the nation, to
have courage to make concessions of any sort, especially since
the news of their successes in the East and West Indies.
What their pride will end in, God only knows. For my own
part, I cannot see a probability that they will ever make peace,
until their finances are ruined, and such distresses brought upon
them as will work up their parties into a civil war. I wish their
enemies could, by any means, be persuaded to carry on the war
against them in places where they might be sure of triumphs,
instead of insisting upon pursuing it where they are sure of
defeats. But we must take patience, and wait for time to do
what wisdom might easily and soon do.
I have not as yet taken any engagements with the Dutch not
to make a peace without them, but I will take such engage
ments in a moment, if the Dutch will take them, and I believe
they will cheerfully. I shall not propose it, however, until I
have the concurrence of the Duke de la Vauguyon, who will do
nothing without the instructions of his Court. I would not
delay it a moment from any expectation that the English will
acknowledge our independence and make peace with us, because
I have no such expectations. I confess it would be with infi
nite reluctance that I should see a peace made between Eng
land and any of her enemies, unless it is made with all. If
France, Spain, and America should make peace with England,
and leave Holland alone at war, she would be at her mercy, and
OFFICIAL. 597
she would find the tenderest of it cruelty. The permanent and
lasting friendship of the Dutch may be easily obtained by the
United States; that of England, never ; it is gone with the days
before the flood. If we ever enjoy the smallest degree of sin
cere friendship again from England, I am totally incapable of
seeing the character of a nation or the connections of things,
which, however, may be the case for what I know. They have
brought themselves by their frenzy into such a situation, — Spain
has such pretensions, Holland has such pretensions, America has
such pretensions, the armed neutrality has such pretensions, —
that where is the English minister or member of parliament that
dares to vote for the concession to them ? The pretensions of
France, I believe, would be so moderate, that possibly they might
be acceded to. But I fear that Spain, who deserves the least,
will demand the most. In short, the work of peace appears so
impracticable, that I am happy in being restrained to this coun
try by my duty, and by this means excused from troubling my
head much about it. I have a letter from America, which
informed me that Mr. Jay had refused to act in the commission
for peace ; but if he is on his way to Paris, as you suppose, I
presume rny information must be a mistake, which I am very
glad of. Mr. Laurens did me the honor of a very short visit in
his way to France ; but I was very sorry to learn from him, that
in a letter to your Excellency he had declined serving in the
commission for peace. I had vast pleasure in his conversation,
for I found him possessed of the most exact judgment respect
ing our enemies, and of the same noble sentiments in all things
which I saw in him in congress.
What is the system of Russia ? Does she suppose that Eng
land has too many enemies upon her, and that their demands
and pretensions are too high ? Does she seek to embroil affairs
and to light up a general war in Europe ? Is Denmark in con
cert with her or any other powder ? Her conduct is a pheno
menon. Is there any secret negotiation or intrigue on foot to
form a party for England among the powers of Europe, and to
make a balance against the power of the enemies of England ?
The States of Holland and several other Provinces have taken
the resolution against the mediation for a separate peace, and
this nation seems to be well fixed in its system and in the com
mon cause.
598 OFFICIAL.
My best respects and affections to my old friend, Mr. Jay, if
you please. Yours, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
TO SECRETARY LIVINGSTON.
The Hague, 15 June, 1782.
SIR, — This morning I made a visit to the grand pensionary,
M. Van Bleiswyck, and had a long conference with him con
cerning the plan of a treaty of commerce, which is now under
consideration, and endeavored to remove some of his objections,
and to explain to him the grounds and reasons of certain arti
cles which have been objected to by others ; particularly the
article which respects France and that which respects Spain.
He made light of most of the objections which had been started
to the plan, and thought it would be easy to agree upon it ; but
there must be time for the cities to deliberate.
I asked him, if they did not intend to do us the honor soon
of sending an ambassador to congress, and consuls, at least, to
Boston and Philadelphia. He thought it would be very pro
per, but said they had some difficulty in finding a man who
was suitable, and, at the same time, willing to undertake so
long a voyage. I asked him, if it would not be convenient to
send a frigate to America to carry the treaty, their ambassador,
and consuls all together, when all should be ready. He said he
could not say whether a frigate could be spared.
" Very well," said I, smiling and pointing to the Prince's pic
ture, " I will go and make my court to his Highness, and pray
him to send a frigate to Philadelphia with a treaty, an ambas
sador, and two consuls, and to take under her convoy all mer
chant vessels ready to go." " Excellent," said he, smiling, " I
wish you good luck."
We had a great deal of conversation, too, concerning peace,
but, as I regard all this as idle, it is not worth while to repeat
it. When a minister shall appear at Paris or elsewhere, with
full powers from the King of England to treat with the United
States of America, I shall think there is something more than
artifice to raise the stocks and lay snares for sailors to be caught
by pressgangs. I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
OFFICIAL. 599
TO SECRETARY LIVINGSTON.
The Hague, 5 July, 1782.
SIR, — I have the honor to inclose copies, in Dutch and Eng
lish, of the negotiation which I have entered into for a loan of
money. My commission for borrowing money promises to ratify
what I should do ; and the money lenders require such a ratifi
cation, which Messrs. Willinks, Van Staphorsts, and De la Lande
and Fynje have engaged shall be transmitted. Authentic copies
of the original contracts, in Dutch and English, are inclosed for
the ratification of congress, which I must entreat them to trans
mit forthwith, by various opportunities, that we may be sure of
receiving it in time, for I suppose the gentlemen will not think
it safe for them to pay out any considerable sum of the money,
until it arrives.
Although I was obliged to engage with them to open the loan
for five millions of guilders, I do not expect we shall obtain that
sum for a long time. If we get a million and a half by Christ
mas, it will be more than I expect. I shall not venture to dis
pose of any of this money, except for relief of escaped prisoners,
the payment of the bills heretofore drawn on Mr. Laurens, which
are every day arriving, and a few other small and unavoidable
demands, but leave it entire to the disposition of congress, whom
I must entreat not to draw, until they receive information from
the directors of the loan, how much money they are sure of, and
then to draw immediately upon them. These directors arc
three houses, w^ell esteemed in this republic, Messrs. "Wilhem
and Jan Willink, Nicholas and Jacob Van Staphorst, and De
la Lande and Fynje.
I have made the contract upon as good terms as I could obtain.
Five per cent, interest. Two per cent, to the house, or rather to
the society of houses. Two per cent, to the undertakers ; and
half per cent, for brokerage and other charges. This four and a
half per cent., together with one per cent, for receiving and pay
ing off the annual interest, is to include all the expenses of the
loan of every sort. These are as moderate terms as any loan is
done for. France gives, at least, as much, and other powers
mucn more.
I must beg that the ratifications of the obligations may be
600 OFFICIAL.
transmitted immediately by the way of France, as well as Hol
land, by several opportunities. The form of ratification must
be submitted to congress ; but would it not be sufficient to cer
tify by the secretary in congress, upon each of the copies inclosed
in English and Dutch, that they had been received and read in
congress, and thereupon resolved that the original instruments,
executed by me before the said notary, be and hereby are rati
fied and confirmed ?
The form of the obligations is such as was advised by the
ablest lawyers and most experienced notaries, and is conform
able to the usage when loans are made here for the seven
Provinces. It is adapted to the taste of this country, and, there
fore, lengthy and formal, but it signifies no more in substance,
than, " that the money being borrowed must be paid."
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
C. L. BEYMA TO JOHN ADAMS.
Leeuwarde, ce 1G Juillet, 1782.
MONSIEUR, — Je prends la liberte de vous adresser celle ci,
pour communiquer a votre excellence 1'avis du quartier d'Oos-
tergo, qui tres probablement sera change dans une resolution
des Etats. Votre excellence y verra que ce n'est nullement 1'in-
tention de faire trainer les affaires en long, mais que 1'on sou-
haiteroit bien, que dans la conclusion cet avis meritoit quelque
consideration ; et c'est pour cela que je me suis trouve oblige*
d'envoyer a votre excellence cette piece en secret, arm que
votre excellence en soit informee, en vous sollicitant d'en faire
1'usage que vous trouverez a propos, pour favoriser 1'intention
de la province, autant que votre excellence le trouvera bon.
Monsieur Dumas, a qui je prie de remettre Pincluse, apprendra
a votre excellence les raisons pour lesquelles je ne puisse entrer
en des plus longs details, etant tout-a-fait occupe. En attend^
ant, je profite volontierement de cette occasion pour vous
temoigner que je suis, &c. &c.
C. L. BEYMA.
P. S. Nos deputes a La Haie sont charges d'agir en cette
affaire avec communication de votre excellence.
OFFICIAL. 601
E. F. VAN BERCKEL TO JOHN ADAMS.
(Extract.}
Amsterdam, 22 Juillet, 1782.
POUR ce qui regarde notre traite de commerce, vous m'obli-
gerez infiniment, si votre excellence voudra avoir la bonte de
me dormer les eclaircissements requis sur la difficulte d'admet-
tre les remarques, que la commission de leurs hautes puissances
vous a communique, sur le projet que votre excellence leur a
delivre. Si vous voudriez me mettre en etat de faire sentir la
solidite du refus, que 1'on m'a dit que vous avez fait, a 1'egard
de quelques alterations proposees, ce seroit le moyen d'avancer
une affaire qui pourroit etre trainee, sans cela, encore bien de
temps. Mais pour cet effet, il faut que je sois parfaitement
eclaire au sujet de vos vues, et de celles du congres.
Rien ne me sera plus agreable, que de vous donner a toute
occasion, des preuves de mes sentiments d'estime et de conside
ration distinguee pour votre excellence, en vous temoignant
sincerement que je suis, &c. &c.
E. F. VAN BERCKEL.
TO M. VAN BERCKEL.
The Hague, 23 July, 1782.
SIR, — I have received this morning the letter, which you did
me the honor to write me yesterday. All that you say about
Madame d'Hogendorp and the "inconnu," is a mystery to me,
never having had a visit or application from either, to my know
ledge. It would give me pleasure, however, to be of any service
to this person, upon your recommendation, if it were in my
power ; but I have not only no authority to recommend any
body to offices or employments in America, but I am forbidden
ever to give any one the least encouragement. There are in
America, as in all other countries, two persons who wish for
employment, to one employment, and, therefore, whoever goes
to America with expectations of getting into public employ
ment will find himself disappointed, and most certainly would
not thank me for leading him into an error, and deceiving him
with false hopes. If, after this candid information, he persists
VOL. vn. 51
602 OFFICIAL.
in his determination to go to America, I will, with pleasure, at
your desire, give him letters of introduction to some of my
friends at Philadelphia or Boston.
I wish it were generally known, that congress have heretofore
been obliged to thank some hundreds of officers and other gen
tlemen of undoubted good characters, and who carried with
them great recommendations. It is near five years ago that
they put themselves to the expense of paying the voyages back
again to Europe of above an hundred persons, who had gone
over in hopes of employments which congress had not to give.
They will not at this time of day repeat this expense, and,
therefore, I cannot encourage any man to go over, in hopes of
public employment.
As to the treaty, sir, I have communicated to several pen
sionaries that I could agree to most of the amendments proposed
by the admiralty, but I cannot agree to leave out entirely the
twenty-second and twenty-third articles ; and what objection there
is to them I am not able to conceive, and no one has been so
good as to point out to me any harm or injury they can possibly
do this republic. The reason why the congress should insist
upon the substance of them is obvious, namely, because they
have already plighted their faith to the King of France, to the
effect of them. The amount of both those articles is no more
than this, — " That this treaty with the republic shall not dero
gate from those already made with France." If I were to meet
the committee of their High Mightinesses, we could, in such a
conference, very easily and very soon agree upon some modifica
tion of those two articles, which would be acceptable to both
parties, and upon all other amendments which are proper to be
made. If Amsterdam agrees to the resolution proposed by the
states of Holland on the 18th of this instant July, the treaty
may be very easily, and very soon concluded.
I have the honor to be, &c.,
JOHN ADAMS.
JOHN JAY TO JOHN ADAMS.
Paris, 2 August, 1782.
SIR, — Your friendly letter of the 8th ultimo, should not have
remained so long unanswered, had I not been obliged by sick-
OFFICIAL. 603
ness, which lasted several weeks, to postpone writing to any of
my correspondents. Mrs. Jay has also been much indisposed.
Indeed, neither of us has been blessed with much health since
we left America.
Your negotiations in Holland have been honorable to your
self, as well as useful to your country. I rejoice in both, and
regret that your health has been so severely taxed by the busi
ness of your employment. I have also had my share of per
plexities, and some that I ought not to have met with. I con
gratulate you on the prospect of your loan's succeeding, and
hope your expectations on that subject may be realized. I com
mend your prudence, however, in not relying on appearances.
They deceive us sometimes in all countries.
My negotiations have not been discontinued by my leaving
Madrid. The Count d'Aranda is authorized to treat with me,
and the disposition of that court to an alliance with us seems
daily to grow warmer. I wish we could have a few hours con
versation on this subject, and others connected with it; as we
have no cipher, I must be reserved. I had flattered myself with
the expectation of seeing you here, and still hope that, when
your business at the Hague will admit of a few weeks absence,
you may prevail upon yourself to pay us a visit. I really think
that a free conference between us might be useful, as well as
agreeable, especially as we should thereby have an opportunity
of making many communications to each other, that must not
be committed to paper.
Mr. Oswald is here, and I hear that Mr. Fitzherbert is to suc
ceed Mr. Grenville. Lord Shelburne continues to profess a
desire of peace, but his professions, unless supported by faith,
can have little credit with us. He says that our independence
shall be acknowledged, but it is not done, and, therefore, his
sincerity remains questionable. War must make peace for us,
and we shall always find well-appointed armies to be our ablest
negotiators.
The intrigues you allude to, I think, may be also traced at
Madrid, but I believe have very little influence anywhere, except,
perhaps, at London. Petersburg and Copenhagen, in my opi
nion, wish well to England, but are less desirous to share in the
war, than in the profits of it. Perhaps, indeed, further accessions
of power to the house of Bourbon may excite jealousy, especially
604 OFFICIAL.
as America as well as Holland is supposed to be very much
under the direction of France.
Did you receive my letters of 18th March and 15th April ?
Think a little of coming this way.
I am, dear sir, with great esteem and regard, &c.,
JOHN JAY.
M. VAN BERCKEL TO JOHN ADAMS.
Amsterdam, 8 Aout, 1782.
MONSIEUR, — J'ai le plaisir et 1'honneur de vous communi-
quer que les deputes de la ville d' Amsterdam a Passemblee des
Etats d'Hollande vont recevoir, demain, la resolution du conseil
de ladite ville, prise aujourd'hui, au sujet du traite d'amitie et
de commerce entre leurs hautes puissances et les Etats TJnis en
Amerique. Cette resolution du conseil contient les ordres les
plus precises pour se conformer avec le rapport Hollandais du
18 Juillct dernier, avec lequel tous les autres membres de 1'as-
semblee s'etoient deja conformes avant nous ; et des ordres pour
•ne retarder sous aucun pretexte la conclusion de ce grand ouvrage.
Aussi doivent ils rejeter 1'addition des mots en Europe, dans le
second, troisieme et autres articles du traite, relativement aux
nations les plus favorisees ; ayant ete considere que cette addi
tion ou limitation n'etoit pas seulement une nouveaute dont il
n'y avoit point d'exemple, mais en outre, sujette a de tres
grands inconvenients. Du reste la Bourse de notre ville nous
a suggere encore quelques remarques, qui sont comprises dans
ladite resolution de notre conseil; non pas pour proposer a votre
excellence quelque alteration essentielle, qui puisse trainer la
deliberation, mais seulement des remarques qui doivent etre
communiquees a leurs hautes puissances, pour etre jointes aux
remarques que leur comites ont mises a la marge du projet que
votre excellence a delivre aux etats generaux, et pour que les
unes et les autres soient le sujet d'une conference avec votre
excellence, afin de faire des arrangemens en consequence et d'un
commun accord ; sans que 1'on pretende que 1'affaire soit encore
prise ad referendum, mais que la commission de leurs hautes
puissances soit munie d'un plein pouvoir pour la conclusion du
dit projet, avec les alterations dont on pourra etre d'accord
entre les deux parties contractantes.
OFFICIAL. 605
Pour les remarques de notre Bourse, elles sont d'une extreme
simplicite, et servent plutot a donner ou a demander des eclair-
cissements que pour ajouter ouretrancher quelque chose d'essen-
tiel. J'ai 1'honneur de vous communiquer cette particularity
dans le dessein de prevenir des surprises, et pour que votre
excellence, en cas que 1'on hasarderoit de vous proposer quelque
chose, qui ne portat pas le dit caractere, et qui pourroit vous
causer quelque etonnement, vous puissiez prendre de moi les
eclaircissemerits necessaires, si votre excellence jugeat a propos.
J'ai 1'honneur d'etre, &c.
E. R VAN BERCKEL.
TO M. VAN BERCKEL.
The Hague, 10 August, 1782.
SIR, — I have this day received the letter, which you did me
the honor to write me on the 8th, and am much obliged to you
for your kind communications, which will be of much use to
me, as I hope, in bringing the treaty to a just conclusion. I
rejoice that the city of Amsterdam has decided upon the
matter so amicably and candidly, and whenever any proposi
tions or remarks shall be made to me, my sentiments upon
them shall be communicated with equal frankness and candor.
Where the parties are in earnest in searching for the truth, and
that only, it is not difficult to find. And I know of nothing
that either can wish for in this case, but to make the treaty as
perfect and as useful as possible.
The resolution of Amsterdam, to instruct their deputies to have
the treaty concluded without delay, and without being again
taken ad referendum, is peculiarly agreeable to me, because I
am very anxious to have it finished. It has been already long
under deliberation, and it ought to be upon its passage to con
gress for ratification, together with a minister from their High
Mightinesses to the United States. Gentlemen here seem much
at a loss to find a man both qualified for this service, and willing
to undertake it. I should think, however, that many might be
found. There is probably no office in which a man of abilities
might render more important service to his country.
The reports of peace are renewed, and Mr. Oswald and Mr.
Fitzherbert are at Paris. Lord Shelburne promises to acknow-
606 OFFICIAL.
ledge American independence in the treaty of peace, but he will
not perform it; and he means nothing- but amusement, which he will
keep up for a few months or weeks, and, by degrees, the old minis
try and their old system will be revived in England. When will
her enemies be aroused to a sight of their situation and true
interests, and be induced to treat that perfidious nation as she
deserves ! I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
TO JOHN JAY.
The Hague, 10 August, 1782.
) — It was with very great pleasure that I received, this
morning, your kind favor of the 2d. I am surprised to learn,
that yours and Mrs. Jay's health have been disordered in France,
where the air is so fine.
That your anxieties have been very great, I doubt not. That
most of them were such as you ought not to have met with, I
can easily conceive. I can sincerely say, that all mine, but my
fever, were such as I ought not to have had. Thank God they
are passed, and never shall return, for nothing that can happen
shall ever make me so anxious again. I have assumed the
felicis animi immota tranquilitas.
Nothing would give me more satisfaction, than a free con
versation between you and me upon the subjects you mention,
and all others directly or indirectly connected with it, or with
any of our affairs ; but I do not see a possibility of taking such
a journey. The march of this people is so slow, that it will be
some time before the treaty of commerce can be finished, and
after that I have other orders to execute, and must be here in
person to attend every step. But besides this, 1 think I ought
not to go to Paris, ivhile there is any messenger there from Eng
land, unless he has full powers to treat with the ministers of the
United Stales of America. If the three American ministers
should appear at Paris, at the same time with a real or pre
tended minister from London, all the world would instantly
conclude a peace certain, and would fill at once another year's
loan for the English. In Lord Shelburne's sincerity I have not
the smallest confidence, and I think that we ought to take up
Fox's idea, and insist upon full powers to treat with us in charac-
OFFICIAL. 607
ter, before we have a word more to say on the subject. They are
only amusing us. I would rather invite you to come here.
This country is worth seeing, and you would lay me under
great obligations to take your residence, during your stay, in
the Hotel des Etats- Unis. Many people would be glad to see
you. ' I should be very glad, however, to be informed, from step
to step, how things proceed, which may be done with safety, by
expresses to me, or by those from the Court of Versailles to the
Duke de la Vauguyon, in whom I have great confidence ; or it
may even be done by post.
As you justly observe, further accessions of power to the house
of Bourbon may excite jealousies in some powers of Europe; but
who is to blame but themselves ? Why are they so short-sighted
or so indolent, as to neglect to acknowledge the United States,
and make treaties with them ? Why do they leave the house
of Bourbon to contend so long and spend so much ? Why do
they leave America and Holland under so great obligations ?
France has, deserves, and ought to have, a great weight with
America and Holland, but other powers might have propor
tionable weight if they would have proportional merit.
If the powers of the neutral maritime confederation would
admit the United States to accede to that treaty, and declare
America independent, they would contribute to prevent Ame
rica, at least, from being too much under the direction of France.
But if any powers should take the part of England, they will
compel America and Holland too, to unite themselves ten times
more firmly than ever to the house of Bourbon.
I do not know, however, that America and Holland are too
much under the direction of France, and I do not believe they
will be, but they must be dead to every generous feeling as men,
and to every wise view as statesmen, if they were not much
attached to France, in the circumstances of the times.
I received two letters from you in the spring ; one I answered,
but have not the dates at present ; the other kindly informed me
of the arrival of my son in America, for which I thank you.
With great regard and esteem, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
608 OFFICIAL.
TO MESSRS. WILLINK AND OTHERS.
The Hague, 11 August, 1782.
GENTLEMEN, — This morning I received your favor of the 8th,
but I am not able to inform you what is the amount of the bills
drawn upon Mr. Laurens, which are not yet arrived. I have
never been exactly informed myself. They cannot, I think,
amount to more than two hundred thousand guilders, I hope
not half that sum, but cannot say positively.
I am obliged to you for the trouble you have taken to pay
four hundred and ninety-one florins twelve stivers to Messrs.
Gerb, Rankes, &c., and for sending me the lease of the house.
I am very glad to find that you have received so much as one
million four hundred and eighty four thousand florins on the
loan, and congratulate you upon it. When I thought it safest
to be a little under, rather than exceed, I had in my mind reserving
enough to pay the bills on Mr. Laurens, and a few unavoidable
expenses here. But I believe you may write to congress to draw
for thirteen hundred thousand florins, and so afterwards, from
time to time, as money shall be received by you.
I am obliged to you for your care in sending on the despatches
to congress, and desire that you would, from time to time, inform
that body of every thing, with the utmost exactness, that relates
to the loan.
With great esteem, I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
TO MR. MAZZEI.
The Hague, 12 August, 1782.
SIR, — Your favors of 28th June, and 30th July, I have re
ceived. I have not transmitted to congress the first, because
I would not give an alarm unnecessarily. The intelligence
contained in it is wholly groundless, according to the best
information I can obtain, and the best judgment I can form. I
am well assured that neither of the imperial courts has ever
made any declaration, or expressed any opinion or inclination,
against the independence of America. On the contrary, I am
OFFICIAL. 609
in possession of authentic documents, which express clearly, in
my apprehension, other sentiments.
There may be a war in Europe, but this would accelerate rather
than retard a general acknowledgment of American independ
ence. England, it is certain, cannot carry on the present war,
and, at the same time, engage in another, more extensive, on the
continent. With the stocks at fifty-six, and a war against four
nations, it is impossible she should pay subsidies to foreign
nations. If any nation declares against Holland, the house of
Bourbon, and America, some other nation will declare for them,
so that our cause will rather be strengthened, and we shall cer
tainly be rendered dearer to our allies.
Holland, instead of losing its existence or its name, will, if the
war continues, assume all its old character and glory.
What if a war should happen between Russia and the Porte ?
What can England do ? What if a quarrel should arise between
the Emperor and Russia ? What would England get by that ?
What if Russia and Denmark should declare in favor of Eng
land ? which is, however, altogether improbable. I say this
would be an advantage to America, for we should make more
profit of their trade, than they could do us harm.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
TO JOHN JAY.
The Hague, 13 August, 1782.
DEAR SIR, — The public papers announce Fitzherbert's com
mission to be to treat with " the four powers at war with Great
Britain." But whether they mean Hyder Ali or the Mahrattas,
is uncertain.
I have obtained intelligence of a paper addressed lately from
the Court of St. James to the Courts of Vienna and Petersburg,
as well as that of Paris, in which are the following words,
namely, —
" Sa majeste Britannique dit qu'il ne prejuge, ni ne veut pre-
juger aucune question queiconque, et qu'il ne pretend exclure
personne de la negotiation qu'on a en vue, qui pourrait s'y croire
interesse, soit qu'il soit question des etats generaux, soit qu'on
y veuille faire entrer les colonies Americaines."
610 OFFICIAL.
You, perhaps, may have seen the whole ; if you have, I beg a
copy.
For my own part, I am not the minister of any " fourth state "
at war with Great Britain, nor of any " American Colonies," and,
therefore, I should think it out of character for us to have any
thing to say with Fitzherbert, or in the congress at Vienna, until
more decently and consistently called to it. It is my duty to
be explicit with you, and to tell you sincerely my sentiments.
I think we ought not to treat at all, until we see a minister
authorized to treat with " the United States of America," or
with their ministers. Our country will feel the miserable con
sequence of a different conduct, if we are betrayed into nego
tiations, in or out of a congress, before this point is settled ; if
gold and diamonds, and every insidious intrigue and wicked
falsehood, can induce anybody to embarrass us, and betray us
into truces, and bad conditions, we may depend upon having
them played off against us. We are, and can be, no match for
them at this game. We shall have nothing to negotiate with,
but integrity, perspicuity, and firmness. There is but one way
to negotiate with Englishmen, that is, clearly and decidedly ;
their fears only govern them. If we entertain an idea of their
generosity or benevolence towards us, we are undone. They
hate us, universally, from the throne to the footstool, and would
annihilate us, if in their power, before they would treat with us
in any way. We must let them know that we are not to be
moved from our purpose, or all is undone. The pride and vanity
of that nation is a disease, it is a delirium, it has been flattered
and inflamed so long by themselves, and by others, that it per
verts every thing. The moment you depart one iota from your
character, and the distinct line of sovereignty, they interpret it to
spring from fear or love of them, and from a desire to go back.
Fox saw we were aware of this, and calculated his system
accordingly. We must finally come to that idea, and so must
Great Britain. The latter will soon come to it, if we do not
flinch. If we discover the least weakness or wavering, the
blood and treasures of our countrymen will suffer for it in a
great degree. Firmness! firmness and patience for a few
months, will carry us triumphantly to that point where it is
the interest of our allies, of neutral nations, nay, even of our
enemies, that we should arrive. I mean a sovereignty univer-
OFFICIAL. 611
sally acknowledged by all the world. Whereas, the least oscil
lation will, in my opinion, leave us to dispute with the world,
and with one another, these fifty years.
With great respect, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
TO HENRY LAURENS.
The Hague, 15 August, 1782.
DEAR SIR, — By a certain anonymous letter, you have had a
specimen of the infernal arts which have been and are prac
tised, to create misunderstandings among American ministers.
There has been an uninterrupted succession of them ever since
I have been in Europe. Whether they are to be attributed to
inventions of our enemies, or to still baser intrigues of pre
tended friends, or to impudent schemes of interested candidates
and competitors for the little favors which American ministers
have sometimes to bestow, or to all of these together, I know
not. The latter supposition is most probable. Enough of this,
however.
It seems that your friend Oswald is still at Paris, and Fitzher-
bert has taken the place of Grenville. He is said to be author
ized to treat with the four powers at war with Great Britain.
Pray, what is your opinion of this ? Ought we to accept of such
powers ? Can we consistently treat with any man ivho has not full
powers to treat with the ministers of the United States of Ame
rica ? I have one thing to propose to you, sir, in confidence.
It is, if you approve it, to endeavor to get Mr. Jenings ap
pointed secretary to the commission for peace. I wish congress
would appoint him.
I can give you no news from hence, except that I have been
happy enough to obtain a little money for congress. So that
they may draw immediately, as soon as they send their ratifica
tion of my contract, for about thirteen or fourteen hundred
thousand guilders. This you may mention to congress, or to
anybody else in America, if you write. The money is in hand
of Messrs. Willink, &c., but cannot be drawn out but by con
gress, after the receipt of the ratification.
612 OFFICIAL.
The treaty of commerce will probably pass the states of Hol
land this day.
With invariable esteem and respect, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
TO JOHN JAY.
The Hague, 17 August, 1782.
SIR, — The states-general have chosen Mr. Brantzen minister
to negotiate for peace. Yesterday, he did me the honor to dine
with me. He is represented to be a good man, and well fixed
in the true system. I have very authentic information, that his
instructions will be such as France and America, as well as his
own country, ought to wish them.
I have letters from Boston, 17th June ; grand rejoicings on
the birth of the Dauphin, everywhere. The States giving strong
instructions to their delegates in congress to consent to no peace
short of independence, and without concert with France. The
offers by Carlton are highly resented ; taken much worse from
the present ministry than they would have been from the for
mer. The instructions from the States to congress are, to
resent as an insult every offer which implies a deviation from
their treaties, or the smallest violation of their faith.
I am promised, to-morrow, a copy of Mr. Fitzherbert's com
mission. I wish to know whether you or the Dr. have had any
conferences with him, and what passed. We are told of a Mr.
Vaughan and Mr. Oswald, at Paris ; have they any powers,
and what ?
This will be delivered you by Mr. Barclay, the consul, a
worthy man, whom I beg leave to introduce to you.
With great regard,
JOHN ADAMS.
TO HENRY LAURENS.
The Hague, 18 August, 1782.
DEAR SIR, — I have just received the inclosed letter, open for
me to read. It appears to be from one who has a remarkable kind
OFFICIAL. 613
of benevolence towards the United States, such as has memo
rably appeared through the whole war, in almost all countries ;
I mean the benign inclination to be American agents, jobbers,
officers, ambassadors, generals, and kings. Inclosed is a copy
of Fitzherbert's commission ; pray inclose it to congress, that it
may go as many ways as possible. "What think you of the
words " Quorumcunque statuum quorum interesse poterit?" If
we should presume to think ourselves included in these words,
will Lord Shelburne be of the same mind ?
The states-general have appointed Mr. Brantzen their minister,
who did me the favor to dine with me three days ago, and then
told me he should set off for Paris in three weeks. Blessed are
the peacemakers ! Don't you wish yourself one ?
JOHN ADAMS.
TO SECRETARY LIVINGSTON.
The Hague, 18 August, 1782.
SIR, — I have the honor to inclose, for the information of con
gress, a copy of Mr. Fitzherbert's commission. The words
quorumcunque statuum quorum interesse poterit include the
United States, according to them, but not according to the
King who uses them ; so that there is still room to evade. How
much nobler and more politic was Mr. Fox's idea, to insert the
" Ministers of the United States of America " expressly !
The states-general have appointed M. Brantzen their minister
plenipotentiary to treat concerning peace, and he will set off for
Paris in about three weeks. His instructions are such as we
should wish. The States of Holland and West Friesland have
determined the last week upon our project of a treaty of com
merce, and I expect to enter into conferences with the states-
general this week, in order to bring it to a conclusion. I hope
for the ratification of the contract for a loan, which has been
sent five different ways. Upon the receipt of this ratification,
there will be thirteen or fourteen hundred thousand guilders
ready to be paid to the orders of congress by Messrs. Wilhem
and Jan Willink, Nicholas and Jacob Van Staphorst, and De
la Lande and Fynje.
VOL. VII. 52
614 OFFICIAL.
The states and the regencies are taking such measures with
the stadtholder, by demanding his orders and correspondence
about naval affairs, and by reassuming their own constitutional
rights in the appointment of officers, &c., as will bring all things
right in this republic, which we shall find an affectionate and a
useful friend. The communication of the following instructions
to me is such a piece of friendship and such a mark of confi
dence, as makes it my duty to request of congress that it may
be kept secret.1
These instructions will show congress, in a clear light, the dis
position of this republic to be as favorable for us and our allies
as we could wish it.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
TO SECRETARY LIVINGSTON.
The Hague, 22 August, 1782.
SIR, — Their High Mightinesses have at length received their
instructions from all the Provinces, and I have this day been in
conference with the grand committee, who communicated to
me the remarks and propositions on their part. To this I shall
very soon give my replication, and I hope the affair will be soon
ended.
I was received in state by two of the lords, at the head of the
stairs, and by them conducted into the committee-room where
the business is transacted. . The committee consisted of one or
more deputies from each province, together with the grand pen
sionary, Bleiswyck, and the Secretary, Fagel.
I have the honor to be, sir, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
HENRY LAURENS TO JOHN ADAMS.
Nantes, 27 August, 1782.
MY DEAR SIR, — Soon after I had despatched a letter to you
this morning, under the 25th instant, I was honored by yours
of the 18th, but too late for an answer by this day's mail.
1 The instructions are omitted.
OFFICIAL. 615
The copy of Mr. Fitzherbert's commission shall be transmit
ted to congress by a vessel to Boston in a day or two.
I think an answer to your question on " quorumcunque sta-
tuum," was anticipated in my last, but, if you did not know it
before, please to remember I am a very indifferent Latinist ; as
well, however, as without assistance, I can hammer out a con
struction upon the sentence taken altogether, there is no diffi
culty on your side. If the British ministers sit down with, they
acknowledge you — acknowledge you to be a state interested,
or " whom it doth concern," and the late act of parliament, for
enabling the King to make peace, &c., lame as it is, affords a
sanction (but, remember, I plead ignorance) ; in that case,
you may rest tranquil, regardless of Lord Shelburne's " mind."
But I still see it possible that a general peace may be agreed
upon by a treaty or treaties which shall terminate the war, inde
pendence tacitly or formally assured to the United States, France
and America at liberty to lay down their arms, and you gentle
men commissioners not called upon to sit down about the busi
ness, except, by the Court of France, for your formal consent.
This I know was not the meaning of our ally in 1778, and I have
already said it is inconsistent with the honor and the interest
of the Court of France to subject the United States to such an
affront ; wherefore, I am not apprehensive on that score ; there
is, nevertheless, a possibility. If the formal consent is refused,
what then ? I have given the answer. Congress, in that year, or
the next, bound themselves by a declaratory, and explanatory
resolve, which only proves that on their side there were doubts.
Our ally was pleased by that act, but I know of no mutual ob
ligation. Be this as it may, unless Great Britain has a deep
design, — first, to make a general peace, submitting to the let
ter of our eighth article, then, to pick a quarrel with us, and
renew hostilities, she must come to us in the general treaty,
or separately, but hand in hand with the other. France will
look at this with a jealous eye, and we have enough in reserve ;
but the United States should be on their guard, and not too
suddenly " lay down their arms" I have spoken of possibilities
of what may happen, founded on a certain ground of suspicion
that the King of Great Britain aims at effecting a general peace,
without a direct participation by his revolted subjects. Thence,
the apparent ambiguity of the words you have quoted. I have
616 OFFICIAL,
said the Court of France will riot, or will not suddenly gratify
his humor ; there is another Court to whom we are not yet
known as an independent nation. You will receive light from
the first serious convention. I repeat that I would not so freely
commit myself to every man.
" Do not you wish yourself one of the peacemakers ? " I
have long since given a positive answer, and have only to add,
the business is in very good hands ; three, especially at this
time, is a more convenient and safe number than four ; the
fourth might prove an incumbrance, but could add no weight
of abilities. Proceed quietly ; do not be embarrassed by appear
ances ; make a good peace ; and you shall partake of the bless
ing you have pronounced.
Mynheer Brantzen gives time for the surrender of Gibraltar
and the recapture of St. Christopher's, &c., for the evacuation
of Charleston and New York, events, some of which we may
hear of about the day he is to commence his journey diplomatic.
To be sure he will enter with a better grace, and have the bet
ter ground for demanding restitution and indemnification, but
I should have received more satisfaction, had I been assured
that yourself and that gentleman were already at Paris.
God bless you and give you success.
HENRY LAURENS.
The next time a packet from you comes directed to his Excel
lency, Henry Laurens, &c., Mr. Laurens will disclaim it.
TO SECRETARY LIVINGSTON.
The Hague, 4 September, 1782.
SIR, — Your triplicate of the 5th of March, No. 5, triplicate
of the 22d of May, No. 6, duplicate of the 29th of May, No. 7,
and duplicate of May the 30th, No. 8, together with the de
spatches for Mr. Dana, came to hand yesterday.
The judicious inquiries in that of the 5th of March, are chiefly
answered by the inclosed pamphlet, which I have caused to be
printed, in order to be sent into England, Scotland, and Ireland,
OFFICIAL. 617
as well as .America. You will find most of your questions
answered by great bodies of merchants, manufacturers, and
others in the first instance, and by the States of the several
separate Provinces in the next place, and lastly by their High
Mightinesses.
I wish the truth would warrant a more satisfactory account
of the ships prepared and preparing for sea. Those prepared
are employed by concert with France, in the North Sea, where
they make a useful diversion, having lately obliged Lord Howe
to detach a considerable number of ships, and the last accounts
say, to go himself with fourteen ships of the line, in order to
protect their trade from the Baltic, which has certainly retarded,
possibly wholly prevented, the relief of Gibraltar. This, how
ever, is not certain. I cannot assure congress of more than
twelve Dutch ships of the line ready for sea. Some of that
number are not in a good condition ; not more than two or
three can be depended 011 to be added in the course of this sea
son.
As to the leading members of the great council, we must dis
tinguish between the assembly of the deputies of the states-
general, and the assembly of the deputies of the States of Holland
and West Friesland. The grand pensionary of Holland, who is
always a member of the assembly of their High Mightinesses, is
constitutionally the most leading member. M. Van Bleiswyck is
the present grand pensionary. With him I have frequent confer
ences, and they have always been agreeable ; but the situation
of this minister is at present extremely critical and embarrassing.
In former times, when there was no stadtholder, or at least when
his authority was less extensive, the grand pensionaries of Hol
land have been in effect stadtholders. They have been a centre
of union for all the Provinces ; but being more immediately
connected with, and dependent on, the Province of Holland,
they have been suspected by the other Provinces to give too
much weight to that, which has caused them to attach them
selves to the stadtholders, as a more impartial support to the
whole State.
To speak candidly, a competition between these two great
interests and these two high offices seems to have been the
cause of the violent storms in this country ; but as the stadt
holders have had the military power by sea and land at their
52*
618 OFFICIAL.
disposal, and by the pomp and splendor of a court have had
the means of imposing more upon the nation, they have by
degrees prevailed. At critical, dangerous times, tragical scenes
have been exhibited, and Barnevelt's head was struck off at one
time, Grotius escaped by a sort of miracle, and the De Witts
were torn in pieces, it is scarcely too bold to say by the open
or secret commands or connivance of stadtholders. The stadt-
hoider's power, since 1748, until this year, has been so aug
mented, and the grand pensionary's so diminished, that M. Van
Bleiswyck is to be pitied. More is expected of him than he
can perform. He is between two fires; the stadtholderian
party on the one side, and the republican on the other. The
consequence is, that he manages both as well as he can ; is
extremely cautious and reserved, never explains himself, but in
cases of absolute necessity, and never attempts to assume the
lead. If he were to attempt to act the part of some former
grand pensionaries, the consequence would be, either he would
not be supported, and would perish like Barnevelt or De Witt,
or being supported, the stadtholdership must give way, and the
Prince fly to his estates in Germany. M. Van Bleiswyck is a
great scholar, linguist, natural philosopher, mathematician, and
even physician ; has great experience in public affairs, and is
able and adroit enough in the conduct of them ; but not having
a temper bold and firm enough, or perhaps loving his ease too
much, or not having ambition, or patriotism, or zeal, or health
enough, to assume a great and decided conduct, he is fallen in
his reputation. They suspect him of duplicity, and in short
measures are prepared and brought into the states of Holland
without his consent or previous knowledge, and there carried ;
a thing unknown until these days.
Another great officer of state, who constitutionally has influ
ence in the assembly of their High Mightinesses, is the secre
tary, M. Fagel. This gentleman is of a family which has ever
been zealously attached to the stadtholder, and consequently to
England, and strongly prejudiced against France. His ancestor
was made grand pensionary in place of the murdered and im
mortal De Witt ; and from that time to this, the family have
been invariably friends to the Princes of Orange, and to Eng
land, and enemies to France. The present secretary does not
belie his lineage. He is supposed to be the least satisfied with
OFFICIAL. 619
the new conventions with us and with France, of any man. I
have had several conferences with him. He is a venerable man
of seventy, is polite, and has always been complaisant enough
to me ; but congress will easily see, from this sketch of his cha
racter, that he is not the man for me to be intimate with. There
is a new president of their High Mightinesses every week. I
have had conferences with several, — M. Tjassens, M. Van Cit-
ters, M. Boreel, M. Van den Sandheuvel, and the Baron Lyn-
den de Hemmen, — but this continual variation prevents any
one from acquiring esteem and weight from the office ; so that
they are to be considered only as common members of the
assembly.
There is a nobleman, the Baron de Lynden, who belongs to
the Province of Zealand, and who was formerly ambassador in
Sweden, and afterwards appointed to Vienna, but refused to go.
I have had the pleasure of a great deal of conversation with him,
and his advice has been useful to me. He is a sensible and
worthy man, and his sentiments are very just. He has been
now for some months in Zealand, and the world has seen seve
ral striking effects of his presence in that Province. He is much
in opposition to the Duke of Brunswick, and consequently to
the Court, to whose cause this nobleman's rank, former offices,
and connections, have done much damage. There are several
other members of the assembly of their High Mightinesses that
I have some acquaintance with, the Baron Van Schwarten-
bourg, M. Kuffeler of Friesland, M. Brantzen of Guelderlancl,
and others, whom it is not necessary to name at present. But
Holland being full half the nation, the assembly of that Pro
vince gives always, sooner or later, the tone to the whole. The
pensionaries of the cities are the principal speakers and most
active members of this assembly, for which reason I have
cultivated the acquaintance of these gentlemen, and will con
tinue to do so more and more. There are three among them
with whom I have been the most conversant, — M. Gyselaer
of Dort, M. Visscher of Amsterdam, and M. Van Zeeberg of
Haerlem.
M. Gyselaer is a young gentleman of about thirty ; but of a
genius and activity, a candor and prudence, which, if his health
is not too delicate, must make him the man of the first consider
ation in this republic. I am happy in a friendly and familiar
620 OFFICIAL.
acquaintance with him, and shall certainly continue it, because
his abilities and integrity, his industry, his great and growing
popularity, and his influence in the assembly of the states of
Holland, as well as in all the provinces and cities, will render
him an important man, in spite of all the opposition of the Court.
Nevertheless, although I cultivate the friendship of the patri
ots, I shall not give offence to the Court. The friendship of
this Court we never had, and never shall have, until we have
that of England. This gentleman's friendship has already been
of vast service to the cause of congress as well as to me, and
will continue to be so. There is no intelligence in a political
line, which I ought to know, but what I can easily obtain in
this way. To detail the conversations, would be to relate all
the measures taken or proposed, relative to the negotiations for
a separate peace, to the concert with France, the general peace,
&c., as well as from step to step, the advancement to the ac
knowledgment of our independence. There are some of these
conversations which ought never to be put on paper until the
measures and events which are the fruit of them have taken
place.
M. Visscher is a respectable character, an amiable man, and
steady in the good system. With him, also, I have been inva
riably upon good terms ; but I cannot but lament the absence
of M. Van Berckel, an excellent character, of solid judgment,
sound learning, great experience, delicate honor, untainted vir
tue, and steady firmness, sacrificed to the most frivolous whim
sies and miserable intrigues of private pique, the jealousy and
envy of weak, I cannot here add wicked old age, and individual
ambition. Van Berckel and Visscher together would be noble
ministers for Amsterdam ; but the elder of the "par nobile fra-
trum " is wanting.
M. Van Zeeberg is another excellent character ; of great repu
tation as a lawyer, a man of integrity, and a patriot, with whom
I have been, and am, upon the best terms. It is odd enough,
that most of these pensionaries have been deacons of the Eng
lish church in this place, Dr. Maclaine's. En passant, young
lawyers seek an election to be deacons in the churches, as a first
step to advancement in their profession, as well as in the state.
M. Van Berckel, M. Van Zeeberg, and others, have been dea
cons of this church, yet neither speaks English ; nor is any of
OFFICIAL. 621
them less an enemy to England for having passed through this
stage in his career of life, and I shall be the more so, for hear
ing once a week, an admirable moral lecture in the English lan
guage from one of the best preachers in Europe.
I hope this will be sufficient at present, as a sample of sketches
of characters that you demand of me among the leading mem
bers of the assemblies. I might mention several burgomasters,
as M. Hooft, of Amsterdam, Van Berckel, of Rotterdam, &c.,
&c. &c. ; but I must not give too much at once.
You inquire, whether there is no intercourse between the
French ambassador and me. I answer, there is a constant,
uninterrupted harmony and familiarity between the Duke de la
Vauguyon and his family and me. I visit him, and he visits
me. I dine with him, and he and his family dine with me
as often as you can wish ; and he is ever ready to enter into
conversation and consultation with me upon public affairs. He
is an amiable man whom I esteem very much. He is able,
attentive, and vigilant, as a minister ; but he has been under
infinite obligations to the United States of America and her
minister for the success he has had in this country. Nothing on
this earth but the American cause could ever have prevented this
republic from joining England in the war, and nothing but the
memorial of the 19th of April, 1781, and the other innumerable
measures taken in consequence of it by the same hand, could
ever have prevented this republic from making a separate peace
with England. The American cause and minister have done
more to introduce a familiarity between the French ambassador
and some leading men here, than any other thing could ; and if
anybody denies it, it must be owing to ignorance or in gratitude.
It is at the same time true, and I acknowledge it with pleasure
and gratitude, that our cause could not have succeeded here
without the aid of France. Her aid in the East Indies, West
Indies, and upon the barrier frontiers, her general benevolence
and concert of operations, as well as the honorable and friendly
exertions of her ambassador, after the decisive step taken by me,
contributed essentially to the accomplishment of the work. I
have an opportunity of meeting at his house, too, almost as
often as I desire, the other foreign ministers ; but of this, more
hereafter.
You desire also to know the popular leaders I have formed
622 OFFICIAL.
acquaintance with. The two noblemen, the Baron Van der
Capellen de Pol, of Overyssel, and the Baron Vander Capellen
de Marsch, of Guelderland, I have formed an acquaintance with ;
the former, very early after my first arrival. I have had frequent
and intimate conversations with him, and he has been of the
utmost service to our cause. His unhappy situation and unjust
expulsion from his seat in government, the opposition of the
Court and of his colleagues in the regency, make it delicate to
write freely concerning this nobleman. He has an independent
fortune, though not called rich in this country. His parts and
learning are equal to any, his zeal and activity superior. I dare
not say in what a multitude of ways he has served us ; poste
rity will, perhaps, know them all.
Two years ago, upon my first arrival at Amsterdam, I fell
acquainted, at M. Van Staphorst's, with M. Calkoen, the first
gentleman of the bar at Amsterdam ; a man of letters, well
read in law and history, and an elegant writer. He desired to
be informed of American affairs. I gave him a collection of our
constitutions, and a number of pamphlets and papers, and desired
him to commit to writing his questions. In a few days, he sent
me thirty questions in Dutch, which show him to be a man of
profound reflection and sagacity. I got them translated, and
determined to seize the opportunity to turn his attention to our
affairs, and gain his confidence. I wrote him a distinct letter
upon each question, and endeavored to give him as comprehen
sive an insight into our affairs as I could. He was much pleased
with the answers, and composed out of them a comparison
between the American and the Batavian Revolution, which he
read with applause to a society of forty gentlemen of letters,
who meet in a club at Amsterdam. I lent him Burgoyne's and
Howe's pamphlets in vindication of themselves, which he com
municated also. By this means, this society, whose influence
must be very extensive, were made hearty converts to the opi
nion of the impracticability of a British conquest, and the cer
tainty of American success ; points very dubious in the minds
of this nation in general, when I first came here, as I can easily
prove. With this gentleman, I have ever preserved an agreeable
acquaintance. It was he who drew up the petition of the mer
chants of Amsterdam in favor of American independence.
About the time of presenting my memorial, I became ac-
OFFICIAL. 623
quainted with another lawyer at the Hague, M. Van Zoon, who
has been also, from time to time, active in our favor, and drew
up the petitions of Rotterdam.
The gazetteers of this country are not mere printers, they are
men of letters ; and as these vehicles have a vast influence in
forming the public opinion, they were not to be neglected by me,
whose only hopes lay in the public opinion, to resist the torrent
of a court and government. I therefore became naturally
acquainted with the family of the Luzacs, in Leyden, whose
gazette has been very useful to our cause, and who are excel
lent people. M. John Luzac drew up the two petitions of Ley-
den to their regency.
At Amsterdam, my acquaintance with M. Cerisier enabled me
to render the Politique Hollandais, and the French Gazette of
Amsterdam, useful on many occasions ; and by means of one
friend arid another, particularly M. Dumas, I have been able to
communicate any thing that was proper to the public, by means
of the Dutch gazettes of Amsterdam, Haerlem, and Delft. By
means of these secret connections with printers and writers, I
have had an opportunity to cause to be translated and printed,
many English pamphlets tending to elucidate our affairs, parti
cularly those valuable documents of Howe and Burgoyne, than
which nothing has contributed more to fortify our cause. They
are considered as the decisive testimonies of unwilling witnesses
and cruel enemies. With these persons, and others, when I
could not have conversations, I have had correspondences, as
frequent as my time would allow.
At Amsterdam, I was acquainted with several mercantile
houses, M. de Neufville and Son, M. Crommelin and Sons,
Messieurs Van Staphorsts, De la Lande and Fynje, Madame
Chabanel and Son and Nephew, M. Hodshon, M. Van Arp, M.
Tegelaer, and several others, who, in their several ways, were
useful to our affairs.
I come now to the most difficult task of all, the description of
the foreign ministers. The minister of the Emperor is ninety
years of age, and never appears at court, or anywhere else. I
have never seen him or his secretary. The ministers from
Russia, Sweden, Denmark, Portugal, Sardinia, and Liege, I
see every week at court, where I sup regularly when the others
do, though it is very visible that I am not the guest the most
624 OFFICIAL.
favored by the Prince. I dine with them all sometimes at the
French ambassador's and Spanish minister's, but have not dined
at any of their houses, nor they at mine. Not one of them
would dare to give or receive an invitation, except France, Spain,
and Liege. The minister from Sweden, the Baron d'Ehrens-
werd, is lately removed to Berlin, to my great regret, as he
appeared to me a very good character, and behaved very civilly
to me several times when I met him at court and at the French
ambassador's. The secretary of legation does the business now,
M. Van Asp, who appears to be a worthy man, and is not afraid
to converse with me. The minister from Prussia, M. de Thule-
meyer, is very civil, attacks me (as he expresses it) in English,
and wishes to meet me on horseback, being both great riders ;
will converse freely with me upon astronomy, or natural history,
or any mere common affairs ; will talk of news, battles, sieges,
&c. ; but these personages are very reserved in politics and nego
tiations. They must wait for instructions.
M. de St. Saphorin, the envoy from Denmark, is a personage
of very odd behavior ; a Swiss by birth, but an open and not
very discreet advocate for England. It should be observed, that
the Queen Dowager of Denmark, is sister to the Duke, Louis de
Brunswick; and as the King is not a distinguished character
among crowned heads, she is supposed to have much influence
at court, and the minister here may be complaisant to her. But
neither that power nor its minister is able to do more than influ
ence a gazette or two, to publish some very injudicious specula
tions. I am not the only foreign minister that converses or
corresponds with gazetteers ; though it at least is certain, that I
never give them money. I hope I am not singular in this. This
gentleman has been much with another since his arrival, M.
Markow, the adjoint minister from Russia, another advocate
for the English, without being able to do them any service. He
was never more than a secretary of legation before. He has
been here formerly in that character, and in the partition of
Poland. He was preceded here, by reports of his great talents
at negotiations and intrigue, and it was said, that he had never
failed of success ; but his residence here has made no sensation
or impression at all. He talks in some companies indiscreetly
in favor of England, but is not much attended to. His behavior
to me is a distant bow, an affected smile sometimes, and now
OFFICIAL. 625
and then, a " Comment vous portez-vous ? " One evening at
court, when the northern epidemy was here, he put me this
question after supper, in great apparent good humor ; " terrible-
ment afflige de Finfluenca" said I. " C'est en Angleterre" says
he, laughing, " qtfon a donne ce nom, et il ne feroit point de
malj si vous voudriez vous laisser gagner un pen par I influence
de V Angleterre" I had it at my tongue's end to answer,
" C'est assez d'etre tourmente de ^influence qui vient de Russie!!"
but I reflected very suddenly, if he is indiscreet, I will not be ;
so I contented myself to answer, very gravely, "jamais, monsieur,
jamais"
The Prince de Galitzin, his colleague, is of a different charac
ter ; a good man, and thinks justly ; but his place is too import
ant to his family to be hazarded ; so he keeps a great reserve,
and behaves with great prudence. Knowing his situation, I
have avoided all advances to him, lest I should embarrass him.
The Sardinian minister is very ready to enter into conversation
at all times ; but his court and system are wholly out of the
present question. The Portuguese envoy extraordinary, D. Joas
Theolonico d' Almeida, is a young nobleman glittering with
stars, and, as they say, very rich. He has twice, once at court,
and once at the Spanish minister's, entered familiarly into con
versation with me, upon the climates of America and Portugal,
and the commerce that has been and will be between our coun
tries, and upon indifferent subjects ; but there is no appearance
that he is profoundly versed in political subjects, nor any proba
bility that he could explain himself until all the neutral powers
do, of whom Portugal is now one.
The Spanish minister, D. Llano, Count de Sanafee, has at
last got over all his punctilios, and I had the honor to dine with
him, in company with all the foreign ministers and four or five
officers of rank in the Russian service, on Tuesday last. He
and his secretary had dined with me some time ago. I shall,
therefore, be upon a more free, if not familiar, footing with him
in future. He has, indeed, been always very complaisant and
friendly, though embarrassed with his punctilios of etiquette.
There is one anecdote, that in justice to myself and my country
I ought not to omit. The first time I ever saw him was at his
house, a day or two after my reception by the states. He sent
for me. I went, and had an hour's conversation with him. He
VOL. VII. 53 N2
626 OFFICIAL.
said to me, " Sir, you have struck the greatest blow of all Europe.
It is the greatest blow that has been struck in the American
cause, and the most decisive. It is you who have filled this
nation with enthusiasm ; it is you who have turned all then-
heads." Next morning he returned my visit at my lodgings,
for it was before my removal to this house. In the course of
conversation upon the subject of my success here, he turned to
a gentleman in company, and said to him, " this event is infi
nitely honorable to Mr. Adams. It is the greatest blow (leplus
grand coup) which coufcl have been struck in all Europe. It is
he, who has filled this nation with enthusiasm ; it is he, who
has disconcerted the admirers of England (Anglomanes) ; it is
he, who has turned the heads of the Hollanders. It is not for a
compliment to Mr. Adams that I say this, but because I believe
it to be his due."
I wish for some other historiographer, but I will not, for fear
of the chaijge of vanity, omit to record things, which were cer
tainly said with deliberation, and which prove the sense, which
the ministers of the house of Bourbon had of the stream of pre
judice here against them, and of the influence of America, and
her minister, in turning the tide.
I hope, sir, that these sketches will satisfy you for the present ;
if not, another time I will give you portraits at full length.
In the mean time, I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
TO SECRETARY LIVINGSTON.
The Hague, 6 September, 1782.
SIR, — In your letter of the 5th of March, you ask, " whether
this power has entered into any treaty with France since the
war, and whether any such thing is in contemplation ? "
They have made no treaty, but a convention concerning re
captures, which you must have seen in the papers. The East
India Company have concerted operations with France in the
East Indies, and the Prince, by the resolution of the states, has
concerted operations in these European seas for this campaign,
and the city of Amsterdam has lately proposed in the states of
OFFICIAL. 627
Holland, to renew the concert for next year, and to revive an
old treaty of commerce with France. In my letter of the 18th
of August, I have sent you a copy of the instructions to their
ministers for peace, " not to make peace, truce, or armistice, but
with the simultaneous concurrence of all the belligerent powers,"
among whom the United States of America are certainly one, in
the sense and meaning of their High Mightinesses.
You observe, sir, " that France is interested with us, in pro
curing a public acknowledgment of our independence." You
desire me to write freely, and my own disposition inclines me to
do so. This is a delicate subject, and requires to be cautiously
handled. Political jealousy is very different from a suspicious
temper. "We should contemplate the vices naturally allied to
the greatest virtues. We should consider the fevers that lie
near a high state of health. We should consider the maxim
that is laid down by all the political writers in the world, and
the fact that is found in all histories, "that in cases of alliance
between unequal powers, almost all the advantages ever did and
ever will accrue to the greatest." We should observe in the
Abbe Raynal's history of this revolution, that there is a party in
France that blames the ministry for putting themselves into the
chains (fers) of congress, and for not keeping us dependent
enough upon them. Is it not natural for them to wish to keep
us dependent upon them, that we might be obliged to accept
such terms of peace as they should think would do for us ? If
the House of Bourbon should be suspected by any neutral
power to grow too fast in wealth and force, and be disposed to
form a league against it, is it not natural for it to wish that we
may be kept from any connections with such powers, and wholly
connected with it, so as to be obliged to engage with it in all
its wars ?
It is impossible for me to prove, that the delay of Spain to
acknowledge our independence, has been concerted between the
French and Spanish ministry ; but I candidly ask any man, who
has attended to the circumstance of this war, if he has not seen
cause to suspect it ? For my own part, I have no doubt of it,
and I do not know that we can justly censure it. I have ten
thousand reasons which convince me that one minister at least
has not wished that we should form connections with Holland,
even so soon as we did, or with any other power ; although he had
628 OFFICIAL.
no right, and therefore would not appear openly, to oppose it.
When I took leave of that minister to return to America, in the
spring of 1779, he desired me expressly to advise congress to
attend to the affairs of the war, and leave the politics of Europe
to them (et laisser la politique a nous). In 1778 or 1779, when
Mr. Lee and I proposed to Dr. Franklin to go to Holland, or to
consent that one of us should go, the Doctor would not, but wrote
to that minister upon it, and received an answer, which he
showed me, advising against it ; and when I received my letter
of credence here, the minister here, who follows the instructions
communicated by that minister, took all possible pains to per
suade me against communicating it ; and Dr. Franklin, without
reserve in word and writing, has constantly declared, that congress
were wrong in sending a minister to Berlin, Vienna, Tuscany,
Spain, Holland, and Petersburg, and Dr. Franklin is as good an
index of that minister's sentiments as I know.
Now I avow myself of a totally opposite system, and think it
our indispensable duty, as it is our undoubted right, to send
ministers to other Courts, and endeavor to extend our acquaint
ance, commerce, and political connections with all the world;
and I have pursued this system, which I took to be also the wish
of congress and the sense of America, with patience and per
severance against all dangers, reproaches, misrepresentations,
and oppositions, until, I thank God, he has enabled me to plant
the standard of the United States at the Hague, where it will
wave forever.
I am now satisfied, and dread nothing. The connection with
Holland is a sure stay. Connected with Holland and the house
of Bourbon, we have nothing to fear.
I have entered into this detail, in answer to your inquiry, and
the only use of it I would wish to make is this ; to insist upon
seeing with our own eyes, using our own judgment, and acting
an independent part ; and it is of the last importance we should
do it now thus early, otherwise we should find it very difficult
to do it hereafter. I hope I have given you my sentiments, as
you desired, with freedom, and that freedom, I hope, will give
no offence, either in America or France, for certainly none is
intended.
In your favor of the 22d of May, you direct me to draw upon
Dr. Franklin for my salary, and to send my accounts to you.
OFFICIAL. 629
My accounts, sir, are very short, and shall be sent as soon as
the perplexity of the treaty is over. As to drawing on Dr.
Franklin, I presume this was upon supposition, that we had no
money here. There is now near a million and a half of florins,
so that I beg I may be permitted to receive my salary here.
I have transmitted to Mr. I)ana your despatches, as desired
in yours of the 29th of May, reserving an extract for publication
in the gazettes, which the French ambassador is of opinion, as
well as others, will have a great effect in Europe. Your letter
is extremely well written, and M. Dumas has well translated it,
so that it will appear to advantage. Yours of the 30th of May
affords me the pleasure of knowing that you have received some
letters from me this year, and I am glad you are inclined to lay
that of the 21st of February before congress. By this time I
hope that all objections are removed to the memorial ; but in
order to judge of the full effect of that memorial, three volumes
of the Politique Hollandais, several volumes of De Post Van Neder
Rhin, all the Dutch gazettes for a whole year, and the petitions
of all the cities should be read, for there is not one of them but
what clearly shows the propriety of presenting that memorial,
whose influence and effect, though not sudden, has been amaz
ingly extensive. Indeed the French ambassador has often
signified to me lately, and more than once in express words,
Monsieur, votre fermete a fait un tres bon effet id.
The cipher was not put up in this duplicate, and I suppose
the original is gone on to Mr. Dana in a letter I transmitted him
from you some time ago, so that I should be obliged to you for
another of the same part.
Rodney's victory came, as you hoped it would, too late to
obstruct me. I was well settled at the Hague, and publicly
received by the states and Prince before we received that melan
choly news. If it had arrived some time sooner, it might have
deranged all our systems, and this nation possibly might have
been now separately at peace, which shows the importance of
watching the time and tide which there is in the affairs of men.
You require, sir, to be furnished with the most minute detail
of every step that Britain may take towards a negotiation for a
general or partial peace. All the details towards a partial peace
are already public in the newspapers, and have all been ineffect
ual. The states-general are firm against it, as appears by their
53*
630 OFFICIAL.
instructions to their ministers. Since the conversations between
me and Digges first, and Mr. Laurens afterwards, there has
never been any message, directly or indirectly, by word or writ
ing, from the British ministry to me. It was my decided advice
and earnest request by both, that all messages might be sent to
Paris to Dr. Franklin and the Count de Vergennes, and this has
been done. Dr. Franklin wrote me, that he should keep me
informed of every thing that passed by expresses ; but I have
had no advice from him since the 2d of June. Your despatches
have all gone the same way, and I have never had a hint of any
of them. I hope that Dr. Franklin and Mr. Jay have had posi
tive instructions to consent to no truce or armistice, and to enter
into no conferences with any British minister who is not author
ized to treat with the United States of America.
Some weeks ago I agreed with the Due de la Vauguyon to
draw up a project of a memorial to their High Mightinesses,
proposing a triple or quadruple alliance, according to my instruc
tion to that purpose. The Duke, in his private capacity, has
declared to me often that he is of opinion, that it would be advi
sable to make this proposition as soon as the treaty of commerce is
signed ; but he could not give me any ministerial advice without
consulting the Count de Vergennes. We agreed that he should
transmit the project to the Count. Two days ago, the Duke
called upon me, and informed me that he had the Count's
answer, which was, that he did not think this the time, because
it would tend to throw obscurity upon the instructions lately
given by the states-general to M. Brantzen, not to make any
treaty or armistice, but simultaneously with all the belligerent
powers.
By the tenth article of the treaty of alliance, the invitation or
admission is to be made by concert. From my instructions, I
supposed, and suppose still, that the concert was made at Phi
ladelphia, between congress and the Chevalier de la Luzerne, by
the order of the King, his master ; and my instruction being
positive and unconditional to make the proposition, I shall be
somewhat embarrassed. On the one hand, I would preserve not
only a real harmony, but the appearance of it, between all steps
of mine and the counsels of the French ministers. On the other,
I would obey my instructions, especially when they are so fully
agreeable to me, at all events. The proposition would have a
OFFICIAL. 631
good effect in England, in Holland, in France, America, and in
all the neutral countries, as I think, and it could do no harm,
that I can foresee. Nay, further, I am persuaded that the
French ministry themselves, if they were to give me their pri
vate opinions, as the Due de la Vauguyon does, would be glad
if I should make the proposition against their advice.
It is possible, however, that they may secretly choose (not
withstanding the offer made at Philadelphia) not to be bound in
an alliance with America and Holland. They may think they
shall have more influence with their hands unbound even to a
system that they approve and mean to pursue. It is amidst all
these doublings and windings of European politics that Ameri
can ministers have to decide and act. The result is clear in my
mind, that although it is proper to be upon good terms, and be
communicative and confidential with the French ministers, yet
we ought to have opinions, principles, and systems of our own,
and that our ministers should not be bound to follow their
advice, but when it is consonant to our own ; and that congress
should firmly support their own ministers against all secret insi
nuations. They must see that a minister of theirs, who is deter
mined, as he is bound in honor, to be free and independent, is
not in a very delectable or enviable situation in Europe, as yet.
There is but one alternative. Either congress should recall
all their ministers from Europe, and leave all negotiations to the
French ministry, or they must support their ministers against all
insinuations. If congress will see with their own eyes, I can
assure them, without fear of being contradicted, that neither the
color, figure, nor magnitude of objects will always appear to them
exactly as they do to their allies. To send ministers to Europe,
who are supposed by the people of America to see for them
selves, while in effect they see, or pretend to see nothing, but
what appears through the glass of a French minister, is to
betray the just expectations of that people.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
632 OFFICIAL.
TO FRANCIS DANA.
The Hague, 17 September, 1^2.
MY DEAR FRIEND, — It grieves me when I think how long it
is since I wrote to you. But my head and hands and heart
have been all full.
I sent to the care of the Dutch ambassador, General Wash
ington's miniature for you; should be glad to know whether
you have received it. I have also sent along several despatches
from our secretary of foreign affairs. Have you received them?
FUzherberfs commission is to treat with the King of France
and the ministers quorumcunque principum vel statuum quorum in
ter esse poterit; and Oswald's is to treat, consult of, agree, and
conclude with any commissioner or commissioners named, or to
be named, by the said colonies or plantations, or with any body or
bodies, corporate or politic, or any assembly or assemblies, or
description of men, or any person or persons whatsoever, a
peace or a truce with the said colonies or plantations, or any of
them, or any part or parts thereof. I said his commission ; but
he has none. lie has only an order to the Attorney -General to
make out such a commission.
Thus, you see, there is yet no proof of Shelburne's sincerity.
In short, nothing will be done until parliament meets, nor then,
unless they take upon them to acknowledge the independence of
the United States.
If Gibraltar is succored and holds out, Britain will not cede
it. In short, we shall have another campaign. No peace until
1784, if then.
What is the story of the insurrection in the Crimea? What
powers of Europe are any way connected with that affair, or
interested in it ? Is it likely to have any consequences, and what ?
You have concluded, I hope, to stay another winter. You
must absolutely send my son to me, by the earliest neutral ves
sel to the Texel, in the Spring. My love to him. I have not
time to write to him now. He does not tell me how his studies
go on.
I shall sign the treaty of commerce next week ; all arti
cles, words, syllables, and letters, and points, are adjusted, and
nothing remains but to write five fair copies, in Dutch and
OFFICIAL. 633
English, and sign, seal, and deliver them. My loan is in cash,
better than fifteen hundred thousand guilders. So that we go
on, you see, pretty well.
The standard of the United States waves and flies at the
Hague in triumph, over Sir Joseph Yorke's insolence and British
pride. When I go to heaven, I shall look down over the battle
ments with pleasure upon the stripes and stars wantoning in the
wind at the Hague. There is another triumph in the case,
sweeter than that over our enemies. You know my meaning ;
it is the triumph of stubborn independence. Independence of
friends and foes. " Monsieur, votre fermete a fait un tres bon
eftet ici," has been repeated to me more than once. " Monsieur,
vous avez frappe le plus grand coup de toute 1' Europe." " Cette
evenement fait un honneur infini a INI. Adams." " C'est ce qui
a effraye les Anglomancs, et rempli cette nation d'enthou-
siasme," &c. These are confessions " arrachees," and therefore
more delicious.
I am now upon extreme good terms with the ministers of
France and Spain. I dine with both, and they dine with me,
&c. ; and I meet the whole corps diplomatique at their houses, as
well as at court, and might meet them every morning, at certain
rendezvous of intelligence, and every evening, at an assembly,
at cards, if I had not something else to do.
Adieu, my dear friend. Write me as often as you can.
JOHN ADAMS.
TO SECRETARY LIVINGSTON.
The Hague, 17 September, 1782.
gIR) — This morning I was in conference with M. Fagel, in
order to make the last corrections in the language of the treaty,
which is to be executed in English and Dutch, as that with the
Crown of France was in English and French. We have now,
I hope, agreed upon every word, if not every point, and nothing
remains but to make five fair copies of it for signature, which,
however, is no little labor. The secretary thinks he shall accom
plish them in the course of this week and part of the next, so
that they may be signed by the latter end of next week, or per
haps the middle. The secretary, who has always been com
plaisant, was more so than ever to-day. He congratulated me
034 OFFICIAL.
upon the prospect of a speedy conclusion of this matter ; hoped
it would be highly beneficial to both nations ; and that our
posterity might have cause to rejoice in it even more than we.
He says the usage is, for two deputies to sign it on the part of
Holland, and one on the part of each other Province, so that
there will be eight signers in behalf of the republic.
It is now nearly five months since I was publicly received,
and proposed a project of a treaty. All this time it has taken
the several Provinces and cities to examine, make their remarks
and fresh propositions, and bring the matter to a conclusion.
It would not have been so long, however, if the Court had been
delighted with the business. But, in a case where unanimity
was requisite, and the Court not pleased, it was necessary to
proceed with all the softness, caution, and prudence possible,
that no ill humors might be stirred. Yet, in a case where the
nation's heart is so engaged, in which its commerce and love of
money is so interested, what wretched policy is it in this Court
to show even a lukewarmness, much more an aversion! Yet,
such is the policy, and such it will be. The Prince of Orange
is, to all appearance, as incurable as George III., his cousin.
I was afterwards an hour with the French ambassador, at his
house. He tells me, his last letter from the Count de Vergennes
says that he has yet seen no appearance of sincerity on the part
of the British ministry in the negotiations for peace. Of this,
congress will be easily convinced by the copies I have transmit
ted of the commissions of Messrs. Fitzherbert and Oswald.
The subject of our conversation was the means of getting out
the Dutch fleet, which is now in the Texel, although the British
fleet, under Milbank, is returned to Portsmouth, and probably
sailed with Lord Howe for Gibraltar. I asked the Duke where
the combined fleet was. His last accounts were, that they were
off Cape Ortegal, endeavoring to get round Cape Finisterre to
Cadiz. He speaks of it as doubtful, whether they will give bat
tle to Lord Howe, because the Spanish ships, with an equal
number of guns, are of a smaller calibre than the English ; but
hopes that the blow will be struck before Howe arrives. The
means of getting the fleet out of the Texel to intercept a fleet
of English ships from the Baltic, came next under consideration.
But the wind is not fair. It might have gone out, but they had
not intelligence.
OFFICIAL. 635
I asked who it was that governed naval matters. He answered,
the Prince. But surely the Prince must have some assistance,
some confidential minister, officer, clerk, secretary, or servant.
If he were a Solomon, he could not manage the fleet and the
whole system of intelligence and orders concerning it, without
aid. He said, it is the college of the admiralty, and sometimes
M. Bisdom, who is a good man, and sometimes M. Van der
Hope, who may be a good man ; he has sense and art, but is
suspected. Very well, said I, M. Bisdom and M. Van der Hope
ought to be held responsible, and the eyes of the public ought
to be turned towards them, and they ought to satisfy the public.
The Duke said, the Prince is afraid of the consequence. He
knows that the sensations of the people are very lively at pre
sent, and nobody knows what may be the consequence of their
getting an opinion that there has been negligence or any thing
worse, which may have prevented them from striking a blow. I
asked, if they had any plan for obtaining intelligence, the soul
of war, from England. He said the grand pensionary told him
he paid very dear for intelligence.
However, I cannot learn, and do not believe that they have
any rational plan for obtaining intelligence necessary from every
quarter as they ought. They should have intelligence from
every seaport in France, England, Scotland, Germany, and all
round the Baltic, and they should have light frigates and small
vessels out. But when war is unwillingly made, every thing is
not done. The next subject was the proposition from Amster
dam, for renewing the concert of operations for the next cam
paign.
Congress may hear of some further plans for a separate peace
between Holland and England, but they will not succeed. The
republic will stand firm, though it will not be so active as we
could wish, and the concert of operations will be renewed.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
TO SECRETARY LIVINGSTON.
The Hague, 17 September, 1782.
gIR) — You will naturally inquire, whether the neutral powers
will continue their neutrality, or whether the neutral confederacy
will be broken ?
636 OFFICIAL.
No certain answer can be given to these questions. We must
content ourselves with probabilities, which are strong for the
continuance of the neutrality. Who indeed should break it ?
The Emperor was thought to be the most unlikely potentate to
accede to it ; but he has acceded and has taken several steps,
which prove that he will not break it, at least by leaning towards
England. Sweden is the steady friend of France. The King
of Prussia, whose affections and inclinations are certainly towards
France and Holland, and alienated from England, would cer
tainly at this age of life be too cautious a politician to wage
war for England, against the houses of Bourbon and Austria,
Holland and America.
There remains only Russia and Denmark. What can Russia
do ? This is a maritime war. She cannot assist the English
with land forces ; a hundred thousand men would do no good
to England, on land. Her boasted fleet, added to that of Eng
land, would only weaken it, for several reasons ; among the
rest, because England must maintain it with money, if not with
officers and men; for cash is wanting in Russia. Denmark
remains, but what can she do ? Her islands in the West Indies
and her trade, are at our mercy, and she would not have force
enough to defend her own, much less to assist England, if she
should declare war.
A doctrine prevails that the acknowledgment of the independ
ence of America is a hostility against England, and, conse
quently, a breach of the neutrality. Our friends have some
times favored this idea. The Due de la Vauguyon has often
expressed this sentiment to me ; and, if I am not mistaken, the
Marquis de Verac has said the same to Mr. Dana. If this opi
nion is not clear, it is very impolitic to favor it. The Court of
France, in their public memorials, have denied it ; and it would
be difficult to prove it, either by the law or practice of nations.
Sending or receiving ambassadors, entering into peaceful com
mercial treaties, or, at least, negotiating at Philadelphia the
rights of neutral nations, is not taking arms against Great Bri
tain.
But if an acknowledgment of our independence is a hostility,
a denial of it is so too, and if the maritime confederation for
bids the one, it forbids both. None of the neutral nations can
take the part of Great Britain, therefore, without breaking to
OFFICIAL. 637
pieces that great system, which has cost so much negotiation,
and embraces so great a part of mankind.
The neutral powers set so high a value upon it, and, indeed,
make so great profit by it, that I think none of them will take
the part of Great Britain. The connections of the Duke Louis
of Brunswick in Denmark and Russia, have set some little
machines in motion, partly to favor him, and partly to hold out
an appearance of something fermenting for the benefit of Grea^P
Britain. But these will never succeed so far as to draw any
nation into the war, or to induce this republic to make a sepa
rate peace.
It is to this source that I attribute certain observations that
are circulated in pamphlets and in conversation, " that there is
at present an incoherence in the general system of Europe ;
that the Emperor has deranged the whole system of the equi
librium of Europe, so that if ever the northern powers should
think of stopping by a confederation the preponderance of the
southern powers, Holland will be unable, on account of the
demolition of the barriers, to accede to that confederation."
M. Magis, who has been eight-and-twenty years envoy at the
Hague from the Bishop of Liege, and who converses more wTith
all the foreign ministers here, than any other, has said to me,
not long since, " Sir, the wheel rolls on too long and too rapidly
one way ; it must roll back again, somewhat, to come to its
proper centre. The power of the house of Bourbon rises, and
that of Great Britain sinks too fast, and I believe the Emperor,
although he seems perfectly still at present, will come out at
length, and take the greatest part of any power in the final
adjustment of affairs."
The Count de Mirabel, the Sardinian minister, said to me,
upon another occasion, " Your country, sir, will be obliged in
the vicissitudes of things, to wheel round and take part with Eng
land, and such allies as she may obtain, in order to form a
proper balance in the world." My answer to both was, " These
sentiments betray a jealousy of a too sudden growth of the
power of the house of Bourbon ; but whose fault is it, if it is
a fact (which it does not appear to be as yet) and whose fault
will it be, if it should hereafter become a fact ? Why do the
neutral powers stand still and see it, or imagine they see it,
when it is so easy to put a stop to it ? They have only to
VOL. VII. 54
638 OFFICIAL.
acknowledge American independence, and then, neither the
house of Bourbon nor England will have a colorable pretence
for continuing the war, from which alone the jealousy can arise."
The Prince de Galitzin said, not long since, that the conduct
of this republic, in refusing a separate peace, &c., he feared
would throw all Europe into a war, there were so many preten
sions against England.
I quote these sayings of foreign ministers, because you express
a desire to hear them, and because they show all the color of
argument in favor of England that anybody has advanced. All
these ministers allow that American independence is decided ;
even the ministers from Portugal, within a few days, said it to me
expressly. It is, therefore, very unreasonable in them to grumble
at what happens merely in consequence of their neutrality.
It is the miserable policy of the Prince of Orange's counsel
lors, as I suppose, which has set a few springs in motion here.
M. Markow, one of the ministers of Russia, and M. St. Sapho-
rin, the minister from Denmark, are the most openly and busily
in favor of England. But if, instead of endeavoring to excite
jealousies and foment prejudices against the house of Bourbon,
or compassion towards England, they would endeavor to con
vince her of the necessity of acknowledging American independ
ence, or to persuade the neutral powers to decide the point, by
setting the example, they would really serve England, and the
general cause of mankind. As it goes at present, their nego
tiations serve no cause whatever, that I can conceive of, unless
it be that of the Duke of Brunswick, and, in the end, it will
appear that even he is not served by it.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
TO SECRETARY LIVINGSTON.
The Hague, 23 September, 1782.
SIR, — As this is a moment of great expectation, news of the
greatest importance from the East Indies, from the West Indies
and North America, from Gibraltar, from Lord Howe's fleet,
and the combined fleet, being hourly looked for, I took this
opportunity to return to the Spanish minister a visit which I
owed him.
OFFICIAL. 639
He told me that he trembled for the news we should have
from Gibraltar. I asked him if he thought there would be a bat
tle at sea. He answered, Yes, he believed the combined fleet
would meet Lord Howe and give him battle. I said, in this
case, it will probably be but a running fight. His Lordship's
object was to protect his convoy and get into the port, and he
would not stop to fight more than should be unavoidable. D.
Llano, however, said that he believed the fate of Gibraltar would
be decided before Howe could arrive, either the place taken, or
the assault given over. By his advices, the attack was to begin
the 4th or 5th of September. Howe sailed the 12th, and would
be probably twenty days at least on his way, which would leave
a space of twenty-seven or twenty-eight days for the attack,
which would decide it one way or the other.
I did not think proper to tell him my own apprehensions, and
I wish I may be mistaken, but I have no expectation at all, in
my own mind, that the combined fleet will meet Howe ; that
there will be any naval engagement ; or that Gibraltar will sur
render. They will make a horrid noise with their artillery against
the place ; but this noise will not terrify Elliot, and Gibraltar will
remain to the English another year, and Lord Howe return to
England, and all Europe will laugh. England, however, if she
were wise, would say, what is sport to you is death to us, who
are ruined by these expenses. The earnest zeal of Spain to
obtain that impenetrable rock, what has it not cost the House
of Bourbon this war ? And what is the importance of it ? A
mere point of honor ! a trophy of insolence to England, and of
humiliation to Spain ! It is of no utility, unless as an asylum
for privateers in time of war ; for it is not to be supposed that
the powers of Europe, now that the freedom of commerce is so
much esteemed, will permit either England or Spain to make
use of this fortress and asylum as an instrument to exclude any
nation from the navigation of the Mediterranean.
From the Hotel d'Espagne I went to that of France, and the
Due de la Vauguyon informed me that he had a letter from the
Count de Vergennes, informing him that he had received, in an
indirect manner, a set of preliminary propositions, as from the
British ministry, which they were said to be ready to sign ; that
he had sent M. de Rayneval to London, to know with certainty,
whether those preliminaries came from proper authority or not.
640 OFFICIAL.
Thus we see that two ministers from England, and another
from Holland, are at Paris to make peace. The Count d' Aranda
is said to have powers to treat on the part of Spain. Mr. Frank
lin and Mr. Jay are present on the part of the United States, and
M. Gerard de Rayneval is at London. Yet, with all this, the
British ministry have never yet given any proof of their since
rity, nor any authority to any one to treat with the United
States. I believe the British ministry, even my Lord Shelburne,
would give such powers if they dared. But they dare not. They
are afraid of the King, of the old ministry, and a great party in
the nation, irritated every moment by the refugees, who spare no
pains, and hesitate at no impostures, to revive offensive hostili
ties in America. If Gibraltar should be relieved, and their fleets
should arrive from the West Indies and the Baltic, and they
should not have very bad news from the East Indies, the nation
will recover from its fright, occasioned by the loss of Corn-
wallis, Minorca, and St. Kitts, and the ministry will not yet dare
to acknowledge American independence. In this case, Mr.
Fox and Mr. Burke will lay their foundation of opposition, and
the state of the finances will give them great weight. But the
ministry will find means to provide for another campaign.
But to return to the Due de la Vauguyon, who informed me
further, that he had received instructions to propose to the Prince
of Orange a new plan of concert of operations, namely, — that
the Dutch fleet, or at least a detachment of it, should now, in
the absence of Lord Howe, sail from the Texel to Brest, and
join the French ships there, in a cruise to intercept the British
West India fleet. The Prince does not appear pleased with this
plan. He has not yet accepted it. The grand pensionary
appears to approve it, and support it with warmth. There is
now a fine opportunity for the Dutch fleet to strike a blow,
either alone, upon the Baltic fleet, or in conjunction with the
French, or even alone upon the West India fleet. But the
main spring of the machine is broken or unbent. There is nei
ther capacity nor good will among those who direct the navy.
At dinner, in the course of the day, with M. Gyselaar, M.
Visscher, and a number of their copatriots, at the Hotel de Dort,
they lamented this incurable misfortune. Some of them told
me that the sums of money granted and expended upon their
marine, ought to have produced them a hundred and twenty
OFFICIAL. 641
vessels of war of all sizes ; whereas they have not one quarter
of the number. They have no more than twelve of the line in
the Texel, reckoning in the number two fifties ; and they have
not more than six or seven in all the docks of Amsterdam, Zea
land, the Meuse, and Friesland, which can be ready next year.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
ROBERT MORRIS TO JOHN ADAMS.
Office of Finance, 27 September, 1782.
SIR, — I do myself the pleasure to congratulate you on the
success of your patriotic labors in Holland. The general tri
bute paid to your abilities on this occasion will so well dispense
with the addition of my feeble voice, that I shall spare your
delicacy the pain of expressing my sentiments.
The inclosed resolutions and copies of letters will convey to
you so fully the views of congress, and explain so clearly my
conceptions on the subject, that very little need be added. If
the application to France should fail of success, which I cannot
permit myself to believe, you will then have a new opportunity
of showing the influence you have acquired over the minds of
men in the country where you reside, and of exerting it in the
manner most beneficial to our country.
Before I conclude this, letter, I must congratulate your excel
lency on the success of the loan you have already opened,
which I consider as being by this time completed.
With perfect respect, I have the honor to be, &c.
ROBERT MORRIS.
JOHN JAY TO JOHN ADAMS.
Paris, 28 September, 1782.
DEAR SIR, — Mr. Oswald received yesterday a commission to v-
treat of peace with the commissioners of the United States of
America. I have reasons for wishing that you would say no
thing of this till you see me, which I hope and pray may be
soon, very soon.
54* 02
642 OFFICIAL.
This is a short letter ; but, notwithstanding its brevity, be
assured that I am.
With great regard and esteem, &c.
JOHN JAY.
TO M. DE LA FAYETTE.
The Hague, 29 September, 1782.
MY DEAR GENERAL, — I should have written you since the
29th of May, when I wrote you a letter that I hope you received,
if it had not been reported, sometimes that you were gone, and
at other times that you were upon the point of going to America.
This people must be indulged in their ordinary march, which
you know is with the slow step. We have, however, at length,
the consent of all the cities and provinces, and have adjusted
and agreed upon every article, word, syllable, letter, and point ;
and clerks are employed in making out five fair copies for the
signature, which will be done this week.
Amidst the innumerable crowd of loans which are open in
this country, many of which have little success, I was much
afraid that ours would have failed. I have, however, the plea
sure to inform you, that I am at least one million and a half in
cash, — about three millions of livres, — which will be a con
siderable aid to the operations of our financier at Philadelphia ;
and I hope your court, with their usual goodness, will make up
the rest that may be wanting.
I am now as well situated as I ever can be in Europe. I
have the honor to live upon agreeable terms of civility with the
ambassadors of France and Spain ; and the ministers of all the
other powers in Europe, whom I meet at the houses of the
French and Spanish ministers, as well as at court, are complai
sant and sociable. Those from Russia and Denmark are the
most reserved. Those from Sardinia and Portugal are very
civil.
The ministers of all the neutral powers consider our inde
pendence as decided. One of those, even from Russia, said so
not long ago ; and that from Portugal said it to me within a
few days. You and I have known this point to be decided a
long time; but it is but lately that the ministers of neutral
powers, however they might think, have frankly expressed their
OFFICIAL. 643
opinions ; and it is now an indication that it begins to be the
sentiment of their courts, for they do not often advance faster
than their masters in expressing their sentiments upon political
points of this magnitude.
Pray, what are the sentiments of the corps diplomatique at
Versailles? What progress is made in the negotiation for
peace ? Can any thing be done before the British parliament, or
at least, the Court of St. James, acknowledge the sovereignty of
the United States, absolute and unlimited ?
It would give me great pleasure to receive a line from you,
as often as your leisure will admit.
With great esteem, I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
M. CERISIER TO JOHN ADAMS.
Amsterdam, 1 Octobre, 1782.
MONSIEUR, — II y a long-temps que j'aurai entame le sujet
important de 1'admission des feats Unis de 1'Amerique dans la
neutralite, mais je ne sentais pas avoir des argumens assez forts
pour traiter cette matiere ; et vous savez que, dans ces sortes de
cas,il vaut mieux ne rien dire que de ne pas dire assez. Je suis
eflectivement embarrasse pour montrer comment cette demarche
ne serait pas une derogation aux principes qu'ont enonces les
puissances neutres, de ne rien hazarder qui puisse passer pour
partialite de la part d'aucune des puissances belligerantes. II
est vrai que 1'on peut considerer les Americains, apres le bon-
heur qu'ils ont eu de chasser les Anglais de leur territoire, comme
des peuples que la Grande Bretagne veut conquerir ; or, toutes
les puissances belligerantes etant dans un etat a, etre conquises
1'une par 1'autre, elles ne laissent pas de conserver, chacune, jus-
qu'a cette epoque d'une conquete, le droit d'etre reconnue in'de-
pendante. Done les Americains qui ne sont vis-a-vis des Ang
lais que comme un peuple qu'ils veulent conquerir, ont aussi le
droit d'etre regardes independans, meme par des puissances
neutres. Mais 1'Angleterre pourra toujours opposer a ces rai-
sons que les Americains ne sont encore a son egard que comme
des rebelles qu'elle veut punir; ainsi, 1'affaire etant indecise
quant au droit, il sera difficile de donner des raisons satisfai-
644 OFFICIAL.
santes aux puissances neutres pour agir autrement. On pour-
roit repondre que 1'Angleterre s'est suffisamment declaree en
avouant son impuissance a continuer une guerre offensive, sans
laquelle on ne peut esperer de conquete ; et surtout par la lettre
de Carleton que vous connoissez surement. Voila les meilleurs
argumens a cet egard, mais ils prouveraient encore qu'il ne
serait pas necessaire d'admettre les Etats Unis dans la neutral-
ite,pour accelerer la paix, puisque, les choses etant ainsi, la recon-
noissance de 1'Ame'rique par 1'Angleterre, le plus grand obstacle
a la paix, sera bient6t leve.
J'attends avec impatience vos observations sur cet objet.
Quelques lumieres communiquees par vous me mettront en etat
de traiter cette matiere avec connoissance de cause. J'aurai soin
de remplir votre intention de la maniere la plus exacte, quant
aux pieces a traduire du General Advertiser.
J'ai 1'honneur d'etre, &c.
CERISIER.
M. DE LAFAYETTE TO JOHN ADAMS.
Paris, 6 October, 1782.
MY DEAR SIR, — Your favor of the 29th last has safely come
to hand, for which I am the more obliged to you, as I set the
greater value by the honor of your correspondence. I have
been long waiting for a safe opportunity to write, and will en
deavor this may steer clear of the post-offices, as the itching
fingers of the clerks do not permit any secret to pass unnoticed.
I am happy to hear you have walked on with our Dutch
friends to the wished for conclusion of the treaty of commerce.
Amidst the wonders you have performed in that country, I greatly
rejoice at your having succeeded in money matters ; the more
&o ^as I apprehend our financier needs much a European assist
ance, and the great expenses they have made in this country
give me but little hope to obtain a further supply than the six
millions and the balance of accounts which have been deter-
mined upon since the time I arrived from America.
Mr. Jay advances but slowly with the Spaniards — in fact, he
does not advance at all — and though Count d'Aranda has got
powers, though he has with a pencil drawn an extravagant line
this side of the Mississippi, yet until powers are exchanged upon
OFFICIAL. 645
an equal footing, arid until the Spanish pencil is transported
three hundred miles westward, there is no doing any thing to
wards settling a treaty with that nation.
As to the grand affair of peace, there are reasons to believe it
will take place. Many attempts have been made to treat upon
an unequal footing, which, by the bye, was a very impertinent
proposal, but we stood firm, deaf, and dumb, and as France re
fused to enter into business until we were made to hear and
to speak, at last, with much reluctance and great pains, his
Britannic Majesty and Council were safely delivered of a com
mission to treat with plenipotentiaries from the United States
of America. In case we are to judge from appearances, one
would think Great Britain is in earnest ; but when we con
sider the temper of the King and his minister, the foolish, ridi
culous issue of the attempt against Gibraltar, the collection of
forces at New York, the greater part of which are destined to
the West Indies, and the combination of the American, French,
Spanish, Dutch interests on the one hand and those of a
haughty nation on the other, it appears probable that five or
six months will pass before the work of peace is happily con
cluded. But that it will be concluded before next summer,
appears to me the most probable idea that can be formed upon
this matter.
We have letters from America as late as the 6th September.
M. de Vaudreuil and his squadron had arrived at Boston. It
was said Charleston would be evacuated and the troops sent to
New York. There is a rumor of Madras having been taken —
at least, we may look for good news from the East Indies.
As I have no public capacity to be led into political secrets, I
beg you will consider these communications as confidential.
And have the honor to be, &c.
LAFAYETTE.
TO JOHN JAY.
The Hague, 7 October, 1782.
DEAR SIR, — Your favor of the 28th ultimo, was brought me
last night. On Friday last I was notified, by the messenger
of their High Mightinesses, that the treaties would be ready for
signature on Monday, this day. I am, accordingly, at noon, to
646 OFFICIAL.
go to the assembly, and finish the business. But when this is
done, some time will be indispensable, to prepare my despatches
for congress, and look out for the most favorable conveyances
for them. I must also sign another thousand of obligations at
least, that the loan may not stand still. All this shall be des
patched with all the diligence in my power, but it will neces
sarily take up some time, and my health is so far from being
robust, that it will be impossible for. me to ride with as much
rapidity as I could formerly, although never remarkable for a
quick traveller. If any thing in the mean time should be in
agitation, concerning peace, in which there should be any dif
ference of opinion between you and your colleague, you have a
right to insist upon informing me by express, or waiting until I
come.
8th. The signature was put off yesterday until to-day, by the
Prince being in conference with their High Mightinesses, and
laying his orders to the navy before them.
With great regard, your humble servant,
JOHN ADAMS.
TO SECRETARY LIVINGSTON.
The Hague, 8 October, 1782.
SIR, — At twelve o'clock to-day I proceeded, according to
appointment, to the state house, where I was received with the
usual formalities, at the head of the stairs, by M. Van Santheu-
vel, a deputy from the Province of Holland, and M. Van Lynden,
the first noble of Zealand, and a deputy from that Province, and
by them conducted into the chamber of business, (chambre de
besogne,)&n apartment belonging to the truce chamber, (chambre
de treve!) where were executed the treaty of commerce, and the
convention concerning recaptures, after an exchange of full
powers.
The treaty and convention are both inclosed, or, at least, an
authentic copy of each. If the copy should arrive before the
original, which I shall reserve to be sent by the safest opportu
nity I can find, it will be a sufficient foundation for the ratifica
tion of congress. I hope the treaty will be satisfactory to con
gress. It has taken up much time to obtain the remarks and
consent of all the members of this complicated sovereignty.
OFFICIAL. 647
Very little of this time has been taken up by me, as congress
will see by the resolution of their High Mightinesses, containing
the power to the deputies to conclude and sign the treaty ; for
although all communications to me were in Dutch, a language
in which I was not sufficiently skilled to depend upon my own
knowledge, M. Dumas was ever at hand, and ever ready to
interpret to me every thing in French, by which means I was
always able to give my answers without loss of time. The
papers, in which the whole progress of this negotiation is con
tained, in Dutch, French, and English, make a large bundle,
and, after all, they contain nothing worth transmitting to con
gress. To copy them would be an immense labor to no pur
pose, and to send the originals at once would expose them to
loss.
Several propositions were made to me, which I could not
agree to, and several were made on my part, which could not
be admitted by the states. The final result contained in the
treaty, is as near the spirit of my instructions as I could obtain,
and I think it is nothing materially variant from them. The
lords, the deputies, proposed to me to make the convention a
part of the treaty. My answer was, that I thought the conven
tion, which is nearly conformable with that lately made with
France, would be advantageous on both sides ; but as I had no
special instructions concerning it, and as congress might have
objections, that I could not foresee, it would be more agreeable
to have the convention separate ; so that congress, if they should
find any difficulty, might ratify the treaty without it. This was
accordingly agreed to. It seemed at first to be insisted on, that
we should be confined to the Dutch ports in Europe, but my
friend, M. Van Berckel, and the merchants of Amsterdam, came
in aid of me, in convincing all, that it was their interest to treat
us upon the footing gentis amicissimce, in all parts of the world.
Friesland proposed that a right should be stipulated for the
subjects of this republic to purchase lands in any of our States ;
but such reasons were urged as convinced them that this was
too extensive an object for me to agree to ; 1st. It was not even
stipulated for France. 2dly. If it should be now introduced
into this treaty, all other nations would expect the same, and,
although at present it might not be impolitic to admit of this,
yet nobody would think it wise to bind ourselves to it forever.
648 OFFICIAL.
3dly. What rendered all other considerations unnecessary, was,
that congress had not authority to do this, it being a matter of
the interior policy of the separate States. This was given up.
A more extensive liberty of engaging seamen in this country
was a favorite object ; but it could not be obtained. The
refraction, as they call it, upon tobacco, in the weighhouses, is
a thing that enters so deeply into their commercial policy, that
I could not obtain any thing more particular or more explicit
than what is found in the treaty. Upon the whole, I think the
treaty is conformable to the principles of perfect reciprocity, and
contains nothing that can possibly be hurtful to America or
offensive to our allies, or to any other nation, except Great Bri
tain, to whom it is indeed, without a speedy peace, a mortal
blow.
The rights of France and Spain are sufficiently secured by
the twenty-second article ; although it is not in the very words
of the project transmitted me by congress, it is the same in sub
stance and effect. The Due de la Vauguyon was very well
contented with it, and the states were so jealous of unforeseen
consequences, from the words of the article, as sent me by con
gress, and as first proposed by me, that I saw it would delay
the conclusion without end. After several conferences and many
proposals we finally agreed upon the article as it stands, to the
satisfaction of all parties.
The clause reserving to the Dutch their rights in the East and
West Indies is unnecessary, and I was averse to it, as implying
a jealousy of us. But as it implies, too, a compliment to our
power and importance, was much insisted on, and amounted to
no more than we should have been bound to without it, I with
drew my objection.
The proviso of conforming to the laws of the country, respect
ing the external show of public worship, I wished to have
excluded ; because I am an enemy to every appearance of
restraint in a matter so delicate and sacred as the liberty of
conscience ; but the laws here do not permit Roman Catholics
to have steeples to their churches, and these laws could not be
altered. I shall be impatient to receive the ratification of con
gress, which I hope may be transmitted within the time limited.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
OFFICIAL. 649
TO FRANCIS DANA.
10 October, 1782.
DEAR SIR, — I have received your favor of September & ;
if my son can find a good opportunity to come, I should be
glad to have him ; but I should not be willing to trust him with
every companion. He is too young for such a journey, unless
in company with a prudent man.
Mr. 18 has a letter from Mr. 19, of 28lh ultimo, informing" him
that yesterday Mr. Oswald received a commission to treat of peace
with the commissioners of the United States of America. This
is communicated as a secret, therefore no notice is to be taken of
18 or 19 in mentioning' it. 19 presses 18 to come to him, and he
thinks of going" in ten days.
On the 8th the treaty of commerce and convention concern
ing recaptures was signed.
You want to know whether the categoric answer was de
manded against advice. No. It was advised by several mem
bers of the states, and by the ambassador ; it was not done
neither until we had written to the Count de Vergennes and
obtained his opinion, that he did not see any inconvenience in
simply going to the states and asking them what answer I
should transmit to congress. However, when he came to read
the words demand, requisition, and categoric answer, he was
shocked, as the ambassador himself told me. These words
were my own, but I did not venture them without the advice of
some good friends in the states ; and to all appearances, these
words contained the electric fluid that produced the shock. I
was, however, at that time so well known, that it was presumed
I should make the demand, although the advice had been
against it, as I certainly should have done, supported as I was
by the opinion of the members of the states. Take the merit
and glory of a measure you cannot prevent, or at least a share in
it, although you dislike it, is a maxim with most politicians,
and, under certain limitations, it is a lawful maxim. "We must
be very ignorant of our friends not to know that it is one of
their rules ; and there are many occasions upon which we,
if at liberty, might take advantage of it, by taking upon our-
VOL. VII. 55
650 OFFICIAL.
selves measures, which they cannot openly oppose, but must
appear to favor. Yours, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
FRANCIS DANA TO JOHN ADAMS.
(Secret and Confidential.)
October 15, 1782.
MY DEAR SIR, — Soon after my arrival here, I intimated
to you that I had discovered something, which I thought a
clue to account for the advice given me by a certain person,
and which you and I then were of opinion was calculated to
throw an obstruction in my way, and of course that I ought not
to follow it. I told you I would communicate it to you by the
first good opportunity. None has offered till now. Here, then,
you have it. In the project of a treaty of commerce, which
France had proposed to Russia, there is an article to this effect :
When the subjects of France shall carry in their own vessels
goods, wares, or merchandises of the growth, produce, or manu
facture of France, into the dominions of Russia, and shall re
ceive in exchange for them, goods, wares, and merchandises of
the growth, production, or manufacture of Russia, that in such
cases there shall be a drawback of the duties, both of importa
tion and of exportation, paid by the subjects of France upon
all such articles imported or received in exchange by them as
aforesaid.
Now, in order to induce Russia to grant this most advantage
ous privilege to France, France alleges that it will be for the inte
rest of Russia to do it, because France will have a demand for
greater quantities of the commodities of Russia, which she will,
nevertheless, not be under a necessity of purchasing of Russia,
\J after the ivar ; for these reasons, that she can then obtain the
same from America, and although, perhaps not at so cheap a rate,
yet it will be for her interest, if Russia shall refuse to grant this
privilege, to pay America from 15 to 20 per cent, more for the
same articles, as, by taking those articles from America, France
would enable her to take off a greater quantity of the com
modities of France, and the more easily to discharge the debts
she may contract for them in France.
OFFICIAL. 651
. The foregoing project, and the reasons urged in support of it,
were somewhat more detailed than I have given them to you
above. As I . could not obtain a copy of them, I read them
over with care, and, in the time of it, reduced them to writing
from my memory. The above is a copy of that memorandum,
and I believe I have not made any material mistake in it.
Hemp, the article of which Russia is most jealous of a rivalry,
is particularly mentioned by France. Thus I found both friends
and foes working against us here, for their own private pur
poses, if to support and maintain a rivalry between the two
countries can be said to be working against our interests.
However different their views may be, the effect is the same,
and equally prejudicial to us, let it proceed from whom it may ;
and this junction in their systems rendered my task of clearing
away such errors much more difficult. The immense profit
which France would derive from such a privilege, must have
made her consider it as an object of great consequence to her
self. She could not therefore wish to open any communica
tion which might possibly bring an eclair cissement that would
render her project abortive. Is it unnatural to suppose that the
pendency of such a negotiation might have been a sufficient
ground for the advice above alluded to, or for others to prevent
my forming any connections with persons in government here ?
I view it, indeed, in this light, but perhaps I may view it with
too suspicious an eye. It has had no tendency to convince me
that it is an erroneous principle in our policy, that we ought
to take care of our own interests in foreign courts. This is, in
some places, an unfashionable if not an unpardonable senti
ment. Should you think proper to write me upon this subject,
I must beg you to do it in so disguised a manner as cannot be
penetrated. For I have good reasons to apprehend, that it is
next to impossible to avoid a detection of my correspondence
through the posts. I this day received a second letter, which
had been opened at the office, from Paris. They will open
every letter brought by their post, to discover any correspondence
they wish to discover, without the least hesitation. For this
reason, I desire you would never send me a copy of any des
patches you may know I have received, but instead of it, to
give me notice when you receive any such, and I will write you
what to do with them. By this same opportunity, you will
652 OFFICIAL.
receive a letter for Mr. Livingston. Please to open it, read it, and
beg Mr. T., whom we may safely confide in, to be so kind as to
make out two or three copies of it, and to forward them by care
ful hands. I am unable to do this myself, at present, and I dare
not send a letter of that sort by the post. Desire Mr. T. not to
put up either of them, with any of your, or any other letters,
but to send them unconnected with any thing, which, in case of
capture, might discover from whence they came. You will par
don the trouble I give you in these matters, and be assured, I
shall never be unmindful of the obligations I am under to you.
Since the above, one of my bankers has called upon me, and
tells me all my letters, which come under cover to them directly,
will certainly be opened at the office; that it will be neces
sary, therefore, to send them all by the way of Riga.
I am, my dear sir, your much obliged friend, and obedient
humble servant, FRANCIS DANA.
J. G. HOLTZHEY TO JOHN ADAMS.
Amsterdam, 20 Octobre, 1782.
MONSIEUR, — L'independance de votre nation m'a fait inspirer
1'idee d'immortaliser ce grand et digne evenement par unc me'-
daille que j'ai fait sur leur liberte, et dont j'ai 1'honneur de vous
envoyer la premiere epreuve, dans Pesperance qu'il fera tant de
plaisir a votre excellence que d'honneur pour ma personne de me
dire que je reste avec un proforid respect, &c. &c.
JEAN GEORGE HoLTZHEY.1
TO SECRETARY LIVINGSTON.
Paris, 31 October, 1782.
SIR, — Having executed the treaty of commerce at the Hague,
and despatched four copies of it, by four different vessels bound
to America from the Texel, and having signed a sufficient num
ber of obligations to leave in the hands of Messrs. Willinks,
Van Staphorsts, and De la Lande and Fynje, and having re
ceived information from Mr. Jay, that Mr. Oswald had received
1 An engraving of this medal, now become quite rare, accompanies this
volume.
OFFICIAL. 653
a commission from the King, his master, under the great seal
of Great Britain, to treat with the commissioners of the United
States of America, I set off for Paris, where I arrived on Satur
day, the 26th of this month, after a tedious journey ; the roads
being, on account of long-continued rains, in the worst condi
tion I ever knew them.
I waited forthwith on Mr. Jay, and from him learned the
state of the conferences. It is not possible, at present, to enter
into details. All I can say is, in general, that I had the utmost
satisfaction in finding that he had been all along acting here
upon the same principles upon which I had ventured to act in
Holland, and that we were perfectly agreed in our sentiments
and systems. I cannot express it better than in his own words :
" to be honest and grateful to our allies, but to think for ourselves."
I find a construction put upon one article of our instructions by
some persons, which I confess I never put upon it myself. It is
represented by some, as subjecting us to the French ministry,
as taking away from us all right of judging for ourselves, and
obliging us to agree to whatever the French ministers shall ad
vise us to do, and to do nothing without their consent. I never
supposed this to be the intention of congress ; if I had, I never
would have accepted the commission ; and if I now thought it
their intention, I could not continue in it. I cannot think it
possible to be the design of congress ; if it is, I hereby resign
my place in the commission, and request that another person
may be immediately appointed in my stead.
Yesterday we met Mr. Oswald at his lodgings ; Mr. Jay, Dr.
Franklin, and myself, on one side, and Mr. Oswald, assisted by
Mr. Strachey, a gentleman whom I had the honor to meet in
company with Lord Howe upon Staten Island, in the year 1776,
and assisted also by a Mr. Roberts, a clerk in some of the pub
lic offices, with books, maps, and papers, relative to the bound
aries. We have to search the boundaries of Grenada, the two
Floridas, ancient Canada according to the claims of the French,
proclamation Canada, act of parliament Canada, &c., and the
bounds of Nova Scotia, and of most, if not all the thirteen
States.
I arrived in a lucky moment for the boundary of the Mas
sachusetts, because I brought with me all the essential docu
ments relative to that object, which are this day to be laid before
55*
654 OFFICIAL.
my colleagues in conference at my house, and afterwards before
Mr. Oswald.
It is now apparent, at least to Mr. Jay and myself, that, in
order to obtain the western lands, the navigation of the Missis
sippi, and the fisheries, or any of them, we must act with fina
ness and independence, as well as prudence and delicacy. With
these, there is little doubt we may obtain them all.
Yesterday I visited M. Brantzen, the Dutch minister, and
was by him very frankly and candidly informed of the whole
progress of the negotiation on their part. It is very shortly
told. They have exchanged full powers with Mr. Fitzherbert,
and communicated to him their preliminaries, according to their
instructions, which I have heretofore transmitted to congress.
Mr. Fitzherbert has sent them to London, and received an an
swer, but has communicated to them no more of this answer
than this, that those preliminaries are not relished at St. James's.
He excused his not having seen them for six or seven days, by
pretence of indisposition ; but they are informed that he has
made frequent visits to Versailles during those days, and sent
off and received several couriers.
How the negotiation advances between Mr. Fitzherbert and
the Count de Vergennes, and the Count d'Aranda, we know
not.
The object of M. de Rayneval's journey to London, is not
yet discovered by any of us. It is given out, that he was sent
to see whether the British ministry were in earnest. But this
is too general. It is suspected that he went to insinuate some
thing relative to the fisheries and the boundaries, but it is pro
bable he did not succeed respecting the former, and perhaps not
entirely with respect to the latter.
With great respect, &c.,
JOHN ADAMS.
TO B. FRANKLIN.
Paris, 1 November, 1782.
SIR, — In answer to the letter your excellency did me the
honor to write me on the 15th of October, a copy of which you
delivered me yesterday at Mr. Oswald's, the original not being
received, I have only to say that there is money enough in the
OFFICIAL. 655
hands of Messrs. Wilhem and Jan Willink, Nicholas and Jacob
Van Staphorst, and De la Lande and Fynje, of Amsterdam, to
discharge the interest of the ten millions of guilders borrowed
in Holland by the King of France, under the warranty of the
states-general, if it is expected and insisted that congress
should pay it.
But the question is, who shall order it to be paid. I do not
think myself authorized, by any powers I have, to dispose of
that money. Congress have only empowered me to borrow that
money, and deposit it in the hands of bankers, to be drawn oTit
by congress ; and I have advised and requested that assembly
to draw the whole, without leaving me the power to dispose of
any part of it, beyond my own salary, a little assistance to our
distressed countrymen escaped from British prisons, and a few
trifling charges that necessarily arise.
There is also another difficulty in the way at present. By
the contract, the money is not to be paid until a ratification
arrives from congress. A quintuplicate of the contract went by
Captain Grinnell, who is arrived at Boston, so that we may
expect a ratification, and, too probably, drafts for the whole
money, by the first ship.
It is, therefore, impossible for me to engage absolutely to pay
it, until we hear farther from congress. But upon the arrival
of the ratification, if no contrary orders arrive with it, and your
excellency and Mr. Jay advise me to do it, I will direct, if I can,
or at least, I will desire the houses who now have the money to
pay it, if insisted on by this court, which I hope, however, will
be thought better of. I have the honor to be,
JOHN ADAMS.
TO JEAN GEORGE HOLTZHEY.
Paris, 2 November, 1782.
SIR, — I have this morning received the letter you did me
the honor to write me on the 20th of October, together with the
present of a medal, in commemoration of the great event of the
19th of April, 1782. The medal is ingeniously devised, and is
very beautiful. Permit me to beg your acceptance of my thanks
for it.
I think you would find a sale for many of them at Boston
656 OFFICIAL.
and Philadelphia. When I return to Holland, I shall be glad
to purchase a few of them to give to my friends.
The influence of this event upon many nations, upon France,
Spain, Great Britain, America, and all the neutral powers, has
already been so great, and in the future vicissitudes of things
will be so much greater, that I confess every essay of the fine
arts to commemorate and celebrate it, gives me pleasure.
I have the honor to be, sir, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
BENJAMIN FRANKLIN TO JOHN ADAMS.
Passy, 3 November, 1782.
SIR, — I am perfectly of your opinion respecting the copy to
be sent to Mr. Dana, and I shall have one prepared directly for
that purpose.
Is it not also a proper time for you to propose the quadruple
alliance offensive and defensive, or at least defensive, which I
think you once mentioned to me ? For I apprehend this peace
may be so humiliating to England, that, on the first occasion,
she will fall upon one or other of the powers at present engaged
against her ; and it may then be difficult for us to unite again.
I have the honor to be, &c.,
B. FRANKLIN.
TO ROBERT MORRIS.
Paris, 6 November, 1782.
SIR, — Captain Barney arrived here, on the 5th instant, with
the letters you did me the honor to write me on the 23d, 25th,
27th September and 7th of October. Captain Barney shall have
all the attention due to his character and recommendation. Mr.
Paulus has not asked the kind of assistance you mention, in
my name, I hope ; in all such cases I mean only an introduction,
and to ask the hospitality which you delight to show to
strangers.
I have transmitted from the Hague my accounts, some time
ago, which I presume have arrived before now. I have not
transmitted the account of the bills I accepted in Holland, hav
ing transmitted them from time to time to Dr. Franklin, who paid
OFFICIAL. 657
them, and will consequently transmit them as nis vouchers and
in his accounts. I will, however, transmit them, upon my re
turn to the Hague, if it is necessary, but there is nobody now
there who can do it, and I cannot do it here.
Your arrangement by which I was to draw upon Dr. Franklin
for my salary, I suppose was made upon a supposition *that I
had obtained no money in Holland. I cannot do this without
an additional and unnecessary commission to the Dr.'s banker,
and therefore would wish to receive it from Messrs. Willink, &c.
at Amsterdam. The Dr., so far from having cash to pay my
salary, is calling upon me to pay the interest of the French loan
of ten millions in Holland, and even to pay bills you draw upon
him. I must, however, obey the resolutions of congress, and
have as little to do with money as possible.
I am much obliged to you for the copies of your letters to con
gress and to Dr. Franklin. They are masterly performances, and
let us far into the state of our affairs. I have communicated them
to the Marquis de Lafayette, and propose to consult with the Dr.
upon them immediately. I would return to Holland, and apply
to the states if necessary ; but I cannot rely upon any influence
of my own, nor what is much greater, the influence of our cause
or the common cause, enough to give you hopes of success. If
you suppose that my loan of five millions is full, you are mistaken.
The direction will inform you how much is obtained, not yet two
millions of guilders to be sure ; I fear not more than one and an
half. There are so many loans open for France, Spain, Eng
land, Russia, and almost every other power, for the states-
general, the states of the separate provinces, the East and
West India companies, several of which are under the warranty
of the states, and these are pushed with such art and ardor, that
I cannot promise you any success. There is scarcely a guilder
but what is promised beforehand. France and Spain, as well
as England, are so pressed for money, that I know not what to
hope for.
The King of Great Britain has acknowledged the sovereignty
of the United States ; but whether any thing more will follow
from it, than a few efforts to get something to excuse the further
prosecution of the war, and to silence clamors, I know not. It
is to me very clear that the British ministry do not intend to
make a peace with France, Spain, and Holland this year, and
P2
658 OFFICIAL.
America will not make a separate peace, if England would come
to her terms, which, in my present opinion, the present minister
does not intend. The probability is, that he intends to evacuate
New York, but whether to go against the French or Spaniards,
is the question. If the French and Spaniards permit them to
evacuate New York, a good riddance for us ; but they will do
mischief, or, at least, give trouble, and cause great expense.
France might have taken them all prisoners, with the utmost
certainty and ease, but chose to go against Jamaica and Gibral
tar, and met with the success that every man who knew those
places, and the attachment of the English to them, foresaw.
With great esteem,
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
TO HENRY LAURENS.
Paris, 6 November, 1782.
DEAR SIR, — I have the honor to inclose a resolution of con
gress, of the 17th of September, enjoining upon us all, attend
ance on the negotiations for peace ; and if it were not presump
tion to suppose that any thing could be added to so pressing a
desire of congress, I would beg leave to add my most earnest
entreaties that you would be so good as to join us as soon as
possible. It would give me the highest pleasure, and be a con
stant support, to have your judgment and advice upon the great
questions which are under consideration.
I know not how to mention the melancholy intelligence by
this vessel, which affects you so tenderly. I feel for you more
than I can or ought to express. Our country has lost its most
promising character, in a manner, however, that was worthy of
the cause. I can say nothing more to you, but that you have
much greater reason to say, in this case, as a Duke of Ormond
said of an Earl of Ossory, " I would not exchange my dead son
for any living son in the world."
With the most affecting sentiments, I have the honor to be,
dear sir, your most obedient and most humble servant.
JOHN ADAMS.
OFFICIAL. 659
TO SECRETARY LIVINGSTON.
Paris, 6 November, 1782.
SIR, — Two days ago arrived by Captain Barney, the let
ters you did me the honor to write me, the 22d, 29th, tripli
cate of 30th May, 4th of July, 29th of August, and 15th of Sep
tember.
I was unconditionally received in Holland, and promised, upon
record, conferences and audiences, whenever I should demand
them, before I entered into any treaty, and without this I should
never have entered into any ; and full powers were given to the
committee of foreign affairs, before I entered into any conference
with them. I have ventured to act upon the same principle in
the affair of peace, and uniformly refused to come to Paris, until
our independence was unconditionally acknowledged by the
King of Great Britain. Mr. Jay has acted on the same prin
ciple with Spain, and with Great Britain. The dignity of the
United States being thus supported, has prevailed in Holland
and Great Britain ; not indeed as yet in Spain, but we are in a
better situation in relation to her, than we should have been if
the principle had been departed from. The advice of the Count
de Vergennes has been contrary ; but however great a minister
he may be in his own department, his knowledge is insufficient,
and his judgment too often erroneous in our affairs, to be an
American minister.
Intelligence from Holland is impossible through France.
Events in Holland can seldom be foreseen one day. When
they happen, they are inserted in the gazettes, transferred to the
Courier de I* Europe, the English and French gazettes, and get to
America before it is possible for me to transmit them directly.
Besides, sir, I have sometimes thought that my time was better
employed in doing business that might produce other events,
than in multiplying copies and conveyances of despatches, which
could contain nothing but what I knew the newspapers would
announce as soon. My reputation may not be so well husbanded
by this method, but the cause of my country is served. I am
not insensible to reputation ; but I hope it has not been a prin
cipal object, perhaps it has not been enough an object. I see
so much of the omnipotence of reputation, that I begin to think
660 OFFICIAL.
so. I know very well, however, that if mine cannot be supported
by facts, it will not be by trumpeters.
If it were in my power to do any thing for the honor of the
department or minister of foreign affairs, I would cheerfully do
it, because I am a friend to both ; and to this end, you will, I am
sure, not take it amiss if I say, that it is indispensably necessary
for the service of congress, and the honor of the office, that it be
kept impenetrably secret from the French minister, in many
things. The office will be an engine for the ruin of the reputa
tion of your ministers abroad, and for injuring our cause in
material points, the fishery, the western lands, and the Missis
sippi, &c., if it is not.
I thank you, sir, for the hint about the English language. I
think with you, that we ought to make a point of it ; and after
some time, I hope it will be an instruction from congress to all
their ministers.
As to the negotiations for peace, we have been night and
day employed in them ever since my arrival on the 26th of
October. Doctor Franklin, without saying any thing to me,
obtained of Mr. Jay a promise of his vote for Mr. W. T. Frank
lin, to be secretary to the commission for peace 1 ; and -as the
Doctor and his secretary are in the same house, and there are
other clerks enough, I suppose he will transmit to congress de
tails of the negotiations. I shall be ready to lend them any
assistance in my power ; and I will endeavor, as soon as I can,
to transmit them myself; but after spending forenoon, afternoon,
and evening, in discussions, it is impossible to transmit all the
particulars. No man's constitution is equal to it.
The English have sent Mr. Oswald, who is a wise and good
man, and, if untrammelled, would soon settle all, and Mr.
Strachey, who is a keen and subtle one, although not deeply
versed in such things ; and a Mr. Roberts, who is a clerk in the
board of trade, and Mr. Whithead, who is a private secretary
to Mr. Oswald. These gentlemen are very profuse in their pro
fessions of national friendship ; of earnest desires to obliterate
the remembrance of all unkindnesses, and to restore peace, har
mony, friendship, and make them perpetual, by removing every
seed of future discord. All this, on the part of Mr. Oswald
1 A mistake. See vol. iii. p. 299, note, for the correction.
OFFICIAL. 661
personally, is very sincere. On the part of the nation, it may
be so in some sense at present; but I have my doubts, whether
it is a national disposition, upon which we can have much de
pendence, and still more, whether it is the sincere intention of
the earl of Shelburne.
He has been compelled to acknowledge American independ
ence, because the Rockingham administration had resolved
upon it, and Carleton and Digby's letter to general Washing
ton had made known that resolution to the world ; because the
nation demanded that negotiations should be opened with the
American ministers, and they refused to speak or hear, until
their independence was acknowledged unequivocally and with
out conditions ; because Messrs. Fox and Burke had resigned
their offices, pointedly, on account of the refusal of the king,
and my lord Shelburne, to make such an acknowledgment,
and these eloquent senators were waiting only for the session
of parliament, to attack his lordship on this point; it was,
therefore, inevitable to acknowledge our independence, and no
minister could have stood his ground without it. But still I
doubt whether his lordship means to make a general peace.
To express myself more clearly, I fully believe he intends to try
another campaign, and that he will finally refuse to come to
any definitive agreement with us, upon articles to be inserted in
the general peace.
We have gone the utmost lengths to favor the peace. We
have at last agreed to boundaries with the greatest moderation.
We have offered them the choice of a line through the middle
of all the great lakes, or the line of 45 degrees of latitude, the
Mississippi, with a free navigation of it at one end, and the
river St. Croix at the other. We have agreed that the courts
of justice be opened for the recovery of British debts due before
the war ; to a general amnesty for all the royalists, against whom
there is no judgment rendered, or prosecution commenced. We
have agreed, that all the royalists, who may remain at the
evacuation of the States, shall have six months to sell their
estates, and to remove with them.
These are such immense advantages to the minister, that one
would think he could not refuse them. The agreement to pay
British debts, will silence the clamors of all the body of credit
ors, and separate them from the tories, with whom they have
VOL. VII. 56
662 OFFICIAL.
hitherto made common cause. The amnesty and the term of
six months, will silence all the tories, except those who have
been condemned, banished, and whose property has been con
fiscated ; yet I do not believe they will be accepted.
I fear they will insist a little longer upon a complete indem
nification to all the refugees, a point which, without express
instructions from all the States, neither we nor congress can give
up ; and how the States can ever agree to it, I know not, as it
seems an implicit concession of all the religion and morality
of the war. They will also insist upon Penobscot as the east
ern boundary. I am not sure that the tories, and the ministry,
and the nation, are not secretly stimulated by French emissa
ries, to insist upon Penobscot, and a full indemnification to the
tories. It is easy to see, that the French minister, the Spanish
and the Dutch ministers, would not be very fond of having it
known through the world, that all points for a general peace
were settled between Great Britain and America, before all
parties are ready. It is easy to comprehend, how French,
Spanish, and Dutch emissaries, in London, in Paris, and Ver
sailles, may insinuate, that the support of the tories is a point
of national and royal honor, and propagate so many popular
arguments in favor of it, as to embarrass the British minister.
It is easy to see, that the French may naturally revive their old
assertions, that Penobscot and Kennebec are the boundary of
Nova Scotia, although against the whole stream of British
authorities, and the most authentic acts of the governors, Shir
ley, Pownall, Bernard, and Hutchinson. Mr. Fitzherbert, who
is constantly at Versailles, is very sanguine for the refugees.
Nevertheless, if my Lord Shelburne should not agree with us,
these will be only ostensible points. He cares little for either.
It will be to avoid giving any certain weapons against himself,
to the friends of Lord North and the old ministry.
The negotiations at Versailles, between the Count de Ver-
gennes and Mr. Fitzherbert, are kept secret, not only from us,
but from the Dutch ministers ; and we hear nothing about Spain.
In general, I learn, that the French insist upon a great many
fish. I dined yesterday with M. Berkenrode, the Dutch am
bassador, and M. Brantzen, his colleague. They were both
very frank and familiar, and confessed to me, that nothing had
been said to them, and that they could learn nothing as yet, of
OFFICIAL. 663
the progress of the negotiation. Berkenrode told me, as an
honest man, that he had no faith in the sincerity of the English
for peace, as yet; on the contrary, he thought that a part of
Lord Howe's fleet had gone to America, and that there was
something meditated against the French West India Islands.
I doubt this, however ; but we shall soon know where my Lord
Howe is. That something is meditated against the French or
Spaniards, and that they think of evacuating New York for that
end, I believe. Berkenrode seemed to fear the English, and
said, like a good man, that in case any severe stroke should be
struck against France, it would be necessary for Holland and
America to discover a firmness. This observation had my
heart on its side; but without an evacuation of New York,
they can strike no blow at all, nor any very great one, with it.
Mr. Oswald has made very striking overtures to us ; to agree
to the evacuation of New York ; to write a letter to General
Washington, and another to congress, advising them to permit
this evacuation ; to agree, that neither the people nor the army
should oppose this evacuation, or molest the British army in
attempting it; nay, further, that we should agree, that the
Americans should afford them all sorts of aid, and even supplies
of provisions. These propositions he made to us, in obedience to
an instruction from the minister, and he told us their army were
going against West Florida, to reconquer that from the Span
iards. Our answer was, that we could agree to no such things ;
that General Washington could enter into a convention with
them, for the terms upon which they should surrender the city
of New York, and all its dependencies, as Long Island, Staten
Island, &c., to the arms of the United States. All that we
could agree to was, that the effects and persons of those who
should stay behind, should have six months to go off; nor could
we agree to this, unless as an article to be inserted in the gene
ral peace. I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
TO ROBERT MORRIS.
Paris, 7 November, 1782.
SIR, — Yesterday M. le Couteulx called upon me in order to
communicate to me the contents of his letters from you con-
664 OFFICIAL.
cerning the remittance of the money from Holland. I told him
he must write to Messrs. Willink, &c., the directors of the loan,
upon the subject, and that the whole matter being under your
direction, you and the bankers must negotiate it. He said your
desires could easily be complied with, and very advantageously
for the United States. He had written to the Doctor, and re
ceived an answer that he could not yet say whether he could
comply or not. Soon after, Mr. Grand came in to show me
your letter of credit upon Messrs. Willink, &c., and showed me
a state of his accounts, by which he would be a million of livres
in advance, after paying the interest of the ten millions of livres
borrowed by the King in Holland.
This morning I went out to Passy to consult with the Doctor
about your letters. He told me he was preparing a memorial
to the King, as strong as he could pen, but could not foresee
what would be his success.
There are great complaints of scarcity of money here, and
^ what there is is shut up. The King's loans do not fill. The war
has lasted so long, and money has been scattered with so much
profusion, that it is now very scarce in France, Spain, and Eng
land, as well as Holland. If I could quit the negotiations for
peace, and return to the Hague, I have great doubts of success
with the states-general ; and an application to them which must
be taken ad referendum^ become the subject of deliberations,
and be drawn out into an unknown length, and perhaps never ob
tain an unanimity, which is indispensable, would immediately
cast a damp upon my loan already opened, or any other that I
might open in the same way, perhaps put an entire stop to it.
So that, after reflecting on the subject as maturely as I can, it
seems to me safest to trust to the loan already opened. The
influence of such an application to the states, in a political
view, upon England and the neutral powers, would not be
favorable.
The measure you have taken in drawing the money out of
Holland will have an unfavorable effect. A principal motive to
lend us has been to encourage a trade between us and them ;
but when they find that none of the money is to be laid out
there in goods, I fear we shall get little more.
If I were to lay a memorial before their High Mightinesses,
and had authority to propose a treaty to borrow a sum of money
OFFICIAL. 665
and pay the interest annually in tobacco, rice, or other produce
of America, delivered at Amsterdam, and to pay the capital off in
the same manner, I am not very clear in my expectations of
success. But I have no instructions for this, nor do I know
that congress would approve it.
In short, sir, I can give you no hopes, nor make any promises,
but to do as well as I can.
With the greatest respect, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
TO FRANCIS DANA.
Paris, 8 November, 1782.
DEAR SIR, — The King of Great Britain, by patent under the
great seal of his kingdom, has created Richard Oswald, Esq., to
be his minister plenipotentiary to treat with the ministers of the
United States of America. Thus Great Britain is the third
power in Europe to acknowledge our independence. She can
no longer, therefore, contend that it is a breach of the armed
neutrality, or an hostility against her, to acknowledge American
independence. This is so essential a change in the state of
things, that I think, and Mr. Jay thinks, you will now have a
reasonable ground to expect success. The King of Sweden
has, some time ago, made some advances to treat with Dr.
Franklin, and Congress have sent him a commission to treat
with that prince. I see not why neutral vessels may not go
freely to America now. You will not mention my name in
these matters, but in confidence. Jay is as you would wish him,
wise and firm.
I am directed by an order of congress, signified to me by
their secretary at war, to transmit them a state of the pay, ra
tions, and subsistence of the troops of the states-general, of
Russia, Prussia, and all the northern powers. Will you be so
good as to assist me in this ? My love to your ward.
Sincerely yours,
JOHN ADAMS.
APPENDIX.
(A. p. 452.)
THE following papers are found in Mr. Adams's copy-books. They are but
partially given in Flassan's Hisloire de la Diplomatic Franpaise.
Extrait de la reponse de la Cour de France aux propositions failes au sujet du
retaUissement de la paix par les Cours de Petersburg et de Vienne.
PROPOSITION.
H sera traite a Vienne entre la Grande Bretagne et les colonies Americaines
du retablissement de la paix en Amerique, mais sans 1'intervention des puis
sances belligerantes.
REPONSE.
Les deux Cours Imperiales ne peuvent se flatter de conduire la mediation a
une heureuse fin, si elles ne previennent pas les subterfuges, les subtilites, les
fausse interpretations dont aucune des puissances belligerantes pourrait faire
usage pour entendre selon ses vues les propositions preliminaires. C'est la ce
qui arriverait immanquablement, si Ton ne determinoit pas d'avance le sens
des expressions qui concernent les Americains. La Cour de Londres, qui eludera
autant, et aussi long-temps, qu'elle le pourra, 1'aveu direct et indirect de 1'inde-
pendance des Etats Unis, s'autorisera des termes generaux dont on se sert en
parlant d'eux, pour soutenir qu'elle ne s'est point obligee de traiter avec ses an-
ciennes colonies comme avec une nation libre et independante, qu'elle n'est par
consequent point dans le cas d'admettre un plenipotentiaire de leur part, qu'elle
est la maitresse de ne voir dans leur representant que le depute d'une portion
de ses sujets qui lui demandent grace ; d'ou il resulteroit, lorsque la mediation
serait en activite, et qu'il serait question d'entamer les negociations, que Ton com-
mencerait a contester sur le caractere que pourra deployer le plenipotentiaire
Americain ; que le Roi d'Angleterre ne voudra le regarder que comme son sujet,
tandis que le congres demandera qu'il soit admis comme representant un peuple
libre, au moyen de quoi la mediation se trouvera arretee des le premier pas.
Pour prevenir cet inconvenient, il semble qu'avant toutes choses le caractere
de 1'agent Americain doit £tre determine d'une maniere precise et positive, et
que le congres doit etre invite a Conner ses inter£ts a la mediation. Cette invi
tation est d'autant plus instante, que la negotiation relative a I'Amerique doit
marcher d'un pas egal avec celle que suivront les Cours de Versailles et
668 APPENDIX.
Madrid ; que par consequent ces deux negociations, quoique separees, doivent
£ tre entamees en menie temps.
Mais qui invitera le congres a traiter avec PAngleterre ? Le Roi ne le peut,
puisque les articles preliminaires 1'excluent de la negotiation. Cette tache ne
peut done etre remplie que par les mediateurs eux-m£mes. Tout ce que le Eoi
pourra faire, et ce qu'il fera avec autant de zele que de bonne foi, ce sera d'ex-
horter les Americains a la paix et a toutes les facilites qu'ils croiront compatibles
avec leurs interets essentiels ; mais pour que le Roi puisse faire cette demarche
avec surete, avec Pesperance du succes, et avec la certitude de ne point se rendre
suspect aux Americains, il est necessaire qu'il sache d'avance la determination
des mediateurs sur les observations que Ton met sous leurs yeux, et que cette
determination soit propre a rassurer les provinces Americaines sur leur etat
politique. Les deux hauts mediateurs et leur ministeres sont trop eclaires pour
ne point sentir que sans ces prealables le congres n'enverra personne a Vienne,
et que le Roi ne pourrait faire des tentatives pour 1'y engager sans courir les
risques de se compromettre ; au moyen de quoi, ainsi qu'on 1'a deja observe, la
mediation se trouverait arretee dans son debut. Cette reflexion semble meriter
la plus serieuse attention de la part des deux Cours mediatrices.
Quant aux propositions d'un armistice et d'un desarmement, on observe, qu'en
supposant meme que Ton soit d'accord sur ces deux points, il en reste un qui
ii'est pas moms important, c'est le statu quo. Ni la France ni 1'Espagne n'ont
sujet de le rejeter pour ce qui les concerne personnellement ; il n'en est point
de meme des Americains. Pour s'en convaincre, il suffit de jeter les yeux sur
les points que les troupes Anglaises occupent actuellement sur le continent de
PAmerique Septentrionale. II sera done question d'avoir 1'aveu des Etats Unis,
et que cet aveu ne peut leur £tre demande que par les deux Cours mediatrices,
par les raisons qui ont deja £te deduites.
Projet de Eeponse aux trois Cours lelligirantes.
EEPONSE (mutatis mutandis).
Les Cours de Versailles et de Madrid venant de faire remettre aux deux
Cours Imperiales leurs responses respectives aux articles pour servir de base a la
negociation, qui leur avoient ete communiques, ainsi que celle de Londres leur
avoit fait parvenir la sienne le 15 Juin dernier, elles croient ne point devoir
tarder a les conmmniquer reciproquement aux trois cours respectives, comme
necessaires a leurs directions mutuelles ; et elles ont charges en consequence
leurs ambassadeurs et ministres aux dites Cours d'en presenter des copies a leurs
ministeres.
Leurs Majestes Imperiales ont trouve avec beaucoup de satisfaction, dans celle
que vient de leur faire remettre sa Majeste Ire's Chretienne, Passurance des sen-
timens de la reconnoissance et de Pempressement avec lesquels elle avoit regu
les dits articles ; mais elles n'ont pu en etre que d'autant plus peinees de Pex-
pose des raisons qui ont paru a sa Majeste devoir s'opposer a leur acceptation.
II leur paroit convenable, dans Petat actuel des choses, de renvoyer £ d'autres
temps et a d'autres circonstances les observations, dont elles seroient susceptibles,
et qu'il seroit vraisemblablement inutile d'exposer dans ce moment-ci ; mais en
APPENDIX. 669
^change, ce qui ne Test, ni pour le present ni pour 1'avenir, c'est, que les puis
sances belligerantes puissent envisager dans leur vrai point de vue les articles
qui leur ont ete proposes, et les apprecier en consequence a leur juste valeur.
Les puissances mediatrices n'ont du se permettre, ni aucune de ces proposi
tions qui auroient pu blesser la dignite ou la delicatesse de 1'une ou de 1'autre
des parties, ni aucune de celles, qui pour prealable auroient entraine explicite-
ment ou implicitement des decisions, qui ne peuvent etre que le resultat de con-
sentemens obtenu par la voye des negotiations.
Elles ont dii se borner, par consequent, a chercher et a trouver quelque moyen
propre a mettre les puissances belligerantes dans le cas de pouvoir rassembler
leurs plenipotentiaires respectifs dans le lieu du congres, pour y travailler sous
la mediation des deux Cours Imperiales a 1'arrangement amiable de tous les dif-
ferens qui sont les causes de la guerre actuelle, et pour, une fois rassembles et
munis destructions pour tous les evenemens possibles, y etre continuellement
a portee de pouvoir saisir 1'un ou 1'autre de ces heureux momens qu'amenent
quelquefois les circonstances, et qui souvent sont perdus pour toujours, ou au
moins pour long temps, lorsqu'on n'a point ete a meme de pouvoir en profiter.
Elles n'y ont trouves en meme temps aucun inconvenient possible, que peut-
£tre celui d'un progre's de negociation pas tout a fait si rapide qu'il seroit desir
able sans doute qu'il put 1'etre ; 1'idee d'une suspension d'armes et de la fixa
tion d'un statu quo par elle meme, independante du reste de la proposition, pouv-
ant etre a volonte adoptee, ou ne point l'£tre. Et il leur a paru consequem-
ment, en p6sant avec la plus grande impartialite les avantages et les inconve-
niens possibles de 1'acceptation de leurs propositions, que rien n'etoit plus
convenable a 1'interet respectif des parties belligerantes, ainsi qu'a leurs circon
stances generates et particulieres ; elles persistent dans cette opinion, et moyen-
nant cela, par Pint£ret sincere qu'elles prennent aux circonstances de toutes les
parties belligerantes, elles ne sauroient s'empecher de souhaiter qu'elles puissent
admettre encore entre elles, avec les modifications qu'elles voudront y ajouter,
les articles qui leur ont ete proposes, lesquels, comme tres bien 1'observe S. M.
T. C., effectivement ne sont point des articles preliminaires, ainsi que par la
nature des choses ils n'ont pu 1'etre, mais ne s'en trouvent pas moins etre un
moyen qui peut faire parvenir a faire reussir d'un moment a 1'autre, non seule-
ment un arrangement de preliminaires, mais peut-e"tre meme a ramener la paix,
dont par tant de raisons le plus prompt retour possible seroit si desirable.
Les deux Cours Imperiales ont era devoir a la confiance avec laquelle s'est ex-
pliquee a leur egard dans sa reponse S. M. T. C. celle avec laquelle elles lui
exposent en echange la fa^on dont elles ont envisage la demarche de la propo
sition des articles qu'elles lui ont fait communiquer, ainsi que les voeux qu'elles
persistent de faire, pourvu-que les parties belligerantes puissent adopter encore
ce qu'elles leur ont propose, ou au moins, a ce defaut, leur communiquer quelque
autre idee propre a produire les meme effets ou de plus heureux encore, s'il est
possible.
Sa Majeste Tres Chretienne peut-etre persuadee d'avance dans ce cas, qu'avec
tout le zele possible, elles s'empressent a en faire 1'usage qui leur paroitra pou
voir etre le plus utile et le plus convenable ; rien n'etant plus certain que la
sincerite des sentimens avec lesquels elles auront soin de justifier en toute occa
sion, la confiance que leurs ont temoignee les hautes parties belligerantes en
acceptant leur mediation.
670 APPENDIX.
Keponse de sa Majeste Trks Chretienne a la Replique des deux Cours Im
periales.
Le Eoi a re$u avec autant de sensibilite que de reconnoissance la reponse
des deux cours mediatrices ; sa Majeste la regarde comme une nouvelle preuve
de leur amitie pour elle, de la justice qu'elles rendent a sa confiance dans leur
impartiality et de 1'interet veritable qu'elles prennent au prompt retablissement
de la paix.
Le Roi n'a point varie et ne variera point dans le desir de seconder des vues
aussi salutaires, et les deux hauts mediateurs peuvent 6tre assures qu'il ne
dependra jamais de S. M., pour ce qui la concerne, qu'ils ne soient bientdt en
mesure de donner un libre cours a leur zele bienfaisant.
Mais la Cour de Londres ote au Roi tout moyen et tout espoir a cet egard
par sa resolution invariable de regarder et de traiter les Americains comme ses
sujets. Une pareille resolution rend inutile toute tentative que Ton pourroit
faire pour la paix. Elle detruit de fond en comble le plan des deux mediateurs,
puisqu'elle prejuge, de la maniere la plus peremptoire, la question qui fait le
sujet de la querelle, et dont la decision directe ou indirecte devoit etre la base
preliminaire de la future pacification.
Dans cet etat des choses le Roi pense que les conferences proposees par les
deux cours mediatrices seroient dans ce moment-ci sans objet, et que 1'assem-
blee des plenipotentiaires respectifs ne seroit qu'un vain simulacre qui ne dimi-
nueroit ni n'abregeroit les horreurs de la guerre, et qui pourroit compromettre
la dignite de leur Majestes Imperiales.
Le Roi est veritablement peine de voir que les clioses ont pris une tournure aussi
contraire a ses voeux et a 1'attente de leurs Majestes Imperiales, et s'il etoit en
son pouvoir de la changer, il le feroit avec un empressement qui leur demon-
trerait la purete de ses intentions ; mais sa Majeste croit devoir observer qu'elle
a des allies avec lesquels elle a des engagemens inviolables ; qu'elle les trahiroit
en abandonnant la cause Americaine, et qu'elle abandonneroit cette cause, si
elle se portoit a negocier une paix separee, independamment des Etats Unis.
Les hauts mediateurs ont senti 1'impossibilite de cette demarche, puisqu'ils ont
eux-memes propose de faire cheminer d'un pas egal la negociation du Roi et
celle des Etats Unis.
Mais en admettant meme que le Roi put faire abstraction des affaires de
1'Amerique, qu'il se contentat de transiger sur ses interets personnels, et qu'il
laissat aux Americains le soin de s'accommoder avec leur ancienne metropole,
que resulterait-il de cette conduite ? II en resulteroit que la paix seroit illusoire,
qu'elle seroit un etre de raison ; en effet, si, ce qui paroit de la plus grande evidence,
les Americains persistoient dans leur refus de rentrer sous 1'obeissance de la
Couronne Britannique, la guerre continueroit entre 1'Angleterre et ses anciennes
colonies ; et le Roi seroit oblige alors, comme il 1'est £ present, de les assister ; le
Roi d'Espagne, de son cote, seroit dans le cas d'assister sa Majest6 ; de sorte que
la France et 1'Espagne se retrouveroient apres la signature de leur traite parti-
culier dans le meme etat ou elles se trouvent actuellcment.
Ces considerations semblent au Roi etre de la plus grande force, et sa Majeste
rend trop de justice aux lumieres et a la penetration des deux hauts mediateurs,
APPENDIX. 671
pour n'etre pas persuadee d'avance qu'ils les envisageront sous le merne point de
vue, et qu'ils donneront une entiere approbation a la conduite reservee qu'elles
la forcent de tenir.
Le Roi souhaite avec ardeur de se trouver dans le cas d'en changer ; et c'est
par une suite de ce sentiment qu'il invite les hauts mediateurs a employer toute
leur influence a la Cour de Londres, pour 1'engager a manifester des dispositions
propre a persuader qu'elle est enfin resolue de donner de bonne foi la main a
une paix prompte et equitable.
Le Roi croit devoir prevenir les hauts mediateurs que son ambassadeur a
Vienne est des a present autorise a ecouter toutes les ouvertures et tous les ex-
pediens tendans a ce but, soit qu'ils viennent de la Cour de Londres, ou qu'ils
soient proposes par leurs Majestes Imperiales; et il est meme autorise a Her la
negotiation si on lui presente des bases suffisantes pour la conduire surement a
une heureuse conclusion sous les auspices de leurs Majestes Imperiales.
Of these papers, Mr. Adams himself furnished a translation, in his letters to
the Boston Patriot, which is here given.
Extract from the Answer of the Court of France to the Propositions made on the
Subject of the Reestablishment of Peace by the Courts of Petersburg and of
Vienna.
PROPOSITION.
H sera traite a Vienne, entre la Grande Bretagne et les Colonies Americaines,
du retablissement de la paix en Amerique ; mais sans 1'intervention des puissances
belligerantes.
ANSWER.
The two Imperial Courts cannot flatter themselves that they can conduct the
mediation to a happy conclusion, if they do not provide against the subterfuges,
the subtleties, and the false interpretations which any of the belligerent powers
may employ, for understanding according to its views the preliminary proposi
tions. There is the difficulty which would infallibly occur, if we do not deter
mine beforehand the sense of the expressions which relate to the Americans.
The Court of London, who will elude as much and as long as she can, any direct
and indirect avowal of the independence of the United States, will take advan
tage of the general terms we employ in speaking of them, to maintain that she
is not obliged to treat with her ancient Colonies, as with a free and independent
nation ; that she is not, consequently, in a situation to admit a plenipotentiary on
their part ; that she is the mistress, to see nothing in their representative but the
deputy of a portion of her subjects, who appear to sue for pardon ; from which
it would result, when the mediation should be in activity, and the question should
be to open and commence the negotiations, that they would begin to contest con
cerning the character which the American plenipotentiary may display ; that
the King of England will not regard him, but as his subject, while the congress
shall demand that he be admitted as the representative of a free people ; by
which means the mediation will find itself arrested in its first step.
672 APPENDIX.
To prevent this inconvenience, it seems that, before all things, the character
of the American agent ought to be determined in a manner the most precise
and positive, and that the congress ought to be invited to confide its interests to
the mediation. This invitation is so much the more indispensable, as the nego
tiations relative to America must march with an equal step with that which the
Courts of Versailles and Madrid will pursue ; and, by consequence, these two
negotiations, although separate, must be commenced at the same time.
But who will invite the congress to treat with England ? The King cannot
do it, because the preliminary articles exclude him from the negotiation. This
task, then, cannot be fulfilled but by the mediators themselves. All that the
King can do, and that he will do, with equal pleasure and good faith, is, to
exhort the Americans to make peace, and to give all the facilities to that end
which they shall believe compatible with their essential interests. But that the
Bang may take this step with safety, with the hope of success, and with a cer
tainty of not rendering himself suspected by the Americans, it is necessary that
he should know beforehand the determinations of the mediators concerning the
observations which are here submitted to their consideration, and that such
determination be proper to assure the American Provinces concerning their
political existence. The two high mediators and their ministers are too enlight
ened not to perceive that, without these previous conditions, the congress will
send nobody to Vienna ; and that the King cannot make any attempts to per
suade them to send any one, without running the risk of compromising himself.
By means of which, as has already been observed, the mediation would find itself
at a full stop from its first attempt at motion. This reflection seems to merit the
most serious attention on the part of the mediating Courts.
As to the propositions of an armistice and of a disarmament, let it be observed
that, even supposing that all parties were agreed upon these two points, there
still will remain another, which is not less important, and that is the statu quo.
Neither France nor Spain have cause to reject it, as it concerns them personally ;
but it is not so with the Americans. To be convinced of this, it is only necessary
to cast an eye upon the points which the English forces occupy at present upon
the continent of North America. It will be necessary to have the consent of the
United States, and this consent cannot be demanded of them but by the two
mediating Courts, for the reasons which have already been explained.
Project of an Answer to the three Belligerent Courts.
ANSWER (mutatis mutandis).
The Courts of Versailles and of Madrid having caused to be transmitted to
the two Imperial Courts their respective answers to the articles to serve as a
basis to the negotiation which had been communicated to them, as the Court of
London had communicated her answer to them on the 15th of June last, they
think they ought not to delay to communicate them reciprocally to the three
Courts respectively, as necessary for their mutual directions. And they have
consequently charged their ambassadors and ministers to the said Courts to pre
sent copies of them to their ministries.
APPENDIX. 673
Their Imperial Majesties have perceived, with great satisfaction, in that which
his most Christian Majesty has transmitted to them, the assurance of the gratitude
and zeal with which he had received the said articles ; but they could not but be
so much the more afflicted (peintes') at the exposition of the reasons which have
appeared to his Majesty to oppose themselves to their acceptation.
It appears to them convenient, in the present state of things, to refer to other
times and other circumstances the observations of which they are susceptible,
and which it would probably be useless to disclose at this moment ; but that
which is not (useless) either for the present or the future, is that the belli
gerent powers may contemplate in a true point of view the articles which have
been proposed to them, and, consequently, appreciate them at their just value.
The mediating powers ought not to allow themselves either any of those pro
positions which have wounded the dignity or the delicacy of one or the other
of the parties or any of those which might antecedently have drawn after
them, explicitly or implicitly, decisions which can only be the result of consent,
obtained by the way of negotiations.
They ought, consequently, to confine themselves to seek and to find some
means proper to place the belligerent powers in a situation to be able to assem
ble their respective plenipotentiaries at the place of the congress, there to labor,
under the mediation of the two Imperial Courts, for the amicable arrangement
of all the differences which are the causes of the present war ; and to the end,
that, once assembled and furnished with instructions for all possible events, they
may be there continually ready and authorized to seize one or another of those
happy moments which circumstances sometimes present, and which frequently
are lost forever, or at least for a long time, when men have not been vested with
power to take advantage of them. They have not perceived in this plan any
other inconvenience possible, than perhaps that of the progress of a negotiation
not altogether so rapid as it would no doubt be desirable that it should be. The
idea of a suspension of anus and the fixation of a statu quo, in itself independent
of the rest of the propositions, may be adopted or not adopted, at pleasure. And
it has consuquently appeared to them, on weighing with the greatest impar
tiality the possible advantages and the inconveniences of the acceptation of their
propositions, that nothing was more convenient to the respective interests of the
belligerent parties, as well as to their general and particular circumstances ; they
persist in this opinion, and by this means, from the sincere interest which they
take in the circumstances of the belligerent parties, they cannot but wish that
they may still admit among themselves, with the modifications which they wish
to subjoin, the articles which have been proposed to them ; which, as is very
justly observed by his Most Christian Majesty, are not, in fact, preliminary arti
cles, as by the nature of things they could not be, but are not the less a measure
which may cause to succeed, in some moment or other, not only an arrangement
of preliminaries, but perhaps even an accomplishment of peace, of which the most
prompt return possible is for so many reasons so desirable.
The two Imperial Courts have thought it due to the confidence with which his
Most Christian Majesty has explained himself in regard to them, in his answer,
to manifest that with which they expose to him in return, the manner in which
they consider the measure of their proposition of the articles, which they have
caused to be communicated to him, as well as the wishes which they persist to
VOL. VII. 57 Q2
674 APPENDIX.
entertain, provided the belligerent parties can still adopt those which have been
proposed to them, or at least if that cannot be done, communicate to them some
other idea proper to produce the same effects, or still happier effects, if that be
possible.
His Most Christian Majesty may be assured beforehand, that, in this case, with
all possible zeal, they will exert themselves to make such use of it as shall appear
to them may be the most useful and the most convenient ; nothing being more
certain thamthe sincerity of those sentiments, with which they will take care to
justify on all occasions the confidence which has been reposed in them by the
high belligerent parties, by accepting their mediation.
Answer of his Most Christian Majesty to the Reply of the two Imperial Courts.
January, 1782.
The King has received with equal sensibility and gratitude the answer of the
two mediating Courts. His Majesty regards it as a new proof of their amity for
him, of the justice they render to his confidence in their impartiality, and of the
genuine interest they take in the prompt reestablishment of peace.
The King has not wavered, nor will he vary in his -desire to second views so
salutary, and the two high mediators may be assured that nothing will be want
ing in any thing which concerns his Majesty, to place them in a situation to give
a free course to their beneficent zeal.
But the Court of London deprives the King of all means and of all hope, in
this respect, by her invariable resolution, to regard and to treat the Americans
as her subjects. Such a resolution renders useless every attempt that can be
made to accomplish a peace. It destroys from the foundation the plan of the two
mediators, since it prejudges in the most peremptory manner the question which
makes the subject of the quarrel, and the direct or indirect decision of which
ought to be the preliminary basis of the future pacification.
In this situation of things the King judges that the conferences proposed by
the two mediating Courts would be at this moment without an object, and that
the assembly of the respective plenipotentiaries would only be a vain phantom
(simulacre] which would neither diminish nor abridge the horrors of war, and
which might compromise the dignity of their Imperial Majesties.
The King is really afflicted to see that things have taken a turn so contrary
to his wishes and to the expectations of their Imperial Majesties ; and if it were
in his power to change it, he would do it with a zeal which would demonstrate
to them the purity of his intentions. But his Majesty thinks he ought to observe
that he has allies with whom he has inviolable engagements ; that he would
betray them by abandoning the American cause ; and that he would abandon it,
if he should consent to negotiate a separate peace independently of the United
States. The high mediators have perceived the impossibility of this procedure,
since they have themselves proposed to cause to march with an equal step the
negotiations of the King and that of the United States.
But, on the supposition that the King could make an abstraction of the affairs
of America, that he could prevail upon himself to transact his own personal inte
rests alone, and leave to the Americans the care of accommodating with their
APPENDIX. 675
ancient metropolis, what would result from this conduct ? It would result that the
peace would be illusory ; that it would be a figment of imagination ; in fact, if,
as is most evident, the Americans should persist in their refusal to return under
their obedience to the British Crown, the war would continue between England
and her ancient Colonies ; the King would be obliged in that case, as he is at
present, to assist them ; the King of Spain, on his part, would be in the case to
assist his Majesty, so that France and Spain would find themselves, after the
signature of their particular treaties, in the same state in which they are at pre
sent.
These considerations appear to the King to be of the greatest weight ; and his
Majesty does too much justice to the information and penetration of the two high
mediators, not to be convinced beforehand, that they will perceive them in the
same point of view, and that they will give their entire approbation to the
reserved conduct which they compel him to pursue.
The King ardently wishes to find himself in a situation to change it ; and it is
in consequence of this sentiment that he invites the high mediators to employ
all their influence with the Court of London to engage her to manifest disposi
tions proper to convince, that she is finally resolved to give her hand in good
faith to a prompt and equitable peace.
The King believes he ought to inform the high mediators that his ambassador
at Vienna is from this time authorized to hear all the overtures and all the expe
dients tending to this end, whether they come from the Court of London, or are
proposed by their Imperial Majesties. And he is even authorized to commence
the negotiation, if they present to him sufficient foundations for conducting it
surely to a happy conclusion under the auspices of their Imperial Majesties.1
1 Upon these papers Flassan, who seems to have had access to all the records, makes the
following singular comment: —
" On ne pouvait refuser la mediation des deux Cours Impe'riales avec plus de grace et
d'apparence de candeur; mais dans la realite* la Cour de Versailles ne voulait point faire
la paix par leur entremise, moins par rapport aux inte*rets des Americains, qui rfetait la
que le motif ostensible, que parce qu'elle croyait sa dignite blessee en terminant sous des
auspices Strangers une guerre commence'e avec tant d'eclat, et qu'elle se croyait capable
de conduire par ses propres moyens a d'heureux resultats." Ilistoire de la Diplomatic,
Franqaise, vol. 6. p. 300.
END OF VOLUME VII.
V TT>
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