Works, now first collected: to which are prefixed The lives of the author

THE FIRST PART

OF THE

HISTORY

OF THE

WORLD

ENTREATING OF

THE TIMES FROM THE SETTLED RULE OF ALEXANDER'S SUC-

CESSORS IN THE EAST, UNTIL THE ROMANS, PREVAILING

OVER ALL, MADE CONQUEST OF ASIA AND MACEDON.

BOOK V. CONTINUED.

CHAP. IV.

Of Philip the father of 'Perseus, Icing of Macedon. His
first acts and war with the Romans, by whom he was

subdued.

+

SECT. I.

How the Romans grew acquainted in the east countries, and desirous
of war there. The beginning of many princes, with great wars,
at one time. The JEtolians overrun Peloponnesus. Philip and
his associates make war against the JEtolians. Alteration of
the state in Sparta. The dEtolians invade Greece and Macedon,
and are invaded at home by Philip.

\J~F the great similitude found n worldly events, the limi
tation of a matter hath been assigned as a probable cause.
For since nature is confined unto a subject that is not un-

a Plut. in Vita Sertorii.
RALEGH, VOL. IV. O

536 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

bounded, the works of nature must needs be finite, and
many of them resemble one the other. Now in those
actions that seem to have their whole dependance upon the
will of man, we are less to wonder, if we find less variety,
since it is no great portion of things which is obnoxious
unto human power, and since they are the same affections,
by which the wills of sundry men are overruled in managing
the affairs of our daily life. It may be observed in the
change of empires, before those times whereof we now write,
how the Assyrians or Chaldeans invaded the kingdom of
the Medes, with two hundred thousand foot and threescore
thousand horse ; but failing in their intended conquest, they
became subject within a while themselves unto the Medes
and Persians. In like manner Darius, and after him Xerxes,
fell upon the Greeks with such numbers of men as might
have seemed resistless. But after that the Persians were
beaten home, their empire was never secure of the Greeks,
who at all times of leisure from intestine war devised upon
that conquest thereof, which finally they made under the
great Alexander. If Nabuchodonosor with his rough old
soldiers had undertaken the Medes, or Cyrus with his well
trained army had made the attempt upon Greece, the issue
might, in human reason, have been far different : yet would
it then have been expedient for them to employ the travel
and virtue of their men, rather than the greatness of their
names, against those people that were no less valiant, though
less renowned than their own. For the menacing words
used by Cyrus, and some small displeasures done to the
Greeks, (in which kind it may be that Nabuchodonosor
likewise offended the Medes and Persians,) were not so avail
able to victory, as to draw on revenge in the future.
Great kingdoms, when they decay in strength, suffer as did
the old lion for the oppression done in his youth, being
pinched by the wolf, gored by the bull, yea, and kicked by
the ass. But princes are often carried away from reason,
by misunderstanding the language of fame ; and, despising
the virtue that makes little noise, adventure to provoke it
against themselves, as if it were not possible that their own

CHAP. iv. OF THE WORLD. 537

glory should be foiled by any of less noted excellence.
Against the same stone whereat Xerxes, and before him (as
I take it) Evilmerodach, had stumbled, Pyrrhus the Epirot
hath dashed his foot. He was not indeed the king of all
Greece, though most of mark, and a better soldier than any
other Greekish king, when he entered into war against the
Romans. This war he undertook as it were for his mind's
sake; having received no injury, but hoping by the glory of
his name, and of the Greeks that served under him, to pre
vail so easily against the barbarous Romans, that they
should only serve as a step to his further intended conquests
of Sicily and Afric. But when the Romans, by their vic
tory against Pyrrhus, had found their own virtue to be of
richer metal, than was the more shining valour of the Greeks;
then did all the bravery of the Epirot (his elephants, and
whatsoever else had served to make him terrible) serve only
to make the Romans, in time following, to think more highly
of themselves. b For since they had overcome the best war
rior in Greece, even him, that, being thus beaten by them,
could in a year after make himself lord of Greece and Ma-
cedon; what should hinder them from the conquest of all
those unwarlike provinces, which in compass of twelve years
a Macedonian king of late memory had won ? Certainly
there was hereunto requisite no more, than to bring to their
own devotion, by some good means, the whole country of
Greece ; all the rest, this done, would follow of itself. How
to deal with the Greeks, Philip and Alexander had shewed
a way, which, or perhaps a better, they might learn by
getting more acquaintance with the nation.

When therefore the first Punic war was ended, which
followed soon after the wars of Pyrrhus and of the Taren-
tines, then were the Romans at good leisure to hearken
after news in Greece, and to entertain any good occasion
that should be on that side presented. They had also then

b The king of Spain's pretended greatest fleet that ever the Spaniards

invincible navy, being beaten out of gathered together, we never made

the British seas, invited us to those account of any of his preparations

of Spain ; and having broken the after that time.

00%

538 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

a strong fleet, and were become, though not otherwise very
skilful mariners, yet good fighters at sea. So it fell out as
happily as could be wished, that the Illyrian queen Teuta
made at the same time cruel war upon the Greeks, wasting
their country and sacking their towns, only because they
were unable to resist, though they had done her none of
fence. Into this quarrel if the Romans were desirous to
enter, the queen was not slow to give them c cause. And
their happy accomplishing of that war which they made
with her, was, in their own opinion, a matter not unworthy
to make their patronage to be desired by the Greeks. But
no such thing happened, though they sent ambassadors, as
it were, to offer themselves, by signifying, that for the love
of Greece they had undertaken this Illyrian war. Thus
began the first acquaintance betwixt the Greeks and Ro
mans, which afterwards increased very hastily, through the
indiscretion of king Philip the Macedonian ; whose business
with them being now the subject of our story, it is meet
that we should relate (though somewhat briefly) the begin
ning of his reign, and his first actions.

It was like to prove a busy time in the world, when,
within the space of four years, new kings began to reign in
the most of all countries known, and three of them young
boys, in three of the greatest kingdoms. This happened
from the third year of the hundred thirty-ninth Olympiad,
unto the third of the Olympiad following. For in this time
died Seleucus Ceraunus, king of Asia and Syria, in whose
room succeeded his brother Antiochus, afterwards called
the Great. Ptolomy Philopater succeeded in the kingdom
of Egypt unto his father Euergetes. And Philip the son
of Demetrius, being sixteen or seventeen years old, received
the kingdom of Macedon, together with the patronage of
the Achaeans and most of the Greeks, by the decease of his
uncle Antigonus Doson, that was called the tutor, or pro
tector. About the same time also was the like change in
Cappadocia, Lacedaemon, and the countries about mount
Taurus. For Ariarathes then began his reign in Cappa-

e Lib. 5. ch. 2. §. 7.

CHAP. iv. OF THE WORLD. 539

docia. Lycurgus found means to make himself king over
the Lacedaemonians, whose commonweal, since the flight of
Cleomenes, had continued in a manner headless, andAchaeus,
a kinsman of Antiochus, but a rebel unto him, occupied the
regions near unto mount Taurus, and kept a while the state
of a mighty king. Lastly, in the second and third years of
the hundred and fortieth Olympiad it was, that open war
brake out between Rome and Carthage, and that Hannibal
began his great invasion upon Italy. Those troubles of the
western world, which were indeed the greatest, we have al
ready followed unto an end : of Antiochus, Ptolomy, and
the rest, we shall speak hereafter, when the Romans find
them out.

Philip, soon after the beginning of his reign, came into
Peloponnesus, greatly desired of the Achaeans, and many
others his dependants. That country having freed itself
by the help of Antigonus from the danger (accounted great)
of an easy subjection unto Cleomenes, was now become no
less obnoxious to the Macedonian, than it should have been
to the Spartan, and therewithal it lay open unto the vio
lence of the ^Etolians, who despised even the Macedonian
kings, that were patrons thereof. These ^Etolians were no
men to be idle, nor were much addicted to any other art
than war; therefore, wanting employment, they fell upon
the Messenians that were their own clients, and (excepting
the Eleans, that were anciently of their consanguinity) the
only good friends which they had at the present in Pelo
ponnesus. Their invasion was no less unexpected than it
was unjust, whereby with greater ease they made spoil of
the country, finding none prepared to make resistance. The
Achaeans were called by the Messenians to help, which they
did the more willingly, because the -^Etolians, passing with
out leave through their territory, had (as it was their man
ner) done what harm they listed. Old Aratus could ill
abide these ^Etolians, as both knowing well their nature, and
remembering the injuries wherewith most ungratefully they
had requited no small benefits done to them by the Achaeans.
He was therefore so hasty to fall upon this their army, that

ooS

540 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

he could hardly endure to stay a few days until the time of
his own office came, being chosen pretor of the Achaeans
for the year following. d But his anger was greater than
his courage, and he shewed himself a man fitter (as hath
been already noted of him) for any other service, than lead
ing of an army. He suffered them to pass quietly along with
their booty, through a great part of the country, wherein
he might easily have distressed them ; and afterwards
pressed them so near, when they had recovered ground of
advantage, that they easily defeated all his army. So they
departed home rich, and well animated to return again. As
for the Achseans, they got hereby only the friendship of
the Messenians, with whom, by license of king Philip, they
made confederacy. Shortly after, the ^Etolians invaded
Peloponnesus again, having no more to do than to pass
over the narrow straits of the Corinthian bay, called now
the Gulf of Lepanto, where they might land in the country
of the Eleans. There joined with them in this their second
invasion a great number of the Illyrians; who, neglecting
that condition imposed upon them by the Romans of setting
out no ships of war unto the coast of Greece, made bold to
seek adventures again, and did great mischief. e Deme
trius Pharius, a creature of the Romans, commanded a part
of these Illyrians, who shortly repented him of this his
voyage, which caused him to lose his kingdom, as is shewed
before. But this Demetrius went another way, and fell
upon the islands of the Cyclades in the Mgean sea ; whence
returning, he did some good offices for king Philip, or his
friends. The rest of the Illyrians under Scerdilaidas, or
Scerdiletus, having gotten what they could elsewhere by
roving at sea, accompanied the ^Etolians into Peloponnesus,
who made greater havoc in the country now, than in their
former expedition, and returned home without finding any
resistance.

Of these things great complaint was made unto Philip,
when he came to Corinth. And because men were desirous
to satisfy themselves with some speedy revenge, there were
d Lib. 5. ch. 2. §. 6. ibid. * Ch. 3. §. i.

CHAP. iv. OF THE WORLD. 541

that urged to have some grievous punishment laid upon
the Laced aemonians, who were thought underhand to have
favoured the JEtolians, in mere despite of the Achseans and
Macedonians, by whom themselves had lately been subdued.
It is true that the Lacedaemonians had been so affected,
and (which was worse) at the arrival of Philip, they slew
such friends of his, as having checked their inclination,
seemed likely to appeach them of the intended rebellion.
Neither durst they well commit themselves to judgment,
but entreated the king, that he would abstain from coming
to them with an army, since their town was lately much
disquieted with civil discord, which they hoped soon to ap
pease, and meant always to remain at his devotion. Philip
was easily satisfied with this, not for that he (or rather old
Aratus, who then wholly governed him) did misunderstand
the Lacedaemonians ; but for that a greater work was in
hand, which ought not to be interrupted. There met at
Corinth, in presence of the king, the ambassadors of the
Achaeans, Boeotians, Phocians, Epirots, and Acarnanians, all
complaining upon the JEtolians, and desiring to have war
decreed against them, by common assent. Philip sent his
letters unto the ^Etolians, requiring them to make ready
their answer in some convenient time, if they could allege
any thing in excuse of that which they had done. They
returned word, that a diet should be holden at Rhium for
that purpose, whither if it pleased him to come or send, he
should be well informed of them and their whole meaning.
The king prepared to have been there at the day. But
when the ^Etolians understood this for certainty, they ad
journed the council unto a further time, saying, that such
weighty matters ought not to be handled, save in the great
parliament of all ^Etolia. This trick of law notwithstand
ing, open war was proclaimed against them. And they, as
it were to shew how well they had deserved it, made election
of Scopas to be their pretor, that was author of these in
vasions made on Peloponnesus, and the only man in a sort
upon whom they must have laid the blame of these actions,
if they would have shifted it from the public.

o o 4

54,2 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

After this, Philip went into Macedon, where he prepared
busily for the war against the year following. He also as
sayed the Illyrian, Scerdilaidas, with fair words and pro
mises, whom he easily won from the ^Etolian side, foras
much as the ^Etolians had cozened him of his share, when
he was partner with them in their late robberies. In like
sort the Achaeans, who had first of all others proclaimed
the war in their own country, sent unto the Acarnanians,
Epirots, Messenians, and Lacedemonians, requesting them
forthwith to declare themselves, and to denounce war unto
theJStolians, without staying (as it were) to await the event.
Hereunto they received divers answers, according to the
qualities of those with whom they dealt. The Acarnanians,
a free-hearted and valiant, though a small nation, and bor
dering upon the ^Etolians, of whom they stood in continual
danger, said, that they could not honestly refuse to shew
their faithful meaning in that war, which was concluded by
general assent. The Epirots, that were more mighty, were
nevertheless more cunning and reserved, so that they stood
upon a needless point, and desired to be held excused, until
Philip (of whose meaning they needed not to have made
any doubt) should first proclaim the war. The Messenians,
for whose cause the war was undertaken, excused themselves,
by reason of a town which the ^Etolians held upon their
borders, and said, that they durst not be over bold, until
that bridle were taken out of their mouths. As for the
Lacedaemonians, the chief of them studied only how to ma
nage that treason for which their city had been so lately
pardoned, and therefore dismissed the ambassadors of the
confederates without any answer at all. They had three
years together continued subject against their wills to the
Macedonians, expecting still when Cleomenes should return
out of Egypt to reign over them again, and maintain, as
he was wont, the honour of their city. In this regard they
chose not any kings, but were contented with the rule of
ephori. Of these there were some that thought the public
safety to consist in holding their faith with the Macedonian
that had preserved them : and hereto they referred all their

CHAP. iv. OF THE WORLD. 543

counsels, being perhaps not a little moved with respect of
the benefit which might redound unto themselves, by ad
hering firmly to those which at the present bore rule over
them. Others, and those the greater part, were still de
vising how to make all ready for Cleomenes against his re
turn, and therefore sought to join with the ^Etolians, which
were the most likely to give him strong assistance. The
Macedonian faction had the more authority, and durst
more freely speak their minds ; but the contrary side was
the more passionate, and spared not, by murders, or any
other violent courses, to set forward their desire. Neither
did it suffice, that about these times there came certain re
port of Cleomenes's death. For it was the liberty and ho
nour of Sparta which these intended, fancying unto them
selves the glory of their ancestors in such ages past, as were
not like to come again. Cleomenes was, they knew, the
most able man to restore them unto their greatness and
lustre, which once he had in a manner performed ; but since
he was dead, and that without injury to his well-deserving
virtue they might proceed to the election of new kings,
kings they would have, and those of the race of Hercules,
as in former times ; for that without such helps they must
continue little better than subjects unto the Macedonian,
and far less by him respected than were the Achseans.
Thus were they transported, by contemplation of their old
nobility and fame. Some of the most working spirits among
them procured the ^Etolians to send an embassy to Sparta,
which propounded the matter openly unto the people, where
of no one of the citizens durst have made himself the author.
Much disputation and hot there was between those of the
Macedonian party and these their opposites, in such wise
that nothing could be concluded, until by massacre or ba
nishment of all, or the chief, that spake against the ^Eto-
lians, the diversity of opinion was taken quite away. Then
forthwith a league was concluded between the Lacedae
monians and jEtolians, without all regard of the Mace
donians or Achaeans, who had spared the city when they
might have destroyed it. Then also they went in hand

544 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

with the election of new kings ; wherein their diligence was
so nice, and so regardful of their ancient laws, as touching
the choosing of the one king, that we may justly wonder
how they grew so careless in making choice of the other. In
the one of their royal families they found Agesipolis the son
of Agesipolis, the son of king Cleombrotus ; and him they
admitted to reign over them as heir apparent to his grand
father. This Agesipolis was a young boy, standing in need
of a guardian, and had an uncle, his father's brother, that
was fit for the government. Yet because the law required
that the son, how young soever, should have his father's
whole right and title; the Lacedaemonians, though stand
ing in need of a man, were so punctual in observation of
the law, that they made this child their king, and appointed
his uncle Cleomenes to be his protector. But in the other
branch of the royal family, though there was no want of
heirs, yet would not the people trouble themselves about
any of them, to examine the goodness of his claim, but
made election of one Lycurgus, who, having no manner of
title to the kingdom, bestowed upon each of the ephori a
talent, and thereby made himself be saluted king of Sparta,
and a gentleman of the race of Hercules. This Lycurgus, to
gratify his partisans, and to approve his worth by action, in
vaded the country of the Argives, which lay open and un
guarded, as in a time of peace. There he did great spoil,
and won divers towns, whereof two he retained, and an
nexed unto the state of Lacedsemon. After such open hos
tility, the Lacedaemonians declared themselves on the JEto-
lian side ; and proclaimed war against the Achaeans.

Thus the beginnings of the war fell out much otherwise
than the Achaeans and their confederates had expected
when they first made preparation. Philip was not ready ;
the Epirots gave uncertain answer ; the Messenians would
not stir ; all the burden must lie upon themselves and the
poor Acarnanians, whom the ^Etolians, by favour of the
Eleans, could invade at pleasure, as they were like to do ;
and by help of the Lacedaemonians could assail on all parts
at once. It was not long ere the ^Etolians, passing over

CHAP. iv. OF THE WORLD. 545

the bay of Corinth, surprised the town of ^Egira; which
if they could have held, they should thereby grievously
have molested the Achaeans ; for that it stood in the mid
way between ^Egium and Sicyon, two of their principal
cities, and gave open way into the heart of all their country.
But as JEgira was taken by surprise, so was it presently
lost again, through greediness of spoil; whilst they that
should have made it their first care to assure the place unto
themselves, by occupying the citadel and other pieces of
strength, fell heedlessly to ransack private houses, and
thereby gave the citizens leave to make head, by whom they
were driven with great slaughter back unto then- fleet.
About the same time, another JEtolian army landing among
the Eleans, fell upon the western coast of Achaia, wasting
all the territory of the Dymseans and other people that
were first beginners of the Achaean confederacy. The Dy
mseans and their neighbours made head against these in
vaders ; but were so well beaten, that the enemy grew bolder
with them than before. They sent for help unto their pre-
tor, and to all the towns of their society, in vain. For the
Achaeans having lately been much weakened by Cleomenes,
were now able to do little of themselves : neither could they
get any strength of mercenaries ; forasmuch as at the end
of Cleomenes's war, they had covetously withheld part
of their due from those that served them therein. So
through this disability of the Achaeans, and insufficiency of
their pretor, the Dymaeans, with others, were driven to
withhold their contribution heretofore made for the public
service, and to convert the money to their own defence. Ly-
curgus also with his Lacedaemonians began to win upon
the Arcadians, that were confederate with Philip and the
Achaeans.

Philip came to the borders of the ^Etolians, whilst their
army was thus employed afar off in Peloponnesus. The
Epirots joined all their forces with him ; and by such their
willing readiness, drew him to the siege of a frontier piece,
which they desired to get into their own hands; for that,
by commodity thereof, they hoped shortly to make them-

546 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

selves masters of Ambracia. There he spent forty days ere
he could end the business, which tended only to the benefit
of the Epirots. Had he entered into the heart of ^Etolia at
his first coming, it was thought that he might have made
an end of the war. But it happens oft, that the violence of
great armies is broken upon small towns or forts ; and not
seldom, that the importunity of associates, to have their own
desires fulfilled, converts the preparations of great kings to
those uses for which they never were intended; thereby
hindering the prosecution of their main designs. Thus was
our king Henry the Eighth led aside, and quite out of his
way, by Maximilian the emperor, to the siege of Tournay ;
at such time as the French king Lewis the Twelfth, hear
ing that the strong city of Terwin was lost, and that of his
cavalry, wherein rested his chief confidence, two thousand
were beaten by the earl of Essex with seven hundred Eng
lish, was thinking to withdraw himself into Brittany, in fear
that Henry would have come to Paris.

The stay that Philip made at Ambracus did wondrously
embolden the JEtolians; in such sort, as their pretor Sco-
pas adventured to lead all their forces out of the country ;
and therewith not only to overrun Thessaly, but to make
impression into Macedon. He ran as far as to Dium, a city
of Macedon upon the JEgean sea; which, being forsaken
by the inhabitants at his coming, he took and razed to the
ground. He spared neither temple, nor any other of the
goodly buildings therein, but overturned all; and among
the rest, he threw down the statues that were there erected
of the Macedonian kings. For this he was highly honoured
by his countrymen at his return ; forasmuch as hereby they
thought their nation to be grown terrible, not only (as be
fore) unto Peloponnesus, but even to Macedon itself. But
this their pride was soon abated, and they rewarded shortly
at home in their own country for their pains taken at Dium.
Philip having despatched his work at Ambracus, made a
strong invasion upon JStolia. He took Phoetise, Metropo
lis, (Eniadae, Pseanium, Elaeus, and divers other towns and
castles of theirs; of which he burnt some and fortified

CHAP. iv. OF THE WORLD. 547

others. He also beat the JEtolians in sundry skirmishes,
and wasted all the country over, without receiving any
harm. This done, while he was about to make a cut over
the straits into Peloponnesus, and to do the like spoil in the
country of the Eleans, whereto he was vehemently solicited
by the Achaean ambassadors ; news came out of Macedon,
that the Dardanians were ready with a great army to fall
upon the country. These Dardanians were a barbarous
people, divided by mount Haemus from the northern part
of Macedon ; and were accustomed to seek booty in that
wealthy kingdom, when they found their own times. Hav
ing therefore intelligence that Philip was about to make a
journey into Peloponnesus, they purposed in his absence,
which they thought would be long, to get what they could
for themselves in his country, as had been their manner
upon the like advantages. This made the king to dismiss
the Achaean ambassadors, (whom he should have accom
panied home with his army,) and to bid them have patience
until another year. So he took his way home ; and as he
was passing out of Acarnania into Epirus, there came to
him Demetrius Pharius with no more than one ship, that
was newly chased out of his kingdom by the Romans.
This Demetrius had lately shewed himself a friend to Anti-
gonus Doson in the wars of Cleomenes ; and returning in
his last voyage from the Cyclades, was ready, at their first
request, to take part with Philip"s captains. These, or
the like considerations, made him welcome unto the Ma
cedonian king, whose counsellor he was ever after. The
Dardanians hearing of the king's return, brake up their
army, and gave over for the present their invasion of Mace
don, towards which they were already on their way.

All that summer following the king rested at Larissa in
Thessaly, whilst his people gathered in their harvest. But
the ^Etolians rested not. They avenged themselves upon
the Epirots ; whom for the harms by them and Philip done
in JEtolia, they requited with all extremities of war, among
which, the most notable was the ruin of the famous tem
ple of Dodona. When winter grew on, and all thought of

548 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

war until another year was laid aside, Philip stole a jour
ney into Peloponnesus with five thousand foot and about
four hundred horse. As soon as he was within Corinth, he
commanded the gates to be shut, that no word might be
carried forth of his arrival. He sent privily for old Aratus
to come thither unto him ; with whom he took order, when,
and in what places, he would have the Achaean soldiers
ready to meet him. The enemies were then abroad in the
country, with somewhat more than two thousand foot and
an hundred horse, little thinking to meet with such opposi
tion. Indeed they had little cause to fear, since the Achae-
ans themselves were not aware that the king was in their
land with his Macedonians, until they heard that these two
thousand El cans, ^Etolians, and their fellows, were by him
surprised, and all made prisoners or slain. By this exploit
which he did at his first coming, Philip got very much re
putation ; as likewise he purchased both reputation and
love by divers actions immediately following. He won Pso-
phis, an exceeding strong town in the borders of Arcadia,
which the Eleans and ^Etolians then 'held. He won it by
assault at his first coming; wherein it much availed him,
that the enemy, not believing that he would undertake such
a piece of work at such an unseasonable time of the year,
was careless of providing even such store of weapons, as
might have served to defend if. The town was preserved
by the king from sack, and given to the Achasans, of his
own mere motion, before they requested it. Thence went
he to Lasion, which yielded for very fear, hearing how
easily he had taken Psophis. This town also he gave to
the Achaeans. The like liberality he used towards others,
that had ancient title unto places by him recovered. Then
fell he upon the country of Elis, where was much wealth to
be gotten ; for that the people were addicted to husbandry,
and lived abroad in villages, even such as were of the weal
thier sort among them. So he came to the city of Olympia,
where having done sacrifice to Jupiter, feasted his captains,
and refreshed his army three days, he proceeded on to the
spoil of those that had taken pleasure to share with the

CHAP. iv. OF THE WORLD. 549

^Etolians in the spoils of their otherwise deserving neigh
bours. Great abundance of cattle he took, with great num
bers of slaves, and much wealth of all sorts, such as could
be found in rich villages. Then fell he in hand with the
towns whereinto a great multitude of the country people
were fled. Some of these were taken at the first assault.
Some yielded for fear. Some prevented the labour of his
journey, by sending ambassadors to yield before he came.
And some that were held with garrisons against their wills,
took courage to set themselves at liberty by seeing the king
so near, to whose patronage thenceforth they betook them
selves. And many places were spoiled by the ^Etolian cap
tains, because they distrusted their ability to hold them. So
the king won more towns in the country, than the sharpness
of winter would suffer him to stay there days. Fain he
would have fought with the ^Etolians ; but they made such
haste from him, that he could not overtake them, until
they had covered themselves within the town of Samicum,
where they thought to have been safe. But Philip assaulted
them therein so forcibly, that he made them glad to yield
the place, obtaining license to depart with their lives and
arms. Having performed so much in this expedition, the
king reposed himself a while in Megalopolis, and then re
moved to Argos, where he spent all the rest of the winter.

Before the king's arrival in Peloponnesus, the Lacedae
monians, with Lycurgus their new king, had gotten some
what in Arcadia, and threatened to do great matters. But
when they were admonished, by the calamity that fell upon
the Eleans, of the danger hanging over their own heads,
they quitted their winnings, and withdrew themselves home.
This Lycurgus, as he had no other right to the kingdom of
Sparta than that which he could buy with money, so was
he neither free from danger of conspiracies made against
him, nor from those jealousies with which usurpers are
commonly perplexed. There was one Chilon, of the royal
blood, that thinking himself to have best right unto the
kingdom, purposed to make way thereunto, by massacre of
his opposites, and afterwards to confirm himself by pro-

550 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

pounding unto the multitude such reformation of the state
as was most popular ; namely, by making an equal distri
bution of all the lands among the whole number of the
citizens, according to the ancient institution of that com
monwealth. He won to his party some two hundred men,
with whom he fell upon the ephori as they were together
at supper, and slew them all. Then went he to Lycurgus's
house, who perceiving the danger, stole away, and fled. It
remained that he should give account of these doings to the
people, and procure them to take part with him. But their
minds being not hereto predisposed, they so little regarded
his goodly offers, as even whilst he was using his best per
suasions, they were consulting how to apprehend him. Chi-
lon perceived whereabout they went, and shifted presently
away. So he lived afterwards among the Achaeans a ba
nished man, and hated of his own people. As for Lycur-
gus, he returned home; and suspecting thenceforth all
those of Hercules's race, found means to drive out his fel
low king, young Agesipolis, whereby he made himself lord
alone. His doings grew to be suspected, in such sort as
once he should have been apprehended by the ephori : but
though his actions hitherto might have been defended, yet
rather than to adventure himself into judgment, he chose
to fly for a time, and sojourn among his friends the J£to-
lians. His well-known vehemency in opposition to the Ma
cedonians had procured unto him such good liking among
the people, that in his absence they began to consider the
weakness of their own surmises against him, and pro
nouncing him innocent, recalled him home to his estate.
But in time following, he took better heed unto himself;
not by amending his condition, (for he grew a tyrant, and
was so acknowledged,) but by taking order, that it should
not be in the power *of the citizens to expel him when they
listed. By what actions he got the name of a tyrant, or
at what time it was that he chased Agesipolis out of the
city, I do not certainly find. Like enough it is, that his
being the first of three usurpers, which followed in order
one after another, made him to be placed in the rank of ty-

CHAP. iv. OF THE WORLD. 551

rants, which the last of the three very justly deserved.
Whatsoever he was towards some private citizens, in the
war against Philip he behaved himself as a provident man,
and careful of his country's good.

SECT. II.

How Philip was misadvised by ill counsellors; who afterwards
wrought treason against him, and were justly punished. He in-
vadeth the JEtolians a second time, and forceth them to sue for
peace, which is granted unto them.

WHILST the king lay at Argos, devising upon his bu
siness for the year following, some ambitious men that were
about him studied so diligently their own greatness, as
they were like to have spoiled all that he took in hand.
Antigonus Doson had left unto Philip such counsellors as
to him did seem the fittest men for governing of his youth.
The chief of these was Apelles, that had the charge of his per
son and ordering of his treasures. This man, seeming to him
self a great politician, thought that he should do a notable
piece of service to his prince, if he could reduce the Achae-
ans unto the same degree of subjection wherein the Mace
donians lived. To bring this to pass, during the late expe
dition he had caused some of the Macedonians to thrust
the Achaean s out of their lodgings, and to strip them of
the booty that they had gotten. Proceeding further, as
occasion fell out, he was bold to chastise some of that na
tion, causing his ministers to take and whip them. If any
of them offered (as there were some of them that could not
refrain) to help their fellows, them he laid by the heels, and
punished as mutineers. Hereby he thought to bring it to
pass by little and little, that they should be qualified with
an habit of blind obedience, and think nothing unjust that
pleased the king. But these Achaeans were tenderly sensi
ble in matter of liberty, whereof if they could have been
contented to suffer any little diminution, they needed not
have troubled the Macedonians to help them in the war
against Cleomenes. They bemoaned themselves unto old

RALEGH, VOL. IV. P p

552 THE HISTORY BOOK v,

Aratus, and besought him to think upon some good order,
that they might not be oppressed by degrees. Aratus forth
with dealt earnestly with the king, as in a matter more
weighty than at first it might seem. The king bestowed
gracious words upon those that had been wronged, and for
bade Apelles to follow the course begun. Hereat Apelles
was inwardly vexed, though he dissembled his choler for
a time. He thought so well of his own project, that he
could not endure to lay it aside, being perhaps unable to
do the king any valuable service in business of other na
ture. He purposed therefore hereafter to begin at the
head, since, in biting at the tail, the fish had shot away
from his mouth. It could not otherwise be, than that among
the Achasans there were some who bore no hearty affection
to Aratus. These he inquired out, and, sending for them,
entertained them with words of court, promising to become
their especial friend, and commend them unto the king.
Then brake he his purpose with the king himself, letting
him know, that as long as he continued to make much of
Aratus, he must be fain to deal precisely with the Achseans,
and, as it were by indenture, according to the letter of the
contract ; whereas if he would be pleased to give counte
nance unto those others whom he himself commended,
then should the Achaeans, and all other Peloponnesians, be
quickly brought to conform themselves unto the duty of
obedient subjects. By such persuasions, he drew the king
to be present at ^Egium, where the Achaeans were to hold
election of a new pretor. There, with much more labour than
would have been needful in a business of more importance,
the king, by fair words and threatenings together, obtained
so much, that Eperatus, a very insufficient man, but one of
Apelles's new favourites, was chosen pretor, instead of one
more worthy, for whom Aratus had laboured. This was
thought a good introduction unto greater matters that
should follow. The king from thence passed along by Pa-
tras and Dyma, to a very strong castle held by the Eleans>
which was called Tichos : the garrison yielded it up for

CHAP. iv. OF THE WORLD. 553

fear at his first coming, whereof he was glad ; for that he
had an earnest desire to bestow it upon the Dymseans, as
he presently did.

The king thought it strange, that all this while he heard
of no messengers from the Eleans, to sue for peace. For
at his departure out of their country the last winter, he had
let loose one Amphidamus, a captain of theirs, that was his
prisoner ; because he found him an intelligent man, and one
that undertook to make them forsake their alliance with the
JEtolians, and join with him upon reasonable terms. This
if they could be contented to do, he willed Amphidamus to
let them understand, that he would render unto them freely
all prisoners which he had of theirs ; that he would defend
them from all foreign invasion; and that they should hold
their liberty entire, living after their own laws, without
paying any manner of tribute, or being kept under by any
garrison. These conditions were not to be despised, if they
had found credit as they might have done. But when
Philip came to the castle of Tichos, and made a new inva
sion upon their country, then began the Eleans (that were
not before over hasty to believe such fair promises) to sus
pect Amphidamus as a traitor, and one that was set on
work for no other end than to breed a mutual diffidence be
tween them and the ^Etolians. Wherefore they purposed
to lay hands upon him, and send him prisoner into Mtolia :
but he perceived their intent, and got away to Dyma ; in
good time for himself, in better for Aratus. For the king
(as was said) marvelling what should be the cause that he
heard no news from the Eleans concerning the offers which
he had made unto them by Amphidamus; Apelles, his
counsellor, thereby took occasion to supplant Aratus. He
said, that old Aratus, and his son together, had such devices
in their heads, as tended little to the king's good ; and long
of them he said it was, that the Eleans did thus hold out :
for when Amphidamus was dismissed home, the two Arati
(the father and the son) had taken him aside, and given him
to understand, that it would be very prejudicial to all Pelo
ponnesus, if the Eleans once became at the devotion of the

pp 2

554 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

Macedonian ; and this was the true cause why neither Am-
phidamus was very careful in doing this message, nor the
Eleans in hearkening to the king's offers. All this was a
false lie, devised by Apelles himself upon no other ground
than his own malice. Philip had no sooner heard his tale,
but in a great rage he sent for the two Arati, and bade
Apelles rehearse it over again to their faces. Apelles did
so, and with a bold countenance, talking to them as to men
already convicted. And when he had said all the rest, ere
either Philip or they spake any word, he added this clause,
as it were in the king's name : " Since the king hath found
" you such ungrateful wretches, it is his meaning to hold a
" parliament of the Achaeans ; and therein having made it
" known what ye are, to depart into Macedon, and leave
66 you to yourselves." Old Aratus gravely admonished the
king, that whensoever he heard any accusation, especially
against a friend of his own, or a man of worth, he should
forbear a while to give credit, until he had diligently ex
amined the business : for such deliberation was kingly, and
he should never thereof repent him. At the present, he
said, there needed no more, than to call in those that had
heard his talk with Amphidamus ; and especially him that
had brought this goodly tale to Apelles. For it would be
a very absurd thing, that the king should make himself au
thor of a report in the open parliament of Achaia, whereof
there was none other evidence than one man's yea and an
other's no. Hereof the king liked well, and said that he
would make sufficient inquiry. So passed a few days;
wherein whilst Apelles delayed to bring in the proof, which
indeed he wanted, Amphidamus came from Elis, and told
what had befallen him there. The king was not forgetful
to examine him about the conspiracy of the Arati ; which
when he found no better than a mere device against his
honourable friends, he entertained them in loving manner as
before. As for his love to Apelles, though it was hereby
somewhat cooled, yet, by means of long acquaintance and
daily employment, no remission therein could be discerned.
The unrestful temper of Apelles having with much vehe-

CHAP. iv. OF THE WORLD. 555

mency brought nothing to pass, began (as commonly ambi
tion useth) to swell and grow venomous, for want of his free
motion. He betakes himself to his cunning again ; and as
before, being checked in his doings with those of the vulgar,
he had prepared a snare for the Arati, so, failing of them, he
thinks it wisdom to lay for the king himself, and for all at
once which were about him. In such manner sometime
the spider thought to have taken the swallow which drave
away flies out of the chimney ; but was carried (net and all)
into the air by the bird, that was too strong to be caught
and held by the subtile workmanship of a cobweb. Of the
four that next unto Apelles were left by Antigonus in chief
place about Philip, Taurion, his lieutenant in Peloponne
sus, and Alexander, captain of the guard, were faithful
men, and such as would not be corrupted. The other two,
Leontius, captain of the targetiers, and Megaleas, chief of
the secretaries, were easily won to be at Apelles's disposi
tion. This politician therefore studied how to remove the
other two from their places, and put some creatures of his
own into their rooms. Against Alexander he went to work
the ordinary way, by calumniation and privy detraction:
but for the supplanting of Taurion he used more finesse ;
loading him with daily commendations as a notable man of
war, and one whom for his many virtues the king might ill
spare from being always in his presence. By such art he
thought to have removed him, as we say, out of God's bless
ing into a warm sun. In the mean season Aratus retired
himself, and sought to avoid the dangerous friendship of
the king, by forbearing to meddle in affairs of state. As
for the new pretor of Achaia, lately chosen by such vehe
ment instance of the king, he was a man of no despatch, and
one that had no grace with the people. Wherefore a great
deal of time was lost, whilst Philip wanted both the money
and the corn wherewith he should have been furnished by
the Achaeans. This made the king understand his own
error ; which he wisely sought to reform betimes. He
persuaded the Achaeans to rejourn their parliament from
to Sicyon, the town of Aratus. There he dealt
pp3

556 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

with the old man and his son ; persuading them to forget
what was past, and laying all the blame upon Apelles, on
whom thenceforth he intended to keep a more diligent eye.
So by the travail of these worthy men he easily obtained
what he would of the Achseans. Fifty talents they gave
him out of hand, with great store of corn ; and further de
creed, that so long as he himself in person followed the
wars in Peloponnesus, he should receive ten talents a month.
Being thus enabled, he began to provide shipping, that so
he might invade the JStolians, Eleans, and Lacedaemonians,
that were maritime people, at his pleasure, and hinder their
excursions by sea.

It vexed Apelles beyond measure to see things go for
ward so well without his help, even by the ministry of
those whom he most hated. Wherefore he entered into
conspiracy with JLeontius and Megaleas; binding himself
and them by oath, to cross and bring to nought, as well as
they were able, all that the king should take in hand. By
so doing, they thought to bring it to pass, that very want
of ability to do any thing without them should make him
speak them fair, and be glad to submit himself to their di
rections. The king, it is like, had stood in some awe of
them whilst he was a child ; and therefore these wise men
persuaded themselves, that, by looking big upon him, and
imputing unto him all that fell out ill through their own
misgovernment of his affairs, they might rule him as a child
still. Apelles would needs go to Chalcis, there to take
order for the provisions which were to come that way out
of Macedon ; the other two stayed behind with the king, to
play their parts, all more mindful of their wicked oath
than of their duty.

His fleet and army being in a readiness, Philip made
countenance as if he would have bent all his forces against
the Eleans; to whose aid therefore the ^Etolians sent men,
little fearing that the mischief would have fallen, as soon
after it did, upon themselves. But against the Eleans, and
those that came to help them, Philip thought it enough to
leave the Achaeans, with some part of his and their merce-

CHAP. iv. OF THE WORLD. 557

naries. He himself, with the body of his army, putting to
sea, landed in the isle of Cephallenia ; whence the JEto-
lians, dwelling over against it, used to furnish themselves of
shipping when they went to rove abroad. There he be
sieged the town of Palaea, that had been very serviceable to
the enemy against him and his confederates ; and might be
very useful to him, if he could get it. Whilst he lay before
this town, there came unto him fifteen ships of war from
Scerdilaidas ; and many good soldiers from the Epirots,
Acarnanians, and Messenians : but the town was obstinate,
and would not be terrified with numbers. It was naturally
fenced on all parts save one, on which side Philip carried a
mine to the wall, wherewith he overthrew two hundred foot
thereof. Leontius, captain of the targetiers, was appointed
by the king to make the assault. But he, remembering his
covenant with Apelles, did both wilfully forbear to do his
best, and caused others to do the like. So the Macedo
nians were put to foil, and many slain; not of the worst
soldiers, but such as had gotten over the breach, and would
have carried the town, if the treason of their captain, and
some by him corrupted, had not hindered the victory. The
king was angry with this ; but there was no remedy ; and
therefore he thought upon breaking up the siege : for it was
easier unto the townsmen to make up the gap in their wall,
than for him to make it wider. Whilst he stood thus per
plexed, and uncertain what course to take, the Messenians
and Acarnanians lay hard upon him, each of them desirous
to draw him into their own country. The Messenians
alleged, that Lycurgus was busy in wasting their country,
upon whom the king might come unawares in one day ; the
Etesian winds, which then blew, serving fitly for his naviga
tion. Hereto also Leontius persuaded; who considered
that those winds, as they would easily carry him thither, so
would they detain him there perforce, (blowing all the dog-
days,) and make him spend the summer to small purpose :
but Aratus gave better counsel, and prevailed. He shewed

how unfitting; it were to let the JEtolians overrun all Thes
es

saly again, and some part of Macedon, whilst the king with-

p p 4

558 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

drew his army far off, to seek small adventures. Rather, he
said, that the time now served well to carry the war into
^Etolia; since the pretor was gone thence abroad on roving,
with the one half of their strength . As for Lycurgus, he was
not strong enough to do much harm in Peloponnesus ; and
it might suffice, if the Achaeans were appointed to make
head against him. According to this advice, the king sets
sail for ^Etolia; and enters the bay of Ambracia, which
divided the ^Etolians from Acarnania. The Acarnanians
were glad to see him on their borders, and joined with
him as many of them as could bear arms, to help in taking
vengeance upon their bad neighbours. He marched up
into the inland country, and taking some places by the way,
which he filled with garrisons to assure his retreat, he passed
on to Thermum, which was the receptacle of the Mto-
lians, and surest place of defence in all extremities. The
country round about was a great fastness, environed with
rocky mountains of very narrow, steep, and difficult ascent.
There did the ^Etolians use to hold all their chief meetings,
their fairs, their election of magistrates, and their solemn
games. There also they used to bestow the most precious
of their goods, as in a place of greatest security. This
opinion of the natural strength had made them careless in
looking unto it. When Philip therefore had overcome the
bad way, there was nothing else to do than to take spoil ;
whereof he found such plenty, that he thought the pains of
his journey well recompensed. So he loaded his army ; and,
consuming all that could not be carried away, forgot not to
raze a goodly temple, the chief of all belonging unto the
^Etolians, in remembrance of the like their courtesy shewed
upon the temples of Dium and Dodona. This burning of
the temple might, questionless, more for the king's ho
nour have been forborne. But perhaps he thought, as mon
sieur du Gourges, the French captain, told the Spaniards
in Florida, " that they which had no faith needed no
" church." At his return from Thermum, the ^Etolians
laid for him; which that they would do he believed be
fore, and therefore was not taken unawares. Three thou-

CHAP. iv. OF THE WORLD. 559

sand of them there were, that, lying in ambush, fell upon his
skirts ; but he had laid a counter-ambush for them of his
Illyrians, who, staying behind the rest, did set upon the
backs of the ^Etolians, whilst they were busily charging in
rear the army that went before. So with slaughter of the
enemy he returned the same way that he came ; and burn
ing down those places that he had taken before, as also
wasting the country round about him, he safely carried all
that he had gotten aboard his fleet. Once the ^Etolians
made countenance of fight, issuing out of Stratus in great
bravery : but they were beaten home faster than they
came, and followed to their very gates.

The joy of this victorious expedition being every way
complete, and not deformed (as commonly happens) by any
sinister accident, it pleased the king to make a great feast
unto all his friends and captains. Thither were invited
among the rest Leon tins, with his fellow Megaleas. They
came because they could not choose, but their heavy looks
argued what little pleasure they took in the king's prospe
rity. It grieved them to think that they should be able to
give no better account unto Apelles of their hindering the
king's business ; since Apelles himself, as will be shewed
anon, had played his own part with a most mischievous
dexterity. The sorrow and indignation which they could
ill dissemble in their faces brake out after supper, when
they had warmed themselves with drink, into open riot.
Finding Aratus on the way home to his tent, they fell to
reviling him, throwing stones at him, so that they caused a
great uproar ; many running in (as happens in such cases)
to take part with the one or the other. The king, sending
to inquire of the matter, was truly informed of all that had
passed ; which made him send for Leontius and his fellows.
But Leontius was gotten out of the way; Megaleas, and^
another with him, came. The king began to rate them for
their disorder, and they to give him fro ward answers; in
somuch as they said at length, that they would never give
over, till they had rewarded Aratus with a mischief as he
deserved : hereupon the king committed them to ward.

560 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

Leontius, hearing of this, comes boldly to the king, with his
targetiers at his heels ; and with a proud grace demanded,
who it was that had dared to lay hands upon Megaleas,
yea, and to cast him into prison ? " Why," said the king,
" it was even I." This resolute answer, which Leontius
had not expected, made him depart both sad and angry ;
seeing himself outfrowned, and not knowing how to remedy
the matter. Shortly after, Megaleas was called forth to his
answer, and was charged by Aratus with many great crimes.
Among which were, the hinderance of the king's victory at
Palaea, and the compact made with Apelles; matters no
less touching Leontius, that stood by as a looker on, than
Megaleas, that was accused. In conclusion, the presump
tions against him were so strong, and his answers thereto so
weak, that he and Crinon, one of his fellows, were con
demned in twenty talents ; Crinon being remanded back to
prison, and Leontius becoming bail for Megaleas. This
was done upon the way homeward, as the king was return
ing to Corinth.

Philip despatched well a great deal of business this year :
for as soon as he was at Corinth, he took in hand an expe
dition against the Lacedaemonians. These and the Eleans
had done what harm they could in Peloponnesus, whilst the
king was absent. The Achaeans had opposed them as well
as they could with ill success ; yet so, as they hindered
them from doing such harm as else they would have done.
But when Philip came, he overrun the country about La-
cedaemon ; and was in a manner at the gates of Sparta, ere
men could well believe that he was returned out of ^Etolia.
He took not in this expedition any cities, but made great
waste in the fields ; and, having beaten the enemy in some
skirmishes, carried back with him to Corinth a rich booty of
cattle, slaves, and other country spoil. At Corinth he
found attending him ambassadors from the Rhodians and
Chians; that requested him to set Greece at quiet, by
granting peace unto the ^Etolians. They had gracious
audience, and he willed them to deal first with the JStolians ;
who, if they would make the same request, should not find

CHAP. iv. OF THE WORLD. 561

him unreasonable. The ^Etolians had sped ill that year;
neither saw they any likely hopes for the years following.
The army, that they had sent forth to waste Thessaly and
Macedon, found such opposition on the way, that, not
daring to proceed, it returned home without bringing any
thing to effect. In the mean season they had been griev
ously afflicted, as before is shewed, by Philip in the centre
of their own country. All Greece and Macedon was up in
arms against them and their weak allies, the Eleans and
Lacedemonians. Neither was it certain, how long the one
or other of these their Peloponnesian friends should be able
to hold out ; since they were not strong enough to keep the
field, but had already suffered those miseries of war, which
by a little continuance would make them glad each to seek
their own peace, without regard of their confederates.
Wherefore the .^Etolians readily entertained this negotiation
of peace ; and, taking truce for thirty days with the king,
dealt with him by intercession of the same ambassadors to
entreat his presence at a diet of their nation, that should be
held at Rhium; whither if he would vouchsafe to come,
they promised that he should find them conformable to any
good reason.

Whilst these things were in hand, Leontius and Mega-
leas thought to have terrified the king by raising sedition
against him in the army. But this device sorted to no
good effect. The soldiers were easily and quickly incensed
against many of the king's friends ; who were said to be the
cause why they were not rewarded with so much of the
booty, as they thought to belong of right unto them. But
their anger spent itself in a noise, and breaking open of
doors, without further harm done. This was enough to
inform the king, (who easily pacified his men with gentle
words,) that some about him were very false. Yea, the
soldiers themselves, repenting of their insolence, desired to
have the authors of the tumult sought out, and punished
according to their deserts. The king made show as if he
had not cared to make such inquisition ; but Leontius and
Megaleas were sore afraid, lest the matter would soon come

562 THE HISTORY BOOK v-

out of itself, to their extreme danger. Wherefore they sent
unto Apelles, the head and architect of their treason ; re
questing him speedily to repair to Corinth, where he might
stand between them and the king's displeasure. Apelles had
not all this while been wanting to the business undertaken
by him and his treacherous companions : he had taken
upon him, as a man that had the king's heart in his own
hand ; and thereby was he grown into such credit, that ail
the king's officers in Macedon and Thessaly addressed them
selves unto him, and received from him their despatch in
every business. Likewise the Greeks, in all their flattering
decrees, took occasion to magnify the virtue of Apelles,
making slight mention (only for fashion sake) of the king ;
who seemed no better than the minister and executioner of
Apelles's will and pleasure. Such was the arrogancy of this
great man, in setting himself out unto the people ; but in
managing the king's affairs he made it his especial care, that
money, and all things needful for the public service, should
be wanting. Yea, he enforced the king, for very need, to
sell his own plate and household vessels ; thinking to resolve
these and all other difficulties by only saying, " Sir, be
* ' ruled wholly by me, and all shall be as you would wish :"
hereto if the king would give assent, then had this politi
cian obtained his heart's desire. Now taking his journey
from Chalcis, in the isle of Eubcea, to the city of Corinth,
where Philip then lay, he was fetched in with great pomp
and royalty, by a great number of the captains and soldiers,
which Leontius and Megaleas drew forth to meet him on
the way. So entering the city with a goodly train, he went
directly to the court, and towards the king's chamber.
But Philip was well aware of his pride, and had vehement
suspicion of his falsehood ; wherefore one was sent to tell
him that he should wait a while, or come another time, for
the king was not now at leisure to be spoken with. It was
a pretty thing that such a check as this made all his attend
ants forsake him, as a man in disgrace ; in such sort, that,
going thence to his lodging, he had none to follow him, save
his own pages. After this, the king vouchsafed him now

CHAP. iv. OF THE WORLD. 563

and then some slender graces ; but in consultations, or other
matters of privacy, he used him not at all. This taught
Megaleas to look unto himself, and run away betimes.
Hereupon the king sent forth Taurion, his lieutenant of Pe
loponnesus, with all the targetiers, as it were to do some
piece of service ; but indeed of purpose to apprehend Leon-
tius in the absence of his followers. Leontius being taken,
despatched away a messenger presently to his targetiers, to
signify what was befallen him ; and they forthwith sent
unto the king in his behalf. They made request, that if
any other thing were objected against him, he might not be
called forth to trial before their return ; as for the debt of
Megaleas, if that were all the matter, they said that they
were ready to make a purse for his discharge. This affec
tion of the soldiers made Philip more hasty, than else he
would have been, to take away the traitor's life. Neither
was it long, ere letters of Megaleas were intercepted, which
he wrote unto the ^Etolians ; vilifying the king with oppro
brious words, and bidding them not to hearken after peace,
but to hold out a while, for that Philip was even ready to
sink under the burden of his own poverty. By this the
king understood more perfectly the falsehood, not only of
Megaleas, but of Apelles ; whose cunning head had laboured
all this while to keep him so poor : wherefore he sent one
to pursue Megaleas, that was fled to Thebes. As for
Apelles, he committed both him, his son, and another
that was inward with him, to prison ; wherein all of them
shortly ended their lives. Megaleas also, neither daring to
stand to trial, nor knowing whither to fly, was weary of his
own life, and slew himself about the same time.

The ^Etolians, as they had begun this war upon hope of
accomplishing what they listed in the nonage of Philip, so
finding that the vigour of this young prince, tempered with
the cold advice of Aratus, wrought very effectually toward
their overthrow, they grew very desirous to make an end of
it. Nevertheless, being a turbulent nation, and ready to lay
hold upon all advantages, when they heard what was hap
pened in the court, the death of Apelles, Leontius, and

564 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

Magaleus, together with some indignation thereupon con
ceived by the king's targetiers, they began to hope anew
that these troubles would be long lasting, and thereupon
brake the day appointed for the meeting at Rhium. Of
this was Philip nothing sorry : for being in good hope
throughly to tame this unquiet nation, he thought it much
to concern his own honour, that all the blame of the begin
ning and continuing the war should rest upon themselves.
Wherefore he willed his confederates to lay aside all thought
of peace, and to prepare for war against the year following ;
wherein he hoped to bring it to an end. Then gratified he
his Macedonian soldiers, by yielding to let them winter in
their own country. In his return homeward, he called into
judgment one Ptolomy, a companion with Apelles and
Leontius in their treasons ; who was therefore condemned
by the Macedonians, and suffered death. These were the
same Macedonians that lately could not endure to hear of
Leontius's imprisonment; yet now they think the man
worthy to die, that was but his adherent : so vain is the
confidence, on which rebels use to build, in their favour with
the multitude !

During his abode in Macedon, Philip won some border
ing towns ; from which the Dardanians, ^Etolians, and other
his ill neighbours, were accustomed to make roads into his
kingdom. When he had thus provided for safety of his
own, the ^Etolians might well know what they were to ex
pect. But there came again ambassadors from the Rho-
dians and Chians, with others from Ptolomy king of Egypt,
and from the city of Byzantium, recontinuing the former
solicitation about the peace. This fashion had been taken
up, in matters of Greece, ever since the kings that reigned
after Alexander had taken upon them to set the whole
country at liberty. No sooner was any province or city in
danger to be oppressed, and subdued by force of war, but
presently there were found intercessors, who, pitying the
effusion of Greekish blood, would importune the stronger
to relinquish his advantage. By doing such friendly offices
in time of need, the princes and states abroad sought to

CHAP. iv. OF THE WORLD. 565

bind unto them those people that were, howsoever weak in
numbers, yet very good soldiers. But hereby it came to
pass, that the more froward sort, especially the ^Etolians,
whose whole nation was addicted to falsehood and robbery,
durst enter boldly into quarrels with all their neighbours ;
being well assured, that if they had the worst, the love of
Greece would be sufficient to redeem their quiet. They had,
since the late treaty of peace, done what harm they could
in Peloponnesus ; but being beaten by the Achaeans, and
standing in fear to be more soundly beaten at home, they
desired now, more earnestly than before, to make an end of
the war as soon as they might. Philip made such answer
to the ambassadors as he had done the former year ; that he
gave not occasion to the beginning of this war, nor was at
the present either afraid to continue it, or unwilling to end
it ; but that the ^Etolians, if they had a desire to live in
rest, must first be dealt withal, to signify plainly their deter
mination, whereto himself would return such answer as he
should think fit.

Philip had at this time no great liking unto the peace,
being a young prince, and in hope to increase the honour
which he daily got by the war. But it happened, in the
midst of this negotiation, that he was advertised by letters
out of Macedon what a notable victory Hannibal had ob
tained against the Romans in the battle at Thrasymene.
These letters he communicated unto Demetrius Pharius,
who greatly encouraged him to take part with Hannibal ;
and not to sit still, ps an idle beholder of the Italian war.
Hereby he grew more inclinable than before unto peace
with the ^Etolians; which was concluded shortly in a meet
ing at Naupactus. There did Agela*us, an Mtolian, make
a great oration ; telling how happy it was for the Greeks,
that they might at their own pleasure dispute about finish
ing war between themselves, without being molested by the
Barbarians. For when once either the Romans or the Car
thaginians had subdued one the other, it was not to be
doubted that they would forthwith look eastward, and seek
by all means to set footing in Greece. For this cause he said

566 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

it were good that their country should be at peace within
itself ; and that Philip, if he were desirous of war, should
lay hold on the opportunity, now fitly serving, to enlarge
his dominion, by winning somewhat in Italy. Such advice
could the ^Etolians then give, when they stood in fear of
danger threatening them at hand; but being soon after
weary of rest, as accustomed to enrich themselves by pil
lage, they were so far from observing and following their
own good counsel, that they invited the Romans into
Greece ; whereby they brought themselves and the whole
country (but themselves before any other part of the coun
try) under servitude of strangers. The condition of this
peace was simple ; that every one should keep what they
held at the present, without making restitution, or any
amends for damages past.

SECT. III.

Philip, at the persuasion of Demetrius Pharius, enters into league
with Hannibal against the Romans. The tenor of the league
between Hannibal and Philip.

THIS being agreed upon, the Greeks betook themselves
to quiet courses of life ; and Philip to prepare for the
business of Italy, about which he consulted with Deme
trius Pharius. And thus passed the time away till the
great battle of Cannae ; after which he joined in league with
Hannibal, as hath been shewed before. Demetrius Pha
rius bore great malice unto the Romans ; and knew no other
way to be avenged upon them, or to recover his own lost
kingdom, than by procuring the Macedonian, that was in a
manner wholly guided by his counsel, to take part with
their enemies. It had otherwise been far more expedient
for Philip to have supported the weaker of these two great
cities against the more mighty. For by so doing he should
perhaps have brought them to peace upon some equal
terms ; and thereby, as did Hiero, a far weaker prince, have
both secured his own estate, and caused each of them to be
desirous of chief place in his friendship. The issue of the
counsel which he followed will appear soon after this. His

CHAP. iv. OF THE WORLD. 567

first quarrel with the Romans, the trouble which they and
the JStolians did put him to in Greece, and the peace which
they made with him for a time, upon conditions that might
easily be broken, have been related in another place, as be
longing unto the second Punic war. Wherefore I will
only here set down the tenour of the league between him
and Carthage ; which may seem not unworthy to be read,
if only in regard of the form itself then used ; though it
had been over-long to have been inserted into a more busy
piece.

The oath and covenants between Hannibal, general of the Car
thaginians, and Xenophanes, ambassador of Philip, king of
Macedon.

" THIS is the league, ratified by oath, which Hannibal
46 the general, and with him Mago, Myrcal, and Barmocal,
" as also the senators of Carthage that are present, and all
" the Carthaginians that are in his army, have made with
" Xenophanes the son of Cleomachus, Athenian, whom
" king Philip .the son of Demetrius hath sent unto us, for
" himself and the Macedonians, and his associates ; before
" Jupiter, and Juno, and Apollo ; before e the god of the
" Carthaginians, Hercules, and lolausj before Mars, Triton,
" Neptune ; before the gods accompanying arms, the sun,
" the moon, and the earth ; before rivers, and meadows, and
" waters ; before all the gods that have power over Car-
" thage ; before all the gods that rule over Macedon, and
" the rest of Greece ; before all the gods that are presidents
" of war, and present at the making of this league. Han-
66 nibal the general hath said, and all the senators that are
" with him, and all the Carthaginians in his army. Be it
" agreed between you and us, that this oath stand for
" friendship and loving affection, that we become friends,
" familiar, and brethren, upon covenant, that the safety of
" the lords the Carthaginians, and of Hannibal the general,
" and those that are with him, and of the rulers of pro-
" vinces of the Carthaginians using the same laws, and of

« Daemon.

RALEGH, VOL. IV. Q. q

568 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

" the Uticans, and as many cities and nations as obey the
" Carthaginians, and of the soldiers and associates, and of all
" towns and nations with which we hold friendship in Italy,
" Gaul, and Liguria, and with whom we shall hold friend-
" ship or make alliance hereafter in this region, be pre-
" served by king Philip and the Macedonians, and such of
" the Greeks as are their associates. In like manner shall
" king Philip and the Macedonians, and other the Greeks
" his associates, be saved and preserved by the Carthaginian
" armies, and by the Uticans, and by all cities and nations
" that obey the Carthaginians, and by their associates and
" soldiers, and by all nations and cities in Italy, Gaul, and
" Liguria, that are of our alliance, or shall hereafter join
" with us in Italy. We shall not take counsel one against
" the other, nor deal fraudulently one with the other. With
" all readiness and good- will, without deceit or subtilty, we
" shall be enemies unto the enemies of the Carthaginians,
" excepting those kings, towns, and havens with which we
" have already league and friendship. We also shall be
" enemies to the enemies of king Philip, excepting those
<{ kings, cities, and nations with which we have already
" league and friendship. The war that we have with the
" Romans, have ye also with them, until the gods shall give
" us a new and happy end. Ye shall aid us with those
" things whereof we have need, and shall do according to
" the covenants between us. But if the gods shall not give
" unto you and us their help in this war against the Romans
" and their associates, then, if the Romans offer friendship,
" we shall make friendship in such wise that ye shall be
" partakers of the same friendship, with condition, that
" they shall not have power to make war upon you ; neither
" shall the Romans be lords over the Corcyrasans, nor over
" those of Apollonia, nor Dyrrachium, nor over Pharus,
" nor Dimalle, nor the Parthini, nor Atintania. They shall
" also render unto Demetrius Pharius all those that belong
« unto him, as many as are within the Romans' dominions.
" But if the Roman's (after such peace made) shall make
« war upon ye or us, we will succour one another in that

CHAP. iv. OF THE WORLD. 569

•" war, as either shall have need. The same shall be ob-
" served in war made by any other, excepting those kings,
" cities, and states with whom we hold already league and
" friendship. To this league, if we or ye shall think fit to
" add or detract, such addition or detraction shall be made
" by our common consent."

«

SECT. IV.

How Philip yielded to his natural vices, being therein soothed by
Demetrius Pharius. His desire to tyrannize upon the free states
his associates f with the troubles into which he thereby fell, whilst
he bore- a part in the second Punic war. He poisoneth Aratust
and grows hateful to the Ach&ans.

HITHERTO Philip had carried himself as a virtuous
prince : and though with more commendation of his wis
dom he might have offered his friendship to the Romans,
that were like to be oppressed, than to the Carthaginians,
who had the better hand ; yet this his meddling in the Punic
war proceeded from a royal greatness of mind, with a desire .
to secure and increase his own estate, adding therewithal
reputation to his country. But in this business he was
guided (as hath been said) by Demetrius Pharius, who,
looking throughly into his nature, did accommodate himself
to his desires, and thereby shortly governed him, even as
he listed. For the virtues of Philip were not indeed such
as they seemed. He was lustful, bloody, and tyrannical, de
sirous of power to do what he listed, and not otherwise
listing to do what he ought, than so far forth, as by making
a fair show he might breed in men such a good opinion of
him as should help to serve his turn in all that he took in
hand. Before he should busy himself in Italy, he thought
it requisite in good policy to bring the Greeks that were his
associates under a more absolute form of subjection. Here
unto Apelles had advised him before, and he had liked rea
sonably well of the course : but Apelles was a boisterous
counsellor, and one that, referring all to his own glory,
thought himself deeply wronged, if he might not wholly
have his own way, but were driven to await the king^s op-

570 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

portimity at better times. Demetrius Pharius could well be
contented to observe the king's humours, and guided, like
a coachman, with the reins in his hand, those affections which
himself did only seem to follow. Therefore he grew daily
more and more in credit, so as, without any manner of
contention, he supplanted Aratus, which the violence of
Apelles could never do. •&

There arose about these times a very hot faction among
the Messenians, between the nobility and commons ; their
vehement thoughts being rather diverte'd (as happens often
after a foreign war) unto domestical objects, than allayed
and reduced unto a more quiet temper. In process of no
long time, the contention among them grew so violent, that
Philip was entreated to compound the differences. He was
glad of this, resolving so to end the matter, that they should
not henceforth strive any more about their government, for
that he would assume it wholly to himself. At his coming
thither, he found Aratus busy among them, to make all
friends, after a better manner than agreed with his own se
cret purpose. Wherefore he consulted not with this reverend
old man, but talked in private with such of the Messenians
as repaired unto him. He asked the governors what they
meant, to stand thus disputing, and whether they had not
laws to bridle the insolence of the unruly rabble ? Contrari
wise, in talking with the heads of the popular faction, he
said it was strange, that they, being so many, would suffer
themselves to be oppressed by a few, as if they had not hands
to defend themselves from tyrants. Thus whilst each of
them presumed on the king's assistance, they thought it
best to go roundly to work, ere he were gone that should
countenance their doings. The governors therefore would
have apprehended some seditious orators that were, they
said, the stirrers up of the multitude unto sedition. Upon
this occasion the people took arms, and running upon the
nobility and magistrates, killed of them in a rage almost
two hundred. Philip thought, it seems, that it would be
easy to worry the sheep when the dogs their guardians were
slain : but his falsehood and double-dealing was immedi-

CHAP. iv. OF THE WORLD. 571

ately found out. Neither did the younger Aratus forbear
to tell him of it in public, with very bitter and disgraceful
words. The king was angry at this : but having already
done more than was commendable or excusable, and yet
further intending to take other things in hand, wherein he
should need the help and countenance of his best friends,
he was content to smother his displeasure, and make as fair
weather as he could. He led old Aratus aside by the hand,
and went up into the castle of Ithome, that was over Mes-
sene. There he pretended to do sacrifice, and sacrifice he
did : but it was his purpose to keep the place to his own
use, for that it was of notable strength, and would serve to
command the further parts of Peloponnesus, as the citadel
of Corinth, which he had already, commanded the entrance
into that country. Whilst he was therefore sacrificing, and
had the entrails of the beast delivered into his hands, as
was the manner, he shewed them to Aratus, and gently
asked him whether the tokens that he saw therein did sig
nify, that being now in possession of this place, he should
quietly go out of it, or rather keep it to himself ? He thought,
perhaps, that the old man would have soothed him a little,
were it only for desire to make amends for the angry words
newly spoken by his son. But as Aratus stood doubtful
what to answer, Demetrius Pharius gave this verdict : " If
" thou be a soothsayer, thou mayest go thy ways, and let
" slip this good advantage ; if thou be a king, thou must
" not neglect the opportunity, but hold the ox by both his
" horns." Thus he spake, resembling Ithome and Acroco-
rinthus unto the two horns of Peloponnesus. Yet would
Philip needs hear the opinion of Aratus, who told him
plainly, that it were well done to keep the place, if it might
be kept without breach of his faith unto the Messenians ;
but if, by seizing upon Ithome, he must lose all the other
' castles that he held, and especially the strongest castle of all
that was left unto him by Antigonus, which was his credit,
then were it far better to depart with his soldiers, and keep
men in duty, as he had done hitherto, by their own good

ft q 3

572 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

wills, than by fortifying any strong places against them, to
make them of his friends become his enemies.

To this good advice Philip yielded at the present, but not
without some dislike thenceforth growing between him and
the Arati, whom he thought more froward than beseemed
them in contradicting his will. Neither was the old man
desirous at all to deal any longer in the king's affairs, or be
inward with him. For as he plainly discovered his tyran
nous purposes, so likewise he perceived, that in resorting to
his house he had been dishonest with his son's wife. He
therefore stayed at home, where at good leisure he might
repent, that in despite of Cleomenes, his own countryman,
and a temperate prince, he had brought the Macedonians
into Peloponnesus.

Philip made a voyage out of Peloponnesus into Epirus,
wherein Aratus refused to bear him company. In this jour
ney he found by experience what Aratus had lately told
him, that unhonest counsels are not so profitable in deed as
in appearance. The Epirots were his followers and de
pendants, and so they purposed to continue. But he would
needs have them so to remain, whether they purposed it or
not ; wherefore to make them the more obnoxious unto his
will, he seized upon their town of Oricum, and laid siege to
Apollonia, having no good colour of these doings, but
thinking himself strong enough to do what he listed, and
not seeing whence they should procure friends to help
them. Thus, instead of settling the country, as his in
tended voyage into Italy required, he kindled a fire in it
which he could never quench, until it had laid hold on his
own palace. Whilst he was thus labouring to bind the hands
that should have fought for him in Italy, M. Valerius the
Roman came into those parts, who not only maintained the
Epirots against him, but procured the f ^Etolians to break
the peace which they had lately made with him.

Thus began that war, the occurrents whereof we have
related before, in place whereto it belonged. In managing
whereof, though Philip did the offices of a good captain,
f Chap. 3. §. 12.

CHAP. IV.

OF THE WORLD.

573

yet, when leisure served, he made it apparent that he was a
vicious king. He had not quite left his former desire of
oppressing the liberty of the Messenians, but made another
journey into their country, with hope to deceive them as
before. They understood him better now than before, and
therefore were not hasty to trust him too far. When he
saw that his cunning would not serve, he went to work by
force, and calling them his enemies, invaded them with
open war. But in that war he could do little good, perhaps
because none of his confederates were desirous to help him
in such an enterprise. In this attempt upon Messene he
lost Demetrius Pharius, that was his counsellor and flatterer,
not his perverter, as appears by his growing daily more
naught in following times. The worse that he sped, the
more angry he waxed against those that seemed not to fa
vour his injurious doings. Wherefore by the ministry of
Taurion, his lieutenant, be poisoned old Aratus ; and shortly
after that, he poisoned also the younger Aratus, hoping that
these things would never have been known, because they
were done secretly, and the poisons themselves were more
sure than manifest in operation. The Sicyonians, and all
the people of Achaia, decreed unto Aratus more than human
honours, as sacrifices, hymns, and processions, to be cele
brated every year twice, with a priest ordained unto him
for that purpose, as was accustomed unto the heroes, or men
whom they thought to be translated into the number of the
gods. Hereunto they are said to have been encouraged by
an oracle of Apollo, which is like enough to have been true,
since the help of the Devil is never failing to the increase
of idolatry.

The loving memory of Aratus, their patron and singular
benefactor, could not but work in the Achaeans a marvel
lous dislike of that wicked king which had made him thus
away. He shall therefore hear of this hereafter, when they
better dare to take counsel for themselves. At the present
the murder was not generally known or believed, neither
were they in case to subsist without his help that had com
mitted it. The ^Etolians were a most outrageous people,

Q q 4

574 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

great darers, and shameless robbers. With these the Ro
mans had made a league, whereof the conditions were soon
divulged, especially that main point concerning the division
of the purchase which they should make ; namely, "that the
^Etolians should have the country and towns, but the Ro
mans the spoil, and carry away the people to sell for slaves.
The Achseans, who in times of greater quiet could not en
dure to make strait alliance with the ^Etolians, as knowing
their uncivil disposition, were much the more averse from
them, when they perceived how they had called in the Bar
barians (for such did the Greeks account all other nations
except their own) to make havoc of the country. The same
consideration moved also the Lacedaemonians to stand off a
while, before they would declare themselves for the JEtoli-
ans, whose friendship they had embraced in the late war.
The industry therefore of Philip, and the great care which
he seemed to take of the Achaeahs his confederates, sufficed
to retain them, especially at such time as their own neces
sity was thereto concurrent. More particularly he obliged
unto himself the Dymaeans, by an inestimable benefit, reco
vering their town after it had been taken by the Romans
and ^Etolians, and redeeming their people, wheresoever they
might be found, that had been carried away captive, and
sold abroad for slaves. Thus might he have blotted out
the memory of offences past, if the malignity of his natural
condition had not other whiles broken out, and given men to
understand that it was the time, and not his virtue which
caused him to make such a show of goodness. Among other
foul acts whereof he was not ashamed, he took Polycratia, the
wife of the younger Aratus, and carried her into Macedon,
little regarding how this might serve to confirm in the peo
ple their opinion, that he was guilty of the old man's death.
But of such faults he shall be told when the Romans make
war upon him the second time ; for of that which happened
in this their first invasion, I hold it superfluous to make
repetition.

CHAP. iv. OF THE WORLD. 575

SECT. V.

Of Philopcemen, general of the Achceans, and Machanidas, tyrant
of Lacedawion. A battle between them, wherein Machanidas is
slain.

IT happens often that the decease of one eminent man
discovers the virtue of another. In the place of Aratus
there stood up Philopoemen, whose notable valour and great
skill in arms made the nation of the Achaeans redoubtable
among all the Greeks, and careless of such protection as in
former times they had needed against the violence of their
neighbours. This is that Philopoemen, who being then a
young man, and having no command, did especial service to
Antigonus at the battle of Sellasia against Cleomenes.
Thenceforward until now he had spent the most part of
his time in the isle of Crete, the inhabitants whereof being
a valiant people, and seldom or never at peace between
themselves, he bettered among them his knowledge and
practice in the art of war. At his return home tie had
charge of the horse, wherein he carried himself so strictly,
travelling with all the cities of the confederacy to have his
followers well mounted, and armed at all pieces ; as also he
so diligently trained them up in all exercise of service, that
he made the Achaeans very strong in that part of their
forces. Being after chosen pretor, or general of the nation,
he had no less care to reform their military discipline
throughout, whereby his country might be strong enough
to defend itself, and not any longer (as in former times)
need to depend upon the help of others. He persuaded the
Achaeans to cut off their vain expense of bravery in ap
parel, householdstuff, and curious fare, and to bestow tnat
cost upon their arms, wherein by how much they were the
more gallant, by so much were they like to prove the better
soldiers, and suitable in behaviour unto the pride of their
furniture. They had served hitherto with little light buck
lers, and slender darts, to cast afar off, that were useful in
skirmishing at some distance, or for surprises, or sudden
and hasty expeditions, whereto Aratus had been most ac
customed. But when they came to handy strokes they were

576 THE HISTORY BOOK v,

good for nothing, so as they were wholly driven to rely upon
the courage of their mercenaries. Philopcemen altered this,
causing them to arm themselves more weightily, to use a
larger kind of shield, with good swords and strong pikes, fit
for service at hand. He taught them also to fight in close
order, and altered the form of their embattling, not making
the files so deep as had been accustomed, but extending the
front, that he might use the service of many hands.

Eight months were spent of that year in which he first was
pretor of the Achaeans, when Machanidas the tyrant of La-
cedaemon caused him to make trial how his soldiers had pro
fited by his discipline. This Machanidas was the successor
unto Lycurgus, a man more violent than his foregoer. He
kept in pay a strong army of mercenaries ; and he kept them
not only to fight for Sparta, but to hold the city in obe
dience to himself perforce. Wherefore it behoved him not
to take part with the Achaeans, that were favourers of li
berty, but to strengthen himself by friendship of the JEto-
lians, who, in making alliances, took no further notice of
vice or virtue than as it had reference to their own profit.
The people also of Lacedaemon, through their inveterate
hatred unto the Argives, Achaeans, and Macedonians, were
in like sort (all or most of them) inclinable to the ^Etolian
faction. Very unwisely : for in seeking to take revenge
upon those that had lately hindered them from getting the
lordship of Peloponnesus, they hindered themselves thereby
from recovering the mastery of their own city. This affec
tion of the Spartans, together with the regard of his own
security, and no small hope of good that would follow, suf
fered not Machanidas to be idle, but made him always
ready to fall upon his neighbours1 backs, and take of theirs
what he could, whilst they were enforced by greater neces
sity to turn face another way. Thus had he often done,
especially in the absence of Philip, whos*e sudden coming
into those parts, or some other opposition made against him,
had usually made him fail of his attempts. At the present
he was stronger in men than were the Achaeans, and thought
his own men better soldiers than were theirs.

CHAP. iv. OF THE WORLD. 577

Whilst Philip therefore was busied elsewhere, he entered
the country of the Mantinseans, being not without hope to
do as Cleomenes had done before him, yea and perhaps to
get the § lordship of Peloponnesus, as having stronger
friends and weaker opposition than Cleomenes had found.
But Philopoamen was ready to entertain him at Mantinaea,
where was fought between them a great battle. The tyrant
had brought into the field upon carts a great many of en
gines wherewith to beat upon the squadrons of his enemies,
and put them in disorder. To prevent this danger, Philo-
pcemen sent forth his light armature a good way before him,
so as Machanidas was fain to do the like. To second these,
from the one and the other side came in continual supply,
till at length all the mercenaries, both of the Acha3ans and
of Machanidas, were drawn up to the fight ; being so far
advanced, each before their own phalanx, that it could no
otherwise be discerned which pressed forward, or which re
coiled, than by rising of the dust. Thus were Machanidas's
engines made unserviceable by the interposition of his own
men, in such manner as the cannon is hindered from doing
execution in most of the battles fought in these our times.
The mercenaries of the tyrant prevailed at length, not only
by their advantage of number, but (as h Polybius well ob-
serveth) by surmounting their oppositesin degree of courage,
wherein usually the hired soldiers of tyrants exceed those
that are waged by free states. For as it is true, that a
free people are much more valiant than they which live op
pressed by tyranny, since the one, by doing their best in
fight, have hope to acquire somewhat beneficial to them
selves, whereas the other do fight (as it were) to assure their
own servitude, so the mercenaries of a tyrant, being made
partakers with him in the fruits of his prosperity, have
good cause to maintain his quarrel as their own, whereas
they that serve under a free state have no other motive to
do manfully, than their bare stipend. Further than this,
when a free state hath gotten the victory, many companies

s Excerpt, e Polyb. 1. 1 1 . Plut. in 1» Polyb. ibid.
vitae Philopoem.

578 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

(if not all) of foreign auxiliaries are presently cast, and
therefore such good fellows will not take much pains to
bring the war to an end. But the victory of a tyrant makes
him stand in need of more such helpers, because that after
it he doth wrong to more, as having more subjects, and
therefore stands in fear of more that should seek to take
revenge upon him. The stipendiaries therefore of the
Achaeans being forced to give ground, were urged so vio
lently in their retreat by those of Machanidas, that shortly
they betook themselves to flight, and could not* be stayed
by any persuasions of Philopcemen, but ran away quite be
yond the battle of the Achaeans. This disaster had been
sufficient to take from Philopoemen the honour of the day,
had he not wisely observed the demeanour of Machanidas,
and found in him that error which might restore the victory.
The tyrant with his mercenaries gave chase unto those that
fled, leaving behind him in good order of battle his Lace
daemonians, whom he thought sufficient to deal with the
Achaeans, that were already disheartened by the flight of
their companions. But when this his rashness had carried
him out of sight, Philopoemen advanced towards the Lace
daemonians that stood before him. There lay between them
athwart the country a long ditch, without water at that time,
and therefore passable (as it seemed) without much diffi
culty, especially for foot. The Lacedaemonians adventured
over it, as thinking themselves better soldiers than the
Achaearis, who had in a manner already lost the day. But
hereby they greatly disordered their own battle, and had
no sooner the foremost of them recovered the further bank,
than they were stoutly charged by the Achaeans, who drave
them headlong into the ditch again. Their first ranks being
broken, all the rest began to shrink ; so as Philopoemen,
getting over the ditch, easily chased them out of the field.
Philopcemen knew better how to use his advantage than
Machanidas had done. He suffered not all his army to dis
band, and follow the chase, but retained with him a sufficient
strength for the custody of a bridge that was over the ditch,
by which he knew that the tyrant must come back. The

CHAP. iv. OF THE WORLD. 579

tyrant with his mercenaries returning from the chase, looked
very heavily when he saw what was fallen out. Yet with
a lusty troop of horse about him, he made towards the
bridge, hoping to find the Achseans in disorder, and to set
upon their backs as they were carelessly pursuing their
victory. But when he and his company saw Philopcemen
ready to make good the bridge against them, then began
every one to look which way he might shift for himself.
The tyrant, with no more than two in his company, rode
along the ditch side, and searched for an easy passage over.
He was easily discovered by his purple cassock, and the
costly trappings of his horse. Philopoemen therefore leaving
the charge of the bridge unto another, coasted him all the
way as he rode, and falling upon him at length in the ditch
itself, as he was getting over it, slew him there with his own
hand. There died in this battle on the Lacedaemonians'
side about four thousand, and more than four thousand
were, taken prisoners. Of the Achaaan mercenaries, pro
bable it is that the loss was not greatly cared for, since that
war was at an end, and for their money they might hire
more when they should have -need.
••

SECT. VI.

Philip, having peace with Rome and with all Greece, prepares against
Asia. Of the kings of Pergamus, Cappadocia, Pontus, Paph-
lagonia, Bithynia, and their lineages. Of the Galatians.
BY this victory the Achaeans learned to think well of
themselves. Neither needed they indeed after a while (such
was their discipline and continual exercise) to account them
selves in matter of war inferior to any that should have
brought against them no great odds of number. As for the
Macedonian, he made no great use of them ; but when he
had once concluded peace with the Romans and ^Etolians,
he studied how to enlarge his dominion eastward, since the
fortune of his friends the Carthaginians declined in the west.
He took in hand many matters together, or very nearly to
gether, and some of them not honest ; wherein if the Achae-
ans would have done him service, they must, by helping.

580 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

him to oppress others that never had wronged him, have
taught him the way how to deal with themselves. He
greatly hated Attalus king of Pergamus, who had joined
with the Romans and JEtolians in war against him.

This Attalus, though a king, was scarce yet a nobleman,
otherwise than as he was ennobled by his own and by his
father's virtue. His fortune began in Philetserus his uncle,
who being gelded, by reason of a mishap which he had
when he was a child, grew afterwards thereby to be the
more esteemed ; as great men in those times reposed much
confidence in eunuchs, whose affections could not be obliged
unto wives or children. He was entertained into the family
of Docimus, a captain following Antigonus the First ; and
after the death of Antigonus, he accompanied his master,
that betook himself to Lysimachus king of Thrace. Ly-
simachus had good opinion of him, and put him in trust
with his money and accounts. But when at length he stood
in fear of this king, that grew a bloody tyrant, he fled into
Asia, where he seized upon the town of Pergamus, and
nine thousand talents belonging to Lysimachus. The town
and money, together with his own service, he offered unto
Seleucus the First, that then was ready to give Lysimachus
battle. His offer was kindly accepted, but never performed ;
for that Seleucus having slain Lysimachus, died shortly
after himself, before he made use of Philetserus or his mo
ney. So this eunuch still retained Pergamus, with the
country about it, and reigned therein twenty years as an
absolute king. He had two brethren ; of which the elder
is said to have been a poor carter, and the younger perhaps
was not much better, before such time as they were raised
by the fortune of this eunuch. Philetaerus left his kingdom
to the elder of these, or to the son of the elder, called Eume-
nes. This Eumenes enlarged his kingdom, making his ad
vantage of the dissension between Seleucus Callinicus and
Antiochus Hierax, the sons of the second Antiochus. He
fought a battle with Hierax, near unto Sardis, and won the
victory. At which time, to animate his men against the
Gauls that served under his enemy, he used a pretty de-

CHAP. iv. OF THE WORLD. 581

vice. He wrote the word 'l victory upon the hand of his
soothsayer, in such colours as would easily come off; and
when the hot liver of the beast that was sacrificed had
cleanly taken the print of the letters, he published this unto
his army as a miracle, plainly foreshewing that the gods
would be assistant in that battle.

After this victory, he grew a dreadful enemy to Seleucus,
who never durst attempt to recover from him, by war, the
territory that he had gotten and held. Finally, when he
had reigned two and twenty years, he died by a surfeit of
overmuch drink, and left his kingdom to Attalus, of whom
we now entreat, that was son unto Attalus the youngest
brother of Philetaerus. Attalus was an undertaking prince,
very bountiful, and no less valiant. By his own proper
forces he restored his friend Ariarathes the Cappadocian
into his kingdom, whence he had been expelled. He was
grievously molested by Achaeus, who, setting up himself as
king against Antiochus the Great, reigned in the Lesser
Asia. He was besieged in his own city of Pergamus ; but
by help of the Tectosagae, a nation of the Gauls, whom he
called over out of Thrace, he recovered all that he had lost.
When these Gauls had once gotten footing in Asia, they
never wanted employment ; but were either entertained by
some of the princes reigning in those quarters, or interposed
themselves without invitation, and found themselves work
in quarrels of their own making. They caused Prusias
king of Bithynia to cease from his war against Byzantium.
Whereunto when he had condescended, they nevertheless
within a while after invaded his kingdom. He obtained
against them a great victory, and used it with great cruelty,
sparing neither age nor sex. But the swarm of them in
creasing, they occupied the region about Hellespont, where*
in seating themselves, they were much beholding unto
Attalus. Nevertheless, presuming afterwards upon their
strength, they forced their neighbour princes and cities to
pay them tribute, in the sharp exaction whereof, they had
no more respect unto Attalus than to any that had worse

1 Jul. Front. Strat. lib. i. c. n.

562 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

deserved of them. By this they compelled him to fight
against them ; and he being victorious, compelled them to
contain themselves within the bounds of that province,
which took name from them in time following, and was
called Galatia. Yet continued they still to oppress the
weakest of their neighbours, and to fill up the armies of
those that could best hire them.

The kings reigning in those parts were the posterity of
such as had saved themselves and their provinces in the
slothful reign of the Persians, or in the busy times of Alex
ander and his Macedonian followers. The Cappadocians
were very ancient; for the first of their line had married
with Atossa, sister unto the great king Cyrus. Their coun
try was taken from them by Perdiccas, as is shewed before.
But the son of that king, whom Perdiccas crucified, espy
ing his time while the Macedonians were at civil wars among
themselves, recovered his dominion, and passed it over to
his offspring. The kings of Pontus had also their begin
ning from the Persian empire, and are said to have issued
from the royal house of Achaemenes. The Paphlagonians
derived themselves from Pylaemenes, a king that assisted
Priamus at the war of Troy. These, applying themselves
unto the times, were always conformable unto the strongest.
The ancestors of Prusias had begun to reign in Bithynia
some few generations before that of the Great Alexander.
They lay somewhat out of the Macedonian's way ; by whom
therefore, having other employment, they were the less mo
lested. Calantus, one of "Alexander's captains, made an
expedition into their country, where he was vanquished.
They had afterwards to do with a lieutenant of Antigonus,
that made them somewhat more humble. And thus they
shuffled, as did the rest, until the reign of Prusias, whom
we have already sometimes mentioned.

CHAP. iv. OF THE WORLD. 583

SECT. VII.

\

The town of Cios taken by Philip, at the instance ofPrusias king of
Bithynia, and cruelly destroyed. By this and like actions, Philip
grows hateful to many of the Greeks, and is warred upon by At
tains king ofPergamus, and by the Rhodians.

PRUSIAS, as a neighbour king, had many quarrels
with Altai us, whose greatness he suspected. He therefore
strengthened himself, by taking to wife the daughter of
Philip; as Attalus, on the contrary side, entered into a
strict confederacy with the JEtolians, Rhodians, and other
of the Greeks. But when. Philip had ended his JStolian
war, and was devising with Antiochus about sharing be
tween them two the kingdom of Egypt, wherein Ptolomy
Philopater, a friend unto them both, was newly dead, and
had left his son Ptol. Epiphanes, a young child, his heir,
the Bithynian entreated this his father-in-law to come over
into Asia, there to win the town of the Ciani, and bestow it
upon him. Prusias had no right unto the town, nor just
matter of quarrel against it ; but it was fitly seated for him,
and therewithal rich. Philip came, as one that could not
well deny to help his son-in-law ; but hereby he mightily
offended no small part of Greece. Ambassadors came to
him, whilst he lay at the siege, from the Rhodians, and divers
other states, entreating him to forsake the enterprise. He
gave dilatory, but otherwise gentle answers, making show
as if he would condescend to their request, when he in
tended nothing less. At length he got the town, where,
even in presence of the ambassadors, of whose solicita
tion he had seemed so regardful, he omitted no part of
cruelty. Hereby he rendered himself odious to his neigh
bours as a perfidious and cruel prince. Especially his fact
was detested of the Rhodians, who had made vehement in
tercession for the poor Ciani ; and were advertised by am
bassadors of purpose sent unto them from Philip, that,
howsoever it were in his power to win the town as soon as
he listed, yet, in regard of his love to the Rhodians, he was
contented to give it over. And by this his clemency the

RALEGH, VOL. IV. B r

584 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

ambassadors said, that he would manifest unto the world
what slanderous tongues they were which noised abroad
such reports as went of his falsehood and oppressions.
Whilst the ambassadors were declaiming at Rhodes in the
theatre to this effect, there came some that made a true
relation of what had happened; shewing that Philip had
sacked and destroyed the town of Cios, and, after a cruel
slaughter of the inhabitants, had made slaves of all that
escaped the sword. If the Rhodians took this in great
despite, no less were the JEtolians inflamed against him ;
since they had sent a captain to take charge of the town,
being warned before by his doings at Lysimachia and Chal-
cedon, (which he had withdrawn from their confederacy to
his own,) what little trust was to be reposed in the faith of
this king. But most of all others was Attalus moved with
consideration of the Macedonian's violent ambition, and of
his own estate. He had much to lose, and was not with
out hope of getting much, if he could make a strong party
in Greece. He had already, as a new king, followed the
example of Alexander's captains, in purchasing with much
liberality the love of the Athenians, which were notable
trumpeters of other men's virtue, having lost their own.
On the friendship of the ^Etolians he had cause to presume,
having bound them unto him by good offices, many and
great, in their late war with Philip. The Rhodians, that
were mighty at sea, and hejd very good intelligence with
the Egyptians, Syrians, and many other princes and states,
he easily drew into a strait alliance with him by their hatred
newly conceived against Philip.

Upon confidence in these his friends, but most of all in
the ready assistance of the Rhodians, Attalus prepared to
deal with the Macedonian by open war. It had been un
seasonable to procrastinate, and expect whereto the doings
of the enemy tended, since his desire to fasten upon Asia
was manifest, and his falsehood no less manifest than was
such his desire. They met with him shortly not far from
Chios, and fought with him a battle at sea ; wherein, though
Attalus was driven to run his own ship on ground, hardly

CHAP. iv. OF THE WORLD. 585

escaping to land, though the admiral of the Rhodians took
his death's wound, and though Philip after the battle took
harbour under a promontory by which they had fought, so
that he had the gathering of the wrecks upon the shore ;
yet, forasmuch as he had suffered far greater loss of ships
and men than had the enemy, and since he durst not in
few days after put forth to sea, when Attalus and the Rho
dians came to brave him in his port, the honour of the vic
tory was adjudged to his enemies. This notwithstanding,
Philip afterwards besieged and won some towns in Caria ;
whether only in a bravery, and to despite his opposites, or
whether upon any hopeful desire of conquest, it is uncer
tain. The stratagem by which he won Prinassus is worthy
of noting. He attempted it by a mine ; and finding the
earth so stony that it resisted his work, he nevertheless
commanded the pioneers to make a noise under ground ;
and secretly in the night-time he raised great mounts about
the entrance of the mine, to breed an opinion in the be
sieged that the work went marvellously forward. At
length he sent word to the townsmen, that by his under
mining, two acres of their wall stood only upon wooden
props ; to which if he gave fire, and entered by a breach,
they should expect no mercy. The Prinassians little
thought that he had fetched all his earth and rubbish by
night a great way off, to raise up those heaps which they
saw, but rather that all had been extracted out of the mine.
Wherefore they suffered themselves to be outfaced, and
gave up the town as lost, which the enemy had no hope to
win by force. But Philip could not stay to settle himself
in those parts ; Attalus and the Rhodians were too strong
for him at sea, and compelled him to make haste back into
Macedon, whither they followed him all the way in manner
of pursuit.

n r

586 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

SECT. VIII.

The Romans, after their Carthaginian war, seek matter of quarrel
against Philip. The Athenians, upon slight cause, proclaim war
against Philip, moved thereto by Attains, whom they Jlatter.
Philip wins divers towns, and makes peremptory answer to the
Roman ambassador. The furious resolution of the Abydeni.

THESE Asiatic matters, which no way concerned the
Romans, yet served well to make a noise in Rome, and fill
the people's heads, if not with a desire of making war in
Macedon, at least with a conceit that it were expedient so
to do. The Roman senate was perfectly informed of the
state of those eastern countries; and knew that there was
none other nation than the Greeks which lay between them
and the lordship of Asia. These Greeks were factious, and
seldom or never at peace. As for the Macedonian, though
length of time, and continual dealings in Greece ever since
the reigns of Philip and Alexander, had left no difference
between him and the naturals ; yet most of them abhorred
his dominion, because he was originally forsooth a Bar
barian ; many of them hated him upon ancient quarrels ;
and they that had been most beholding unto him were
nevertheless weary of him by reason of his personal faults.
All this gave hope that the affairs of Greece would not
long detain the Roman aimies, especially since the divisions
of the country were such, that every petty estate was apt to
take counsel apart for itself, without much regarding the
generality. But the poor commonalty of Rome had no
great affection to such a chargeable enterprise : they were
already quite exhausted by that grievous war with Hanni
bal, wherein they had given by loan to the republic all
their money ; neither had they as yet received, neither did
they receive until fifteen or sixteen years after this, their
whole sum back again. That part of payment also which
was already made, being not in present money, but much
of it in land, it behoved them to rest a while, and bestow
the more diligence in tilling their grounds, by how much
they were the less able to bestow cost. Wherefore they

CHAP. iv. OF THE WORLD. 587

took no pleasure to hear that Attalus and the Rhodians
had sent ambassadors to solicit them against Philip, with
report of his bold attempts in Asia; or that M. Aurelius,
their agent in Greece, had sent letters of the same tenour to
the senate, and magnified his intelligence by setting out
the preparations of this dangerous enemy, that solicited
not only the towns upon the continent, but all the islands
in those seas, visiting them in person, or sending ambassa
dors, as one that meant shortly to hold war with the Ro
mans upon their own ground. Philip had indeed no such
intent ; neither was he much too strong, either of himself,
or by his alliance in Greece, to be resisted by Attalus and
the Rhodians, especially with the help of the ^Etolians their
good friends, and (in a manner) his own professed enemies.
But such things must be published abroad, if only to pre
dispose men unto the war, and give it the more honest
colour.

Philip was a man of ill condition, and therefore could not
thrive by intermeddling in the affairs of those that were
more mighty than himself. He was too unskilful, or other
wise too unapt, to retain his old friends; yet would he
needs be seeking new enemies ; and he found them such
as he deserved to have them, for he offered his help to
their destruction, when they were in misery, and had done
him no harm. It behoved him therefore, either to have
strained his forces to the utmost in making war upon them,
or, in desisting from that injurious course, to have made
amends for the wrongs past, by doing friendly offices of his
own accord. But he, having broken that league of peace
which is of all other the most natural, binding all men to
offer no violence willingly, unless they think themselves
justly provoked, was afterwards too fondly persuaded, that
he might well be secure of the Romans, because of the
written covenants of peace between him and them. There
is not any form of oath whereby such articles of peace can
be held inviolable, save only k by the water of Styx, that
is, by necessity, which, whilst it binds one party or both
k Sir Fr. Bacon de Sap. veternm.
RT 3

588 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

unto performance, making it apparent that he shall be a loser
who starts from the conditions ; it may so long (and so long
only) be presumed that there shall be no breach. Till
Hannibal was vanquished, the Romans never hearkened
after Philip ; for necessity made them let him alone. But
when once they had peace with Carthage, then was this
river of Styx dried up; and then could they swear, as
1 Mercury did in the comedy, by their own selves, even by
their good swords, that they had good reason to make war
upon him. The voyage of Sopater into Afric, and the pre
sent war against Attalus, were matter of quarrel as much as
needed ; or if this were not enough, the Athenians helped
to furnish them with more.

The Athenians, being at this time lords of no more than
their own barren territory, took state upon them neverthe
less, as in their ancient fortune. Two young gentlemen of
Acarnania entering into the temple of Ceres, in the days of
initiation, (wherein were delivered the mysteries of religion,
or rather of idolatrous superstition, vainly said to be avail
able unto felicity after this life,) discovered themselves by
some impertinent questions to be none of those that were
initiated. Hereupon they were brought before the officers ;
and though it was apparent that they came into the place
by mere error, not thinking to have therein done amiss,
yet, as it had been for some heinous crime, they were put to
death. All their countrymen at home took this in ill part,
and sought to revenge it as a public injury by war upon
the Athenians. Procuring therefore of Philip some Mace
donians to help them, they entered into Attica, who wasted
it with fire and sword, and carried thence away with them a
great booty. This indignity stirred up the high-minded
Athenians, and made them think upon doing more than
they had ability to perform. All which at the present they
could do, was to send ambassadors to king Attalus, gratu-
lating his happy success against Philip, and entreating him
to visit their city. Attalus was hereto the more willing,
because he understood that the Roman ambassadors, hover-

1 Plaut.Amphitr.

CHAP. iv. OF THE WORLD. 589

ing about Greece for matter of intelligence, had a purpose
to be there at the same time. So he went thither, accompa
nied, besides his own followers, with some of the Rhodians.
Landing in the Piraeus, he found the Romans there, with
whom he had much friendly conference : they rejoicing
that he continued enemy to Philip, and he being no less
glad, when he heard of their purpose to renew the war.
The Athenians came forth of their city, all the magistrates,
priests, and citizens, with their wives and children, in as
solemn a pomp as they could devise, to meet and honour
the king. They entertained the Romans that were with
him in very loving manner ; but towards Attalus himself
they omitted no point of observance which their flattery
could suggest. At his first coming into the city they called
the people to assembly ; where they desired him to honour
them with his presence, and let them hear him speak. But
he excused himself, saying, that with an evil grace he
should recount unto them those many benefits by which he
studied to make them know what love he bore them.
Wherefore it was thought fit that he should deliver in
writing what he would have to be propounded. He did so.
The points of his declaration were, first, what he had will
ingly done for their sake ; then, what had lately passed be
tween him and Philip ; lastly, an exhortation unto them, to
declare themselves against the Macedonian, whilst he, with
the Rhodians and the Romans, were willing and ready to
take their part ; which if they now refused to do, he pro
tested that afterwards it would be vain to crave his help.
There needed little entreaty ; for they were as willing to
proclaim the war, as he to desire it. As for other matters,
they loaded him with immoderate honours, and ordained,
that unto the ten tribes, whereof the body of their citizens
consisted, should be added another, and called after his
name ; as if he were in part one of their founders. To the
Rhodians they also decreed a crown of gold, in reward of
their virtue ; and made all the Rhodians free citizens of
Athens.

Thus began a great noise of war, wherein little was left
K, r 4

'

590 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

unto the Romans for their part ; Attalus and the Rhodians
taking all upon them. But while these were vainly mis-
pending the time, in seeking to draw the JStolians to their
party, that, contrary to their old manner, were glad to be at
quiet, Philip won the towns of Maronea and JEnus, with
many other strong places about the Hellespont. Likewise
passing over the Hellespont he laid siege unto Abydus,
and won it, though he was fain to stay there long. The
town held out, rather upon an obstinate resolution arid
hope of succour from Attalus and the Rhodians, than any
great ability to defend itself against so mighty an enemy.
But the Rhodians sent thither only one,[quadrireme galley,
and Attalus no more than three 'hundred men ; far too weak
an aid to make good the place. The Roman ambassadors
wondered much at this great negligence of them that had
taken so much upon them.

These ambassadors, C. Claudius, M. ^Emilius, and P.
Sempronius, were sent unto Ptolomy Epiphanes king of
Egypt, to acquaint him with their victory against Hannibal
and the Carthaginians ; as also to thank him for his favour
unto them shewed in that war, and to desire the conti
nuance thereof, if they should need it against Philip. This
Egyptian king was now in the third or fourth year of his
reign, which (as his father Philopator had done before
him) he began a very young boy. The courtesy for which
the Romans were to thank him, was, that out of Egypt
they had lately been supplied with corn, in a time of ex
treme dearth ; when the miseries of war had made all their
own provinces unable to relieve them. This message could
not but be welcome to the Egyptian ; since it was well
known how Philip and Antiochus had combined themselves
against him, conspiring to take away his kingdom. And
therefore it might in reason be hoped, that he> or his coun
cil for him, should offer to supply the Romans with corn ;
since this their Macedonian expedition concerned his estate
no less than theirs.

But as the errand was for the most part complimental,
so had the ambassadors both leisure and direction from the

CHAP. iv. OF THE WORLD. 591

senate, to look unto the things of Greece by the way.
Wherefore they agreed, that M. ^Emilius, the youngest of
them, should step aside, and visit Philip, to try if he could
make him leave the siege of Abydus, which else he was like
to carry. JEmilius coming to Philip, tells him, that his
doings are contrary to the league that he had made with
the Romans : for Attalus and the Rhodians, upon whom he
made war, were confederate with Rome ; and the town of
Abydus, which he was now besieging, had a kind of depen
dency upon Attalus. Hereto Philip answered, that Atta
lus and the Rhodians had made war upon him, and that he
did only requite them with the like. " Do you also," said
JEmilius, " requite these poor Abydeni with such terrible
" war, for any the like invasion by them first made upon
" you ?" The king was angry to hear himself thus taken
short, and therefore he roundly made answer to ^Emilius;
" It is your youth, sir, and your beauty, and (above all)
" your being a Roman, that makes you thus presumptuous.
" But I would wish ye to remember the league that ye
" have made with me, and to keep it : if ye do otherwise,
66 I will make ye understand, that the kingdom and name
" of Macedon is in matter of war no less noble than the
" Roman." So he dismissed the ambassador, and had the
town immediately yielded to his discretion. The people
had entertained a resolution to have died every one of them,
and set their town on fire ; binding themselves hereto by
a fearful oath, when Philip denied to accept them upon
reasonable conditions. But having in desperate fight, once
repelling him from the breach, lost the greatest number of
their youth ; it was thought meet by the governors and
ancients of the city to change this resolution, and take such
peace as could be gotten. So they carried out their gold
and silver to Philip : about which whilst they were busy, the
memory of their oath wrought so effectually in the younger
sort, that, by exhortation of their priests, they fell to mur
dering their women, children, and themselves. Hereof the
king had so little compassion, that he said he would grant
the Abydeni three days leisure to die j and to that end for-

592 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

bade his men to enter the town, or hazard themselves in in
terrupting the violence of those mad fools.

SECT. IX.

The Romans decree war against Philip, and send one of their con
suls into Greece, as it were in defence of the Athenians their
confederates. How poor the Athenians were at this time, both
in quality and estate.

THIS calamity of the Abydeni was likened by the Ro
mans unto that of the Saguntines, which indeed it nearly
resembled; though Rome was not alike interested in the
quarrel. But to help themselves with pretence for the war,
they had found out another Saguntum, even the city of
Athens ; which if the Macedonian should win, then rested
there no more to do, than that he should presently embark
himself for Italy ; whither he would come, not as Hannibal
from Saguntum, in five months, but in the short space of
five days sailing. Thus P. Sulpicius the consul told the
multitude, when he exhorted them to make war upon
Philip ; which at his first propounding they had denied.
The example of Pyrrhus was by him alleged, to shew what
Philip, with the power of a greater kingdom, might dare to
undertake ; as also the fortunate voyage of Scipio into
Afric, to shew the difference of making war abroad, and
admitting it into the bowels of their own country. By such
arguments was the commonalty of Rome induced to believe,
that this war with the Macedonian was both just and neces
sary. So it was decreed, and immediately the same consul
hasted away towards Macedon, having that province allotted
unto him before, and all things in a readiness, by order
from the senate; who followed other motives than the
people must be acquainted with. Great thanks were given
to the Athenian ambassadors, for their constancy (as was
said) in not changing their faith at such time as they stood
in danger of being besieged. And indeed great thanks
were due to them, though not upon the same occasion. For
the people of Rome had no cause to think it a benefit unto
themselves, that any Greek town, refusing to sue unto the

CHAP. iv. OF THE WORLD. 593

Macedonian for peace, requested their help against him.
But the senate intending to take in hand the conquest of
the eastern parts, had reason to give thanks unto those
that ministered the occasion. Since therefore it was an un
true suggestion, that Philip was making ready for Italy ;
and since neither Attalus, the Rhodians, nor any other
state in those quarters, desired the Romans to give them
protection ; these busy-headed Athenians, who, falling out
with the Acarnanians, and consequently with Philip, about
a matter of May-game, (as was shewed before,) sent ambas
sadors into all parts of the world, even to Ptolomy of
Egypt, and to the Romans, as well as to Attains and other
their neighbours, must be accepted as cause of the war,
and authors of the benefit thence redounding.

Nevertheless, as it loves to fall out where the meaning
differs from the pretence, the doings of P. Sulpicius the
consul were such as might have argued Athens to be the
least part of his care. He sailed not about Peloponnesus,
but took the ready way to Macedon ; and landing about the
river of Apsus, between Dyrrachium and Apollonia, there
began the war. Soon upon his coming the Athenian am
bassadors were with him, and craved his help; whereof
they could make no benefit whilst he was so far from them.
They bemoaned themselves as men besieged, and entreated
him to deliver them. For which cause he sent unto them
C. Claudius, with twenty galleys, and a competent number
of men ; but the main of his forces he retained with him,
for the prosecution of a greater design. The Athenians
were not indeed besieged ; only some rovers from Chalcis,
in the isle of Eubcea, and some bands of adventurers out of
Corinth, used to take their ships and spoil their fields, be
cause they had declared themselves against king Philip,
that was lord of these two towns. The robberies done by
these pirates and freebooters, were by the more eloquent
than warlike Athenians, in this declining age of their for
tune and virtue, called a siege. From such detriment the
arrival of Claudius, and shortly after of three Rhodian
galleys, easily preserved them. As for the Athenians them-

594 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

selves, they that had been wont, in ancient times, to undertake
the conquests of Egypt, Cyprus, and Sicily ; to make war
upon the great Persian king, and to hold so much of Greece
in subjection as made them redoubtable unto all the rest,
had now no more than three ships, and those open ones,
not much better than long boats. Yet thought they not
themselves a whit the worse men ; but stood as highly upon
the glory and virtue of their ancestors, as if it had been still
their own.

SECT. X.

The town of Chalcis in Eubwa taken and sacked by the Romans
and their associates, that lay in garrison at Athens. Philip
attempteth to take Athens by surprise; wasteth the country
about, and makes a journey into Peloponnesus. Of Nabis, the
tyrant of Lacedcemon, and his wife. Philip offers to make war
against Nabis for the Achceans. He returneth home through
Attica, which he spoileth again, and provides against his ene
mies. Some exploits of the Romans. Divers princes join with
them- Great labouring to draw the JEtolians into the war.

PHILIP, returning home from Abydus, heard news of
the Roman consul's being about Apollonia. But ere he
stirred forth to give him entertainment, or perhaps before
he had well resolved whether it were best a while to sit still,
and try what might be done for obtaining of peace, or whe
ther to make opposition, and resist these invaders with all
his forces, he received advertisement from Chalcis of a
grievous mishap there befallen him, by procurement of the
Athenians. For C. Claudius, with his Romans, finding no
such work at Athens as they had expected, or as was an
swerable to the fame that went abroad, purposed to do
somewhat that might quicken the war, and make his own
employment better. He grew soon weary of sitting as a
scarecrow, to save the Athenians1 grounds from spoil, and
therefore gladly took in hand a business of more import
ance. The town of Chalcis was negligently guarded by
the Macedonian soldiers therein, for that there was no
enemy at hand; and more negligently by the townsmen,
who reposed themselves upon their garrison. Hereof Clau-

CHAP. iv. OF THE WORLD. 595

dius having advertisement, sailed thither by night, for fear
of being descried ; and, arriving there a little before break
of day, took it by scalado. He used no mercy, but slew
all that came in his way ; and wanting men to keep it, (un
less he should have left the heartless Athenians to their
own defence,) he set it on fire ; consuming the king's maga
zines of corn, and all provisions for war, which were plen-
teously filled. Neither were he and his associates con
tented with the great abundance of spoil which they carried
aboard their ships, and with enlarging all those whom Phi
lip, as in a place of most security, kept, there imprisoned:
but to shew their despite and hatred unto the king, they
overthrew and brake in pieces the statues unto him there
erected. This done, they hasted away towards Athens,
where the news of their exploit were like to be joyfully
welcomed. The king lay then at Demetrias, about some
twenty miles thence ; whither when these tidings, or part
of them, were brought him, though he saw that it was too
late to remedy the matter, yet he made all haste to take
revenge. He thought to have taken the Athenians with
their trusty friends, busy at work in ransacking the town,
and loading themselves with spoil ; but they were gone be
fore his coming. Five thousand light-armed foot he had
with him, and three hundred horse : whereof leaving at
Chalcis only a few to bury the dead, he marched thence
away speedily towards Athens ; thinking it not unpossible
to take his enemies, in the joy of their victory, as full of
negligence, as they had taken Chalcis. Neither had he
much failed of his expectation, if a foot-post, that stood
scout for the city upon the borders, had not descried him
afar off, and swiftly carried word of his approach to Athens.
It was midnight when this post came thither ; who found
all the town asleep, as fearless of any danger. But the
magistrates, hearing his report, caused a trumpet out of
their citadel to sound the alarm, and with all speed made
ready for defence. Within a few hours Philip was there;
who seeing the many lights, and other signs of busy prepara
tion usual in such a case, understood that they had news of

596 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

his coming ; and therefore willed his men to repose them
selves till it were day. It is like, that the paucity of his
followers did help well to animate the citizens, which be
held them from the walls. Wherefore though Claudius
were not yet returned, (who was to fetch a compass about
by sea, and had no cause of haste,) yet having in the town
some mercenary soldiers, which they kept of their own, be
sides the great multitude of citizens, they adventured to
issue forth at a gate whereto they saw Philip make ap
proach. The king was glad of this, reckoning all those
his own that were thus hardy : he therefore only willed
his men to follow his example, and presently gave charge
upon them. In that fight he gave singular proof of his
valour; and beating down many of the enemies with his
own hands, drave them with great slaughter back into the
city. The heat of his courage transported him further than
discretion would have allowed, even to the very gate. But
he retired without harm taken ; for that they which were
upon the towers over the gate, could not use their casting
weapons against him, without endangering their own people,
that were thronging before him into the city. There was a
temple of Hercules, a place of exercise, with a grove, and
many goodly monuments besides, near adjoining unto
Athens ; of which he spared none, but suffered the rage of
his anger to extend even unto the sepulchres of the dead.
The next day came the Romans, and some companies of
Attalus^s men from JEgina ; too late in regard of what was
already past, but in good time to prevent him of satisfying
his anger to the full, which as yet he had not done. So he
departed thence to Corinth : and hearing that the Achaeans
held a parliament at Argos, he came thither to them unex
pected.

The Achaeans were devising upon war, which they in
tended to make against Nabis the tyrant of Lacedgemon,
who - being started up in the room of Machanidas, did
greater mischief than any that went before him. This ty
rant relied wholly upon his mercenaries, and of his subjects
had no regard : he was a cruel oppressor, a greedy extor-

CHAP. iv. OF THE WORLD. 597

tioner upon those that lived under him, and one that in his
natural condition smelt rankly of the hangman. In these
qualities his wife Apega was very fitly matched with him ;
since his dexterity was no greater in spoiling the men, than
hers in fleecing their wives, whom she would never suffer
to be at quiet, till they had presented her with all their
m jewels and apparel. Her husband was so delighted with
her property, that he caused an image to be made lively re
presenting her, and apparelled it with such costly garments
as she used to wear. But it was indeed an n engine serving to
torment men. Hereof he made use when he meant to try the
virtue of his rhetoric. For calling unto him some rich man,
of whose money he was desirous, he would bring him into
the room where this counterfeit Apega stood, and there use
all his art of persuasion to get what he desired, as it were
by good will. If he could not so speed, but was answered
with excuses, then took he the refractory denier by the
hand, and told him, that perhaps his wife Apega (who sat
by in a chair) could persuade more effectually. So he led
him to the image, that rose up, and opened the arms, as it
were for embracement. Those arms were full of sharp iron
nails, the like whereof were also sticking in the breasts,
though hidden with her clothes ; and herewith she griped
the poor wretch to the pleasure of the tyrant, that laughed
at his cruel death. Such, and worse, (for it were long to tell
all here that is spoken of him,) was Nabis in his government.
In his dealings abroad he combined with the ^Etolians, as
Machanidas and Lycurgus had done before him. By these
he grew into acquaintance with the Romans, and was com
prehended in the league which they made with Philip at
the end of their former war. Of Philopcemen's virtue he
stood in fear, and therefore durst not provoke the Achaeans,
as long as they had such an able commander. But when
Cycliades, a far worse captain, was their pretor, and all or
the greatest part of their mercenaries were discharged,
Philopcemen being also gone into Crete, to follow his be
loved occupation of war, then did Nabis fall upon their

m Liv. lib. 32. n Excerpt, e Polyb. lib. 13.

598 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

territory, and wasting all the fields, made them distrust
their own safety in the towns.

Against this tyrant the Achaeans were preparing for war
when Philip came among them, and had set down what
proportion of soldiers every city of their corporation should
furnish out. But Philip willed them not to trouble them
selves with the care of this business, forasmuch as he alone
would ease them of this war, and take the burden upon him
self. With exceeding joy and thanks they accepted of this
kind offer. But then he told them, that whilst he made war
upon Lacedaemon, he ought not to leave his own towns
unguarded. In which respect he thought they would be
pleased to send a few men to Corinth, and some companies
into the isle of Eubcea, that so he might securely pursue the
war against Nabis. Immediately they found out his device,
which was none other than to engage their nation in his
war against the Romans. Wherefore their pretor Cycliades
made him answer, that their laws forbade them to con
clude any other matters in their parliament than those for
which it was assembled. So passing the decree upon which
they had agreed before, for preparing war against Nabis,
he brake up the assembly with every man's good liking ;
whereas in former times he had been thought no better than
one of the king's parasites.

It grieved the king to have thus failed in his purpose
with the Achaeans. Nevertheless, he gathered up among
them a few voluntaries, and so returned by Corinth back
into Attica. There he met with Philocles, one of his cap
tains, that with two thousand men had been doing what
harm he might unto the country. With this addition of
strength he attempted the castle of Eleusine, the haven of
Piraeus, and even the city of Athens. But the Romans
made such haste after him by sea, thrusting themselves into
every of these places, that he could no more than wreak his
anger upon those goodly temples, with which the land of
Attica was at that time singularly beautified. So he de
stroyed all the works of their notable artificers, wrought in
excellent marble, which they had in plenty of their own, or.

CHAP. iv. OF THE WORLD. 599

having long ago been masters of the sea, had brought from
other places, where best choice was found. Neither did he
only pull all down, but caused his men to break the very
stones, that they might be unserviceable to the reparation.
His loss at Chalcis being thus revenged upon Athens, he
went home into Macedon, and there made provision, both
against the Roman consul, that lay about Apollonia, and
against the Dardanians, with other his bad neighbours,
which were likely to infest him. Among his other cares, he
forgot not the ^Etolians ; to whose parliament, shortly to be
held at Naupactus, he sent an embassage, requesting them
to continue in his friendship. Thus was Philip occupied.

Sulpicius the Roman consul encamped upon the river of
Apsus. Thence he sent forth Apustius, his lieutenant, with
part of the army, to waste the borders of Macedon. Apus
tius took sundry castles and towns, using such extremity of
sword and fire at Antipatria, the first good town which he
won by force, that none durst afterwards make resistance,
unless they knew themselves able to hold out. Returning
towards the consul with his spoil, he was charged in rear,
upon the passage of a brook, by Athenagoras, a Macedonian
captain; but the Romans had the better; and killing many
of these enemies, took prisoners many more, to the increase
of their booty, with which they arrived in safety at their
camp. The success of this expedition, though it were not
great, yet served to draw into the Roman friendship those
that had formerly no good inclination to the Macedonian.
These were Pleuratus the son of Scerdilaidas the Illyrian,
Aminander king of the Athamanians, and Bato the son of
Longarus, a prince of the Dardanians. They offered their
assistance unto the consul, who thanked them ; and said,
that he would shortly make use of Pleuratus and Bato,
when he entered into Macedon ; but that the friendship of
Aminander, whose country lay between the JStolians and
Thessaly, might be perhaps available with the ^Etolians, to
stir them up against Philip.

So the present care was wholly set upon the ^Etolian
parliament at hand. Thither came ambassadors from the

RALEGH, VOL. IV. S S

600

THE HISTORY

BOOK V.

Macedonian, Romans, and Athenians. Of which the Ma
cedonian spake first, and said, that as there was nothing
fallen out which should occasion the breach of peace be
tween his master and the ^Etolians, so was it to be hoped,
that they would not suffer themselves, without good cause, to
be carried away after other men's fancies. He prayed them
to consider how the Romans heretofore had made show, as
if their war in Greece tended only to defence of the Mto-
lians; and yet notwithstanding had been angry that the
-^Etolians, by making peace with Philip, had no longer need
of such their patronage. What might k be that made them
so busy in obtruding their protection upon those that needed
it not ? Surely it was even the general hatred which these
Barbarians bore unto the Greeks. For even after the same
sort had they lent their help to the Mamertines, and after
wards delivered Syracuse, when it was oppressed by Car
thaginian tyrants ; but now both Syracuse and Messana
were subject unto the rods and axes of the Romans. To
the same effect he alleged many examples, adding, that in
like sort it would happen to the ^Etolians ; who, if they drew
such masters into Greece, must not look hereafter to hold,
as now, free parliaments of their own, wherein to consult
about war and peace ; the Romans would ease them of this
care, and send them such a moderator as went every year
from Rome to Syracuse. Wherefore he concluded, that it
was best for them, whilst as yet they might, and whilst one
of them as yet could help the other, to continue in their
league with Philip, with whom if at any time upon light
occasion they happened to fall out, they might as lightly be
reconciled ; and with whom they had three years ago made
the peace which still continued, although the same Romans
were then against it, who sought to break it now.

It would have troubled the Romans to frame a good
answer to these objections. For the Macedonian had spoken
the very truth, in shewing whereto this their patronage,
which they offered with such importunity, did tend : where
fore the Athenians were set on by them to speak next, who
had store of eloquence, and matter of recrimination enough

CHAP. iv. OF THE WORLD. 601

to make Philip odious. These affirmed, that it was a great
impudence in the Macedonian ambassador to call the Ro
mans by the name of Barbarians, knowing in what barba
rous manner his own king had, in few days past, made war
upon the gods themselves, by destroying all their temples in
Attica. Here wi thai . they made a pitiful rehearsal of their
own calamities, and said, that if Philip might have his will,
JEtolia, and all the rest of Greece, should feel the same that
Attica had felt ; yea that Athens itself, together with Mi
nerva, Jupiter, Ceres, and other of the gods, were like to
have felt, if the walls and the Roman arms had not defended
them.

Then spake the Romans, who, excusing as well as they
could their own oppression of all those in whose defence
they had heretofore taken arms, went roundly to the point
in hand. They said, that they had of late made war in the
JEtolian's behalf, and that the ^Etolians had without their
consent made peace ; whereof since the ^Etolians must ex
cuse themselves by alleging that the Romans, being busied
with Carthage, wanted leisure to give them aid convenient ;
so this excuse being now taken away, and the Romans
wholly bent against their common enemy, it concerned the
^Etolians to take part with them in their war and victory,
unless they had rather perish with Philip.

It might easily be perceived, that they which were so
vehement in offering their help ere it was desired, were
themselves carried unto the war by more earnest motives,
than a simple desire to help those friends with whom they
had no great acquaintance. This may have been the cause
why Dorymachus the^Etolian pretor shifted them off a while
with a dilatory answer, though he told his countrymen,
that, by reserving themselves till the matter were inclined
one way or other, they might afterwards take part with
those that had the better fortune. His answer was first in
general terms, that overmuch haste was an enemy to good
counsel, for which cause they must further deliberate ere
they concluded. But coming nearer to the matter in hand,
he passed a decree, " That the pretor might at any time call

602 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

" an assembly of the states, and therein conclude upon this
" business, any law to the contrary notwithstanding :" where
as otherwise it was unlawful to treat of such affairs, except
in two of their great parliaments, that were held at set times.

SECT. XL

The meeting of Philip with the Romans, and skirmishing with them
on his borders. The JEtolians invade his dominions, and are
beaten home. Some doings of Attains and the Roman fleet.
PHILIP was glad to hear that the Romans had sped no
better in their solicitation of the JEtolians. He thought them
hereby disappointed in the very beginning of one great
help, and meant himself to disappoint them of another.
His son Perseus, a very boy, was sent to keep the straits of
Pelagonia against the Dardanians, having with him some
of the king's council, to govern both him and his army. It
was judged, as may seem, that the presence of the king's
son, how young soever, would both encourage his followers,
and terrify the enemies, by making them at least believe
that he was not weakly attended. And this may have been
the reason why the same Perseus, a few years before this,
was in like manner left upon the borders of ^Etolia by his
father, whom earnest business called thence another way.
No danger of enemies being left on either hand, it was
thought that the Macedonian fleet under Heraclides would
serve to keep Attalus, with the Rhodians and Romans, from
doing harm by sea, when the king's back was turned, who
took his journey westward against Sulpicius the consul.

The armies met in the country of the Dassaretii, a people
in the utmost borders of Macedon towards Illyria, about the
mountains of Candavia, that running along from Hremus
in the north, until they join in the south with Pindus, en
close the western parts of Macedon. Two or three days
they lay in sight the one of the other, without making offer
of battle. The consul was the first that issued forth of his
camp into the open field. But Philip was not confident in
the strength which he had then about him, and therefore
thought it better to send forth some of his light-armed mer-

CHAP. iv. OF THE WORLD. 603

cenaries, and some part of his horse, to entertain them with
skirmish. These were easily vanquished by the Romans,
and driven back into their camp. Now although it was so
that the king was unwilling to hazard all at first upon a
cast, and therefore sent for Perseus with his companies to
increase his own forces; yet being no less unwilling to lose too
much in reputation, he made show a day after, as if he
would have fought. He had found the advantage of a
place fit for ambush, wherein he bestowed as many as he
thought meet of his targetiers, and so gave charge to
Athenagoras, one of his captains, to provoke out the Ro
mans to fight, instructing both him and the targetiers how
to behave themselves respectively, as opportunity should fall
out. The Romans had no mistrust of any ambush, having
fought upon the same ground a day before. Wherefore
perhaps they might have sustained some notable detriment,
if the king's directions had been well followed. For when
Athenagoras began to fall back, they charged him so hotly,
that they drave him to an hasty flight, and pursued him as
hard as they were able. But the captains of the targetiers,
not staying to let them run into the danger, discovered
themselves before it was time, and thereby made frustrate
the work to which they were appointed. The consul hereby
gathered, that the king had some desire to try the fortune
of a battle, which he therefore presented the second time,
leading forth his army, and setting it in order, with ele
phants in front; a kind of help which the Romans had
never used before, but had taken these of late from the
Carthaginians. Such are the alterations wrought by time.
It was scarce above fourscore years ere this, that Pyrrhus
carried elephants out of Greece into Italy, to affright the
Romans, who had never seen any of those beasts before:
but now the same Romans (whilst possibly some were yet
alive which had known that expedition of Pyrrhus) come
into Macedon, bringing elephants with them, whereof the
Macedonians and Greeks have none. Philip had patience
to let the consul brave him at his trenches, wherein he did
wisely, for the Roman had greater need to fight than he.

s s3

604 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

Sulpicius was unwilling to lose time ; neither could he with
out great danger, lying so near the enemy that was strong
in horse, send his men to fetch in corn out of the fields.
Wherefore he removed eight miles off, presuming that
Philip would not adventure to meet him on even ground,
and so the more boldly he suffered his foragers to overrun
the country. The king was nothing sorry of this, but per
mitted the Romans to take their good pleasure, even till
their presumption, and his own supposed fear, should make
them careless. When this was come to pass, he took all
his horse and light-armed foot, with which he occupied a
place in the midway between the foragers and their camp.
There he stayed in covert, with part of his forces, to keep
the passages, that none should escape. The rest he sent
abroad the country, to fall upon the stragglers, willing them
to put all to the sword, and let none run home with news
to the camp. The slaughter was great ; and those which
escaped the hands of them that were sent abroad to scour
the fields, lighted all or most of them upon the king and
his companies in their flight, so as they were cut off by the
way. Long it was ere the camp had news of this. But in
the end there escaped some, who, though they could not
make any perfect relation how the matter went, yet by tell
ing what had happened to themselves, raised a great tumult.
Sulpicius hereupon sends forth all his horse, and bids them
help their fellows where they saw it needful ; he himself
with the legions followed. The companies of horse divided
themselves, accordingly as they met with advertisements
upon the way, into many parts, not knowing where was
most of the danger. Such of them as lighted upon Philip's
troops, that were canvassing the field, took their task where
they found it. But the main bulk of them fell upon the
king himself. They had the disadvantage, as coming fewer
and unprepared, to one that was ready for them. So they
, were beaten away, as their fellows also might have been, if
the king had well bethought himself, and given over in
time. But while, not contented with such an harvest, he
was too greedy about a poor gleaning, the Roman le-

CHAP. iv. OF THE WORLD. 605

gions appeared in sight, which emboldened their horse to
make a recharge. Then the danger apparent enforced the
Macedonians to look to their own safety. They ran which
way they could, and (as men that lie in wait for others are
seldom heedful of that which may befall themselves) to
escape the enemy, they declined the fairest way, so as they
were plunged in marishes and bogs, wherein many of them
were lost. The king's horse was slain under him, and there
had he been cast away, if a loving subject of his had not
alighted, mounted him upon his own horse, and delivered
him out of peril, at the expense of his own life, that run
ning on foot was overtaken and killed.

In the common opinion Philip was charged with impro
vident rashness, and the consul with as much dulness, for
this day's service. A little longer stay would have deli
vered the king from these enemies without any blow ; since
when all the fields about them were wasted, they must
needs have retired back to the sea. On the other side, it
was not thought unlikely, that if the Romans, following the
king, had set upon his camp at such time as he fled thither,
half amazed with fear of being either slain or taken, they
might have won it. But that noble historian Livy (as is
commonly his manner) hath judiciously observed, that nei
ther the one nor the other were much to blame in this
day's work. For the main body of the king's army lay safe
in his camp, and could not be so astonished with the loss of
two or three hundred horse, that it should therefore have
abandoned the defence of the trenches. And as for the
king himself, he was advertised that Pleuratus the Illyrian,
and the Dardanians, were fallen upon his country, when
they found the passage thereinto open, after Perseus was
called away from custody of the straits. This was it which
made him adventure to do somewhat betimes ; that he might
set the Romans going the sooner, and afterwards look unto
his troublesome neighbours. In consideration of this, Phi
lip was desirous to clear himself of the Romans as soon as
he might. And to that purpose he sent unto the consul,

s s 4

606 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

requesting a day of truce for burial of the dead. But in
stead of so doing, he marched away by night; and left
fires in his camp to beguile the enemy, as if he had not
stirred out of the place. Sulpicius, when he heard of the
king's departure, was not slow to follow him. He overtook
the Macedonians in a place of strength, which they had
fenced (for it was a woody ground) by cutting down trees,
and laying them athwart the way where it was most open.
In making of such places good, the Macedonian phalanx
was of little use ; being a square battle of pikes, not fit for
every ground. The archers of Crete were judged, and
were indeed, more serviceable in that case. But they were
few^ and their arrows were of small force against the Ro
man shield. The Macedonians therefore helped them by
flinging of stones ; but to no purpose. For the Romans
got within them, and forced them to quit the place. This
victory (such as it was) laid open unto the consul some
poor towns thereabout ; which partly were taken by strong
hand, partly yielded for fear. But the spoil of these, and
of the fields adjoining, was not sufficient to maintain his
army, and therefore he returned back to Apollonia.

The Dardanians, hearing that Philip was come back,
withdrew themselves apace out of the country. The king
sent Athenagoras to wait upon them home, whilst he him
self went against the ^Etolians. For Damocritus, the pre-
tor of the /Etolians, who had reserved himself and his na
tion unto the event of things, hearing report that Philip
was beaten once and again, as also that Pleuratus and the
Dardanians were fallen upon Macedon, grew no less busy
on the sudden, than before he had been wise. He per
suaded his nation to take their time : and so, not staying to
proclaim war, joined his forces with Aminander the Atha-
manian, and made invasion upon Thessaly. They took
and cruelly sacked a few towns ; whereby they grew confi
dent, as if, without any danger, they might do what they
listed. But Philip came upon them ere they looked for
him ; and killing them as they lay dispersed, was like to

CHAI'.IV. OF THE WORLD. 607

have taken their camp, if Aminander, more wary than the
JStolians, had not helped at need, and made the retreat
through his own mountainous country.

About the same time the Roman fleet, assisted by Atta-
lus and the Rhodians, had taken some small islands in the
jEgean sea. They took likewise the town of Oreum in the
isle of Eubcea, and some other places thereabout. The
towns were given to Attalus, after the same compact that
had formerly been made with the ^Etolians ; the goods
therein found were given to the Romans, and the people for
slaves. Other attempts on that side were hindered, either
by foul weather at sea, or by want of daring, and of means.

SECT. XII.

Villius the Roman consul wastes a year to no effect. War of the
Gauls in Italy. An embassy of the Romans to Carthage, Ma-
sinissa and Vermina. The Macedonian prepares for defence of
his kingdom, and T. Quintius Flaminius is sent against him.

THUS the time ran away, and P. Villius, a new consul,
took charge of the war in Macedon. He was troubled with
a mutiny of his oldest soldiers; whereof two thousand,
having served long in Sicily and Afric, thought themselves
much wronged, in that they could not be suffered to look
unto their own estates at home. They were, belike, of the
legions that had served at Cannae, as may seem by their
complaint of having been long absent from Italy ; whither
fain they would have returned, when by their colonels they
were shipped for Macedon. How Villius dealt with them,
it is uncertain. For the history of his year is lost ; whereof
the miss is not great, since he did nothing memorable. Va
lerius Antias, as we find in Livy, hath adorned this Villius
with a great exploit against Philip. ° Yet since Livy him
self, an historian to whom few of the best are matchable,
could find no such thing recorded in any good author, we
may reasonably believe that Villius^s year was idle.

In the beginning of this Macedonian war, the Romans
found more trouble than could have been expected with the

« Livy, 1. 32.

608 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

Gauls. Their colony of Placentia, a goodly and strong
town, which neither Hannibal, nor, after him, Asdrubal, had
been able to force, was taken by these barbarians, and
burnt in a manner to the ground. In like sort Cremona
was attempted, but saved herself, taking warning by her
neighbour's calamity. Amilcar, a Carthaginian that had
stayed behind Asdrubal or Mago in those parts, was now
become captain of the Gauls in these their enterprises.
This when the Romans heard, they sent ambassadors to the
Carthaginians, giving them to understand, that, if they
were not weary of the peace, it behoved them to call home,
and deliver up this their citizen Amilcar, who made war in
Italy. Hereunto it was added, (perhaps lest the message
might seem otherwise to have savoured a little of some
fear,) that of the fugitive slaves belonging unto the Ro
mans, there were some reported to walk up and down in
Carthage ; which if it were so, then ought they to be re
stored back to their masters, as was conditioned in the late
peace. The ambassadors that were sent on this errand, had
further charge to treat with Masinissa, as also with Ver-
mina the son of Syphax. Unto Masinissa, besides matter
of compliment, they were to signify what pleasure he might
do them by lending them some of his Numidian horse, to
serve in their war against the Macedonian. Vermina had
entreated the senate to vouchsafe unto him the name of
king ; and promised thereafter to deserve it, by his readi
ness in doing them all good offices. But they were some
what scrupulous in the matter, and said, that having been,
and being still (as they took it) their enemy, he ought first
of all to desire peace ; for that the name of king was an
honour which they used not to confer upon any, save only
upon such as had royally deserved it at their hands. The
authority to make peace with him was wholly committed
unto these ambassadors, upon such terms as they should
think fit, without further relation to the senate and people :
for they were then busied with greater cares. The Cartha
ginians made a gentle answer, that they wholly disclaimed
Amilcar; banishing him, and confiscating his goods. As

CHAP. iv. OF THE WORLD. 609

for the fugitives, they had restored as many as they could
find ; and would in that point, as far as was requisite, give
satisfaction to the senate. Herewithal they sent a great
proportion of corn to Rome, and the like unto the army
that was in Macedon. King Masinissa would have lent
unto the Romans two thousand of his Numidian horse ; but
they were contented with half the number, and would ac
cept no more. Vermina met with the ambassadors, to give
them entertainment, on the borders of his kingdom ; and,
without any disputation, agreed with them upon terms of
peace.

Thus were the Romans busied in taking order for their
Macedonian war, that they might pursue it strongly, and
without interruption. As for Amilcar and his Gauls, they
laid siege unto Cremona ; where L. Furius, a Roman pre-
tor, came upon them, fought a battle with them, and over
came them. Amilcar the Carthaginian died in this battle;
and the fruit of the victory was such, as both made amends
for losses past, and left the work easy to those that after
wards should have the managing of war among those Gauls.
So was there good leisure to think upon the business of
Macedon; where Philip was carefully providing to give
contentment unto his subjects, by punishing a bad counsel
lor whom they hated ; as also to assure unto himself the
Achaeans, by rendering unto them some towns that he held
of theirs ; and finally to strengthen his kingdom, not only
Jby exercising and training his people, but by fortifying the
passages that led thereinto out of Epirus. This was in doing,
when Villius, having unprofitably laboured to find way into
Macedon, taking a journey (as Sulpicius had done before
him) wherein he could not be supplied with victuals, deter
mined at length to try a new course. But then came ad
vertisement that T. Quintius Flaminius was chosen consul,
and had Macedon allotted him for his province, whose
coming was expected; and he very shortly arrived at the
army.

610 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

SECT. XIII.

The Romans begin to make war by negotiation. T. Quintius wins
a passage against Philip. Thessaly wasted by Philip, the Ro
mans, and JEtolians. The Achaeans, forsaking the Macedonian,
take part with the Romans. A treaty of peace ', that was vain.
Philip delivers Argos to Nabis the tyrant, who presently enters
info league with the Romans.

THE Romans had not been wont in former times to
make war after such a trifling manner. It was their use to
give battle to the enemy as soon as they met with him. If
he refused it, they besieged his towns ; and so forced him
to try the fortune of a day, with his disadvantage in repu
tation, when he had long forborne it, (as it would be inter
preted,) upon knowledge of his own weakness. But in this
their war with Philip, they began to learn of the subtle
Greeks the art of negotiation ; wherein hitherto they were
not grown so fine, as within a little while they proved.
Their treasury was poor, and stood indebted, P many years
after this, unto private men, for part of those monies that
had been borrowed in the second Punic war. This had
made the commonalty averse from the Macedonian war, and
had thereby driven the senators, greedy of the enterprise, to
make use of their cunning. Yet, being weary of the slow
pace wherewith their business went forward, they deter
mined to increase their army, that they might have the
less need to rely upon their confederates. So they levied
eight thousand foot and eight hundred horse, (the greater
part of them of the Latins,) which they sent with T. Quin
tius Flaminius, the new consul, into Macedon. Their
navy, and other means, could well have served for the set
ting forth and transportation of a greater army ; but by
straining themselves to the most of their ability, they should
(besides other difficulties incident unto the sustenance of
those that are too many and too far from home) have bred
some jealousy in their friends of Greece, and thereby have
lost some friends ; yea, perhaps have increased the number
of their enemies more than of their own soldiers. This pre-
P Livy, 1. 34.

CHAP. iv. OF THE WORLD. 611

sent augmentation of the forces was very requisite ; for that
Attalus, about the same time, excused himself unto them
by his ambassadors, requesting that either they would un
dertake the defence of his kingdom against Antiochus, who
invaded it ; or else that they would not take it uncourt-
eously, that he quitted the war with Philip, and returned
home, to look unto that which more concerned him. Their
answer was remarkable. They said, that it was not their
manner to use the aid . of their friends longer than their
friends had good opportunity, and could also be well con
tented to afford it ; that they could not honestly take part
with Attalus, their good friend though he were, against
Antiochus, whom they held in the like account; but that
they would deal with Antiochus by ambassadors, and (as
common friends unto both of the kings) do their best to
persuade an atonement between them. In such loving
fashion did they now carry themselves towards their good
friend the king Antiochus ; who reciprocally, at their en
treaty, withdrew his army from the kingdom of Attalus.
But how little they regarded these terms of friendship, after
that once they had made an end with Philip, it will very soon
appear.

T. Quintius hasting away from Rome, came betimes into
his province with the supply decreed unto him, which con
sisted, for the most part of old soldiers that had served in
Spain and Afric. He found Villius the old consul, (whom
at his coming he presently discharged,) and king Philip of
Macedon, encamped one against the other, in the straits of
Epirus, by the river of Apsus, or Aous. It was manifest,
that either the Romans must fetch a compass about, and
seek their way into Macedon through the poor country of
the Dassaretians, or else win by force that passage which
the king defended. In taking the former way, they had al
ready two years together misspent their time, and been
forced to return back without profit, for want of victuals,
whereof they could neither carry with them store sufficient,
nor find it on the way. But if they could once get over
these mountains, which divided the south of Epirus from

612 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

Thessaly, then should they enter into a plentiful country ;
and which, by long dependance on the Macedonian, was
become (in a manner) part of his kingdom, whereof it made
the south border. Nevertheless the desire of winning this
passage was greater than the likelihood : for the river of
Apsus, running along through that valley which alone was
open between the mountains, made it all a deep marish and
impassable bog; a very narrow way excepted, and a path
cut out of the main rock by man's hand. Wherefore Quin-
tius assayed to climb in the mountains ; but finding himself
disappointed of this hope, through the diligence of his ene
my, who neglected not the guard of them that was very easy,
he was compelled to sit still without doing any thing for
the space of forty days.

This long time of rest gave hope unto Philip, that the war
might be ended by composition upon some reasonable terms.
He therefore so dealt with some of the Epirots, (among
whom he had many friends,) that he and the consul had a
meeting together. But nothing was effected. The consul
would have him to set all towns of Greece at liberty ; and
to make amends for the injuries which he had done to many
people in his late wars. Philip was contented to give li
berty to those whom he had subdued of late; but unto
such as had been long subject unto him and his ancestors,
he thought it against all reason that he should relinquish
his claim and dominion over them. He also said, that as
far forth as it should appear that he had done wrong unto
any town or people whatsoever, he could well be pleased to
make such amends as might seem convenient in the judg
ment of some free state that had not been interested in
those quarrels. But herewithal Quintius was not satisfied.
There needed (he said) no judgment or compromise; foras
much as it was apparent that Philip had always been the
invader, and had not made war, as one provoked, in his own
defence. After this altercation, when they should come to
particulars, and when the consul was required to name those
towns that he would have to be set at liberty, the first that
he named were the Thessalians. These had been subjects

CHAP. iv. OF THE WORLD. 613

(though conditional) unto the Macedonian kings ever since
the days of Alexander the Great and of Philip his father.
Wherefore, as soon as Flaminius had named the Thessa-
lians, the king in a rage demanded, what sharper condition
he would have laid upon him, had he been but vanquished.
And here withal abruptly he flung away, refusing to hear
any more of such discourse.

After this, the consul strove in vain, two or three days
together, to have prevailed against the difficulties of that
passage which Philip kept. When he had well wearied
himself, and could not resolve what course to take, there
came to him an herdsman, sent from Charopus, a prince of
the Epirots that favoured the Romans, who, having long
kept beasts in those mountains, was throughly acquainted
with all by-paths, and therefore undertook to guide the Ro
mans, without any danger, to a place where they should
have advantage of the enemy. This guide, for fear of
treacherous dealing, was fast bound ; and being promised
great reward in case he made good his word, had such
companies as wasvthought fit, appointed to follow his direc
tions. They travelled by night, (it being then about the full
of the moon,) and rested in the day-time, for fear of being
discovered. When they had recovered the hill-tops, and
were above the Macedonians, (though undiscovered by
them, because at their backs,) they raised a great smoke,
whereby they gave notice of their success unto the consul.
Some skirmishes, whilst these were on their journey, T.
Quintius had held with the Macedonian, thereby to avert
him from thought of that which was intended. But when on
the third morning he saw the smoke arise more and more
plainly, and thereby knew that his men had attained unto
the place whither they were sent ; he pressed as near as he
could unto the enemies' camp, and assailed them in their
strength. He prevailed as little as in former times, until the
shoutings of those that ran down the hill, and charged Phi
lip on the back, astonished so the Macedonians, that they
betook themselves to flight. The king, upon first appre
hension of the danger, made all speed away to save him-

614 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

self. Yet anon, considering that the difficulty of the pas
sage must needs hinder the Romans from pursuing him,
he made a stand at the end of five miles, and gathered there
together his broken troops, of whom he found wanting no
more than two thousand men. The greatest loss was of his
camp and provisions, if not rather perhaps of his reputa
tion ; for that now the Macedonians began to stand in fear,
lest, being driven from a place of such advantage, they
should hardly make good their party against the enemy
upon equal ground : neither was Philip himself much bet
ter persuaded. Wherefore he caused the Thessalians, as
many of them as in his hasty retreat he could visit, to for
sake their towns and country ; carrying away with them as
much as they were able, and spoiling all the rest. But all
of them could not be persuaded thus to abandon (for the
pleasure of their king) their ancient habitations, and all the
substance which they had gotten. Some there were that
forcibly resisted him ; which they might the better do, for
that he could not stay to use any great compulsion. He
also himself took it very grievously, that he was driven to
make such waste of a most pleasant and fruitful country,
which had ever been well affected unto him ; so that a little
hinderance did serve to make him break off his purpose, and
withdraw himself home into his kingdom of Macedon.

The u(Etolians and Athamanians, when this fell out, were
even in a readiness to invade Thessaly ; whereinto the ways
lay more open out of their several countries. When there
fore they heard for certainty that Philip was beaten by the
Romans, they foreslowed not the occasion, but made all
speed, each of them to lay hold upon what they might.
T. Quintius followed them within a little while ; but they
had gotten so much before his coming, that he, in gleaning
after their harvest, could not find enough to maintain his
army. Thus were the poor Thessalians, of whose liberty
the Romans a few days since had made show to be very
desirous, wasted by the same Romans and their confede-
rates, not knowing which way to turn themselves, or whom
to avoid. T. Quintius won Phaleria by assault; Metro-

CHAP. iv. OF THE WORLD. 615

polls and Piera yielded unto him. Ullage he besieged ; and,
having made a fair breach, yet was unable to force it, so
stoutly it was defended both by the inhabitants, and by a
Macedonian garrison therein. Philip also at the same time,
having somewhat recollected his spirits, hovered about
Tempe with his army, thrusting men into all places that
were like to be distressed. So the consul having well near
spent his victuals, and seeing no hope to prevail at Rhage,
brake up his siege, and departed out of Thessaly. He had
appointed his ships of burden to meet him at Anticyra,
an haven town of Phocis, on the gulf of Corinth ; which
country, being friend to the Macedonian, he presently in
vaded ; not so much for hatred unto the people, as because
it lay conveniently seated between Thessaly and other re
gions, wherein he had business, or was shortly like to have.
Many towns in Phocis he won by assault; many were
yielded up unto him for fear; and within short space he
had (in effect) mastered it all.

In the mean time L. Quintius the consul's brother, be
ing then admiral for the Romans in this war, joined with
king Attalus and the Rhodian fleet. They won two cities
in E uboaa, and afterward laid siege unto Cenchree, an ha
ven and arsenal of the Corinthians on their eastern sea.
This enterprise did somewhat help forward the Achaeans, in
their desire to leave the part of Philip ; since it might come
to pass, that Corinth itself, ere long time were spent, and
that Cenchree, with other places appertaining to Corinth,
now very shortly should be rendered unto their nation by
favour of the Romans.

But there were other motives inducing the Achaeans to
prefer the friendship of the Romans before the patronage
of Philip, whereto they had been long accustomed : for
this king had so many ways offended them in time of peace,
that they thought it the best course to rid their hands of
him, whilst, being entangled in a dangerous war, he wanted
means to hinder the execution of such counsel as they
should hold the safest. His tyrannous practices to make
himself their absolute lord, his poisoning of Aratus their

RALEGH, VOL. IV. T t

(516 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

old governor, his false dealing with the Messenians, Epi-
rots, and other peopie their confederates, and his own de
pendants, together with many particular outrages by him
committed, had caused them long since to hold him as a ne
cessary evil, even whilst they were unable to be without his
assistance. But since, by the virtue of Philopcemen, they
were grown somewhat confident in their own strength, so as
without the Macedonian's help they could as well subsist as
having him to friend, then did they only think how evil he
was, and thereupon rejoice the more in that he was become
no longer necessary. It angered him to perceive how they
stood affected, and therefore he sent murderers to take
away the life of P Philopcemen. But failing in this enter
prise, and being detected, he did thereby only set fire to
the wood which was throughly dry before, and prepared to
burn. Philopoemen wrought so with the Achaeans, that no
discourse was more familiar with them than what great
cause they had to withdraw themselves from the Macedon
ian. Cycliadas, a principal man among them, and lately
their pretor, was expelled by them for shewing himself pas
sionate in the cause of Philip, and Aristaenus chosen pretor,
who laboured to join them in society with the Romans.

These news were very welcome to T. Quintius. Ambas
sadors were sent from the Romans, and their confederates
king Attalus, the Rhodians, and Athenians, to treat with
the Achaeans ; making promise, that they should have Co
rinth restored unto them, if they would forsake the Mace
donian. A parliament of the Achaeans was held at Sicyon,
to deliberate and resolve in this weighty case. Therein the
Romans and their adherents desired the Achaeans to join
with them in making war upon Philip: contrariwise, the
ambassadors of Philip, whom he had also sent for this busi
ness, admonishing the Achaeans of their alliance with the
king, and of their faith due unto him, requested them that
they would be contented to remain as neuters. This mode
rate request of Philip's ambassador did no way advance his
master's cause ; rather it gave the Achaeans to understand,

v Pint, in Vita Philoprem. Justin. 1. 49.

CHAP. iv. OF THE WORLD. 617

that he, who could be satisfied with so little at their hands,
knew himself unable to gratify them in any reciprocal de
mand. Yet were there many in that great council, who, re
membering the benefits of Philip and Antigonus, laboured
earnestly for the preservation of the ancient league. But
in fine, the sense of late injuries, and expectation of like or
worse from him in the future, prevailed against the memory
of those old good turns which he (and Antigonus before
him) had partly sold unto them, and partly had used as
baits whereby to allure them into absolute subjection.
Neither was it perhaps of the least importance, that the Ro
mans were strong, and likely to prevail in the end. So,
after much altercation, the decree passed, that they should
thenceforward renounce the Macedonian, and take part
with his enemies in this war. With Attalus and the Rho-
dians they forthwith entered into society : with the Romans
(because no league would be of force until the senate and
people had approved it) they forbore to decree any society
at the present, until the return of those ambassadors from
Rome, which they determined to send thither of purpose.
The Megalopolitans, Dymseans, and Argives, having done
their best for the Macedonian, as by many respects they
were bound, rose up out of the council, and departed before
the passing of the decree, which they could not resist, nor yet
with honesty thereto give assent. For this their good-will,
and greater which they shortly manifested, the Argives had
so little thank, that all the rest of the Achaean s may be the
better held excused for escaping how they might out of the
hands of so fell a prince.

Soon after this, upon a solemn day at Argos, the affec
tion of the citizens discovered itself so plainly in the behalf
of Philip, that they which were his partisans within the
town, made no doubt of putting the city into his hands,
if they might have any small assistance. Philocles, a lieu
tenant of the king's, lay then in Corinth ; which he had
manfully defended against the Romans and Attalus. Him
the conspirators drew to Argos ; whither coming on a sud-

T t 2

618 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

den, and finding the multitude ready to join with him, he
easily compelled the Achaean garrison to quit the place.

This getting of Argos, together with the good defence of
Corinth and some other towns, as it helped Philip a little in
his reputation, so they gave him hope to obtain some good
end by treaty ; whilst as yet with his honour he might seek
it, and when (the winter being now come on) a new consul
would shortly be chosen, who should take the work out of
Titus's hands, if it were not concluded the sooner. Titus
had the like respect unto himself ; and therefore thought it
best, since more could not be done, to predispose things
unto a conclusion for his own reputation. The meeting was
appointed to be held on the sea- shore, in the bay then
called the Malian, or Lamian bay, now (as is supposed)
the gulf «f Ziton, in the ^Egaean sea, or Archipelago.
Thither came Titus, with Aminander the Athamanian;
an ambassador of Attalus, the admiral of Rhodes, and
some agents for the ^Etolians and Achseans. Philip had
with him some few of his own captains, and Cycliadas,
lately banished for his sake out of Achaia. He refused to
come on shore, though fearing (as he said) none but the
immortal gods; yet misdoubting some treachery in the
^Etolians. The demands of Titus, in behalf of the Romans,
were, that he should set all cities of Greece at liberty ; de
liver up to the Romans and their confederates all prisoners
which he had of theirs, and renegadoes ; likewise whatsoever
he held of theirs in Illyria ; and whatsoever about Greece
or Asia he had gotten from Ptolomy, then king of Egypt,
after his father's death. Attalus demanded restitution to be
made entire of ships, towns, and temples, by him taken and
spoiled in the late war between them. The Rhodians would
have again the country of Peraea, lying over against their
island ; as also that he should withdraw his garrisons out
of divers towns about the Hellespont, and other havens of
their friends. The Achseans desired restitution of Argos
and Corinth ; about the one of which they might not un
justly quarrel with him, the other had been long his

CHAP. iv. OF THE WORLD. 619

own by their consent. The ^Etolians took upon them
angrily, as patrons of Greece, willing him to depart out of
it, even out of the whole country, leaving it free; and
withal to deliver up unto them whatsoever he held that had
at any time been theirs. Neither were they herewithal con
tent ; but insolently declaimed against him, for that which
he had lately done in Thessaly, corrupting, as they said, the
rewards of the victors, by destroying, when he was van
quished, those towns which else they might have gotten.
To answer these malapert ^Etolians, Philip commanded his
galley to row nearer the shore. But they began to ply him
afresh ; telling him, that he must obey his betters, unless he
were able to defend himself by force of arms. He an
swered them (as he was much given to gibing) with sundry
scoffs; and especially with one, which made the Roman
consul understand what manner of companions these Mto-
lians were : for he said, that he had often dealt with them ;
as likewise, the rest of the Greeks ; desiring them to abro
gate a wicked law which permitted them to take spoil from
spoil : yet could he get no better an answer, than that
they would sooner take ^Etolia out of ^Etolia. Titus
wondered what might be the meaning of this strange law.
So the king told him, that they held it a laudable custom,
as often as war happened between their friends, to hold up
the quarrel by sending voluntaries to serve on both sides,
that should spoil both the one and the other. As for the
liberty of Greece, he said it was strange that the ^Etolians
should be so careful thereof, since divers tribes of their own,
which he there named, were indeed no Grecians : wherefore
he would fain know, whether the Romans would give him
leave to make slaves of those ^Etolians which were no
Greeks. Titus hereat smiled ; and was no whit offended to
hear the ^Etolians well rattled up ; touching whom he be
gan to understand how odious they were in all the country.
As for that general demand of setting all Greece at liberty,
Philip acknowledged that it might well beseem the great
ness of the Romans, though he would also consider what
'i Excerpt, e Polyb. 1. 17.

620 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

might beseem his own dignity. But that the ^Etolians,
Rhodians, and other petty estates, should thus presume,
under countenance of the Romans, to take upon them, as if
by their great might he should be hereunto compelled, it
was, he said, a strange and ridiculous insolence. The Achse-
ans he charged with much ingratitude; reciting against
them some decrees of their own, wherein they had loaden
both Antigonus and him with more than human honours.
Nevertheless he said, that he would render Argos unto
them ; but as touching Corinth, that he would further de
liberate with Titus himself. Thus he addressed himself
wholly to the Roman general ; unto whom if he could give
satisfaction, he cared little for all the rest. With Attalus
and the Rhodians, his late war, he said, was only defensive,
they having been the offerers ; or if he gave them any occa
sion, it was only in helping Prusias, his son-in-law ; neither
did he see why they should rather seek amends at his hands
than he at theirs. For whereas they complained, that, spoil
ing a temple of Venus, he had cut down the grove and plea
sant walks thereabouts ; what could he do more than send
gardeners thither with young plants, if one king of another
would stand to ask such recompense. Thus he jested the
matter out ; but offered nevertheless, in honour of the Ro
mans, to give back the region of Pera?a to the Rhodians ;
as likewise to Attalus, the ships and prisoners of his,
whereof he had then possession. Thus ended that day's
conference, because it was late ; Philip requiring a night's
leisure to think upon the articles, which were many, and he
ill provided of counsel wherewith to advise about them.
" For your being so ill provided of counsel," said Titus,
"you. may even thank yourself, as having murdered all
" your friends that were wont to advise you faithfully."
The next day Philip came not until it was late at night,
excusing his long stay by the weigh tiness of the things pro-
pounded, whereon he could not suddenly tell how to resolve.
But it was believed, that he thereby sought to abridge the
^Etolians of leisure to rail at him. And this was the more
likely; for that he desired conference in private with the

CHAP. iv. OF THE WORLD.

Roman general. The sum of his discourse, as Titus after
ward related it, was, that he would give to the Achaeans
both Argos and Corinth ; as also, that he would render
unto Attalus and the Rhodians what he had promised the
day before ; likewise to the ^Etolians, that he would grant
some part of their demands ; and to the Romans, whatsoever
they did challenge. This when Titus's associates heard,
they exclaimed against it; saying, that if the king were
suffered to retain any thing in Greece, he would shortly get
possession of all which he now rendered up. The noise
that they made came to Philip's ear, who thereupon de
sired a third day of meeting ; and protested, that if he
could not persuade them, he would suffer himself to be per
suaded by them. So the third day they met early in the
morning; at what time the king entreated them all, that
they would with sincere affection hearken unto good offers
of peace, and immediately conclude it, if they could like
well of those conditions which he had already tendered ; or
otherwise^ that they would make truce with him for the
present, and let him send ambassadors to Rome, where he
would refer himself to the courtesy of the senate.

This was even as Quintius would have it ; who stood in
doubt, lest a new consul might happen to defraud him of
the honour which he expected by ending of the war. So
he easily prevailed with the rest to assent hereunto : foras
much as it was winter, a time unfit for service in the war £
and since, without authority of the senate, he should, be un
able to proceed resolvedly either in war or peace. Further,
he willed them to send their several ambassadors to Rome ;
which, intimating unto the senate what each of them re
quired, should easily hinder Philip from obtaining any
thing to their prejudice. Among the rest, he persuaded
king Aminander to make a journey to Rome in person;
knowing well that the name of a king, together with the
confluence of so many ambassadors, would serve to make
his own actions more glorious in the city. All this tended
to procure that his own command of the army in Greece
might be prorogued. And to the same end had he dealt

T t 4

THE HISTORY BOOK v.

with some of the tribunes of the people at Rome ; who had
already (though as yet he knew not so much) obtained it for
him ; partly by their authority, partly by good reasons which
they alleged unto the senate.

The ambassadors of the Greeks, when they had audience
at Rome, spake bitterly against the king, with good liking
of the senate ; which was more desirous of victory than of
satisfaction. They magnified the honourable purpose of
the Romans in undertaking to set Greece at liberty: but
this, they said, could never be effected, unless especial care
were taken that the king should be dispossessed of Corinth,
Chalcis, and Demetrias. In this point they were so vehe
ment, producing a map of the country, and making demon
stration how those places held all the rest in servility, that
the senate agreed to have it even so as they desired. When
therefore the ambassadors of Philip were brought in, and
began to have made a long oration, they were briefly cut off in
the midst of their preface, with this one demand ; " Whether
" their master would yield up Corinth, Chalcis, and Deme-
" trias ?" Hereto they made answer, that, concerning those
places, the king had given them no direction or commission
what to say or do. This was enough : the senate would
no longer hearken to Philip's desire of peace ; wherein they
said he did no better than trifle. Yet might his ambassa
dors have truly said, that neither the ^Etolians, Achaeans,
nor any of their fellows, had in the late treaty required by
name that Chalcis and Demetrias should be yielded up:
for which of them indeed could make any claim to either
of these towns ? As for Corinth, whereto the Achseans had
some right, (though their right were no better, than that
having stolen it from one Macedonian king in a night, they
had, after mature deliberation, made it away by bargain
unto another,) Philip had already condescended to give it
back unto them. And this perhaps would have been
alleged, even against the Greeks, in excuse of the king, by
some of T. Quintius's friends ; that so he might have had
the honour to conclude the war, if a successor had been de
creed unto him. But since he was appointed to continue

CHAP. iv. OF THE WORLD. 623

general, neither his friends at Rome, nor he himself, after
the return of the ambassadors into Greece, cared to give
ear unto any talk of peace.

Philip, seeing that his Achaeans had forsaken him, and
joined with their common enemies, thought even to deal
with them in the like manner, by reconciling himself unto
Nabis, whom they hated most. There were not many years
past, since the Lacedaemonians under Cleomenes, with little
other help than their own strength, had been almost strong
enough both for the Macedonians and Achseans together.
But now the condition of things was altered : Nabis's
force consisted in a manner wholly in his mercenaries ; for
he was a tyrant, though styling himself king. Yet he
sorely vexed the Achaeans ; and therefore seemed unto Phi
lip one likely to stand him in great stead, if he could be
won. To this purpose, it was thought meet that the town
of Argos, which could not otherwise be easily defended,
should be consigned over into his hands ; in hope that such
a benefit would serve to tie him fast unto the Macedonian.
Philocles, the king's lieutenant, who was appointed to deal
with Nabis, added further, that it was his master's pur
pose to make a strait alliance with the Lacedaemonian,
by giving some daughters of his own in marriage unto
Nabis's sons. This could not but be well taken : yet Nabis
made some scruple in accepting the town of Argos, unless
by decree of the citizens themselves he might be called into
it. Hereabout Philocles dealt with the Argives,; but found
them so averse, that, in open assembly of the people, they
detested the very name of the tyrant, with many railing
words. Nabis hearing of this, thought he had thereby a
good occasion to rob and fleece them : so he willed Philo
cles, without more ado, to make over the town which he
was ready to receive. Philocles accordingly did let him
with his army into it by night, and gave him possession of
the strongest places therein. Thus dealt Philip with the
Argives, who for very love had forsaken the Achaeans to
take his part. Early in the morning, the tyrant made him-

624 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

self master of all the gates. A few of the principal men,
understanding how things went, fled out of the city at the
first tumult : wherefore they were all banished, and their
goods confiscated. The rest of the chief citizens that stayed
behind, were commanded to bring forth, out of hand, all their
gold and silver : also a great imposition of money was laid
upon all those that were thought able to pay it. Such as
made their contribution readily, were dismissed without
more ado ; but if any stood long upon the matter, or played
the thieves in purloining their own goods, they were put to
the whip, and, besides loss of their wealth, had their torments
to boot. This done, the tyrant began to make popular
laws, namely, such as might serve to make him gracious
with the rascal multitude; abrogating all debts, and di
viding the lands of the rich among the poor. By such art
of oppressing the great ones, it hath been an old custom of
tyrants to assure themselves of the vulgar for a time.

As soon as Nabis had gotten Argos, he sent the news to
T. Quintius, and offered to join with him against Philip.
Titus was glad of it ; so as he took the pains to cross over
the straits into Peloponnesus, there to meet with Nabis.
They had soon agreed, (though king Attalus, who was pre
sent with the consul, made some cavil touching Argos,) and
the tyrant lent unto the Romans six hundred of his merce
naries of Crete : as also he agreed with the Achaeans upon
a truce for four months, reserving the final conclusion of
peace between them until the war of Philip should be
ended ; which after this continued not long.

SECT. XIV.

The battle at Cynoscephalce, wherein Philip was vanquished by

T. Quintius.

TITUS QUINTIUS, as soon as he understood that he
was appointed to have command of the army, without any
other limitation of time than during the pleasure of the
senate, made all things ready for diligent pursuit of the
war. The like did Philip ; who having failed in his nego-

CHAP. iv. OF THE WORLD. 625

tiation of peace, and no less failed in his hopes of getting
Nabis to friend in that war, meant afterwards wholly to
rely upon himself.

r Titus had in his army about six and twenty thousand,
and Philip a proportionable number ; but neither of them
knew the other's strength, or what his enemy intended to do.
Only Titus heard that Philip was in Thessaly, and there
upon addressed himself to seek him out. They had like to
have met unawares, near unto the city of Phera? ; where the
vancouriers on both sides discovered each other, and sent
word thereof unto their several captains. But neither of
them were overhasty to commit all to hazard upon so short
warning. The day following, each of them sent out three
hundred horse, with as many light-armed foot, to make a
better discovery : these met, and fought a long while ;
returning finally back into their several camps, with little
advantage unto either side. The country about Pherae was
thick set with trees, and otherwise full of gardens and mud
walls, which made it unproper for service of the Macedonian
phalanx. Wherefore the king dislodged, intending to re
move back unto Scotusa in the frontier of Macedon ; where
he might be plentifully served with all necessaries. Titus
conceived aright his meaning, and therefore purposed also
to march thitherwards, were it only to waste the country.
There lay between them a great ledge of hills, which hin
dered the one from knowing what course the other took:
nevertheless they encamped not far asunder, both the first and
the second night; though neither of them understood what
was become of the other. The third day was very tem
pestuous, and forced each of them to take up his lodging
where he found it by chance. Then sent they forth dis
coverers again, in greater number than before : these meet
ing together, held a long fight, wherein at first the Ma
cedonians had the worse ; but Philip anon sent in such
a strong supply, that if the resistance of the zEtolians had
not been desperate, the Romans their fellows had been
driven back into their camp. Yet, all resistance notwith-

' Plut. in Vita T. Q. Flam.

THE HISTORY BOOK v.

standing, the Macedonians prevailed ; so that Titus himself
was fain to bring forth his legions, that were not a little
discouraged by the defeat of all their horse, to animate
those which were in flight.

It was altogether besides the king's purpose, to put the
fortune of a battle in trust that day with so much of his
estate as might thereon depend. But the news came to
him thick and tumultuously, how the enemies fled, and
how the day was his own, if he could use an occasion, the
like whereof he should not often find. This caused him to
alter his purpose ; insomuch as he embattled his men, and
climbed up those hills, which, for that the knops thereon
had some resemblance unto dogs'-heads, were called, by a
word signifying as much, Cynoscephalce. As soon as he
was on the hill-top, it did him good to see that they of his
own light armature were busy in fight almost at the very
camp of the enemies, whom they had repelled so far. He
had also liberty to choose his ground as might serve best
his advantage ; forasmuch as the Romans were quite driven
from all parts of the hill. But of this commodity he could
make no great use ; the roughness of the place among those
dogs'-heads, as they were called, serving nothing aptly for
his phalanx. Nevertheless he found convenient room where
in to marshal the one part of his army, and gave order unto
his captains to follow with the rest ; embattling them as
they might. Whilst he was doing this, he perceived that
his horsemen and light armature began to shrink ; as being
fallen upon the Roman legions, by force whereof they were
driven to recoil. He sets forward to help them, and they
no less hastily draw unto him for succour ; having the Ro
mans not far behind them.

As the legions began to climb the hill, Philip commanded
those of his phalanx to charge their pikes and entertain them.
Here Titus found an extreme difficult piece of work : for
this phalanx, being a great square battle of armed pikes,
like in all points to those which are now used in our mo
dern wars, and being in like manner used as are ours, was
not to be resisted by the Roman targetiers, as long as the

CHAP. iv. OF THE WORLD. 627

phalanx itself held together undissolved. The Macedonians
were embattled in very close order, so that two of them stood
opposite to one of the Romans, as also the pikes of the first
rank had their points advanced two or three foot before their
foreman. Wherefore it is no marvel if the Romans gave
back, every one of them being troubled (as it were) with
ten enemies at once, and not able to come nearer unto the
next of them than the length of a dozen foot, or thereabout.
Titus finding this, and not knowing how to remedy it, was
greatly troubled, for that still the phalanx bare down all
which came in the way. But in the mean while he observed,
that they which were appointed by Philip to make his left
wing, were not able, through the much unevenness of the
ground, to put themselves in order, so as either they kept
their places on the hill-tops, or else (which was worse) upon
desire either of beholding the pastime, or of seeming to be
partakers in the work, ran foolishly along by the side of
their fellows which were occupied in fight.

Of this their disorder he made great and present use. He
caused the right wing of his battle to march up the hill
against these ill-ordered troops, his elephants leading the
way, to increase the terror. The Macedonians were readier
to dispute what should be done in such a case, than well
advised what to do, as having no one man appointed to
command that part in chief. Indeed, if they should have
done their best, it could not have served, since the ground
whereon they stood made their weapons unuseful. For let
it be supposed, that Philip, having six and twenty thousand
in his army, (as he is said to have been equal to the enemy
in number,) had four thousand horse, four thousand target-
iers, and four thousand light-armed, so shall there remain
fourteen thousand pikes, whereof he himself had embattled
the one half in a phalanx, the other half in the left wing,
are they whom Quintius is ready now to charge. The pha
lanx, having usually sixteen in file, must, when it consisted
of seven thousand, have well near four hundred and forty
in rank ; but four hundred would serve to make a front
long enough ; the other forty, or seven and thirty, files might

THE HISTORY BOOK v.

be cut off, and reckoned in the number of the targetiers, or
light-armed. Allowing therefore, as s Polybius doth, to
every man of them three foot of ground, this front must
have occupied twelve hundred foot, or two hundred and
forty paces ; that is, very near a quarter of a mile in length.
Such a space of open champaign, free from incumbrance of
trees, ditches, hillocks, or the like impediments, that must
of necessity disjoin this close battle of the phalanx, was not
every where to be found. Here at Cynoscephalag Philip had
so much room, as would only suffice for the one half of his
men, the rest were fain to stand still and look about them,
being hindered from putting themselves in order by the
roughness of the dogsVheads. But the Romans, to whom all
grounds were much alike, were not hindered from coming
up unto them, nor found any difficulty in mastering those
enemies, whose feet were in a manner bound by the discom
modity of the place. The very first impression of the ele
phants caused them to give back, and the coming on of the
legions to betake themselves unto flight. A Roman tribune,
or colonel, seeing the victory on that part assured, left the
prosecution of it unto others ; and being followed by twenty
ensigns, or maniples, that is, (as they might fall out,) by some
two thousand men, took in hand a notable piece of work,
and mainly helpful to making of the victory complete. He
considered that Philip, in pursuing the right wing of the
Romans, was run on so far, as that himself with his fellows,
in mounting the hill to charge the left wing of the Mace
donians, was already gotten above the king's head. Where
fore he turned to the left hand, and making down the hill
after the king's phalanx, fell upon it in the rear. The hind
most ranks of the phalanx, all of them indeed save the first
five, were accustomed, when the battles came to joining, to
carry their pikes upright, and with the whole weight of
their bodies to thrust on their foremen, and so were they
doing at the present. This was another great inconvenience
in the Macedonian phalanx, that it served neither for of
fence nor defence, except only in front. For though it were
* Excerpt, e Polyb. 1. 17.

CHAP. iv. OF THE WORLD. 629

so, that Alexander, when he was to fight with Darius in
Mesopotamia, arranged his phalanx in such order, that all
the four sides of it were as so many fronts looking sundry
ways, because he expected that he should be encompassed
round : yet it is to be understood, that herein he altered the
usual form, as also at the same time he embattled his men
in loose order, that so with ease they might turn their wea
pons which way need should require. Likewise it is to be
considered, that Alexander's men being thus disposed, were
fit only to keep their own ground, not being able to follow
upon the enemy, unless their hindmost ranks could have
marched backwards. But in this present case of Philip,
there was no such provision for resistance. Therefore his
men, being otherwise unable to help themselves, threw down
their weapons, and fled. The king himself had thought until
now, that the fortune of the battle was every where alike,
and the day his own : but hearing the noise behind him,
and turning a little aside with a troop of horse to see how all
went ; when he beheld his men casting down their weapons,
and the Romans at his back on the higher ground, he pre
sently betook himself to flight. Neither stayed he afterwards
in any place, (except only a small while about Tempe, there
to collect such as were dispersed in this overthrow,) until
he was gotten into his own kingdom of Macedon.

There died of the Roman army in this battle about seven
hundred; of the Macedonians about eight thousand were
slain, and five thousand taken prisoners.

SECT. XV.

T. Quintius falleth out with the JEtolians, and grants truce unto
Philip, with conditions, upon which the peace is ratified. Liberty
proclaimed unto the Greeks. The Romans quarrel with Antiochus.
THE ^Etolians wonderfully vaunted themselves, and de
sired to have it noised through all Greece, that the victory
at Cynoscephala3 was gotten (in a manner) wholly by their
valour. They had gotten indeed the most of the booty by
sacking the Macedonian camp, whilst the Romans were bu
sied in the chase. Titus therefore, being offended both at

630 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

their vainglory, and at their ravenous condition, purposed
to teach them better manners, by regarding them as slightly
as they thought highly of themselves. He also well per
ceived, that, by using them with any extraordinary favour, he
should greatly offend the rest of his confederates in Greece,
who detested the ^Etolians much more vehemently than
ever they had done the Macedonians. But this displeasure
brake not forth yet a while.

After the battle, Titus made haste unto Larissa, a city of
Thessaly, which he presently took. Before his coming, Phi
lip had sent thither one of his courtiers, to burn all his letters,
and passages whatsoever in writing, betwixt him and others ;
of which many were there kept. It was well done of the
king, that among the cares of so much adversity, he forgot
not to provide for the safety of his friends. Yet by his
thus doing, they of Larissa might well perceive that he gave
them as already lost : wherefore we find not that they, or
any of their neighbours, did make delay of opening their
gates to Titus. At the same time the town of Leucas, bor
dering upon Acarnania, was taken by the Roman fleet, and
very soon after, all the Acarnanians, a warlike nation, and,
in hatred of the ^Etolians, ever true to Philip, gave up
themselves unto the Romans, hearing of the victory at Cy-
noscephalse. The Rhodians also were then in hand with the
conquest of Peraea, a region of the continent over against
their island, whereof they had demanded restitution in the
late treaty of peace with Philip. They did herein more
manly than any other of the Greeks ; forasmuch as they
awaited not the good leisure of the Romans, but with an
army of their own, and some help which they borrowed of
the Acha3ans and other their friends, gave battle to Dino-
crates the king^s lieutenant, wherein they had the victory,
and consequently recovered the whole province. It angered
Philip worse than all this, that the Dardanians gathered
courage out of his affliction to invade his kingdom, wasting
and spoiling, as if all had been abandoned to their discretion.
This made him gather an army, in all haste, of six thousand
foot and five hundred horse, wherewith coming upon them,

CHAP. iv. OF THE WORLD. 631

he drave them, with little or no loss of his own, and great
slaughter of theirs, hastily out of the kingdom. Which
done, he returned to Thessalonica.

In this one enterprise he had success answerable to his
desire ; but seeing what bad fortune accompanied his affairs
in all other parts at the same time, he thought it wisdom to
yield unto necessity, and therefore sent in all haste Limnaeus
and Demosthenes, with Cycliadas the banished Achaean, in
whom he reposed much confidence, ambassadors unto Titus.
These had conference a long while in private with Titus
and some of his Roman colonels, by whom they were gently
entertained, and in very friendly wise dismissed. It seems
that they had commission to refer all unto Titus's own dis
cretion, as Philip himself in few days after did. There was
granted unto them a truce for fifteen days, in which time
the king himself might come and speak with the Roman
general. In the mean season, many suspicious rumours went
of Titus, as if he had been corrupted with great rewards
from the king to betray the Greeks his confederates. Of
these bruits the ^tolians were chief authors, who, being
wont to regard neither friendship nor honesty, where profit
led them a wrong way, judged alike of all men else. But
against the day appointed for the meeting betwixt him and
Philip, Titus had sent letters unto his associates, willing
them to have their agents ready by a time appointed, at the
entrance of Tempe, where the treaty should be held.
There, when they were all assembled, they entered into
consultation before the king's arrival, what should be most
expedient for the common benefit of them all, and for every
estate in particular. The poor king Aminander besought
them all, and especially the Romans, that they would think
upon him, and considering his weakness, which he confessed,
make such provision, that after the Romans had turned their
backs, and were gone home, Philip might not wreak his
anger upon him, who was not able to resist. Then spake
Alexander, one of the ^Etolians ; who commending Titus, for-
somuch as he had thus assembled the confederates to ad
vise upon their own good, and had willed them to deliver

RALEGH, VOL. IV. U U

632 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

their minds freely, added, that in the main of the purpose
which he had in hand he was utterly deceived, for that
by making peace with Philip he could neither assure the
Romans of their quiet, nor the Greeks of their liberty.
There was, he said, none other end to be made of the war,
which could agree either with the purpose of the senate
and people of Rome, or with the fair promises made by
Titus himself unto the Greeks, than the chasing of Philip
quite out of his kingdom. And to this effect he made a
long discourse : but Titus answered, that this ^Etolian was
ill acquainted, either with the good pleasure of the senate
and people of Rome, or with the laudable customs which
they generally held ; for that it was not the manner of the
Romans to seek the utter destruction of any king or nation,
at such time as they first made war with them, until by
some rebellion they found it a matter of necessity to take
such a rigorous course. And hereof he alleged the Car
thaginians as a notable example, adding, that victory to
generous minds was only an inducement unto moderation.
As concerning the public benefit of Greece, it was, he said,
expedient, that the kingdom of Macedon should be greatly
weakened and brought low, not that it should be utterly
destroyed ; forasmuch as it served as a bar to the Thracians,
Gauls, and a multitude of other savage nations, which would
soon overflow the whole continent of Greece, if this king
dom were not interposed. Wherefore he concluded, that if
Philip would yield unto those demands wherewith he had
pressed him in the former treaty, then was there no reason
to deny him peace. As for the ^Etolians, if they thought
otherwise, it should be at their own pleasure to take coun
sel apart for themselves as they thought good. Then began
Phaneas, another of the JStolians, to say, that all was
corne to nothing ; for that ere long Philip would trouble all
the Greeks no less than he had done in time before. But
Titus interrupted him, and bade him leave his babbling,
saying, that himself would take such order, as that Philip,
were he never so desirous, should thenceforth not have it in
his power to molest the Greeks.

CHAP. iv. OF THE WORLD. 638

The next day king Philip came thither, whom Titus used
friendly; and suffering him to repose himself that night,
held a council the day following, wherein the king yielded
unto all that had been required at his hands ; offering yet
further to stand to the good pleasure of the senate, if they
would have more added to the conditions. Phaneas the
^Etolian, insulting over him, said, it was to be hoped that he
would then at length give up to the ^Etolians a many of
towns, (which he there named,) bidding him speak whether
he would or not. His answer was, that they might take
them all. But Titus, interposing himself, said, it should be
otherwise ; these were Thessalian towns, and should all be
free, one of them only excepted, which not long ago had
refused to commit itself to the faith of the Romans, and
therefore should now be given to the JEtolians. Hereat
Phaneas cried out, that it was too great an injury thus to
defraud them of the towns that had sometime belonged
unto their commonweal. Rather he willed Titus to con.
sider, that, by an ancient covenant between them and the
Romans, all the towns taken ought to be their own, and the
Romans to have nothing, save the pillage and captives. It
is true, that there had been such a condition in the former
war, but it ceased to be of any validity as soon as the JEto-
lians made peace with Philip. And thus much Titus gave
them to understand, asking them, whether they thought it
reasonable that all the towns in Greece, which had let in
the Romans by composition, should be delivered into sub
jection of the jEtolians. The rest of the confederates were
very much delighted with these angry passages between the
Roman and the ^Etolians; neither had they great reason to
fear any hard measure, since Titus was so earnest in behalf
of those Thessalians to give them liberty, though they had
stood out against him, even till very fear made them open
their gates. Wherefore they opposed not themselves, but
gave their consent willingly unto a truce for four months.

The chief cause that moved Titus to grant peace so rea
dily to the Macedonian, besides that laudable custom by
him before alleged, was the fame of Antiochus's coming

uu 2

634 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

with an army from Syria, and drawing near toward Eu
rope. He had also perhaps yet a greater motive, even the
consideration that his successor might happen to defraud
hin* of the honour, if the war should happen to be pro
tracted. And he was in the right : for when his letters,
together with ambassadors from the Macedonian and sun
dry states of Greece, came unto Rome, new consuls were
chosen ; who (especially the one of them) stood very earn
estly against the peace, .alleging frivolous matter of their
own suspicion, in hope to get the honour of concluding the
war. The senate began to be doubtfully affected, between
the ambassadors of Philip offering to stand to whatsoever
was demanded, and the letters of Titus, pressing them to
accept this offer on the one side, and the importunity of
the consul on the other, who said, that all these goodly
shows were fraudulent, and that the king would rebel, as
soon as the army was called out of Greece. But the matter
was taken out of the senators' hands by two of the tribunes,
that referred it to an assembly of the people ; by whose
sovereign authority it was concluded, that peace should be
granted unto the king. So ten ambassadors were sent from
Rome over into Greece, in which number were they that
had been consuls before Titus ; and it was ordained by their
advice, that Titus should go through with the business of
peace. These would very fain have retained those three
important cities of Corinth, Chalcis, and Demetrias, until
the state of Greece were somewhat better settled. But
finally Titus prevailed, so that Corinth was (though not
immediately) rendered unto the Achaeans ; and all the other
Greek towns which Philip held, as well in Asia as in Greece,
restored unto liberty.

The conditions of the peace granted unto Philip were,
that before the celebration of the next l Isthmian games, he
should withdraw his garrisons out of all the Greek towns
which he held, and consign them over to the Romans ; that
he should deliver up unto them all captives that he had of
theirs, and all renegadoes ; likewise all his ships of war, re-
* E Polyb. Excerpt. Legat 9.

CHAP. iv. OF THE WORLD. 635

serving to himself only five of the lesser sort, and one of ex
traordinary greatness, wherein sixteen men laboured at every
oar: further, that he should pay a thousand talents, the
one half in hand, the other in ten years next following, by
even portions. Hereto u Livy adds, that he was forbidden
to make war out of Macedon, without permission of the
senate : but I find not that he observed this article, or was
at any time charged with the breach of it. Four hundred
talents he had already delivered unto Titus, together with
his younger son Demetrius, to remain as hostage for his
true dealing in this matter of peace, at such time as he
lately sent his ambassadors to Rome ; when it was promised
that the money, and his son, should be restored back unto
him, if the senate were not pleased with the agreement.
Whether this money were reckoned as part of the thousand
talents, I cannot find ; and it seemeth otherwise, forasmuch
as young Demetrius, who together with those four hundred
talents was given for hostage, remained still in custody of
the Romans, as a part of the bargain which Titus formerly
had made. Letters also were then sent by Titus unto
Prusias king of Bithynia ; giving him to understand what
agreement was made by Philip in behalf of the Greeks, and
how the senate held it reasonable, that the Ciani, most mi
serably spoiled and oppressed by Philip, to gratify this Bi-
thynian, his son-in-law, should be restored to liberty, and
permitted to enjoy the same benefit of the Romans, which
other of their nation did. What effect these letters wrought,
it was not greatly material ; since the Romans were shortly
busied with Antiochus in such wise, that they had not lei
sure to examine the conformity of Prusias to their will.

All Greece rejoiced at the good bargain which Titus had
made with Philip. Only the ^Etolians found themselves ag
grieved that they were utterly neglected ; which was to the
rest no small part of their contentment. The Boeotians
continued to favour the Macedonian, and thereby occasioned
much trouble unto themselves. There were some among
them well affected to the Romans ; who seeing how things

n Livy, 1. 33.

u u 3

636 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

were like to go, made their complaint unto Titus, saying,
that they were no better than lost, for the good-will which
they had borne unto him ; unless at this time, when he lay
close by them with his army, their pretor, which was head
of the opposite faction, might be made away. Titus re
fused to have an hand in the execution, yet nevertheless
did animate them in their purpose. So they committed the
fact, and hoped to have kept themselves undiscovered.
But when the murder came out, and somewhat was con
fessed by those that were put to torture, the hatred of the
people brake out violently against the Romans 5 in such
wise, that howsoever they durst not take arms against them?
yet such of them as they found straggling from their camp,
they murdered in all parts of the country. This was de
tected within a while, and many of the dead bodies found :
hereupon Titus requires of the Boeotians, to have the mur
derers delivered into his hands ; and for five hundred sol
diers, which he had lost by them, to have paid unto him
five hundred talents. Instead of making any such amends,
they paid him with excuses ; which he would not take as
good satisfaction. He sends ambassadors to the Achaeans
and Athenians, informing them what had happened ; and
requested them not to take it amiss, though he dealt with
these their friends as they had deserved. Herewithal he
falls to wasting their country, and besiegeth two such towns
of theirs as did seem to be most culpable of the mur
ders lately done. But the ambassadors of the Achseans
and Athenians (especially of the Achseans, who offered, if
he needed them, to help him in this war ; yet besought him
rather to grant peace unto the Boeotians) prevailed so far
with him, that he was pacified with thirty talents, and the
punishment of such as were known offenders.

In like sort, though not so violently, were many states of
Greece distracted ; some among them rejoicing that they
were free from the Macedonian, others greatly doubting
that the Roman would prove a worse neighbour. The
jEtolians would have been glad of any commotion; and
therefore published rumours abroad, that it was the pur-

CHAP. iv. OF THE WORLD. 637

pose of the Romans to keep in their own hands all those
places wherein Philip lately had his garrisons. Little did
they, or the rest of the Greeks, conceive, that this Macedo
nian war served as an introduction to the war to be made in
Asia against king Antiochus ; where grew the fruit that
was to be reaped of this and many other victories. Where
fore to stay the progress of bad rumours when the Isthmian
games were held, which in time of peace were never without
great solemnity and concourse, Titus, in that great assembly
of all Greece, caused proclamation to be made by sound of
trumpet to this effect ; That the senate and people of Rome,
and Titus Quintius Flaminius the general, having van
quished king Philip and the Macedonians, did will to be at
liberty, free from impositions, free from garrisons, and living
at their own laws, the Corinthians, Phocians, Locrians, Eu-
boeans, Achaeans of Phthiotis, Magnetians, Thessalians,
and Perrhaebians. The suddenness of this proclamation
astonished men ; so as though they applauded it Avith a
great shout, yet presently they cried out to hear it again,
as if they durst scarce credit their own ears. The Greeks
were craftsmasters in the art of giving thanks ; which they
rendered now to T. Quintius with so great affection, as that
they had well near smothered him, by thronging officiously
about him.

This good-will of all the Greeks was like to be much
more available unto the Romans in their war against An
tiochus, than could have been the possession of a few towns,
yea or of all those provinces which were named in their pro
clamation. Upon confidence hereof, no sooner were these
Isthmian games at an end, than Titus, with the Romans
that were of his council, gave audience to Hegesianax and
Lysias, king Antiochus^s ambassadors; whom they willed
to signify unto their lord, that he should do well to abstain
from the free cities in Asia, and not vex them with war : as
also to restore whatsoever he had occupied, belonging to
the kings Ptolomy or Philip. Moreover they willed him
by these his ambassadors, that he should not pass over his
army into Europe ; adding, that some of them would visit

u n 4

638 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

him in person ere it were long, to talk with him further con
cerning these points. This done, they fell to accomplishing
their promises unto the Greeks ; to the rest they gave what
they had promised. But the Phocians and Locrians they
gave unto the ^Etolians ; whom they thought it no wisdom
to offend over-much, being shortly to take a greater work in
hand. The Achaeans of Phthiotis they annexed unto the
Thessalians ; all save the town of Thebes in Phthiotis, the
same which had been abandoned by T. Quintius to the
jEtolians in the last treaty with Philip. The ^Etolians
contended very earnestly about Pharsalus and Leucas : but
they were put off with a dilatory answer, and rejected unto
the senate : for howsoever somewhat the council might fa
vour them, yet was it not meet that they should have their
will, as it were in despite of Titus. To the Achaeans were
restored Corinth, Triphylia, and Herea. So the Corin
thians were made free indeed, (though the Romans yet
a while kept the Acrocorinthus,) for that all, which were
partakers of the Achaean commonwealth, enjoy e)d their li
berty in as absolute manner as they could desire. To Pleu-
ratus the Illyrian were given one or two places taken by
the Romans from Philip ; and upon Aminander were be
stowed those castles which he had gotten from Philip during
this war, to reign in them and the grounds which they com
manded, as he did among his Athamanians. The Rhodians
had been their own carvers : Attalus was dead a little be
fore the victory, and therefore lost his share. Yet many
that were with Titus in council would have given the towns
of Oreum and Eretria, in the isle of Eubcea, to his son and
successor king Eumenes. But finally it was concluded,
that these, as well as the rest of the Euboeans, should be
suffered to enjoy their liberty. Orestis, a little province of
the kingdom of Macedon bordering on Epirus, and lying
towards the Ionian sea, had yielded unto the Romans long
ere this, and since continued true to them ; for which cause
it was also set at liberty, and made a free estate by itself.

These businesses being despatched, it remained that all
care should be used, not how to avoid the war with king

CHAP. iv. OF THE WORLD. 639

Antiochus, but how to accomplish it with most ease and
prosperity. Wherefore ambassadors were sent both to
Antiochus himself, to pick matter of quarrel ; and about
unto others, to predispose them unto the assisting of the
Romans therein. What ground and matter of war against
this king the Romans now had, or shortly after found, as
also how their ambassadors and agents dealt and sped
abroad, I refer unto another place.

CHAP. V.

The wars of the Romans with Antiochus the Great, and
his adherents.

SECT. I.

What kings, of the races of Seleucus and Ptolomy, reigned in Asia
and Egypt before Antiochus the Great.

SELEUCUS NICATOR*, the first of hU race, king of
Asia and Syria, died in the end of the hundred twenty and
fourth Olympiad. He was treacherously slain by Ptolomy
Ceraunus, at an altar called Argos ; having (as is said) been
warned before by an oracle to beware of Argos, as the fatal
place of his death. But I never have read that any man's
life hath been preserved, or any mischance avoided, by the
predictions of such devilish oracles. Rather I believe, that
many such predictions of the heathen gods have been ante
dated by their priests or by others, which devised them
after the event.

Antiochus Soter, the son and heir of this Seleucus, was
dearly beloved of his father ; who surrendered up unto him
his own wife Stratonica, when he understood how much
the young prince was enamoured on her. Wherefore Pto
lomy Ceraunus had great cause to fear, that the death of
Seleucus would not be unrevenged by this his successor.
But Antiochus was contented to be pacified, either with

* Polyb. lib. 2.

640 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

gifts, or perhaps only with fair words ; containing himself
within Asia, and letting Ceraunus enjoy that quietly, which
he had purchased in Europe with the blood of Seleucus.
It is said of this Antiochus, that although he married with
the queen Stratonica in his father's life ; yet out of modesty
he forbore to embrace her, till his father was dead : so that
perhaps his incestuous love was partly, if not chiefly, the
cause of his not prosecuting that revenge, whereunto nature
should have urged him. Afterwards he had wars with An-
tigonus Gonatas, and with Nicomedes king of Bithynia :
also Lutarius and Leonorius, kings or captains of the
Gauls, were set upon him by the same Nicomedes. With
these he fought a great battle ; wherein though otherwise
the enemies had all advantage against him, yet by the terror
of his elephants, which affrighted both their horses and
them, he won the victory. He took in hand an enterprise
against Ptolomy Philadelphus ; but finding ill success in
the beginning, he soon gave it over. To this king Antio
chus Soter it was, that Berosus the Chaldaean dedicated his
y History of the Kings of Assyria ; the same which hath
since been excellently falsified by the friar Annius. He
left behind him one son, called Antiochus Theos ; and one
daughter, called Apame, that was married unto the king of
Cyrene. So he died about the end of the hundred twenty
and ninth Olympiad, or the beginning of the Olympiad fol
lowing, in the fiftieth, or one and fiftieth year of the king
dom of the Greeks, when he had reigned nineteen years.

Antiochus, surnamed Theos, or the god, had this vain
and impious title given unto him by flattery of the Mile
sians, whom he delivered from Timarchus, a tyrant that
oppressed them. He held long and difficult, but fruitless
war with Ptolomy Philadelphus king of Egypt; which
finally he compounded, by taking to wife Berenice, the
daughter of Ptolomy.

Of these two kings, and of this lady Berenice, St. Jerome
and other interpreters have understood that prophecy of
z Daniel, The king's daughter of the south shall come to the
r Genebrard. lib. 2. Just. Mart, in Paren. * Dan. xi. 6.

CHAP. v. OF THE WORLD. 641

of the north to make an agreement., and that which
followeth.

Ptolomy Philadelphia was a great lover of peace and
learning, and (setting apart his incestuous marriage with his
own sister Arsinoe) a very excellent prince ; howsoever, the
worthiest of all that race. It was he that built and fur
nished with books that famous library in Alexandria ; which
to adorn and to honour the more, he sent unto Eleazar,
then high priest of the Jews, for the books of Moses and
other scriptures. The benefits of this king unto the Jews
had formerly been very great, for he had set at liberty as
many of them as his father held in slavery throughout all
Egypt, and he had sent unto the a temple of God in Jeru
salem very rich presents. Wherefore Eleazar yielding to
the king's desire, presented him with an Hebrew copy,
which Ptolomy caused to be translated into Greek, by se
venty-two of the most grave and learned persons that could
be found among all the tribes. In this number of the se
venty-two interpreters, or (as they are commonly called) the
Seventy, Jesus the son of Sirach is thought by Genebrard
to have been one ; who that he lived in this age, it seems to
me very sufficiently proved by Jansenius, in his preface
unto Ecclesiasticus. The whole passage of this business be
tween Philadelphus and the high priest was written (as
b Josephus affirms) by Aristaeus, that was employed therein.
Forty years Ptolomy Philadelphus was king, reckoning the
time wherein he jointly reigned with his father. He was
exceedingly beloved of his people, and highly magnified by
poets and other writers. Towards his end, he grew more
voluptuous than he had been in his former years ; in which
time he boasted, that he alone had found out the way how
to live for ever. If this had been referred unto his honour-

a Aug. de Civ. Dei, 1. 18. c. 42. pected in the time of Vives, it may

b Jos. Ant. 1. 12. c. 2. Concerning be now much more justly suspected,

that book which now goes under the since a new edition of it is come forth,

nameof Aristseus, many learned men, purged from faults, (as the papists

and among the rest Lodovicus Vives, term those books, wherein they have

hold suspicion that it is counterfeit, changed what they please,) and set

and the invention of some later au- forth by Middendorpius at Colen,

thor. Surely if it were to be sus- A.D. 1578.

642 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

able deeds, it might have stood with reason, otherwise the
gout, with which he was often troubled, was enough to
teach him his own error. He was the first of the kings de
rived from Alexander's successors that entered into league
with the Romans ; as also his offspring was the last among
those royal families which by them was rooted up.

Antiochus Theos had another wife, called Laodice, at
such time as he married with Berenice, the daughter of this
Ptolomy. After his second marriage, he used his first wife
with no better regard than if she had been his concubine.
Laodice hated him for this, yet adventured not to seek re
venge, until her own son Seleucus Callinicus was of ability
to be king. This was two or three years after the death of
Ptolomy Philadelphus ; at what time she poisoned her hus
band Theos ; and by permission of Seleucus her son mur
dered Berenice, together with a son that she had borne to
Antiochus. c Justin reports, that Berenice saved herself,
together with the young prince her child, a while in the
sanctuary at Daphne ; and that not only some cities of Asia
prepared to succour her, but her brother Ptolomy Euergetes,
king of Egypt, came to rescue her with an army, though
too late, for she was slain before.

With such cruelties, Seleucus Callinicus, succeeding unto
his father, that had fifteen years been king, began his reign.
His subjects were highly offended at his wicked nature,
which they discovered in his first entrance: wherefore it
was like that his estate would have been much endangered,
if Ptolomy Euergetes, who came against him, had not been
drawn back into his own country, by some commotions
there in hand. For there were none that would bear arms
against Ptolomy in defence of their own king, but rather
they sided with the Egyptian, who took Laodice the king's
mother, and rewarded her with death, as she had well de
served. Wherefore Seleucus, being freed from this invasion,
by occasion of those domestical troubles which recalled Eu
ergetes home into Egypt, went about a dangerous piece of
work, even to make war upon his own subjects, because of

e Justin, 1. 27.

CHAP. v. OF THE WORLD.

their bad affection towards him, when as it had been much
better, by well deserving, to have changed their hatred into
love. A great fleet he prepared ; in furnishing and manning
whereof he was at such charges, that he scarce left himself
any other hope, if that should miscarry. Herein he em
barked himself, and, putting to sea, met with such a tem
pest as devoured all, save himself, and a very few of his
friends, that hardly escaped. This calamity having left him
nothing else in a manner than his naked body, turned ne
vertheless to his great good, as anon after it seemed. For
when his subjects understood in what sort the gods (as they
conceived it) had punished him for his oifences, they had
commiseration of his estate, and, presuming that he would
thenceforth become a new man, offered him their service
with great alacrity. This revived him, and filled him with
such spirit, as thinking himself well enough able to deal
with the Egyptian, he made ready a mighty army for that
purpose ; but his fortune was no better at land than it had
been at sea. He was vanquished by Ptolomy in a great
battle, whence he escaped hardly, no better attended than
after his late shipwreck. Hasting therefore back to Antioch,
and fearing that the enemy would soon be at his heels, he
wrote unto his brother Antiochus Hierax, who lay then in
Asia, praying him to bring succour with all speed, and pro
mising, in recompense of his faith and diligence, the do
minion of a great part of Asia. Antiochus was then but
fourteen years old, yet extremely ambitious, and therefore
glad of such an occasion to make himself great. He levied
a mighty army of the Gauls, wherewith he set forwards to
help his brother, or rather to get what he could for himself.
Hereof Ptolomy being advertised, and having no desire to
put himself in danger more than needed, took truce with
Seleucus for ten years. No sooner was Seleucus freed from
this care of the Egyptian war, but his brother Antiochus
came upon him, and needs would fight with him, as know
ing himself to have the better army. So Seleucus was van
quished again, and saved himself, with so few about him,
that he was verily supposed to have perished in the battle.

644 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

Thus did God's justice take revenge of those murders by
which the crown was purchased, and settled (as might have
been thought) on the head of this bloody king. Antiochus
was glad to hear of his brothers death, as if thereby he had
purchased his heart's desire. But the Gauls, his mercena
ries, were gladder than he. For when he led them against
Eumenes king of Pergamus, in hope to get honour by
making a conquest in the beginning of his reign; these
perfidious barbarians took counsel against him, and devised
how to strip him of all that he had. They thought it very
likely, that if there were none of the royal house to make
head against them, it would be in their power to do what
should best be pleasing to themselves in the Lower Asia.
Wherefore they laid hands on Antiochus, and enforced him
to ransom himself with money, as if he had been their law
ful prisoner. Neither were they so contented, but made
him enter into such composition with them, as tended little
to his honour. In the mean while Seleucus had gathered
a new army, and prepared once more to try his fortune
against his brother. Eumenes hearing of this, thought the
season fit for himself to make his profit of their discord:
Antiochus fought with him and was beaten, which is no
great marvel, since he had great reason to stand in no less
fear of the Gauls, his own soldiers, than of the enemy with
whom he had to deal. After this, Eumenes won much in
Asia, whilst Antiochus went against his brother. In the
second battle, fought between the brethren, Seleucus had
the upper hand ; and Antiochus Hierax, or the hawJc^
(which surname was given him, because he sought his prey
upon every one, without care whether he were provoked or
not,) soared away as far as he could, both from his brother
and from his own Gauls. Having fetched a great compass
through Mesopotamia and Armenia, he fell at length in
Cappadocia, where his father-in-law king Artamenes took
him up. He was entertained very lovingly in outward
show, but with a meaning to betray him. This he soon
perceived, and therefore betook him to his wings again,
though he knew not well which way to bend his flight. At

CHAP. v. OF THE WORLD. 645

length he resolved to bestow himself upon Ptolomy, his
own conscience telling him what evil he had meant unto
Seleucus his brother, and therefore what little good he was
reciprocally to expect at his hands. Infidelity can find no
sure harbour. Ptolomy well understood the perfidious and
turbulent nature of this Hierax. Wherefore he laid him up
in close prison, whence though by means of an harlot he got
out ; yet flying from his keepers he fell into the hands of
thieves, by whom he was murdered. Near about the same
time died Seleucus. The Parthians and Bactrians had re
belled against him during his wars with his brother. He
therefore made a journey against Arsaces, founder of the
Parthian kingdom, wherein his evil fortune, or rather God's
vengeance, adhered so closely to him, that he was taken
prisoner. Arsaces dealt friendly with him, and dismissed
him, having every way given him royal entertainment ; but
in returning home he brake his neck by a fall from his
horse, and so ended his unhappy reign of twenty years. He
had to wife Laodice, the sister of Andromachus, one of
his most trusty captains, which was father unto that Achaeus,
who, making his advantage of this affinity, became shortly
after (as he styled himself) a king, though rather indeed a
great troubler of the world in those parts. By Laodice he
had two sons, Seleucus the Third, surnamed Ceraunus, and
Antiochus the Third, called afterwards the Great.

Seleucus Ceraunus reigned only three years, in which
time he made war upon Attalus the First, that was king of
Pergamus. Being weak of body through sickness, and in
want of money, he could not keep his men of war in good
order ; and finally he was slain by treason of Nicanor and
Apaturius a Gaul. His death was revenged by Achaeus,
who slew the traitors, and took charge of the army, which
he ruled very wisely and faithfully a while, Antiochus the
brother of Seleucus being then a child.

646 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

SECT. II.

The beginning of the great Antiochus' s reign. Of Ptolomy Euer-
getes and Philopater, kings of Egypt. War between Antiochus
and Philopater. The rebellion of Molo, and expedition of Anti
ochus against him. The recontinuance of Antiochus' s Egyptian
war, with the passages between the two kings ; the victory of Pto
lomy, and peace concluded. Of Achceus, and his rebellion ; his
greatness and his fall. Antiochus' 's expedition against the Par-
thians, Bactrians, and Indians. Somewhat of the kings reign
ing in India, after the death of the great Alexander.
ANTIOCHUS was scarcely fifteen years old when he
began his reign, which lasted six and thirty years. In his
minority, he was wholly governed by one Hermias, an am
bitious man, and one which maligned all virtue that he
found in any of the king's faithful servants. This vile qua
lity in a counsellor of such great place, how harmful it was
unto his lord, and finally unto himself, the success of things
will shortly discover.

Soon after the beginning of Antiochus's reign, Ptolomy
Euergetes, king of Egypt, died, and left his heir Ptolomy
Philopater, a young boy likewise, as hath elsewhere been
remembered. This was that Euergetes who relieved Ara-
tus and the Acha3ans, who afterwards took part with Cleo-
menes, and lovingly entertained him, when he was chased
out of Greece by Antigonus Gonatas. He annexed unto
his dominion the kingdom of Cyrene, by taking to wife
Berenice, the daughter of king Magas. He was the third
of the Ptolomies, and the last good king of the race. The
name of Euergetes, or the doer of good, was given him by
the Egyptians, not so much for the great spoils which he
brought home after his victories in Syria, as for that he
recovered some of those images or idols which Cambyses,
when he conquered Egypt, had carried into Persia. He was
ready to have made war upon the Jews, for that Onias
their high priest, out of mere covetousness of money, re
fused to pay unto him his yearly tribute of twenty talents ;
but he was pacified by the wisdom of Josephus, a Jew, unto
whom afterwards he let in farm the tributes and customs,

CHAP. v. OF THE WORLD. 647

that belonged unto him in those parts of Syria which he
held. For Ccelesyria, with Palaestina, and all those parts of
the country that lay nearest unto Egypt, were held by the
Egyptian, either as having fallen to the share of Ptolomy
the First, at such time as the great Antigonus was van
quished and slain in the battle at Ipsus, or as being won by
this Euergetes, in the troublesome and unhappy reign of
Seleucus Callinicus. The victories of this Euergetes in
Syria, with the contentions that lasted for many succeed
ing ages between the Ptolomies and the Seleucidae, were all
foretold by Daniel in the prophecy before cited, which is
expounded by St. Jerom. This Ptolomy Euergetes reigned
six and twenty years, and died towards the end of the
hundred thirty and ninth Olympiad. It may seem by
that which we find in the Prologue unto Jesus the son of
Sirach's book, that he should have reigned a much longer
time: for Siracides there saith, that he came into Egypt
in the eight and thirtieth year, when Euergetes was king.
It may therefore be, that either this king reigned long
together with his father, or that those eight and thirty
years were the years of Jesus's own age; if not perhaps
reckoned (as the Jews did otherwise reckon) from some
notable accident that had befallen them.

Not long after the death of Euergetes, Hermias the coun
sellor, and in a manner the protector of king Antiochus,
incited his lord unto war against the Egyptian, for the
recovery of Coelesyria and the countries adjoining. This
counsel was very unseasonably given, when Molo, the king's
lieutenant in Media, was broken out into rebellion, and
sought to make himself absolute lord of that rich country.
Nevertheless Hermias, being more froward than wise, main
tained stiffly, that it was most expedient, and agreeable with
the king's honour, to send forth against a rebellious captain
other captains that were faithful, whilst he in person made
war upon one that was like himself, a king. No man durst
gainsay the resolution of Hermias, who therefore sent
Xenoetas, an Achaean, with such forces as he thought ex
pedient, against the rebel, whilst in the mean season an

RALEGH, VOL. IV. X X

648

THE HISTORY

BOOK V.

army was preparing for the king's expedition into Ccele-
syria. The king having marched from Apamea to Laodicea,
and so over the deserts into the valley of Marsyas, between
the mountains of Libanus and Antilibanus, found his way
there stopped by Theodotus an ^Etolian, that served under
Ptolomy. So he consumed the time there a while to none
effect; and then came news, that Xencetas, his captain, was
destroyed with his whole army, and Molo thereby become
lord of all the country as far as unto Babylon.

Xencetas, whilst he was yet on his journey, and drew near
to the river of Tigris, received many advertisements, by such
as fled over unto him from the enemy, that the followers of
Molo were, for the most part, against their wills drawn by
their commander to bear arms against the king : this re
port was not altogether false, but Molo himself stood in
some doubt, lest his followers would leave him in time of
necessity. Xencetas therefore, making show as if he had
prepared to pass the river by boats in face of his enemy,
left in the night-time such as he thought meet to defend his
camp, and with all the flower of his army went over Tigris,
in a place ten miles lower than Molo's camp. Molo heard
of this, and sent forth his horse to give impediment ; but
hearing that Xencetas could not so be stopped, he himself
dislodged, and took his journey towards Media, leaving all
his baggage behind him in his camp. Whether he did this,
as distrusting the faith of his own soldiers; or whether
thereby to deceive his enemy, the great folly of Xenoetas
made his stratagem prosperous : for Xencetas, having borne
himself proudly before upon the countenance of Hermias,
by whom he was advanced unto this charge, did now pre
sume that all should give way to his authority, without
putting him to much trouble of using the sword. Where
fore he suffered his men to feast with the provisions which
they found ready in the forsaken camp ; or rather he com
manded them so to do by making proclamation, that they
should cherish up themselves against the journey, which he
intended to take next day, in pursuit of the rebels that
fled. And to the same purpose he busied himself in

CHAP. v. OF THE WORLD. 649

transporting the remainder of his army, which he had
left on the other side of Tigris. But Molo went no fur
ther that day than he could easily return the same night.
Wherefore understanding what good rule the king's men
kept, he made such haste back unto them, that he came
upon them early in the morning, whilst they were yet heavy
with the wine and other good cheer that they had spent at
supper. So Xenoetas, and a very few about him, died fight
ing in defence of the camp ; the rest were slaughtered with
out making resistance, and many of them ere they were
perfectly awake. Likewise the camp on the other side of
Tigris was easily taken by Molo, the captains flying thence,
to save their own lives. In the heat of this victory the
rebel marched unto Seleucia, which he presently took ; and,
mastering within a little while the province of Babylonia,
and all the country down to the Red sea, or bay of Persia, he
hasted unto Susa, where at his first coming he won the city,
but failing to take the castle, that was exceeding strong,
returned back to Seleucia, there to give order concerning
this business.

The report of these things coming to Antiochus, whilst he
lay (as is said before) in the vale of Marsyas, filled him
with great sorrow, and his camp with trouble. He took
counsel what to do in this needful case, and was well ad
vised by Epigenes, the best man of war he had about him,
to let alone this enterprise of Ccelesyria, and bend his
forces thither, where more need required them. This coun
sel was put in execution with all convenient haste : yet was
Epigenes dismissed by the way, and soon after slain, by the
practice of Hermias ; who could not endure to hear good
counsel given, contrary to his own good liking and allow
ance. In the journey against Molo, the name and presence
of the king was more available, than any odds which he
had of the rebel in strength. Molo distrusted his own fol
lowers ; and thought, that neither his late good success,
nor any other consideration, would serve to hold them from
returning to the king's obedience, if once they beheld his
person. Wherefore he thought it safest for him to assail

x x 2

650 THE HISTORY BOOKV.

the king's camp in the night-time ; but going in hand with
this, he was discovered by some that fled over from him to
the king. This caused him to return back to his camp ;
which, by some error, took alarm at his return, and was
hardly quieted, when Antiochus appeared in sight. The
king was thus forward in giving battle to Molo, upon con
fidence which he had that many would revolt unto him :
neither was he deceived in this his belief; for not a few
men, or ensigns, but all the left wing of the enemy, which
was opposite unto the king, changed side forthwith as soon
as ever they had sight of the king's person, and were ready
to do him service against Molo. This was enough to have
won the victory ; but Molo shortened the work by killing
himself, as did also divers of his friends, who, for fear of
torments, prevented the hangman with their own swords.

After this victory, came joyful news that the queen Lao-
dice, daughter of Mithridates king of Pontus, which was
married unto Antiochus a while before, had brought forth
a son. Fortune seemed bountiful unto the king, and there
fore he purposed to make what use he could of her friendly
disposition while it lasted. Being now in the eastern part of
his kingdom, he judged it convenient to visit his frontiers,
were it only to terrify the Barbarians, that bordered upon
him. Hereunto his counsellor Hermias gave assent ; not so
much respecting the king's honour, as considering what
good might thereby happen to himself. For if it should
come to pass, that the king were taken out of the world by
any casualty, then made he no doubt of becoming protector
to the young prince, and thereby of lengthening his own
government. Antiochus therefore went against Artaba-
zanes, who reigned among the Atropatians 5 having the
greatest part of his kingdom situate between the Caspian
and Euxine sea. This barbarous king was very old and
fearful, and therefore yielded unto whatsoever conditions it
pleased Antiochus to lay upon him. So in this journey
Antiochus got honour, such as well contented him; and
then returned homewards. Upon the way, a physician of
his brake with him as concerning Hermias ; informing him

CHAP. v. OF THE WORLD. 651

truly how odious he was unto the people, and how dan
gerous he would be shortly unto the king's own life. An-
tiochus believed this, having long suspected the same Her-
mias ; but not daring, for fear of him, to utter his suspi
cions. It was therefore agreed that he should be made
away on the sudden ; which was done ; he being trained
forth by a sleight a good way out of the camp, and there
killed without warning or disputation. The king needed
riot to have used so much art in ridding his hands of a man
so much detested : for howsoever he seemed gracious whilst
he was alive, yet they that for fear had been most obse
quious to him, whilst he was in case to do them hurt, were
as ready as the foremost to speak of him as he had deserved,
when once they were secure of him. Yea, his wife and
children, lying then at Apamea, were stoned to death by
the wives and children of the citizens; whose indignation
brake forth the more outrageously, the longer that it had
been concealed.

About these times, Achaeus, (of whom we spake before,)
thinking that Antiochus might happen to perish in some of
those expeditions which he took in hand, was bold to set a
diadem upon his own head, and take upon him as a king.
His purpose was to have invaded Syria ; but the fame of
Antiochus^s returning thitherwards made him quit the en
terprise, and study to set some handsome colour on his
former presumption. It is very strange, that Antiochus
neither went against Achaeus, nor yet dissembled the no
tice which he had taken of these his traitorous purposes ;
but wrote unto him, signifying that he knew all, and up
braiding him with such infidelity as any offender might
know to be unpardonable. By these means he emboldened
the traitor ; who being already detected, might better hope
to maintain his former actions by strong hand, than to ex
cuse them, or get pardon by submission. Antiochus had at
that time a vehement desire to recover Coelesyria, or what
else he could of the dominions of Ptolomy Philopator in
those parts. He began with Seleucia, a very strong city
near unto the mouth of the river Orontes ; which ere long

-V v Q.
X X O

652 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

he won, partly by force, partly by corrupting with bribes
the captains that lay therein. This was that Seleucia,
whereto Antigonus the Great, who founded it, gave the
name of Antigonia ; but Seleucus getting it shortly after,
called it Seleucia, and Ptolomy Euergetes having lately
won it, might, if it had so pleased him, have changed the
name into Ptolomais. Such is the vanity of men, that hope
to purchase an endless memorial unto their names, by works
proceeding rather from their greatness than from their vir
tue ; which therefore no longer are their own, than the
same greatness hath continuance. Theodotus the ^Etolian,
he that before had opposed himself to Antiochus, and de
fended Ccelesyria in the behalf of Ptolomy, was now grown
sorry that he had used so much faith and diligence in ser
vice of an unthankful and luxurious prince. Wherefore,
as a mercenary, he began to have regard unto his own pro
fit ; which thinking to find greater, by applying himself
unto him that was (questionless) the more worthy of these
two kings, he offered to deliver up unto Antiochus the
cities of Tyrus and Ptolomais. Whilst he was devising
about this treason, and had already sent messengers to
king Antiochus, his practice was detected, and he besieged
in Ptolemais by one of Ptolemy's captains, that was more
faithful than himself. But Antiochus, hastening to his
rescue, vanquished this captain, who met him on the way,
and afterwards got possession, not only of Tyrus and Pto
lemais, with a good fleet of the Egyptian king's that was in
those havens, but of so many other towns in that country,
as emboldened him to think upon making a journey into
Egypt itself. Agathocles and Sosibius bore all the sway in
Egypt at that time, Ptolomy himself being loath to have his
pleasures interrupted with business of so small importance
as the safety of his kingdom. Wherefore these two agreed
together, to make provision as hastily, and yet as secretly as
might be, for the war ; and nevertheless, at the same time,
to press Antiochus with daily ambassadors to some good
agreement. There came in the heat of this business ambas
sadors from Rhodes, Byzantium, and Cyzicus, as likewise

CHAP. V.

OF THE WORLD.

from the ^Etolians ; according to the usual courtesy of the
Greeks, desiring to take up the quarrel* These were all en
tertained in Memphis by Agathocles and Sosibius, who en
treated them to deal effectually with Antiochus. But whilst
this treatise lasted, great preparations were made at Alexan
dria for the war ; wherein these two counsellors persuaded
themselves reasonably, that the victory would be their own,
if they could get, for money, a sufficient number of the Greeks
to take their parts. Antiochus heard only what was done at
Memphis, and how desirous the governors of Egypt were
to be at quiet : whereunto he gave the readier belief, not
only for that he knew the disposition of Ptolomy, but be
cause the Rhodians, and other ambassadors coming from
Memphis, discoursed unto him all after one manner ; as
being all deceived by the cunning of Agathocles and his fel
low. Antiochus therefore having wearied himself at the
long siege of a town called Dura, which he could not win,
and being desirous to refresh himself and his army in Se-
leucia, during the winter which then came on, granted unto
the Egyptian a truce for four months, with promise that he
would be ready to hearken unto equal conditions, when
they should be offered. It was not his meaning to be so
courteous as he would fain have seemed ; but only to lull
his enemies asleep, whilst he took time to refresh himself,
and to bring Achaeus to some good order, whose treason
daily grew more open and violent. The same negligence
which he thought the Egyptian would have used, he used
himself; as presuming, that when time of the year better
served, little force would be needful; for that the towns
would voluntarily yield unto him, since Ptolomy provided
not for their defence. Nevertheless, he gave audience to the
ambassadors, and had often conference with those that were
sent out of Egypt ; pleasing himself well to dispute about
the justice of his quarrel, which he purposed shortly to
make good by the sword, whether it were just or no. He
said, that it was agreed between Seleucus his ancestor and
Ptolomy the son of Lagi, that all Syria, if they could win it
from Antigonus, should be given in possession to Seleucus \

xx 4

654 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

and that this bargain was afterwards ratified, by general
consent of all the confederates, after the battle at Ipsus.
But Ptolomy 's men would acknowledge no such bargain :
they said, that Ptoloray the son of Lagi had won Ccele-
syria, and the provinces adjoining, for himself ; as also, that
he had sufficiently gratified Seleucus, by lending him forces
to recover his province of Babylon, and the countries about
the river of Euphrates. Thus, whilst neither of them greatly
cared for peace, they were, in the end of their disputation,
as far from concluding as at the beginning. Ptolomy de
manded restitution ; Antiochus thought that he had not as yet
gotten all that was his own : also Ptolomy would needs have
Achaeus comprehended in the league between them, as one
of their confederates ; but Antiochus would not endure to
hear of this, exclaiming against it as a shameful thing, that
one king should offer to deal so with another, as to take his
rebel into protection, and seek to join him in confederacy
with his own sovereign lord. When the truce was expired,
and Antiochus prepared to take the field again, contrary to
his expectation he was informed, that Ptolomy, with a very
puissant army, was coming up against him out of Egypt.
Setting forward therefore to meet with the enemy, he was
encountered on the way by those captains of Ptolomy that
had resisted him the year before. They held against him
the passages of Libanus, whence nevertheless he drave
them ; and, proceeding onward in his journey, won so many
places, that he greatly increased his reputation, and thereby
drew the Arabians, with divers of the bordering people, to
become his followers. As the two kings drew near toge
ther, many captains of Ptolomy forsook his pay, and fled
over to Antiochus. This notwithstanding, the Egyptian
had the courage to meet his enemy in the field. The
battle was fought at Raphia ; where it was not to be de
cided, whether the Egyptians or Asiatics were the better
soldiers, (for that the strength of both armies consisted in
mercenaries, chiefly of the Greeks, Thracians, and Gauls,)
but whether of the kings was the more fortunate. Ptolomy,
with Arsinoe his sister and wife, rode up and down, encou-

CHAP. v. OF THE WORLD. 655

raging his men ; the like did Antiochus on the other side;
each of them rehearsing the brave deeds 'of their ancestors,
as not having of their own whereby to value themselves.
Antiochus had the more elephants ; as also his, being of
Asia, had they been fewer, would have beaten those of Afric.
Wherefore, by the advantage of these beasts, he drave the
enemies before him, in that part of the battle wherein he
fought himself. But Ptolomy had the better men, by whose
valour he brake the gross of his enemy ""s battle, and won
the victory, whilst Antiochus was heedlessly following upon
those whom he had compelled to retire. Antiochus had
brought into the field above seventy thousand foot and six
thousand horse ; whereof though he lost scarce ten thou
sand foot, and not four hundred horse, yet the fame of his
overthrow took from him all those places which he had
lately won. When therefore he was returned home to An-
tioch, he began to stand in fear, lest Ptolomy and Achaeus,
setting upon him both at once, should put him in danger
of his whole estate. This caused him to send ambassadors
unto the Egyptian to treat of peace ; which was readily
granted, it being much against the nature of Ptolomy to
vex himself thus with the tedious business of war. So Pto
lomy, having stayed three months in Syria, returned home
into Egypt clad with the reputation of a conqueror ; to the
great admiration of his subjects, and of all those that were
acquainted with his voluptuous and slothful condition.

Achaeus was not comprised in the league between these
two kings ; or if he had been included therein, yet would
not the Egyptian have taken the pains of making a second
expedition for his sake. The best was, that he thought
himself strong enough, if fortune were not too much
against him, to deal with Antiochus. Neither was he confi
dent without great reason : for besides his many victories,
whereby he had gotten all that belonged unto Antiochus
on this side of Taurus, he had also good success against
Attalus king of Pergamus, that was an able man of war,
and commanded a strong army. Neither was he, as Molo
the rebel had been, one of mean regard otherwise, and car-

656 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

ried beyond himself by apprehending the vantage of some
opportunity ; but cousin-german to the king, as hath been
shewed before; and now lately the king's brother-in-law,
by taking to wife a younger daughter of the same Mithri-
dates king of Pontus, which was also called Laodice, as
was her sister the queen, Antiochus's wife. These things
had added majesty unto him, and had made his followers
greatly to respect him, even as one to whom a kingdom was
belonging. Neither made it a little for him, that king
Ptolomy of Egypt held him in the nature of a friend, and
that king Antiochus was now lately vanquished in the battle
at Raphia, and had thereby lost all his gettings in Syria.
But all these hopes and likelihoods came to nothing. For
the king of Pontus, if he would meddle in that quarrel be
tween his sons-in-law, had no reason to take part against
the more honourable. As for the Egyptian, he was not
only slothful, but hindered by a rebellion of his own sub
jects from helping his friends abroad: for the people of
Egypt, of whom Ptolomy, contrary to the manner of his
progenitors, had armed a great number to serve in the late
expedition, began to entertain a good opinion of their own
valour, thinking it not inferior to the Macedonian. Here
upon they refused to suffer as much as formerly they had
done, since they less esteemed, than they had done, the force
of the king's mercenary Greeks, which had hitherto kept
them in strait subjection. Thus brake out a war between
that king and his subjects, wherein though the ill-guided
force of the multitude was finally broken, yet king Ptolomy
thereby wasted much of his strength, and much of his
time, that might have been spent, as he thought, much
better in revelling, or, as others thought, in succouring
Achaeus. As for Antiochus, he had no sooner made his
peace with the Egyptian, than he turned all his care to the
preparation of war against Achaeus. To this purpose he
entered into league with Attalus, that so he might distract
the forces of his rebel, and find him work on all sides.
Finally, his diligence and fortune were such, that within a
while he had pent up Achaeus into the city of Sardes, where

CHAP. v. OF THE WORLD. 657

he held him about two years besieged. The city was very
strong and well victualled, so as there appeared not, when
the second year came, any greater likelihood of taking it,
than in the first year's siege. In the end, one Lagoras, a
Cretan, found means how to enter the town. The castle
itself was upon a very high rock, and in a manner impreg
nable ; as also the town- wall adjoining to the castle, in that
part which was called the sawe, was in like manner situated
upon steep rocks, and hardly accessible, that hung over a
deep bottom, whereinto the dead carcasses of horses and
other beasts, yea and sometimes of men, used to be thrown.
Now it was observed by Lagoras, that the ravens and other
birds of prey, which haunted that place by reason of their
food, which was there never wanting, used to fly up unto
the top of the rocks, and to pitch upon the walls, where
they rested without any disturbance. Observing this often,
he reasoned with himself, and concluded, that those parts
of the wall were left unguarded, as being thought unap
proachable. Hereof he informed the king, who approved
his judgment, and gave unto him the leading of such men
as he desired for the accomplishing of the enterprise. The
success was agreeable to that which Lagoras had afore con
ceived ; and though with much labour, yet without resist
ance, he scaled those rocks, and (whilst a general assault
was made) entered the town in that part, which was, at
other times unguarded, then unthought upon. In the same
place had the Persians under Cyrus gotten into Sardes,
when Crresus thought himself secure on that side. But
the citizens took not warning by the example of a loss many
ages past, and therefore out of memory. Achaeus held still
.the castle, which not only seemed by nature impregnable,
but was very well stored with all necessaries, and manned
with a sufficient number of such as were to him well assured.
Antiochus therefore was constrained to waste much time
about it, having none other hope to prevail, than by fa
mishing the enclosed. Besides the usual tediousness of ex
pectation, his business called him thence away into the
higher Asia, where the Bactrians and Parthians, with the

658 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

Hyrcanians, had erected kingdoms taken out of his do
minions, upon which they still encroached : but he thought
it not safe to let Achaeus break loose again. On the other
side, there were some agents of Ptolomy the Egyptian, and
good friends unto Achaeus, that made it their whole study
how to deliver this besieged prince. If they could rescue
his person, they cared for no more; but presumed, that
when he should appear in the countries under Taurus, he
would soon have an army at command, and be strong enough
to hold Antiochus as hardly to work, as at any time before.
Wherefore they dealt with one Bolis, a Cretan, that was
acquainted well with all the ways in the country, and par
ticularly with the by-paths and exceeding difficult passages
among those rocks whereon the castle of Sardes stood.
Him they tempted with great rewards, which he should re
ceive at the hands of Ptolomy, as well as of Achaeus, to do
his best for performance of their desire. He undertook the
business, and gave such likely reasons of bringing all to
good effect, that they wrote unto Achaeus by one Arianus,
a trusty messenger, whom Bolis found means to convey
into the castle. The faith of these negotiators Achaeus held
most assured. They also wrote unto him in privy cha
racters, or ciphers, wherewith none, save he and they, were
acquainted, whereby he knew that it was no feigned device
of his enemies in the name of his friends. As for the mes
senger, he was a trusty fellow, and one whom Achaeus
found, by examination, heartily affected unto the side. But
the contents of the epistle, which were^ that he should be
confident in the faith of Bolis, and of one Cambylus, whom
Bolis had won unto the business, did somewhat trouble him.
They were men to him unknown, and Cambylus was a fol
lower of Antiochus, under whom he had the command of
those Cretans which held one of the forts that blocked up
the castle of Sardes. Nevertheless, other way to escape he
saw none, than by putting himself to some adventure.
When the messenger had therefore passed often to and fro,
it was at length concluded, that Bolis himself should come
speak with Achaeus, and conduct him forth. There was

CHAP. v. OF THE WORLD. 659

none other than good faith meant by any of the rest, 'save
only by Bolis and Cambylus, which were Cretans, and (as
all their countrymen, c some few excepted, have been, and
still are) false knaves. These two held a consultation toge
ther, that was, as d Polybius observes it, rightly Cretical ;
neither concerning the safety of him whose deliverance they
undertook, nor touching the discharge of their own faith,
but only how to get most, with least ado and danger to
themselves. Briefly, they concluded, that first of all they
would equally share between them ten talents, which they
had already received in hand ; and then, that they would
reveal the matter to Antiochus, offering to deliver Achseus
unto him, if they might be well rewarded both with present
money, and with promise of consideration answerable to the
greatness of such a service, when it should be despatched.
Antiochus hearing this promise of Cambylus, was no less
glad, than were the friends of Acha3us well pleased with the
comfortable promises of Bolis. At length, when all things
were in readiness on both sides, and that Bolis with Arianus
was to get up into the castle, and convey Achaeus thence,
he first went with Cambylus to speak with the king, who
gave him very private audience, and confirmed unto him
by word of mouth the assurance of his liberal promises.
And after that, putting on the countenance of an honest
man, and of one that was faithful unto Ptolomy, whom he
had long served, he accompanied Arianus up into the castle.
At his coming thither he was lovingly entertained, yet
questioned at large by Acha3us, touching all the weight of
the business in hand. But he discoursed so well, and with
such gravity, that there appeared no reason of distrusting

c Among these few I do not except honour to be ill spoken of by so dili-

one, calling himself Eudaemon John gent a supporter of treasons, and

Andrew, a Cretan; who in one of his architect of lies; in regard whereof

late shameless libels, wherein he tra- I may not deny him the commenda-

duceth our king, religion, and conn- tiori of criticism no less voluminous,

try, with all the good and worthy than he in multiplicity of name is

men of whom he could learn the beyond any the Cretians in elder

uames, hath, by inserting my name, times, that were always liars, evil

twice belied me, in calling me a pu- beasts, and slow bellies.

ritan, and one that has been dan- A E Polyb. Hist. 1. 8.
gerous unto my sovereign. It is an

660 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

either his faith or judgment. He was an old soldier, had
long been a captain under Ptolomy, and did not thrust him
self into this business, but was invited by honourable and
faithful men. He had also taken a safe course in winning
(as it seemed) that other countryman of his, who kept a
fort that stood in their way, and thereby had already sun
dry times given safe passage and repassage unto Arianus.
But against all these comfortable hopes, the importance of
so great an adventure stirred up some diffidence. Achaeus
therefore dealt wisely, and said, that he would yet stay in
the castle a little longer, but that he meant to send away
with Bolis three or four of his friends, from whom when
he received better advertisement concerning the likelihood
of the enterprise, then would he issue forth himself. Here
by he took order not to commit himself wholly unto the
faith of a man unknown. But, as Polybius well notes, he
did not consider that he played the Cretian with a man of
Crete ; which is to say, that he had to do with one, whose
knavery could not be avoided by circumspection. Bolis
and Cambylus had laid their plot thus: that if Achaeus
came forth alone, then should he easily be taken by the
ambush prepared for him ; if he were accompanied with
many of his friends, then should Arianus be appointed to
lead the way, as one that of late had trodden it oft ; and
Bolis following behind, should have an eye upon Achaeus,
to prevent him, not only from escaping in the tumult, but
from breaking his own neck, or otherwise killing himself; to
the end that, being taken alive, he might be to Antiochus
the more welcome present. And in such order came they
now forth, Arianus going before as guide, the rest follow
ing, as the way served, and Bolis in the rear. Achaeus
made none acquainted with his purpose, till the very in
stant of his departure. Then signified he the matter to his
wife Laodice, and comforting her with hope as well as he
could, appointed four of his especial friends to bear him
company. They were all disguised, and one of them alone
took upon him to have knowledge of the Greek tongue,
speaking and answering, as need should require, for all, as

CHAP. v. OF THE WORLD. 661

if the rest had been Barbarians. Bolis followed them, craf
tily devising upon his business, and much perplexed. For,
saith Polybius, " though he were of Crete, and prone to
" surmise any thing to the mischief of another," yet could
he not see in the dark, nor know which of them was Achaeus,
or whether Achaeus himself were there. The way was
very uneasy, and in some places dangerous, especially to
those who knew it not : wherefore they were fain to stay in
divers places, and help one another up or down. But upon
every occasion they were all of them very officious toward
Achaeus, lending him their hands, and taking such care
of him, as easily gave Bolis to understand that he was the
man ; and so by their unseasonable duty they undid their
lord. When they came to the place where Cambylus lay
in wait, Bolis whistled, and presently clasped Achaeus about
the middle, holding him fast, that he should not stir. So
they were all taken by the ambush, and carried forthwith to
Antiochus, who sat up watching in his pavilion, expecting
the event. The sight of Achaeus, brought in bound unto
him, did so astonish the king, that he was unable to speak
a word, and anon brake out into weeping. Yet was he be
fore informed of the plot, which might have kept him from
admiration; as also the next morning betimes, assembling
his friends together, he condemned Achaeus to a cruel death ;
which argues that he was not moved with pity towards this
unhappy man. Wherefore it was the general regard of
calamities incident unto great fortunes, that wrung from
him these tears ; as also the rarity of the accident, that
made both him and his friends to wonder ; though it be so,
that such a course as this of his, in employing two mis
chievous knaves against one traitor, doth not rarely succeed
well, according to that Spanish proverb, A un traydar dos
alleuosos. The death of Achaeus brought such astonish
ment upon those which held the castle, that after a while
they gave up the place and themselves unto the king,
whereby he got entire possession of all to him belonging in
the Lesser Asia.

Some years passed after this, ere Antiochus was ready for

662 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

his expedition against the Parthians and Hyrcanians. The
Parthians were a little nation of obscure beginnings, and
commonly subject unto those that ruled in Media. In the
great shuffling for provinces after the death of Alexander,
the government over them was committed by Antipater to one
Philip, a man of small regard ; shortly they fell to Eumenes,
then to Antigonus, and from him, together with the Medes,
to Seleucus, under whose posterity they continued until the
reign of Seleucus Callinicus, being ruled by lieutenants of
the Syrian kings. The lustful insolency of one of these lieu
tenants, together with the misfortune of Callinicus, that was
vanquished, and thought to be slain by the Gauls, did stir
up Arsaces, a" nobleman of the country, to seek revenge of
injuries done, and animate him to rebel. So he slew the
king's lieutenant, made himself king of the Parthians, and
lord of Hyrcania ; fought prosperously with those that dis
turbed him in his beginnings, and took Seleucus Callinicus
prisoner in battle, whom he royally entertained and dis
missed. Hereby he won reputation as a lawful king, and
by good government of his country procured unto himself
such love of his subjects, that his name was continued unto
his successors, like as that of the Ptolomies in Egypt, and
that of the Caesars afterwards in Rome. Much about the
same time, the Bactrians rebelled ; though these at length,
and all belonging unto the Seleucidae beyond Euphrates,
increased the Parthians dominion. Now Antiochus went
against them with so strong an army, that they durst not
meet him in plain field, but kept themselves in woods, or
places of strength, and defended the straits and passages of
mountains. The resistances they made availed them not :
for Antiochus had with him so great a multitude, and so
well sorted, as he needed not to turn out of the way from
those that lay fortified against him in woods and straits
between their mountains, it being easy to spare out of so
great a number, as many as, fetching a compass about, might
either get above the enemies' heads, or come behind, and
charge them on the back. Thus did he often employ
against them his light armature, wherewith he caused them

CHAP. v. OF THE WORLD.

to dislodge, and give way unto his phalanx, upon which
they durst not adventure themselves in open ground. Ar-
saces, the second of the name, (for his father was dead be
fore this,) was then king of Parthia, who though he was
confident in the fidelity of his own subjects, yet feared to
encounter with so mighty an invader. His hope was, that
the bad ways and deserts would have caused Antiochus,
when he was at Ecbatane in Media, to give over the journey
without proceeding much further. This not so falling out,
he caused the wells and springs in the wilderness, through
which his enemy must pass, to be dammed up and spoiled.
By which means, and the resistance before spoken of, when
he could not prevail, he withdrew himself out of the way,
suffering the enemy to take his pleasure for a time in wast
ing the country, wherein, without some victory obtained,
he could make no long abode. Antiochus hereby found,
that Arsaces . was nothing strongly provided for the war :
wherefore he marched through the heart of Parthia, and
then forward into Hyrcania, where he won Tambrace, the
chief city of that province. This indignity, and many other
losses, caused Arsaces at length, when he had gathered an
army that seemed strong enough, to adventure a battle.
The issue thereof was such as gave to neither of the kings
hope of accomplishing his desires without exceeding diffi
culty. Wherefore Arsaces craved peace, and at length
obtained it, Antiochus thinking it not amiss to make him a
friend whom he could not make a subject.

The next expedition of Antiochus was against Euthy-
demus, king of the Bactrians, one that indeed had not rebelled
against him or his ancestors, but, having gotten the king
dom from those that had rebelled, kept it to himself. With
Euthydemus he fought a battle by the river Arius, where
he had the victory. But the victory was not so greatly to
his honour, as was the testimony which he gave of his own
private valour in obtaining it. He was thought that day to
have demeaned him more courageously than did any one
man in all his army : his horse was slain under him, and he
himself received a wound in his mouth, whereby he lost

RALEGH, VOL. IV. Y y

664 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

some of his teeth. As for Euthydemus, he withdrew him
self back into the further parts of his kingdom, and after
wards protracted the war, seeking how to end it by compo
sition. So ambassadors passed between the kings; Anti-
ochus complaining, that a country of his was unjustly
usurped from him; Euthydemus answering, that he had
won it from the children of the usurpers ; and further, that
tin* Hartrians, a wild nation, could hardly be retained in
order, save by a king of their own, for that they bordered
upon the Scythians, with whom if they should join, it
would be greatly to the danger of all the provinces that lay
behind them. These allegations, together with his own
weariness, pacified Antiochus, and made him willing to
grant pence upon reasonable conditions. Demetrius, the
son of Euthydemus, being a goodly gentleman, and em
ployed by his father as ambassador in this treaty of peace,
was not a little available unto a good conclusion. For An
tiochus liked him so well, that he promised to give him in
marriage one of his own daughters, and therewithal per
mitted Euthydemus to retain the kingdom, causing him ne
vertheless to deliver up all his elephants ; as also to bind
himself by oath to such covenants as he thought requisite.

So Antiochus, leaving the Bactrian in quiet, made a jour
ney over Caucasus, and came to the borders of India, where
he renewed with Sophagasenus, king of the Indians, the
society that had been between their ancestors. The Indians
had remained subject unto the Macedonians, for a little
while, after Alexander's death. Eumenes, in his war against
Antigonus, raised part of his forces out of their country.
But when Antigonus, after his victory, turned westward, and
was overbusied in a great civil war, then did one Sandro-
cottus, an Indian, stir up his countrymen to rebellion,
making himself their captain, and taking upon him as
protector of their liberty. This office and title he soon
changed, though not without some contention, into the name
and majesty of a king. Finally he got unto himself, (hav
ing an army of six hundred thousand men,) if not all India,
yet as much of it as had been Alexander's. In this estate

CHAP. v. OF THE WORLD.

lie hod well confirmed himself, ere Seleucus Nicator could
find leisure to call him to account. Neither did he faint,
or humble himself, at the coming of Seleucus, but met him
in field, as ready to defend his own, so strongly and well
appointed, that the Macedonian was contented to make
both peace and affinity wi I h him, taking only a reward of
fifty elephants. This league, made by the founders of the
Indian and Syrian kingdoms, was continued by some offices
of love between their children, and now renewed by Anti-
oehus, whose number of elephants were increased thereupon
by the Indian king to an hundred and fifty ; as also he was
promised to have some treasure sent after him, which he left
one to receive. Thus parted these two great kings. Neither
had the Indians from this time forwards, in many genera
tions, any business worthy of remembrance with the western
countries. The posterity of Sandrocottus is thought to have
retained that kingdom unto the days of Augustus Caesar, to
whom Porus, then reigning in India, sent ambassadors with
presents, and an epistle written in Greek ; wherein, among
other things, he said, that he had command over six hundred
kings. There is also found, scattered in sundry authors, the
mention of some which held that kingdom in divers ages,
even unto the time of Constantine the Great, being all per-
adventure of the same race. But Antiochus, who in this
treaty with Sophagasenus carried himself as the worthier
person, receiving presents, and after marched home through
Drangiana and Carmania with such reputation, that ail the
potentates, not only in the higher Asia, but on the hither
side of Taurus, humbled themselves unto him, and called
him the Great, saw an end of his own greatness within few
years ensuing, by presuming to stand upon points with the
Romans, whose greatness was the same in deed, that his
was only in seeming.

vy

666 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

SECT. III.

The lewd reign of Ptolomy Philopator in Egypt ; with the tragical
end of his favourites when he was dead. Antiochus prepares to
war on the young child Ptolomy Epiphanes, the son of Philopa
tor. His irresolution in preparing for divers wars at once. His
voyage toward the Hellespont. He seeks to hold amity with the
Romans, who make friendly show to him ; intending nevertheless
to have war with him. His doings about the Hellespont, which
the Romans made the first ground, of their quarrel to him.

THIS expedition being finished, Antiochus had leisure to
repose himself a while, and study which way to convert the
terror of his puissance for the enlargement of his empire.
Within two or three years Ptolomy Philopator died, leaving
his son Ptolomy Epiphanes, a young boy, his successor in
the kingdom ; unlikely by him to be well defended against
a neighbour so mighty and ambitious. This Ptolomy, sur-
named Philopator, that is to say, " a lover of his father," is
thought to have had that surname given him in mere deri
sion, as having made away both his father and mother6.
His young years, being newly past his childhood when he
began to reign, may seem to discharge him of so horrible a
crime as his fathers death ; yet the beastliness of all his fol
lowing life makes him not unlike to have done any mischief
whereof he could be accused. Having won the battle at
Raphia, he gave himself over to sensuality, and was wholly
governed by a strumpet called Agathoclea. At her instiga
tion he murdered his own wife and sister, which had adven
tured herself with him in that only dangerous action by
him undertaken and performed with honour. The lieute-
nantships of his provinces, with all commands in his army
and offices whatsoever, were wholly referred unto the dispo
sition of this Agathoclea, and her brother Agathocles, and of
CEnanthe, a filthy bawd, that was mother unto them both.
So these three governed the realm at their pleasure, to the
great grief of all the country, till Philopator died ; who
having reigned seventeen years, left none other son than
Ptolomy Epiphanes, a child of five years old, begotten on

e .Justin. 1. 30.

CHAP. v. OF THE WORLD. 667

Arsinoe that was his sister and wife. After the king's
death, Agathocles began to take upon him, as protector
of young Epiphanes, and governor of the land. He as
sembled the Macedons, (which were the king's ordinary
forces in pay, not all born in Macedonia, but the race of those
that abode in Egypt with Ptolomy the First, and would not
be accounted Egyptians, as neither would the kings them
selves,) and bringing forth unto them his sister Agathoclea,
with the young king in her arms, began a solemn oration.
He told them, that the deceased father of this their king had
committed the child into the afms of his sister, but unto the
faith of them on whose valiant right hands the whole state
of the kingdom did now rely. He besought them therefore
that they would be faithful, and, as great need was, defend
their king against the treason of one Tlepolemus, an ambi
tious man, who traitorously went about to set the diadem
upon his own head, being a mere stranger to the royal
blood. Herewithal he produced before them a witness,
that should justify his accusation against Tlepolemus. Now
though it were so, that he delivered all this with a feigned
passion of sorrow and counterfeiting of tears, yet the Mace-
dons that heard him regarded not any word that he spake ;
but stood laughing, and talking one to another, what a
shameless dissembler he was, to take so much upon him, as if
he knew not how greatly he was hated. And so brake up
the assembly ; he that had called it being scarce aware how.
Agathocles, therefore, whom the old. king's favour had
made mighty, but neither wise nor well qualified, thought to
go to work, as had formerly been his manner, by using his
authority to the suppression of those that he distrusted. He
haled out of a temple the mother-in-law of Tlepolemus, and
cast her into prison. This filled Alexandria with rumours,
and made the people (though accustomed to suffer greater
things, whilst they were committed in the old king's name)
to meet in knots together, and utter one to another their
minds ; wherein they had conceived extreme hate against
these three pernicious misgovernors of the old king. Be
sides their consideration of the present injury done to Tle-

y y 3

668 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

polemus, they were somewhat also moved with fear of harm;
which, in way of requital, Tlepolemus was likely to do unto
the city. For he was, though a man most unapt for govern
ment, as afterwards he proved, yet no bad soldier, and well-
beloved of the army. It was also then in his power to stop
the provision of victuals which was to come into Alexandria.
As these motives wrought with the people, so by the re
medy which Agathocles used, were the Macedons more
hastily and more violently stirred unto uproar. He se
cretly apprehended one of their number, whom he suspected
of conspiracy against him ; and delivered him unto a fol
lower of his own, to be examined by torture. This poor
soldier was carried into an inner room of the palace, and
there stripped out of all his apparel, to be tormented. But
whilst the whips were brought forth, and all things even in
a readiness for that purpose, there was brought unto the
minister of Agathocles a sad report of Tlepolemus's being
at hand. Hereupon the examiner, and his torturers, one
after another, went out of the room ; leaving Moeragenes
the soldier alone by himself, and the doors open. He per
ceiving this, naked as he was, conveyed himself out of the
palace, and got unto the Macedonians ; of whom he found
some in a temple thereby at dinner. The Macedonians
were as fierce in maintenance of their privileges as are the
Turk's janizaries. Being assured therefore that one of their
fellows had thus been used, they fell to arms in a great
rage, and began to force the palace ; crying out, that they
would see the king, and not leave him in possession of such
a dangerous man. The whole multitude in the city, with
loud clamours, made no less ado than the soldiers, though
to less effect. So the old bawd (Enanthe fled into a temple :
her son and daughter stayed in the court, until the king was
taken from them, and they, by his permission, which he
easily gave, and by appointment of those that now had
him in their hands, delivered up to the fury of the people.
Agathocles himself was stabbed to death, by some which
therein did the office of friends, though in manner of ene
mies. His sister was dragged naked up and down the

CHAP. v. OF THE WORLD. 669

streets, as was also his mother, with all to them belonging :
the enraged multitude committed upon them a barbarous
execution of justice, biting them, pulling out their eyes, and
tearing them in pieces.

These troubles in Egypt served well to stir up king An-
tiochus, who had very good leisure, though he wanted all
pretence, to make war upon young Ptolomy. Philip of Ma-
cedon had the same desire to get what part he could of the
child's estate. But it happened well, that Ptolomy Philo-
pator, in the Punic war, which was now newly ended, had
done many good offices unto the Romans. Unto them
therefore the Egyptians addressed themselves, and craved
help against these two kings ; who though they secretly
maligned one the other, yet had entered into covenant to di
vide between them all that belonged unto this orphan,
whose father had been confederate with them both. So
fM. Lepidus was sent from Rome, to protect from all
violence the king of Egypt, especially against Antiochus.
As for the Macedonian, he was very soon found busied with
war at his own doors : also Scopas the ^Etolian, being a
pensioner to the Egyptian, was sent into Greece, to raise an
army of mercenaries. What Lepidus did in Egypt, I do
not find ; and therefore think it not improbable, that he was
sent thither only one of the three ambassadors s, in the be
ginning of the war with Philip, as hath been shewed before.
As for Scopas, he shortly after went up into Syria with his
army ; where winning many places, among the rest of his
acts he subdued the Jews, who seem to have yielded them
selves a little before unto Antiochus, at such time as they
saw him prepare for his war, and despaired of receiving
help from Egypt h. But it was not long ere all these vic
tories of Scopas came to nothing ; for the very next year
following, which was (according to Eusebius) the same year
that Philip was beaten at Cynoscephala?, Antiochus van
quished Scopas in battle, and recovered all that had been
lost. Among the rest, the Jews with great willingness re-

1 Justin. 1. 30. s Livy, 1. 31. b Vid. Joseph. Ant. Jud. 1. 12. c- 3.
Y y 4

670 THE HISTORY .BOOK v.

turned under his obedience, and were therefore by him very
gently entreated.

The land of Egypt this great king did forbear to invade ;
and gave it out, that he meant to bestow a daughter of his
own in marriage upon Ptolomy ; either hoping, as may
seem, that the country would ^willingly submit itself unto
him, if this young child should happen to miscarry, or
else that greater purchase might be made in the western
parts of Asia, whilst Philip was held overlaboured by the
Romans. It appears that he was very much distracted;
hunting (as we say) two hares at once with one hound.
The quarrels between Attalus, Philip, and the Greeks, pro
mised to afford him great advantage, if he should bring his
army to the Hellespont. On the other side, the state of
Egypt being such as hath been declared, seemed easy to be
swallowed up at once. One while therefore he took what he
could get in Syria; where all were willing (and the Jews
among the rest, though hitherto they had kept faith with
the Egyptian) to yield him obedience : another while,
letting Egypt alone, he was about to make invasion upon
Attalus's kingdom; yet suffered himself easily to be per
suaded by the Roman ambassadors, and desisted from that
enterprise. Having thus far gratified the Romans, he sends
ambassadors to the senate, to conclude a perfect amity be
tween him and them. It is not lightly to be overpassed,
that these his ambassadors were lovingly entertained at
Rome, and dismissed with a decree and answer of the
senate altogether to the honour of king Antiochus. But
this answer of the Romans was not sincere ; being rather
framed according to regard of the king's good liking, than
of their own intent. They had not as yet made an end
with Philip, neither would they gladly be troubled with two
great wars at once. Wherefore, not standing much upon
the nice examination of what belonged unto their honour,
they were content to give good words for the present. In
the mean time Antiochus fights with Scopas in Syria, and
shortly prepares to win some towns elsewhere, belonging
unto Ptolomy ; yet withal he sends an army westward, in-

CHAP. v. OF THE WORLD. 671

tending to make what profit he can of the distractions in
Greece. Likewise it is considerable, as an argument of
his much irresolution, how, notwithstanding his attempts
upon both of their kingdoms, he offered one of his daugh
ters to Ptolomy, and another to Eumenes the son of Atta
ins, newly king of Pergamus ; seeking each of their friend
ships, at one and the same time, when he sought to make
each of them a spoil. Thus was he acting and deliberating
at once, being carried with an inexplicable desire of repug
nancies ; which is a disease of great and overswelling for
tunes. Howsoever it was, he sent an army to Sardes by
land, under two of his own sons ; willing them there to stay
for him, whilst he himself with a fleet of an hundred gal
leys, and two hundred other vessels, intended to pass along
by the coasts of Cilicia and Caria, taking in such places as
held for the Egyptian. It was a notable act of the Rho-
dians, that, whilst the war of Philip lay yet upon their
hands, they adventured upon this great Antiochus. They
sent unto him a proud embassage ; whereby they gave him
to understand, that if he passed forward beyond a certain
promontory in Cilicia, they would meet him, and fight with
him ; not for any quarrel of theirs unto him, but because he
should not join with Philip their enemy, and help him
against the Romans. It was insolently done of them, nei
ther seemed it otherwise, to prescribe such limits unto the
king ; yet he tempered himself, and, without any show of
indignation, gave a gentle answer ; partly himself to their
ambassadors, partly unto their whole city, by ambassadors
which he thither sent. He shewed his desire to renew the
ancient confederacies between his ancestors and them ; and
willed them not to be afraid, lest his coming should tend
unto any hurt, either of them or of their confederates. As
touching the Romans, whom they thought that he would
molest, they were, he said, his very good friends ; whereof,
he thought, there needed no better proof, than the enter
tainment and answer by them newly given to his ambassa
dors.

The Rhodians appear to have been a cunning people,

672 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

and such as could foresee what weather was like to happen.
This answer of the king, and the relation of what had
passed between his ambassadors and the senate, moved them
not a whit, when they were informed, shortly after, that the
Macedonian war was ended at the battle of Cynoscephalae.
They knew that Antiochus's turn would be next, and pre
pared to be forward on the stronger side. Wherefore they
would not be contented to sit still, unless the towns on the
south coast of Asia, belonging to Ptolomy their friend and
confederate, were suffered to be at quiet. Herein also they
did well, for that they had ever been greatly beholding to
all the race of the Ptolomies. They therefore, in this time
of necessity, gave what aid they could unto all the subjects
of the Egyptian in those parts. In like manner did king
Eumenes, the son of Attalus, prognosticate as concerning
the war that followed between Antiochus and the Romans.
For when king Antiochus made a friendly offer to bestow
one of his daughters upon him in marriage, he excused
himself, and would not have her. Attalus and Philetaerus,
his brethren, wondered at this : but he told them, that the
Romans would surely make war upon Antiochus, and therein
finally prevail. Wherefore he said, that by abstaining
from this affinity, it should be in his power to join with the
Romans, and strengthen himself greatly with their friend
ship. Contrariwise, if he leaned to Antiochus, as he must
be partaker in his overthrow, so was he sure to be op
pressed by him, as by an overmighty neighbour, if he hap
pened to win the victory.

Antiochus himself wintered about Ephesus, where he
took such order as he thought convenient for the reducing
of Smyrna and Lampsacus to obedience, that had usurped
their liberty, and obstinately strove to maintain it, in hope
that the Romans would protect them. In the beginning of
the spring he sailed unto the Hellespont ; where having won
some towns that Philip had gotten not long before this, he
passed over into Europe side, and in short space mastered
the Chersonesus. Thence went he to Lysimachia, which the
Thracians had gotten and destroyed, when Philip withdrew

CHAP.V. OF THE WORLD. 673

his garrison thence, to employ it in the Roman war. The
jEtolians objected as a crime unto Philip, in the conference
before T. Quintius, that he had oppressed Lysimachia, by
thrusting thereinto a garrison. Hereunto Philip made an
swer, that his garrison did not oppress the town, but save
it from the Barbarians, who took and sacked it as soon as
the Macedonians were gone. That this answer was good
and substantial, though it were not accepted as such,
might appear by the miserable case in which Antiochus
found Lysimachia at his coming thither : for the town was
utterly razed by the Barbarians, and the people carried
away into slavery. Wherefore the king took order to have
it reedified, as also to redeem those that were in bondage,
and to recollect as many of the citizens as were dispersed in
the country thereabout. Likewise he was careful to allure
thither, by hopeful promises, new inhabitants, and to re
plenish the city with the wonted frequency. Now to the
end that men should not be terrified from coming thither
to dwell, by any fear of the neighbour Thracians, he took
a journey in hand against those barbarous people with the
one half of his army, leaving the other half to repair the
city. These pains he took, partly in regard of the convenient
situation and former glory of Lysimachia ; partly for that
he thought it highly redounding unto his own honour to
recover and establish the dominion in those parts which his
forefather Seleucus Nicator had won from Lysimachus, and
thereby made his kingdom of greater extent than it occu
pied in any following time. But for this ambition he shall
dearly pay ; and, as after that victory against Lysimachus,
the death of king Seleucus followed shortly, so shall a
deadly wound of the kingdom founded by Seleucus ensue
very speedily after the reconquest of the same country,
which was the last of Seleucus's purchases.

674 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

SECT. IV.

The Romans hold friendly correspondence with Antiochus during
their war with Philip, after which they quarrel with him. The
doings of Hannibal at Carthage, whence he is chased by his ene
mies and by the Romans : his flight unto the king Antiochus.
The JEtolians murmur against the Romans in Greece. The war
of the Romans and Achteans with Nabis the tyrant of Lacedte-
mon. The departure of the Romans out of Greece. T. Quintius's
triumph. Peace denied to Antiochus by the Romans.
FOR the Romans, though they were unable to smother
their desire of war with Antiochus, whereof notice was al
ready taken both by their friends and by their enemies ; yet
was it much against their will to keep the rumour on foot,
which they meant shortly to make good, of this intended
war, so long as they wanted matter of quarrel, whereof
they were furnished by this enterprise of the kings about
Lysimachia. It was not long since king Attalus, a friend
and helper of the Romans in their war with Philip, could
obtain of them none other help against Antiochus, than am
bassadors to speak for him ; because the one of these kings
was held no less a friend than the other. Neither did
there afterwards pass between them any other offices than
very friendly. Antiochus, at the request of their ambassa
dors, withdrew his invasion from the kingdom of Perga-
mus ; also very shortly after he sent ambassadors to them,
to make a perfect league of amity between them. This was
whilst as yet they were busied with Philip ; and therefore
had reason to answer his good-will with good acceptation,
as they did in outward show. But when the Macedonian
war was at an end, and all, or most of all, the states in
Greece were become little better than clients unto the Ro
mans, then was all this good correspondence changed into
terms of worse, but more plain meaning; for T. Quintius,
with his ten counsellors sent from Rome, requited (as hath
been » shewed before) with a commination of war this
king's gratulation of their victory, as also his long professed
amity, and desire to continue in the same.
1 Ch. 4. §. ult.

CHAP. v. OF THE WORLD. 675

These ten counsellors were able to inform T. Quintius,
and acquaint him with the purpose of the senate ; whereof
yet it seems that he was not ignorant before ; since, in re
gard of Antiochus, he was the more inclinable unto peace
with Philip. It was therefore agreed, when they divided
themselves to make progress through divers quarters of
Greece for the execution of their late decree, that two of
them should visit king Antiochus ; and the rest, where oc
casion served, use diligence to make a party strong against
him. Neither was the senate at Rome unmindful of the busi
ness ; wherein lest T. Quintius, with his ten assistants, should
happen to forget any thing to their parts belonging, L. Cor
nelius was sent from Rome of purpose to deal with the
king about those controversies that were between him and
Ptolomy. What other private instructions Cornelius had,
we may conjecture by the managing of this his embassage:
for coming to Selymbria, and there understanding that P.
Villius and L. Terentius, having been sent by Titus, were
at Lysimachia, he hastened thither ; whither also came P.
Lentulus (another of the ten counsellors) from Bargillae, to
be present at the conference. Hegesianax and Lysias were
also there ; the same who had lately brought from Titus
those peremptory conditions, which the ambassadors present
shall expound unto their master. After a few days An
tiochus returned from his Thracian expedition. The meet
ing and entertainment between him and these Romans was
in appearance full of love. But when they came to treat of
the business in hand, this good mood was quite altered.
L. Cornelius, in two or three words, briefly delivered his
errand from Rome ; which was, that Antiochus had reason
to deliver back unto Ptolomy those towns of his whereof
he had lately gotten possession. Hereunto he added, and
that very earnestly, that he must also give up the towns of
late belonging unto Philip, and by him newly occupied:
for what could be more absurd, than such folly in the Ro
mans, as to let Antiochus enjoy the profit of that war,
wherein they had laboured so much, and he done nothing ?
Further, he warned the king, that he should not molest

676 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

those cities that were free ; and finally he demanded of him,
upon what reason he was come over with so great an army
into Europe ; for that other cause of his journey there was
none probable, than a purpose to make war upon the Ro
mans. To this the king made answer, that he wondered
why the Romans should so trouble themselves with think
ing upon the matters of Asia : wherewith he prayed them
to let him alone ; even as he, without such curiosity, suf
fered them to do in Italy what they thought good. As for
his coming over into Europe, they saw well enough what
business had drawn him thither ; namely, the war against
the barbarous Thracians, the rebuilding of Lysimachia,
and the recovery of towns to him belonging in Thrace and
Chersonesus. Now concerning his title unto that country,
he derived it from Seleucus, who made conquest thereof,
by his victory against Lysimachus. Neither was it so, that
any of the places, in controversy between him and the other
kings, had been still of old belonging to the Macedonians
or Egyptians; but had been seized on by them, or by
others from whom they received them, at such time as his
ancestors, being lords of those countries, were hindered by
multiplicity of business from looking unto all that was their
own. Finally he willed them, neither to stand in fear of
him, as if he intended ought against them from Lysimachia;
since it was his purpose to bestow this city upon one of his
sons, that should reign therein ; nor yet to be grieved with
his proceedings in Asia, either against the free cities, or
against the king of Egypt, since it was his meaning to make
the free cities beholding unto himself, and to join ere long
with Ptolomy, not only in friendship, but in a bond of near
affinity. Cornelius having heard this, and being perhaps
unable to refute it, would needs hear further what the am
bassadors of Smyrna and of Lampsacus, whom he had
there with him, could say for themselves. The ambassa
dors of Lampsacus being called in, began a tale, wherein
they seemed to accuse the king before the Romans, as it
were before competent judges. Antiochus therefore inter
rupted them, and bade them hold their peace ; forasmuch

CHAP. v. OF THE WORLD. 677

as he had not chosen the Romans, but would rather take
the citizens of Rhodes to be arbitrators between him and
them.

Thus the treaty held some few days without any likeli
hood of effect. The Romans, having not laid their com
plaints in such sort as they might be a convenient founda
tion of the war by them intended, nor yet. having purpose
to depart well satisfied, and thereby to corroborate the pre
sent peace, were doubtful how to order the matter, in such
wise as they might neither too rudely, like boisterous Gallo-
Greeks, pretend only the goodness of their swords, nor yet
overmodestly, to retain among the Greeks an opinion of
their justice, forbear the occasion of making themselves
great. The king, on the other side, was weary of these te
dious guests, that would take none answer, and yet scarce
knew what to say. At length came news, without any cer
tain author, that Ptolomy was dead. Hereof neither the
king nor the Romans would take notice, though each of
them were desirous to hasten into Egypt; Antiochus, to
take possession of the kingdom ; and L. Cornelius, to pre
vent him thereof, and set the country in good order. Cor
nelius was sent from Rome ambassador, both to Antiochus
and to Ptolomy; which gave him occasion to take leave,
and prepare for his Egyptian voyage. Both he and his fel
low ambassadors had good leave to depart all together ; and
the king forthwith made ready to be in Egypt with the
first. To his son Seleucus he committed his army, and left
him to oversee the building of Lysimachia ; but all his sea-
forces he took along with him, and sailed unto Ephesus.
Thence he sent ambassadors to T. Quintius, whom he re
quested to deal with him in this matter of peace after such
sort, as might stand with honesty and good faith. But, as
he was further proceeding on his voyage, he was perfectly
informed that Ptolomy was alive. This made him bear an
other way from Egypt ; and afterwards a tempest, with a
grievous shipwreck, made him, without any further attempt
on the way, glad to have safely recovered his port of Seleu-

678 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

cia. Thence went he to Antiochia, where he wintered ; se
cure, as might appear, of the Roman war.

But the Romans had not so done with him. During the
treaty at Lysimachia, (at leastwise not long before or after
it,) one of their ambassadors, that had been sent unto the
Macedonian, gave him counsel, as in a point highly tending
to his good, not to rest contented with the peace which was
granted unto him by the Romans, but to desire society
with them, whereby they should be bound to have the same
friends and enemies. And this he advised him to do quickly,
before the war brake out with Antiochus, lest otherwise he
might seem to have awaited some fit occasion of taking
arms again. They who dealt thus plainly did not mean
to be satisfied with weak excuses. In like manner some of
the Greeks were solicited ; and particularly the ^Etolians,
that constantly and faithfully they should abide in the
friendship of the people of Rome. It was needless to say
plainly whereto this entreaty tended ; the froward answer
made by the ^Etolians declares them to have well understood
the purpose. They complained, that they were not alike
honoured by the Romans after the victory as they had been
during the war: they that so complained were the most
moderate of them: others cried out, that they had been
wronged, and defrauded of what was promised unto them ;
upbraiding withal the Romans, as men to them beholding,
not only for their victory over Philip, but even for helping
them to set foot in Greece, which else they never could
have done. Hereto the Roman gave gentle answers ; tellT
ing them that there was no more to do than to send -ambas
sadors to the senate, and utter their griefs, and then should
all be well.

Such care took the Romans in Greece for their war in
tended against Antiochus. The fame hereof arriving at
Carthage, gave matter unto the enemies of Hannibal, where
with both to pick a thank of the Roman senate, and to
chase out of their city this honourable man, whom they so
greatly hated. He had of late exercised his virtue against

CHAP. v. OF THE WORLD. 679

them in the civil administration, and given them an over
throw or two in the long robe. The judges at that time
bore all the sway in Carthage, holding their places during
life, and having subject unto them the lives, goods, and
fame of all the rest. Neither did they use this their power
with moderation, but conspired in such wise together, that
whoso offended any one of them, should have them all to
be his enemies ; which being once known, he was sure to
be soon accused and condemned. In this their impotent
rule of the city, Hannibal was chosen pretor ; by virtue of
which office though he was superior unto them during that
year, yet had it not been their manner to bear much re
gard unto such an annual magistrate, as at the year's end
must be accountable to them, if ought were laid unto his
charge. Hannibal therefore sending for one of the ques-
tors, or officers of the treasury, to come and speak with
him, the proud questor set lightly thereby, and would not
come ; for he was of the adverse faction to Hannibal ; and
men of his place were to be chosen into the order of judges;
in contemplation whereof, he was filled already with the
spirit of his future greatness. But he had not to do with
such a tame pretor as were they that had occupied the
place before. Hannibal sent for him by a pursuivant ; and
having thus apprehended him, brought him into judgment
before a public assembly of the people. There he not only
shewed what the undutiful stubbornness of this questor had
been, but how unsufferable the insolency of all the judges
at the present was, whose unbridled power made them to
regard neither laws nor magistrates. To this oration when
he perceived that all the citizens were attentive and favour
able, he forthwith propounded a law, which passed with
the general good liking, that the judges should be chosen
from year to year, and no one man be continued in that office
two years together. If this law had been passed before he
passed over Iberus, it would not perhaps have been in the
power of Hanno to have brought him unto necessity of re_
forming another grievance concerning the Roman tribute.
This tribute the Carthaginians were fain to levy by taxa-

KALEGH, VOL. IV. Z Z

680 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

tion laid upon the whole commonalty, as wanting money in
their public treasury, wherewith to defray either that or
divers other needful charges. Hannibal considering this,
began to examine the public revenues, and to take a perfect
note, both how much came into the treasury, by ways and
means whatsoever, and in what sort it was thence laid out.
So he found, that the ordinary charges of the common
wealth did not exhaust the treasury; but that wicked ma
gistrates, and corrupt officers, turning the greatest part of
the monies to their own use, were thereby fain to load the
people with needless burdens. Hereof he made such plain
demonstration, that these robbers of the common treasure
were compelled to restore, with shame, what they had gotten
by knavery ; and so the Carthaginians were freed from the
necessity of making such poor shifts, as formerly they had
used, when they knew not the value of their own estate.
But as the virtue of Hannibal was highly commended by
all that were good citizens, so they of the Roman faction,
which had, since the making of the peace until now, little
regarded him, began to rage extremely, as being by him
stript of their ill-gotten goods, and ill-employed authority,
both at once, even when they thought themselves to have
been in full possession of the vanquished Carthage. Where
fore they sent letters to their friends at Rome ; wherein
they complained, as if the Barchine faction grew strong
again, and Hannibal would shortly be in arms. Question
less, if oppressing the city by injustice, and robbing the
treasury, were the only way to hold Carthage in peace with
Rome, these enemies to the Barchines might well cry out,
that having done their best already to keep all in quiet,
they saw none other likelihood than of war. But having
none other matter to allege than their own inventions, they
said, that Hannibal was like unto a wild beast, which would
never be tamed ; that secret messages passed between him
and king Antiochus ; and that he was wont to complain of
idleness, as if it were harmful to Carthage, with what else
to like effect they could imagine. These accusations they
directed not unto the senate; but addressing their letters

CHAP. v. OF THE WORLD. 681

craftily, every one to the best of his own friends at Rome,
and such as were senators, they wrought so well, that nei
ther public notice of their conspiracy was taken at Car
thage, nor the authority of the Roman senate wanting to
the furtherance of their malicious purpose. Only P. Scipio
is said to have admonished the fathers, that they should not
thus dishonourably subscribe, and become seconds to the
accusers of Hannibal, as if they would oppress, by suborn
ing or countenancing false witnesses against him, the man,
against whom in war they had not of long time prevailed,
nor used their victory in such base manner when they ob
tained it. But the Romans were not all so great-minded as
Scipio ; they wished for some such advantage against Han
nibal and were glad to have found it. Three ambassadors
they sent over to Carthage, C. Servilius, Q. Terentius, and
M. Claudius Marcellus, whose very names import sufficient
cause of bad affection to Hannibal. These having passed the
sea, were entertained by those that had procured their com
ing; and, being by them instructed how to carry them
selves, gave out, that they were sent to end some contro
versies between the Carthaginians and Masinissa. But
Hannibal had kept such good espial upon the Romans,
that he knew their meaning well enough, against which he
was never unprepared. It were enough to say, that he
escaped them by flight ; but in the actions of so famous a
man, I hold it not impertinent to rehearse the particula
rities. Having openly shewed himself, as was his manner,
in the place of assembly, he went forth of the town when it
began to wax dark, accompanied with two which were ig
norant of his determination, though such as he might well
trust. He had appointed horses to be in a readiness at a
certain place ; whence riding all night, he came to a tower
of his own by the sea-side. There had he a ship furnished
with all things needful, as having long expected the neces
sity of some such journey. So he bade Afric farewell, la
menting the misfortune of his country more than his own.
Passing over to the isle of Cercina, he found there in the
haven some merchant ships of Carthage. They saluted

z z 2

682 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

him respectively ; and the chief among them began to in
quire whither he was bound. He said, he went ambassa
dor to Tyre ; and that he intended there in the island to
make a sacrifice, whereunto he invited all the merchants and
masters of the ships. It was hot weather ; and therefore he
would needs hold his feast upon the shore, where, because
there wanted covert, he made them bring thither all their
sails and yards, to be used instead of tents. They did so,
and feasted with him till it was late at night ; at which time
he left them there asleep ; and putting to sea, held on his
course to Tyre. All that night, and the day following, he
was sure not to be pursued : for the merchants did neither
make haste to send any news of him to Carthage, as think
ing him to be gone ambassador ; neither could they, without
some loss of time, such of them as made most speed home
ward, get away from Cercina, being busied a while in fitting
their tackle. At Carthage, the miss of so great a person
was diversely construed : some guessed aright, that he was
fled ; but the more common opinion was, that the Romans
had made him away. At length came news where he had
been seen ; and then the Roman ambassadors, having none
other errand thither, accused him (with an evil grace) as a
troubler of the peace ; whereby they only discovered the mis
chief by them intended against him, and the malice of their
senate, missing the while their purpose, and causing men to
understand, that he fled not thus without great reason.

Hannibal coming to Tyre, the mother-city of Carthage,
was there entertained royally, as one in whose great worth
and honour the Tyrians, by reason of affinity between their
cities, thought themselves to have interest. Thence went
he to Antioch, and finding the king departed, visited his
son in Daphne ; who friendly welcomed him, and sent him
unto his father at Ephesus, that exceedingly rejoiced at his
coming.

As Antioch us had cause to be glad in that he had gotten
Hannibal, so had the Romans no great cause to be there
fore sorry, otherwise than as they had much disgraced them
selves, by discovery of their impotent malice, in chasing

CHAP. v. OF THE WORLD. 683

him thus out of his country. For it would not prove alike
easy unto this great commander, to make stout soldiers of
base Asiatics, as it had been, by his training and discipline,
to make very serviceable and skilful men of war of the
Spaniards, Africans, Gauls, and other nations, that were
hardy, though unexperienced. Or were it supposed, that
one man's worth, especially being so extraordinary, could
alter the nature of a cowardly people; yet was it there
withal considerable, that the vanities of Antiochus, the pride
of his court, the baseness of his flatterers, and a thousand
other such vexations, would be far more powerful in making
unprofitable the virtue of Hannibal, now a desolate and
banished man, than had been the villainy of Hanno and his
complices, hindering him in those actions wherein he had
the high command, and was seconded by his warlike bre
thren. Wherefore the name of this great Carthaginian
would only help to ennoble the Roman victory; or if it
further served to hearten Antiochus, and make him less
careful to avoid the war, then should it further serve to
justify the Romans in their quarrel. And it seems, indeed,
that it was no little part of their care to get a fair pretence
of making war. For Antiochus, as is said before, having
newly sent ambassadors to T. Quintius, requiring that the
peace might faithfully be kept, it was not probable that he
had any meaning to take arms, unless by mere violence he
were thereto enforced. Only the ^Etolians were greatly
suspected, as a turbulent people, desirous of innovation,
and therefore practising with this great king ; whom they
wished to see among them in Greece. In this regard, and
to appease them, they had of late been answered with gentle
words by one of the ten counsellors, that the senate would
grant them whatsoever with reason they should ask. But
this promise was too large and unadvised. For when their
ambassadors came to Rome, the senate would grant them
nothing ; but wholly referred them to T. Quintius, who fa
voured them least. Hereat they murmured, but knew not
how to right themselves, otherwise than by speaking such

zz 3

(584 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

words as might hasten the Romans out of Greece for very
shame, who had no desire to be thence gone.

The daily talk at Rome was of war with Antiochus ; but
in Greece, when the Romans would leave the country. For
the iEtolians were wont to upbraid the rest of the Greeks,
with the vain liberty which the Romans had proclaimed ;
saying, that these their deliverers had laid heavier fetters
upon them than formerly they did wear, but yet brighter
and fairer than those of the Macedonian : likewise, that it
was a gracious act of Titus, to take from the legs of the
Greeks their chain, and tie it about their necks. There was
indeed no cause of tarrying longer in Greece, if the Romans
had no other meaning than what they pretended. For
Philip had made no delay in accomplishment of that which
was laid upon him : all the towns of Greece were at liberty,
and the whole country at peace, both with the Romans and
within itself. As for Antiochus, he made it his daily suit,
that the peace between him and Rome, such as it was,
might be confirmed and strengthened by a league of more
assurance. Nevertheless, T. Quintius would needs fear that
Antiochus meant forthwith to seize upon Greece, as soon as
he and his army were thence departed. And in this regard
he retained still in his own hands Chalcis, Demetrias, and
the Acrocorinthus ; by benefit of which towns he might the
better withstand the dangerous invasion like to be made by
Antiochus. Suitable unto the doings of Quintius were the
reports of the ten ambassadors, that had been sent over to
assist him, when they returned back into the city. Antio
chus, they said, would questionless fall upon Greece ; wherein
he should find, not only the ^Etolians, but Nabis the tyrant
of Lacedaemon, ready to give him entertainment. Where
fore there was none other way than to do somewhat against
these their suspected enemies, especially against Nabis, who
could worst make resistance ; whilst Antiochus was far away
in Syria, and not intentive to his business. These reports
went not only current through the city, among the vulgar,
but found such credit with the chief of the senate, that in

CHAP. v. OF THE WORLD. 685

the following year, against which time it was expected that
Antiochus should be ready to take his great enterprise in
hand, P. Cornelius Scipio, the African, desired and obtained
a second consulship, with intention to be general in the
war against the king and his Hannibal. For the present,
the business with Nabis was referred unto Titus, to deal
with him as he thought good. This would be a fair colour
of his longer tarriance in Greece. Therefore he was glad
of the employment ; whereof also he knew that many of the
Greeks would not be sorry, though for his own part he
wanted all good pretence of taking it in hand . For Nabis
had entered into friendship with him, two or three years be
fore this, as is already shewed, whilst he had war with Phi
lip; and had further been contented for the Romans' sake
to be at peace with the Achaeans ; neither since that time
had he done any thing, whereby he should draw upon him
self this war. He was indeed a detestable tyrant, and hated
of the Achaeans ; as one that, besides his own wicked condi
tions, had formerly done to them great mischief. Titus
therefore had a plausible theme, whereon to discourse be
fore the embassages of all the confederate cities ; which he
caused to meet for that purpose at Corinth. He told them,
that in the war with Philip, not only the Greeks, but the
Romans themselves, had each their motives apart, (which
he there briefly rehearsed,) that should stir them up, and
cause them to be earnest. But in this which he now pro
pounded to them concerning Nabis, the Romans had none
other interest, than only the making perfect of their honour,
in setting all Greece at liberty ; which noble action was in
some sort maimed, or incomplete, whilst the noble city of
Argos was left in subjection to a tyrant that had lately
occupied it. It therefore belonged unto them, the Greeks,
duly to consider, whether they thought the deliverance of
Argos a matter worthy to be undertaken ; or whether other
wise, to avoid all further trouble, they could be well con
tented to leave it as it was. This concerned them, and not
the Romans ; who, in taking this work in hand, or letting it
alone, would wholly be ruled by the Greeks themselves.

z / 4

C86 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

The Athenian ambassador made answer hereunto very elo
quently, and as pleasing as he could devise. He gave
thanks to the Romans for what was past, extolled their
virtues at large, and magnified them highly in regard of
this their proposition ; wherein unrequested they freely made
offer to continue that bounty, which, at the vehement request
of their poor associates, they had already of late extended
unto the Greeks. To this he added, that great pity it was
to hear such notable virtues and high deserts ill spoken of by
some, which took upon them, out of their own imaginations,
to foretell what harm these their benefactors meant to do
hereafter: when as thankfulness rather would have required
an acknowledgment of the benefits and pleasures already re
ceived. Every one found the meaning of this last clause,
which was directly against the ^Etolians. Wherefore Alex
ander the ^Etolian rose up, and told the Athenians their
own ; putting them in mind of their ancient glory, in those
times when their city had been the leader of all Greece, for
defence and recovery of the liberty general ; from which
honour they were now so far fallen, that they became para
sites unto those whom they thought most mighty, and by
their base assentation would lead all the rest into servitude.
Then spake he against the Achaeans, clients that had been a
long time unto the Macedonian, and soldiers of Philip,
until they ran away from his adversity. These, he said, had
gotten Corinth, and must now have war be made for their
sakes, to the end that they might also be lords of Argos ;
whereas the ^tolians, that had first made war with Philip,
and always been friends unto the Romans, wrere now de
frauded of some places anciently to them belonging. Nei
ther did he thus contain himself, but objected unto the Ro
mans fraudulent dealing ; forasmuch as they kept their gar
risons in Demetrias, Chalcis, and the Acrocorinth, having
been always wont to profess, that Greece could never be at
liberty whilst those places were not free. Also now at last,
what else did they seek by this discourse of war with Nabis,
than businesses wherewith to find themselves occupied, that
so they might have some seeming cause of abiding longer

CHAP. v. OF THE WORLD. 687

in the country ? But they should do well, if they meant as
they spake, to carry their legions home out of Greece ;
which could not indeed be free, till their departure. As for
Nabis, the JEtolians themselves did promise, and would un_
dertake, that they would either cause him to yield to rea
son, and relinquish Argos freely, withdrawing thence his
garrison ; or else compel him by force of arms to submit
himself to the good pleasure of all Greece, that was now at
unity. These words had been reasonable, if they had pro
ceeded from better men. But it was apparent, that no re
gard of the common liberty wrought so much with these
^Etolians, as did their own ravenous desire of oppressing
others, and getting unto themselves, that worse would use
it, the whole dominion in Greece, which Philip had lost.
Neither could they well dissemble this ; making it no small
part of their grievance, that the old league was forgotten ;
wherein it had been covenanted, that the Romans should
enjoy the spoil of all, but leave the towns and lands in pos
session of the JEtolians. This, and the remembrance of
a thousand mischiefs by them done in former times, made
the whole assembly, especially the Achaeans, cry out upon
them ; entreating the Romans to take such order before
they went, that not only Nabis might be compelled to do
right, but the JEtolian thieves be enforced to keep home,
and leave their neighbours in quiet. All this was highly to
the pleasure of Titus ; who saw that, by discountenancing
the ^Etolians, he was become the more gracious with all the
rest. But whether it pleased him so well, that Antiochus's
ambassadors did presently after lie hard upon him, to draw
the peace to some good conclusion, it may be greatly doubted.
He cast them off with a slight answer ; telling them, that
the ten ambassadors, or counsellors, which had been sent
unto him from Rome to be his assistants in these matters of
weight, were now returned home ; and that, without them,
it was not in his power to conclude upon any thing.

Now concerning the Lacedaemonian war, it was very soon
ended. For Titus used the help of all his confederates ; and
made as great preparation against Nabis, both by land and

688 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

sea, as if he should have had to do with Philip. Besides
the Roman forces, king Eumenes with a navy, and the
Rhodian fleet, were invited to the service, as also Philip of
Macedon sent aid by land ; doing therein poorly, whether
it were to get favour of the Romans, or whether to make
one among the number in seeking revenge upon Nabis, that
had done him injury. But the most forward in this expedi
tion were the Achaeans, who set out ten thousand foot and
a thousand horse. As for the ^Etolians, rather to hold good
fashion, and sound their dispositions, than in hope to speed,
their help was required ; whereof they excused themselves
as well as they thought best. Thus are the Achaeans now
become the prime frierids of the Romans in Greece, having
removed the JEtolians from that degree of favour, like as
they themselves hereafter (though not in all haste) shall be
supplanted by the same Lacedaemonians, against whom they
are now marching. &

Some of the Argives, more bold than wise, began a con
spiracy against the Lacedaemonians that held their town,
meaning to open their gates unto the Roman : but ere Titus
drew near, they were all detected and slain, excepting a very
few that escaped out of the town. The fame of this com
motion caused the army to march apace toward Argos,
with hope to be there before things were at quiet. But
there was no stir within the walls ; the execution done upon
the first movers having terrified all the rest of the citizens.
Titus then thought it better to assail Nabis in the head of
his strength at Lacedaemon, than to consume time about
other places, especially at Argos, for the freedom whereof
since the war was made, pity it were that the calamities of
the war should thereon fall most heavily.

Nabis had in readiness an army of fifteen thousand,
wherewith to defend himself against these invaders. Five
thousand of them were mercenaries, the rest of his own
country, but such as were of all others the worst, as manu-
mised slaves, malefactors, and base peasants, unto whom
his tyranny was beneficial. Of the good and worthy citi
zens he stood in doubt ; and since he could not hope to win

CHAI>. v. OF THE WORLD. 689

their love, his meaning was to hold them quiet by fear. He
called them all to an assembly, and compassing them round
with his army, told them of the danger that was toward
him and them. If they could agree within themselves, they
might, he said, hope the better to withstand the common
enemy. But forasmuch as turbulent heads were invited by
light occasions to raise tumults and work dangerous treason,
it seemed unto him the safest, and (withal) the mildest course,
to arrest beforehand, and put in ward, all those whom he
found most reason to suspect. So should he keep them in
nocent perforce, and thereby preserve, not only the city and
his own person from danger, but them also from the pu
nishment which else they might have incurred. Hereupon
he cites and apprehends about fourscore of them, whom he
leads away to prison, and the next night puts them all to
death. Thus was he sure that they neither should offend
nor yet break looie. As for the death of them, if it should
happen to be noised abroad, what could it else do than ter
rify the people, who must thereby understand that it was
a mortal crime to be suspected ? And to the same purpose
his cruelty extended itself unto some poor wretches, whom
he accused of a meaning to fly to the enemy. These were
openly whipped through all the streets, and slain. Having
thus affrighted the citizens, he turned the more freely all his
thoughts toward the enemy, that came on apace. He wel
comed them with a sally, wherein, as commonly happens,
the soldiers of the town had the better at first, but were at
length repelled with loss* Titus abode not many days be
fore Sparta, but overran the country, hoping belike to
provoke the tyrant forth to battle. The Roman fleet at
the same time, with king Eumenes and the Rhodians, laid
siege unto Gyttheum, the only or principal haven-town that
Nabis had. Likely they were to have taken it by force,
when there appeared hope of getting it by treason. There
were two governors within the town equal in authority , where
of the one, either for fear, or desire of reward, had a pur
pose to let in the Romans : but the other, finding what was
in hand, and being somewhat more faithful, slew the traitor;

THE HISTORY BOOK v.

after whose death he himself alone made the better defence.
Yet when T. Quintius, with part of his army, came thither
to Gyttheum, this captain of the town had not the heart to
abide the uttermost, and await what either time or his master
might do for him, but was contented to give up the place ;
yet upon condition to depart in safety to Sparta with his
garrison. Pythagoras, the son-in-law of Nabis, and brother
unto his wife, was come from Argos, whereof he had the
government with a thousand soldiers, mercenaries, and two
thousand Argives ; it being (as may seem) the tyrant's pur
pose to relieve Gyttheum, which he thought would have held
longer out. But when they heard that it was lost, then
began they to think upon finishing the war by some rea
sonable composition. Pythagoras therefore was sent am
bassador to Titus, requesting only that he would appoint a
time and place for Nabis to meet and speak with him.
This was granted. In that parley the tyrant spake very
reasonably for himself, proving that he suffered wrong, and
had done none ; and that by many good arguments, where
of the sum was, that whatsoever they now did, or could ob
ject unto him, was of elder date than the league which they
had made with him. Whereupon he inferred, that neither
for his keeping the town of Argos, nor for any other cause
by them alleged, they ought to make war upon him, since
Argos, and all other their allegations whatsoever, had not
hindered them, in time of their more need of him, from
entering into that league with him, which was never broken
on his part, nor ought to be on theirs. But Quintius was
not herewith satisfied : he charged him with tyranny, and
gave instance, as easily he might, of divers barbarous cruel
ties by him committed. In all which points, forasmuch as
they knew this Nabis to be guilty before they made peace
and confederacy with him, it was expedient that some other
cause of this invasion should be alleged. Wherefore he said
further, that this tyrant had occupied Messene, a town
confederate with the Romans; that he had bargained to
join with Philip, when he was their enemy, not only in
league, but also in affinity ; and that his fleet had robbed

CHAP. v. OF THE WORLD. 691

many of their ships about the cape of Malea. Now touch
ing this piracy, since in the articles by Titus propounded
unto Nabis there was no restitution mentioned, other than
of ships by him taken from the Greeks his neighbours,
with whom he had long held war; it may seem to have
been objected only by way of compliment, and to enlarge
the volume of those complaints, that were otherwise very
frivolous. As for Messene, and the bargain of alliance
made with Philip, they were matters foregoing the league
that was made between the Romans and this tyrant, and
therefore not to have been mentioned. All this it seems that
Aristaenus, the pretor of the Achseans, very well perceived ;
who therefore doubting lest the Romans (that were wont to
talk so much of their own justice, honour, and faithful deal
ing) should now relent, and forbear to molest him, who,
though a wicked man, was yet their confederate, and had
never done them wrong, framed his discourse to another
end. He entreated Nabis to consider well of his own estate,
and to settle his fortunes, whilst he might do it without
hazard ; alleging the examples of many tyrants that had
ruled in the neighbour cities, and therein committed great
outrages, yet were afterwards contented to surrender their
estates, and lived in great security, honour, and happiness,
as private men. Thus they discoursed until night. The
next day Nabis was contented to relinquish Argos, and re
quested them to deliver unto him in writing their other
demands, that he might take counsel with his friends. The
issue of all was, that in regard of the charges, whereat the
confederates must be, for maintenance of an army to lay in
leaguer all that winter (as there was no hope of making
short work) before the city of Sparta, they ,were contented
to make peace with the tyrant, upon such conditions as
Titus should think meet. Besides the restitution of Argos,
and all the places thereon depending, Titus propounded
many other conditions to Nabis, and some of them very
grievous. He would not suffer the Lacedaemonian to have
ought to do in the isle of Crete, no, nor to make any con
federacies, nor war, either in that island or elsewhere ; not

692 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

to build any town or castle upon his own lands; riot to
keep any other shipping, than two small barks; besides
many other troublesome injunctions, with imposition of an
hundred talents in silver to be paid out of hand, and fifty
talents yearly, for eight years next ensuing. For observ
ance of these covenants he demanded five hostages, such
as he himself should name, and one of them to be the
tyrant's own son. If it had been the meaning of Titus to
withdraw the war from Nabis, because it was not grounded
upon justice, then had it been enough, if not more than
enough, to take Argos from him, which he himself did offer,
though it were for fear, to deliver up. But if it were
thought reasonable to dispense a little with the Roman faith,
in regard of the great benefit which thereby might redound
unto the state of their best friends in Greece, by the extir
pation of this tyranny, then should this enterprise, when
once it was taken in hand, have been prosecuted unto the
very utmost. As for this middle course which the Romans
held, as it was not honourable unto them to enrich them
selves by the spoil of one that had not offended them, nor
pleasing to the Achaeans, who judged it ever after a great
blemish to the noble acts of Titus ; so did it minister unto
the ^Etolians, and to such as curiously pried into the faults
of those which took upon them to be patrons of Greece, no
barren subject of malicious discourse. For since Philip, a
king, and descended of many famous kings, might not be
suffered by these masterly Romans to hold any one of those
countries or towns in Greece that had belonged unto his
ancestors, it was thought very strange that Laceda3inon,
once the most famous city among all the Greeks, was by
the same Romans left in possession of a tyrant, that had
usurped it but yesterday, and he therein rooted by their
authority, as their friend and confederate. Nabis, on the
other side, thought himself unmercifully dealt withal by
the selfsame Romans, whose amity he had preferred, in time
of a doubtful war, before the love and affinity of the Mace
donian king, that had committed the "city of Argos into his
hands. But falsely had he dealt with the Macedonian, and

CHAP. v. OF THE WORLD. 693

falsely was he dealt with by those to whom he did betake
himself. Among these articles propounded, there was no
thing that pleased him, save only that for the banished La
cedaemonians (of whom a great number were in the Roman
camp, having among them Agesipolis, the natural king of
Sparta, that being a young child was driven out by Ly-
curgus, the first of the tyrants) there was made no provision
to have them restored unto their city and estates, but only
leave required for as many of their wives, as would be so
contented, to live abroad with them in banishment. Where
fore he forbore to give consent unto these demands, and
sustained an assault or two, hoping belike that the enemies
would soon be weary. But his fearful nature shortly over
came the resolution which the sense of these injuries had
put into him. So yielding unto all that had been pro
pounded, he delivered the hostages, and thereupon obtained
peace, that was confirmed afterwards at Rome by the senate
and people. From this time forward he thought the *Ro-
mans more wicked than himself, and was ready upon the
first advantage to do them all mischief that he could.

The Argives had heard news that Lacedaemon was even
at point of being taken. This erected them, and gave them
heart to think upon their own good. So they adventured
to set upon the garrison, which was much weakened by the
remove of the three thousand carried thence by Pythagoras
to help the tyrant at Sparta. There needed unto their li
berty no more, than that all of them jointly should set their
hands to the getting of it, which no sooner they did, than
they obtained it. Presently after this came T. Quintius to
Argos, where he was joyfully welcomed. He was deserv
edly acknowledged as author of that benefit, whereon the
citizens had laid hold without staying for him : and that he
might the better entitle himself thereto, he caused the li
berty of the Argives to be proclaimed at the Nemaean games*
as ratifying it by his authority. The city was annexed
again to the council of Achaia, whereby the Achaeans were
not more strengthened, than the Argives themselves were

694

THE HISTORY

BOOK V.

secured from danger of relapse into the same extremities
out of which they had newly escaped.

After this, Titus found little business or none wherewith
to set on work his army in Greece. Antiochus was about
to send another embassage to Rome, desiring peace and
friendship of the senate. Things being therefore in appear
ance wholly disposed unto quiet, Scipio the African, that was
chosen consul at Rome, could not have his desire of being
sent commander into Greece. The unsincere meaning of An
tiochus, and the tumultuous disposition of the ^Etolians,
were held as considerations worthy of regard ; yet not suf
ficient causes of making war. Neither appeared there any
more honest way of confuting the ^Etolians, and of throughly
persuading all the Greeks (which was not to be neglected
by those that meant to assure unto themselves the patronage
of Greece) that the good of the country was their sole in
tent, than by withdrawing thence their legions, and leaving
the nation unto itself, till occasion should be ripe, and call
them over again. Wherefore after Titus had spent a winter
there, without any matter of employment, either found, or
at any near distance appearing, he called an assembly of
delegates from all parts of Greece to Corinth, where he
meant to bid them farewell. There he recounted unto
them all that had passed since his coming into those parts,
and willed them to value the Roman friendship, according
to the difference of estate, wherein the Romans found and
left them. Hereto he added some wholesome counsel, touch
ing the moderate use of their liberty, and the care which
they ought to have of living peaceably and without faction.
Lastly he gave up Acrocorinthus to the Achaeans, with
drawing thence the Roman garrison, and promising to do
the like (which very soon he did) at Chalcis and Demetrias,
that so it might be known what liars the ^Etolians were,
who had accused the Romans of a purpose to retain those
places. With joyful acclamations did the Greeks testify
their good liking of that which Titus had said and done ;
as also (at his request) they agreed to ransom and en-

CHAP. v. OF THE WORLD. 695

large all Romans that had been sold into their country by
Hannibal.

Thus Titus crowned his actions in Greece with an happy
end ; and, by leaving the country before his departure was
urged, left therein behind him the memory of his virtue
and benefits, untainted by jealousy and suspicion of any evil
meaning. At his coming to the city, he had the honour of
a triumph, which was the goodliest of all that Rome had
until that day beheld. Three days together the show of
his pomp continued, as being set out with the spoils of a
country more abundant in things worthy of such a specta
cle, than any wherein the Romans had before made war.
All sorts of arms, with statues and curious pieces of brass
or marble, taken from the enemy, were carried in the first
day's pageant. The second day was brought in all the
treasure of gold and silver ; some in the rude mass un-
wrought, some in divers sorts of coin, and some in vessels
of sundry kinds, that were the more highly prized by the
workmanship. Among these were ten shields, all of silver,
and one of pure gold. The third day Titus himself entered
the city in his triumphant chariot. Before him were carried
an hundred and fourteen crowns of gold, bestowed upon
him by divers cities. There were also led the beasts for
sacrifice ; the prisoners and the hostages, among which De
metrius the son of king Philip, and Armenes the son of
Nabis, were principal. After him followed his army, and
(which added much grace and good liking to the show) the
Roman captives, by his procurement redeemed from slavery
in Greece.

Not long after his triumph, he procured audience of the
senate for many embassages that were come out of Greece
and Asia. They had all very favourable answers, excepting
those of king Antiochus, whom the senate would not hear,
but referred over to T. Quintius and the ten that had been
his counsellors, because their business was said to be some
what intricate. Hereat the king's ambassadors wondered.
They said unto Titus and his associates^ that they could
not discern wherein consisted any perplexity of their mes-

RALEGH, VOL. IV. 3 A

696 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

sage; for all treaties of peace and friendship were either
between the victor and the vanquished; between those that,
having warred together, were upon equal terms of advan
tage ; or between those that had lived always in good agree
ment, without any quarrel. Unto the victor, they said, that
the vanquished must yield, and patiently endure the impo
sition of some covenants, that else might seem unreasonable.
Where war had been made, and no advantage gotten, there
was it usual to demand and make restitution of things and
places claimed, gotten or lost, accordingly as both parts
could agree. But between those which had never fallen
out, there ought no conditions of establishing friendship to
be proposed, since it was reasonable that each part should
hold their own, and neither carry itself as superior unto
the other, in prescribing ought that might be troublesome.
Now of this last kind was the league and friendship that
had been so long in conclusion betwixt Antiochus and the
Romans. Which being so, they held it strange that the
Romans should thus insist on points no way concerning
them, and take upon them to prescribe unto the king what
cities of Asia he should set at liberty, from what cities they
would give him leave to exact his wonted tributes ; either
putting or not putting his garrisons into them, as the senate
should think fit. Hereto Quiritius answered, that since
they went so distinctly to work, he would also do the like :
wherefore he propounded unto them two conditions, and
gave them their choice whether to accept ; either that it
should be lawful for the Romans to take part in Asia with
any that would seek their friendship, or, if king Antiochus
misliked this, and would have them forbear to meddle in
Asia, that then he should abandon whatsoever he had got
ten in Europe. This was plaindealing, but no reasonable
nor pertinent answer to that which the king's ambassadors
had propounded: for if the Romans might be hired to
abstain from Asia by the gift of all that Antiochus had
lately won in Europe, then did not the affairs of Smyrna,
Lampsacus, or any other Asiatics, whom they were pleased
to reckon as their confederates, bind them in honour to

CHAP. v. OF THE WORLD. 697

make war with a king that sought their love, and had
never done them injury. But they knew very well, that
Antiochus could not, without great shame, be so base as to
deliver up unto them the city of Lysimachia, whereon of
late he had been at so much cost in building it up even
from the foundations, and repeopling it with inhabitants
that had all been dispersed, or captive to the Barbarians.
And so much the ambassadors with great indignation al
leged, saying, that Antiochus desired friendship of the Ro
mans, but so as it might stand with his honour. Now in
point of honour, the Romans took upon them as if their
cause were far the superior. For it was, they said, their
purpose to set at liberty those towns which the king would
oppress and hold in subjection, especially since those towns
were of Greekish blood and language, and fell in that regard
under the patronage which Rome had afforded unto all
Greece besides. By this colour they might soon have left
Antiochus king of not many subjects on the hither side
of Euphrates. Neither did they forbear to say, that, un
less he would quit what he held in Europe, it was their
meaning not only to protect those which relied upon them
in Asia, but therein to make new alliances, namely, (as
might be understood,) with such as were his subjects.
Wherefore they urged his ambassadors to come to a point,
and tell them plainly which of these two conditions their
king would accept. For lack of a pleasing answer, which
the ambassadors could not hereto make, little wanted of
giving presently defiance to the king. But they suffered
themselves to be entreated, and were contented once again
to send over P. Villius, and others that had been already
with the king at Lysimachia, by whom they might receive
a final answer, whether these demands made by Quintius
and his associates would be accepted, yea or no. By this
respite of time, and the fruitless treaties ensuing, Antiochus
got the leisure of two years, or thereabouts, to prepare for
war, finding in the Romans, all that while, no disposition
to let him live in peace.

698 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

SECT. V.

Of the long wars which the Romans had with the Gauls, Ligu
rians, and Spaniards. Of M. Porcius Cato. Injuries done by
Masinissa to the Carthaginians, that sue to the Romans for jus-
tice in vain.

THE Insubrians, Boiians, and other of the Cisalpine
Gauls, together with the Ligurians, made often, and (in a
manner) continual war upon the Romans in Italy, even
from such time as Hannibal and his brother Mago departed
thence, until such times as they themselves were utterly sub
dued ; which was not before the Romans were almost at the
height of their empire. These nations, having served under
Mago for wages, and afterwards having gotten Amilcar, a
Carthaginian, to be leader unto them all, as hath been
already shewed ; by this their fellowship in arms, grew to
be such willing partakers each of other's fortune, that sel
dom afterwards either the Gauls or Ligurians did stir alone,
but that their companions, hearing it, were ready to second
them. How the Romans first prevailed, and got large pos
sessions in h Gallia Cisalpina, now called Lombardy, it hath
been long since rehearsed between the first and second
Punic wars. As also it hath since appeared, how they lost
the greatest part of their hold in that country by means of
HannibaPs passage there-through. Neither is it likely that
the reconquest would have been more difficult or tedious
unto the Romans, than was the first purchase ; if, besides
the greater employments which they had of their armies
abroad, their forces appointed unto this war had not been
distracted by the Ligurians ; that always made them to
proceed warily, having an eye to the danger at their backs.
The Ligurians were a stout nation, light and swift of body,
well practised in laying ambushes, and not discouraged with
any overthrow, but forthwith ready to fight again. Their
country was mountainous, rough, woody, and full of strait
and dangerous passages. Few good towns they had, but
many castles, exceedingly well fortified by nature ; so as
without much labour they could neither be taken nor be-
h Chap. 2. sect. 8. of this book.

CHAP. v. OF THE WORLD. 699

sieged. They were also very poor, and had little or no
thing that might give contentment unto a victorious army
that should spoil their land. In these respects they served
excellently well to train up the Roman soldiers to hard
ness and military patience; teaching them (besides other
exercises of war) to endure much, and live contented with a
little. Their quarrel to Rome grew partly from their love
unto the Gauls, their neighbours and companions ; partly
from their delight in robbing and spoiling the territory of
their borderers, that were subject unto Rome. But their
obstinate continuance in the war, which they had begun,
seems to have been grounded upon the condition of all sa
vages, to be friends or foes by custom, rather than by judg
ment; and to acknowledge no such virtue in leagues, or
formal conclusions of peace, as ought to hinder them from
using their advantage, or taking revenge of injuries when
they return to mind. This quality is found in all or most
of the West-Indians ; who, if they be demanded a reason of
the wars between them and any of their neighbours, use
commonly this answer, " It hath still been the custom for us
" and them to fight one against the other."

Divers overthrows, though none that were great, these
Ligurians gave unto the Romans; but many more, and
greater, they received. Often they sought peace, when
they found themselves in distress; and brake it again as
often, when they thought it profitable so to do. The best
was, that as their country was a good place of exercise unto
the Romans, so out of their own country they did little
harm ; not sending any great armies far from home, per
haps because they knew not how to make war, save on their
own ground.

The country of Spain, as it was the first part of the con
tinent out of Italy that became subject unto the Romans ;
so was it the last of all their provinces which was wholly
and throughly by them subdued. It is likened in figure by
some geographers unto an ox-hide ; and the Romans found
in it the pl-operty of that ox-hide, which Calanus the Indian
shewed unto the great Alexander, as an emblem of his large

3A3

700 THE HISTORY BOOK v..

dominions. For, treading upon any side of it, the further
parts would rise from the ground ; and thus was it with
Spain. Seldom did it happen, that those parts, from which
the Roman armies lay furthest, were not up in rebellion.
The Spaniards were a very hardy nation, and easily stirred
up to arms ; but had not much knowledge in the art of war,
nor any good captains. They wanted also (which was their
principal hinderance) good intelligence among themselves;
and being divided into many small seigniories, that had little
other communion than of language, they seldom or never
provided in general for the common good of their country ;
but made it their chief care, each of them to look unto their
own territory. Such private respects made them often to
fall asunder, when many had united themselves together
for chasing out of the Romans. And these were the causes
of their often overthrows ; as desire of liberty, rather than
complaint of any wrong done to them, was the cause of their
often taking arms.

The Carthaginians had been accustomed to make evacua
tion of this choleric Spanish humour, by employing, as mer
cenaries in their wars abroad, those that were most likely to
be unquiet at home. They had also taken soldiers from
one part of the country, and used them in another ; finding
means to pay them all out of the profits which they raised
upon the whole country, as being far better husbands, and
of more dexterity, than were the Romans in that kind. But
contrariwise the Romans, using the service of their own le
gions, and of their sure friends the Latins, had little busi
ness for the Spaniards, and therefore were fain to have
much business with them. Spain was too far distant, and
withal too great, for them to send over colonies thither,
whereby to hold it in good order, according to the course
that they took in Italy. Wherefore it remained, that they
should always maintain such armies in the country, as might
serve to hold it in obedience perforce; and such heedful
captains, as might be still ready to oppose the Barbarians in
their first commotion. This they did; and thereby held the
country, though seldom in peace.

.CHAP. v. OF THE WORLD. 701

Very soon after the departure of Scipio, there was raised
war in Spain against the Romans, even upon the same gene
ral ground that was the foundation of all the Spanish wars
following. It was thought unreasonable, that the Spaniards
should one while help the Carthaginians against the Ro
mans, and another while the Romans against the Cartha
ginians ; basely forgetting to help themselves against those
that were strangers, yet usurped the dominion over them.
But the forces which Scipio had left behind him in that
country, being well acquainted with the manner of war in
those parts, suppressed this rebellion by many victories;
and, together with subjection, brought peace upon the coun
try, which lasted five years. This victory of the Romans,
though it happily ended the war, yet left it still remaining
the cause of the war ; which after five years brake out again.
The Spaniards fought a battle with the Roman proconsul,
whom they slew ; and had a great victory, that filled them
with greater hopes. Yet the happy success of their wars in
Greece made the Romans think it enough to send thither
two pretors, and with each of them some two legions. These
did somewhat ; yet not so much, but that M. Porcius Cato,
who was consul the year following, and sent into that pro
vince, found at his coming little less to do, than the recon
quering of all Spain. But it fell out happily, that all the
Spaniards were not of one mind : some were faithful to
Rome, and some were idle beholders of the pains that others
took. Yet when Cato had won a great victory upon the
chief of them, they rose against him in many parts of the
country, and put him to much new trouble. Whilst he was
about to make a journey against those that were as yet un
subdued, some of the lately vanquished were even ready to
rebel. He therefore disarmed them ; which they took so
heavily, that many of them slew themselves for very grief.
Hearing of this, and well understanding that such despera
tion might work dangerous effects, he called unto him the
principal among them, and commending unto them peace
and quietness, which they never had disturbed but unto
their own great loss, he prayed them to devise what course

702 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

might be taken for holding them assured unto Rome, with
out further trouble. None of them could or would give
counsel in a matter of this nature. Having therefore talked
with them once or twice, and finding their invention barren
in this kind of subject ; he gave express charge, that upon a
day appointed they should throw down the walls of all their
towns. Afterwards he carried the war about from place to
place, and with singular industry finished it in short time.
Neither thought he it any disgrace to him or to Rome, in
this time of danger, to imitate the Carthaginians, and hire
an army of the Celtiberians against other of their country
men : excusing the indignity, such as it seemed, with a
jest, that if he were vanquished and slain, then should he
need to pay them nothing ; whereas if he had the victory, he
could pay them with the enemy's money. Finally, he
brought the war to so good end, that in long time after,
though Spain were often troublesome, yet was it in no dan
ger of being lost. He increased also the public revenues in
that province, by causing some mines of iron and silver to
be wrought, that had before lain unregarded. Herein he
did benefit the commonwealth by a virtue much agreeable
to his own peculiar disposition.

For this M. Cato was not only very notable in the art of
war, which might well be then termed the occupation of the
Romans ; but so well furnished with all other useful quali
ties, that very little was wanting in him, which might seem
requisite to the accomplishment of a perfect man. He was
very skilful in the Roman laws, a man of great eloquence,
and not unprofitable in any business either private or public.
Many books he wrote ; whereof the principal were, of the
Roman antiquities, and of husbandry. In matter of hus
bandry he was notable, and thereby most increased his sub
stance, being of mean birth, and the first of his house.
Strong of body he was, and exceeding temperate ; so as he
lived in perfect health to very old age. But that which
most commended him unto the better sort of the Romans,
was his great sincerity of life, abstinence from bribes, and
fashioning himself to the ancient laudable customs of the

CHAP. v. OF THE WORLD. 703

city. Herein he had merited singular commendations, if
the vehemency of his nature had not caused him to malign
the virtue of that noble Scipio the African, and some other
worthy men, that were no less honest than himself, though
far less rigid, and more gallant in behaviour. Otherwise he
was a very good citizen, and one of such temper, that he
could fashion himself to all occasions, as if he never were
out of his element. He loved business so well, or rather
hated vice so earnestly, that even unto the end of his life he
was exercised in defending himself, or accusing others. For
at the age of fourscore and six years, he pleaded in his own
defence ; and four years after, he accused Sergius Galba
unto the people. So began the nobility of Cato's family,
which ended in his great grandchild M. Cato the Utican ;
one that, being of like virtue and fervency, had all his good
purposes dashed, and was finally wearied out of his life, by
men of such nobility and greatness as this his ancestor had
continually vexed.

The Spanish wars, after Cato's departure out of the
country, though they were not very dangerous, yet were
they many, and the country seldom free from insurrection,
in one part or other. The Roman pretors therefore, of which
two every year were sent over commanders into Spain, (that
was divided into two governments,) did rarely fail of such
work, as might afford the honour of triumph. One slew
thirteen thousand Spaniards in a battle, another took fifty
towns, and a third enforced many states of the country to
sue for peace. Thus every one of them, or most of them,
did some laudable service ; yet so, that commonly there
were of men, towns, and people, new that rebelled, instead
of the old that were slain, taken, or reclaimed. At the
causes hereof I have already pointed ; and therefore think
it enough to say, that the business in Spain required not
the employment of a Roman consul, from such time as
Cato thence departed, until the Numantian war brake out,
which was very long after.

Ih all other countries to the west of the Ionian seas, the
Romans had peace ; but so had not the Carthaginians.

704 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

For when Hannibal was gone from them, and that the ene
mies of the Barchine house promised all felicity which Rome
could grant unto themselves and their obedient city, Ma-
sinissa fell to disputing with the sword about the title to
the best part of their lands. He began with Emporia, a
fruitful region about the Lesser Syrtis; wherein among
other cities was that of Leptis, which daily paid a talent
unto Carthage for tribute. This country the Numidian
challenged; and by winning some- part of it, seemed to
better his claim unto the whole. He had a great advantage,
for that the Carthaginians might not make any war, with
out leave obtained from their masters the Romans. They
had none other way of redress, than by sending to Rome
their complaint of his doings : and surely they wanted not
good matter to allege, if the judges had been unpartial.
For besides that Scipio, in limiting out unto them their
bounds, had left them the possession of this country, Ma-
sinissa himself, now very lately pursuing a rebel that fled
out of his kingdom, desired leave of the Carthaginians for
himself to pass through it in his way to Cyrene ; thereby
acknowledging (had it otherwise been questionable) that the
country was theirs. This notwithstanding, Masinissa had
wherewith to justify his proceedings, especially unto the
Roman senate. He gave the fathers to understand by his
ambassadors, what faithless people the Carthaginians were,
and how ill affected to the state of Rome. There had lately
been sent unto them from Hannibal one that should per
suade them to take part with Antiochus. This man they
had examined, upon some suspicion of his errand ; yet nei
ther arresting him nor his ship, had thereby afforded him
means to escape. Hence the Numidian concluded, that
certainly it was their purpose to rebel, and therefore good
policy to keep them down. As for the country of Empo
ria, it had always, he said, been theirs that were able to
hold it by strong hand ; and so belonged sometimes unto
the Numidian kings, though now of late it was in possession
of the Carthaginians. But if truth were known, the citi
zens of- Carthage had no very warrantable title unto any

CHAP. v. OF THE WORLD. 705

more ground than that whereon their city stood, or scarcely
to so much. For they were no better than strangers in
Afric, that had gotten leave there to build upon so much
ground, as they could encompass with an ox-hide cut into
small thongs. Whatsoever they held without such a com
pass, was purchased by fraud and wrongful encroachments.
This considered, Masinissa requested of the senate, that
they would not adjudge unto such usurpers the country
sometimes appertaining to the ancestors of him their assured
friend. The Romans having heard these allegations on
both sides, found the matter so doubtful, that they could
not on the sudden tell what to determine. Wherefore, be
cause they would do nothing rashly, they sent over three
ambassadors, of whom P. Scipio the African was one and
the chief, to decide the controversy ; yet secretly giving
them instructions to leave all as they found it, without
making any end one way or other. The ambassadors fol
lowed their directions, and left all doubtful. So was it
likely that Masinissa, with a strong army, should quickly
prevail against those that could no more than talk of their
right, and exclaim against the wrong. By such arts were
the Carthaginians held, not only from stirring in favour of
king Antiochus, if they had thereto any disposition; but
were prepared by little and little unto their final destruc
tion, that came upon them when the Romans had leisure
to express the utmost of their hatred.

706 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

SECT. VI.

The Mtolians labour to provoke Antiochus, Philip, and Nabis, to
war upon the Romans ; by whom they hold themselves wronged
and disgraced. Nabis besiegeth Gyttheum, and wasteth some
part of Achcea. The exact skill of Philopcemen in advantage of
ground, whereby he utterly vanquisheth Nabis. Antiochus, being
denied peace by the Romans, joins with the jfitolians. The
JEtolians surprise Demetrias, and, by killing Nabis their confe
derate, seize upon Sparta. But they are driven out by the citi
zens, who at Philopcemen's persuasions annex themselves to the
Achceans.

ALL Greece being at peace, and the Roman armies
thence departed, it grieved much the ^Etolians to think, that
they who had promised unto themselves the whole spoil
of Philip, and the highest reputation among the Greeks,
were not only disappointed of their covetous hopes, but
quite forsaken by their ancient dependants, and of all other
the most unregarded. Yet was there made a great access
to their estate, by adding much unto them of that which
had been taken from the Macedonian. This might have
well sufficed them, if their desires had not been immode
rate, and their indignation more vehement than their de
sire. But they were not so pleased with that which they
had, since they thought it no more than part of their due ;
as they were vexed with the denial of that which they
claimed, and with finding themselves to be wholly dis-
esteemedj wherein they thought that they had unsufferable
wrong. Wherefore they devised, in a parliament which
they shortly held, by what means they best might right
themselves, and give the Romans a sorrowful knowledge of
the difference between their enmity and friendship. To
this purpose they soon agreed, as concurring all in one
affection, that they would not only persuade Antiochus to
make war upon the Romans, as one to whom the Romans
had long refused peace ; but that they would deal with the
king of Macedon their ancient enemy, and with Nabis the
tyrant of Lacedaemon, to join all together in a new confede
racy ; whose joint forces could not in all likelihood but far

CHAP. v. OF THE WORLD. 707

surmount those of the Romans, Achseans, Rhodians, and
king Eumenes, with all that were of their faction. This was
a great enterprise which the ^Etolians took in hand, and well
beseeming them, for they were great darers. They sent am
bassadors to all these kings, with persuasions, as they thought,
most forcible. But Philip was irresolute, and Antiochus will
ing to try first all other courses. Nabis the Lacedaemonian,
who neither (as Philip) had lost much, nor (as Antiochus)
was in fear of any war, yet shewed himself of all other the
most forward ; and not staying so much as to seek any good
pretence, began immediately to lay siege to Gyttheum, that
had been lately taken from him by the Romans. The
Achseans, to whose care chiefly Titus at his departure had
commended the affairs of Peloponnesus, were not slow to
admonish Nabis of his duty ; neither would they have stayed
long from repressing his violence by open war, had not
some of them thought it wisdom to ask counsel of the Ro
mans, and particularly of T. Quintius, before they engaged
themselves in a business of such importance. Whilst thus
they spent the time in sending ambassadors, and were ad
vised by Quintius to let all alone, and to wait for the
coming of the Roman forces, that would shortly be amongst
them, Nabis was bold to give them juster cause of com
plaint, by wasting their own territory.

Philopcemen was then pretor of the Achseans, who had
long been absent in Crete, making war there for his mind's
sake and recreation. Unto him the Achseans referred them
selves, giving him leave to order the war at his pleasure ;
either staying until the Romans came, or doing otherwise,
as he should think best. He made all haste to relieve
Gyttheum by sea ; fearing lest th6 town, and the Achaean
garrison within it, should be lost, if he used any delay.
But Philopoemen was so bad a seaman, that he knew not a
strong ship from a rotten. He made a quadrireme galley
his admiral, that had fourscore years ago been counted a
gallant vessel in the navy of Antigonus Gonatas. Neither
was the rest of his fleet so good as might encounter with
that of the Lacedaemonian ; only it fell out well, that he

708 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

committed himself to a light pinnace, or brigandine, that
fought better with her wings than with her talons. For
his admiral galley was stemmed at the first; and, being
rotten with age, sprang so many leaks, and took in water so
fast, that she was fain to yield without further resistance.
When the rest of the fleet saw what was become of their
admiral, all were presently discouraged, and saved them
selves with what speed they could. But Philopremen was
not herewith daunted. If Jie had failed in sea-service, which
was none of his occupation, he said that he would make
amends by land. The tyrant withdrew part of his army
from the siege of Gyttheum, to stop the Achaeans, if they
should invade his country : but upon these, which were
placed in guard of Laconia, Philopoemen came inexpected,
fired their camp, and put all, save a very few of them, to
the sword. Then marched he with all his army towards
Laeeda3mon, within ten miles whereof he was, when the
tyrant met him, that had already taken Gyttheum. It was
not expected that Nabis would have been ready for -them so
soon : or if he should come from Gyttheum, with any part
of his forces, yet was it thought that he must overtake
them, and charge them in rear. They marched therefore,
almost securely, in a long troop reaching some five miles ;
having their horse, and the greatest part of their auxiliaries,
at their backs, to bear off any sudden impression. But Na
bis, who formerly understood, or at least suspected, what
course they would take, appeared in the front of them with
all his army, encamped there where they meant to have
lodged. It was the custom of Philopremen, when he walked
or travelled abroad with his friends, to mark the situation
of the country about him, and to discourse what might be
fall an army marching the same way. He would suppose,
that having with him there such a number of soldiers, or
dered and sorted in such manner, and marching towards
such a place, he were upon that ground encountered by a
greater army, or better prepared to the fight. Then would
he put the question, whether it were fit for him to hold on
his way, retire, or make a stand? what piece of ground it

CHAP. v. OF THE WORLD. 709

were meet for him to seize upon, and in what manner he
might best do it ? in what sort he should order his men,
where bestow his carriages, and under what guard ? in
what sort encamp himself, and which way march the day
following ? By such continual meditation he was grown so
perfect, that he never met with any difficulty, whence he
could not explicate himself and his followers. At this time
he made a stand ; and having drawn up his rear, he en
camped near unto the place where he was, within half a
mile of the enemy. His baggage, with all thereto belong
ing, he bestowed on a rock ; encompassing them round with
his soldiers. The ground was rough, the ways bad, and
the day almost quite spent, so as Nabis could not at the pre
sent greatly molest him. Both armies were to water at
one brook, whereto the Achaeans lay the nearer. This
watering therefore was like to minister the first occasion of
skirmish. Philopcemen understood this, and laid an am^
bush in place convenient ; whereinto the mercenaries of
Nabis fell, and were slaughtered in great numbers. Pre
sently after this, he caused one of his own auxiliaries to go
to the tyrant, as a fugitive, and tell him, that the Achaeans
had a purpose to get between him and Lacedaemon; whereby
they would both debar his return into the city, and withal
encourage the people to take arms for the recovery of their
freedom. The tyrant hearing this, marched hastily away ;
and left his camp, which hardly otherwise would have been
forced. Some companies he made to stay behind, and shew
themselves upon the rampart, thereby to conceal his depar
ture. But Philopcemen was not so to be beguiled: he
easily won the camp, and gave chase to Nabis ; whose fol
lowers, being overtaken, had no courage to turn about, and
make head. The enemies being thus dispersed, and fled
into woods, where they lay in covert all that day, Philo
pcemen conceived aright, that their fear and necessity would
teach them to creep homewards, and save themselves, when
it grew dark. Wherefore in the evening, when he had
gathered together all those of his light armature, which had
followed the chase whilst it was day, he led forth the rest

710 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

that had well refreshed themselves, and occupied the two
most ordinary passages unto Lacedaemon. So Nabis's men,
when it was dark night, perceiving in Philopcemen's camp
great store of lights, thought that all had been at rest,
and therefore adventured to make an escape home; but
they were so waylaid, that hardly one quarter of them got
into Sparta. Thirty days together after this did Philopoe-
men waste the country round about, whilst Nabis durst not
issue forth of his town ; and then returned home, leaving
the tyrant in a manner without forces.

The Roman ambassadors were then in Greece, and T.
Quintius among them, labouring to make their party strong
against Antiochus and Nabis, whom they knew to be soli
cited by the ^Etolians. Very fair countenance they also
made unto Philip; and with comfortable promises drew
him to make show, whatsoever he thought, of good cor
respondence. They promised to restore unto him his son ;
and were contented to let him hope that he should receive
other favours at their hands, and regain possession of many
places by them taken from him. Thus did the Romans
prepare for war against Antiochus in Greece, whilst their
ambassadors, that were with him in Asia, denied otherwise
to grant him peace, than if he would yield unto one of the
conditions by them so often propounded. The long ab
sence of this king in Syria, where he had accomplished the
marriage between Ptolomy and his daughter, together with
the death of young Antiochus the king's son, which hap
pened during the treaty, and hindered, or seemed to hinder
the king from giving audience in person to the ambassa
dors, caused them to return home to Rome as uncertain
of their answer as at their setting forth. One thing that
might have been, and partly was, beneficial unto them, they
brought to pass during their abode at Ephesus, either by
cunning or (as Livy rather thinks) by chance. Finding
Hannibal there, they discoursed often with him, and blamed
him for having thus fled unto Antiochus upon a causeless
suspicion wherein he held the Romans, that honoured his
virtue, and intended him no harm. Many have affirmed that

CHAP. v. OF THE WORLD. 711

P. Scipio was one of these ambassadors ; and that he, among
other discourses with Hannibal, demanded once, which,
of all the famous captains that had lived, Hannibal judged
the most worthy ? So Hannibal gave to Alexander of Ma-
cedon the first place, to Pyrrhus the second, and the third
he challenged unto himself. But Scipio, who thought his
own title better than that it ought to be so forgotten, asked
yet further, " What wouldest thou have said, then, Hanni-
" bal, if thou hadst vanquished me ?" To whom the Car
thaginian replied, " Then would not I have given the first
" place to Alexander, but have claimed it as due unto my-
" self." Now whether this were so, or otherwise, the often
and friendly conference of Hannibal with the Roman ambas
sadors made him suspected of Antiochus ; who therefore did
forbear a while to use his counsel. Yet afterwards, when Han
nibal perceived this change in the king, and plainly desiring
him to tell the cause thereof, heard what it was, he easily
recovered his former grace and credit. For he told how his
father had caused him to swear at the altars, when he was a
little boy, that he never should be friend unto the Romans.
Wherefore he willed the king not to regard any vain sur
mises ; but to know thus much, that as long as he thought
upon war with Rome, so long would Hannibal do him all
good service : whereas, contrariwise, if he intended to make
peace, then should it behove him to use the counsel of some
other man.

The ^Etolians and their friends were no less busy all this
while in making their party strong against the Romans,
than were the Romans in mustering up their friends in
Greece. They had so often dealt with Antiochus, vaunt
ing much of their own forces, and arrogating to them
selves the honour of the victory against Philip, that finally
they prevailed with him ; especially when the Roman am
bassadors had left him without hope of peace, unless he
would buy it at too dear a rate. They dealt in like sort
with the Macedonian ; but in vain. He understood the Ro
mans and himself too well. Wherefore it concerned them
to improve their own forces to the utmost, as knowing

RALEGH, VOL. IV. 3 B

712 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

that all the burden must lie upon Antiochus and them
selves, without help from any, save only from some few
that were discontented in Greece. Whilst they were about
this, and had with them an ambassador of the king An
tiochus that animated them to resolution, the Athenian
ambassadors, whom Titus had requested to be at their meet
ing, stayed their vehemency a little, by exhorting them not
to conclude rashly, without first hearing the Romans, that
lay near at hand. For want of a ready answer hereto, they
were contented to approve the motion. Titus hearing this,
thought the business worthy of his presence : for since An
tiochus had now declared himself against the Romans, it
would be no small piece of service to withdraw from his
friendship those, by whose encouragement he had made the
adventure. Wherefore he came to their pancetolium, or
great assembly of the nation, where he forgot nothing that
might serve to appease them. He willed them to consider
the weight of the enterprise which they took in hand,
whereby Greece was like to become a champaign field, on
which, to the ruin of the country, the Romans and king
Antiochus, that commanded no small part of the world,
should fight for the mastery ; the ^Etolians, as masters in
that kind of fence, setting them on, and becoming the
sticklers^. As for those grievances which did thus exasperate
them, and urge them to such violent courses, he willed
them to consider how slight they were, and how much
better they might do, to send ambassadors to Rome, that
should either plead their right in the senate, or (if their
right unto the places which they claimed were not good)
make request to have what they desired, than thus to set
the world in an uproar, and be afterwards the first that
should repent it. But what he said, or could say, it skilled
not much : they had already done ill to make the ambas
sador of the king, whose help they had sought, wait so long
for an answer, and stay doubting what good end they should
make with the Romans. Neither was it news unto them to
hear those comfortable words, that, by sending to Rome,

1 Liv. 1.35. admistis ^Etolis j forte, lanistis.

CHAP. v. OF THE WORLD. 713

they might happen to obtain what they desired, either as
their right, or else by way of favour ; for with such terms
had they been feasted once already, and were by the senate
rejected unto Titus ; who, having it in his own power, gave
them no satisfaction, yet would now again refer them to the
senate. This were only loss of time, and might abate their
credit with Antiochus. Wherefore without more ado they
made a decree, that king Antiochus the Great should be
entreated to come over into Greece, as well to set the coun
try at liberty, as also to decide the controversies depending
between the Romans and ^Etolians. Such a decree they
would not have made, had they not understood the king's
mind before. Having made it, they forgot no point of
bravery whereby to vaunt themselves to the king's ambas
sadors, and against the Romans. Titus desired of their
pretor to let him see a copy of this new decree. The pre-
tor answered, that then he had other things to do ; but that
this decree, and their further answer, they would shortly
let him know, if he came to their camp in Italy upon the
river of Tibris. Gentler words would have done better, as
the ^Etolians are like to understand hereafter ; but, having
thus begun, they meant henceforth to go roundly to work.
The care of the war they referred unto the more private
council of their nation, that no occasion might slip in wait
ing for the authority of a general assembly. The apocleti
(so were the privy cotmcil of ^Etolia called) went as hotly
to work as any of the youngest heads could have done.
They laid a plot how to get into their hands at one time the
towns of Chalcis, Demetrias, and Sparta ; to each of which
they sent men for the purpose. Demetrias they took upon
the sudden, entering, some of them, as friends to conduct
home a principal man of the city, who, for speaking words
against T. Quintius, had been driven to fly thence, but was,
by intercession of those that loved him, again recalled. His
^Etolian companions, that were not many, seized upon a
gate ; whereat they let in a troop which they had left not
far behind them ; and so fell to murdering the chief of the
Roman faction. At Chalcis they sped not so well : thi-

3s 2

714 THE HISTORY BOOKV.

ther also they had a banished man to bring home; but
they came so strong, that their purpose was discovered,
and the town prepared to defend itself against them. Being
therefore demanded the cause of this hostility, they gave
a gentle answer; saying, that they came not thither as ene
mies, but only to deliver the town from the Romans, who
more insolently domineered over it than ever the Mace
donians had done. By such rhetoric they prevailed no
more than they could do by plain force : for the townsmen
replied, that they neither found any abridgment of their
liberty, nor needed any garrison to keep them from the
Romans ; from whom they neither feared any danger, nor
received injury. So this business was dashed. The attempt
upon Sparta was more strange and desperate : Nabis, their
good friend, was lord of the town, styling himself king;
but, more truly, by all men called tyrant. He had well-near
lost all, by means of the overthrow which Philopcemen had
lately given him ; since, he durst not stir abroad, and daily
expected the mischief that on all sides threatened him.
Wherefore he sent messengers, one after other, to the
^Etolians, requesting them, that as he had not been slow to
stir in their behalf, but adventured himself upon the utmost
of danger, when all others were backward ; so they would
be pleased to send him what help they might, since his bad
fortune had caused him presently to need it. It hath been
often said, that the ravenous ^Etolians were only true to
themselves, and regarded neither faith nor friendship other
wise than as it might conduce to their own ends : and so
dealt they now. For since Nabis's mercenary forces, which
upheld his tyranny, were in a manner consumed, they
thought it expedient for their estate to put him out of the
way ; and, by so doing, to assure Lacedaemon unto them
selves. To this purpose, they sent thither Alexamenus,
one whom they thought a man fit for such a work. To him
they gave a thousand foot and thirty horse, chosen for the
purpose. These thirty were by Damocritus, the pretor,
brought into the council of the apocleti, where they were
commanded to be no wiser than they should be, nor to

CHAP. v. OF THE WORLD. 715

think that they were sent to make war with the Achaeans,
or to do ought else, save only what Alexamenus should
command them ; which were it never so desperate,pand in
seeming against all reason, yet must they understand, that
unless they performed it, they should have no good wel
come home. So Alexamenus came to the tyrant, whom he
encouraged with brave words ; telling him, that Antiochus
was already in Europe, and would be anon in Greece,
meaning to cover all the land and sea with his mighty
armies ; and that the Romans were like to find other man-
ner of work than of late with Philip ; since the elephants of
this great king, without other help, would suffice to tread
them down. As for the ^Etolians, he said, that if need
should so require, they would presently send away to La-
cedaemon all the forces that they could raise ; but that they
were very desirous, at the present, to make as goodly a muster
as they could before the great king ; which caused them to
send him thither afore with no greater company. Here
upon he willed Nabis to take heart, bring forth his men,
that had been long pent up in the city, and train them
without the walls ; as if shortly he should employ them in
work of conquest rather than defence. Nabis was glad of
this; and daily exercised his men in the field, riding up
and down with his Alexamenus, and no more than three or
four horse about him, from one point to another, to order
and behold them. During this time of exercise, Alexa
menus made it his fashion to step aside alone to his ^Eto-
lians, and say somewhat as he thought fit ; which done, he
still returned again to Nabis. But when he saw time for
the great work that he had in hand, he then went aside to
his thirty horsemen, and bade them remember the task en
joined them at their setting forth ; telling them, that they
were all in case of banished men, unless they would anon
come up to him, and help him to finish that which they
should see him take in hand. Herewithal the tyrant be
gan to draw near them ; and Alexamenus, making towards
him, charged him on the sudden, and struck him down :
the thirty JEtolians never stood to deliberate upon the

716 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

matter ; but all flew in, and, before any succour could ar
rive, had made an end of this wretched Nabis. Presently
upon the fact committed, the tyrant's mercenaries ran unto
the dead body, where, instead of seeking revenge, they
stood foolishly gazing as beholders. Alexamenus with his
JEtolians hasted into the city, and seized on the palace;
where he fell to ransacking the treasure, and troubled him
self with none other care, as though all were already done.
Such of his followers as were dispersed in the town, did
also the like, with the greater indignation of the citizens ;
who, seeing themselves free by the death of the tyrant,
could not endure to see those that had slain him begin to
tyrannize anew. Wherefore all the town was shortly in
arms; and for lack of another captain, they took a little
boy of the royal stock, that had been brought up with
Nabis's children, whom they mounted upon a good horse,
and made him their chief. So they fell upon the ^tolians
that were idly straggling about, and put them all to the
sword; Alexamenus, with not many of his company, were
slain in keeping the citadel; and those few that escaped
thence into Arcadia were taken by the magistrates, who
sold them all as bondslaves. In this doubtful estate of
things at Lacedaemon, Philopremen came thither; who,
calling out the chief of the city, and speaking such words
unto them as Alexamenus should have done after he had
slain the tyrant, easily persuaded them, for their own good
and safety, to incorporate themselves with the Achaeans;
thus by the enterprise, no less dishonourable than difficult,
of the ^Etolians, and the small but effectual travail of Phi-
lopcemen, the Achaeans made a notable purchase ; and La
cedaemon, that had hitherto been governed either by kings,
or by tyrants that called themselves kings, became the
member of a commonwealth, whereof the name had scarce
any reputation when Sparta ruled over all Greece.

CHAP. v. OF THE WORLD. 717

SECT. VII.

Antiochus, persuaded by Thoas the JEtolian, comes over into Greece
ill attended. Sundry passages between him, the JEtolians, Chal-
cidians, and others. He wins Chalcis, and thereby the whole isle
of Eubcea. The vanity of the king's ambassadors and the JEto-
lians, with the civil answer of Titus to their discourse before the
Ach&ans. That it concerned the Greeks to have desired peace
between the Romans and Antiochus as the best assurance of their
own liberty. Of many petty estates that fell to the king. Of
Aminander ; and an idle vanity, by which king Philip was lost.
Hannibal gives good counsel in vain. Some towns won in Thes-
saly. The king retires to Chalcis, where he marrieth a young wife,
and revels away the rest of winter. Upon the coming of the Ro
man consul all forsake Antiochus. He with two thousand JEto-
lians keeps the straits of Thermopylae. He is beaten, and Jlies
into Asia; leaving all in Greece unto the victors.

ANTIOCHUS was troubled much in Asia with Smyrna
and Lampsacus, that would not hearken to any composi
tion. He thought it neither safe nor honourable to leave
them enemies behind him ; and to win them by force was
more than hitherto he was able. Yet was he desirous with
all speed convenient to shew himself in Greece, where he
had been told that his presence would effect wonders. It
was said, that in all the country there was a very small
number which bore hearty affection unto the Romans;
that Nabis was already up in arms ; that Philip was like a
bandog in a chain, desiring nothing more than to break
loose ; and that the ^Etolians, without whom the Romans
had done nothing, nor nothing could have done, were
ready to confer upon him the greatness which they had un
worthily bestowed upon insolent Barbarians. Of all this,
the least part was true. Yet that which was true made
such a noise, as added credit unto all the rest. Whilst there
fore the king was thinking to send Hannibal into Afric,
there to molest the Romans, and so give him the better
leisure of using his own opportunities in Greece, Thoas
the Jlltolian came over to him, and bade him lay all other
care aside ; for that his countrymen had already taken De-

SB 4

718 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

metrias, a town of main importance, that should give him
entertainment, whence he might proceed as became the
greatness of his virtue and fortune. This did serve to cut
off all deliberation. As for Hannibal, Thoas was bold to
tell the king, first, that it was not expedient for him to di
vide his forces at such a time, when the very reputation of
his numbers, brought into Greece, might serve to lay open
unto him all places, without need of using violence; and
secondly, that in any such great enterprise there could not
be chosen a more unfit man to be employed in the king's
service than was that famous Hannibal the Carthaginian :
for, he said, that the king should as greatly feel the loss of
a fleet or army, perishing under such a notable commander,
if his fortune were bad, as if the same had miscarried under
one of meaner quality ; whereas nevertheless, if Hannibal
prevailed, Hannibal alone should have all the honour, and
not Antiochus. In this regard he was of opinion, that such
a renowned warrior should be always near unto the king's
person, to give advice ; which being followed as often as it
was found commodious, the good success would wholly re
dound unto the honour of him that had the sovereign com
mand, even of the king himself. Antiochus gladly heark
ened unto this admonition, being jealous of the virtue that
shined brighter than the majesty of his own fortune. And
thereupon he laid aside the determination which tended
more to the advancement of his desires than did any thing
else by him then or after thought upon.

Presently after this, he made ready for Greece. Before
his setting forth, in a frivolous pomp of ceremony, he went
up from the sea- side to Ilium, there to do sacrifice to Mi
nerva of Troy. Thence passing over the ^Egean sea, he
came to Demetrias. Eurylochus the Magnesian, the same
whom the ^Etolians had lately waited on home, when by
that pretext they won Demetrias, was now the chief man
and ruler of his nation : he therefore with his countrymen,
in great frequency, came to do their duties to the king An
tiochus, and bid him welcome. The king was glad of this,
and took it as a sign of good luck to be so entertained at the

CHAP. v. OF THE WORLD. 719

beginning. But it may be suspected, that the Magnesians
found not the like cause of joy : for whereas they had ex
pected a fleet and army somewhat like to that of Xerxes ;
they saw three hundred ships, of which no more than forty
were serviceable for the wars ; with an army of ten thou
sand foot, five hundred horse, and six elephants. The JEto-
lians no sooner heard of his coming, than they called a par
liament, and made a decree, whereby they invited him into
their country. He knew before that they would so do,
and was therefore well onward on his way towards them
when they met him that brought the decree. At his com
ing to Lamia, the ^Etolians gave him as joyful entertain
ment as they could devise. Being brought into their coun
sel, he made an oration, wherein he desired them to hold him
excused, that he came not followed with a greater army.
This was, he said, in true estimation a sign of his good
will, in that he stayed not to make all things ready, but
hasted unto their aid, even whilst the season was unfit for
navigation. Yet it should not be long, ere the hope of all
those which had expected him would be satisfied unto the
full : for it was his meaning to fill all Greece with armies,
and all the sea-coast with his fleets. Neither would he spare
for any charge, travail, or danger, to follow the business
which he had undertaken, even to drive the Romans and
their authority out of Greece, leaving the country free in
deed, and the jEtolians therein the chief. Now as the ar
mies that were following him should be very great ; so was
it his meaning, that all provisions to them belonging should
be correspondent, because he would not be any way bur
densome unto his confederates. But at the present he must
needs entreat them, having thus hastily come over unto
their aid, unprovided of many necessaries, that they would
help him with corn and other victuals, whereof he stood in
need. So he left them to their consultation: the conclusion
whereof was, after a little dispute, (for a vain motion was
made by some, that the differences between the Romans and
them should be put by compromise to the decision of An-
tiochus,) that they would yield unto the king's desire, and

720 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

assist him with all their forces. Here we may observe, how
vain a thing it is for an absolute prince to engage himself,
as did Antiochus, in a business of dangerous importance,
upon the promised assurance of a state that is merely po
pular : for if the vehemency of Thoas, and some other of
that faction, had not prevailed in this council, the ^Etolians,
for gain of two or three towns, yea, for hope of such gain
that might have deceived them, were like to have aban
doned this king their friend unto the discretion of the Ro
mans. And what remedy had there been, if this had so
fallen out ? he could have bemoaned himself to Thoas, and
complained of the wrong; but he must have been con
tented with this answer ; that the fault was in those of the
opposite side, whom Thoas would therefore have pro
nounced to be very wicked men. It happened much better
for the present, though in the future it proved much worse,
both for him and for the ^Etolians. He was chosen general
of all their forces ; and thirty commissioners were appointed
to be about him, as a council of war for the nation. These
armed such as readily they could, whilst it was in dispute
where they should begin the war. Chalcis was thought the
meetest place to be first undertaken ; whither if they came
suddenly, they should not peradventure need to use much
force. The king had brought with him into Mtolia but a
thousand foot, leaving the rest behind him at Demetrias.
With these he hasted away directly toward Chalcis, being
overtaken by no great number of the ^Etolians, which ac
companied him thither. At his coming, the magistrates,
and some of the chief citizens, issued forth to parle with
him. There the ^Etolians began, as they had lately done
before, to tell how the Romans had only in words and false
semblance set Greece at liberty : but such liberty, as might
be true and useful, they said, would never be obtained, un
til, by removing the necessity of obeying their pleasure that
were most mighty, every several estate had where to find
redress of any pressure. And to this end was the great An
tiochus come thither ; a king well able to counterpoise, yea
to overweigh the Romans ; who nevertheless desired them

CHAP. v. OF THE WORLD. 721

only, so to join with him in league, as that if either the
Romans or he should offer them wrong, they might keep
it in their power to seek redress at the other hands. The
Chalcidians made hereto the same answer, which, to the like
allegations, they had made not long before : that their free
dom was not imaginary, but absolute, for which they were
to thank the Romans, without whose good liking they
would enter into no new confederacy. That which they
spake of themselves, they could likewise affirm of all the
Greeks ; forasmuch as none of them payed any tribute, was
kept under by any garrison, or lived otherwise than by
their own laws, and without being tied unto condition which
displeased them. Wherefore they wondered why the king
should thus trouble himself to deliver cities that were al
ready free. But since he and the jEtolians requested their
friendship, they besought both him and the ^Etolians to do
a friendly office, in departing from them quietly, and leav
ing them in such good case as they were. With this answer
the king departed ; for he was not, as then, strong enough
to force them. But very soon after he brought thither a
greater power, which terrified them, and made them yield
before all the succours could arrive, which Titus had sent
for their defence.

The chief city of Eubcea being thus gotten, all the rest
of the island shortly yielded to Antiochus. Four or five
hundred Roman soldiers, that came over-late to have de
fended Chalcis, reposed themselves at Delium, a little town
of Bceotia, lying over-against the island, where was a temple
and grove, consecrated unto Apollo, that had the privilege
of an inviolable sanctuary. In this place were some of them
walking, and beholding the things there to be seen, whilst
others were busied as they found cause, without fear of any
danger, as being in such a place, and no war hitherto pro
claimed. But Menippus, one of Antiochus's captains, that
had wearied himself in many vain treaties of peace, took ad
vantage of their carelessness, and used them with all ex
tremity of war. Very few of them escaped; fifty were
taken, and the rest slain. Hereat Quintius was grieved ;

THE HISTORY BOOK v.

yet so as it pleased him well to consider, that his Romans
had now more just cause than before to make war upon the
king.

Antiochus liked well these beginnings, and sent ambas
sadors into all quarters of Greece, in hope that his reputa
tion should persuade very many to take his part. The
wiser sort returned such answer as the Chalcidians had
done. Some reserved themselves until he should come
among them ; knowing, that either, if he came not, he must
hold them excused for not daring to stir ; or, if he came, the
Romans must pardon their just fear, in yielding to the
stronger. None of those that lay far off joined with him
in true meaning, save the Eleans, that always favoured the
u^Etolians, and now feared the Achaeans. Little reason
there was, that he should think to draw the Achaeans to his
party. Nevertheless he assayed them, upon a vain hope
that the envy which Titus was said to bear unto Philopoe-
men's virtue, had bred a secret dislike between that nation
and the Romans. Wherefore both he and the JEtolians
sent ambassadors to the council at JEgium, that spared not
brave words, if the Achaeans would have so been taken.
The king^s ambassador told of great armies and fleets that
were coming, reckoning up the Dahans, Medians, Eli-
maeans, and Cadusians, names that were not every day heard
of, and therefore, as he thought, the more terrible. Then
told he them what notable men at sea the Sidonians, Ty-
rians, Aradians, and Pamphylians were, such indeed as
could not be resisted. Now concerning money, and all
warlike furniture, it was, he said, well known, that the
kingdoms of Asia had always thereof great plenty. So as
they were much deceived, who, considering the late war
made against Philip, did think that this with Antiochus
would prove the like \ the case was too far different. Yet this
most powerful king, that for the liberty of Greece was come
from the utmost parts of the east, requested no more of the
Achaeans, than that they would hold themselves as neutral,
and quietly look on, whilst he took order with the Romans.
To the same effect spake the ^Etolian ambassador, and fur-

CHAP. v. OF THE WORLD. 723

ther added, that in the battle at Cynoscephalae, neither
Titus had done the part of a general, nor the Romans of
good soldiers ; but that both he and his army had been there
destroyed, had they not been protected by virtue of the
^Etolians, which carried the day. Titus was present at the
council, and heard all this, to which he made as fit answer
as could have been desired. He told the Achaeans, that
neither the king^s ambassador nor the ^Etolian did so
greatly labour to persuade those unto whom they addressed
their orations, as to vaunt themselves the one unto the other.
So as a man might well discern what good correspondence
in vanity it was, that had thus linked the king and the
JEtolians together. For even such brags as here they made
before the Achaeans, who knew them to be liars, had the
^Etolians also made unto king Antiochus ; proclaiming the
victory over Philip to be merely their act, and the whole
country of Greece to be dependant on them . Interchangeably
had they been feasted by the king with such tales as his
ambassador told even now, of Dahans, and Aradians, and
Elimaeans, and a many others, that were all but a company
of Syrians, such as were wont to be sold about for bond
slaves, and good for little else. These diverse names of
rascal people were, he said, like to the diversity of venison
wherewith a friend of his at Chalcis (no such vaunter as
were these ambassadors) had some time feasted him. For
all that variety, whereat he wondered, was none other, as
his host then merrily told him, than so many pieces of one
tame swine, dressed after several fashions, with variety of
sauces. Setting therefore aside this vanity of idle pomp, it
were good to make judgment of the great king by his pre
sent doings. He had, notwithstanding all this great noise,
no more than ten thousand men about him, for which little
army he was fain, in a manner, to beg victuals of the JEto-
lians, and take up money at usury to defray his charges.
And thus he ran up and down the country, from Demetrias
to Lamia, thence back to Chalcis, and, being there shut out,
to Demetrias again. These were the fruits of lies ; where
with since both Antiochus and the ^Etolians had each de-

724 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

luded other, meet it was that they should, as perhaps already
they did, repent, whilst wiser men took heed by their ex
ample. To a favourable auditory much persuasion is need
less. The Achaeans did not love so well the ^Etolians, as
to desire that they should become princes of Greece ; but
rather wished to see them, of all other, made the veriest
abjects. Wherefore they stood not to hearken after news,
what Antiochus did, how he sped in Euboea, or what other
cities were like to take his part, but readily proclaimed war
against him and against the ^Etolians.

How the hatred between these two nations grew invete
rate sufficiently appears in the story foregoing. Now have
they gotten each their patrons, the one the Romans, the
other king Antiochus. Herein did each of them unwisely ;
though far the greater blame ought to be laid on the tur
bulent spirits of the ^Etolians. For when the Romans de
parted out of Greece, and left the country at rest, there was
nothing more greatly to have been desired, than that they
might never find occasion to return with an army thither
again. And in this respect ought the Greeks to have
sought, not how Smyrna and Lampsacus might recover
their liberty, (which had never been held a matter worth re
garding, until now of late,) but how the powers of the east
and west, divided and kept asunder by their country, as
two seas by an isthmus, or neck of land, might be kept from
overflowing the bar that parted them. Neither had the
Romans any better pretence for their seeking to make free
those base Asiatics, which originally were Greekish, than
the general applause wherewith all the nation entertained
this their loving offer. Yet were Lysimachia, and the towns
in Thrace, lately gotten by Antiochus, pretended as a very
great cause of fear, that should move them to take arms
even in their own defence. But if all Greece would have
made intercession, and requested that things might continue
as they were, promising jointly to assist the Romans with
their whole forces both by land and sea, whensoever king
Antiochus should make the least offer to stir against them ;
then had not only this quarrel been at an end, but the Ro-

CHAP. v. OF THE WORLD. 725

man patronage over the country had been far from grow
ing, as soon after it did, into a lordly rule.

The Achaeans were at this time, in a manner, the only
nation of Greece that freely and generously declared them
selves altogether for the Romans, their friends and bene
factors. All the rest gave doubtful answers of hope unto
both sides ; or if some few, as did the Thessalians, were
firm against Antiochus, yet helped they not one another in
the quarrel, nor shewed themselves his enemies, till he pressed
them with open force. The Boeotians willingly received him
as soon as he entered upon their borders, not so much for
fear of his power, as in hatred of Titus and the Romans, by
whom they had been somewhat hardly used. Aminander the
Athamanian, besides his old friendship with the ^Etolians,
was caught with a bait ; which it may be doubted whether
he did more foolishly swallow, or Antiochus cast out. He
had married the daughter of an Arcadian, that was an idle-
headed man, and vaunted himself to be descended from
Alexander the Great, naming his two sons, in that regard,
Philip and Alexander. Philip, the elder of these brethren,
accompanied his sister to the poor court of Athamania;
where, having made his folly known by talking of his pedi
gree, he was judged by Antiochus and the ^Etolians a man
fit for their turns. They made him believe, that in regard
of his high parentage, and the famous memory of Alexan
der his forefather, it was their purpose to do their best for
the conquest of Macedon to his behoof, since no man had
thereto so good title as he. But for the enabling of them
hereunto, it behoved him to draw Aminander to their party,
that so they might the sooner have done with the Romans.
Philip was highly pleased herewith, and by persuasions of
himself or of his sister effected as much as they desired.
But the first piece of service done by this imaginary king,
(whether it proceeded from his own phrensy, in hope to
get love of the Macedonians, that should be his subjects,
or whether from some vanity in king Antiochus, that em
ployed him,) wrought more harm to his friends than he and
Aminander were able to do good. There were two thou-

726 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

sand men committed to his leading, with which he marched
unto Cynoscephalae, there to gather up the bones of the
slaughtered Macedonians, whom their king had suffered all
this while to lie unburied. The Macedons troubled not them
selves to think on this charitable act, as if it were to them
any benefit at all ; but king Philip took it in high indigna
tion, as intended merely unto his despite. Wherefore he
presently sent unto the Romans, and gave them to under
stand that he was ready with all his power to aid them
whereinsoever they should be pleased to use him.

The ^Etolians, Magnesians, Eubceans, Boeotians, and
Athamanians, having now all joined with him, Antiochus
took counsel of them about the prosecution of the war in
hand. The chief question was, whether it were meet for
him to invade Thessaly that would not hearken to his per
suasions, or whether to let all alone until the spring, be
cause it was now mid-winter. Some thought one thing,
and some another, confirming each his own sentence with
the weightiest reasons which he could allege, as in a matter
of great importance. Hannibal was at this meeting, who
had long been cast aside as a vessel of no use, but was now
required to deliver his opinion. He freely told the king,
that what he should now utter was even the same which
he would have spoken, had his counsel at any time before
been asked since their coming into Greece. For the Mag
nesians, Boeotians, and other their good friends, which now
so willingly took their parts, what were they else than so
many poor estates, that, wanting force of their own, did ad
join themselves, for fear, unto him that was strongest at
the present, and would afterwards, when they saw it expe
dient, be as ready to fall to the contrary side, alleging the
same fear for their excuse ? Wherefore he thought it most
behoveful to win king Philip of Macedon unto their party,
who (besides that being once engaged he should not after
wards have power to recoil, and forsake them at his plea
sure) was a mighty prince, and one that had means to sus
tain the Roman war with his proper forces. Now that
Philip might be easily persuaded to join with them, the be-

CHAP. v. OF THE WORLD. 727

nefit likely to redound unto himself by their society was
a very strong argument ; though indeed what need was
there of proving by inference the likelihood of this hope ?
For, said he, " these JEtolians here present, and namely
" this Thoas, being lately ambassador from them into Asia,
" among other motives which he then used to excite the king
" unto this expedition,, insisted mainly on the same point.
" He told us, that Philip was moved beyond all patience
" with the lordly insolence of the Romans, likening that
" king to some wild beast, that was chained or locked up
" within some grate, and would fain break loose. If this
" be so, 'let us break his chain, and pull down the grate,
" that he may regain his liberty, and satisfy his angry
" stomach upon those that are common enemies to us and
" him. But if it prove otherwise, and that his fear be
" greater than his indignation, then shall it behove us to
" look unto him, that he may not seek to please his good
" masters, the Romans, by offending us. Your son Seleucus
" is now at Lysimachia, with part of your army ; if Philip
" will not hearken to your embassage, let Seleucus be in
" readiness to fall upon Macedon, and find him work to
" defend his own on the other side, without putting us here
" to trouble. Thus much concerning Philip, and the pre-
" sent war in Greece. But more generally for the ma-
" naging of this great enterprise, wherein you are now em-
" barked against the Romans, I told you my opinion at
" the beginning, whereto had you then given ear, the Ro-
" mans by this time should have heard other news, than
" that Chalcis in Eubrea was become ours. Italy and Gaul
" should have been on fire with war, and, little to their
" comfort, they should have understood, that Hannibal was
" again come into Italy : neither do I see what should
" hinder us even now from taking the same course. Send
" for all your fleet and army hither, (but in any case let
" ships of burden come along with them, loaden with store
" of victuals ; for as the case now stands, we have here too
" few hands and too many mouths.) Whereof let the one half
" be employed against Italy, whilst you in person with the

RALEGH, VOL. IV. 3 C

728 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

" other half, tarrying on this side the Ionian sea, may both
" take order for the affairs of Greece, and therewithal
" make countenance, as if you were even ready to follow
" us into Italy ; yea, and be ready to follow us indeed, if it
" shall be requisite. This is my advice ; who, though per-
" haps I am not very skilful in all sorts of war, yet how to
" war with the Romans, I have been instructed by long
" experience, both to their cost and mine own. Of this
" counsel, which I give, I promise you my faithful and di-
" ligent service for the execution ; but what counsel soever
" you shall please to follow, I wish it may be prosperous."
Many were pleased with the great spirit of the man, and
said he had spoken bravely ; but of all this was nothing done,
save only that one was sent into Asia, to make all things
ready there. In the mean while they went in hand with
Thessaly, about which they had before disputed. There
when they had won one town by force, many other places,
doubting their own strength, were glad to make submission.
But Larissa, that was chief of the country, stood out, not
regarding any terrible threats of the king, that lay before
the walls with his whole army. This their faith and courage
was rewarded by good fortune : for M. Baebius, a Roman
propretor, did send help thither. Likewise Philip of Ma-
cedon professed himself enemy unto Antiochus, whereby
the fame of the succour coming to Larissa grew such, as
wrought more than the succour could have done, had it
arrived. For Antiochus perceiving many fires on the
mountains' tops afar off, thought that a great army of Ro
mans and Macedonians had been coming upon him. There
fore excusing himself by the time of the year, he brake up
his siege, and marched away to Chalcis. At Chalcis he fell
in love with a young maiden, daughter unto a citizen of the
town ; whom, without regard of the much disproportion that
was between them, both in years and fortune, he shortly
married, and so spent the winter following as delightfully
as he could, without thinking upon the war in hand. His
great men and captains followed his example, and the
soldiers as readily imitated their captains; in such wise,

CHAP. v. OF THE WORLD. 729

that when he took the field he might evidently perceive
in what loose manner of discipline his army had passed the
winter. But M. Acilius Glabrio, the Roman consul, shall
meet him very shortly, and help him to reclaim them from
this looseness of nuptial revels, by setting them to harder
exercise.

M. Acilius was chosen consul with P. Cornelius Scipio
Nasica. The war against Antiochus fell to him by lot,
whereas otherwise he was no way so honourable as Nasica
his colleague, unto whom fell a charge of far less credit and
importance. Nasica, besides the great nobility of his fa
mily, had been long since, in time of the Punic war,
crowned with the title of the best man in Rome : when the
senate, for very fear and superstition, durst not have so
pronounced him, had they not so thought him, as being
commanded by oracle, that none other man than the very
best should entertain an old stone, which the Devil then
taught them to call the mother of the gods. But no preroga
tive of birth, virtue, or good opinion, gave such advantage
to the better man, as to make choice of his own province,
or arrogate more unto himself, than his lot should afford
him. This unpartial distribution of employments helped
well to maintain peace and concord. P. Scipio therefore
was appointed to make war against the Boiians, wherein he
purchased the honour of a triumph, nothing so glorious as
was that of his colleague, though purchased with harder
service, requiring the more ability in matter of war. But
M. Acilius went over into Greece with ten thousand foot,
two thousand horse, and fifteen elephants. Ptolomy king
of Egypt, notwithstanding his late alliance with king An
tiochus, and Philip king of Macedon, had lately sent am
bassadors to Rome, making offer to come each of them in
person with all his forces into JEtolia, there to assist the
consul in this war. Ptolomy sent also gold and silver to
ward the defraying of charges, as one that meant none other
than good earnest. But he was too young, and dwelt too
far off. So his money was returned unto him with thanks,
and his loving offer as lovingly refused. Unto Philip's

3c 2

730 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

ambassadors answer was made, that this his friendly offer
was gratefully accepted, and that the senate and people of
Rome would think themselves beholding to him for the as
sistance that he should give to Acilius the consul. Masi-
nissa likewise, and the Carthaginians, did strive which of
them should be most forward in gratifying the Romans.
Each of them promised a great quantity of grain, which
they would send partly to Rome, partly to the army in
Greece. And herein Masinissa far outwent the poor city
of Carthage, as also in that he offered to lend the consul
five hundred horse and twenty elephants. On the other
side, the Carthaginians undertook to set out a fleet at their
own charges, and to bring in at one payment all the tribute-
money which was behind, and ought to be discharged by
many yearly pensions. But the Romans did neither think
it good to let them arm a fleet, nor would let them redeem
themselves out of tribute, by paying all at once. As for the
corn, it was accepted with condition that they should be
contented to receive the price of it.

The hasty and ridiculous issue of this war, that began
with such noise and preparations, were hardly credible,
were not the difference exceeding great between the Roman
and the Asiatic soldier. Antiochus had gotten this spring
a few towns of Acarnania, after the same manner as he had
prevailed in other parts of Greece, partly by fair words, and
treason of the rulers; partly by terror, that was like to
prove their excuse, when they should again forsake him.
But king Philip and Bsebius having recovered many places,
and the Roman consul being arrived, against whom none
made resistance, he was glad to withdraw himself. Ami-
nander fled out of his Athamania, which the Macedonian
took and enjoyed, as in recompense of his good service to
the Romans. Philip, the brother of Aminander's wife,
was taken by the consul, made a mocking stock, and sent
away prisoner to Rome. The Thessalians used much more
diligence in returning to their old friends, than they had
done in yielding to the king. All their cities, one after
other, gave up themselves ; the garrisons of Antiochus, com-

CHAP. v. OF THE WORLD. 731

pounding only for their own lives, and departing unarmed ;
yet so, that a thousand of them stayed behind, and took
pay of the Romans. "This did wonderfully perplex Anti-
ochus ; who, having withdrawn himself to Chalcis, and hear
ing how things went, cried out upon his friends, and said,
that they had betrayed him. He had taken a great deal
of toil during one half of a winter, and spent the other half
in such nuptials as were little to his honour ; after which, in
time of need, he found all the promises of the ^Etolians
merely verbal, and himself reduced into terms of great ex
tremity. He therefore admired Hannibal as a wise man,
yea a very; prophet, that had foreseen all this long before.
Nevertheless he sent word to the ^tolians, that they should
now make ready all their forces, as considering their own
need to be no less than his. But the ^Etolians had cause
to think, that they themselves were shamefully disap
pointed by Antiochus, who, having promised to do great
wonders, was in all this while seconded by no greater num
bers out of Asia than so many as would fill up the same
ten thousand which he first brought over. Yet came there
some of them, though fewer than at any time before, which
joined with him. Hereat the king was angry, and could
get no better satisfaction, than that Thoas and his fellows
had done their best, in vain, to have made all the nation
take arms. Since therefore neither his own men came over
to him out of Asia, nor his friends of Greece would appear
in this time of danger, he seized upon the straits of Ther-
mopyla3, as meaning to defend them against the Romans,
until more help should come. Of the straits of Thermo
pylae there hath been spoken enough m before, upon many
occasions ; and then chiefly when they were defended by
Leonidas against the huge army of Xerxes. Wherefore it
may easily be conceived how the Romans, that landed about
Apollonia, and so came onwards into Thessaly, were unable
to pass that ledge of mountains, dividing the one half of
Greece, unless they could win this difficult entrance. But
there was great difference between Leonidas and Antiochus.
•» Lib. 3. ch. 6. §.3.
3c3

732 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

The former of these, with an handful of men, defended
this passage two or three days together, against a world of
men coming to invade the country. The latter, having
taken upon him to do great miracles, and effect what he
listed himself in Greece, did commit himself unto the safety
of this place, when he was charged by not many more than
he had in his own army. There whilst he lay, he sent
earnest messages one after other to the ^Etolians, entreating
them not to forsake him thus, but at leastwise now to help,
and keep the tops of the mountains, lest the Romans, find
ing any bypath, should come down upon him. By this im
portunity he got of them two thousand, that undertook to
make good the few passages, by which only, and not with
out extreme difficulty, it was possible for the enemy to
ascend. The Roman consul in like sort prepared to force
the straits, without staying to expect king Philip, that was
hindered by sickness from accompanying him. He had
with him M. Porcius Cato and L. Valerius Flaccus, that
had both of them been consuls. These he sent forth by
night with two thousand men, to try whether by any means
they could get up to the ^Etolians. He himself encouraged
his army, not only by telling them with what base-condi
tioned enemies they had to deal, but what rich kingdoms
Antiochus held, that should bountifully reward them, if
they were victors. This was on the day before the battle.
All that night Cato had a sore journey, (for what happened
unto L. Valerius it is uncertain, save only that he failed in
his intent,) and so much the worse, for that he had no skil
ful guide. Seeing therefore his men exceedingly tired with
climbing up steepy rocks and crooked ways, he commanded
them to repose themselves, whilst he, being a very able
man of body, took in hand the discovery, accompanied with
no more than one of like mettle to himself. After a great
deal of trouble, he found at length a path, which he took
to be, as indeed it was, the best way leading unto the ene
mies. So thither he brought his men, and held on the same
path till toward break of day. It was a place not haunted,
because in time of peace there was a fair way through the

CHAP. v. OF THE WORLD. 733

straits below, that required no such trouble of climbing ;
neither had this entrance of the Thermopylae been so often
the seat of war, as might cause any travellers to search out
the passages of those desolate mountains. Wherefore the
way that Cato followed, though it were the best, yet did it
lead him to a bog at the end, which would suffer him to
pass no further. So he stayed there until daylight, by
which he discovered both the camp of the Greeks under
neath him, and some of the ^Etolians very near unto him,
that were keeping watch. He therefore sent forth a lusty
crew of his men, whom he thought fittest for that service,
and willed them by any means to get him some prisoners.
This was effected, and he thereby understood that these
^Etolians were no more than six hundred ; as also that king
Antioehus lay beneath in the valley. So he presently set
upon the JStolians, overthrew them, slew a great part of
them, and chased the rest, that by flying to their camp
guided him unto it. The fight was already begun between
the armies below ; and the Romans, that had easily repelled
the king's men, and driven them into their camp, found it
in a manner a desperate piece of work to assault the camp
itself, which occupied the whole breadth of the straits, was
notably fortified, and not only defended by Antiochus's
long pikes, which were best at that kind of service, but by
archers and slingers, that were placed over them on the hill
side, and poured down a shower of weapons on their heads.
But Cato's approach determined the matter. It was
thought at first that the ^Etolians had been coming to
help the king's men ; but when the Roman arms and ensigns
were discovered, such was the terror, that none made offer
of resistance, but all of them forsook the camp, and fled.
The slaughter was not great, for that the badness of the
way did hinder the Roman army from making pursuit :
yet this day's loss drave Antioehus out of Greece, who di
rectly fled to Chalcis, and from thence, with the first op
portunity, got him back into Asia.

All the cities that had embraced the friendship of Anti
oehus prepared forthwith to entertain the Romans, and

3c4

734 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

entreat for pardon ; setting open their gates, and present
ing themselves unto the consul, in manner of suppliants.
Briefly, in few days all was recovered that Antiochus had
gained, the ^Etolians only standing out, because they knew
not what else to do. Neither did the consul give them any
respite. At his return from Chalcis, he met with king Phi
lip, that, having recovered health, came to join with him
against Antiochus, over whom since the victory was already
gotten, he did gratulate unto the Romans their good suc
cess, and offered to take part with them in the ^Etolian
war. So it was agreed that the consul should besiege He-
raclea and Philip Lamia, at the same time. Each of them
plied his work hard, especially Philip, who fain would have
taken Lamia before the consul should come to help him :
but it could not be ; for his Macedonians that used to work
by mine were overmuch hindered by the stony ground.
Yet was Lamia even ready to be taken, when the consul,
having won Heraclea, came thither, and told Philip that
the spoil of these towns was a reward unto those that had
fought at Thermopylae. Herewith Philip must be con
tented, and therefore went his way quietly. But Acilius,
that could so ill endure to see Philip in likelihood of thriv
ing by the Romans1 victory, got not Lamia himself, until
such time as another consul was ready to ease him of his
charge.

The loss of Heraclea did so affright the ^Etolians, that
they thought no way safer than to desire peace. Yet had
they sent unto king Antiochus presently after his flight,
entreating him not to forsake them utterly, but either to
return with all those forces which he had purposed to bring
into Greece, or if any thing withheld him from coming in
person, at leastwise to help them with money and other aid.
They prayed him to consider, that this did not only concern
him in honour, but appertained unto his own safety, since
it would be much to his hurt, if the ^Etolians, being wholly
subdued, the Romans, without any enemies at their backs,
might set upon him in Asia. He considered well of this,
and found their words true. Therefore he delivered unto

CHAP. v. OF THE WORLD. 735

Nicander, one of their ambassadors, a sum of money that
might serve to defray the charges of the war, promising
that ere long he would send them strong aid, both by land and
sea. Thoas, another of their ambassadors, he retained with
him, who willingly stayed, that he might urge the king to
make his word good. But when Heraclea was taken from
them, then did the ^Etolians lay aside all hope of amending
their fortune by the help of Antiochus, and made suit unto
the consul to obtain peace, upon any reasonable condition.
The consul would scarce vouchsafe to give them audience,
but said he had other business in hand, only he granted
them ten days of truce, and sent L. Valerius Flaccus with
them to Hypata, willing them to make him acquainted with
as much as they would have delivered unto himself. At
their coming to Hypata, they began, as men favouring their
own cause, to allege how well they had deserved of the
Romans. Whereto Flaccus would not hearken. He told
them plainly, that the memory of all such good offices past
was quite obliterated by the malice which they had shewed
of late; wherefore he willed them to acknowledge their
fault, and to entreat pardon. Better they thought to do so
even betimes, than to stay till they were reduced into terms
of more extremity. Hereupon they agreed to commit
themselves unto the faith of the Romans, and to that effect
sent ambassadors to the consul. This phrase of " commit-
" ting unto the faith," signified, in their use of it, little else
than the acknowledgment of a fault done, and the craving
of pardon. But the Romans used those words in another
sense, and counted them all one as " "yielding to discretion."
Wherefore, when the consul heard them speak in this man
ner, he asked them whether their meaning were agreeable
to their words. They answered that it was, and shewed
him the decree of their nation, lately made to this purpose.
Then said he, " I command you first of all, that none of ye
" presume to go into Asia, upon any business private or
" public ; then, that ye deliver up unto me Dicasarchus the
66 JEtolian, Menestratus the Epirot, Aminander the Atha-

11 Legat. excerpt, e Polyb. 13.

736 THE HISTORY BOOKV.

" manian, and such of his countrymen as have followed him
" in revolting from us." Whilst he was yet speaking, Pha-
meas the ambassador interrupted him, and prayed him not
to mistake the custom of the Greeks, who had yielded
themselves " unto his faith, not unto slavery." " What !"
said the consul, " Do ye stand to plead custom with me,
" being now at my discretion ? Bring hither a chain." With
that, chains were brought, and an iron collar by his appoint
ment fitted unto every one of their necks. This did so af
fright them, that they stood dumb, and knew not what to
say. But Valerius and some others entreated the consul
not to deal thus hardly with them, since they came as am
bassadors, though since, their condition was altered. Pha-
meas also spake for himself, and said, " that neither he, nor
" yet the apocleti, or ordinary council of the nation, were
" able to fulfil these injunctions, without approbation of the
" general assembly." For which cause he entreated yet fur
ther ten days respite, and had granted unto him truce for
so long.

This surceasance of war, during ten and other ten days
together, began presently after the taking of Heraclea, when
Philip had been commanded away from Lamia, that else he
might have won. Now because of the indignity herein of
fered unto that king, and to the end that he might not re
turn home with his army, like one that could not be trusted
in employment, especially the Romans being like hereafter
to have further need of him, in the continuance of this war;
he was desired to set upon the Athamanians, and some other
petty nations their borderers, whilst the consul was busy
with the JEtolians, taking for his reward all that he could
get. And he got in that space all Athamania, Perrhcebia,
Aperantia, and Dolopia. For the ^Etolians, hearing what
had befallen their ambassadors, were so enraged, that al
though they were very ill provided for war, yet they could
not endure to hear more talk of peace. And it happened,
that Nicander about the same time was come back from
Antiochus, with money and hopeful promises, the Romans
abiding still about Heraclea, and Philip having lately risen

CHAP. v. OF THE WORLD. 7S7

from before Lamia, yet not being far gone thence. His
money Nicander conveyed into Lamia, by very unusual
dexterity. But he himself being to pass further to the as
sembly of the ^Etolians, there to make report of his embas-
sage, was very much perplexed about this his journey,
which lay between the Roman and Macedonian camps.
Yet he made the adventure, and keeping as far as he could
from the Roman side, fell upon a station of Macedonians,
by whom he was taken, and led unto their king. He ex
pected no good, but either to be delivered unto the Romans,
or used ill enough by Philip. But it seems that the king
had not hitherto concocted well the indignity of his being
sent away from Lamia : for he commanded his servants to
entreat Nicander friendly, and he himself being then at sup
per, did visit him as soon as he rose up, giving him to un
derstand, that the ^Etolians did now reap the fruits of their
own madness, forasmuch as they could never hold them
selves contented, but would needs be calling strangers into
Greece. They had pleased themselves well, in their ac
quaintance first with the Romans, and then with king An-
tiochus ; but himself, being their neighbour, they could never
well endure. It was now therefore, he said, high time for
them to have regard unto his friendship, whereof hitherto
they had never made any trial ; for surely their good affec
tion, one unto the other, would be much more available
unto each of them, than their mutual catching of advantages,
whereby they had wrought themselves much displeasure.
Thus much the king willed Nicander to signify unto his
countrymen, and privately to hold in mind the courtesy
which he then did him, in sending him safe home. So giv
ing him a convoy to guard him to Hypata, he lovingly dis
missed him. For this benefit, Nicander was always after
dutifully affected to the crown of Macedon, so as in the war
of Perseus he made himself suspected unto the Romans ;
and therefore was had away to Rome, where he ended his
life.

When the consul understood that the ^Etolians refused
to make their submission, in such wise as he required it, he

738 THE HISTORY JJOOK v.

forthwith meant to prosecute the war against them, without
any longer forbearance. They were preparing to make
head against him at Naupactus, whither he therefore di
rectly marched, to try what they could or durst. The siege
of Naupactus was of greater length than the Romans had
preconceived it j for it was a strong city, and well manned.
But Acilius stood upon point of honour, wherein he thought
that he should have been a loser, by rising from before it
without victory. So he stayed there well near all the fol
lowing time of his consulship, whilst the Macedonian king
and the Achaeans made far better use of the Roman vic
tory. Philip, as is said before, being allowed to take in
such places as had revolted unto Antiochus, and were not
hitherto reclaimed, won the strong city of Demetrias ; and
with an hasty course of victory subdued the Athamanians
and others. The Achseans called to account the Eleans
and Messenians, which had long been addicted to the
JEtolian side, and followed it in taking part with Antiochus.
The Eleans gave good words, whereby they saved them
selves from trouble a while. The Messenians being more
stout, before they were invaded, had none other help when
the Achaean pretor wasted their country, than to offer
themselves unto the Romans. Titus was then at Corinth,
to whom they sent word, that at his commandment their
gates should be opened, but that unto the Achaeans it was
not their meaning to yield. A message from Titus to the
Achaean pretor did suffice to call home the army, and finish
the war ; as also the peremptory command of the same Titus
caused the Messenians to annex themselves unto the Achae
ans, and become part of their commonweal. Such was now
the majesty of a Roman ambassador. Titus did favour the
Achaeans, yet could not like it well, that either they or any
other should take too much upon them. He thought it
enough that they had their liberty, and were strong enough
to defend it against any of their neighbours. That they
should make themselves great lords, and able to dispute
with the Romans upon even terms, it was no part of his
desire. They had lately bought the isle of Zacynthus,

CHAP. v. OF THE WORLD. 739

which had once been Philip's, and was afterward given by
him to Aminander, who sent a governor thither : but when
Aminander in this present war was driven out of his own king
dom by Philip, then did the governor of Zacynthus offer to
sell the island to the Achaeans, whom he found ready chap
men. Titus liked not of this, but plainly told them, that
the Romans would be their own carvers, and take what
they thought good of the lands belonging to their enemies,
as a reward of the victory which they had obtained. It
was bootless to dispute. -Wherefore the Achaeans referred
themselves unto his discretion. So he told them, that their
commonwealth was like a tortoise, whereof Peloponnesus
was the shell, and that holding themselves within that
compass they were out of danger ; but if they would needs
be looking abroad, they should lie open to blows, which
might greatly hurt them. Having settled things thus in
Peloponnesus, he went over to Naupactus, where Glabrio,
the consul, had lain two months, that might have been far
better spent. There, whether out of compassion which he
had upon the ^Etolians, or out of dislike of king Philip's
thriving so fast, he persuaded the consul to grant unto the
besieged, and to the whole nation, so long truce that they
might send ambassadors to Rome, and, submitting them
selves, crave pardon of the senate. Most like it is, that
Naupactus was in great danger, else would not the ^Etolians
have made such earnest suit as they did unto Titus, for
procuring of this favour. But if Glabrio had been sure to
carry it, in any short space, it may well be thought he
would not have gone away without it, since the winning of
that town, wherein was then the whole flower of the nation^
would have made the promised submission much more
humble and sincere. When they came to Rome, no en
treaty could help them to better conditions, than one of
these two : that either they should wholly permit themselves
to the good pleasure of the senate, or else pay a thousand
talents, and make neither peace nor war with any, further
than as the Romans should give approbation. They had
not so much money, neither could they well hope to be

740 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

gently dealt withal, if they should give themselves away
unto discretion ; which what it signified, they now under
stood. Wherefore they desired to have it set down, in what
points, and how far forth, they should yield unto the good
pleasure of the senate. But hereof they could get no cer
tain answer ; so that they were dismissed as enemies, after
long and vain attendance.

Whilst the ^Etolians were pursuing their hopes of peace,
the consul had little to do in Greece, and therefore took
upon him gravely to set things in order among the tractable
Achaeans. He would have had them to restore the bankhed
Lacedaemonians home into their country, and to take the
Eleans into the fellowship of their commonwealth. This
the Achaeans liked well enough ; but they did not like it
that the Romans should be meddling in all occurrences.
Wherefore they deferred the restitution of the banished
Lacedaemonians, intending to make it an act of their own
mere grace. As for the Eleans, they were loath to be be
holding to the Romans, and thereby to disparage the Achae
ans, into whose corporation they were desirous to be admit
ted, and saw that they should have their desire without
such compulsive mediation.

The Roman admiral, C. Livius, much about the same
time, fought a battle at sea with Polyxenidas, admiral to
the king Antiochus. King Eumenes brought help to the
Romans, though it was not great ; and five and twenty sail
of Rhodians came after the battle, when they were follow
ing the chase. The king's fleet was the better of sail, but
that of the Romans the better manned. Wherefore Po-
lyxenidas being vanquished in fight, was yet out of danger,
as soon as he betook himself to a speedy retreat.

And such end had the first year's war between king An
tiochus and the Romans. After this, as many of the Greeks
as had followed the vain hopes of the ^Etolians were glad
to excuse themselves by fear, thinking themselves happy
when by ambassadors they had obtained pardon. On the
contrary side, Philip of Macedon, arch-enemy of late unto
the Romans, did now send to gratulate this their victory ;

CHAP. v. OF THE WORLD. 741

and, in recompense of his good affection, had restored unto
him Demetrius his younger son, whom some few years they
had kept as an hostage. Also king Ptolomy of Egypt,
gratulating the Roman victory, sent word how greatly all
Asia and Syria were thereby terrified. In which regard
he desired the senate not to foreslow time, but to send an
army, as soon as might be, into Asia, promising, that his
assistance, whereinsoever it pleased them to use it, should
not be wanting. This Ptolomy was the son-in-law of king
Antiochus ; but he was the friend of fortune. He under
stood long before, as did all that were indifferent beholders
of the contention, that the Romans were like to have the
upper hand. The same did Antiochus now begin to suspect,
who had thought himself a while as safe at Ephesus as if he
had been in another world ; but was told by Hannibal, that
it was not so far out of Greece into Asia, as out of Italy into
Greece ; and that there was no doubt but the Romans would
soon be there, and make him try the chance of a battle for
his kingdom.

SECT. VIII.

Lucius Scipio, having with him Publius the African, his elder bro
ther, for his lieutenant, is sent into Greece. He grants long
truce to the JEtolidns, that so he might at leisure pass into Asia.
Much troublesome business by sea, and divers fights. An inva
sion upon Eumeness 'kingdom, with the siege of Pergamus,
raised by an handful of the Achceans. L. Scipio the consul comes
into Asia, where Antiochus most earnestly desireth peace, and is
denied it. The battle of Magnesia, wherein Antiochus being van
quished, yieldeth to the Romans' good pleasure. The conditions
of the peace. In what sort the Romans used their victory.
L. Cornelius Scipio, after a most sumptuous triumph over An
tiochus, is surnamed the Asiatic, as his brother was styled the
African.

Lucius Cornelius Scipio, the brother of P. Scipio the
African, was chosen consul at Rome with C. Laelius. Las-
lius was very gracious in the senate ; and therefore being
desirous (as generally all consuls were) of the more honour
able employment, offered to refer to the arbitrament of the

742 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

senate, if L. Cornelius would be so pleased, the disposition
of their provinces, without putting it to the hazard of a lot
tery. Lucius having talked with his brother Pubh'us, ap
proved well of the motion. Such a question had not of
long time been put unto the fathers, who therefore were
the more desirous to make an unblameable decree. But the
matter being otherwise somewhat indifferent, P. Scipio the
African said openly thus much, that if the senate would
appoint his brother to the war against Antiochus, he him
self would follow his brother in that war as his lieutenant.
These words were heard with such approbation, that the
controversy was forthwith at an end : for if Antiochus re
lied upon Hannibal, and should happen to be directed
wholly by that great captain ; what better man could they
oppose than Scipio, that had been victorious against the
same great worthy. But indeed a worser man might have
served well enough the turn : for Hannibal had no absolute
command, nor scarce any trust of great importance, ex
cepting now and then in consultation, where his wisdom
was much approved, but his liberty and high spirit as
much disliked. It is worthy of remembrance, as a sign
of the freedom that he used in his censures, even whilst he
lived in such a court. Antiochus mustered his army in
presence of this famous captain, thinking, as may seem, to
have made him wish that he had been served by such
brave men in Italy : for they were gallantly decked, both
men, horses, and elephants, with such costly furniture of
gold, silver, and purple, as glittered with a terrible bravery
on a sunshine day. Whereupon the king, well pleasing
himself with that goodly spectacle, asked Hannibal what he
thought, and whether all this were not enough for the Ro
mans. " Enough," said Hannibal, " were the Romans
" the most covetous men in all the world ;" meaning, that
all this cost upon the backs of cowardly Asiatics was no
better than a spoil to animate good soldiers. How little
this answer pleased the king, it is easy to guess. The little
use that he made of this Carthaginian testifies that his dis
like of the man caused him to lose the use of his service
when he stood in greatest necessity thereof.

CHAP. v. OF THE WORLD. 743

The Scipios made all haste away from Rome as soon as
they could. They carried with them, besides other soldiers
newly pressed to the war, about five thousand voluntaries,
that had served under P. Africanus. There was also a fleet
of thirty quinquereme galleys, and twenty triremes newly
built, appointed unto L. ^Emilius Regillus, that was chosen
admiral the same year for that voyage. At their coming
into Greece, they found the old consul Glabrio besieging
Amphissa, a city of the ^Etolians. The ^Etolians, after that
they were denied peace, had expected him once again at
Naupactus. Wherefore they not only fortified that town,
but kept all the passages thereto leading, which heedlessly,
as in a time of confusion, they had left unguarded the last
year. Glabrio knowing this, deceived their expectation,
and fell upon Lamia; which being not long since much
weakened by Philip, and now by him attempted on the
sudden, was carried at the second assault. Thence went he
to Amphissa, which he had almost gotten, when L. Scipio,
his successor, came with thirteen thousand foot and five
hundred horse, and took charge of the army. The town of
Amphissa was presently forsaken by the inhabitants ; but
they had a castle, or higher town, that was impregnable,
whereinto they all retired. The Athenian ambassadors had
dealt with P. Scipio in behalf of the ^Etoliaris, entreating
him to stand their friend, and help them in obtaining some
tolerable condition of peace. He gave them gentle words ;
and willed them to persuade the ^Etolians, that they should
faithfully and with true meaning desire it. This was gladly
taken. But many messages passing to and fro, though
Publius continued to put them in good hope, yet the con
sul made still the same answer with which they had been
chased from Rome. The conclusion was, that they should
sue for a longer time of respite from war ; whereby at more
leisure they might attend some better disposition of the se
nate, or any helpful commodity which time should afford.
So they obtained half a year's truce ; after which, the win
ter was like to afford them another half year's leisure of
breathing. Hereof were not they more glad than was P.

RALEGH, VOL. IV. 3 D

744 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

Scipio, who thought all time lost which withheld the war
from passing over into Asia.

The business of JStolia being thus laid aside, and the old
consul Glabrio sent home into Italy, the Scipios marched
into Thessaly ; intending thence to take their way by land,
through Macedon and Thrace, unto the Hellespont. Yet
they considered, that hereby they must commit themselves
unto the loyalty of king Philip ; who might either do them
some mischief by the way, if he were disposed to watch a
notable advantage ; or at the least, would he be unfaithful,
though he were not so courageous, yet might he take such
order with the Thracians, that even for want of victuals, if
by no greater inconvenience, they should be disgracefully
forced to return. He had promised them the utmost of
his furtherance ; wherein whether he meant sincerely they
thought to make some trial, by causing a gentleman to ride
post unto him, and observe his doings as he should take
him on the sudden. The king was merry at a feast, and
drinking when the messenger came ; whom he lovingly bade
welcome ; and shewed him the next day, not only what
provision of victuals he had made for the army, but how he
had made bridges over the rivers, and mended the bad ways
by which they were to pass. With these good news Grac
chus returned back in haste unto the Scipios ; who, entering
into Macedon, found all things in a readiness that might
help to advance their journey. The king entertained them
royally, and brought them on their way, even to the Helles
pont, where they stayed a good while, until their navy was
in readiness to transport them into Asia.

Much was done at sea in the beginning of this year,
though, for the most part, little of importance. Polyxeni-
das, the admiral of Antiochus, was a banished Rhodian,
true to the king, and desirous of revenge upon his country
men, that had expelled him. He, hearing that the Rhodian
fleet was at Samos, the Romans and Eumenes having not
as yet put to sea, thought to do somewhat upon those that
were so early in their diligence, before their fellows should
arrive to help them. Yet went he craftily to work ; and

CHAP.V. OF THE WORLD. 745

sent word, as in great secrecy, to the Rhodian admiral,
that if the sentence of his banishment might be repealed, he
would, in requital thereof, betray all the king's fleet. After
many passages to and fro, this was believed ; and the Rho
dian admiral grew so careless, expecting still when he
should receive a watchword from Polyxenidas, that he him
self was taken by Polyxenidas in his own haven. The
king's fleet setting forth from Ephesus by night, and, for
fear of being discovered, resting one day in harbour by the
way, came the second night to Samos ; where, by morning,
it was ready to enter the haven. Pausistratus, the Rhodian
admiral, seeing this, thought it his best way of resistance to
bestow his men on the two headlands, or points of the haven,
so to guard the mouth of it 5 for that he saw no likelihood
of defending himself by sea. But Polyxenidas had already
landed some companies in another part of the island ; which,
falling upon the back of Pausistratus, compelled him to
alter his directions, and command his men aboard. This
could not be without great confusion; so as the enemies
took him out of all order ; and sunk or boarded all his
navy, five excepted, that, by a sudden device, made shift to
escape. Each of them hung out a burning cresset upon
two poles, at the beakhead, and then rowed forwards di
rectly upon the enemy ; who, having not bethought himself
what shift to make against such unexpected danger of fir
ing, was content to give way unto those desperate galleys,
for fear lest they should burn, together with themselves, a
part of the king's fleet.

Not long after this, the Romans had some loss by tem
pest ; whereof Polyxenidas could not take such advantage
as he had hoped ; because, putting to sea for that purpose,
he was driven back again by the like foul weather. But
the Rhodians, to shew that they were not discouraged, set
forth twenty other galleys ; the Romans also, with king Eu-
menes, repaired their fleet; and all of them together, in
great bravery, presented battle to Polyxenidas before the
haven of Ephesus. When he durst not accept it, they went
from place to place, attempting many things, as either they

746 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

were entreated by the Rhodians, or persuaded by some ap
pearing hopes of doing good. Yet performed they little or
nothing ; for that one while they were hindered by storms
at sea, and another while by strong resistance, made against
them at land.

Eumenes, with his fleet, was compelled to forsake them,
and return home to the defence of his own kingdom : for
Antiochus wasted all the grounds about Elaea and Perga-
mus ; and leaving his son Seleucus to besiege the royal city
of Pergamus, did with the rest of his army spoil the whole
country thereabout. Attalus, the brother of king Eumenes,
was then in Pergamus, having with him no better men to de
fend the city than they were that lay against it. Wherefore
he had reason to stand in fear, being too much inferior in
number. There came to his aid a thousand foot and an
hundred horse of the Achaeans ; old soldiers all, and trained
up under Philopcemen ; whose scholar, in the art of war,
Diophanes their commander was. This Diophanes, behold
ing from the walls of Pergamus, which was an high town,
the demeanour of the enemy, began to disdain that such
men as they should hold him besieged : for Seleucus's
army, which was encamped at the hill-foot, seeing that none
durst sally forth upon them, grew so careless, as, otherwise
than by spoiling all behind their backs, they seemed to for
get that they were in an enemy's country. Diophanes
therefore spake with Attalus, and told him that he would
go forth to visit them. Attalus had no liking to this ad
venture; for he said, that the match was nothing equal.
But the Achagan would needs have his will ; and, issuing
forth, encamped not far from the enemy. They of Perga
mus thought him little better than mad. As for the be
siegers, they wondered at first what his meaning was ; but
when they saw that he held himself quiet, they made a jest
of his boldness, and laughed to see with what an handful of
men he looked so stoutly : so they returned unto their for
mer negligence and disorders. Which Diophanes perceiv
ing, he commanded all his men to follow him, even as fast
as they well might; and he himself, with the hundred

CHAP. v. OF THE WORLD. 747

horse, brake out on the sudden upon the station that was
next at hand. Very few of the enemies had their horses
ready saddled, but more few, or none, had the hearts to
make resistance ; so as he drave them all out of their camp,
and chased them as far as he might safely adventure, with
great slaughter of them, and no loss of his own. Hereat all
the citizens of Pergamus (who had covered the walls of the
town, men and women, to behold this spectacle) were very
joyful, and highly magnified the virtue of these Achaeans.
Yet would they not therefore issue forth of their gates to
help the Achaeans in doing what remained to be done. The
next day Seleucus encamped half a mile further from the
town than he had done before ; and against him went forth
Diophanes the second time, who quietly rested a while in
his old station. When they had stayed many hours, looking
who should begin, Seleucus, in fair order as he came, with
drew himself toward his lodging, that was further off;
Diophanes moved not whilst the enemy was in sight, but
as soon as the ground between them hindered the prospect,
he followed them in all haste, and soon overtaking them
with his horse, charged them in rear, so as he brake them,
and with all his forces pursued them at the heels to their
very trenches. This boldness of the Achaeans, and the
baseness of his own men, caused Seleucus to quit the siege,
little to his honour. Such being the quality of these Asiatics,
Philopoemen had cause to tell the Romans, that he envied
their victory. For when Antiochus lay feasting at Chalcis
after his marriage, and his soldiers betook themselves to
riot, as it had been in a time of great security, a good man
of war might have cut all their throats, even as they were
tippling in their victualling-houses ; which Philopoemen said
that he would have done, had he been general of the
Achaeans, and not, as he then was, a private man.

Antiochus was full of business : and turning his care
from one thing to another, with a great deal of travail,
brought almost nothing to pass. He had been at Pergamus,
into which Eumenes, leaving the Romans, did put himself,
with a few of his horse and light armature. Before Per-

748 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

gamus he left his son, as before hath been shewed, and went
to Elaea, whither he heard that ^Emilius the Roman ad
miral was come, to bring succour to Eumenes. There he
made an overture of peace, about which to consult, Eumenes
was sent for by ^Emilius, and came from Pergamus. But
when it was considered that no conclusion could be made
without the consul, this treaty brake off. Then followed
the overthrow newly mentioned, which caused Seleucus to
give over the siege of Pergamus. Afterwards, four or five
towns of scarce any worth or note were taken by the king ;
and the Syrian fleet, being of seven and thirty sail, was
beaten by the Rhodian, which was of like number. But of
this victory the Rhodians had no great cause to rejoice, for
that Hannibal the Carthaginian, who, together with Apol-
lonius, a courtier of Antiochus, was admiral of the Syrians,
did them in manner as great hurt as they could do to Apol-
kmius, and having the victory taken out of his hand by
Apollonius's flight, yet made such a retreat, that the Rho
dians durst not far adventure upon him. Now of these
actions, which were but as prefaces unto the war, the last
and greatest was a victory of the Romans by sea, against
Polyxenidas, the king's admiral. The battle was fought
by Myonnesus, a promontory in Asia, where Polyxenidas
had with him fourscore and nine galleys, and five of them
greater than any of the Romans. This being all the
strength which he could make by sea, we may note the
vanity of those brags wherewith Antiochus vaunted the
last year, that his armada should cover all the shores of
Greece. The Romans had eight and fifty galleys ; the Rho
dians two and twenty : the Roman being the stronger built,
and more stoutly manned; the Rhodian more light-tim
bered and thin-planked, having all advantage of speed and
good seamen. Neither forgot they to help themselves by
the same device with which five of their galleys had lately
escaped from Samos : for with fire in their prows they ran
upon the enemy, who, declining them for fear, laid open his
side, and was thereby in greater danger of being stemmed.
After no long fight, the king's navy hoisted sail, and, having

CHAP. v. OF THE WORLD. 749

a fair wind, bore away toward Ephesus as fast as they could.
Yet forty of their galleys they left behind them, whereof
thirteen were taken, all the rest burnt or sunk. The Ro
mans and their fellows lost only two or three ships, but got
hereby the absolute mastery of the sea.

The report of this misadventure may seem to have taken
from Antiochus all use of reason. For, as if no hope had
been remaining to defend those places that he held in Eu
rope, he presently withdrew his garrisons from Lysimachia,
which might easily have been kept, even till the end of
winter following, and have reduced the besiegers (if the siege
had been continued obstinately) to terms of great extremity.
He also gave over the siege of Colophon ; and, laying aside
all thought, save only of defence, drew together all his army,
and sent for help to his father-in-law, king Ariarathes the
Cappadocian.

Thus the Roman consul, without impediment, not only
came to the Hellespont, but had yielded unto him all places
there belonging to Antiochus on Europe side. The fleet
was then also in readiness to transport him over into Asia,
where Eumenes had taken such care before, that he landed
quietly at his own good ease, even as if the country had
been his already. The first news that he heard of the
enemy was by an ambassador that came to sue for peace.
This ambassador declared in his master's name, that the
same things which had hindered him from obtaining peace
of the Romans heretofore, did now persuade him, that he
should easily come to good agreement with them. For in
-all disputations heretofore, Smyrna, Lampsacus, and Ly
simachia, had been the places about which they varied.
Seeing therefore the king had now already given over Ly
simachia, and was further purposed not to strive with the
Romans about Lampsacus and Smyrna, what reason was
there why they should need to trouble him with war ? If it
was their desire that any other towns upon the coast of Asia,
not mentioned by them in any former treaties, should be-also
set at liberty, or otherwise delivered into their hands, the
king would not refuse to gratify them therein. Briefly,

750 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

let them take some part of Asia, so as the bounds, dividing
them from the king, might not be uncertain, and it should
be quietly put into their hands. If all this were not enough,
the king would likewise bear half the charges whereat they
had been in this war. So praying the Romans to hold
themselves contented with these good offers, and not to be
too insolent upon confidence of their fortune, he expected
their answer. These offers, which to the ambassador seemed
so great, were judged by the Romans to be very little. For
they thought it reasonable that the king should bear all the
charges of the war, since it began through his only fault ;
and that he should not only depart out of those few towns
which he held in JEolis and Ionia, but quite out of Asia
the Less, and keep himself on the other side of mount
Taurus. When the ambassador therefore saw that no better
bargain could be made, he dealt with P. Scipio in private,
and to him he promised a great quantity of gold, together
with the free restitution of his son, who (it is uncertain by
what mischance) was taken prisoner, and most honourably
entertained by the king. Scipio would not hearken to the
offer of gold, nor otherwise to the restitution of his son,
than upon condition, that it might be with making such
amends for the benefit, as became a private man. As for
the public business, he only said thus much, that since
Antiochus had already forsaken Lysimachia, and suffered
the war to take hold on his own kingdom, there was now
none other way for him, than either to fight, or yield to that
which was required at his hands. " Wherefore," said he,
" tell your king in my name, that I would advise him to
" refuse no condition whereby he may have peace."

The king was not any whit moved with this advice. For
seeing that the consul demanded of him no less than if he
had been already subdued, little reason there was that he
should fear to come to battle, wherein he could lose, as he
thought, no more than, by seeking to avoid it, he must give
away. He had with him threescore and ten thousand foot
and twelve thousand horse, besides two and fifty Indian
elephants, and many chariots armed with hooks or scythes,

CHAP. v. OF THE WORLD. 751

according to the manner of the eastern countries. Yet was
he nothing pleased to hear that the consul drew near him
apace, as one hastening to fight. But howsoever he was
affected, he made so little show of fear, that hearing P.
Scipio to lie sick at Elaea, he sent thither unto him his son
without ransom, as one both desirous to comfort this noble
warrior in his sickness, and withal not desirous to retain the
young gentleman for a pledge of his own safety. Thus
ought his bounty to be constant. Otherwise it might be
suspected, that herein he dealt craftily. For since he could
have none other ransom of Scipio, than such as an honour
able man, that had no great store of wealth, might pay ;
better it was to do such a courtesy before the battle, as
would afterwards have been little worth, than to stay until
the Romans, perhaps victorious, should exact it at his hands.
P. Scipio was greatly comforted with the recovery of his
son, so as the joy thereof was thought to have been much
available unto his health. In recompense of the king's hu
manity, he said only thus much unto those that brought
him this acceptable present ; " I am now able to make your
" king none other amends, than by advising him not to
" fight, until he shall hear that I am in the camp." What
he meant by this, it is hard to conjecture. Antiochus re
solved to follow his counsel, and therefore withdrew himself
from about Thyatira, beyond the river of Phrygius, or
Hyllus, unto Magnesia by Sipylus, where encamping, he
fortified himself as strongly as he could. Thither followed
him L. Scipio the consul, and sat down within four miles
of him. About a thousand of the king's horse, most of them
Gallo-Greeks, came to bid the Romans welcome, of whom
at first they slew some, and were anon, with some loss,
driven back over the river. Two days were quietly spent,
whilst neither the king nor the Romans would pass the
water. The third day the Romans made the adventure,
wherein they found no disturbance, nor were at all opposed,
until they came within two miles and an half of Antiochus's
camp. There, as they were taking up their lodging, they
were charged by three thousand horse and foot, whom the

I

752 THE HISTORY BOOKV.

ordinary corps du garde repelled. Four days together,
after this, each of them brought forth their armies, and
set them in order before the trenches, without advancing
any further. The fifth day the Romans came half way
forward, and presented battle, which the king would not
accept. Thereupon the consul took advice what was to
be done: for either they must fight upon whatsoever
disadvantage, or else resolve to abide by it all winter, far
from any country of their friends, and therefore subject
unto many difficulties, unless they would stain their honour
by returning far back, to winter in a more convenient place,
and so defer the war until the next spring. The Roman sol
dier was throughly persuaded of that enemy's base femper :
wherefore it was the general cry, that this great army
should be assailed, even in the camp where it lay, as if ra
ther there were so many beasts to be slaughtered, than men
to be fought with. Yet a day or two passed in discovering
the fortifications of Antiochus, and the safest way to set
upon him. All this while P. Scipio came not. Wherefore
the king, being loath to dishearten his men, by seeming to
stand in fear of the enemy, resolved to put the matter to
trial. So when the Romans took the field again, and or
dered their battles, he also did the like, and advanced so
far, that they might understand his meaning to fight.

The Roman army consisted of four legions, two Roman
and two Latin, in each of which were five thousand and
four hundred men. The Latins, as usually, were in the
points, the Romans in the main battle. All of them, ac
cording to their wonted form, were divided into maniples.
The Hastati had the leading ; after them followed the Prin-
cipes, at such distance as was usual ; and last of all the
Triarii. Now, beside these, there were about three thousand
auxiliaries, partly Achaeans, and partly such as belonged to
Eumenes, which were placed in an equal front beyond the
Latins in the -right wing. Utmost of all, (save some five
hundred Cretians,) and of the Trallians, were almost three
thousand horse, of which Eumenes had brought thither
eight hundred, the rest being Roman. The left wing was

CHAP. v. OF THE WORLD. 753

fenced by the bank of the river, yet four troops of horse
were placed there, though such help seemed in a manner
needless. Two thousand voluntaries, Macedonians and
Thracians, were left to guard the camp. The consul had
with him sixteen African elephants, which he bestowed in
his rear ; forasmuch as, had they come to fight with those of
Antiochus, they only would have served to discourage his
men, as being sure to be beaten, the Indian being far the
greater and more courageous beasts, whereof Antiochus
had likewise much advantage in number.

The king's army being compounded of many nations,
diversely appointed, and not all accustomed to one manner
of fight", was ordered according to the several kinds, in such
wise as each might be of most use. The main strength of
his foot consisted in sixteen thousand, armed all Macedonian-
like, and called phalangiers. These he placed in the midst,
and divided into ten battalions, every one having two and
thirty in file, and fifty in front. Between every battalion
were two elephants, goodly beasts, and such as being
adorned with frontals, high crests, towers on their backs,
and, besides him that governed the elephant, four men in
every tower, made a gallant and terrible show. On the
right hand of these were fifteen hundred horse of the Gallo-
Greeks, then three thousand barbed horse, and a regiment
of almost a thousand horse, called the agema, that were all
Medians, the choice of the country, and accompanied by
some others. All which troops of horse, divided in their
several kinds, do seem to have followed one another in
depth, rather than to have been stretched out in front.
Adjoining to these were sixteen elephants together in one
flock. A little further to the right hand was the king^s
own regiment, called the argyraspides, or silver-shields, by
a name borrowed from their furniture, but nothing like so
valiant as those of the same name that had served under
great Alexander; then, twelve hundred archers on horse
back, three thousand light-armed foot, two thousand and
five hundred archers of Mysia, with four thousand slingers
and archers of the Cirtaeans and Elymaeans.. On the left

754 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

hand of the phalangiers were placed the like numbers of
Gallo-Greeks and barbed horse ; as also two thousand horse
that were sent from Ariarathes, with two thousand and
seven hundred of divers nations, and a regiment of a thou
sand horse more lightly armed, that were called the king's
troop, being Syrians, Phrygians, and Lydians. In front
of all these horse were the chariots armed with hooks or
scythes, and the dromedaries, whereon sat Arabians with
long rapiers, that would serve to reach from those high
camels. Beyond these were, as in the right wing, a rabble
of many nations, Carians, Cilicians, Pamphylians, Pisidians,
Cirtaeans, Elymaeans, and many others, having also with
them sixteen elephants. Antiochus himself commanded in
the right wing, Seleucus in the left, and three of his prin
cipal captains commanded over the phalangiers.

The first onset was given by the dromedaries and armed
chariots ; of which the one being like to terrify the horse,
the other to break the squadrons of the foot, Eumenes with
a few light-armed Cretians, archers, darters, and slingers,
easily made frustrate the danger threatened by them both.
For with shoutings, and noises, and some wounds, they were
driven out of the field ; and, running back upon their own
men, did the same harm which they had intended to the
enemies. Wherefore the Roman horse, following this ad
vantage, charged upon the left wing, where they found no
resistance ; some being out of order, others being without
courage. It is shameful to rehearse, and so strange, that
it may hardly seem credible, that the phalangiers, with such
variety of auxiliaries, made little or no resistance ; but all
of them fled, in manner, as soon as they were charged.
Only the king, Antiochus himself, being in the left wing of
his own battle, and seeing the Latins, that stood opposite
unto him, weakly flanked with horse, gave upon them cou
rageously, and forced them to retire. But M. JEmilius,
that had the guard of the Roman camp, issued forth with
all his power to help his fellows ; and, what by persuasion,
what by threats, made them renew the fight. Succour also
came from the right wing, where the Romans were already

CHAP. ^

CHAP. v. OF THE WORLD. 755

victorious ; whereof when Antiochus discovered the ap
proach, he not only turned his horse about, but ran away
upon the spur without further tarriance. The camp was
defended a little while, and with no great valour ; though
by a great multitude that were fled into it. Antiochus is
said to have lost in this battle fifty thousand foot and four
thousand horse, besides those that were taken. Of the Ro
mans, there were not slain above three hundred foot and
four and twenty horse ; of Eumenes's followers five and
twenty.

Antiochus fled to Sardes, and from thence to Apamea,
the same night ; hearing that Seleucus was gone thither
before. He left the custody of Sardes, and the castle there,
to one whom he thought faithful : but the townsmen and
soldiers were so dismayed with the greatness of the over
throw, that one man's faith was worth nothing. All the
towns in those parts, without expecting summons, yielded
up themselves by ambassadors ; whom they sent to the Ro
mans whilst they were on the way. Neither were many
days spent, ere Antiochus's ambassador was in the camp;
having none other errand, than to know what it would
please the Romans to impose upon the king his master.
P. Scipio was now come to his brother ; who obtained leave
to make the answer, because it should be gentle. They re
quired no more than they had lately done, which was, that
he should quite abandon his dominions on this side of Tau
rus. For their charges in that war they required fifteen
thousand talents ; five hundred in hand, two thousand and
five hundred when the senate and people of Rome should
have confirmed the peace, and the other twelve thousand
in twelve years next ensuing by even portions. Likewise
they demanded four hundred talents for Eumenes, and
some store of corn, that was due to him upon a reckoning.
Now besides twenty hostages which they required, very
earnest they were to have Hannibal the Carthaginian, and
Thoas the ^Etolian, with some others who had stirred up
the king to this war, delivered into their hands. But any
wise man might so easily have perceived that it would be

756 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

their purpose to make this one of their principal demands,
as no great art was needful to beguile their malice. The
king's ambassador had full commission to refuse nothing
that should be enjoined : wherefore there was no more to
do, than to send immediately to Rome for the ratification of
the peace.

There were new consuls chosen in the mean while at
Rome, M. Fulvius and Cn. Manlius Volso. The JEtolians
desired peace, but could not obtain it ; because they would
accept neither of the two conditions to them before pro
pounded. So it was decreed, that one of the consuls should
make war upon the ^Etolians, the other upon Antiochus in
Asia. Now though shortly there came news that Antio
chus was already vanquished in battle, and had submitted
himself unto all that could be required at his hands ; yet
since the state of Asia was not like to be so throughly settled
by one victory, but that many things might fall out worthy
of the Roman's care, Cn. Manlius, to whom Asia fell by
lot, had not his province changed.

Soon after this, came the ambassadors of king Antiochus
to Rome, accompanied with the Rhodians and some others,
yea, by king Eumenes in person ; whose presence added a
goodly lustre to the business in hand. Concerning the
peace to be made with king Antiochus, there was no dispu
tation ; it was generally approved. All the trouble was
about the distribution of the purchase. King Eumenes
reckoned up his own deserts ; and, comparing himself with
Masinissa, hoped that the Romans would be more bountiful
to him than they had been to the Numidian, since they had
found him a king indeed, whereas Masinissa was only such
in title ; and since both he and his father had always been
their friends, even in the worst of the Roman fortune. Yet
was there much ado to make him tell what he would have ;
he still referring himself to their courtesy, and they desiring
him to speak plain. At length he craved that they would
bestow upon him as much of the country by them taken
from Antiochus, as they had no purpose to keep in their
own hands. Neither thought he it needful, that they

CHAP.V. OF THE WORLD. 757

should trouble themselves with the care of giving liberty to
many of the Greek towns that were on Asia side : for since
the most of those towns had been partakers with the king in
his war, it was no reason that they should be gainers by his
overthrow. The Rhodians did not like of this : they de
sired the senate to be truly patrons of the Grecian liberty ;
and to call to mind, that no small part of Greece itself had
been subject unto Philip, and served him in his war; which
was not alleged against them as a cause why they should
not be made free, after that Philip was overcome. But the
main point whereon they insisted was this, that the victory
of the Romans against king Antiochus was so great, as
easily might satisfy the desires of all their friends. The
senate was glad to hear of this ; and very bountifully gave
away so much, that every one had cause to be well pleased.
Such end had the war against king Antiochus \ after
which, L. Cornelius Scipio, returning home, had granted
unto him the honour of a triumph ; the pomp whereof ex
ceeded in riches, not only that of Titus Quintius Flaminius,
but of any ten that Rome had beheld until that day. Now
forasmuch as the surname of the African had been given
unto P. Scipio, it was thought convenient by some, to re
ward L. Scipio with the title of the Asiatic ; which the
fortune of his victory had no less deserved, though the
virtue requisite to the purchase thereof was no way cor
respondent.

SECT. IX.

The JEtolians and the Gallo- Greeks vanquished by the Roman consuls
Fulvius and Manlius. Manlius hardly obtains a triumph, being
charged (among other objections] with attempting to have passed
the bounds appointed as fatal to the Romans by Sibyl. Of
Sibyl's prophecies ; the books of Hermes; and that inscription,
Simoni Deo Sancto. The ingratitude of Rome to the two Sci-
pios, and the beginning of faction among the Roman nobility.

MARC. FULVIUS and Cn. Manlius had the same
charge divided between them, which L. Cornelius Scipio,
now styled Asiaticus^ had lately undergone. It was found
more than one man^s work, to look at once to Greece and to

758 THE HISTORY , BOOK v.

Asia. And for this reason was it apparent, that L. Scipio
had granted so long a truce to the ^Etolians. But since, in
this long interim of truce, that haughty little nation had not
sought to humble itself to the Roman majesty, it was now
to be brought unto more lowly terms than any other of the
Greeks. The best was, that so great a storm fell not un
expected upon the ^Etolians. They had foreseen the danger,
when their ambassadors were utterly denied peace at Rome,
and they had provided the last remedy ; which was, to en
treat the Rhodians and Athenians to become intercessors for
them. Neither were they so dejected with any terrible ap
prehensions, that they could not well devise upon helping
themselves, even by repurchase of countries lost, where they
spied advantage.

Poor king Aminander lived in exile among them, whilst
Philip of Macedon kept for him possession of his lands and
castles. But the Athamanians (besides that many of them
bore a natural affection to their own prince) having been
long accustomed to serve a mountain lord, that conversed
with them after an homely manner, could not endure the
proud and insolent manner of command, used by the cap
tains of Philip's garrisons. They sent therefore some few of
them to their king, and offered their service toward his re
stitution. At the first there were only four of them ; nei
ther grew they, at length, to more than two and fifty, which
undertook the work. Yet assurance that all the rest would
follow, made Aminander willing to try his fortune. He was
at the borders with a thousand ^Etolians upon the day ap
pointed ; at what time his two and fifty adventurers, having
divided themselves into four parts, occupied, by the ready
assistance of the multitude, four the chief towns in the coun
try to his use. The fame of this good success at first, with
letters running from place to place, whereby men were ex
horted to do their best in helping forward the action, made
the lieutenants of Philip unable to think upon resistance.
One of them held the town of Theium a few days ; giving
thereby some leisure unto his king to provide for the rescue.
But when he had done his best, he was forced thence, and

CHAP. v. OF THE WORLD. 759

could only tell Philip, whom he met on the way, that all
was lost. Philip had brought from home six thousand men ;
of whom, when the greater part could not hold out in such
a running march, he left all, save two thousand, behind him,
and so came to Athenaeum, a little Athamanian castle, that
still was his, as being on the frontier of Macedon. Thence
he sent Zeno, who had kept Theium a while, to take a place
lying over Argithea, that was chief of the country. Zeno
did as he was appointed : yet neither he nor the king had
the boldness to descend upon Argithea, for that they might
perceive the Athamanians, all along the hill sides, ready to
come down upon them, when they should be bus^1. Where
fore nothing was thought more honourable than a safe re
treat; especially when Aminander came in sight with his
thousand ^Etolians. The Macedonians were called back,
from-wards Argithea, and presently withdrawn by their
king towards his own borders. But they were not suffered
to depart in quiet, at their pleasure. The Athamanians
and ^Etolians waylaid them, and pursued them so closely,
that their retreat was in manner of a plain flight, with great
loss of men and arms ; few of those escaping that were left
behind, as to make a countenance of holding somewhat in
the country until Philip's return.

The ^Etolians, having found the business of Athamania
so easy, made attempt, in their own behalf, upon the Am-
philochians and Aperantians. These had belonged unto
their nation, and were lately taken by Philip ; from whom
they diligently revolted, and became ^Etolian again. The
Dolopians lay next ; that had been ever belonging to the
Macedonian, and so did still purpose to continue. These
took arms at first, but soon laid them away ; seeing their
neighbours ready to fight with them in the JEtolian quarrel,
and seeing their own king so hastily gone, as if he meant
not to return.

Of these victories the joy was the less, for that news
came of Antiochus's last overthrow, and of M. Fulvius the
new consul's hasting with an army into Greece. Aminan
der sent his excuses to Rome, praying the senate not to

RALEGH, VOL. IV. 3 E

760 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

take it in despite, that he had recovered his own from Phi-
lip, with such help as he could get. Neither seems it that
the Romans were much offended to hear of Philip's losses ;
for of this fault they neither were sharp correctors nor
earnest reprovers. Fulvius went in hand with the business
about which he came, and laid siege to Ambracia. a goodly
city, that had been the chief seat of Pyrrhus's kingdom.
With this he began ; for that it was of too great importance
to be abandoned by the ^Etolians ; yet could not by them
be relieved, unless they would adventure to fight upon equal
ground. To help the Ambracians, it was not in the ^Eto-
lians1 power ; for they were at the same time vexed by the
Illyrians at sea, and ready to be driven from their new con
quest by Perseus the son of Philip, who invaded the coun
tries of the Amphilochians and Dolopians. They were un
able to deal with so many at once ; and therefore as ear
nestly sought peace with the Romans as they stoutly made
head against the rest. In the mean while the Athenian
and Rhodian ambassadors came, who besought the consul
to grant them peace. It helped well that Ambracia made
strong resistance, and would not be terrified by any violence
of the assailants, or danger that might seem to threaten.
The consul had no desire to spend half his time about one
city, and so be driven to leave unto his successor the honour
of finishing the war. Wherefore he gladly hearkened unto
the ^Etolians, and bade them seek peace with faithful in
tent, without thinking it over dear at a reasonable price,
considering with how great a part of his kingdom their
friend Antiochus had made the same purchase. He also
gave leave to Aminander, offering his service as a mediator,
to put himself into Ambracia, and try what good his per
suasions might do with the citizens. So, after many de
mands and excuses, the conclusion was such as was grievous
to the weaker, but not unsufferable. The same ambassa
dors of the Athenians and Rhodians accompanied those of
the ^Etolians to Rome, for procuring the confirmation of
peace. Their eloquence and credit was the more needful in
this intercession, for that Philip had made very grievous

CHAP. v. OF THE AVORLD. 761

complaint about the loss of those countries which they had
lately taken from him. Hereof the senate could not but
take notice, though it hindered not the peace which those
good mediators of Rhodes and Athens did earnestly solicit.
The ^Etolians were bound to uphold the majesty of the
people of Rome, and to observe divers articles, which made
them less free, and more obnoxious to the Romans, than
any people of Greece ; they having been the first that called
these their masters into the country. The isle of Cephalenia
was taken from them by the Romans, who kept it for them
selves, (as not long since they had gotten Zacynthus from
the Achseans, by stiffly pressing their own right,) that so
they might have possession along the coast of Greece, whilst
they seemed to forbear the country. But concerning those
places whereto Philip or others might lay claim, there was
set down an order so perplexed as would necessarily re
quire to have the Romans judges of the controversies, when
they should arise. And hereof good use will be shortly
made, when want of employment elsewhere shall cause a
more lordly inquisition to be held upon the affairs of Mace-
don and Greece.

Cn. Manlius, the other consul, had at the same time war
in Asia, with the Gallo-Greeks and others. His army was
the same that had followed L. Scipio ; of whose victory his
acts were the consummation. He visited those countries on
the hither side of Taurus, that had scarce heard of the Ro
mans, to whom they were abandoned by Antiochus. Among
these there were some petty lords or tyrants, some free
cities, and some that were together at wars, without regard
of the great alteration happened in Asia. From every of
these he got somewhat ; and by their quarrels found occa
sion to visit those provinces into which he should else have
wanted an errand. He was even loaden with booty, when,
having fetched a compass about Asia, he came at length
upon the Gallo-Greeks. These had long domineered over
the country; though of late times, it was rather the fame
and terror of their forepast acts, than any present virtue
of theirs, which held them up in reputation. Of the Ro-

762 THE HISTORY BOOK v>

mans they had lately such trial, when they served under
king Antiochus, as made them to know themselves far the
worse men. Wherefore they thought it no small part of
their safety, that they dwelt upon the river Halys, in an in
land country, where those enemies were not like to search
them out. But when such hopes failed, and when some
princes of their own nation, that had been friends of Eu-
menes, exhorted the rest to yield, then was no counsel
thought so good as to forsake their houses and country,
and, with all that they could carry or drive, to betake them
selves unto the high mountains of Olympus and Margana,
These mountains were exceeding hard of ascent, though
none should undertake the custody. Being therefore well
manned and victualled for a long time, as also the natural
strength being helped by such fortification as promised
greatest assurance, it was thought that the consul would
either forbear the attempt of forcing them, or easily be re
pelled ; and that finally, when he had stayed there a while,
winter, and much want, should force him to dislodge. Yet
all this availed not. For whereas the Gallo-Greeks had
been careless of furnishing themselves with casting weapons,
as if the stones would have served well enough to that
purpose ; the Romans, .who came far otherwise appointed,
found greater advantage in the difference of arms, than im
pediment in disadvantage of ground. * Archers and slingers
did easily prevail against casters of stones ; especially being
such as were these Gallo-Greeks, neither exercised in that
manner of fight, nor having prepared their stones before
hand, but catching up what lay next, the too great and the
too little, oftener than those of a fit size. Finally, the Bar
barians, wanting defensive arms, could not hold out against
the arrows and weapons of the Roman light armature, but
were driven from a piece of ground which they had under
taken to make good, up into their camp, on the top of the
mountain 5 and being forced out of their camp, had none
other way left, than to cast themselves headlong down the
steep rocks. Few of the men escaped alive ; all their wives,
children, and goods, became a prey unto the Romans. In

CHAP. v. OF THE WORLD. 63

the very like manner were the rest of that nation overcome
soon after, at the other mountain ; only more of them saved
themselves by flight, as having fairer way at their backs.

These wars being ended, Fulvius and Manlius were ap
pointed by the senate, each of them to retain as proconsul
his province for another year. Fulvius, in his second year,
did little or nothing. Manlius gave peace to those whom
he had vanquished ; as likewise to Ariarathes, the Cappa-
docian, and some others, not by him vanquished, but sub
mitting themselves for fear of the Roman arms. He drew
from them all what profit he could, and laid upon them
such conditions as he thought expedient. He also did finish
the league of peace with Antiochus, whereto he swore, and
received the king's oath by ambassadors, whom he sent for
that purpose. Finally, having set in order the matters of
Asia, he took his way toward the Hellespont, loaden with
spoil, as carrying with him (besides other treasures) all that
the Gallo- Greeks had in so many years extorted from the
wealthy provinces that lay round about them. Neither did
this army of Manlius return home rich in money alone, or
cattle, or things of needful use, which the Roman soldier
had been wont to take as the only good purchase ; but fur
nished with sumptuous household stuff, and slaves of price,
excellent cooks, and musicians for banquets, and, in a word,
with the seeds of that luxury which finally overgrew and
choked the Roman virtue.

The country of Thrace lay between Hellespont and the
kingdom of Macedon, which way Manlius was to take his
journey homeward. L. Scipio had found no impediment
among the Thracians, ° either for that he passed through
them without any such booty as might provoke them ; or
perhaps rather, because Philip of Macedon had taken order
that the Barbarians should not stir. But when Manlius
came along with an huge train of baggage, the Thracians
could not so well contain themselves. Neither was it
thought that Philip took it otherwise than very pleasantly,
to have this Roman army robbed and well beaten on the

« Livy, 1. 39.

764 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

way. He had cause to be angry, seeing how little himself
was regarded, and what great rewards were given to Eu-
menes : for he understood, and afterwards gave the Romans
to understand, that Eumenes could not have abiden in his
own kingdom, if the people of Rome had not made war in
Asia; whereas contrariwise, Antiochus had offered unto
himself three thousand talents, and fifty ships of war, to
take part with him and the ^Etolians ; promising moreover
to restore unto him all the Greek cities that had been taken
from him by the Romans. Such being the difference be
tween him and Eumenes, when the war began, he thought
it no even dealing of the Romans, after their victory, to
give away, not only the half of Asia, but Chersonesus and
Lysimachia in Europe, to Eumenes ; whereas upon himself
they bestowed not any one town. It agreed not indeed
with his nobility to go to Rome and beg provinces in the
senate, as Eumenes and the Rhodians had lately done.
He had entertained lovingly the two Scipios, whom he
thought the most honourable men in Rome; and was
grown into near acquaintance with Publius, holding corre
spondence with him by letters, whereby he made himself
acquainted with the wars in Spain and Afric. This, perhaps,
he deemed sufficient to breed in the Romans a due respect
of him. But Eumenes took a surer way: for the Scipios
had not the disposing of that which they won from Anti
ochus; as neither indeed had Manlius, nor the ten dele
gates assisting him ; but the senate of Rome, by which
those delegates were chosen, and instructed how to proceed.
When Philip therefore saw these upstart kings of Perga-
mus, whom he accounted as base companions, advanced so
highly, and made greater than himself, yea, himself unre
garded, contemned, and exposed to many wrongs, then
found he great cause to wish that he had not so hastily de
clared himself against Antiochus, or rather that he had
joined with Antiochus and the ^Etolians, by whom he might
have been freed from his insolent masters. But what great
argument of such discontentedness the Macedonian had, we
shall very shortly be urged to discourse more at large. At

CHAP. v. OF THE WORLD. 765

the present it was believed, that the Thracians were by him
set on to assail the Romans passing through their country.
They knew all advantages; and they fell, unexpected,
upon the carriages, that were bestowed in the midst of the
army ; whereof part had already passed a dangerous wood,
through which the baggage followed ; part was not yet so
far advanced. There was enough to get, and enough to
leave behind ; though both the getting and the saving did
cost many lives, as well of the Barbarians as of the Ro
mans. They fought until it grew night, and then the Thra
cians withdrew themselves, not without as much of the booty
as was to their full content. And of such trouble there was
more, though less dangerous, before the army could get
out of Thrace into Macedon. Through the kingdom they
had a fair march into Epirus ; and so to Apollonia, which
was their handle of Greece.

To Manlius and to Fulvius, when each of them returnee}
to the city, was granted the honour of triumph. Yet not
without contradiction ; especially to Manlius ; whom some
of the ten delegates, appointed to assist him, did very bit
terly tax as an unworthy commander. Touching the rest
of their accusation, it sufficeth that he made good answer,
and was approved by the chief of the senate. One clause is
worthy of more particular consideration. Reprehending his
desire to have hindered the peace with Antiochus, they
said, P " That with much ado he was kept from leading his
" army over Taurus, and adventuring upon the calamity
" threatened by Sibyl's verses unto those that should pass
" the fatal bounds.*" What calamity or overthrow this was,
wherewith Sibyl's prophecy threatened the Roman captain
or army, that should pass over Taurus, I do not conceive.
Pompey was the first that marched with an army beyond
those limits ; though the victories of Lucullus had opened
unto him the way, and had beforehand won, in a sort, the
countries on the other side of the mount ; which Lucullus
gave to one of Antiochus's race, though Pompey occupied
them for the Romans. But we find not that either Lucul-

P Livy, 1. 38.

766 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

lus or Pompey suffered any loss in presuming to neglect the
bounds appointed by Sibyl. Indeed the accomplishment of
this prophecy fell out near about one time with the resti
tution of Ptolomy king of Egypt, that was forbidden unto
the Romans by the same Sibyl. It may therefore seem to
have had reference unto the same things that were de
nounced as like to happen upon the reduction of the Egyp
tian king. Whether the oracles of Sibyl had in them any
truth, and were not, as Tully noteth 9, " sowed at random
" in the large field of time," there to take root, and get
credit by event, I will not here dispute. But I hold this
more probable, than that the restitution of Ptolomy to his
kingdom by Gabinius the Roman should have any way be
tokened the coming of our Saviour, as some, both ancient
and modern Christian writers, have been well pleased to in
terpret Sibyl in that prophecy. Of the Sibylline predic
tions I have sometimes thought reverently, though not
knowing what they were, (as I think few men know,) yet
following the common belief and good authority. But ob
servation of the shameful idolatry that upon all occasions
was advanced in Rome by the books of Sibyl, had well
prevailed upon my credulity, and made me suspect, though
not the faith and pious meaning, yet the judgment of
Eusebius, when that learned and excellent work of master
Casaubonr upon the Annals of Cardinal Baronius, did alto
gether free me from mine error, making it apparent, that
not only those prophecies of Sibyl wherein Christ so plainly
was foreshewed, but even the books of Hermes, which have
borne such reputation, were no better than counterfeited
pieces, and at first entertained (whosoever devised them)
by the undiscreet zeal of such as delighted in seeing the
Christian religion strengthened with foreign proofs. And
in the same rank, I think, we ought to place that notable
history reported by s Eusebius from no mean authors, of
the honour which was done to Simon Magus in Rome;
namely, of an altar to him erected, with an inscription, Si-

<> Tull. dc Divin. 1. 2. Annal. Bar. n. 10. et 1 1.

r Isaac. Casaub. Exercitat. i. ad • Euseb. Eccles. Hist. 1. 2. c. 13.

CHAP. v. OF THE WORLD. 767

moni Deo sancto ; that is, " To Simon the holy God." For
what can be more strange, than that a thing so": memorable
and so public should have been quite omitted by Tacitus,
by Suetonius, by Dion, and by all which wrote of those
times? Philosophers and poets would not have suffered
the matter to escape in silence, had it been true; neither
can it be thought that Seneca, who then lived and flou
rished, would have abstained from speaking any word of an
argument so famous. Wherefore I am persuaded, that this
inscription, Simoni Deo Sancto^ was, by some bad criticism,
taken amiss in place of Semoni Sango ; a title four hun
dred years older than the time of Simon Magus. For the
goods of one Vitruvius, a rebel, had many ages before been
consecrated Semoni Sango; that is, " To the spirit or demi-
" god Sangus," in whose chapel they were bestowed. So
as either by the ill shape of the old Roman letters, or by
some spoil that time had wrought upon them, it might easily
come to pass, that the words should be mis-read, Simoni
Sancto ; and that some Christian who had heard of Simon
Magus, but not of Sangus, thereupon should frame the
conjecture which now passeth for a true history. Such con
jectures, being entertained without examination, find credit
by tradition, whereby, also, many times, their fashion is
amended, and made more historical than was conceived by
the author. But it cannot be safe to let our faith (which
ought to stand firm upon a sure foundation) lean over-hardly
on a well painted, yet rotten, post.

Now concerning the triumph of Cn. Manlius, it may be
numbered among a few of the richest which ever the city
beheld. Out of that which he brought into the treasury,
was made the last payment of those monies which the com
monwealth had borrowed from private men in the second
Punic war. So long was it that Rome had still some feel
ing of Hannibal; which being past, there was remaining
neither care nor memory of any danger. This triumph of
Manlius was deferred by him, even as long as he well
could ; for that he thought it not safe to make his entrance
into the city, until the heat of an inquisition, then raging

768 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

therein, should be allayed. The two Scipios were called,
one after other, into judgment, by two tribunes of the
people ; men, only by this accusation known to posterity.
P. Scipio the African, with whom they began, could not
endure that such unworthy men should question him of
purloining from the common treasury, or of being hired
with bribes by Antiochus to make an ill bargain for his
country. When, therefore, his day of answer came, he ap
peared before the tribunes, not humbly, as one accused, but
followed by a great train of his friends and clients, with
which he passed through the midst of the assembly, and
offered himself to speak. Having audience, he told the
people, that upon the same day of the year he had fought a
great battle with Hannibal, and finished the Punic war by
a signal victory. In memory whereof, he thought it no fit
season to brabble at the law ; but intended to visit the Ca
pitol, and there give thanks to Jupiter and the rest of the
gods, by whose grace, both on that day and at other times,
he had well and happily discharged the most weighty busi
ness of the commonwealth. And hereto he invited with
him all the citizens ; requesting them, " that if ever since
" the seventeenth year of his life, until he now grew old,
" the honourable places by them conferred upon him had
" prevented the capacity of his age, and yet his deserts had
66 exceeded the greatness of those honourable places ; then
" would they pray that the princes and great ones of their
" city might still be like to him."" These words were heard
with great approbation ; so as all the people, even the offi
cers of the court, followed Scipio, leaving the tribunes
alone, with none about them, excepting their own slaves
and a crier, by whom ridiculously they cited him to judg
ment, until, for very shame, as not knowing what else to
do, they granted him, unrequested, a further day. After
this, when the African perceived that the tribunes would
not let fall their suit, but enforce him to submit himself to
a disgraceful trial, he willingly relinquished the city, and
his unthankful Romans, that could suffer him to undergo
so much indignity. The rest of his time he spent at Liter-

CHAP. v. OF THE WORLD. 769

num, quietly, with a few of his inward friends, and without
any desire of seeing Rome again. How many years he
lived, or whether he lived one whole year in this voluntary
banishment, it is uncertain. The report of his dying in the
same year with Hannibal and Philopoemen, as also of his
private behaviour at Liternum, render it probable that he
outlived the tribuneship of his accusers, who meant to have
drawn him back to his answer, if one of their colleagues (as
one of them had power to hinder all the rest from proceed
ing) had not caused them to desist. Howsoever it was, the
same tribunes went more sharply to work with L. Scipio,
the Asiatic. They propounded a decree unto the people,
touching money received of Antiochus, and not brought
into the common treasury; that the senate should give
charge unto one of the pretors to inquire and judicially de
termine thereof. In favour of this decree an oration was
made by Cato, the supposed author of these contentions,
and instigator of the tribunes. He was a man of great, but
not perfect virtue ; temperate, valiant, and of singular in
dustry; frugal also, both of the public, and of his own; so
as in this kind he was even faulty ; for though he would
not be corrupted with bribes, yet was he unmerciful and
unconscionable, in seeking to increase his own wealth by
such means as the law did warrant. Ambition was his vice,
which, being poisoned with envy, troubled both himself and
the whole city, whilst he lived. His mean birth caused
him to hate the nobility, especially those that were in chief
estimation. Neither did he spare to bite at such as were of
his own rank, men raised by desert, if their advancement
were like to hinder his ; but lately before this, when Gla-
brio, whose lieutenant he had been at Thermopylae, was his
competitor for the censorship, and likely to carry it, he took
an oath against him, which was counted as no better than
malicious perjury, that he had not brought into" the common
treasury some vessels of gold and silver gotten in the camp
of Antiochus. Now the hatred which he bare unto the
Scipios grew partly (besides his general spite at the no
bility) from his own first rising, wherein he was counte-

770 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

nanced by Fabius Maximus, who brooked not the African,
partly from some check that was given unto himself in the
African voyage, by P. Scipio, whose treasurer he then was.
For when Cato did utter his dislike of the consul's bad hus
bandry (judging magnificence to be no better) in some pe
remptory manner, Scipio plainly told him, that he had no
need of such double diligence in his treasurer. Wherefore,
either not caring what lies he published, or for want of
judgment thinking unworthily of the virtue that was far
above him, Cato filled Rome with untrue reports against
his general, whose noble deeds confuted sufficiently the
author of such false tales. And thus began the hatred ;
which being not regarded nor thought upon by the Scipios,
whilst it was nourished by their enemy, brake out upon ad
vantage, especially against L. Scipio, his brother being dead,
or out of the way. A severe inquiry and judgment being
appointed of purpose against Scipio, matters were so carried,
that he was soon condemned in a sum of money far exceed
ing his ability to pay. For non-payment, his body should
have been laid up in prison ; but from this rigour of the law
he was freed by Tiberius Gracchus, the same tribune who
had caused the suit against the African to be let fall. In
his estate, which was confiscated to the use of the city,
when there neither appeared any sign of his having been
beholding to Antiochus, nor was found so much as what he
had been condemned to pay, then fell his accusers, and all
whose hands had been against him, into the indignation of
the people. But for this was L. Scipio no whit the better.
His kindred, friends, and clients made such a collection for
him, as would have set him in better estate than before, if
he had accepted it. He took no more than such of his own
goods as were of necessary use, being redeemed for him by
his nearest friends.

And thus began the civil war of the tongue, in the Ro
man pleadings, which had either not been, or not been much
regardable, until now, since the Punic war. Security of
danger from abroad, and some want of sufficient employ
ment, were especial helps to the kindling of this fire, which

CHAP. v. OF THE WORLD. 771

first caught hold upon that great worthy, to whose virtue
Rome was indebted, for changing into so great security her
extreme danger. But these factious contentions did no long
while contain themselves within heat of words and cunning
practice. For when the art of leading the multitude in such
quarrelsome business grew to perfection, they that found
themselves over-matched by their adversaries, at this kind
of weapon, began to make opposition, first with clubs and
stones, afterward with swords ; and finally, proceeded from
frays and murders in the streets, unto battle in the open
field. Cornelia, daughter of Scipio the African, a lady
of rare virtue, that in honour of her two sons was more
commonly named Mother of the Gracchi, saw those her two
sons, whilst they were but young, slaughtered in Rome, toge
ther with some of her friends, by those whom they opposed,
and their death not revenged by order of law, but rather
approved by the senate. At these times the senators began
to take upon them authority more than was to them be
longing. They conferred upon the consuls all the whole
power of the city, under this form, " Let the consuls pro-
" vide, that the commonweal receive no detriment." By
this decree of theirs, and by their proclaiming any citizen
enemy to the state, they thought to have won a great ad
vantage over the multitude. But after the death of C.
Gracchus, and of Saturninus, a popular man, whom by such
authority they did put out of the way, it was not long ere
Marius, a famous captain of theirs, was so condemned, who
by force of arms returned into the city, and murdered all
the principal senators; whereupon began the civil wars,
which giving unto Sylla, who prevailed therein, means to
make himself absolute lord of Rome, taught Caesar, a man
of higher spirit, to affect and obtain the like sovereign
power, when by the like decree of the senate he was pro
voked. It is true, that never any consul had finally cause
to rejoice of his having put in execution such authority to
him committed by the senate. But as the fury of the mul
titude, in passing their laws, by hurling of stones, and other
violence, made the city stand in need of a sovereign lord ;

772 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

so the vehemency of the senate, in condemning as enemies
those that would not submit themselves, when they were
overtopped by voices in the house, did compel Caesar, or
give him at least pretence, to right himself by arms, where
with prevailing against his adversaries, he took such order,
that neither senate nor people should thenceforth be able
to do him wrong. So by intestine discord, the Romans,
consuming all or most of their principal citizens, lost their
own freedom, and became subjects unto the arbitrary go
vernment of one : suffering this change in three generations
after this beginning of their insolent rule, wherein they took
upon them, as the highest lords on earth, to do even what
they listed. Yet had not Rome indeed attained hitherto
unto complete greatness, nor believed of herself as if she
had, whilst a king sat crowned on the throne of Alexander,
continuing and upholding the reputation of a former empire.
Wherefore this consummation of her honour was thought
upon betimes. How it was effected, the sequel will discover.

CHAP. VI.

The second Macedonian war.

SECT. I.

The condition wherein those princes and estates remained, which
were associates of the Romans, when the war with Antiochus was
finished. The Romans quarrel with Philip. They deal insolently
with the Ach&ans. The Macedonian, being unready for war, ob
tains peace at Rome, by his son Demetrius ; of whom, thenceforth,
he becomes jealous.

AFTER the overthrow of Antiochus, although Philip of
Macedon, Eumenes king of Pergamus, the commonweal of
the Achaeans, and all other the states of Greece, were govern
ed by the same laws and magistrates as they formerly had
been, before the arrival of the Romans in those parts ; yet
in very truth (the public declaration excepted) they were

CHAP. vi. OF THE WORLD. 773

none other than absolute vassals to the people of Rome.
For of those five prerogatives belonging to a monarch, or
unt;o sovereign power, in whomsoever it rest, namely, to
make laws, to create magistrates, to arbitrate peace and war,
to beat money, and to reserve, as the French call it, le dernier
resort, or the last appeals, the Romans had assumed four ;
and the greatest of them so absolutely, that is, the appeal,
or last resort, as every petty injury, goffered to each other by
the forenamed kings or states, was heard and determined
either by the Roman ambassadors or commissioners in
those places whence the complaint came, or otherwise by the
senators themselves within Rome : from whose arbitrament
or direction, if either king or commonweals declined, he
or they were beaten, and enforced to obedience, or had their
estates and regalities utterly dissolved. Nevertheless, it is
true that they had their own laws, and officers of their own
ordaining ; yet so as neither their laws were of force, when
the Romans interposed their will to the contrary, neither
was their election of magistrates so free, as that they had
not therein especial regard unto the good pleasure of these
their masters.

And to such degree of servitude the several estates of
Greece did bow very gently ; either as being thankful for
their deliverance from a yoke more sensibly grievous ; or
as being skilful in the art of flattery, and therein taking de
light, since therein consisted their chief hope of thriving;
or as being more fearful of displeasing the strongest, than
mindful of their own honour. But Eumenes living further
off, and being most obsequious unto the Romans, was not,
of long time, questioned about any of his doings ; his con
formity unto them in matter of war and peace, together
with the diversion of their thoughts another way, giving
him leave to use his own even as he listed, until they should
otherwise dispose of him. Neither was it a little available
to him, that his kingdom bordered upon the nations by
them not throughly subdued. For upon the same reason
(as well as upon his own high deserts) were they very lov
ing unto Masinissa and to his house, until Carthage was

774 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

ruined, and their dominion settled in Afric ; as likewise after
wards to the kings of Mauritania, Cappadocia, and others ;
holding people in subjection unto themselves by the min
istry of kings, especially of such kings as were useful and
obsequious unto them.

Now the Macedonian was of a more noble temper, and
shewed himself not forgetful of his own former greatness,
the honour of his race, or the high reputation of his king
dom. But such magnanimity was none otherwise construed
by the Romans, than as want of due reverence to their
estate, and a valuation of himself against them, which, in
the pride of their fortune, they could not endure. Where
fore, notwithstanding that he had lately given passage to
their armies through his country, prepared the ways for
them, and furnished them both with victuals and other
things needful, to transport them over the Hellespont into
Asia, against Antiochus; yet upon the complaint of Eu-
menes, and the states of Thessaly and Thrace, he was com
manded to abandon the cities of ^Enus and Maronea, with
all pieces and places demanded by any of his neighbours,
whereof many of them he had lately conquered, by direc
tion or license even from the Romans themselves.

These towns of ^Enus and Maronea had been part of
Lysimachus's kingdom, twho, from Thrace northwards, and
to the north-west, extended his dominion very far. He is
thought to have made himself lord of Transylvania, in
which province it is said l that innumerable medals of gold
have been found, in the age of our grandfathers, each of
them weighing two or three crowns, and stamped with his
image on the one side, on the other side with victory. Of
all these lordships, the possession, or rather the title, (for
he lived not to settle his estate in Europe,) fell to Seleucus
Nicator by right of war, wherein he vanquished and slew
Lysimachus ; as also, by the like right, Ptolomy Ceraunus
thought them his own, when he had murdered Seleucus.
But the inundation of the Gauls, which the kingdom of Ma-
cedon could not sustain, did shortly and easily wash away

* Hist, of Hungary, by Mart. Fumee, lib. 5.

CHAP. vi. OF THE WORLD. 775

from that crown, together with the more part of Thrace, all
those heaps of land newly thereto annexed. Somewhat of
this was afterwards regained by Antigonus the son of De
metrius, and his successors, though not much ; for they were
otherwise busied. The fury of the Gauls being overpast, those
countries which lately had been oppressed by them reco
vered their liberty, and not only held it, but learned, some of
them, especially the Dardanians and wild Thracians, to find
their advantages, and make use of them, even upon Mace-
don. Against the mischiefs commonly done by these, king
Philip did provide the most convenient remedies, by shut
ting up the ways, whereby the Dardanians might enter into
his kingdom, and by occupying Lysimachia, with some
other towns in Thrace, which he fortified, as bulwarks of
his own country, against the Barbarians. Now, although
it behoved him thus to do for the defence of his own estate,
yet, forasmuch as these towns were in a manner at absolute
liberty, his possession of them was thought to partake more
of violence than of justice. And in this respect he was for
merly accused by the ^Etolians of wrongful usurpation and
oppression, in his having occupied Lysimachia. Hereto he
made a good answer, that his garrison did only save it from
the Thracians, who, as soon as he thence withdrew his men,
did seize upon the town, and ruin it. The like perhaps he
might have said touching ^Enus and Maronea, that they
were places unable to defend themselves, and gates, by
which the Barbarians might have entrance into his king
dom. But this plea had not availed him in the disputation
about Lysimachia; and in the present question the Ro
mans were not without their own title, since Antiochus had
gotten all the country thereabout, whilst Philip was busied
in his former war ; and since they, by their victory, had
gotten unto themselves all the title which Antiochus there
to could pretend. Wherefore he only submitted his right
unto the good pleasure of the senate, referring it unto their
disposition, whether ^Enus and Maronea should be set at
liberty, whether left in his hand, or whether bestowed upon
Eumenes, who begged them as an appendix to Lysimachia

RALEGH, VOL. IV. 3 F

776 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

and Chersonnesus, that were already his by their gift.
What they would determine, he might easily perceive by
the demeanour of their ambassadors towards him; who,
sitting as judges between him and all that made complaint
upon him, gave sentence against him in every controversy.
Nevertheless he sent ambassadors to Rome, there to maintain
his right unto these towns, wherein he thought that equity
(if it might prevail) was wholly on his side. For he had
holpen their consuls in the war against Antiochus and the
jfCtolians, wherein whatsoever he had gotten for himself
was now taken from him by their ambassadors ; and would
they now deprive him of those two towns, lying so fitly for
the guard of his kingdom, which he had gotten to himself
out of the ruins of Antiochus, like as out of his own ruins
Antiochus had gotten in those quarters a great deal more ?
By such allegations, either he was likely to prevail, or at
leastwise to gain time, wherein he might bethink himself
what he had to do. It was not long, ere he had word from
Rome, that the senate were no more equal to him than had
been their ambassadors. Wherefore, considering how inso
lently the Maronites had behaved themselves in pleading
against him for their liberty, he took counsel of his own
passions, and (as by nature he was very cruel) gave order
to Onomastus, that was warden of the sea-coasts, to handle
these Maronites in such sort, as they might have little joy
of the liberty by them so earnestly desired. Onomastus
employed Cassander, one of the kingV men dwelling in
Maronea, and willed him to let in the Thracians by night,
that they might sack the town, and use all cruelties of war.
This was done ; but so ill taken by the Roman ambassadors,
who had better notice than could have been feared of these
proceedings, that the king was by them directly charged
with the crime, and called more strictly than became his
majesty to an account. He would have removed the blame
from himself, and laid it even upon the Maronites ; affirming,
that they, in heat of their factions, being some inclinable
to him, other some to Eumenes, had fallen into such out
rage, that they had cut one another's throats. And hereof

CHAP. vi. OF THE WORLD. 777

he willed the ambassadors to inquire among the Maronites
themselves, as well knowing that they who survived were
either his own friends, or so terrified and amazed by the
late execution of his vengeance among them, that they durst
not utter an offensive word. But he found the Romans
more severe, and more throughly informed in the business,
than to rest contented with such an answer. He was plainly
told, that if he would discharge himself of the crime ob
jected, he must send Onomastus and Cassander to Rome,
there to be examined as the senate should think fit. This
did not a little trouble him : yet he collected his spirits,
and said, that Cassander should be at their disposition ; but
concerning Onomastus, who had not been at Maronea, nor
near to it, he requested them not to press him, since it stood
not with his honour so lightly to give away his friends.
As for Cassander, because he should tell no tales, he took
order to have him poisoned by the way. By this we see,
that the doctrine which Machiavel taught unto Caesar
Borgia, to employ men in mischievous actions, and after
wards to destroy them when they have performed the mis
chief, was not of his own invention. All ages have given
us examples of this goodly policy, the latter having been
apt scholars in this lesson to the more ancient, as the reign
of Henry the Eighth here in England can bear good wit
ness ; and therein especially the lord Cromwell, who perished
by the same unjust law, that himself had devised, for the
taking away of another man's life.

Such actions of Philip made an unpleasant noise at Rome,
and were like to have brought upon him the war which he
feared, before he was ready to entertain it. Wherefore he
employed his younger son Demetrius as ambassador unto
the senate, giving him instructions how to make answer to
all complaints ; and withal to deliver his own grievances, in
such wise, that, if ought were amiss, yet might it appear that
he had been strongly urged to take such courses. The
sum of his embassage was, to pacify the Romans, and make
all even for the present. Demetrius himself was known to
be very acceptable unto the senate, as having been well ap-

778 THE HISTORY BOOKV.

proved by them when he was hostage in Rome, and there
fore seemed the more likely to prevail somewhat, were it
only in regard that would be borne unto his person.

Whilst this business with the Macedonian hung in sus
pense, and whilst he, by his readiness to make submission,
seemed likely to divert from himself some other way the
Roman arms ; the same ambassadors, that had been judges
between him and his neighbours, made their progress
through the rest of Greece, and took notice of the contro
versies which they found between some estates in the coun
try. The greatest cause that was heard before them was
the complaint of the banished Lacedaemonians against the
Achaeans. It was objected unto the Achaeans, that they
had committed a grievous slaughter upon many citizens of
Lacedaemon ; that unto this cruelty they had added a
greater, in throwing down the walls of the city; as also
further, in changing the laws, and abrogating the famous
institutions of Lycurgus. Hereto Lycortas, then pretor of
the Achaeans, made answer, that these banished Lacedae
monians, who now took upon them to accuse the nation that
had once protected them, were notoriously known to be the
men who had themselves committed that murder, whereof
shamelessly they laid the blame upon others ; the Achaeans
having only called those unto judgment, that were supposed
to be chief authors of a rebellion against both them and
the Romans ; and these plaintiffs having slain them, upon
private, though just hatred, as they were coming to make
answer for themselves. Concerning their throwing down
the walls of Lacedaemon, he said it was most agreeable to
Lycurgus's ordinance, who, having persuaded his citizens
to defend their town and liberty by their proper virtue, did
inhibit unto them all kinds of fortifications, as the retreats
and nests either of cowards, or (whereof Lacedaemon had
woeful experience) of tyrants and usurpers. Further, he
shewed, how the same tyrants that had built these walls,
and hemmed in the Spartans, had also quite abolished
Lycurgus's ordinances, and governed the city by their own
lawless will. As for the Achaeans, they communicated their

CHAP. vi. OF THE WORLD. 779

own laws, which they held for the best, or else would soon
change them and take better, unto the Lacedaemonians,
whom they found without laws, or any tolerable form of
policy. For conclusion, Lycortas plainly told App. Clau
dius, the chief of the ambassadors, that he and his country
men held it strange, being friends and faithful allies of the
Romans, to see themselves thus constrained to answer and
give account of their actions, as vassals and slaves unto the
people of Rome. For if they were indeed at liberty, why
might not the Achseans as well require to be satisfied about
that which the Romans had done at Capua, as the Romans
did busy themselves to take account how things went at
Lacedaemon ? For if the Romans would stand upon their
greatness, and intimate, as they began, that the liberty of
their friends was nothing worth, longer than should please
themselves to ratify it; then must the Achaeans have re
course unto those agreements that were confirmed by oath,
and which without perjury could not be violated; as re
verencing, and indeed fearing, the Romans, but much
more the immortal gods. To this bold answer of Lycortas,
Appius found little to reply : yet taking state upon him,
he pronounced, more like a master than a judge, that if the
Achaeans would not be ruled by fair means, and earn thanks
whilst they might, they should be compelled with a mischief
to do what was required at their hands, whether they would
or no. This altercation was in the parliament of the Achae
ans, which groaned to hear the lordly words of Appius.
Yet fear prevailed above indignation, and it was permitted
unto the Romans to do as they listed. Hereupon the am
bassadors restored some banished and condemned men ; but
the Roman senate, very soon after, did make void all judg
ments of death or banishment, that had been laid by the
Achaeans upon any citizen of Lacedaemon ; as likewise they
made it a matter of disputation, whether or no the city and
territory of Lacedaemon should be suffered to continue a
member of the Achaean commonwealth, or taken from them,
and made, as it had been, an estate by itself. By bringing
such a matter into question, the Romans well declared, that

780 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

they held it to depend upon their own will, how much or
how little any of their confederates should be suffered to
enjoy; though by contributing Sparta to the council of
Achaia, they discovered no less, as to them seemed, the love
which they bare unto the Achaians, than the power which
they had over them.

Into such slavery had the Greeks, and all kings and
commonweals whatsoever bordering upon any part of the
Mediterranean seas, reduced themselves by calling in the
Romans to their succour. They wanted not the good coun
sel and persuasions of many wise and temperate men among
them; they had also the examples of the Italians, Spaniards,
Gauls, and Africans, all subdued by the Romans, and, by
seeking patronage, made mere vassals, to instruct them
what, in the like case, they should expect : yet could not the
true reasons of estate and policy so prevail with them, but
their private passions, and neighbouring hatred, which hath
evermore bought revenge at the price of self-ruin, brought
them from the honour which they enjoyed, of being free
princes and cities, into most base and fearful servility.

All this made well for Philip of Macedon, who, though
he saw the Greeks very far from daring to stir against those
by whom both he and they were kept in awe, yet was he
not without hope, that (few of them excepted, whom the
Romans by freeing from his subjection had made his im
placable enemies) in hearty affection all the country would be
his, whensoever he should take arms, as shortly he was like to
do. Young Demetrius, coming home from Rome, brought
with him the desired ratification of peace, though qualified
with much indignity soon following. He had been lovingly
used at Rome, and heard with great favour in the senate.
There, being confounded with the multitude of objections,
whereto his youth, unskilful in the art of wrangling, could
not readily make answer, it was permitted unto him to read
such brief notes as he had received from his father, and out
of those the senate were contented to gather satisfaction,
more for Demetrius's own sake, as they then said, and wrote
into Macedon, than for any goodness in the defence. Such

CHAP. vi. OF THE WORLD. 781

pride of theirs, in remitting his faults at the entreaty of his
son, together with some insolence of his son, growing (as
appeared) from this favour of the Romans, did increase in
Philip his hatred unto Rome, and breed in him a jealousy of
his too forward son. To set him forward in these passions,
there came daily new ambassadors from Rome, some bring
ing one commandment, some another, and some requiring
him to fulfil those things which had been imposed upon him
by their foregoers. Neither were there wanting that ob
served his countenance ; and, when he had fulfilled all that
was required at his hands, yet laid it to his charge that he
had done things unwillingly, and would be obedient no
longer than he needs must. With these ambassadors young
Demetrius was conversant, rather perhaps out of simplicity,
and for that they made much of him, than for any ambi
tious respect ; yet a great deal more than was pleasing to
his father. So the rumour grew current through all Ma-
cedon, that Perseus, the elder son of the king, should not
succeed unto his father, but that the diadem should be con
ferred upon Demetrius, if not by some other pretence, yet
by mere favour of the Romans. This offended not only
Perseus, but Philip himself; who suspected his younger
son as more Roman than his own, and accordingly miscon
strued all his doings. But ere we proceed unto the bitter
fruits of this jealousy, it will not be amiss to speak of some
memorable accidents that were in the mean time.

SECT. II.

The death of Philopcemen, Hannibal, and Scipio. That the mili
tary profession is of all other the most unhappy, notwithstanding
some examples which may seem to prove the contrary.
THE Romans, wanting other matter of quarrel in the
continent of Greece, had of late been so peremptory with
the Achaeans, that they seemed not unlikely to take part
against them in any controversy that should be moved.
Hereupon the Messenians, who against their will were an
nexed unto the Achaean commonwealth, having long been
of a contrary faction thereto, grew bold to withdraw them-

782 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

selves from that society, with purpose to set up again an
estate of their own, severed from communion with any other.
This was the device of some that were powerful in their
city, who, finding the multitude only inclinable to their pur
pose, and not over-strongly affected in the business, were
careful to seek occasion of reducing things to such pass,
that all their citizens might be entangled in a necessity of
standing out, and of not returning to the Achaean league.
And hereupon they began to do some acts of hostility,
whereby it was probable that blood should be drawn, and
either side so far exasperated, that little hope of agreement
would be left. Upon the fame of their commotion and pro
ceedings, Philopremen, then pretor of the Achaeans, levied
such forces as he could in haste, and went against them.
Many principal gentlemen of the Achaeans, especially of
the Megalopolitans, were soon in a readiness to wait upon
him. Besides these, which were all, or for the most part,
horse, he had some auxiliaries out of Thrace and Crete, that
usually were kept in pay. Thus accompanied, he met with
Dinocrates, captain of the Messenians, whom he charged,
and forced to run. But whilst his horsemen were too earn
est in following the chase, there arrived, by chance, a sup
ply of five hundred from Messene, which gave new courage
unto those that fled. So the enemies began to make head
again, and with the help of those who very seasonably came
to their aid, compelled Philopoemen's horsemen to turn
back. Philopoemen himself had long been sick of an ague,
and was then very weak ; yet the greatness of his courage
would not suffer him to be negligent of their safety, which
had so willingly adventured themselves under his conduct.
He took upon him to make the retreat ; and suffering his
horsemen to pass along by him in a narrow lane, he often
turned about against the Messenians, whom his reputation,
and the knowledge of his great worth, did terrify from ap
proaching over-near to him. But it fell out unhappily,
that being cast to ground by a fall of his horse, and being
withal in very weak plight of body, he was unable to get
up again. So the enemies came upon him, and took him ;

CHAP. vi. OF THE WORLD. 783

yet scarce believed their fortune to be so good, although
their eyes were witnesses. The first messenger that brought
these news to Messene was so far from being believed, that
he was hardly thought to be in his right wits. But when
the truth was affirmed by many reports, all the city ran forth
to meet him, and behold the spectacle seeming so incredible.
They caused him to be brought into the theatre, that there
they might satisfy themselves with beholding him. The
greatest part of them had compassion on his misfortune,
and in commemoration both of his virtue, and of the sin
gular benefits by him done unto them, especially in deli
vering them from Nabis the tyrant, began to manifest their
good-will for his delivery. Contrariwise, Dinocrates and his
faction were desirous hastily to take away his life, because
they held him a man implacable, and one that would never
leave any disgrace or injury, done to him, unrevenged.
They durst not one trust another with the keeping of him,
but committed him into a strong vault under ground, that
had been made for the custody of their treasure. So thi
ther they let him down fast bound, and with an engine laid
an heavy stone upon the mouth of the vault. There he
had not stayed long, ere his enemies had concluded his
present death. The hangman of the city was let down unto
him with a cup of poison, which Philopoemen took in his
hand, and asking no more than whether the horsemen were
escaped, and particularly whether Lycortas was safe; when
he heard an answer to his mind, he said it was well, and so
with a cheerful countenance drank his last draught. He
was seventy years old, and weakened with long sickness,
whereby the poison wrought the sooner, and easily took
away his life. The Achaeans, when they missed him in
their flight, were marvellously offended with themselves,
for that they had been more mindful to preserve their own
lives, than to look unto the safety of so excellent a com.
mander. Whilst they were devising what to do in such a
case, they got advertisement of his being taken. All Achaia
was by this report vehemently afflicted, so as ambassadors
were forthwith despatched unto Messene, craving his en-

784 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

largement; and yet preparation made withal to obtain it
by force, in case that fair means would not serve. Lycortas
was chosen general of the army against Messene ; who com
ing thither, and laying siege to the town, enforced it in short
space to yield. Then Dinocrates, knowing what he was to
expect, laid hands upon himself, and made an end of his
own life. The rest of those that had been partakers in the
murder were compelled to wait in bonds upon the ashes of
Philopcemen, that were carried home in solemn pomp to
Megalopolis, where they were all of them slain at his fune
ral, as sacrifices to his ghost whom they had offended. Q.
Martius, a Roman ambassador, was then in Greece, whence,
upon one occasion or other, the Roman ambassadors were
seldom absent. He would have intermeddled in this busi
ness of Messene, had not Lycortas made short work, and
left him nothing to do.

About the same time was T. Quintius Flaminius sent am
bassador to Prusias king of Bithynia ; not so much to with
draw him from prosecuting the war against Eumenes, as to
entreat him that he would deliver Hannibal, the most spite
ful enemy in all the world unto the senate and people of
Rome, into his hands. Prusias (therein unworthy of the
crown he wore) did readily condescend ; or rather, (as Livy
thinks,) to gratify the Romans, he determined either to kill
Hannibal, or to deliver him alive to Flaminius. For upon
the first conference between the king and Flaminius, a troop
of soldiers were directed to guard and environ the lodging
where Hannibal lay. That famous captain, having found
cause, before this, to suspect the faith of Prusias, had devised
some secret sallies under ground, to save himself from any
treasonable and sudden assault. But finding now that all
parts about him were foreclosed, he had recourse to his last
remedy, which he then was constrained to practise, as well
to frustrate his enemies of their triumphing over him, as to
save himself from their torture and merciless hands ; who,
as he well knew, would neither respect his famous enter
prises, his honour, nor his age. When therefore he saw no
way of escape, nor counsel to resort unto, he took the poi-

CHAP. vi. OF THE WORLD. 785

son into his hand, which he always preserved for a sure anti
dote against the sharpest diseases of adverse fortune ; which
being ready to swallow down, he uttered these words : "I
" will now," said he, " deliver the Romans of that fear which
" hath so many years possessed them ; that fear, which
" makes them impatient to attend the death of an old man.
" This victory of Flaminius over me, which am disarmed,
66 and betrayed into his hands, shall never be numbered
" among the rest of his heroical deeds : no ; it shall make
" it manifest to all the nations of the world how far the
" ancient Roman virtue is degenerate and corrupted. For
" such was the nobleness of their forefathers, as, when Pyr-
" rhus invaded them in Italy, and was ready to give them
" battle at their own doors, they gave him knowledge of
" the treason intended against him by poison : whereas
" these of a later race have employed Flaminius, a man
" who hath heretofore been one of their consuls, to practise
" with Prusias, contrary to the honour of a king, contrary
" to his faith given, and contrary to the laws of hospitality,
" to slaughter or deliver up his own guest." He then curs
ing the person of Prusias, and all his, and desiring the im
mortal gods to revenge his infidelity, drank off the poison,
and died.

In this year also, (as good authors have reported,) to ac
company Philopcemen and Hannibal, died Scipio the Afri
can : these being all of them as great captains as ever the
world had, but not more famous than unfortunate. Cer
tainly, for Hannibal, whose tragedy we have now finished,
had he been prince of the Carthaginians, and one who by
his authority might have commanded such supplies as the
war which he undertook required, it is probable that he
had torn up the Roman empire by the roots. But he was
so strongly crossed by a cowardly and envious faction at
home, as his proper virtue, wanting public force to sustain
it, did lastly dissolve itself in his own, and in the common
misery of his country and commonweal.

Hence it comes, to wit, from the envy of our equals and
jealousy of our masters, be they kings or commonweals,

786 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

that there is no profession more unprosperous than that of
men of war and great captains, being no kings. For, besides
the envy and jealousy of men, the spoils, rapes, famine,
slaughter of the innocent, vastation, and burnings, with a
world of miseries laid on the labouring man, are so hateful
to God, as with good reason did Monluc the marshal of
France confess, that " were not the mercies of God in-
". finite, and without restriction, it were in vain for those of
" his profession to hope for any portion of them : seeing
" the cruelties by them permitted and committed were
" also infinite." Howsoever, this is true : that the victo
ries which are obtained by many of the greatest com
manders are commonly either ascribed to those that serve
under them, to fortune, or to the cowardice of the nation
against whom they serve. For the most of others, whose
virtues have raised them above the level of their inferiors,
and have surmounted their envy, yet have they been re
warded in the end, either with disgrace, banishment, or
death. Among the Romans we find many examples hereof;
as Coriolanus, M. Livius, L. ^Emilius, and this our Scipio,
whom we have lately buried. Among the Greeks we read
of not many that escaped these rewards. Yea, long before
these times, it was a legacy that David bequeathed unto his
victorious captain Joab. With this fare Alexander feasted
Parmenio, Philotas, and others, and prepared it for Anti-
pater and Cassander. Hereto Valentinian the emperor in
vited ^Etius; who, after many other victories, overthrew
Attila of the Huns in the greatest battle, for the well
fighting and resolution of both armies, that ever was
strucken in the world ; for there fell of those that fought,
besides runaways, an hundred and fourscore thousand. Here
upon it was well and boldly told unto the emperor by Proxi-
mus, that in killing of JEtius he had cut off his own right
hand with his left ; for it was not long after, that Maximus
(by whose persuasion Valentinian slew M tins) murdered the
emperor, which he never durst attempt, JEtius living. And,
besides the loss of that emperor, it is true, that, with ^Etius,
the glory of the western empire was rather dissolved than

CHAP. vi. OF THE WORLD. 787

obscured. The same unworthy destiny, or a far worse, had
Belisarius, whose undertakings and victories were so diffi
cult and glorious, as after-ages suspected them for fabulous :
for he had his eyes torn out of his head by Justinian, and
he died a blind beggar. Narses also, to the great prejudice
of Christian religion, was disgraced by Justin. That rule
of Cato against Scipio hath been well observed in every
age since then ; to wit, that the commonweal cannot be ac
counted free which standeth in awe of any one man. And
hence have the Turks drawn another principle, and indeed
a Turkish one, that every warlike prince should rather de
stroy his greatest men of war, than suffer his own glory to
be obscured by them. For this cause did Bajazet the Se
cond despatch Bassa Acomat ; Selim strangle Bassa Mus-
tapha ; and most of those princes bring to ruin the most of
their viziers. Of the Spanish nation, the great Gonsalvo,
who drove the French out of Naples, and Ferdinando Cor
tes, who conquered Mexico, were crowned with nettles,
not with laurel. The earls of Egmond and Horn had no
heads left them to wear garlands on. And that the great
captains of all nations have been paid with this copper coin,
there are examples more than too many. On the contrary
it may be said, that many have acquired the state of princes,
kings, and emperors, by their great ability in matter of war.
This I confess : yet must it be had withal in consideration,
that these high places have been given, or offered, unto very
few, as rewards of their military virtue ; though many have
usurped them by the help and favour of those armies which
they commanded. Neither is it unregardable, that the ty
rants which have oppressed the liberty of free cities, and
the lieutenants of kings or emperors which have traitor
ously cast down their masters, and stepped up into their
seats, were not all of them good men of war ; but have used
the advantage of some commotion; or many of them by
base and cowardly practices have obtained those dignities,
which undeservedly were ascribed to their personal worth.
So that the number of those that have purchased absolute
greatness by the greatness of their warlike virtue, is far

788 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

more in seeming than in deed. Phocas was a soldier, and,
by help of the soldiers, he got the empire from his lord
Mauritius ; but he was a coward ; and with a barbarous
cruelty, seldom found in any other than cowards, he slew
first the children of Mauritius, a prince that never had done
him wrong, before his face, and after them Mauritius him
self. This his bloody aspiring was but as a debt, which
was paid unto him again by Heraclius, who took from him
the imperial crown, unjustly gotten, and set it on his own
head. Leontius laid hold upon the emperor Justin, cut off
his nose and ears, and sent him into banishment ; but God's
vengeance rewarded him with the same punishment by the
hands of Tiberius, to whose charge he had left his own men
of war. Justin, having recovered forces, lighted on Tibe
rius, and barbed him after the same fashion. Philippicus,
commanding the forces of Justin, murdered both the em
peror and his son. Anastasius, the vassal of this new tyrant,
surprised his master Philippicus, and thrust out both his
eyes. But with Anastasius, Theodosius dealt more gently ;
for having wrested the sceptre out of his hands, he enforced
him to become a priest. It were an endless and a needless
work to tell how Leo rewarded this Theodosius ; how many
others have been repaid with their own cruelty by men alike
ambitious and cruel ; or how many hundreds, or rather
thousands, hoping of captains to make themselves kings,
have by God^s justice miserably perished in the attempt.
The ordinary, and perhaps the best way of thriving, by the
practice of arms, is to take what may be gotten by the spoil
of enemies, and the liberality of those princes and cities in
whose service one hath well deserved. But scarce one of a
thousand have prospered by this course : for that observa
tion made by Salomon, of unthankfulness in this kind, hath
been found belonging to all countries and ages: UA little city,
and few men in it ; and a great king came against it, and
compassed it about, and builded forts against it : and there
was found a poor and wise man therein, and he delivered
the city by his wisdom; but none remembered this poor
11 Eccles. ix. 14, 15.

HAP. vi. OF THE WORLD. 789

man. Great monarchs are unwilling to pay great thanks,
lest thereby they should acknowledge themselves to have
been indebted for great benefits, which the unwiser sort of
them think to savour of some impotency in themselves. But
in this respect they are oftentimes cozened and abused ;
which proves that weakness to be in them indeed, whereof
they so gladly shun the opinion. Contrariwise, free estates
are bountiful in giving thanks ; yet so, as those thanks are not
of long endurance. But concerning other profit which their
captains have made, by enriching themselves with the spoil
of the enemy, they are very inquisitive to search into it, and
to strip the well-deservers out of their gettings ; yea most
injuriously to rob them of their own, upon a false suppo
sition, that even they whose hands are most clean from such
offences have purloined somewhat from the common trea
sury. Hereof I need not to produce examples ; that of the
two Scipios being so lately recited.

In my late sovereign's time, although, for the wars which
for her own safety she was constrained to undertake, her
majesty had no less cause to use the service of martial men
both by sea and land, than any of her predecessors for
many years had ; yet, according to the destiny of that pro
fession, I do not remember that any of hers, the lord admi
ral excepted, her eldest and most prosperous commander,
were either enriched, or otherwise honoured, for any service
by them performed. And that her majesty had many ad
vised, valiant, and faithful men, the prosperity of her af
fairs did well witness, who in all her days never received
dishonour, by the cowardice or infidelity of any commander
by herself chosen and employed.

For as all her old captains by land died poor men, as Mai-
bey, Randol, Drewry, Reade, Wilford, Lay ton, Pellam, Gil
bert, Cunstable, Bourchier, Barkeley, Bingham, and others;
so those of a later and more dangerous employment,
whereof Norice and Vere were the most famous, and who
have done as great honour to our nation (for the means
they had) as ever any did : those, I say, with many other
brave colonels, have left behind them (besides the reputa-

790 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

tion which they purchased with many travails and wounds)
nor title nor estate to their posterity. As for the lord Tho
mas Burrough, and Peregrine Berty lord Willoughby of
Eresby, two very worthy and exceeding valiant command
ers, they brought with them into the world their titles and
estates.

That her majesty in the advancement of her men of war
did sooner believe other men than herself, a disease unto
which many wise princes, besides herself, have been sub
ject ; I say, that such a confidence, although it may seem al
together to excuse her noble nature, yet can it not but in
some sort accuse her of weakness. And exceeding strange
it were, were not the cause manifest enough, that where
the prosperous actions are so exceedingly prized, the actors
are so unprosperous, and so generally neglected. The cause,
I say, which hath wrought one and the same effect in all
times, and among all nations, is this, that those which are
nearest the person of princes (which martial men seldom
are) can with no good grace commend, or at least magnify,
a profession far more noble than their own, seeing therein
they should only mind their masters of the wrong they did
unto others, in giving less honour and reward to men of far
greater deserving, and of far greater use than themselves.

But his majesty hath already paid the greatest part of
that debt: for besides the relieving by pensions all the
poorer sort, he hath honoured more martial men than all the
kings of England have done for this hundred years.

He hath given a coronet to the lord Thomas Haward for
his chargeable and remarkable service, as well in the year
1588, as at Cadiz, the Islands, and in our own seas ; having
first commanded as a captain, twice admiral of a squadron,
and twice admiral in chief. His majesty hath changed the
baronies of Montjoy and Burley into earldoms, and created
Sidney viscount ; Knollys, Russel, Carew, Danvers, Arundel
of Warder, Gerald, and Chichester, barons, for their govern
ments and services in the Netherlands, France, Ireland, and
elsewhere.

CHAP. vi. OF THE WORLD. 791

SECT. III.

Philip making provision for war against the Romans, deals hardly
with many of his own subjects. His negotiation with the Ba-
starnce. His cruelty. He suspecteth his son Demetrius. Deme
trius accused by his brother Perseus ; and shortly after slain by
his father s appointment. Philip repenteth him of his sons death,
whom hejindeth to have been innocent ; and, intending to revenge
it on Perseus, he dieth.

QUINTIUS MARTIUS, the Roman ambassador, who
travailed up and down, seeking what work might be found
about Greece, had received instruction from the senate
to use the most of his diligence in looking into the estate
of Macedon. At his return home, that he might not seem
to have discovered nothing, he told the fathers, that Philip
had done whatsoever they enjoined him ; yet so, as it might
appear that such his obedience would last no longer than
mere necessity should enforce him thereunto. He added
further, that all the doings and sayings of that king did
wholly tend unto rebellion, about which he was devising.
Now it was so indeed, that Philip much repented him of his
faithful obsequiousness to the Romans, and foresaw their
intent, which was, to get his kingdom into their own hands
with safety of their honour, if they could find convenient
means, or otherwise, (as to him seemed apparent,) by what
means soever. He was in an ill case, as having been al
ready vanquished by them; having lost exceedingly both
in strength and reputation ; having subjects that abhorred
to hear of war with Rome ; and having neither neighbour
nor friend, that, if he were thereto urged, would adventure
to take his part ; yet he provided as well as he could devise
against the necessity which he daily feared. Such of his
own people as dwelt in the maritime towns, and gave him
cause to suspect that they would do but bad service against
the Romans, he compelled to forsake their dwellings, and
removed them all into Emathia. The cities and country
whence these were transplanted he filled with a multitude
of Thracians, whose faith he thought a great deal more as
sured against those enemies that were terrible to the Mace-

RALEGH, VOL. IV. 3 G

792 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

donians. Further, he devised upon alluring the Bastarnae,
a strong and hardy nation, that dwelt beyond the river of
Danubius, to abandon their seat, and come to him with all
their multitude; who, besides other great rewards, would
help them to root out the Dardanians, and take possession
of their country. These were like to do him notable service
against the Romans ; being not only stout fighting men, but
such as, being planted in those quarters by him, would bear
respect unto him alone. The least benefit that could be
hoped by their arrival, must be the utter extirpation of
the Dardanians ; a people always troublesome to the king
dom of Macedon whensoever they found advantage. Nei
ther was it judged any hard matter to persuade those Ba
starnae, by hope of spoil, and other incitements, unto a
more desperate expedition, through Illyria, and the coun
tries upon the Adriatic sea, into Italy itself. It was not
known who should withstand them upon the way ; rather it
was thought, that the Scordisci, and peradventure some
others, through whose countries they were to pass, would
accompany them against the Romans, were it only in hope
of spoil. Now, to facilitate the remove of these Bastarnae
from their own habitations into the land of the Dardanians,
upon the border of Macedon, a long and tedious journey
unto them that carried with them their wives and children,
Philip with gifts did purchase the good-will of some Thra-
cian princes, lords of the countries through which they were
to pass. And thus he sought means to strengthen himself
with help of the wild nations, which neither knew the Ro
mans, nor were known unto them, since he was not like to
find assistance from any civil nation about the whole com
pass of the Mediterranean seas. But these devices were
long ere they took effect; so as the Bastarnae came not
before such time as he was dead; his death being the
overthrow of that purpose. In the mean time he neg
lected not the training of his men to war, and the exercise
of them in some small expeditions against those wild people
that bordered upon him, and stood worst affected toward
him.

CHAP. vi. OF THE WORLD. 793

But these his counsels and proceedings were miserably
disturbed by the calamities that fell upon him, both in his
kingdom and in his own house. The families and whole
townships, which he had caused much against their wills to
forsake their ancient dwellings, and betake themselves to
such new habitations as he in his discretion thought meeter
for them, were vehemently offended at the change. Yet
their anger at first contained itself within words, he having
done them no great wrong in that alteration, otherwise than
by neglecting their affection to the places wherein they had
long lived, which also he did unwillingly, being himself
overruled by necessity, that seemed apparent. This evil
therefore would soon have been determined, had not his
cruel and vindictive nature made it worse. He could not
pardon words proceeding from just sorrow, but imputed all
to traitorous malice, and accordingly sought revenge where
it was needless. In his rage he caused many to die, among
whom were some eminent men, and few or none of them
deservedly. This increased the hatred of the people, and
turned their former exclamations into bitter curses ; which
grew the more general, when the king, in a barbarous and
base fury, mistrusting all alike whom he had injured,
thought himself unlike to be safe, until he should have
massacred all the children of those parents whom tyran
nically he had put to death. In the execution of this his
unmanly pleasure, some accidents, more tragical than per
haps he could have desired, gave men cause to think (as
they could not in reason think otherwise) that, not without
vengeance poured on' him from Heaven, he felt the like mi
sery in his own children. It is hard to say what the Ro
mans intended in the extraordinary favour which they shew
ed unto Demetrius, the king's younger son. It may well
be, (though it may be also suspected,) that they had no pur
pose to make and nourish dissension between the brethren,
but only to cherish the virtue and towardliness of Demetrius,
like as we find it in their histories. But their notable fa
vour towards this young prince, and his mutual respect of
them, bred extreme jealousy in the father's head. If any

3r 9
(r A

794 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

custom of the Romans, the manner of their life, the fashion
of their apparel, or the unsightly contriving and building
(as then it was) of the town of Rome, were jested at in or
dinary discourse and table-talk, Demetrius was sure to be
presently on fire, defending and praising them, even in such
points as rather needed excuse. This, and his daily con
versation with their ambassadors, as often as they came,
gave his father cause to think that he was no fit partaker of
any counsel held against them. Wherefore he communi
cated all his devices with his elder son Perseus; who, fearing
so much lest his brother should step between him and the
succession, converted wholly unto his destruction that grace
which he had with his father. Perseus was then thirty
years old, of a stirring spirit, though much defective in va
lour : Demetrius was younger by five years, more open and
unwary in his actions, yet thought old and crafty enough
to entertain more dangerous practices than his free speeches
discovered. The jealous head of the king having enter
tained such suspicions, that were much increased by the
cunning practice of his elder son, a slight occasion made the
fire break out, that had long lain smothered. A muster,
and ceremonious lustration of the army, was wont to be
made at certain times with great solemnity. The manner
of it at the present was thus : they cleft in twain a bitch,
and threw the head and forepart, with the entrails, on the
right hand, and the hinder part on the left hand of the way
which the army was to pass. This done, the arms of all
the kings of Macedon, from the very first original, were
borne before the army. Then followed the king between
his two sons ; after him came his own band, and they of his
guard, whom all the rest of the Macedonians followed.
Having performed other ceremonies, the army was divided
into two parts, which, under the king's two sons, charged
each other in manner of a true fight, using poles, and the
like, instead of their pikes and accustomed weapons. But
in this present skirmish there appeared some extraordinary
contention for the victory, whether happening by chance,
or whether the two captains did over-earnestly seek each to

CHAP. vi. OF THE WORLD. 795

get the upper hand, as a betokening of their good success in a
greater trial. Some small hurt there was done, and wounds
given, even with those stakes, until Perseus's side at length
recoiled. Perseus himself was sorry for this, as it had been
some bad presage ; but his friends were glad, and thought
that hereof might be made good use. They were of the
craftier sort ; who perceiving which way the king's favour
bent, and how all the courses of Demetrius led unto his own
ruin, addressed their services to the more malicious and
crafty head. And now they said, that this victory of De
metrius would afford matter of complaint against him, as
if the heat of his ambition had carried him beyond the rules
of that solemn pastime. Each of the brethren was that
day to feast his own companions, and each of them had
spies in the other's lodging, to observe what was said and
done. One of Perseus's intelligencers behaved himself so
indiscreetly, that he was taken and well beaten by three or
four of Demetrius's men, who turned him out of doors.
After some store of wine, Demetrius told his companions,
that he would go visit his brother, and see what cheer he
kept. They agreed to his motion, excepting such of them
as had ill handled his brother's man; yet he would leave
none of his train behind, but forced them also to bear him
company. They, fearing to be ill rewarded for their late
diligence, armed themselves secretly, to prevent all danger.
Yet was there such good espial kept, that this their coming
armed was forthwith made known to Perseus, who there
upon tumultuously locked up his doors, as if he stood in
fear to be assaulted in his house. Demetrius wondered to
see himself excluded, and fared very angerly with his bro
ther. But Perseus, bidding him be gone as an enemy, and
one whose murderous purpose was detected, sent him away
with entertainment no better than defiance. The next day
the matter was brought before the king : the elder brother
accused the younger unto the father of them both. Much
there was alleged, and in effect the same that hath been
here recited, save that by misconstruction all was made
worse. But the main point of the accusation, and which

796 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

did aggravate all the rest, was, that Demetrius had under
taken this murder, and would perhaps also dare to under
take a greater, upon confidence of the Romans, by whom he
knew that he should be defended and borne out. For Per
seus made show as if the Romans did hate him, because he
bore a due respect unto his father, and was sorry to see him
spoiled, and daily robbed of somewhat by them. And for
this cause, he said, it was, that they did animate his brother
against him ; as also that they sought how to win unto De
metrius the love of the Macedonians. For proof hereof he
cited a letter, sent of late from T. Quintius to the king him
self, whereof the contents were, that he had done wisely in
sending Demetrius to Rome, and that he should yet fur
ther do well to send him thither again, accompanied with a
greater and more honourable train of Macedonian lords.
Hence he enforced, that this counsel was given by Titus of
purpose to shake the allegiance of those that should wait
upon his brother to Rome, and make them, forgetting their
duties to their old king, become servants to this young
traitor Demetrius. Hereto Demetrius made answer, by
rehearsing all passages of the day and night foregoing, in
such manner as he remembered them, and had conceived of
them; bitterly reprehending Perseus, that converted matters
of pastime, and what was done or spoken in wine, to such
an accusation, whereby he sought his innocent brother's
death. As for the love which the Romans did bear him,
he said that it grew, if not from his own virtue, at leastwise
from their opinion thereof, so as by any impious practice
he were more like to lose it wholly, than to increase it. In
this wretched pleading there wanted not such passions as
are incident to fathers, children, and brethren, besides those
that are common to all plaintiffs and defendants, before or
dinary judges. The king pronounced like a father, though
a jealous father, that he would conclude nothing upon the
excess or error, whatsoever it were, of one day and night,
nor upon one hour^s audience of the matter, but upon bet
ter observation of their lives, manners, and whole carriage
of themselves both in word and deed. And herein he may

CHAP. vi. OF THE WORLD. 797

seem to have dealt both justly and compassionately. But
from this time forward he gave himself over wholly to Per
seus, using so little conference with his younger son, that
when he had matters of weight in hand, such especially as
concerned the Romans, he liked neither to have him present
nor near unto him. Above all, he had especial care to learn
out what had passed between Demetrius and T. Quintius,
or any other of the Roman great ones. And to this purpose
he sent ambassadors to Rome, Philocles and Apelles, men
whom he thought no way interessed in the quarrels between
the brethren, though indeed they altogether depended on
the elder, whom they saw the more in grace. These
brought home with them a letter, said to be written by
Titus (whose seal they had counterfeited) unto the king.
The contents whereof were, a deprecation of the young
prince, with an intimation, as by way of granting it, that
his youthful and ambitious desires had caused him to enter
into practices unjustifiable against his elder brother, which
yet should never take effect, for that Titus himself would
not be author or abettor of any impious device. This
manner of excuse did forcibly persuade the king to think
his son a dangerous traitor. To strengthen him in this
opinion, one Didas, to whom he gave Demetrius in cus
tody, made show as if he had pitied the estate of the un
happy prince, and so wrung out of him his secret intentions,
which he shortly discovered unto Philip. It was the pur
pose of Demetrius to fly secretly to Rome, where he might
hope, not only to live in safety from his father and brother,
but in greater likelihood than he could find at home of
bettering such claim as he had in reversion unto the crown
of Macedon. Whatsoever his hopes and meanings were, all
came to nought through the falsehood of Didas, who, play
ing on both hands, offered unto the prince his help for mak
ing the escape, and in the mean while revealed the whole
matter to the king. So Philip resolved to put his son to
death, without further expense of time. It was thought
behoveful to make him away privily, for fear lest the Ro
mans should take the matter to heart, and hold it as proof

So 4

798 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

sufficient, at least of the king's despite against them, if not
of his meaning to renew the war. Didas therefore was
commanded to rid the unhappy prince out of his life. This
accursed minister of his king's unadvised sentence first
gave poison to Demetrius ; which wrought neither so hastily
nor so secretly as was desired. Hereupon he sent a couple
of ruffians to finish the tragedy, who villainously accom
plished their work by smothering that prince, in whose life
consisted the greatest hope of Macedon.

In all the race of Antigonus there had not been found a
king that had thus cruelly dealt with any prince of his own
blood. The houses of Lysimachus and Cassander fell
either with themselves, or even upon their heels, by intes
tine discord and jealousies, grounded on desire of sovereign
rule, or fear of Josing it. By the like unnatural hatred
had almost been cut off the lines of Ptolomy and of Seleu-
cus ; which though narrowly they escaped the danger, yet
were their kingdoms thereby grievously distempered. Con
trariwise, it was worthy of extraordinary note, how that
upstart family of the kings of Pergamus had raised itself to
marvellous greatness, in very short space, from the condi
tion of mere slavery, whereof a principal cause was the bro
therly love maintained by them, with singular commendation
of their piety. Neither was Philip ignorant of these exam
ples, but is said to have propounded the last of them to his
own children, as a pattern for them to imitate. Certainly
he had reason so to do, not more in regard of the benefit
which his enemies reaped by their concord, than in remem
brance of the tender fosterage wherewith king Antigonus's
tutor had faithfully cherished him in his minority. But he
was himself of an unmerciful nature, and therefore unmeet
to be a good persuader unto kindly affection. The mur
ders by him done upon many of his friends, together with
the barbarous outrages, which for the satiating of his blood
thirsty appetite he delightfully had committed upon many
innocents, both strangers and subjects of his own, did now
procure vengeance down from Heaven., that rewarded him
with a draught of his own poison. After the death of his

CHAP. vi. OF THE WORLD. 799

son, he too late began to examine the crimes that had been
objected, and to weigh them in a more equal balance.
Then found he nothing that could give him satisfaction, or
by good probability induce him to think that malice had
not been contriver of the whole process. His only remain
ing son Perseus could so ill dissemble the pleasure which
he took in being freed from all danger of competition, as
there might easily be perceived in him a notable change,
proceeding from some other cause than the remove of those
dangers which he had lately pretended. The Romans were
now no less to be feared than at other times, when he, as
having accomplished the most of his desires, left off his
usual trouble of mind, and carefulness of making provision
against them. He was more diligently courted than in
former times, by those that well understood the difference
between a rising and a setting sun. As for old Philip, he
was left in a manner desolate, some expecting his death,
and some scarce enduring the tediousness of such expecta
tion. This bred in the king a deep melancholy, and filled
his head with suspicious imaginations, the like whereof he
had never been slow to apprehend. He was much vexed,
and so much the more, for that he knew neither well to
whom, nor perfectly whereof to complain. One honourable
man, a cousin of his, named Antigonus, continued so true
to Philip, that he grew thereby hateful to Perseus; and thus
becoming subject unto the "same jealous impressions which
troubled the king, became also partaker of his secrets.
This counsellor, when he found that the anger conceived
against Perseus would not vent itself, and give ease to the
king, until the truth were known, whether Demetrius were
guilty or no of the treason objected ; as also that Philocles
and Apelles (the ambassadors which had brought from
Rome that epistle of Flaminius, that served as the great
est evidence against Demetrius) were suspected of forgery
in the business, made diligent inquiry after the truth.
In thus doing, he found one Xychus, a man most likely
to have understood what false dealing was used by those
ambassadors. Him he apprehended, brought to the court,

800 THE HISTORY BOOKV.

and presented unto the king, saying, that this fellow knew
all, and must therefore be made to utter what he knew.
Xychus, for fear of torture, uttered as much as was before
suspected, confessing against himself, that he had been em
ployed by the ambassadors in that wicked piece of business.
No marvel if the father's passions were extreme, when he
understood that by the unnatural practice of one son, he
had so wretchedly cast away another, far more virtuous
and innocent. He raged exceedingly against himself, and
withal against the authors of the mischief. Upon the first
news of this discovery, Apelles fled away, and got into
Italy. Philocles was taken, and either, forasmuch as he
could not deny it when Xychus confronted him, yielded
himself guilty, or else was put to torture. Perseus was now
grown stronger, than that he should need to fly the coun
try, yet not so stout as to adventure himself into his fa
ther's presence. He kept on the borders of the kingdom,
towards Thrace, whilst his father wintered at Demetrias.
Philip therefore, not hoping to get into his power this his
ungracious son, took a resolution to alien the kingdom from
him, and confer it upon Antigonus. But his weak body,
and excessive grief of mind, so disabled him in the travel
hereto belonging, that ere he could bring his purpose to
effect, he was constrained to yield to nature : he had reigned
about two and forty years, always full of trouble, as vexed
by others, and vexing himself, with continual wars, of which
that with the Romans was most unhappy, and few or none
of the rest found the conclusion, which a wise prince would
have desired, of bringing forth together both honour and
profit. But for all the evil that befell him, he might thank
his own perverse condition, since his uncle king Antigonus
had left unto him an estate, so great and so well settled, as
made it easy for him to accomplish any moderate desires, if
he had not abhorred all good counsel. Wherefore he was
justly punished, by feeling the difference between the ima
ginary happiness of a tyrant, which he affected, and the life
of a king, whereof he little cared to perform the duty.
His death, even whilst yet it was only drawing near, was

CHAP. vi. OF THE WORLD. 801

foresignified unto Perseus by Calligenes the physician,
who also concealed it a while from those that were about
the court. So Perseus came thither on the sudden, and took
possession of the kingdom, which, in fine, he no less impro-
vidently lost than he had wickedly gotten.

SECT. IV.

How the Bastarnae fell upon Dardania. The behaviour of Perseus
in the beginning of his reign. Some wars of the Romans ; and
how they suffered Masinissa cruelly to oppress the Carthaginians.
They quarrel with Perseus. They allow not their confederates to
make war without their leave obtained. The treason ofCalli-
crates, whereby all Greece became more obnoxious to Rome than
informer times. Further quarrels to Perseus. He seeks friend
ship of the Ach&ans, and is withstood by Callicrates. The Ro
mans discover their intent of warring upon him.

IMMEDIATELY upon the death of Philip came the
Bastarnse into Thrace, where order had been taken, long
before, both for their free passage, and for the indemnity of
the country. This compact was friendly observed, as long as
none other was known than that Philip did live, to recom
pense all that should be done or sustained for his service.
But when it was heard that a new king reigned in Macedon,
and not heard withal that he took any care what became of
the enterprise, then was all dashed and confounded. The
Thracians would no longer afford so good markets unto
these strangers as formerly they had done. On the other
side, the Bastarna? would not be contented with reason, but
became their own carvers : thus each part, having lost the
rich hopes reposed in Philip, grew careful of thriving in the
present, with little regard of right or wrong. Within a
while, they fell to blows, and the Bastarnae had the upper
hand, so as they chased the Thracians out of the plain
countries. But the victors made little use of their good
fortune : for whether by reason of some overthrow, re
ceived by them in assaulting a place of strength, or whether
because of extreme bad weather, which is said to have af
flicted them, as it were, miraculously, all of them returned

802 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

home, save thirty thousand, which pierced on into Darda-
nia. How these thirty thousand sped in their voyage, I do
not find. It seems that by the careless using of some vic
tories they drew loss upon themselves, and finally took that
occasion to follow their companions back into their own
country.

As for Perseus he thought it not expedient, in the no
velty of his reign, to embroil himself in a war so dangerous
as that with the Romans was likely to prove. Wherefore
he wholly gave his mind to the settling of his estate, which
well done, he might afterwards accommodate himself, as the
condition of his affairs should require, either for war or
peace. To prevent all danger of rebellion, he quickly took
away the life of Antigonus. To win love of his people, he
sat personally to hear their causes in judgment, (though
herein he was so over diligent and curious, that one might
have perceived this his virtue of justice to be no better than
feigned,) as also he gratified them with many delightful
spectacles, magnificently by him set forth. Above all, he
had care to avoid all necessity of war with Rome, and there
fore made it his first work to send ambassadors thither, to
renew the league ; which he obtained, and was by the se
nate saluted king, and friend unto the state. Neither was
he negligent in seeking to purchase good- will of the Greeks,
and other his neighbours; but was rather herein so exces
sively bountiful, that it may seem a wonder, how in few years,
to his utter ruin, he became so griping and tenacious. His
fear was indeed the mastering passion which overruled him,
and changed him into so many shapes, as made it hard to
discern which of his other qualities were naturally his own.
For proof of this, there is requisite no more than the re
lation of his actions past and following.

The Romans continued, as they had long, busy in wars
against the Spaniards and Ligurians; people often van
quished, and as often breaking forth into new rebellion.
They also conquered I stria, subdued the rebelling Sardini
ans, and had some quarrels, though to little effect, with the
Illyrians and others. Over the Carthaginians they bore

CHAP. vi. OF THE WORLD. 803

(as ever since the victory) a heavy hand, and suffered Ma-
sinissa to take from them what he listed. The Carthagini
ans, like obedient vassals to Rome, were afraid, though in
defence of their own, to take arms, from which they were
bound by an article of peace, except it were with leave of
the Romans. Masinissa therefore had great advantage
over them, and was not ignorant how to use it. He could
get possession by force of whatsoever he desired, ere their
complaining ambassadors could be at Rome ; and then were
the Romans not hardly entreated to leave things as they
found them.

So had he once dealt before, in taking from them the
country of Emporia ; and so did he use them again and
again, with pretence of title, where he had any, otherwise
without it. Gala, the father of Masinissa, had won some
land from the Carthaginians, which afterward Syphax won
from Gala, and within a while restored to the right owners,
for love of his wife Sophonisba, and of Asdrubal his father-
in-law. This did Masinissa take from them by force, and
by the Romans, to whose judgment the case was referred,
was permitted quietly to hold it. The Carthaginians had
now good experience how beneficial it was for their estate
to use all manner of submissive obedience to Rome. They
had scarcely digested this injury, when Masinissa came
upon them again, and took from them above seventy towns
and castles, without any colour of right. Hereof by their
ambassadors they made lamentable complaint unto the Ro
man senate. They shewed how grievously they were op
pressed by reason of two articles in their league ; that they
should not make war out of their own lands, nor with any
confederates of the Romans. Now although it were so,
that they might lawfully withstand the violence of Masi
nissa invading their country, howsoever he was pleased to
call it his ; yet since he was confederate with the Romans,
they durst not presume to bear defensive arms against him,
but suffered themselves to be eaten up, for fear of incurring
the Romans' indignation : wherefore they entreated, that
either they might have fairer justice, or be suffered to de-

804 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

fend their own by strong hand ; or at least, if right must
wholly give place to favour, that the Romans yet would be
pleased to determine how far forth Masinissa should be
allowed to proceed in these outrages. If none of these pe
titions could be obtained, then desired they that the Ro
mans would let them understand wherein they had offended
since the time that Scipio gave them peace, and vouchsafe
to inflict on them such punishment, as they themselves in
honour should think meet ; for that better, and more to their
comfort, it were, to suffer at once what should be appointed
by such judges, than continually to live in fear, and none
otherwise draw breath than at the mercy of this Numidian
hangman. And herewithal the ambassadors threw them
selves prostrate on the ground, weeping, in hope to move
compassion. Here may we behold the fruits of their envy
to that valiant house of the JBarchines, of their irresolution in
prosecuting a war so important as Hannibal made for them
in Italy, and of their halfpenny-worthing, in matter of ex
pense, when they had adventured their whole estate in the
purchase of a great empire. Now are they servants, even
to the servants of those men whose fathers they had often
chased, slain, taken, and sold as bondslaves in the streets of
Carthage, and in all cities of Afric and Greece. Now have
they enough of that Roman peace which Hanno so often
and so earnestly desired ; only they want peace with Masi
nissa, once their mercenary, and now their master, or rather
their tormentor, out of whose cruel hands they beseech
their masters to take the office of correcting them. In such
case are they, and adore the Romans, whom they see flou
rishing in such prosperity as might have been their own.
But the Romans had far better entreated Varro, who lost
the battle at Cannae, than Hannibal, that won it, was used
by the Carthaginians : they had freely bestowed, every man
of them, all his private riches upon the commonwealth, and
employed their labours for the public without craving re
compense, as also they had not thought it much, though
being in extreme want, to set out an army into Spain, at
what time the enemy lay under their own walls. These

CHAP. vi. OF THE WORLD. 805

were no Carthaginian virtues, and therefore the Carthagin.
ians, having fought against their betters, must patiently
endure the miseries belonging to the vanquished. Their
pitiful behaviour bred peradventure some commiseration,
yet their tears may seem to have been mistrusted, as pro
ceeding no less from envy to the Romans, than from any
feeling of their own calamity. They thought themselves
able to fight with Masinissa, which estimation of their forces
was able to make them, after a little while, enter into com
parisons with Rome : wherefore they obtained no such leave
as they sought, of defending their own right by arms ; but
contrariwise, when without leave obtained they presumed
so far, the destruction of Carthage was thought an easy
punishment of that offence. At the present, they received a
gentle answer, though they had otherwise little amends.
Gulussa, the son of Masinissa, was then in Rome, and had
not as yet craved audience. He was therefore called before
the senate, where he was demanded the reason of his com
ing, and had related unto him the complaint made by the
Carthaginians against his father. He answered, that his fa
ther, not being throughly aware of any ambassadors thither
sent from Carthage, had therefore not given him instruc
tions how to deal in that business. Only it was known, that
the Carthaginians had held counsel divers nights in the
temple of JEsculapius, whereupon he himself was despatched
away to Rome, there to entreat the senate, that these com
mon enemies of the Romans and of his father might not be
overmuch trusted, especially against his father, whom they
hated most maliciously, for his constant faith to the people
of Rome. This answer gave little satisfaction. Wherefore
the senate replied, that for Masinissa's sake they had done,
and would do, whatsoever was reasonable ; but that it stood
not with their justice to allow of this his violence, in taking
from the Carthaginians those lands, which by the covenants
of the league were granted unto them freely to enjoy. With
this mild rebuke they dismissed Gulussa, bestowing on him
friendly presents, (as also they did on the Carthaginians,)
and willing him to tell his father, that he should do well to

806

THE HISTORY

BOOK V.

send ambassadors more fully instructed in this matter.
This happened when the Macedonian war was even ready
to begin ; at which time the Romans were not willing too
much to offend, either the Carthaginians (for fear of urging
them unseasonably to rebellion) or Masinissa, at whose
hands they expected no little help. So were they aided
both by the Carthaginians and Masinissa; by the Car
thaginians, partly for fear, partly for hope of better usage
in the future ; by Masinissa, in way of thankfulness ; though
if it had happened (which was unlikely) that they should
be vanquished, he made none other account, than that all
Afric round about him and Carthage therewithal should be
his own.

In the midst of all these cares, the Romans had not been
unmindful of Perseus : they visited him daily with ambas
sadors, that is, with honourable spies, to observe his beha
viour. These he entertained kindly at first, until (which fell
out ere long) he perceived whereto their diligence tended.
First, they quarrelled with him about the troubles in Dar-
dania, neither would they take any satisfaction, until the
Bastarnae were thence gone, though he protested that he
had not sent for them. Afterward, they pried narrowly into
his doings, and were no less ill contented with good offices
by him done to sundry of his neighbours, than with those
wrongs which they said that he did unto other some :
where he did harm to any, they called it making war upon
their friends; where he did good, they called such his
bounty, seeking friends to take his part against them. The
Dolopians, his subjects, (upon what occasion it is uncertain,)
rebelled, and with exquisite torments slew Euphranor, whom
he had appointed their governor. It seems that Euphranor
had played the tyrant among them ; for they were a people
without strength to resist the Macedonian, and therefore un
likely to have presumed so far, unless either they had been
extremely provoked, or else were secretly animated by the
Romans. Whatsoever it was that bred this courage in them,
Perseus did soon allay it, and reclaim them by strong hand.
But the Romans took very angrily this presumption of the

CHAP. vi. OF THE WORLD. 807

king, even as if he had invaded some country of their Italian
confederates, and not corrected his own rebels at home.
Fain they would have had him to draw in the same yoke with
the Carthaginians, whereto had he humbled once his neck,
they could themselves have done the part of Masinissa,
though Eumenes, or some other fit for that purpose, had
been wanting. And to this effect they told him, that con
ditions of the league between them were such, as made it
unlawful, both to his father heretofore, and now to him, to
take arms without their license first obtained.

To the same pass they would also fain have reduced the
Greeks, and generally all their adherents, even such as had
entered into league with them upon equal terms, whom
usually they rewarded with a frown, whensoever they pre
sumed to right themselves by force of arms, without seeking
first the oracle at Rome. Hereof the Achaeans had good
experience, whose confidence in their proper strength made
them other whiles bold to be their own carvers, and whose
hope of extraordinary favour at Rome caused them the
more willingly to refer their causes to arbitrament. For
when they went about to have chastised the Messenians by
war, T. Quintius rebuked them, as too arrogant in taking
such a work in hand without his authority; yet by his
authority he ended the matter wholly to their good liking.
Semblably at other times were they reprehended, even with
lordly threats, when they took upon them to carry any bu
siness of importance by their own power, without standing
unto the good grace of the Romans : who nevertheless,
upon submission, were apt enough to do them right. Thus
were they tamed by little and little, and taught to forget
their absolute liberty, as by which they were not like to
thrive, especially in usurping the practice of arms, which
belonged only to the imperial city. In learning this xhard
lesson, they were such untoward scholars, that they needed,
and not long after felt, very sharp correction. Yet was there
no small part of blame to be imputed unto their masters : for
the Roman senate, being desirous to humble the Achaeans,
* Polyb. Legat. 51.6153.

RALEGH, VOL. IV. 3 H

808 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

refused not only to give them such aid as they requested,
and as they challenged by the tenor of the league between
them, but further, with a careless insolency, rejected this
honest and reasonable petition, that the enemy might not
be supplied from Italy with victuals or arms. Herewith
not content, the fathers, as wearied with dealing in the af
fairs of Greece, pronounced openly, that if the Argives,
Lacedaemonians, or Corinthians, would revolt from the
Achseans, they themselves would think it a business no
way concerning them. This was presently after the death
of Philopcemen, at what time it was believed that the com
monwealth of Achaia was like to fall into much distress,
were it not upheld by countenance of the Romans. All this
notwithstanding, when Lycortas, pretor of the Achaeans,
had utterly subdued the Messenians far sooner than was ex
pected, and when as not only no town rebelled from the
Achaeans, but many entered into their corporation, then
did the Romans, with an ill-favoured grace, tell the same
ambassadors, to whose petition they had made such bad an
swer, (and who as yet were not gone out of the city,) that
they had straitly forbidden all manner of succour to be
carried to Messene. Thus thinking, by a feigned gravity,
to have served their own turns, they manifested their con
dition, both to set on the weaker against the stronger and
more suspected, and also to assume unto themselves a sove
reign power in directing all matters of war, which dissem-
blingly they would have seemed to neglect. In like man
ner dealt they with all their confederates, not permitting
any of them to make war, whether offensive or defensive,
though it were against mere strangers, without interposing
the authority of the senate and people of Rome; unless per-
adventure sometimes they winked at such violence, as did
help towards the accomplishment of their own secret malice.
Now these Roman arts, howsoever many (for gainful or ti
morous respects) would seem to understand them, yet were
generally displeasing unto all men endued with free spirits.
Only the Athenians, once the most turbulent city in Greece,
having neither subjects of their own that might rebel, nor

CHAP. vi. OF THE WORLD. 809

power wherewith to bring any into subjection ; for want of
more noble argument wherein to practise their eloquence,
that was become the whole remainder of their ancient com
mendations, were much delighted in flattering the most
mighty. So they kept themselves in grace with the Ro
mans, remained free from all trouble, until the war of
Mithridates, being men unfit for action, and thereby inno
cent, yet bearing a part in many great actions, as gratula-
tors of the Roman victories, and pardon-cravers for the van
quished. Such were the Athenians become. As for those
other commonweals and kingdoms, that with over-nice dili
gence strove to preserve their liberties and lands from con
suming by piecemeal, they were to be devoured whole, and
swallowed up at once : especially the Macedonian, as the
most unpliant, and wherein many of the Greeks began to
have affiance, was necessarily to be made an example, how
much better it were to bow than to break.

Neither Perseus nor the Romans were ignorant how the
Greeks at this time stood affected. Perseus, by reason of
his near neighbourhood, and of the daily commerce between
them and his subjects, could not want good information
of all that might concern him in their affairs. 'He well knew
that all of them now apprehended the danger which Philc-
po2men had long since foretold, of the miserable subjection
whereinto Greece was likely to be reduced by the Roman
patronage. Indeed they not only perceived the approach
ing danger, but as being tenderly sensible of their liberty,
felt themselves grieved with the present subjection, whereto
already they were become obnoxious; wherefore, though
none of them had the courage, in matters of the public, to
fall out with the Romans, yet all of them had the care to
choose among themselves none other magistrates, than such
as affected the good of their country, and would for no am
bition, or other servile respect, be flatterers of the greatness
which kept all in fear. Thus it seemed likely, that all do-
mestical conspiracies would soon be at an end, when honesty
and love of the commonweal became the fairest way to pre
ferment. Of this careful provision for the safety of Greece,

810 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

the Romans were not throughly advertised ; either because
things were diligently concealed from their ambassadors,
whom all men knew to be little better than spies, or be
cause little account was made of that intelligence, which
was brought in by such traitors (of whom every city in
Greece had too many) as were men unregarded among their
own people, and therefore more like to speak maliciously
than truly; or perhaps because the ambassadors themselves,
being all senators, and capable of the greatest office or
charge, had no will to find out other matter of trouble, than
was fitting to their own desires of employment. But it is
hard to conceal that which many know, from those that are
feared or flattered by many. The Achaeans being to send
ambassadors to Rome, that should both excuse them, as
touching some point wherein they refused to obey the se
nate, and inform the senate better in the same business,
chose one Callicrates, among others, to go in that embas-
sage. By their making choice of such a man, one may per
ceive the advantage which mischievous wretches, who com
monly are forward in pursuing their vile desires, have against
the plain sort of honest men, that least earnestly thrust
themselves into the troublesome business of the weal public.
For this Callicrates was in such wise transported with am
bition, that he chose much rather to betray his country, than
to let any other be of more authority than himself therein.
Wherefore, instead of well discharging his credence, and
alleging what was meetest in justification of his people, he
uttered a quite contrary tale, and strongly encouraged the
Romans to oppress both the Achaeans and all the rest of
Greece with a far more heavy hand. He told the senate,
that it was high time for them to look unto the settling of
their authority, among his froward countrymen, if they
meant not wholly to forego it. For now there was taken
up a custom to stand upon points of confederacy and laws,
as if these were principally to be had in regard, any injunc
tion from Rome notwithstanding. Hence grew it, that the
Achaeans, both now and at other times, did what best pleased
themselves, and answered the Romans with excuses, as if it

CHAP. vi. OF THE WORLD. 811

were enough to say, that by some condition of league, or by
force of some law, they were discharged, or hindered, from
obeying the decrees of the senate. This would not be so,
if he, and some other of his opinion, might have their wills,
who ceased not to affirm, that no columns jor monuments
erected, nor no solemn oath of the whole nation, to ratify
the observance of confederacy or statute, ought to be of
force, when the Romans willed the contrary. But it was
even the fault of the Romans themselves, that the multitude
refused to give ear unto such persuasions. For howsoever
in popular estates the sound of liberty used to be more
plausible than any discourse tending against it ; yet, if they
which undertook the maintenance of an argument, seeming
never so bad, were sure by their so doing to procure their
own good, the number of them would increase apace, and
they become the prevalent faction : it was therefore strange
how the fathers could so neglect the advancement of those,
that sought wholly to enlarge the amplitude of the Roman
majesty. More wisely, though with seditious and rebel
lious purpose, did the Greeks ; who many times, yea and
ordinarily, conferred great honours upon men otherwise of
little account or desert, only for having uttered some brave
words against the Romans. The fathers, hearing these and
the like reasons, wherewith he exhorted them to handle
roughly those that were obstinate, and by cherishing their
friends to make their party strong, resolved to follow this
good counsel in every point, yea, to depress all those that
held with the right, and to set up their own followers, were
it by right or by wrong. And to this end 7 they not only dealt
thenceforth more peremptorily with the Achaeans, than had
been their manner in former times, but wrote at the present
unto all cities of Greece, requiring them to see that their
mandate (which was concerning the restitution of those that
were banished out of Lacedasmon) should be fulfilled. Par
ticularly in behalf of Callicrates, they advised all men to be
such, and so affected as he was, in their several common
weals. With this despatch, Calibrates returned home a joy-
y Polyb. Legat. 78.

812 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

ful man, having brought his country into the way of ruin,
but himself into the way of preferment. Nevertheless he
forbore to vaunt himself of his eloquence used in the senate:
only he so reported his embassage, that all men became fear
ful of the danger wherewith he threatened those that should
presume to oppose the Romans. By such arts he obtained
to be made pretor of the Achaeans ; in which magistracy, as
in all his courses following, he omitted nothing that might
serve to manifest his ready obsequiousness unto those whom
he had made his patrons.

Now, as the Romans by threatening terms won many
flatterers, and lost as many true friends, so Perseus on the
other side, thinking by liberal gifts and hopeful promises
to assure unto himself those that ill could brook his ene
mies, got indeed a multitude of partakers, though little ho-
nester than his enemies had. Thus were all the cities of
Greece distracted with factions, some holding with the Ro
mans, some with the Macedonian, and some few respecting
only the good of the estates wherein they lived. Hereat
the lords of the senate were highly offended, and thought
it an indignity not sufferable, that a king, no better than
their vassal, should dare to become head of a faction against
them. This therefore must be reckoned in the number of
his trespasses, whereof, if not any one alone, yet all of them
together, shall afford them just occasion to make war upon
him. Perseus having finished his business among the Do-
lopians, made a journey to Apollo's temple at Delphi. He
took his army along with him, yet went and returned in
such peaceable and friendly wise, that no place was the
worse for his journey, but the good affection towards him
generally increased thereby. With those that were in his
way he dealt himself; to such as lay further off he sent am
bassadors, or letters, praying them, that the memory of all
wrongs whatsoever, done by his father, might be buried
with his father, since his own meaning was to hold friend
ship sincerely with all his neighbours. The Romans per
haps could have been pleased better, if he had behaved
himself after a contrary fashion, and done some acts of hos-

CHAP. vi. OF THE WORLD. 81S

tility in his passage. Yet as if he ought not to have taken
such a journey without their license, this also was made a
valuable matter, and cast into the heap of his faults. He
laboured greatly to recover the love of the Achaeans, which
his father had so lost, that by a solemn decree they forbade
any Macedonian to enter their territories. It was jealousy
perhaps, no less than hatred, which caused them at the first
to make such a decree : for howsoever Philip had by many
vile acts, especially by the death of the two Arati, given
them cause to abhor him ; yet in the public administration
of their estate, he had, for the more part, been to them so
beneficial, that not without much ado, and at length with
out any general consent, they resolved to forsake him.
Wherefore it was needful, even for preservation of con
cord among them, to use all circumspection, that he might
not, by his agents, negotiate and hold intelligence with any
in a country towards him so doubtfully affected ; especially
when by hearkening to his messages they might make them
selves suspected by their new friends. But the continuance
of this decree beyond the time of war, and when all danger
of innovation was past, was uncivil, if not inhuman; as
nourishing deadly hatred, without leaving means of recon
ciliation. And hereof the Achaeans reaped no good fruit :
for although they were not in like sort forbidden the king
dom of Macedon, yet, understanding what would be due to
them, if they should adventure thither, none of them durst
set foot therein. Hence it came to pass that tHeir bond
men, knowing a safe harbour, out of which their masters
could not fetch them, ran daily away in great numbers, ex
ceedingly to the loss of such as made of their slaves very
profitable use. But Perseus took hold upon this occasion,
as fitly serving to pacify those whose enmity fain he would
have changed into love : he therefore apprehended all these
fugitives to send them home again, and wrote unto the
Achaeans, that as, for good-will unto them, he had taken
pains to restore back their servants, so should they do very
well to take order for keeping them, that hereafter they
might not run away again. His meaning was readily un-

814 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

derstood, and his letters kindly accepted by the greater part,
being openly rehearsed by the pretor before the council.
But Callicrates took the matter very angrily, and bade them
be advised what they did, for that this was none other than
a plain device to make them depart from the friendship of
the Romans. Herewithal he took upon him, somewhat li
berally, to make the Achseans beforehand acquainted with
the war that was coming upon Perseus from Rome. He
told them how Philip had made preparations for the same
war, how Demetrius had been made away because of his
good affection to the Romans, and how Perseus had, since
his being king, done many things tending to the breach of
peace. Briefly he rehearsed all those matters which were
afterwards alleged by the Romans; the invasion of the Bas-
tarnae upon the Dardanians, the king's journey against the
Dolopians, his voyage to Delphi, and finally his peaceable
behaviour, which was, he said, a dangerous temptation of
men to his party. Wherefore he advised them to expect
the event of things, and not overhastily to enter into any
degree of friendship with the Macedonians. Hereto good
answer was made by the pretor's brother, that Callicrates
was too earnest in so light a matter, and that, being neither
one of the king's cabinet, nor of the Roman senate, he made
himself too well acquainted with all that had passed, or was
like to follow. For it was well known that Perseus had re
newed his league with the Romans, that he was by them
saluted king and friend to the estate, and that he had lov
ingly entertained their ambassadors. This being so, why
might not the Achaeans, as well as the ^Etolians, Thessa-
lians, Epirots, and all the Greeks, hold with him such cor
respondence as common humanity required ? Nevertheless
Callicrates was grown a man so terrible by his Roman ac
quaintance, that they durst not over-stiffly gainsay him.
Therefore the matter was referred unto further deliberation,
and answer made the whilst, that since the king had only
sent a letter, without any ambassador, they knew not how
to resolve. Better it was to say thus, than that they were
afraid to do as they thought most reasonable and convenient.

CHAP. vi. OF THE WORLD. 815

But when Perseus, herewith not contented, would needs
urge them further, and send ambassadors, then were they
fain, without any good pretence, to put on a countenance
of anger, and deny to give audience ; which was proof
sufficient (to one that could understand) of the condition
wherein they lived : for hearkening to this advice of Calli-
crates they were soon after highly commended by a Roman
ambassador ; whereby it became apparent, that the Romans
intended war upon the z Macedonian, though hitherto no
cause of war was given.

SECT. V.

How Eumenes king of Pergamus was busied, with Pharnaces, the
Rhodians, and others. His hatred to the Macedonian, whom he
accuseth to the Roman senate. The senate honours him greatly,
and contemns his enemies the Rhodians ; with the causes thereof.
The unusual stoutness of the Macedonian ambassadors. Perseus' s
attempt upon Eumenes. The brotherly love between Eumenes
and Attalus. Perseus's device to poison some of the Roman
senators ; whereupon they decree war against himt and send him
defiance. Other things concerning the justice of this war.

EUMENES king of Pergamus had been troubled, about
these times, by the kings Pharnaces and Mithridates, his
neighbours. He had taken the right course, in making
first liis complaint to the Romans, by whom he was ani
mated with comfortable words, and promise, a that they, by
their authority, would end the business to his content. But
in conclusion, by the help of the kings Prusias and Ariara-
thes, he ended the war himself, and brought his enemies to
seek and accept peace on such conditions as pleased him to
give them. After this, being at good leisure, he began to
consider how the affairs of Macedon stood under Perseus.
His hatred to Perseus was very great ; and therefore he was
glad to understand, that the hatred of the Romans, to the
same his enemy, was as great, and withal notorious. Now,
besides his ancient and hereditary quarrel with the Mace
donian, it vexed him exceedingly, that his own honours
z Livy, lib. 42. a Polyb. Legal. 56. et 59.

816 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

(whereof the Greeks, prodigal in that kind, had heaped im
moderate store on his father and him) began to wax every
where stale ; whilst Perseus, either by his currying favour,
or by the envy borne to the Romans, had gotten their best
liking and wishes. For despite of this indignity, he stirred
up the Lycians against the Rhodians, his old friends ; and
in helping these rebels, was so violent, that he proceeded, in
a manner, to open war. But small pleasure found he in
these poor and indirect courses of revenge. The Lycians
could not be saved, by his patronage, from severe and cruel
chastisement given to them by the Rhodians. This ren
dered him contemptible ; as likewise, his acts of hostility,
little different from robberies, made him hateful to those
which loved him before. b As for his honours in the cities
of Greece, they not only continued falling into neglect, but
were abrogated by a decree of the Achasans, as too unmea
sured, misbeseeming them to give, and affected by him be
yond the proportion of his deservings. c All this (which he
needed not to have regarded, had he not been too vainly am
bitious) befell him ; especially for his being over-serviceable
to the Romans, and for his malice to that noble kingdom,
which if it fell, the liberty of Greece was not like to stand.
Now for the redress hereof, he thought it vain to' strive any
longer with bounty against such an adversary, as by hope
ful promises alone, without any great performance, had
overtopped him in the general favour. And therefore he
resolved even to overturn the foundations of this popularity,
by inducing the Romans utterly to take away from the eyes
of men this idol, the Macedonian kingdom, which all so
vainly worshipped. Neither would it prove a difficult mat
ter to persuade those that were already desirous ; rather he
was like to be highly thanked for setting forward their
wishes ; and perhaps to be recompensed with some piece of
the kingdom, as he had been rewarded for the like service,
when Antiochus was vanquished.

To this end he made a second voyage to Rome, where
though he had little to say which they knew not before,
* Polyb. Legat. 74. « Livy, lib. 42.

CHAP. vi. OF THE WORLD. 817

yet his words were heard with such attention, as if they
had contained some strange novelty, and so pondered by
the fathers, as if the weight of them were to turn the balance
that before was equal. The death of Demetrius, the expe
dition of the Bastarnae into Dardania ; that of Perseus him
self against the Dolopians, and to Delphi ; the great esti
mation of the Macedonian in Greece ; his intermeddling in
business of his neighbours ; his riches, and his great provi
sions, were all the material points of Eumenes^s discourse.
Only he descended unto particulars, having searched into
all (as he professed) like unto a spy. He said, that Per
seus had thirty thousand foot and five thousand horse of
his own; money in a readiness to entertain ten thousand
mercenaries for ten years ; arms to furnish a number thrice
as great ; the Thracians, his friends, at hand, ready at a
call to bring him soldiers as many as he should require;
and that he prepared victuals for ten years, because he
would not be driven, either to live upon spoil, or to take
from his own subjects. Here withal he prayed them to
consider, that king Seleucus, the son and successor of
Antiochus the Great, had given his daughter Laodice in
marriage to Perseus ; Perseus not wooing, but Seleucus of
fering the match ; that king Prusias of Bithynia, by earnest
suit, had gotten to wife the sister of Perseus; and that
these marriages were solemnized with great concourse of
embassages from all quarters. Neither spared he to tell
them, (though seeming loath to utter it plainly,) that even
the envy to their estate was the cause why many, that could
not endure to hear of amity with Philip, were now grown
marvellously well affected to his son. All this, and some
facts of Perseus, which might either be denied or justified,
(as that he had procured the death of some which were
friends to the Romans; and that he had expelled Abry-
polis the Illyrian, who invaded Macedon, out of his king
dom or lordship,) Eumenes failed not to amplify unto the
most ; saying that he thought it his duty to forewarn them,
since it would be to himself a great shame, if Perseus got
the start of him, and were in Italy making war upon the

818 THE HISTORY BOO* v.

Romans, ere Eumenes could come thither to tell them of
the danger.

It were too great folly to believe that the Romans stood
in fear of Perseus, lest he should set upon them in Italy.
Nevertheless, forasmuch as they loved not to make war
without fair pretence, not only of wrong done to them or
their associates, but of further hurt intended, great thanks
were given to Eumenes, who had every way furnished
them with such goodly colour to beautify their intendment.
Now though it were so, that he told them little else than
what they knew before ; yet his person, and the manner of
his coming, made all seem greater : for if, upon any rela
tion made by their own ambassadors, or upon tales devised
by their flatterers and spies, they had warred against Per
seus, ere he had committed any open act of hostility against
them, their injustice and oppression would have been most
manifest. But when the wrongs to them done were so no
torious, and the danger threatening them so terrible, that
such a prince as Eumenes came out of his own kingdom, as
far as from Asia, to bid them look to themselves, who could
blame them, if they took the speediest order to obtain their
own right and security? Toward this justification of the
war, and magnifying the necessity that enforced them there
to, their more than usual curiosity in concealing what Eu
menes had uttered in the senate, when they could not but
understand that his errand was well known, helped not a
little. The Macedonian and Rhodian ambassadors were at
Rome, provided of answers to the words which they knew
beforehand that he would speak, and with matter of recri
mination. The vanity either of him, or of some about him,
seems to have disclosed all ; when the wariness of the fa
thers, in hiding that which all men knew, made a notable
show of some fearful apprehension, against which, it be
hoved their wisdom to neglect no possible remedy. Where
fore careless audience was given to the Rhodian ambas
sadors, who accused Eumenes, as one more troublesome
to Asia than Antiochus had ever been, and a provoker of
the Lycians to rebellion. The Rhodians had with great

CHAP. vr. OF THE WORLD. 819

pomp conveyed by sea unto Perseus his bride Laodice;
which friendly office, as the Macedonian bountifully re
quited, so the Romans despitefully accepted. d Hence it
grew, that when the Lycians, as already vanquished, were
settling themselves in their obedience to the people of
Rhodes, ambassadors came from Rome with strange news,
which gave new life to the rebellion : for the senate pro
nounced, that it stood not with the manner of the Romans
to alien quite from their own protection any e people or na
tion by them vanquished ; and that the Lycians were by
them assigned unto those of Rhodes, not as mere vassals,
but as dependants and associates. For proof hereof, they
referred themselves unto the commentaries of the ten am
bassadors, whom they had sent to dispose of things in Asia
after the victory against king Antiochus. Hereat Eumenes,,
Masinissa, the JEtolians, and all other kings or estates, that
were beholding to Rome for increasing the number of their
subjects, had cause to find themselves aggrieved, if they
well considered the matter ; since by force of this or the
like decree, those their subjects might easily be made their
fellows, whensoever it should please the senate; though it
were so, that all men knew the present meaning of the se
nate, which was only to plague the Rhodians, for their good
will to Perseus, by setting them and the Lycians together
by the ears. The fathers could therefore see no reason to
dislike Eumenes, upon this complaint made by the Rhodian
ambassadors, which indeed more nearly touched themselves.
Rather they honoured the king so much the more ; for that
others (as they would needs take it) conspired against him,
because of his love to Rome.

But the Macedonian embassage they heard not so care
lessly as angrily ; though peradventure it well contented
them to find cause of anger : for whereas at other times all
care had been taken to pacify them with gentle words and
excuses, now heard they plainer language, and were told,
that king Perseus desired much to give them satisfaction
concerning any deed or word of his that might savour
d Polyb. Legal. 60. et 61. • Livy, lib. 41.

820 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

of hostility ; but that, if his travail in this kind proved vain,
then would he be ready to defend himself by arms, and stand
to the chance of war, which often falls out contrary to ex
pectation. These big words may seem to have proceeded
from the vehemency of Harpalus, that was chief of the am
bassadors, rather than from instruction given by the king,
with whose faint heart they agreed not. Yet was there
good reason, why Perseus himself might, at this time, think
to speed better by a show of daring, than lie was like to do
by any submission : for the eyes of all Greece being now
cast upon him, as on the greatest hope of deliverance from
the Roman servitude, it was not expedient that he should
lessen, or perhaps utterly cut off, the general expectation,
and the good affection borne to him, which thereon de
pended, by discovering his too much weakness of spirit,
unanswerable to a work of such importance. Wherefore
he, or his ambassador for him, was bold to set a good coun
tenance on a game not very bad, but subject (in appearance)
to fortune 5 which might have been his, had he known how
to use it.

Now that this bravery (as better it may be termed than
courage) proceeded from the king*s own heat, it appears by
his daring to adventure, soon after, on a practice that more
justly might anger the Romans, and give them fairer show
of reason to make war upon him. It was known that Eu-
menes, in returning home, would take Delphi in his way,
and there do sacrifice to Apollo. Perseus deadly hating
him, and thirsting after his blood, resolved to waylay him,
and, by making there of him a sacrifice, to rid his own
hands of a most mischievous enemy. So there were ap
pointed three or four stout ruffians to do the murder, who
placing themselves behind a broken mud wall, on the side of
a very narrow path leading up from the sea ta the tem
ple, did thence assault the king, whom they sorely bruised
with great stones, and left for dead. They might have
finished their work, such was the opportunity of the place
which they had chosen ; but fear of being apprehended
made them, without staying to see all sore, flee in such

CHAP. vi. OF THE WORLD. 821

haste, that they killed one of their own companions, who
could not hold pace with them, because he should not dis
cover them. Eumenes was conveyed away to the little isle
of JEgina, where he was cured ; being all the while kept so
secretly, that the fame of his death was current in Asia.
Hence it came, that his brother Attalus took upon him as
king, and either took or would have taken to wife (suppos
ing it, belike, a matter of state) Stratonica, the daughter of
king Ariarathes, whom he then thought the widow of Eu
menes. It may well be numbered among the rare examples
of brotherly love, that, when the king returned alive home,
Attalus going forth to meet him, and do his duty, as in for
mer times, received none other check, than " that he should
" forbear to marry with the queen, until he were well assured
" of the king's death." More than this, Eumenes never
spake of these matters ; but bequeathed, at his death, unto
the same brother, both his wife and kingdom. As likewise
Attalus forebore to attempt any thing to the prejudice of
the king his brother ; though the Romans (with whom he
continued and grew in especial favour, when Eumenes fell
into their hatred) were in good readiness to have transferred
the kingdom from his brother to him. By such concord of
brethren was the kingdom of Pergamus raised and upheld,
as might also that of Macedon have been, if Demetrius had
lived, and employed his grace with the Romans, to the be
nefit of Perseus.

It is likely that Perseus was very glad when he under
stood that his ministers had both accomplished his will, and
had saved all from discovery. But as he was deceived in
the main point, and heard shortly after, that Eumenes
lived ; so was he beguiled in that other hope of the conceal
ment, which he vainly esteemed the less material : for he
had written to one Praxo, a gentlewoman of Delphi, to en
tertain the men whom he sent about this business ; and she,
being apprehended by C.Valerius, a Roman ambassador
then attending upon the matters of Greece, was carried to
Rome. Thus all came to light. Valerius also brought with
him to Rome, out of Greece, one Rammius, a citizen of

822 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

Brundusium, who, coming newly from the court of Mace-
don, loaden with a dangerous secret, had presently sought
out the ambassador, and thereof discharged himself. Brun-
dusium was the ordinary port for ships passing between Italy
and Greece. There had Rammius a fair house, wherein he
gave entertainment, being a wealthy man, to ambassadors,
and other honourable personages, both Romans and Mace
donians, journeying to and fro. By occasion of 'such his
hospitality, he was commended to Perseus, and invited into
Macedon with friendly letters, as one, whose many courte
sies to his ambassadors the king was studious to requite.
At his coming, he was much made of; and shortly, with
more familiarity than he expected or desired, made partaker
of the king^s secrets. The sum of all was, that he must
needs do a turn, in giving to such of the Romans as the
king should hereafter name, a poison of rare quality, sure
in operation, yet not to be perceived either in the taking or
afterward. He durst not refuse to accept this employment,
for fear lest the virtue of this medicine should be tried
upon himself. But, being once at liberty, he discovered all.
Rammius was but one man, and one whom the king had
never seen before, nor was like to see again ; and therefore,
besides that the king's denial ought to be as good as such
a fellow's affirmation, the accusation was improbable. Thus
did Perseus, in time shortly following, answer for himself;
and in like sort concerning the attempt upon Eumenes ; de
nying to have had any hand either in the one or other ; yet
withal professing, that such objections were not to be made
unto a king, to prove the rightfulness of making war upon
him, but rather unto a subject pleading for his life in judg
ment. But howsoever the Romans neglected the getting of
stronger proof (which might have been easy) than any that
we find by them produced, yet the base and cowardly tem
per of Perseus was very suitable to these practices. Nei
ther did the senate greatly stand to dispute the matter with
him, these his treacheries being held inexcusable. And as
for his royal estate, wherein he supposed that they ought
not to touch him for such private offences, it gave him no

CHAP. vr. OF THE WORLD. 823

privilege, they judging him to have offended in the nature
of a king. Herein surely they wanted not good reason : for
if he might not lawfully make war upon Eumenes their
confederate, that is, if he might not send men to waste the
kingdom of Pergamus, or to besiege the towns, might he
send ruffians to murder the king? If it were no less breach
of the league, to destroy the senators by fire or famine, than
by violence of the sword ; was it lawful for him to do it by
poison ? Wherefore they presently decreed war against
him ; and sent ambassadors to denounce it unto him, unless
he would yield to make such amends as they should require.
He seems, at this time, to have been so confident in the ge
neral favour of Greece, and other comfortable appearances,
that, if he desired not war, yet he did not fear it ; or at least
he thought by show of courage to make his enemies the more
calm. He caused the ambassadors to dance attendance, till,
being weary, they departed without audience : then called
he them back, and bade them do their errand. They made
a tedious rehearsal of all matters which they had long been
collecting against him, and wherewith Eumenes had charged
him ; adding thereto, that he had entertained long and se
cret conference, in the isle of Samothrace, with ambassadors
sent to him out of Asia, about some ill purpose. In regard
of all which, they peremptorily required satisfaction, as was
their manner when they intended to give defiance. Better
they might have stood upon the evidence brought against
him by Rummius and Praxo : for if those accusations could
be verified, then wanted they not good ground whereon to
build, of which otherwise they were destitute; it being no
fault in a king to be strong, well-beloved, and well-friended.
Perseus answered, for the present, in a rage; calling the Ro
mans greedy, proud, insolent, and underminers of him by
their daily ambassadors, that were no better then mere
spies. Finally, he promised to give them in writing their
full answer; which was to this effect: that he would no
longer stand to the league made between them and his fa
ther, and renewed by himself indeed only for fear; but

BALEGH, VOL. IV. 3 I .

THE HISTORY BOOK v,

wished them to descend to more equal conditions, where
upon he, for his part, would advise, as they might also do
for theirs.

In the form of the league between Philip and the Ro
mans, as it is set down by f Polybius, we find no condition
binding the Macedonian to any inconvenience in the future,
excepting those which he immediately performed. But
s Livy inserts a clause, whereby he was expressly forbidden
to make any war abroad, without leave of the Romans. It
is most likely, that all the Roman confederates were included
in this peace, whereby every one of the neighbours round
about Macedon, entering shortly into league with Rome,
did so bind the king^s hands, that he could no more make
war abroad, than if he had been restrained by plain cove
nant. And thus might that seem an article of the peace,
which never was agreed upon, but only was inferred by
consequence. Now if the Romans would urge this point
further, and say that the Macedonian might not bear de
fensive arms without their permission, then had Perseus
very just reason to find himself aggrieved. For since they
had allowed his father, without control, to make war in
Thrace, (whilst they themselves were unacquainted with
the Thracians,) and elsewhere abroad, though he asked not
their license, why should they now interpret the bargain
after another fashion ? was it now become unlawful for him
to chastise his own rebels, or to repay an Illyrian that
invaded Macedon ? by such allegations he maintained the
right of his cause, in very mild sort, when it was too late.
At the present, by disclaiming the league as unjust, he
ministered occasion unto the ambassadors to give him de
fiance. Having heard the worst of their message, he com
manded them to be gone out of his kingdom in three days.
But either he should have been less vehement, or more con
stant in his resolution : for if his heart could serve him to
undertake the war, he should courageously have managed
it, and have fallen to work immediately, whilst the enemy
r Polyb. Legal. 9. e Liv. 1. 33.

CHAP. vi. OF THE WORLD. 825

was unprepared; not have lost opportunity, as now and
often he did, in hope of obtaining a worse peace than the
former.

SECT. VI.

The Romans solicit the Greeks to join with them in the war against
Perseus. How the Greeks stood affected in that war. The timor-
ousness of Perseus. Martins, a Roman ambassador, deludes him
with hope of peace. His forces. He takes the field, and wins
part of Thessaly. The forces of Licinius the Roman consul, and
what assistants the Romans had in this war. OfTempe in Thes
saly ; and wliat advantages the Macedonian had, or might have
had, but lost by his fear. Perseus braves the Romans, fights with
them, knows ?wt how to use his victory, sues for peace, and is
denied it by the vanquished. Perseus, having the worse in a skir
mish, forsakes all the country lying without Tempe. The Bceo-
tians rebel against the Romans, and are rigorously punished.
The Roman commanders unfortunate in the war against Per
seus. They vex the Greeks their friends, for whose ease the
senate makes provision, having heard their complaints. The
Jlattering Alabanders.

SO long had the Romans been seeking occasion to take
in hand this Macedonian war, that well might they have
been ready for it when it came, and not (as they were) be
hindhand in provisions. But it was on a sudden that they
met with a confluence of good pretences to make the war ;
whereof, if no one alone had weight enough, yet all of them
together seemed more than sufficient. This opportunity of
making their cause honest in common opinion was not to be
neglected, though otherwise they were unprepared for the
action. Wherefore knowing, or having reason to believe,
that their own strength was such as would prevail in the
end, they hastily embraced the fair occasion of beginning,
and referred other cares to the diligence of time. Neither
was this their unreadiness a small help towards examining
the disposition of the Greeks, and others, who must after
wards dearly pay for any backwardness found in their good
will. There was not indeed any cause to fear that all of
the Greeks, or other eastern people, should conspire toge-

3T Q
I &

826 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

ther, and take part with the Macedonian : such was the dis
sension between their several estates, howsoever the gene
rality of them were inclined the same way. Nevertheless
ambassadors were sent to deal with them all, and to crave
their help against Perseus, or rather to demand it, in no
less ample manner than heretofore they had yielded it
against Philip and Antiochus, in wars pretending the liberty
of Greece. The ambassadors used as gentle words, for
fashion's sake, as if they had stood in doubt that their re
quest might happen to be denied. But the Greeks were
now grown well acquainted with such Roman courtesy ; and
understood, that not only such as made refusal, but even
they who might seem to have granted half unwillingly,
were like to hear other manner of words, when once this
business was ended. Wherefore none of them were scru
pulous in promising the best of their help to the Romans ;
h the Achaeans and Rhodians, which were chief among them,
being rather doubtful, even when they had done their best,
lest it should be ill taken, as if they had halted in some part
of their duty. It is strange, that men could be so earnest
to set up the side whereof they gladly would have seen the
ruin. The vulgar sort was every where addicted to Perseus ;
of the nobles and rulers, if some were vehemently Roman,
they wanted not opposers that were wholly Macedonian ;
yea, the wisest and most honest, who regarded only, the be
nefit of their country, wished better to Perseus than to the
Romans. And of this number Polybius, the chief of his
torians, was one; who, though he J judged the victory of
Perseus like to prove hurtful unto Greece, yet wished he
the Romans ill to thrive, that so the Greeks might recover
perfect liberty ; for his endeavours in which course he was
at length tyrannically handled, as shall be shewed hereafter.
This considered, it appears that an extraordinary fear, and
not only reverence of the imperial city, made the Achseans,
and other estates of Greece, thus conformable to the Ro
mans. The occasion of this their fear may be justly im
puted unto the timorous demeanour of Perseus himself.
h Polyb. Legat. 73. 78. et 80. J Polyb. Legat. 77.

CHAP. vi. OF THE WORLD. 827

He had undertaken a war, whereof the benefit should re
dound, not only to his own kingdom, but unto all that were
oppressed by the Romans. Yet no sooner were some few
companies brought over sea, to make a countenance of
meaning somewhat against him, than he began to speak the
enemy fair, and sue for peace at Rome. Since therefore it
was known that every small thing would serve to terrify
him, and consequently that it should at all times be in the
Romans' power, by giving him any tolerable conditions of
peace, to take revenge at leisure upon those which had as
sisted him, little cause was there why any should adventure
to partake with him. He made indeed a great noise; leading
about his army, taking by force or composition some few
towns, and soliciting all to join with him. But wise men
could not be so beguiled : for at the same time he sought
all means of pacification, and to that end made humble suit
unto the Roman ambassadors. Q. Martius, the chief of
those ambassadors, and a man of more fineness in cunning
than was usual among the Romans, made show of inclination
to the king's desire, and gave out such comfortable words,
that the king entreated, and obtained a meeting at the river
Peneus. There did Martius very gently rebuke the king,
and charge him with those crimes that are before men
tioned: whereto though Perseus made none other answer
than the same which they could have made for him, yet the
ambassadors, and especially Martius, took it in good part,
as therewith satisfied, and advised him to give the like satis
faction to the senate. That this might conveniently be done,
a truce was agreed upon. Thus had Martius his desire,
which was to make the king lose time. For Perseus had all
things then in readiness, and might have done much, ere
the Roman army could have been in Greece : but by the
interposition of this truce he no way increased his forces ;
he suffered a most convenient season of winning upon the
enemy to slip away, and obtained in recompense nothing
else than leisure and vain hope. Yet was he pleased here-^
with, as it had been with some victory ; publishing a copy
of the disputation between him and the Romans, whereby

828 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

he gave men to understand how much he had the better,
and what great hope there was of peace. He sent ambassa
dors also to the Rhodians, of whose good-will to him he
was best persuaded, not only to let them know how much he
was superior in cause, but to entreat them, that they would
take upon them, as moderators, to compound the differences
between him and the Romans, if perhaps, notwithstanding
the goodness of his cause, he should be denied peace.
These were poor helps: for hereby it appeared, that his
late standing upon point of honour was no better than mere
vanity ; his own safety being the utmost of his ambition.
This his fearfulness might seem excusable, and the blame
thereof to appertain unto the Greeks, who deceived his ex
pectation, by being wanting to him in time of a necessity
that was partly their own, had it not been his office, who
took upon him as their champion, to give such a manly be
ginning to the war as might encourage all others to follow
him. But his timorous quality being found, men grew daily
more and more averse from him, and were careful not to
put their shoulders to a falling wall. The Rhodians, among
whom he had many stout partisans, desired him not to
crave any thing at their hands, in which they might seem
to do against the good liking of the Romans. The Breoti-
ans also, who had entered of late into a strict society with
the Macedonian, renounced it now, and made the like with
the Romans ; to whom further, in a sort, they yielded them
selves as vassals. Neither was Martius contented to accept
their submission under a general form, but caused their
several towns to make covenant apart, each for itself; to
the end that, being thus distracted into many little common
weals, they might not (were they never so desirous to rebel)
have such force to do hurt, as when they agreed, and were
incorporated in one, under the city of Thebes. This work,
of separating the Boeotians from Thebes their head, was
more than Agesilaus could effect, or Epaminondas would
suffer then, when all Greece followed the Lacedemonians.
So far more available to Thebes, being destitute of help from
abroad, was the virtue of Epaminondas and a few brave

CHAP. vi. OF THE WORLD.

citizens, than was the society with king Perseus against a
number not so great as followed the Lacedaemonians.

Martius brought this to effect whilst the king sat still,
as being bound by the truce ; and having done this, he re
turned to the city ; where vaunting what he had wrought
by his craft, he was commended, and (though some re
proved it as dishonest) employed again by the senate, with
commission to deal as he should think expedient. Touch
ing the ambassadors which Perseus had sent, audience was
given to them, for that they should not plainly see how
their master was deluded ; but neither excuse nor entreaty
would serve their turn, the senate being resolved before
hand what to do. It was enough that they were admitted
into the city, and had thirty days1 respite allowed them to
depart out of Italy; whereas they who came last on the same
errand did their message without the walls, in the temple
of Bellona, (the usual place of giving audience to open ene
mies, or to such commanders as might not, by reason of
some custom, enter the city,) and had only the short warn
ing of eleven days to be gone out of Italy. Neither did
this poor courtesy serve alone to hide the craft of Martius,
as if he had meant none other than good earnest ; but it was
a likely mean, both to keep a long while from Perseus the
knowledge of his business, and to stagger his resolution,
when he should need it most firm.

And accordingly it fell out: for Licinius, the Roman
consul, was at Apollonia, in a manner, as soon as the Mace
donian ambassadors were with their king at Pella. Which
though it were enough to have roused Perseus, and have
made him lay aside all cowardly hope of getting pardon,
yet was he content to deliberate a while, whether it were
not better to offer himself tributary to the Romans, and to
redeem their good- will with some part of his kingdom, that
so he might enjoy the rest, than to put all at once to hazard.
But, finally, the stoutest counsel prevailed ; which also was
the wisest, and so would have proved, had it been stoutly
and wisely followed. He now began, as if the war had not
begun until now, to do what should have been done long

830 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

afore. He caused all his forces to be drawn together, and
appointed their rendezvous at Citium, a town in Macedon.
All being in readiness, he did royal sacrifice, with an hun
dred beasts, to I know not what Minerva, that was peculiarly
honoured in his country; and then, with all his courtiers, and
those of his guard, set forward to Citium. His army he found
consisting of nine and thirty thousand foot and four thousand
•horse ; whereof about twelve thousand foot and a thousand
horse were strangers of sundry nations, most part Thra-
cians, the rest his own Macedonians. These he animated
with lively speeches, laying before them the glory of their
ancestors, the insolency of the Romans, the goodness of his
cause, the greatness of his provisions, and the many advan
tages which they had of the enemy, especially in numbers.
They answered him cheerfully, with loud acclamations, and
bade him be of good courage. From all cities of Macedon
there came likewise messengers, offering to help him with
money and victuals, according to their several abilities : he
gave them thanks, but answered, that his own provisions
would abundantly suffice, willing them only to furnish him
carts for his engines and munition.

Out of his own kingdom he issued forth into Thessaly,
knowing that the Romans were to pass through that coun
try in their journey towards him. Some towns of Thes
saly opened their gates unto him without making offer to
defend themselves; some he baulked, thinking them too
strong or well-manned, and some he won by force. Of
these last was Mylae, a town thought impregnable, and
therefore not more stoutly than proudly defended by the
inhabitants, who gave contumelious language to the assail
ants. It was taken by reason of a sally, which the towns
men rashly made, and, being driven back, received the Ma
cedonians, that entered pell-mell with them at the gate.
All cruelty of war was practised here, to the greater terror
of the obstinate. So Velatiae and Connus (towns of much
importance, especially Connus, which stood in the straits of
Ossa, leading into Tempe) yielded at the first. Having
well fortified this passage, the king marched onwards to

CHAP. vi. OF THE WORLD. 831

Sy curium, a town seated on the foot of mount Ossa, where
he rested a while, expecting news of the enemy.

Licinius the consul brought with him only two Roman
legions, being promised other strength of auxiliaries, which
was thought sufficient. Eumenes, and Attains his brother,
came to him in Thessaly, with four thousand foot and a thou
sand horse. Thither also came, from every part of Greece,
such aid as the several estates could afford, or thought expe
dient to send, which from the most of them was very little. Of
the kings abroad, Masinissa sent thither his son Misagenes,
with a thousand foot, as many horse, and two and twenty
elephants. Ariarathes the Cappadocian, by reason of his af
finity with Eumenes, was friend to the Romans, and had
sent to Rome his young son, there to be brought up ; yet he
did little or nothing in this war ; perhaps because Eumenes
himself began within a while, but when it was too late, to
be otherwise advised than he had been in the beginning.
Prusias was content to be a looker on, as being allied to
Perseus, and yet fearing the Romans. Antiochus and Pto-
lomy (though Ptolomy was then young, and under tutors)
had business of their own ; the Syrian meaning to invade
the Egyptian, yet each of them promised help to the Ro
mans; which they cared not to perform. Gentius the Illy-
rian was inclinable to the Macedonian, yet made good coun
tenance to the Romans, for fear. It was a pretty trick where
with M. Lucretius, the Roman admiral's brother, served
him, for this his counterfeit good-will. This king had four
and fifty ships riding in the haven of Dyrrachium, uncer
tain to what purpose ; all which Lucretius took away, after
a very kind sort, making show to believe, that for none
-other end than to serve the Romans their good friend
Gentius had sent thither this fleet. But whatsoever Gentius
thought in the beginning, he foolishly lost both his king
dom and himself in the end of this war, by offering, rather
than giving, his help to Perseus.

With none other company than what he brought over
,the sea, Licinius came into Thessaly, so tired with a painful
journey through the mountainous country of Athamania,

832 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

9

which stood in his \?ay from Epirus, that if Perseus had
been ready, attending his descent into the plains, the Ro
mans must needs have taken a great overthrow. He re
freshed himself and his wearied army by the river Peneus,
where he encamped, attending his auxiliaries, that came in
as fast as they could. It was not any slender help that
could enable him to deal with Perseus: therefore he re
solved to abide where he then was, and keep his trenches,
until his numbers were sufficiently increased; contenting
himself in the mean while to have gotten quiet entrance into
the country. The land of Thessaly, in which these two
armies lay, was better affected to the Romans than any part
of Greece besides, as having been freed by them from a
more heavy yoke of bondage to the Macedonian, when
there was little hope or expectation of such a benefit. It was
generally rich, fruitful, and abounding in all things needful
to man's life. In the midst of it, but somewhat more to
the east, was that beautiful valley of Tempe, so exceedingly
full of all delights, that the name was often used at large
to signify the most pleasant and goodly places. This valley
of itself was not great, but adding to it those huge moun
tains Ossa and Olympus, (famous in poesy,) with their spurs,
or branches, by which it was on all sides enclosed, it occu
pied the better part of Thessaly. And this way were the
Romans to enter into Macedon, unless they would make an
hungry journey through the country of the Dassaretians,
as in the former war with Philip they had long in vain at
tempted to do. Perseus therefore had no small advantage,
by being master of the straits leading into Tempe, though
far greater he might have had, if by misspending of time
he had not lost it. For if in defending the ragged passages
of these mountains he were able to put the Romans often to
the worse, yea to win upon them (for a while) every year
more than other, both in strength and reputation ; question
less he might have done far greater things, had he seized
upon the straits of Aous, which his father once kept, and
defended all the country behind the mountains of Pindus.
Surely not without extreme difficulty must the Romans

GHAP. vi. OF THE WORLD.

have either travelled by land, with all their carriages and
impediments, through places wherein was no relief to be
found j or else have committed their armies, and all things
thereto needful, unto the mercy of seas that were very
dangerous, if they would have sought other way into Ma-
cedon, than through the heart of Greece ; upon neither of
which courses they once devised, notwithstanding any trou
ble which they found in this present war. It may perhaps
be said, that the Greeks and others, whom the king must
have left on his back, would have made him unable to de
fend any places too far from his own home : but they were
all, excepting the Thessalians, better affected now to him,
than they had been to his father in the former war. The
.yEtolians, upon whom the Athamanians depended, grew
into suspicion with the Romans (as we shall find anon) even
as soon as they met with Perseus. The Boeotians, how
politicly soever Martius had wrought with them, adventured
themselves desperately in the Macedonian's quarrel : what
would they have done, if he at first had done his best ? The
Rhodians, IllyrianSy yea, and Eumenes himself, after a while
began to waver, when they saw things go better with Per
seus than they had expected. So that if, instead of discou
raging his friends, by suing basely for peace, he had raised
their hopes by any brave performance in the beginning,
and increased the number of his well-willers, yea and bought
down with money (as he might have done) some of his ene
mies, and among them Eumenes, who offered for good re
compense to forget his broken head ; then might the Ro
mans perhaps have been compelled to forsake their impe
rious patronage over Greece, and to render the liberty, by
them given, entire, which otherwise was but imaginary.
Such benefit of this war, since it was hoped for afterwards,
might with greater reason have been expected at first, from
greater advantages. But, as a fearful company running from
their enemies, till some river stay their flight, are there
compelled by mere desperation to do such acts, as, done
while the battle lasted, would have won the victory ; so fell
it out with Perseus. In seeking to avoid the danger of that

834 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

war, whereof he should have sought the honour, he left his
friends, that would have stood by him, and gave them cause
to provide for their own safety ; yet being overtaken by ne
cessity, he chose rather to set his back to the mountains of
Tempe, and defend himself with his proper forces, than to
be driven into such misery as was inevitable, if he gave a
little further ground. What was performed by him or the
Romans, all the while that he kept his footing in Thessaly,
it is hard to shew particularly, for that the history of those
things is much perished ; wherefore we must be contented
with the sum.

The consul, having no desire to fight until such time as
all his forces were arrived, kept within his trenches, and lay
still encamped by the river of Peneus, about three miles
from Larissa. That which persuaded the consul to protract
the time, did contrariwise incite the king to put the matter
unto a hasty trial. Wherefore he invited the Romans into
the field, by wasting the land of the Pheraeans their con
federates. Finding them patient of this indignity, he grew
bold to adventure even unto their trenches ; out of which if
they issued, it was likely that his advantage in horse would
make the victory his own. At his coming they were trou
bled, for that it was sudden ; yet no way terrified, as know
ing themselves to be safely lodged. They sent out a few of
king Eumenes's horse, and with them some light-armed foot,
to entertain skirmish. The captain, and some other of these
were slain, but no matter of importance done ; for that nei
ther Licinius nor Eumenes found it reasonable to hazard bat
tle. Thus, day after day, a while together, Perseus continued
offering battle, which they still refused. Hereby his bold
ness much increased, and much more his reputation ; to the
grief of those who, being so far come to make a conquest,
could ill digest the shame that fell upon them by their en
during these bravodoes. The town of Sycurium, where Per
seus then lay, was twelve miles from the Romans ; neither
was there any convenient watering in that long march,
which used to take up four hours of the morning ; but he
was fain to bring water along with him in carts, that his

CHAP. vi. OF THE WORLD. 835

men might not be both weary and thirsty when 'they came
to fight. For remedy of these inconveniences, he found out
a lodging, seven miles nearer to the enemy, whom he vi
sited the next day by the sun rising. His coming at such
an unusual hour filled the camp with tumult, insomuch as
though he brought with him only his horse and light arma
ture, that were unfit to assail the trenches, yet the consul
thought it necessary, and resolved to give check to his
pride. Wherefore he .sent forth his brother C. Licinius,
king Eumenes, Attalus, and many brave captains, with all
his power of horse, his velites, and all the rest of his light
armature, to try their fortune, he himself remaining in the
camp, with his legions in readiness. The honour of this
morning was the Macedonian king's, for he obtained the
victory in a manner entire, (though the Thessalians made
a good retreat,) with little loss of his own. But he dis
covered his weakness ere night, by hearkening, as princes
commonly do, to counsel given by one of his own temper.
For whereas the Romans were in great fear, lest he should
assault their camp, and to that purpose, upon the first news
of his success, his phalanx was brought unto him by the
captains, though unsent for; he nevertheless took it for
sound advice, which indeed was timorous and base, to work
warily, and moderate his victory ; by which means it was
said, that either he should get honest conditions of peace, or
at leastwise many companions of his fortune. Certainly it
was like, that his good fortune would exalt the hope and
courage of his friends : yet had it been greater, and had he
won the Roman camp, his friends would have been the
more and the bolder. But over-great was his folly, in
hoping then for peace ; and in suing for it, even when he
had the victory, what else did he, than proclaim unto all
which would become his partakers, that neither good nor
bad fortune should keep him from yielding to the Romans,
whensoever they would be pleased to accept him ? At this
time the joy of his victory would admit none of these con
siderations. He had slain of the Roman horse two hundred,
and taken of them prisoners the like number : of their foot

836 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

he had slain about two thousand, losing of his own no more
than twenty horse and forty foot. The Roman camp, after
this disaster, was full of heaviness and fear, it being much
doubted that the enemy would set upon it. Eumenes gave
counsel to dislodge by night, and remove to a surer place
beyond the river Peneus. The consul, though ashamed to
profess, by so doing, in what fear he stood, yet thought it
better to acknowledge the loss past, than, by standing on
proud terms, to draw upon himself a greater calamity. So
he passed the river in the dead of the night, and encamped
more strongly on the further side. The JEtolians were
sorely blamed for this loss, as if rather a traitorous meaning,
than any true fear, had occasioned their flight, wherein the
rest of the Greeks followed them. Five of them, that were
men of especial mark, had been observed to be the first
which turned their backs, an observation likely to cost them
dear, at a time of better leisure. As for the Thessalians,
their virtue was honoured with reward, so as the Greeks
might learn, by examples of either kind, that if they would
shun indignation, or incur favour, then must they adventure
no less for their lords the Romans, than gladly they would
do for their own liberty. Thus fared it with the consul and
his army. Perseus came the next day to correct the for
mer day's error, which how great it was, he not until then
found. The Romans were gotten into a place of safety,
whither they could never have attained, if the king had
either pressed his victory, or given better heed to them
that night ; his light armature alone being sufficient to
have routed them, whilst they were conveying themselves
to the other side of Peneus, But it was vain to tell what
might have been done, since there was no remedy. The
Romans were beaten, even the flower of their city, the gen
tlemen of Rome ; out of whom were chosen their senators,
and consequently the generals themselves, pretors, consuls,
and all that bore office or command among them ; yea, they
were beaten so shamefully, that they stole away by night,
and suffered him to gather up the spoils of them without
resistance, as yielding themselves overcome. With such

CHAP. vi. OF THE WORLD. 837

brave words did the king set out the glory of his action,
dividing the spoils among his followers. But there was much
wanting within him to have made his honour sound. He
came nearer to the Romans, and encamped at Mopselus, a
place in the midway between Tempe and Larissa, as if it
were his meaning to press them somewhat harder. Never
theless he was easily persuaded to use the occasion, which
he seemed to have, of obtaining peace. Therefore he sent
unto the consul, and offered to yield unto the same condi
tions, wherein his father had been bound to the Romans, if
the war might so take end. It were needless here again to
shew the folly of this his course. Towards the accom
plishment of this desired peace, there was in the consul no
greater power than to grant a truce, whilst ambassadors
might go to Rome; it resting in the senate and people to
approve the conditions, and ratify the league. And of such
a truce granted by Martius, he had lately found no small
discommodity redounding. But Licinius dealt plainly, and
returned answer, that other hope of peace there was none,
save that Perseus would yield both his kingdom and per
son, simply and absolutely, to discretion of the senate. A
manly part it was of Licinius to be so resolute in adversity.
On the other side, it argued a very faint heart in Perseus,
that, having received an answer so peremptory, he still per
sisted, making vain offers of greater tribute. Finding that
the peace which he so much desired could not be pur
chased with money, the king withdrew himself back to Sy-
curium. There he lay hearkening what the enemy did,
whose forces were well repaired by the coming of Misagenes,
the son of Masinissa, with the aid before mentioned. This
distance between the king and them caused the Romans to
wax the more bold in making their harvest, about which
business they ranged over all the fields. Their careless de
meanour gave him hope to do some notable exploit, which
he attempted, both upon their camp and upon those that
were abroad. The camp he thought to have fired on the
sudden ; but the alarm being taken in good season, he failed
in the enterprise. As for the foragers, he had a good hand

838 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

upon them, if he could have withdrawn it, and given over
in time. But whilst he strove to force a guard, he was vi
sited by the consul, by whom, either in a skirmish of horse,
or (for the report is diverse) in a great battle, he was over
come. This misadventure, whether great or small, caused
Perseus, after a few days, to fall back into Macedon, as
being naturally given to fear danger, even where none was,
whereby what loss he felt will appear hereafter. He left
all behind him, save only Tempe, weakly guarded, and
consequently an easy prey to the Romans.

After the king's departure, Licinius went straight unto
Connus, hoping to have taken it, and so to have gotten en
trance into Tempe. But finding the work too hard, he re
turned back upon the Perrhsebians and others, from whom
he won some towns, and among the rest Larissa. There
were sundry towns thereabout bearing the same name of
Larissa; so that this which the consul took may seem not
to have belonged unto the Thessalians, unless, perhaps,
after his victory Perseus did greater acts than we find re
corded, and got some part of Thessaly.

Of matters happening in Greece at this time, it is hard to
give a precise account, for that the histories of them are
greatly defective. One may think it strange that the Boeo
tians, whom a Roman ambassador could terrify, and bring
altogether to his own will, should not be afraid of a Roman
army, then on foot in Greece, and a navy on their coast.
But more strange it is, that the Thebans, from whom their
dependants were taken by the art of Martius, were more
true to Rome than other petty towns, which, by that same
distraction of the Boeotians, became within themselves more
absolute than formerly they had been. The causes hereof
were to have been sought among the changes happening in
their variable factions, whereof the knowledge is now lost.
Some of them rebelled, and were throughly punished by
Lucretius the Roman admiral, who got so much by spoil
ing them, that he would have brought others to rebel in
like sort, if by extreme oppression he could ,have driven
them so far. Neither was Licinius the consul undiligent in

CHAP. vi. OF THE WORLD.

the same kind. What his doings were, after such time as
he was at leisure from Perseus, I find no where mentioned.
Only this is said in general, that in the war which he made
he k cruelly and covetously demeaned himself.

After the same fashion dealt they that commanded in the
year following ; Hostilius the consul, and Hortensius the
admiral, or pretor of the fleet. Hostilius shewed more of
his industry in picking quarrels with the confederates of
Rome than in prosecuting the war against the Macedonian.
For concerning the Roman war upon his kingdom, after that
the consul had sought passage in vain over certain moun
tains, Perseus seemed, in a manner, 1 free from it. He was
troubled indeed on that side which looked towards Illyria,
by Ap. Claudius, whom the consul sent thither with an
army of four thousand, and who, by levies made upon the
confederates, doubled this his army. But Claudius, think
ing to have taken Uscana, a border town of Illyria, by
treason, came thither in such careless order, that the inha
bitants, which had made show of treason with purpose only
to train him into danger, sallied forth upon him, overthrew
him, and chased him so far, that hardly he escaped with a
fourth part of his company. Yet this town of Uscana
shortly after became Roman ; which howsoever it happened,
Perseus very soon recovered it, and many other places
therewithal ; Cotys, a Thracian king, securing him on the
one side of Macedon ; and Cephalus, an Epirot, revolted
from the Romans, on the other. Perseus likewise made a
painful journey into JEtolia, where he was promised to be
admitted into Stratus, that was the strongest city in that re
gion. Of this hope, though he were disappointed by those
of the Roman faction, yet in his return home, he took in
Aperantia ; and shortly heard good news, that Ap. Clau
dius was again throughly beaten by Clevas, one of his lieu
tenants. Such success had the Macedonian war under
Hostilius. The same consul offended much the Greeks, by
the strict inquisition which his ambassadors made into men's
affection towards Rome ; for these ambassadors, travelling

k Liv. 1. 43. l Polyb. Legat. 70.

RALEGH, VOL. IV. 3 K

840 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

through all the cities of Peloponnesus, gave out speeches
tending to shew, that they liked no better of those who
sought not by might and main to advance their business,
than of those which were of the Macedonian faction"1.
Their meaning was, to have accused by name, in the par
liament of Achaia, Lycortas, that worthy commander, who
nobly followed the steps of Philopcemen ; and together with
him, his son Poly bins, who soon after was general of the
Acha?an horse ; but more notable by that excellent history
which he wrote than by his great employments, which he
well and honourably discharged. The sum of the accusa
tion should have been, that these were not hearty friends
unto the Romans, but such as abstained from raising trou
bles more for lack of opportunity than for any love to the
common quiet. But since no colour of truth could be
found, that might give countenance to such a tale, it was
thought better, for the present, to let it alone, and give
gentle words, as if all were well. In like manner dealt they
among the ^Etolians; they demanded hostages, and found
some in the council that approved the motion: as also
among the Acarnanians, there were that entreated to have
Roman garrisons bestowed in their towns. But neither the
one nor the other of these propositions took effect. They
of the Roman faction accused not only such as were inclin
able to the Macedonian, but also the good patriots ; mak
ing it no less than a matter of treason to be a Grecian in
Greece. On the contrary side, there wanted not some, who
roundly told these pickthanks of their base flattery ; rating
them openly in such sort, that one of them hardly escaped
being stoned, even in presence of the ambassadors. Thus
was all full of accusations and excuses : among which the
ambassadors carried themselves as men that could believe
none ill, though it were well enough known what they
thought. The best was, that an order from the senate was
brought into Greece, and published, to this effect : that it
should be free for all men to refuse obedience to any Ro
man magistrate imposing any burden for the present war,
™ Polyb. Legat. 74.

CHAP. vi. OF THE WORLD. 841

unless it were such as the senate had likewise thought meet.
Of this decree the whole country was glad ; for it was, or
seemed, a good remedy of many inconveniences. But they
that, standing on privilege hereof, refused to fulfil every
commandment, were numbered among the patriots; which,
in the end of this war, proved little better, if not worse,
than to have been traitors. The senate was driven to set
down this order, by reason of the many and vehement com
plaints brought to Rome concerning the wrongs done by
Roman magistrates, and especially by the admirals Lucre
tius and Hortensius. Lucretius was condemned in a great
sum of money, for the wrongs by him done ; highly to the
commendation of the Romans, in that they loved not to
have their subjects oppressed. Hortensius, being still in
office, had warning to amend.

Among the great number of embassages that came to
Rome about this time, either to seek redress of injuries, or
to offer their services, it is noteworthy, that from Alabanda,
a town of the Lesser Asia, there was presented unto the
senate, and well accepted, a most base piece of flattery.
These Alabanders brought three hundred horsemen's tar
gets, and a crown of gold, to bestow upon Jupiter in the
Capitol. But having a desire to gratify the Romans with
some exquisite token of their dutiful obedience, wherein
they would be singular ; and being not able to reach unto
any great performance, they built a temple unto the town
Rome, and appointed anniversary games to be celebrated
among them in honour of that goddess. Now who can won
der at the arrogant folly of Alexander, Antigonus, Ptolomy,
and the like vain men, that would be thought gods ; or at
the shameless flattery of such as bestowed upon men, and
not the most virtuous of men, divine honours; when he sees
a town of houses, wherein powerful men dwell, worshipped
as a goddess, and receiving (without scorn of the givers, or
shame of the present) the title of deity, at the gift of such
a rascal city as Alabanda ?

842 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

SECT. VII.

Q. Martins, the Roman consul, with extreme difficulty and danger,
enters into Tempe. The cowardice of Perseus in abandoning
Tempe. The town of Dium, quitted by Martins, repaired and
fortified by the king. The Romans attempt many places with ill
success. Their affairs in hard estate. Martins a cunning and a
bad man. Poly bins sent ambassador to Martins from the Acha-
ans. Polybius's honest wisdom beneficial to the Achceans. King
Eumenes grows averse from the Romans. Perseus negotiates with
Antiochus and Eumenes. His false dealing with Gentius king of
Illyria, whom he draws into the Roman war. He sends ambas
sadors to the Rhodians, who vainly take upon them to be arbi
trators between him and the Romans. Perseus loseth a mighty
succour of the Bastarnce by his wretched parsimony.

AFTER two years of the Macedonian war, things were
further out of tune in Greece than when the war began,
which had been thought likely to reform all those countries,
and bring them to what pass the Romans desired, as it did in
the end. Perseus had hitherto the better, and was stronger
now than when he lived in peace. He had enlarged his bor
ders on the Illyrian side, his friends in all parts of Greece
took courage daily, and his reputation grew such, as caused
those, that were before wholly Roman, to suspect what the
issue of the war might prove, and thereupon to become wise
for themselves. Contrariwise, Licinius and Hostilius, the
consuls, had one after the other spent their time in vain,
seeking way into Macedon ; and defaced the glorious enter
prise of conquest by many losses received. The Roman
admirals had so demeaned themselves, that many towns,
even of the best affected to Rome, kept them out by force.
Generally the fear was great on the Roman side ; and the
army much lessened, not only by casualties of war, but by
the facility of the tribunes, or colonels, or else of the consul
himself, (for they laid the blame one upon the other,) in li
censing the soldiers to depart. Quintius Martius, the new
consul, who succeeded unto Hostilius, was to amend all this;
which nevertheless was more than lie knew how to do, though
he brought with him a strong supply of men. He began

CHAP. vi. OF THE WORLD. 843

hotly to set the war on foot, which a long time had slept.
And he began the right way ; not seeking to force the straits,
that were surely guarded, but taking pains to climb the
mountains, which were thought able to forbid all passage
over them, without help or need of any custody. The king
heard of his approach, and being uncertain what way he
meant to take, distributed his own forces to the defence of
all places which might give entrance, or permit ascent. But
the consul proceeded in his journey, with hope, either not
to be discovered by the enemy, or to break through all op
position ; or at leastwise to fight on as convenient ground as
they should have that lay to stop him, and at length, if all
failed, to make a safe retreat. He sent before him four
thousand of his most expedite foot, to discover the ways.
Two days was this company troubled in overcoming the
difficulty of no more than fifteen miles, after which they
had sight of the enemy, that lay to deny their passage.
They occupied therefore a safe piece of ground, and sent
back word to the consul where they were, entreating him to
hasten unto them ; which he did. The Macedonians were
not a whit dismayed at his arrival, but met him, and fought
with him two or three days together, each returning to their
own camp at night, with little loss on either side. This
bickering was on the narrow ridge of a mountain, which
gave scarcely room unto three to march in front : so that
very few hands came to be employed, all the rest were be
holders. In this case it was impossible to get forwards, yet
a shame to return. Wherefore Martius took the only course
remaining, and indeed the best : part of his men he left
with Popilius, to attend upon the Macedonians, whilst he,
with the rest, fetched a compass about, and sought out ways
that never had been trodden. Herein he found extreme dif
ficulty, which notwithstanding he overcame. Besides the
troubles commonly incident to such journeys, through places
unfit for habitation, he was compelled, by labour of hand,
to make paths where none were, yea where nature might
seem to have intended that none should be. So steep he
found the descent of the mountains, in this way which he

3K3

844 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

took, that of seven miles, which they travelled the first day,
his men were compelled, for the more part, to roll them
selves down, as not daring to trust their feet. Neither was
this the worst : for they met with rocks that stood one over
another, so upright, and cumbersome to get down, that
their elephants were afraid of the giddy prospect, and
casting their governors, made a terrible noise, which af
frighted the horses, and bred great confusion. Having
therefore gone, or wallowed, four miles of this grievous
journey, there was nothing more desired by the soldiers,
than that they might be suffered to creep back again, the
same way which they had come. But shift was made to
let down the elephants, by a kind of bridges, like unto fall
ing drawbridges ; whereof the one end was joined to the
edge of the cliff, the other sustained by two long posts,
fastened in the ground below. Upon these two posts, or
poles, which indeed (not being very strong, since it was in
tended that they should be either cut or broken) were fast
ened two rafters, answerable in length to the distance, be
tween the higher and the lower fall, so as the end of one
bridge might reach to the beginning of another. These
were covered with planks and turf, that they might seem
continent with the ground, so to make the beasts adven
turous to go upon them. If there were a plain of any good
extent from the foot of a rock to the next downfall, then
might the bridge be shorter. When an elephant was gone a
pretty way upon one of these, the posts upholding the
frame were cut asunder, thereby causing him to sink down
unto the next bridge, whence he was conveyed, in like
manner, to the third, and onward still to the very bottom.
Thus went they down sliding, some on their feet, others on
their buttocks, till they came to an even valley. By this it
appears how throughly provided the Romans used to be in
their journeys of things needful in all occasions; as also
what inestimable pains they took in this descent, about the
conveyance of themselves and all their carriages down the
mountains. The next day they rested, staying for Popi-
lius and his company, who hardly, or perhaps never, should

CHAP. vi. OF THE WORLD. 845

have overtaken them, if the enemy had followed, and set
upon him from aloft. The third and fourth days' journeys
were like unto the first, save that custom, and the nearness
to their way's end, without meeting enemy, caused them
the better to endure the labour.

Perseus could not be ignorant of the Romans coming to
wards him, since they fought with his men upon the pas
sage three days together, he lying so nigh, that he might
well-near have heard the noise. Yet was he so possessed
with fear, that he neither stirred to help his own men, or to
hinder the consul, nor made any provision for that which
might fall out ; but, as one void of counsel, sat hearkening
after the event. Four only passages there were leading
into Tempe ; the first by Connus, which the Romans were
unable to force ; the second and third were the same which
Martius had attempted in vain, and another like unto it ;
the last by the city of Dium, out of Macedon. All these
were sufficiently guarded, and whosoever would seek any
other way, must be fain to take such pains as Martins had
undergone. The entrance by Dium was fairer than any of
the rest, whereof only the king had benefit, for that his
enemies could not get thither, save through the valley itself,
into which they must first pierce another way. Dium stood
upon the foot of the huge mountain Olympus, about a mile
from the sea ; of which mile, the river Helicon becoming
there a lake, and called Baphyras, took up the one half, the
rest being such as might easily have been fortified. Besides
all these, there was in the midst of Tempe a passage which
ten men might easily keep, where the spurs of the mountains,
reaching far into the valley, drew near to the very banks of
Peneus, a goodly and deep river which ran through it.
Wherefore nothing had been more easy than to make the
consul repent him of his troublesome journey, if Perseus
could have seen his own advantages. For the Roman army
was not only in ill case to fight, after the vexation of
that miserable travel, but must needs have either perished
for want of victuals, or been enforced to return the same
way that it came, if the king had made good the strait of

3x4

846 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

Dium. To have returned, and climbed up with their ele
phants and carriages against those rocks, from which with
extreme labour they could hardly get down, it seems a mat
ter of impossibility, especially considering how the enemy
from above their heads would have beaten upon them,
being now aware of the path which they had taken, though
he knew it not when they stole away from him. It may
therefore be thought strange, that the Romans did not
rather take their journey into Macedon, from the side of
Illyria, whence that kingdom had often been invaded, as
lying open on that part, than put themselves to the trouble
of breaking into Tempe, whence, after that they were there
arrived, there was no means to escape, without forcing one
of those passages which they despaired to win. But the
cowardice of Perseus did commend the counsel by them
followed as wise : for he no sooner heard that the enemy
was come over the mountains into Tempe, than he fared
like one out of his wits, saying, that he was vanquished,
and had lost all without battle. Herewithal he began to
take out of Dium what he could carry away in haste, and
straightways abandoned the town. In the same vehemency
of amazement he sent a strait commandment to Thessalo-
nica, that the arsenal there should be set on fire; and to
Pella, that his treasures there should be cast into the sea ;
as if the Romans were like presently to be masters of these
two cities. Nicias, who was appointed to drown the trea
sure, performed it hastily as well as he could, though soon
after his master grew sorry for the loss ; and it was all, in
a manner, recovered by divers from under the water. But
Andronicus, who had charge to set fire on the king's arsenal,
deferred the execution, foreseeing that repentance might
follow, and so he prevented the damage. Whether Nicias,
for his absolute and blind obedience, or Andronicus, for his
careful providence, merited the greater commendation, or
more easy pardon, it rested in the king to interpret. The
reward of their service was this : Perseus growing ashamed
of his mad cowardice, that appeared in this hasty direction,
caused them both to be slain. Also those poor men, which

CHAP. vi. OF THE WORLD. 847

had fetched his treasure out of the sea by their diving, were
paid their wages after the same sort, that so there might be
no witness of the king's base folly. Such end must they
fear, who are privy to dishonourable actions of great princes.
If Perseus would have gone surely to work, for the hiding
of his fault, then must he so royally have behaved himself,
that no man might believe him to be the author of any un
worthy act or counsel. But his virtue was of no such ca
pacity : he thought it enough to lay the blame upon others.
And therefore, having called Hippias away, (the captain
which had stopped the consul on the top of the mountain,)
and Asclepiodatus from defence of the passages whereto
they were by him appointed, he rated them openly, saying,
that they had betrayed unto the enemy the gates and bars of
Macedon. Of this reproach if they would discharge them
selves, by laying it upon him to whom of right it belonged,
then might they have sped as did Nicias and Andronicus.

The consul Martius had great cause to rejoice, for that
the king so hastily relinquished his possession of Tempe,
and all the passages leading thereinto ; since the Roman
army, this notwithstanding, was hardly able to subsist for
want of victuals. He took Dium without resistance, and
thence went forward into Macedon, wherein having travelled
about a day's journey, and gotten one town that yielded,
he was compelled, by mere lack of food for his men, to re
turn back towards Thessaly. His fleet came to him in this
time of necessity, well appointed to have holpen him in the
war, but having left behind, at Magnesia, the ships of bur
den which carried the provisions : wherefore it fell out hap
pily, that one of his lieutenants had been careful to occupy
the castles about Tempe, which were forsaken by the Ma
cedonians : for by those ways only might corn be brought
into the army. To meet the sooner with this corn, which
was desirously expected, he forsook Dium, and went to
Phila, by which foolish journey (if not worse than foolish)
he lost more than a little the longer fasting had been worth.
It is probable that his carts, with all or the most of his
store, were lost among the mountains ; for otherwise it had

848 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

been madness to put himself on such an enterprise, so slen
derly provided, as that without enforcement, or sight of the
enemy, he should be fain to quit it. Howsoever it was,
men thought him a coward, or at least a bad man of war,
since he thus recoiled and gave off, when it most behoved
him to have prosecuted the action.

By understanding the folly or cowardice of Martius, the
king recollected himself, understood his own error, sought
to hide it by such poor means as have been shewed, and la
boured to make what amends he could. He quickly repos
sessed the town of Dium, which he hastily repaired, finding
it dismantled by the Romans. This done, he encamped
strongly by the river Enipeus, meaning there to stop the
enemy's proceeding all that summer. Less diligence, more
timely used, would have been enough, not only to have de
livered Martius into his hand, who had beguiled him with
an idle hope of peace, but to have given him such a noble
victory as might cause the Romans to seek a good end of
the war upon fair conditions, and not to begin again in
haste. Yet this recovery and fortification of Dium was to
the consul an exceeding hinderance : for little or nothing
could afterward be done toward the conquest in hand, in
all the continuance of his office. Only the town of Heraclea,
standing on the river of Peneus, five miles from Dium, was
taken by force, or rather by a trick of climbing upon men's
heads, somewhat after the manner of our tumblers. But it
made such defence as it could, and was not given up for
fear. After this, Martius did set a bold face towards Dium,
as if he would have taken it again, and have driven the king
further off, though his intent or hope was nothing like so
great, his chief care being to provide for his wintering. He
sent the admiral to make attempt upon the sea-towns,
Thessalonica, Cassandrea, Demetrias, and others : all these
were assayed ; but in vain. The fields about Thessalonica
were wasted, and some companies, that sundry times adven
tured forth of the town, were still put to the worse. As for
the town itself, there was danger in coming near it, either
by land or sea, by reason of the engines, which shot from the

CHAP. vi. OF THE WORLD. 849

walls, and reached unto the fleet. Wherefore the admiral,
setting sail from thence, ran along by ^Enia and Antigonea
(landing near to each of them, and both doing and receiving
hurt) until he came to Pallene, in the territory of Cassan-
drea. There king Eumenes joined with him, bringing
twenty ships of war ; and five other were sent thither from
king Prusias. With this access of strength, the admiral
was bold to try his fortune at Cassandrea; which was bad.
There was a new ditch, lately cast by Perseus, before the
town, which, while the Romans were filling up, question
was made, what became of the earth taken thence, for that
it lay not upon the bank. By this occasion it was learned,
that there were arches in the town wall filled up with that
earth, and covered with one single row of brick. Hence
the admiral gathered hope of making way into the town by
sapping the walls. To this work he appointed such as he
thought meetest, giving an alarm to the other side of the
town, thereby to shadow his attempt. The breach was soon
made : but whilst the Romans were shouting for joy, and
ordering themselves for the assault, the captains within the
town perceived what was done, and, sallying forth unex
pected, gave a fierce charge on the companies that were
between the ditch and the wall, of whom they slew about
six hundred, and suffered few to escape unwounded. This
disaster, and the want of good success on that part of the
town which king Eumenes assailed, (a supply in the mean
while entering the- town by sea,) caused the siege to break
up. Tarone was the next place which the admiral thought
meet to attempt, and thence likewise he was repelled. Find
ing this too well manned, he made way towards Demetrias,
whereinto Euphranon^ a Macedonian captain, was gotten
before his coming, with such forces as were not only suffi
cient to have defended the town, if the admiral had laid
siege to it, but to keep the land about it from spoil, or at
least (as they did) to make the enemy pay dear for all that
he there got. This Euphranor had taken his journey to
Demetrias by Meliboea, whither the consul (that he might
not be quite without work) had sent his lieutenant to be-

850 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

siege it ; and, by the terror of his appearing suddenly over
their heads, caused the besiegers to dislodge in all haste,
setting their camp on fire.

Such fortune attended on the Romans, or rather, so far
was their ability short of their enterprises, ever since their
consul, (whether dastardly or carelessly,) most unlike a good
commander, had let go his hold of Macedon, by forsaking
Dium ; yea, it is to be suspected that some greater harm
befell them, or at least that they were in some greater dan
ger than is expressed in the broken remaining history of
this war. For Martius persuaded the Rhodians, by Agesi-
polis their ambassador, who came to him at Heraclea about
other business of less importance, that they should do well
to interpose themselves as mediators, and seek to finish the
war. Now, although n Polybius do most probably conjec
ture that this was rather a malicious device of Martius,
craftily seeking to bring the Rhodians in danger (as anon
it fell out) by their opposing the resolution of the senate,
than that it proceeded from any true fear in him, either of
Perseus or of Antiochus, who had then an army on foot;
yet since he. made show of fear, it is like withal that some
what had happened, which might make his fear seem not
counterfeit. And so were the Rhodians moved to think of
him ; not only for that the extraordinary courtesy, both of
him and of the admiral, towards their ambassador, coming
from proud natures, did argue diffidence, where there was
no ambition to cause it ; but much more, for that shortly after
the ambassadors of Perseus, and of Gentius the Illyrian, did
set out their business at Rhodes, not more with the strength
of a good fleet, which the Macedonian had gotten, than with
the honour of some victory, wherein he had lately slain great
numbers of the Roman horse. ° Thus much we find inti
mated, though the time, place, or other circumstances of the
fight be not specified. And hereto may be referred the re
port of those that were sent from Rome to view the estate
of Martius's army : for they found the consul wanting meat,
the admiral wanting men, and, for those few that he had,
» Polyb. Legat. 80. u Ibid. 87.

CHAP. vi. OF THE WORLD. 851

wanting both money and clothes ; and App. Claudius the
pretor, who lay on the frontier of Illyria, so unable to in
vade Macedon, that contrariwise he was in extreme danger,
so as either he must quickly be sent for thence, or a new
army be sent thither to him. Wherefore it may seem, that
some blow had been taken on the Illyrian side, which made
all to halt, or at least that the Romans, with greater loss
than is before spoken of, had been driven from some of
the towns which they besieged.

Now, although it were so, that Martius in very few of
his actions behaved himself like a man of war, yet in exer
cise of cunning, which one hath most aptly termed, " a
" crooked or sinister kind of wisdom," he dealt as a crafts-
master, with a restless working diligence. This indeed
neither proved his sufficiency nor commended his honesty ;
since thereby he effected nothing to his own benefit, and
nevertheless, out of envy, vainglory, or such delight as
weak and busy-headed men take in creating inexplicable
troubles, he directly made opposition to the good of his
country. At such time as Perseus, by the success of his
doings against Hostilius, had gotten much reputation, and
was thought likely to invade Thessaly, Archo, Lycortas,
and other good patriots among the Achaeans, judged it ex
pedient for their nation to help the Romans, as in a time of
adversity, whom in prosperity they loved not to flatter.
Wherefore Archo proposed a decree, which passed, that
the Achaeans should send their whole power into Thessaly,
and participate with the Romans in all danger. So the
army was levied, and P Polybius, with others, sent ambas
sadors unto Martius, to certify him thereof, and know his
pleasure. Polybius found the consul busied in seeking
passage through Tempe into Macedon. He went along
with the army, and awaited the consul's leisure, till they
came to Heraclea, where finding the time convenient, he
presented the decree, and offered the service of his nation,
whereinsoever it should be commanded. Martius took this
very kindly, but said, that he needed now no manner of

P Polyb. Legat. 78.

852 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

help. Forthwith Polybius despatched home his companions,
to signify thus much, tarrying himself behind in the camp.
After a while, word was brought to Martius, that Ap. Clau
dius desired, or rather imperiously required of the Achaeans,
five thousand men, to be sent him into Epirus. It was ma
nifest that Appius had need of these men, and that if he
were strong in field he might do notable service, by dis
tracting the forces of Perseus. But the labyrinthian head
of Martius could not allow of such plain reason. He called
unto him Polybius, to whom he declared, that Appius had
no need of such aid, and therefore willed him to return
home, and in any wise take order that the men might not
be sent, nor the Achaeans be put to such needless charges.
Away went Polybius, musing, and unable to resolve, whe
ther it were for love to the Achaeans that the consul was so
earnest in this business, or rather for envy, and to hinder
Ap. Claudius from doing any thing, since himself could do
nothing. But when Polybius was to deliver his opinion in
the council, touching this matter, then found he a new
doubt, that more nearly concerned his own self and those
of his party. For as he was sure to incur the great in
dignation of the consul, if he should neglect what was given
him in charge, so was it manifest, on the other side, that the
words by Martius uttered to him in private would prove
no good warrant for him and his friends, if openly they
should refuse to help Claudius, alleging that he had no
need. In this case therefore he had recourse unto the de
cree of the senate, which exempted men from necessity of
doing what the Roman commanders should require, unless,
by special order from the senate, the same were likewise ap
pointed. So for lack of warrant from the senate, this de
mand of Appius was referred unto the advice of the consul,
by whom it was sure to be made frustrate. Hereby the
Achaeans were savers of more than an hundred and twenty
talents, though Polybius himself ran into danger of Appius's
displeasure ; and for such honest dealing in his country^
behalf, was afterwards rewarded by the Romans with many
a long yearns imprisonment.

CHAP. vi. OF THE WORLD. 853

Whether it were by the like policy of Martins that king
Eumenes grew cold in his affection to the Romans, or whe
ther this king began, when it was too late, to stand in fear,
lest the fire, which he himself had helped to kindle, would
shortly take hold on his own lodging, or whether the re
gard of money were able to oversway all other passions, it
is hard to determine ; since they that had better means to
know the truth have not precisely affirmed any certainty.
One report is, that Eumenes did not so much as give any
help to Martius, but coming to have joined with him, in
such friendly manner as he did with the former consuls, was
not entertained according to his liking, and thereupon re
turned home in such anger, that he refused to leave behind
him certain horse of the Gallo-Greeks, being requested te
have done it. If this were true, and that his brother At-
talus, tarrying behind with the consul, did the Romans good
service, then is the reason apparent of the hatred borne
afterwards by the senate to Eumenes, and the love to At-
talus. But it is more generally received, that Eumenes gave
a willing ear to Perseus's desire of accord, for mere desire
of gain. And it might well be, that covetousness drew him
on in the course whereinto indignation first led him. How
soever it befell, Perseus caused Eumenes to be sounded,
and found him so tractable, that he was bold to solicit him
by an embassage. The tenor of his advertisements, both
to Eumenes and to Antiochus, was, that there could be no
perfect love between a king and a free city ; that the Ro
mans had quarrel alike to all kings, though they dealt with
no more than one at a time, and used the help of one
against another; that Philip was oppressed by them with
the help of Attalus, Antiochus with the help of Philip and
Eumenes, and now Perseus assailed with help of Eumenes
and Prusias. Herewith he willed Eumenes to consider,
that when Macedon was taken out of their way, they would
be doing with him in Asia, which lay next at hand ; yea,
that already they began to think better of Prusias than of
him. In like sort he admonished Antiochus, not to look
for any good conclusion of his war with the Egyptian, so

854 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

long as the Romans could make him give over by denounc
ing their will and pleasure. Finally, he requested both of
them, either to compel the Romans to surcease from their
war upon Macedon, or else to hold them as common ene
mies unto all kings. Antiochus lay far out of the Romans1
way, and therefore was little troubled with such remon
strances. Eumenes was more nearly touched; and as he
felt part of this to be true, so had he reason to stand in
doubt of the rest : yet when he should give answer, he
began to offer a bargain of peace for money. He thought
the Romans to be no less weary than Perseus was afraid :
wherefore he promised, for his own part, that if he might
have fifteen hundred talents for withdrawing his hand from
this war, then would he remain a neuter therein ; and that
for some greater quantity of money (how much, I find not)
he would also bring the Romans to condescend unto peace ;
and for assurance of his true meaning herein, he offered to
give hostages. Perseus liked well to receive the hostages, but
not to lay out the money, especially beforehand, as was
required. He would fain have peace with Rome, and not
with Eumenes only. For procuring of this, he promised to
be at any reasonable cost ; but he would lay down the money
in the temple at Samothrace, whence it should be delivered
unto Eumenes after that the peace was fully concluded and
ratified. The isle of Samothrace was Perseus's own, and
therefore Eumenes thought the money no nearer to him,
being there, than if it remained in Pella. Besides, his labour
deserved somewhat, howsoever the business might happen
to succeed ; so that needs he would have part of his wages
in prest. Thus the two kings did no more than lose time,
and Eumenes grew suspected of the Romans as a traitor.

After the same manner dealt Perseus with king Gentius
the Illyrian. He had attempted this Illyrian before, who
dealt plainly, and said, that without money he could not
stir. Hereunto Perseus loved not to hearken, thinking that
his treasures would serve at the last cast to deliver him
from all his fears. But when the Romans had gotten within
Tempe, then did his fear urge him to prodigality, so as he

CHAP. vi. OF THE WORLD. 855

agreed to pay three hundred talents, which Gentius de
manded for a recompense. So the bargain was soon made,
and pledges on both sides delivered for performance. This
was openly done by Perseus, to the end that all his army
might have comfort, by such access of strength to their
party. Presently, upon the bargain made, ambassadors
were sent to Rhodes from both Perseus and Gentius, who
desired the Rhodians to take upon them as arbitrators be
tween Perseus and the Romans, and to bring the war to an
end. The Rhodians, thinking that Martius the consul was
no less desirous of peace than the Macedonian, arrogantly
promised, that they, by their authority, would make peace ;
wishing the kings to shew themselves conformable. But
the Roman senate, hearing proud words to the same effect
from the Rhodian ambassadors, gave an answer as disdain
ful, angry, and menacing, as they could devise, so as this
vainglory of the Rhodians was throughly chastised, and
more throughly should have been, if their submission had
not been as humble as their folly was proud. Such use of
Gentius's friendship made Perseus, without laying out one
ounce of silver. Now fain he would have hastened this
young and rash Illyrian to enter with all speed into the
war, but then must the money be hastened away. Pantau-
chus, the Macedonian ambassador, who remained with
Gentius, exhorted him daily to begin the war by land and
sea, whilst the Romans were unprovided : but finding what
it was that made all to stay, he sent word to Perseus. Here
upon ten talents were sent to Pantauchus, who delivered it
to the young king, as earnest of that which followed. More
followed indeed, and sealed up with the seal of the Illyrians,
but carried by Macedonians, and not too fast. Before this
money came into Illyria, Gentius had laid hands upon two Ro
man ambassadors, and cast them into prison : which Perseus
no sooner heard, than he recalled his treasure-bearers, and
sent them with their load to Pella ; for that now the Illy
rian was of necessity to make war with the Romans, whe
ther he were hired thereto or not.

RALEGH, VOL. IV. 3 L

856 THE HISTORY LOOKV.

fi There came about the same time through Illyria, to
the aid of Perseus, under one Clondicus, a petty king, ten
thousand horse and ten thousand foot of the Gauls, which
were, as Plutarch hath it, the Bastarnae. These had before
hand made their bargain, and were to receive present pay
at the first. At their entry into the kingdom, Perseus sent
one to them, desiring their captains to come visit him, whom
he promised to gratify with goodly rewards ; hoping that
the multitude would take good words for payment. But
the first question that their general asked was, whether the
king had sent money to give the soldiers their pay in hand,
according to his bargain ? Hereto the messenger had not
what to answer. " Why then," said Clondicus, " tell thy
" master, that the Gauls will not stir one foot further, until
" they have gold, as was agreed, and hostages." Perseus
hereupon took counsel ; if to utter his own opinion, before
men so wise that they would not contradict him, were to
take counsel. He made an invective against the incivility
and avarice of the Bastarnae ; who came with such numbers,
as could not but be dangerous to him and to his kingdom.
Five thousand horse of them, he said, would be as many as
he should need to use, and not so many that he should need
to fear them. It had been well done, if any of his counsel
lors would have told him, that there wanted not employ
ment for the whole army of them ; since without any danger
to the kingdom, they might be let out by the way of Per-
rhsebia into Thessaly ; where wasting the country, and filling
themselves with spoil, they should make the Romans glad
to forsake Tempe, even for hunger and all manner of want;
therein doing the king notable service, whether they won
any victory or not. This and a great deal more might have
been alleged, if any man had dared to give advice freely.
In conclusion, Antigonus, the same messenger that had
been with them before, was sent again, to let them know
the king's mind. He did his errand ; upon which followed
a great murmur of those many thousands that had been

i Liv. 1. 44, Plutarch, in Vit, Mm\L

CHAP. vi. OF THE WORLD. 857

drawn so far to no purpose. But Clondicus asked him now
again, whether he had brought the money along with him,
to pay those five thousand whom the king would entertain.
Hereto, when it was perceived that Antigonus could make
no better answer than shifting excuses, the Bastarnse re
turned presently towards Danubius, wasting the neighbour
parts of Thrace, yet suffering this crafty messenger to
escape unhurt ; which was more than he could have well
expected.

Thus dealt Perseus, like a careful treasurer, and one that
would preserve his money for the Romans, without dimi
nishing the sum. But of this painful office he was very soon
discharged by L. ^Emilius Paulus, the new consul ; who in
fifteen days after his setting forth from Italy, brought the
kingdom of Macedon to that end, for which God had ap
pointed over it a king so foolish and so cowardly.

SECT. VIII.

Of L. JEmilius Paulus the consul. His journey. He f or ceth Perseus
to discamp. He will not hazard battle with any disadvantage.
Of an eclipse of the moon. JEmilius's superstition. The battle of
Pydna. Perseus' s flight. He forsakes his kingdom, which hastily
yields to dEmilius. Perseus at Samothrace. He yields himself to
the Roman admiral, and is sent prisoner to JEmilius.

BY the war of Macedon the Romans hitherto had gotten
much dishonour; which, though it were not accompanied
with any danger, yet the indignity so moved them, that
either r they decreed that province to L. ./Emilius Paulus,
without putting it, as was otherwise their manner, to the
chance of lot between him and his fellow-consul ; or at least
were gladder that the lot had cast it upon him, than that
so worthy a man was advanced to the dignity of a second
consulship. He refused to propound unto the senate any
thing that concerned his province, until by ambassadors,
thither sent to view the estate of the war, it was perfectly
understood in what condition both the Roman forces and the
Macedonian at the present remained. This being throughly

* Plutarch, in Vit. ^Ernil.

3T 9
JL «5

858 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

known to be such as hath been already told, the senate ap
pointed a strong supply, not only to the consul, but unto
the navy, and likewise to the army that lay between Illyria
and Epirus, from which App. Claudius was removed, and L.
Anicius sent thither in his place. ^Emilius, before his de
parture from Rome, making an oration to the people, as was
the custom, spake with much gravity and authority. He
requested those that thought themselves wise enough to
manage this war, either to accompany him into Macedon,
and there assist him with their advice; or else to govern
their tongues at home, and not take upon them to give di
rections by hearsay, and censure by idle reports : for he
told them plainly, that he would frame his doings to occa
sions, not to the expectation of the multitude. The like
speech of his father L. ^Emilius, who died valiantly in the
battle of Cannae, might well be living in some of their me
mories; which was enough to make them conform themselves
the more gladly unto the instructions given by a wise and
resolute consul.

All his business within the city being despatched, JEmi-
lius was honourably attended, at his setting forth on his
journey, with an especial hope of men that he should finish
the war; though that he should finish it so soon and happily
was more than could have been hoped or imagined. He
came to Brundusium, whence, when the wind came fair, he
set sail at break of day, and arrived safely at the isle of
Corcyra before night : thence passed he to Delphi, where,
having done sacrifice to Apollo, after the fifth day he set
forwards to the camp, arid was there in five days more, So
are there but five of the fifteen days remaining in which he
finished the war.

Perseus lay strongly encamped at Dium, having spared
no labour of men and of women to fortify the banks of
Enipeus, where it was fordable in dry weather. So as there
was little hope, or none, to force him ; and consequently, as
little possibility to enter that way into Macedon. One great
inconvenience troubling the Romans, and much disabling
them to make attempt upon Dium, was lack of fresh water :

CHAP. vi. OF THE WORLD. 859

for there were ten miles between Dium and Tempe, all
the way lying between the sea-shore and the foot of Olym
pus, without any brook or spring breaking forth on that
side. But ^Emilius found present remedy for this, by
digging wells on the shore, where he found sweet springs, as
commonly there is no shore that wants them, though they
rise not above the ground. Want of this knowledge was
enough to hinder Martius from taking up his lodging any
nearer to the enemy than the town of Heraclea, on the
river of Peneus ; where he had watering at pleasure, but
could perform no service of any worth. Yet when the Ro
man camp had such means to lie close to the Macedonian,
as it presently did, the passage onward, being defended as
hath been shewed, seemed no less difficult than before:
wherefore it was necessary to search another way ; which
by inquiry was soon found out. There was a narrow pass
age over Olympus leading into Perrhaebia, hard of ascent,
but slenderly guarded, and therefore promising a fair jour
ney. Martius either had not been informed hereof, or durst
not attempt it; or perhaps could not get his soldiers to
make the adventure, they fearing lest it would prove such
a piece of work, as had been their march over Ossa into
Tempe. But Paulus was a man of greater industry, cou
rage, and ability to command. He had reformed, even at
his first coming, many disorders in the Roman camp, teach
ing the soldiers, among other good lessons, to be obedient
and ready in execution, without troubling themselves, as
had been their manner, to examine the doings and purposes
of their general. And now he appointed about five thou
sand men to this enterprise; whereof he committed the
charge unto Scipio jEmilianus and Q. Fabius Maximus, his
own sons by nature, but adopted, the one of them by a son
of Scipio the African, the other by one of the Fabii. Scipio
took with him some light-armed Thracians and Cretans,
but his main strength was of legionaries : for the king's
guard upon the mountain consisted in a manner wholly of
archers and slingers, who, though at some distance they
might do notable service against those that should climb up

SL 3

860 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

unto them, yet when the darkness took away their aim,
they were like to make a bad night's work, being to deal
with those that were armed to fight at hand. To conceal
the business about which they went, Scipio and Fabius took
a wrong way towards the fleet, where victuals were pro
vided for their journey ; it being noised that they were to
run along the coast of Macedon by sea, and waste the coun
try. All the while that they were passing the mountains
(which was. about three days) the consul made show of a
meaning to set upon Perseus where he lay, rather to divert
the king's attention from that which was his main enter
prise, than upon any hope to do good, in seeking to get
over Enipeus. The channel of Enipeus, which received in
winter-time a great fall of waters from the mountains, was
exceeding deep and broad ; and the ground of it was such,
as though at the present it lay well-near all dry, yet it served
not for those that were weightily armed to fight upon.
Wherefore ^Emilius employed none, save his velites, of whom
the king's light armature had advantage at far distance,
though the Romans were better appointed for the close.
The engines from off the towers which Perseus had raised
on his own bank did also beat upon the Romans, and gave
them to understand that their labour was in vain. Yet
^Emilius persisted as he had begun, and recontinued his as
sault, such as it could be, the second day. This might have
served to teach the Macedonian, that some greater work
was in hand ; since otherwise a good captain, as JSmilius
was known to be, would not have troubled himself with
making such bravadoes, that were somewhat costly. But
Perseus looked only unto that which was before his eyes,
until his men, that came running fearfully down the moun
tain, brought word into the camp that the Romans were
following at their backs. Then was all full of tumult ; and
the king himself no less (if not more) amazed than any of
the rest. Order was forthwith given to dislodge, or rather
without order, in all tumultuous haste, the camp was broken
up, and a speedy retreat made to Pydna. Whether it were
so, that they which had custody of the passage were taken

CHAP. vi. OF THE WORLD. 861

sleeping, or whether they were beaten by plain force, Scipio
and Fabius had very good success in their journey. It may
well be, that they slept until the Romans came somewhat
near to them ; and then taking alarm, when their arrows
and slings could do little service, were beaten at handy
strokes : so as the different relations that are cited by Plu-^
tarch out of Polybius, and an epistle of Scipio, may each of
them have been true. Thus was an open way cleared into
Macedon ; which had been effected by Martius in the year
foregoing, but was closed up again through his not prose
cuting so rich an opportunity.

Perseus was in extreme doubt what course to take, after
this unhappy beginning. Some gave advice to man his
towns, and so to linger out the war; having been taught, by
the last year's example, how resolute the people were in
making defence : but far worse counsel prevailed, as gene
rally it doth in turbulent and fearful deliberations. The
king resolved to put all at once to hazard of battle ; fearing
belike to put himself into any one town, lest that should be
first of all besieged, and he therein (as cowardly natures al
ways are jealous) not over carefully relieved. This was even
the same that ^Emilius, or any invader, should have de
sired. So a place was chosen near unto Pydna, that served
well for the phalanx, and had likewise, on the sides of it,
some pieces of higher ground, fit for the archers and light
armature. There he abode the coming of the enemy, who
stayed not long behind him. As soon as the Romans had
sight of the king's army, which, with greater fear than dis
cretion, had hasted away from them, forsaking the camp
that was so notably well fortified, they desired nothing more
than to give battle immediately; doubting lest otherwise the
king should change his mind, and get further off. And to
this effect Scipio brake with the consul, praying him not to
lose occasion by delay: but ^Emilius told him, that he
spake like a young man, and therefore willed him to have
patience. The Romans were tired with their journey, had
no camp wherein to rest themselves, nor any thing there,
save only the bare ground whereon they trod. For these

SL 4

THE HISTORY BOOK v.

and the like respects, the consul made a stand ; and shew
ing himself unto the Macedonian, who did the like, in order
of battle, gave charge to have the camp measured out and
entrenched behind the army ; whereinto, at good leisure, he
fell back, without any manner of trouble. After a night's
rest, it was hoped, both by the Romans and by the Mace
donians, that the matter should be determined; each part
thinking their own general to blame, for that they had not
fought the same day. As for the king, he excused himself
by the backwardness of the enemy ; who advanced no fur
ther, but kept upon ground serving ill for the phalanx ; as,
on the other side, the consul had the reasons before shewed,
which he communicated to those about him the next day.

That evening, (which followed the third of September,
by the Roman account,) C. Sulpicius Gallus, a colonel, or
tribune of a legion, who had the former year been pretor,
foretold unto the consul and (with his good liking) unto the
army an eclipse of the moon, which was to be the same
night; willing the soldiers not to be troubled therewith, for
that it was natural, and might be known long before it was
seen. It was the manner of the Romans, in such eclipses, to
beat pans of brass and basins, as we do in following a swarm
of bees; thinking that thereby they did the moon great
ease, and helped her in her labour. But this prognostica
tion of Sulpicius converted their superstition into admiration
of his deep skill, when they saw it verified. Contrariwise,
the Macedonians howled and made a great noise as long as
the eclipse lasted ; rather perhaps because it was their fa
shion, than for that they were terrified therewith, as with a
prodigy betokening their loss, since their desire to fight was
no whit lessened by it. I will not here stand to dispute,
whether such eclipses do signify or cause any alteration in
civil affairs, and matters that have small dependance on na
tural complexion ; for the argument is too large : more wor
thy of observation it is, how superstition captivates the wis
dom of the wisest, where the help of true religion is want
ing. ^Emilius, though he were sufficiently instructed con
cerning this defect of the moon, that it was no supernatural

CHAP. VI.

OF THE WORLD.

863

thing, nor above the reach of human understanding, so as
he should need to trouble himself with any devout regard
thereof, yet could he not refrain from doing his duty to this
moon, and congratulating with sacrifice her delivery, as soon
as she shone out bright again ; for which he is commended
even by Plutarch, a sage philosopher, as a godly and re
ligious man. If Sulpicius perhaps did not assist him in this
foolish devotion, yet is it like that he, being a senator, and
one of the council for war, was partaker the next morning
in a sacrifice done to Hercules, which was no less foolish :
for a great part of the day was vainly consumed, ere Hercu
les could be pleased with any sacrifice, and vouchsafe to shew
tokens of good luck in the entrails of the beasts. At length,
in the belly of the one xand twentieth sacrifice, was found a
promise of victory to ^Emilius; but with condition, that he
should not give the onset. Hercules was a Greek, and par
tial, as nearer in alliance to the Macedonian than to the
Roman : wherefore it had been better to call upon the new
goddess, lately canonized at Alabanda ; or upon Romulus,
founder of their city, on whom the Romans had bestowed
his deity ; or (if a god of elder date were more authentical)
upon Mars, the father of Romulus, to whom belonged the
guidance of military affairs, and who therefore would have
limited his favour with no injunctions contrary to the rules
of war.

Now concerning the battle ; yEmilius was throughly per
suaded, that the king meant to abide it : for that otherwise
he would not have stayed at Pydna, when as, a little before,
his leisure served to retire whither he listed, the Romans
being further off. In regard of this, and perhaps of the to
kens appearing in the sacrifices, the consul thought that he
might wait upon advantage, without making any great haste.
Neither was it to be neglected, that the morning sun was
full in the Romans1 faces, which would be much to their
hinderance all the forenoon. Since therefore Perseus kept
his ground, that was commodious for the phalanx, and
JEmilius sent forth part of his men to bring in wood and
fodder, there was no likelihood of fighting that day. But

864 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

about ten of the clock in the morning, a small occasion
brought to pass that which whereto neither of the generals
had over earnest desire. A horse brake loose at watering5
which two or three of the Roman soldiers followed into the
river, wading after him up to the knees. The king's men
lay on the further bank ; whence a couple of Thracians ran
into the water, to draw this horse over to their own side.
These fell to blows, as in a private quarrel, and one of the
Thracians was slain. His countrymen seeing this, hasted to
revenge their fellow's death, and followed those that had
slain him over the river. Hereupon company came in, to
help on each part, until the number grew such as made it
past a fray, and caused both the armies to be careful of the
event. In fine, each of the generals placed his men in order
of battle, accordingly as the manner of his country, and the
arms wherewith they served, did require. The ground was
a flat level, save that on the sides a few hillocks were raised
here and there, whereof each part might take what advan
tage it could. The Macedonians were the greater number,
the Romans the better soldiers, and better appointed. Both
the king and the consul encouraged their men with lively
words; which the present condition could bountifully af
ford. But the king, having finished his oration, and sent on
his men, withdrew himself into Pydna ; there to do sacrifice,
as he pretended, unto Hercules. It is the less marvel that
he durst adventure battle, since he had bethought himself
of such a stratagem whereby to save his own person. As for
Hercules, he liked not the sacrifice of a coward, whose un
seasonable devotion could be no better than hypocrisy : for
he that will pray for a good harvest ought also to plough,
sow, and weed his ground. When therefore the king re
turned to the battle, he found it no better than lost ; and
he, in looking to his own safety, caused it to be lost altoge
ther, by beginning the flight. The acts of this day, such as
we find recorded, are, that the Roman elephants could do
no manner of good ; that the Macedonian phalanx did so
stoutly press onwards, and beat off all which came before it,
as jEmilius was thereat much astonished ; that the Peligni,

CHAP. vj. OF THE WORLD. 865

rushing desperately on the phalanx, were overborne, many
of them slain, and the squadrons following them so discou
raged herewith, as they retired apace towards an hill. These
were the things that fell out adverse to the Romans ; and
which the consul beholding, is said to have rent his coat-
armour for grief. If the king, with all his power of horse,
had in like manner done his devoir, the victory might have
been his own. That which turned the fortune of the battle
was the same which doubtless the consul expected, even
from the beginning ; the difficulty, or almost impossibility,
of holding the phalanx long in order : for whilst some of
the Romans' small battalions pressed hard upon one part of
it, and others recoiled from it, it was necessary (if the Ma
cedonians would follow upon those which were put to the
worse) that some files, having open way before them, should
advance themselves beyond the rest that were held at a
stand. This coming so to pass, admonished the consul what
was to be done. The long pikes of the Macedonians were
of little use when they were charged in flank by the Roman
targetiers, according to direction given by ^Emilius, when
he saw the front of the enemy's great battle become unequal,
and the ranks in some places open, by reason of the unequal
resistance which they found. Thus was the use of the pha
lanx proved unavailable against many small squadrons, as it
had been formerly in the battle of Cynoscephalae ; yea, this
form of ^embattling was found unserviceable against the
other, by reason, that being not every where alike distressed,
it would break of itself; though here were little such incon
venience of ground as had been at s Cynoscephalae.

Perseus, when he saw his battle begin to route, turned his
bridle presently, and ran amain towards Pella. All his horse
escaped, in a manner, untouched, and a great number fol
lowed him ; the little harm which they had taken witnessing
the little good service which they had done. As for the poor
foot, they were left to the mercy of the enemy, who slew
above twenty thousand of them ; though having little cause
to be furious, as having lost, in that battle, only some four-

8 Chap. iv. sect. 14.

866 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

score or six score men at the most. Some of the foot, escap
ing from the execution, overtook the king and his company
in a wood ; where they fell to railing at the horsemen, call
ing them cowards, traitors, and such other names, till at
length they fell to blows. The king was in doubt, lest they
had ill meaning to himself, and therefore turned out of the
common way, being followed by such as thought it good.
The rest of the company dispersed themselves, every one as
his own occasions guided him. Of those that kept along
with their king, the number began within a while to lessen :
for he fell to devising upon whom he might lay the blame
of that day's misfortune, which was most due to himself;
thereby causing those that knew his nature to shrink away
from him how they could. At his coming to Pella, he found
his pages and household servants ready to attend him, as
they had been wont ; but of his great men that had escaped
from the battle, there was 'none appearing in the court. In
this melancholic time, there were two of his treasurers that
had the boldness to come to him, and tell him roundly of
his faults; but, in reward of their unseasonable admonitions,
he stabbed them both to death. After this, none whom he
sent for would come at him. This boded no good. Where
fore, standing in fear lest they that refused to come at his
call should shortly dare some greater mischief, he stole out
of Pella by night. Of his friends, he had with him only
Evander (who had been employed to kill Eumenes at Del
phi) and two other. There followed him likewise about five
hundred Cretians ; more for love of his money than of him.
To these he gave of his plate as much as was worth about
fifty talents, though shortly he cozened them of some part
thereof; making show as if he would have redeemed it, but
never paying the money. The third day after the battle he
came to Amphipolis, where he exhorted the townsmen to
fidelity with tears ; and his own speech being hindered by
tears, appointed Evander to speak what himself would have
uttered. But the Amphipolitans made it their chief care to
look well to themselves. Upon the first fame of the over
throw, they had emptied their town of two thousand Thra-

CHAP. vi. OF THE WORLD. 867

cians that lay there in garrison ; sending them forth under
colour of a gainful employment, and shutting the gates after
them : and now, to be rid of the king, they plainly bade
Evander be gone. The king hearing this, had no mind to
tarry ; but embarking himself and the treasure which he
had there in certain vessels that he found in the river Stry-
mon, passed over to the isle of Samothrace; where he hoped
to live safe, by privilege of the religious sanctuary therein.

These miserable shifts of the king make it the less doubt
ful how all the kingdom fell into the power of ^Emilius
within so few days after his victory. Pydna, which was
nearest at hand, was the last that yielded. About six thou
sand of the soldiers, that were of sundry nations, fled out of
the battle into that town, and prepared for defence; the
confused rabble of so many strangers hindering all delibera
tion and consent. Hippius, who had kept the passage over
Ossa against Martius, with Pantauchus, who had been sent
ambassador to Gentius the Illyrian, were the first that came
in ; yielding themselves and the town of Bercea, whither
they had retired out of the battle. With the like message
came others from Thessalonica, from Pella, and from all the
towns of Macedon, within two days ; the loss of the head
bereaving the whole body of all sense and strength. Neither
did they of Pydna stand out any longer, when they knew
that the king had forsaken his country ; but opened their
gates upon such terms, that the sack of it was granted to
the Roman army. JEmilius sent abroad into the country
such as he thought meetest to take charge of other cities ;
he himself marching towards Pella. He found in Pella no
more than three hundred talents ; the same whereof Perseus
had lately defrauded the Illyrian : but within a little while
he shall have more.

It was soon understood that Perseus had taken sanctuary
in the temple at Samothrace, his own letters to the consul
confirming the report. He sent these letters by persons of
such mean condition, that his case was pitied, for that he
wanted the service of better men. The scope of his writing
was to desire favour ; which, though he begged in terms ill

868 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

beseeming a king, yet since the inscription of his epistle was
" King Perseus to the consul Paulus," the consul, who had
taken from him his kingdom, and would not allow him to
retain the title, refused to make answer thereunto. So there
came other letters, as humble as could be expected; whereby
he craved, and obtained, that some might be sent to confer
with him about matters of his present estate. Nevertheless,
in this conference, he was marvellous earnest that he might
be allowed to retain the name of king. And to this end it
was, perhaps, that he had so carefully preserved his treasure
unto the very last : flattering himself with such vain hopes
as these : that the Romans would neither violate a sanctuary,
nor yet neglect those great riches in his possession, but com
pound with him for money, letting him have his desire to
live at ease, and be called king. Yea, it seems that he had
indeed, even from the beginning, a desire to live in this isle
of Samothrace ; both for that in one of his consultations
about the war he was dehorted by his friends from seeking
to exchange his kingdom of Macedon for 'such a paltry
island, and for that he offered to lay up the money which
Eumenes demanded in the holy temple that was there. But
he finds it otherwise. They urge him to give place unto ne
cessity, and without more ado to yield to the discretion and
mercy of the people of Rome. This is so far against his
mind, that the conference breaks off without effect. Pre
sently there arrives at Samothrace, Cn. Octavius, the Roman
admiral, with his fleet ; who assays, as well by terrible
threats as by fair language, to draw the king out of his
lurking hole, wherein, for fear of imprisonment, he had im
prisoned himself. When all would not serve, a question was
moved to the Samothracians, how they durst pollute their
temple by receiving into it one that had violated the like
holy privilege of sanctuary, by attempting the murder of
king Eumenes at Delphi ? This went to the quick. The
Samothracians, being now in the power of the Romans, take
this matter to heart; and send word to the king, that Evan-
der, who lives with him in the temple, is accused of an im-
* Liv. lib. 42.

CHAP, vi. OF THE WORLD. 869

pious fact committed at Delphi, whereof unless he can clear
himself in judgment, he must not be suffered to profane that
holy place by his abiding in it. The reverence borne to his
majesty, now past, makes them forbear to say that Perseus
himself is charged with the same crime. But what will this
avail, when the minister of the fact being brought into judg
ment shall (as is to be feared) appeach the author ? Perseus
therefore willeth Evander to have consideration of the little
favour that can be expected at the Romans' hand, who are
like to be presidents and overseers of this judgment : so as
it were better to die valiantly, since none other hope re
mains, than hope to make good an ill cause ; where though
he had a good plea, yet it could not help him. Of this mo
tion Evander seems to like well ; and either kills himself, or,
hoping to escape thence, by deferring the time, as it were to
get poison wherewith to end his life, is killed by the king's
commandment. The death of this man, who had stuck to
Perseus in all times of need, makes all the king's friends
that remained hitherto, to forsake him ; so as none are left
with him, save his wife and children, with his pages. It is
much to be suspected, that they which leave him upon this
occasion will tell perilous tales, and say, that the king hath
lost the privilege of this holy sanctuary by murdering Evan
der therein. Or if the Romans will affirm so much, who
shall dare to gainsay them ? Since therefore there is nothing
but a point of formality, and even that also liable to dispute,
which preserves him from captivity, he purposeth to make
an escape, and fly with his treasures unto Cotys, his good
friend, into Thrace. Oroandes, a Cretian, lay at Samothrace
with one ship ; who easily was persuaded to waft the king
thence. With all secrecy the king's money, as much as
could be so conveyed, was carried aboard by night ; and the
king himself, with his wife and u children, (if rather it were
not true that he had with him only x Philip, his elder son,
who was only by adoption his son, being his y brother by
nature,) with much ado got out at a window by a rope, and
over a mud wall. At his coming to the sea-side, he found
» Plutarch, in Vit. ^Emil. * Liv. lib, 45- y L*v- lib- 42.

870 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

no Oroandes there : the Cretian had played a Cretian trick,
and was gone with the money to his own home. So it be
gan to wax clear day, whilst Perseus was searching all along
the shore; who had stayed so long about this, that he might
fear to be intercepted, ere he could recover the temple. He
ran therefore amain towards his lodging; and thinking it
not safe to enter it the common way, lest he should be
taken, he hid himself in an obscure corner. His pages miss
ing him, ran up and down making inquiry ; till Octavius
made proclamation, that all the king^s pages, and Macedo
nians whatsoever, abiding with their master in Samothrace,
should have their lives and liberty, with all to them belong
ing, which they had either in that isle or at home in Mace-
don, conditionally that they should presently yield them
selves to the Romans. Hereupon they all came in. Like
wise Ion, a Thessalonian, to whom the king had given the
custody of his children, delivered them up to Octavius.
Lastly, Perseus himself, with his son Philip, accusing the
gods of Samothrace, that had no better protected him, ren
dered himself, and made the Roman victory complete. If
he had not trusted in those gods of Samothrace, but em
ployed his whole care in the defence of Macedon, without
other hope of living than of reigning therein, he might well
have brought this war to an happier end. Now, by dividing
his cogitations^ and pursuing at once those contrary hopes
of saving his kingdom by arms, and himself by flight, he is
become a spectacle of misery, and one among the number of
those princes that have been wretched by their own default.
He was presently sent away to ^milius; before whom he
fell to the ground so basely, that he seemed thereby to dis
honour the victory over himself, as gotten upon one of ab
ject quality, and therefore the less to be esteemed. ^Emilius
used to him the language of a gentle victor : blaming him,
though mildly, for having with so hostile a mind made war
upon the Romans. Hereto good answer might have been
returned by one of better spirit; as for Perseus, he answered
all with a fearful silence. He was comforted with hope of
life, or (as the consul termed it) almost assurance ; for that

CHAP. vi. OF THE WORLD. 871

such was the mercy of the people of Rome. After these
good words, being invited to the consul's table, and re
spectively entreated, he was committed prisoner to Q.
Mlius.

Such end had this Macedonian war, after four years1 con
tinuance; and such end therewithal had the kingdom of
Macedon ; the glory whereof, that had sometime filled all
parts of the world then known, was now translated unto
Rome.

SECT. IX.
Gentius, king of the Illyrians, taken by the Romans.

ABOUT the same time, and with like celerity, Anicius,
the Roman pretor who succeeded unto App. Claudius, had
the like success against king Gentius, the Illyrian. Gentius
had an army of fifteen thousand; with which he was at
Lissus, ready to assist king Perseus as soon as the money
should come, whereof he had received only ten talents. But
Anicius arrested him on the way, fought with him, over
came him, and drave him into zScodra. This town was very
defensible by nature, besides the help of fortification, and
strongly manned with all the force of Illyria; which, assisted
with the king's presence, made it seem impossible to be won
in any not a very long time. Yet Anicius was confident in
his late victory ; and therefore presented his army before the
walls, making countenance to give an assault. The Illyrians,
that might easily have defended themselves within the town,
would needs issue forth and fight. They were, it seems,
rather passionate than courageous; for they were beaten,
and thereupon forthwith began amazedly to treat about
yielding. The king sent ambassadors ; by whom, at first,
he desired truce for three days, that he might deliberate
concerning his estate. It ill became him, who had laid vio
lent hand on the Roman ambassadors, to have recourse to
such mediation : but he thought his own fault pardonable,
inasmuch as hitherto there was no greater harm done by
him than the casting of those ambassadors into prison, where
they were still alive. Having obtained three days1 respite,

» Called now Scutari.
RALEGH, VOL. IV. 3 M

872 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

he passed up a river, within half a mile of the Roman camp,
into the lake of Scodra, as it were to consult the more pri
vately, though indeed to hearken whether the report were
true, that his brother Caravantius was coming to his rescue.
Finding that no such help was toward, it is wonder that he
was so foolish as to return into Scodra. He sent messengers
craving access unto the pretor; before whom, having la
mented his folly past, (which, excepting the dishonesty, was
not so great as his folly present,) he fell down humbly, and
yielded himself to discretion. All the towns of his kingdom,
together with his wife, children, brother, and friends, were
presently given up. So this war ended in thirty days ; the
people of Rome not knowing that it was begun, until Per-
penna, one of the ambassadors that had been imprisoned,
brought word from Anicius how all had passed.

SECT. X.

How the Romans behaved themselves in Greece and Macedon after

their victory over Perseus.

NOW began the Romans to swell with the pride of their
fortune, and tojook tyrannically upon those that had been
unmannerly toward them before, whilst the war with Per
seus seemed full of danger. The Rhodian ambassadors were
still at Rome when the tidings of these victories were
brought thither: wherefore it was thought good to call
them into the senate, and bid them do their errand again.
This they performed with bad grace ; saying, that they were
sent from Rhodes to make an overture of peace, forasmuch
as it was thought that this war was no less grievous to the
Romans themselves than to the Macedonians and many
others ; but that now they were very glad, and in behalf of
the Rhodians did congratulate with the senate and people
of Rome, that it was ended much more happily than had
been expected. Hereto the senate made answer, that the
Rhodians had sent this embassage to Rome, not for love to
Rome, but in favour of the Macedonian, whose partisans
they were, and should so be taken. By these threats, and
the desire of some (covetous of the charge) to have war

CHAP. VI.

OF THE WORLD.

proclaimed against Rhodes, the ambassadors were so af
frighted, that in mourning apparel, as humble suppliants,
they went about the city, beseeching all men, especially the
great ones, to pardon their indiscretion, and not to prosecute
them with vengeance for some foolish words. This danger
of war from Rome being known at Rhodes, all that had
been any whit averse from the Romans, in the late war of
Macedon, were either taken and condemned, or sent pri
soners to Rome; excepting some that slew themselves for
fear, whose goods also were confiscated. Yet this procured
little grace ; and less would have done, if old M. Cato, a
man by nature vehement, had not uttered a mild sentence,
and advertised the senate, that in decreeing war against
Rhodes they should much dishonour themselves, and make
it thought, that a rather the wealth of that city, which they
were greedy to ransack, than any just cause, had moved
them thereto. This consideration, together with their good
deserts in the wars of Philip and Antiochus, helped well
the Rhodians; among whom none of any mark remained,
alive, save those that had been of the Roman faction. All
which notwithstanding, many years passed, ere, by impor
tunate suit, they could be admitted into the society of the
Romans ; a favour which, till now, they had not esteemed,
but thought themselves better without it, as equal friends.

With the like or greater severity did the Romans make
themselves terrible in all parts of Greece. ^Emilius himself
made progress through the country, visiting all the famous
places therein, as for his pleasure; yet not forgetting to
make them understand what power he had over them.
More than five hundred of the chief citizens in Demetrias
were slain at one time by those of the Roman faction, and
with help of the Roman soldiers : others fled, or were ba
nished, and their goods confiscated. Of which things, when
complaint was made to the consul, the redress was such as
requited not the pains of making supplication. His friends,
that is to say, those which betrayed unto the Romans the
liberty of their country, he feasted like a king, with exces.
a Caesar in Orat. apud Sallust. de Conjurat. Catilinse.

Q « O

O M A

874 THE HISTORY BOOKV.

sive cheer ; yet so, that he had all things very cheap in his
camp : an easy matter, since no man durst be backward in
sending provisions, nor set on them the due price. Ambas
sadors likewise were sent from Rome ; some to give order
for settling the estate of Macedon, towards which they had
more particular instruction from the senate than was usual
in such cases ; and some to visit the affairs of Greece. The
kingdom of Macedon was set at liberty by ^Emilius and the
ambassadors, his assistants, who had order therefore from
the senate. But this liberty was such as the Romans used
to bestow. The best part of it was, that the tribute which
had been paid unto the kings was lessened by half. As for
the rest, the country was divided into four parts, and they
forbidden commerce one with the other. All the nobility
were sent captive into Italy, with their wives and children,
as many as were above fifteen years old. The ancient laws
of the country were abrogated, and new given by ^Emilius.
Such mischief the senate thought it better to do, at the first
alteration of things in this province, and in the time of con
quest, than otherwise to leave any inconvenience that should
be worse in the future. But concerning the Greeks, that
were not subjects to Rome, the things done to them could
deserve no better name than mere tyranny, yea, and shame
less perjury; were it not so, that the familiar custom among
princes and great estates, of violating leagues, doth make
the oaths of confederation seem of no validity. The am
bassadors, that were sent to visit the Greeks, called before
them all such men of note, from every quarter, as had any
way discovered an unserviceable disposition towards the Ro
mans. These they sent to Rome, where they were made
sure enough. Some of these had sent letters to Perseus,
which fell at length into the Romans' hands ; and in that
respect, though they were no subjects, yet wanted there not
colour for using them as traitors, or at least as enemies.
But since only two men were beheaded, for having been
openly on the Macedonian side, and since it is confessed,
that the good patriots were no less afflicted in this inqui
sition, than they that had sold themselves to the king ; this

CHAP. VI.

OF THE WORLD.

875

manner of proceeding was inexcusable tyranny. With the
Achseans these ambassadors were to deal more formally,
not so much because that commonwealth was strong (though
this were to be regarded by them, having no commission to
make or denounce war) and like to prove untractable, if
manifest wrong were offered ; as for that there appeared no
manner of sign, by letters or otherwise, whereby any one of
the Achseans could be suspiciously charged to have held
cor respondence_ with the Macedonian. It was also so, that
neither Callicrates nor any of his adherents had been em
ployed by the nation, in doing or offering their service to
the Romans, but only such as were the best patriots. Yet
would not therefore the ambassadors neglect to use the be
nefit of the time, wherein, since all men trembled for fear
of Rome, the season served fitly to rank the Achaeans with
the rest. And hereto Callicrates was very urgent, fearing,
and procuring them to fear in behalf of him and his friends,
that if some sharp order were not now taken, he and his
fellows should be made to pay for their mischievous devices
ere long time passed. So the ambassadors came among the
Achaeans, where one of them, in open assembly of the na
tion, spake as Callicrates had before instructed him. He
said, that some of the chief among them had with money
and other means befriended Perseus. This being so, he
desired that all such men might be condemned, whom, after
sentence given, he would name unto them. " After sentence
" given!" cried out the whole assembly ; " what justice were
" this ? Name them first, and let them answer ; which if they
" cannot well do, we will soon condemn them/' Then said
the Roman boldly, that all their pretors, as many as had led
their armies, were guilty of this crime. " If this were true,""
said Xenon, a temperate man, and confident in his innocence,
" then should I likewise have been friend to Perseus ; where-
" of if any man can accuse me, I shall throughly answer him,
ce either here presently, or before the senate at Rome." Upon
these words of Xenon the ambassador laid hold, and said,
that even so it were the best way for him and the rest to
purge themselves before the senate at Rome. Then began

3M3

876 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

he to name others, and left not until he had cited above a
thousand, willing them to appear and answer before the
senate. This might even be termed the captivity of Greece,
wherein so many of the honestest and worthiest men were
carried from home, for none other cause than their love
unto their country, to be punished according to the will of
those who could not endure that virtue and regard of the
public liberty should dwell together in any of the Greeks.
At their coming to Rome they were all cast into prison, as
men already condemned by the Achseans. Many embas-
sages were sent from Achaia (where it is to be wondered,
that any such honest care of these innocent men could be
remaining, since honesty had been thus punished as a vice
in so many of the worthiest among them) to inform the se
nate, that these men were neither condemned by the AchaB-
ans, nor yet held to be offenders. But instead of better
answer it was pronounced, that the " senate thought it not
" expedient for the country that these men should return
" into Achaia." Neither could any solicitation of the Acha?-
ans, who never ceased to importune the senate for their li
berty, prevail at all, until after seventeen years fewer than
thirty of them were enlarged ; of whom that wise and vir
tuous man Polybius, the great historian, was one. All the
rest were either dead in prison, or, having made offer to
escape, whether upon the way before they came to Rome,
or whether out of gaol after that they were committed there
to, suffered death as malefactors.

This was a gentle correction in regard of what was done
upon the Epirots. For the senate, being desirous to pre
serve the Macedonian treasure whole, yet withal to gratify
the soldiers, gave order, that the whole country of Epirus
should be put to sack. This was a barbarous and horrible
cruelty, as also it was performed by ^Emilius with mis
chievous subtilty. Having taken leave of the Greeks and
of the Macedonians, with bidding them well to use the li
berty bestowed upon them by the people of Rome, he sent
unto the Epirots for ten of the principal men out of every
city. These he commanded to deliver up all the srold and

CHAP. vi. OF THE WORLD. 877

silver which they had, and sent along with them, into
every of their towns, what companies of men he thought
convenient, as it were to fetch the money. But he gave se
cret instruction to the captains, that upon a certain day, by
him appointed, they should fall to sack every one the town
whereinto he was sent. Thus in one day were threescore
and ten cities, all confederate with the Romans, spoiled by
the Roman soldiers; and, besides other acts of hostility in a
time of peace, a hundred and fifty thousand of that nation
made slaves. It may be granted, that some of the Epirots
deserved punishment, as having favoured Perseus : but
since they among this people that were thought guilty of
this offence, yea, or but coldly affected to the Romans, had
been already sent into Italy, there to receive their due ; and
since this nation in general was not only at the present in
good obedience, but had, even in this war, done good ser
vice to the Romans, I hold this act so wicked, that I should
not believe it, had any one writer delivered the contrary :
but the truth being manifest by consent of all, it is the less
marvellous, that God was pleased to make ^Emilius child
less, even in the glory of his triumph, how great soever
otherwise his virtues were.

In such manner dealt the Romans, after their victory,
with the Greeks and Macedonians. How terrible they were
to other kindgoms abroad, it will appear by the efficacy of
an embassage sent from them to Antiochus ; whereof before
we speak, we must speak somewhat of Antiochus^s foregoers,
of himself, and of his affairs, about which these ambassadors
came.

SECT. XI.

The war of Antiochus upon Egypt brought to end by the Roman
ambassadors.

ANTIOCHUS the Great, after his peace with the
Romans, did nothing that was memorable in the short time
following of his reign and life. He died the six and thirtieth
year after he had worn a crown, and in the seventeenth or
eighteenth of Ptolomy Epiphanes, while he attempted to

.878 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

rob the temple of Bel, or (according to z Justin) of Jupiter.
He left behind him three sons, Seleucus Philopator, Anti-
ochus Epiphanes, Demetrius Soter ; and one daughter, Cle
opatra, whom he had given in marriage to Ptolomy Epi
phanes, king of Egypt. Seleucus, the fourth of that name,
and the eldest of Antiochus's sons, reigned in Syria twelve
years, according to aEusebius, Appian, and Sulpitius, though
Josephus give him but seven. A prince, who as he was
slothful by nature, so the great loss which his father Anti-
ochus had received took from him the means of managing
any great affair. Of him, about three hundred years before
his birth, Daniel gave this judgment, Et stdbit in loco ejus
vilissimus et indignus decor e regio ; b " And in his place,"
speaking of Antiochus the father of this man, " shall start
" up a vile person, unworthy the honour of a king." Under
this Seleucus those things were done which are spoken of
Onias the high priest in these words, and other to the
same effect : c What time as the holy city was inhabited with
all peace, because of the godliness of Onias the priest, it
came to pass that even the king did honour the place, and
garnished the temple with great gifts. And all that is
written in the third chapter of the second of Maccabees, of
Simon of Benjamin, who by Apollonius betrayed the trea
sures of the temple, and of Heliodorus sent by the king to
seize them ; of his miraculous striking by God, and his reco
very at the prayers of Onias ; of the king^s death, and of his
successor Antiochus Epiphanes. It is therefore from the reign
of this king that the books of the Maccabees take beginning;
which books seem not to be delivered by one and the same
hand : for the first book, although it touch upon Alexander
the Great, yet it hath nothing else of his story, nor of the
acts of his successors, till the time of Antiochus Epiphanes,
the brother and successor of this Seleucus ; from whom
downward to the death of Simon Maccabeus (who died in
the hundred threescore and seventeenth year of the Greeks
in Syria) that first book treateth. The author of the second

z Strab. 1. 1 6. Just. 1. 35. b Dan. xi. 21.

a Euseb. in Cron. App. de Bell. Syr. Ant. 12. c. 5. c 2 Mace. iii. 1,2.

CHAP. VJ.

OF THE WORLD.

879

book, although he take the story somewhat further off, by
way of a proem, yet he endeth with the hundred and one
and fiftieth year of the Grecian reign, and with the death
of Nicanor, slain by Judas ; remembering in the fourth
chapter the practice of Jason, the brother of Onias, who,
after the death of Seleucus, prevailed with Antiochus Epi-
phanes, his successor, for the priesthood. d It is also held
by Jansenius and other grave writers, that it was in the
time of this Onias that Arius, king of the Spartans, sent
ambassadors to the Jews, as to their brothers and kinsmen.
Which intelligence between them and the Greeks, Jonathan,
the brother and successor of Judas, remembereth in the pre
amble of that epistle, which he himself directed to the people
of Sparta by Numenius and Antipater, his ambassadors,
whom he employed at the same time to the senate of Rome,
repeating also the former letters word by word, which
Arius had sent to Onias the high priest, whereto Josephus
adds, that the name of the Lacedaemonian ambassador was
Demoteles, and that the letters had a square volume, and
were sealed with an eagle holding a dragon in her claws.

Now to this Seleucus, the fourth of that name, succeeded
Antiochus Epiphanes, in the hundred and seven and thir
tieth year of the Greeks in Syria. He was the second son
of the great Antiochus ; and he obtained his kingdom by
procuring the death of the king his brother, which also he
usurped from his brother's son.

Ptolomy Philometor, his nephew by his sister Cleopatra,
being then very young, had been about seven years king of

Egypt.

Ptolomy Epiphanes, the father of this king Philometor,
had reigned in Egypt four and twenty years, in great quiet,
but doing little or nothing that was memorable. Philip of
Macedon, and the great Antiochus, had agreed to divide
his kingdom between them, whilst he was a child : but they
found such other business, ere long, with the Romans, as
made them give over their unjust purpose, especially Anti
ochus, who gave, with his daughter in marriage, unto this
d 2 Mac. i. 12. super Eccles. c. v.

880 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

Ptolomy, the provinces of Ccelesyria, Phoenice, and Judaea,
which he had won by his victory over Scopas, that was
general of the Egyptian forces in those parts. Neverthe
less Ptolomy adhered to the Romans, whereby he lived in
the greater security. He left behind him two sons, this
Ptolomy Philometor, and Ptolomy Physcon, with a daughter,
Cleopatra. Cleopatra was wife to the elder of her brethren,
and after his death to the younger, by whom she was cast
off, and her daughter taken in her stead. Such were the
marriages of these Egyptian kings.

Ptolomy Philometor, so called (that is, the lover of his
mother) by a bitter nickname, because he slew her, fell into
hatred with his subjects, and was like to be chased out of
his kingdom, his younger brother being set up against him.
Physcon, having a strong party, got possession of Alexandria,
and Philometor held himself in Memphis, craving succour
of king Antiochus his uncle. Hereof Antiochus was glad,
who, under colour to take upon him the protection of the
young prince, sought by all means possible to possess him
self of that kingdom. He sent Apollonius, the son of Mnes-
theus, ambassador into Egypt, and, under colour to assist
the king's coronation, he gave him instructions to persuade
the governors of the young king Philometor to deliver the
king his nephew, with the principal, places of that kingdom,
into his hands, pretending an extraordinary care and desire
of his nephew's safety and well-doing. And the better to
answer all argument to the contrary, he prepared a forcible
army to attend him. Thus came he alongst the coast of
Syria to Joppe, and from thence on the sudden he turned
himself towards Jerusalem, where by e Jason the priest (a
chaplain fit for such a patron) he was with all pomp and
solemnity received into the city. For though lately, in the '
time of Seleucus, the brother and predecessor of f Epiphanes,
that impious traitor Simon, of the tribe of Benjamin, ruler
of the temple, when he would have delivered the treasures
thereof to Apollonius, governor of Coelesyria and Phoenicia,
was disappointed of his wicked purpose by miracle from
e 2 Mace. iv. f 2 Mace. iii.

CHAP. vi. OF THE WORLD. 881

Heaven, the said Apollonius being strucken by the angel
of God, and recovering again at the prayer of Onias ; yet
sufficed not this example to terrify others from the like un
godly practices. Presently, upon the death of Seleucus, this
Jason, the brother of Onias, seeking to supplant his brother,
and to obtain the priesthood for himself, offered unto the
king three hundred and threescore talents of silver, with
other rents and sums of money. & So he got his desire,
though he not long enjoyed it.

This naughty dealing of Jason, and his being over-reached
by another in the same kind, calls to mind a by-word taken
up among the Achseans, when as that mischievous Calli-
crates, who had been too hard for all worthy and virtuous
men, was beaten at his own weapon, by one of his own con
dition. It went thus :

One fire than other burns more forcibly,
One wolf than other wolves does bite more sore ;
One hawk than other hawks more swift does fly :
So one most mischievous of men before,
Callicrates, false knave as knave might be,
Met with Menalcidas more false than he.

And even thus fell it out with Jason, who within three
years after was betrayed, and overbidden, by Menelaus the
brother of Simon, that for three hundred talents more ob
tained the priesthood for himself; Jason thereupon being
forced to fly from Jerusalem, and to hide himself among
the Ammonites.

From Jerusalem Antiochus marched into Phoenicia, to
augment the numbers of his men of war, and to prepare a
fleet for his expedition into Egypt, with which, and with a
mighty army of land-forces, h he went about to reign over
Egypt, that he might have the dominion of two realms, and
entered Egypt with a mighty company, with chariots and
elephants, with horsemen, and with a great navy, and
moved war against Ptolemceus king of Egypt, but Ptole-
mcBus was afraid of him and fled, and many were wounded
to death. He won many strong cities, and took away the

e 2 Mace. iv. h i Mace. i. 17 — 20, &c.

THE HISTORY BOOK v.

spoils of the land of Egypt. Thus was fulfilled the pro
phecy of Daniel ; * He shall enter into the quiet and plen
tiful provinces ; and he shall do that which his fathers have
not done, nor his fathers'1 fathers. Never indeed had any
of the kings of Syria so great a victory over the Egyptians,
nor took from them so great riches. For he gave a notable
overthrow to the captains of Ptolomy, between Pelusium
and the hill Cassius, k after which he entered and sacked the
greatest and richest of all the cities of Egypt, Alexandria
excepted, which he could not force. In conclusion, after
that Antiochus had smitten Egypt, 1 he turned again and
went up towards Israel and Jerusalem with a mighty people,
and entered proudly into the sanctuary, and took away the
golden altar, and the candlestick for the light, and all the
instruments thereof, and the table of the shew-bread, and the
pouring" vessels and the bowls, and the golden basons, and
the veil, and the crowns, and the golden apparel. He took
also the silver, and the gold, and the precious jewels, and
the secret treasures : and when he had taken away all, he
departed into his own land, after he had murdered many
men.

m It was about the beginning of the Macedonian war that
Antiochus took in hand this Egyptian business. At what
time he first laid claim to Ccelesyria, justifying his title by
n the same allegations which his father had made ; and stiffly
averring that this province had not been consigned over to
the Egyptian, or given in dowry with Cleopatra. ° Easy it
was to approve his right unto that which he had already
gotten, when he was in a fair way to get all Egypt. The
Achaeans, Rhodians, Athenians, and other of the Greeks,
pressed him by several embassages to some good conclusion.
But his answer was, that if the Alexandrians could be con
tented to receive their king, his nephew, Philometor, the
elder brother of the Ptolomies, then should the war be pre
sently at an end, otherwise not. Yet when he saw that it

' Dan. xi. 24. m Lib. 6.

k Jerom. in Dan. n Cap. 5. §. 2.

1 i Mace. i. 20—34. ° Polyb. Legat. 81, 82, &c.

CHAP. vi. OF THE WORLD. 883

was an hard piece of work to take Alexandria by force, he
thought it better to let the two brothers consume themselves
with intestine war, than by the terror of his arms, threaten
ing destruction unto both of them, to put into them any
desire of coming to agreement. He therefore withdrew his
forces for the present, leaving the Ptolomies in very weak
estate, the younger almost ruinated by his invasion, the
elder hated and forsaken by his people.

But how weak soever these Egyptians were, their hatred
was thought to be so strong, that Antiochus might leave
them to the prosecution thereof, and follow at good leisure
his other business at Jerusalem or elsewhere. So after the
sack of Jerusalem he rested him a while at Antioch, and
then made a journey into Cilicia, to suppress the rebellion of
theThracians and other in those parts, who had been given,
as it were, by way of dowry, to a concubine of the king's
called Antiochis. For governor of Syria in his absence, he
left one Andronicus, a man of great authority about him.
In the mean while Menelaus, the brother of Simon, the same
who had thrust Jason out of the priesthood, and promised
the king three hundred talents for an income, committing
the charge of the priesthood to his brother Lysimachus,
stole certain vessels of gold out of the temple, whereof he
presented a part to Andronicus, the king's lieutenant, and
sold the rest at Tyre, and other cities adjoining. This he
did, as it seemeth, to advance the payment of the three
hundred talents promised ; the same being now by Sostratus
eagerly demanded. Hereof when Onias the priest (formerly
dispossessed by Jason) had certain knowledge, being moved
with zeal, and detesting the sacrilege of Menelaus, he re
proved him for it ; and, fearing his revenge, he withdrew
himself into a sanctuary at Daphne.

Daphne was a place of delight adjoining as a suburb to
Antioch : in compass it had about ten miles, wherein were
the temples of Apollo and Diana, with a grove, sweet
springs, banqueting places, and the like, which were wholly,
in a manner, abused to lust, and other such voluptuousness.
Whether it were well done of Onias to commit himself to

884 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

the protection of Apollo and Diana, or to claim privilege
from the holiness of a ground consecrated to any of the
heathen gods, I will not stand to discourse : only I say, for
mine own opinion, that the inconvenience is far less to hold
this book as apocryphal, than to judge this fearful shift,
which Onias (though a virtuous man) made for his life,
either commendable or allowable, as the book seems to do.
As for this refuge, it could not save the life of the poor old
man, for vMenelaus taking Andronicus apart, prayed him to
slay Onias. So when he came to Onias, he counselled him
craftily, giving him his right hand with an oath, and per
suading him to come out of the sanctuary ; so he slew him
incontinently, without any regard of righteousness. Here
of when complaint was made to Antiochus, after his return
out of Cilicia, Q he took away Andronicus^ garment of pur
ple, and rent his clothes, and commanded him to be led
throughout the city, and in the same place where he had
committed the wickedness against Onias, he was slain as a
murderer. In taking revenge of this innocent man's death,
I should have thought that this wicked king had once in
his lifetime done justice: but presently after this, at the
suit of one Ptolomy, a traitor to Ptolomy Philometor, he
condemned innocent men to death, who justly complained
against Menelaus, and his brother Lysimachus, for a second
robbing of the temple, and carrying thence the vessels of
gold remaining. Hereby it is manifest that he was guided
by his own outrageous will, and not by any regard of jus
tice ; since he revenged the death of Onias, yet slew those
that were in the same cause with Onias, r who, had they told
their cause, yea, before the Scythians, they should have been
heard as innocent. By reason of such his unsteadiness, this
king was commonly termed Epimanes, that is, mad, instead
of Epipha7ies, which signifieth noble, or illustrious.

s After this, Antiochus made a preparation for a second
voyage into Egypt, and then were there seen throughout
all the city of Jerusalem, forty days long, horsemen running

P 2 Mace. iv. 34. * Ver. 47.

« 2 Mace. iv. 38. • 2 Mace. v. i, 2.

CHAP. vi. OF THE WORLD. 885

in the air with robes of gold, and as bands of spearmen,
and as troops of horsemen set in array , encountering and
coursing one against another. Of these prodigious signs,
or rather forewarnings of God, all histories have delivered
us, some more, some less. Before the destruction of Jeru
salem by Vespasian, a star in the form of a sword appeared
in the heavens directly over the city ; after which there fol
lowed a slaughter like unto this of Epiphanes, though far
greater. In the Cimbrian wars, l Pliny tells us that armies
were seen fighting in the air from the morning till the
evening.

In the time of Pope John the Eleventh, a fountain poured
out blood instead of water, in or near the city of Genoa;
soon after which the city was taken by the Saracens, with
great slaughter. Of these and the like prodigious signs,
u Vipera hath collected many, and very remarkable. But this
one seemeth to me the most memorable, because the most
notorious. All men know that in the emperor Nero the
offspring of the Caesars, as well natural as adopted, took
end, whereof this notable sign gave warning.

x When Livia was first married to Augustus, an eagle
let fall into her arms a white hen, holding a laurel-branch
in her mouth. Livia caused this hen to be carefully nou
rished, and the laurel-branch to be planted : of the hen
came a fair increase of white poultry, and from the little
branch there sprang up in time a grove of laurel ; so that
afterwards, in all triumphs, the conquerors did use to carry
in their hands a branch of bays taken out of this grove ;
and, after the triumphs ended, to set it again in the same
ground; which branches were observed, when they hap
pened to wither, to foreshew the death of those persons who
carried them in triumph. And in the last year of Nero, all
the broods of the white hens died, and the whole grove of
bays withered at once. Moreover, the heads of all the
Caesars1 statues, and the sceptre placed in Augustus's hand,
were stricken down with lightning. That the Jews did not

* Plin. lib. 2. c. 57. pera de prisco et sacro Institute.

« Merc. Vipera de Prod. lib. 8. Vi- * Sueton. Galba.

886 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

think such strange signs to be unworthy of regard, it ap
pears by their calling upon God, and praying that these
tokens might turn to good.

Now, as the first voyage of Antiochus into Egypt was
occasioned by discord of the two brethren therein reigning,
so was his second expedition caused by their good agree
ment. For the elder Ptolemy being left in "Memphis, not
strong enough to force his brother, who had defended
Alexandria against all the power of their uncle, thought it
the best way to seek entrance into that royal city rather
by persuasion than by arms. Physcon had not as yet for
gotten the terror of the former siege; the Alexandrines,
though they loved not Philometor, yet loved they worse to
live in scarcity of victuals, (which was already great among
them, and like to grow extreme,) since nothing was brought
in from the country ; and the friends of the younger bro
ther saw no likelihood of good issue to be hoped for without
reconciliation. These good helps, and, above all these, the
loving disposition of Cleopatra, who then was in Alexandria,
encouraged Philomecor in his purpose : but that which made
him earnestly desirous to accomplish it was the fear wherein
he stood of his uncle : for though Antiochus were gone out
of Egypt with his army, yet had he left behind him a strong
garrison in Pelusium, retaining that city, which was the key
of Egypt, to his own use. This consideration wrought also
with Physcon, and with those that were about him, so as,
by the vehement mediation of Cleopatra their sister, the two
brethren made an end of all quarrels.

When the news of this accord was brought to Antiochus
he was greatly enraged ; for notwithstanding that he had
pretended no other thing than the establishment of the
king Philometor his nephew, and a meaning to subject his
younger brother unto him, which he gave in answer to all
ambassadors, yet he now prepared to make sharp war upon
them both. And to that end he presently furnished and sent
out his navy towards Cyprus, and drew his land army into
Coelesyria, ready to enter Egypt the spring following.
When he was on his way as far as Rhinocorura, he met

CHAP. vi. OF THE WORLD. 887

with ambassadors sent from Ptolomy. Their errand was
partly to yield thanks to Antiochus for the establishing of
Philometor in his kingdom, partly to beseech him, that he
would rather be pleased to signify what he required to have
done in Egypt, which should be performed, than to enter
it as an enemy with so puissant an army. But Antiochus
returned this short answer : that he would neither call back
his fleet nor withdraw his army upon any other condition,
than that Ptolomy should surrender into his hands together
with the city of Pelusium the whole territory thereto be
longing ; and that he should also abandon and leave unto
him the isle of Cyprus, with all the right that he had unto
either of them, for ever. For answer unto these demands
he set down a day certain, and a short one. Which being
come and past, without any accord made, the Syrian fleet
entered Nilus, and recovered as well those places which ap
pertained to Ptolomy in Arabia, as in Egypt itself; for
Memphis and all about it received Antiochus, being unable
to resist him. The king having now, no stop in his way to
Alexandria, passed on thitherwards by easy journeys.
a Of all these troubles past, as well as of the present danger
wherein Egypt stood, the Romans had notice long ago. But
they found, or were contented to find, little reason for them
to intermeddle therein. For it was a civil war, and wherein
Antiochus seemed to take part with the juster cause. Yet
they gave signification, that it would be much displeasing
unto them to have the kingdom of Egypt taken from the
rightful owners. More they could not or would not do,
being troubled with Perseus, and therefore loath to provoke
Antiochus too far. Nevertheless, the Egyptian kings being
reconciled, and standing jointly in need of help against their
uncle, who prepared and made open war against them both,
it was to be expected, that not only the Romans, but many
of the Greeks, as being thereto obliged by notable benefits,
should arm in defence of their kingdom. Rome had been
sustained with food from Egypt in the war of Hannibal,
when Italy, lying waste, had neither corn nor money where
with to buy sufficient store. By help of the Egyptian had

RALEGH, VOL. IV. 3 N

888 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

Aratus laid the foundation of that greatness whereto the
Achseans attained : and by the like help had Rhodes been
defended against Demetrius Poliorcetes. Neither were these
friendly turns, which that bountiful house of the Ptolomies
had done for sundry people abroad, ill followed or seconded
by other as bad in requital, but with continuance of suitable
beneficence, from time to time increased. Wherefore the
two brothers sent abroad confidently for aid, especially to
the Rhodians and Achaeans, who seemed most able to give
it effectually. To the Romans, Physcon and Cleopatra had
sent, a year since, but their ambassadors lay still in Rome.
Of the Achaeans they desired in particular, that Lycortas,
the brave warrior, might be sent to them as general of all
the auxiliaries, and his son Polybius general of the horse.
Hereunto the Achaeans readily condescended, and would
immediately have made performance, if Callicrates had not
interposed his mischievous art. He, whether seeking occa
sion to vaunt his obsequiousness to the Romans, or, much
rather, envying those noble captains whose service the kings
desired, withstood the common voice ; which was, that their
nation should not with such small numbers as were re
quested, but with all their power, be aiding unto the Pto
lomies. For it was not now, he said, convenient time to entan
gle themselves in any such business as might make them the
less able to yield unto the Romans what help soever should
be required in the Macedonian war. And in this sentence
he, with those of his faction, obstinately persisted, terrifying
others with big words, as it were in behalf of the Romans.
But Polybius affirmed, that Martius the late consul had
signified unto him, that the Romans were past all need of
help ; adding further, that a thousand foot and two hun
dred horse might well be spared to the aid of their bene
factors, the Egyptian kings, without disabling their nation
to perform any service to the Romans ; forasmuch as the
Achaeans could without trouble raise thirty or forty thou
sand soldiers. All this notwithstanding, the resolution was
deferred from one meeting to another, and finally broken
by the violence of Callicrates. For when it was thought

CHAP. VI.

OF THE WORLD.

889

that the decree should have passed, he brought into the
theatre, where the assembly was held, a messenger with let
ters from Martius, whereby the Achaeans were desired to
conform themselves to the Roman senate, and to labour, as
the senate had done, by sending ambassadors, to set Egypt
in peace. This was an advice against all reason : for the
senate had indeed sent ambassadors to make peace, but, as
in a time of greater business elsewhere, with such mild words
that nothing was effected. Wherefore it was not likely that
the Achaeans should do any good in the same kind; yet
Polybius and his friends durst not gainsay the Roman coun
cil, which had force of an injunction. So the kings were left
in much distress, disappointed of their expectation. But
within a while was Perseus overcome, and then might the
ambassador sent from the Roman senate perform as much
as any army could have done.

Audience had been lately given by the senate unto
those ambassadors of Physcon and Cleopatra, which having
stayed more than a whole year in the city, brought nothing
of their business to effect until now. The ambassadors de
livered their message in the name of those that had sent
them, though it concerned (which perhaps they knew not)
Philometor no less than his brother and sister.

In this embassage of Ptolomy, now requesting help from
Rome, appeared a notable change of his fortune from such
as it had been before three or four years last past. For in
the beginning of these his troubles, which began with the
Macedonian war, either he, or x Eulaeus, and Lenasus,
(upon whom the blame was afterwards laid,) which had
the government of him, thought his affairs in such good
estate, that not only he determined to set upon Antiochus
for Ccelesyria, but would have interposed himself between
the Romans and Perseus, as a competent arbitrator; though
it fell out well, that his ambassador was, by a friend, per
suaded to forget that point of his errand. From these
high thoughts he fell on the sudden, by the rebellion of his
brother and subjects, to live under protection of the same
* Polyb. Legal. 72.
3 N 2

890 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

Antiochus. And now, at such time as by atonement with
his brother and subjects he might have seemed to stand in
no need of such protection, he hath remaining none other
help, whereby to save both his kingdom and life, than what
can be obtained by their intercession which were employed
against him. This miserable condition of him, his brother,
and sister, shewed itself even in the habit of those ambas
sadors. They were poorly clad, the hair of their heads and
beards overgrown, as was their manner in time of afflic
tion, and they carried in their hands branches of olive.
Thus they entered into the senate, and there fell grovelling
and prostrate upon the floor. Their garments were not so
mean and mournful, nor their looks and countenances so
sad and dejected, but that their speech was than either of
the other far more lamentable. For having told in what
danger their king and country stood, they made a pitiful
and grievous complaint unto the senate, beseeching them to
have compassion of their estate, and of their princes, who
had always remained friendly and faithful to the Romans.
They said that the people of Rome had so much heretofore
favoured this Antiochus in particular, and were of such ac
count and authority with all other kings and nations, as if
they pleased but to send their ambassadors, and let Antio
chus know that the senate was offended with his under
taking upon the king their confederate, then would he pre
sently raise his siege from before Alexandria, and withdraw
his army out of Egypt into Syria. But that if the senate
protracted any time, or used any delay, then should Ptolomy
and Cleopatra be shortly driven out of their realms, and
make repair to Rome, with shameful dishonour to the se
nate and people thereof, in that, in the extreme dangers of
all their fortunes, they had not vouchsafed to relieve them.
The lords of the senate, moved with compassion, sent in
continently C. Popilius Lenus, C. Decimius, and A. Hos-
tilius, as ambassadors, to determine and end the war be
tween those kings. In commission they had first to find
king Ptolomy, and then Antiochus, and to let them both
understand, that unless they surceased, and gave over arms,

CHAP. VI.

OF THE WORLD.

891

they would take that king no more for a friend to the se
nate and people of Rome, whom they found obstinate or
using delay. So these Romans, together with the Alexan
drine ambassadors, took their leave, and went onward their
way within three days after.

Whilst Popilius and his fellows were on their way toward
Egypt, Antiochus had transported his army over Lusine,
some forty miles from Alexandria : so near was he to the
end of his journey when the Roman ambassadors met him.
After greeting and salutations at their first encounter, An
tiochus offered his right hand to Popilius, but Popilius filled
it with a roll of paper, willing him to read those mandates
of the senate, before he did any thing else. Antiochus did
so ; and having a little while considered of the business, he
told Popilius, that he would advise with his friends, and
then give the ambassadors their answer. But Popilius, ac
cording to his ordinary blunt manner of speech, which he
had by nature, made a circle about the king with a rod
which he held in his hand, willing him to make him such
an answer as he might report to the senate, before he moved
out of that circle. The king, astonished at this so rude and
violent a commandment, after he had stayed and paused a
while, " I will be content," quoth he, " to do whatsoever the
" senate shall ordain." Then Popilius gave unto the king
his hand, as to a friend and ally of the Romans.

Thus Antiochus departed out of Egypt, without any
good issue of his costly expedition, even in such manner as
y Daniel had prophesied long before ; yea, fulfilling every
particular circumstance, both of returning and of doing
mischief to Jerusalem after his return, like as if these things
had rather been historified than foretold by the prophet.
As for the Roman ambassadors, they stayed a while, and
settled the kingdom of Egypt, leaving it unto the elder
brother, and appointing the younger to reign over Cyrene.
This done, they departed towards Cyprus, which they left,
as it had been, in the power of the Egyptian, having first

y Dan. xi. 29, 30, &c.

892 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

sent away Antiochus's fleet, which had already given an
overthrow to the Egyptian ships.

SECT. XII.

How the Romans were dreadful to all kings. Their demeanour to
wards Eumenes, Prusias, Masinissa, and Cotys. The end of
Perseus and his children. The instability of kingly estates. The
triumphs of Paulust Anicius, and Octavius. With the conclusion
of the work.

BY this peremptory demeanour of Popilius, in doing his
message, and by the ready obedience of king Antiochus to
the will of the senate, we may perceive how terrible the
Romans were grown, through their conquest of Macedon.
The same Popilius had been well contented, a year before
this, to lay aside the roughness of his natural condition, and
to give good language to the Achaeans and JEtolians, when
he went ambassador to those people of Greece that were of
far less power than the king Antiochus. Likewise, Anti
ochus had with good words, and no more than good words,
dismissed other ambassadors, which came from Rome, in
such sort, as they complained not, much less used any me
nacing terms, though he performed nothing of their request.
But now the case was altered. So found other kings as well
as Antiochus.

Eumenes sent to Rome his brother Attalus, to gratulate
the victory over Perseus, and to crave help or countenance
of the senate against the Gallo-Greeks, which molested him.
Very welcome was Attalus, and lovingly entertained by most
of the senators, who bade him be confident, and request of
the senate his brother's kingdom for himself ; for it should
surely be given him. These hopeful promises tickled
Attalus with such ambition, that he either approved or
seemed to approve the motion. But his honest nature was
soon reclaimed by the faithful counsel of Stratius, a physi
cian, whom Eumenes had sent to Rome of purpose to keep
his brother upright. So, when he came into the senate, he
delivered the errand about which he had been sent, re
counting his own services done to the Romans in the late

CHAP. vi. OF THE WORLD. 893

war, a wherewithal he forgat not to make of his brother as
good mention as he could ; and finally requested, that the
towns of JEnus and Maronea might be bestowed upon him
self. b By his omitting to sue for his brother's kingdom, the
senate conceived opinion, that he meant to crave another day
of audience for that business alone. Wherefore, to make
him understand how gracious he was, they not only granted
all his desire, but in the presents which they gave to him
(as was their custom to ambassadors that came with an ac
ceptable message) they used singular magnificence. c Never
theless, Attalus took no notice of their meaning, but went
his way, contented with what they had already granted.
This did so highly displease the senate, that whilst he was
yet in Italy, they gave order for the liberty of ^Enus and
Maronea ; thereby making uneffectual their promise, which
otherwise they could not, without shame, revoke. And as
for the Gallo-Greeks, which were about to invade the king
dom of Pergamus, they sent ambassadors to them, with
such instructions, as rather encouraged than hindered them
in their purpose. The displeasure of the senate being so
manifest, Eumenes thought it worthy of his labour to make
another voyage to Rome. He might well blame the folly
of his second voyage thither for this necessity of the third,
since, by his malice to Perseus, he had laid open unto these
ambitious potentates the way to his own doors. No sooner
was he come into Italy, than the senate was ready to send
him going. It was not thought expedient to use him as an
enemy, that came to visit them in love ; neither could they,
in so doing, have avoided the note of singular inconstancy ;
and to entertain him as a friend was more than their hatred
to him, for his ingratitude, as they deemed it, would per
mit : wherefore they made a decree, that no king should be
suffered to come to Rome -, and by virtue thereof sent him
home, without expense of much further compliment.

Prusias, king of Bithynia, had been at Rome somewhat
before, where he was welcomed after a better fashion. He had
learned to behave himself as humbly as the proud Romans

'« Liv. lib. 45. b Polyb. Legat. 93. c Polyb. ibid.

3x4

894 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

could expect or desire. For entering into the senate, he lay
down and kissed the threshold, calling the fathers his gods
and saviours ; as also he used to wear a cap, after the man
ner of slaves newly manumised, professing himself an en
franchised bondman of the people of Rome. He was in
deed naturally a slave, and one that by such abject flattery
kept himself safe, though doing otherwise greater mischief
than any wherewith Perseus had been charged. His errand
was, besides matter of compliment, to commend unto the
senate the care of his son Nicomedes, whom he brought
with him to Rome, there to receive education. Further
petition he made to have some towns added to his kingdom,
whereto, because the grant would have been unjust, he re
ceived a cold answer. But concerning the wardship of his
son, it was undertaken by the senate, which, vaunting of
the pleasure lately done to Egypt, in freeing it from Anti-
ochus, willed him thereby to consider what effectual pro
tection the Romans gave unto the children of kings that
were to their patronage commended.

But, above all other kings, Masinissa held his credit with
the Romans good. His quarrels were endless with the Car
thaginians, which made the friendship of the Romans to
him the more assured. In all controversies they gave judg
ment on his side ; and whereas he had invaded the country
of Emporia, holding the lands, but unable to win the towns,
the Romans (though at first they could find no pretext
whereby to countenance him in this oppression) compelled
finally the Carthaginians both to let go all their hold, and
to pay five hundred talents to the Numidian, for having
hindered him of his due so long. Now indeed had Rome
good leisure to devise upon the ruin of Carthage; after
which, the race of Masinissa himself was shortly by them
rooted up. But hereof the old king never dreamed: he
sent to Rome one of his sons to congratulate the victory
over Perseus, and offered to come thither himself, there to
sacrifice for joy unto Jupiter in the Capitol. His good-will
was lovingly accepted, his son rewarded, and he entreated
to stay at home.

CHAP. vi. OF THE WORLD. 895

Cotys the Thracian sent ambassadors to excuse himself
touching the aid by him given to Perseus, for that the Ma
cedonian had him bound by hostages, and to entreat, that
his son, which was taken with the children of Perseus,
might be set at liberty for convenient ransom. His excuse
was not taken, since he had voluntarily obliged himself to
Perseus, by giving hostages without necessity ; yet was his
son given back to him ransom free, with admonition to carry
himself better toward the Romans in time following. His
kingdom lay between Macedon and some barbarous nations .
in which respect it was good to hold him in fair terms.

As for those unhappy kings Perseus and Gentius, they
were led through Rome, with their children and friends, in
the triumphs of ^Emilius and Anicius. Perseus had often
made suit to JSmilius that he might not be put to such
disgrace ; but he still received one scornful answer, that it
lay in his own power to prevent it ; whereby was meant, that
he might kill himself. And surely, had he not hoped for
greater mercy than he found, he would rather have sought
his death in Macedon, than have been beholding to the
courtesy of his insolent enemies for a wretched life. The
issue of the Roman clemency, whereof ^Emilius had given
him hope, was no better than this : after that he and his
fellow king had been led in chains through the streets, be
fore the chariots of their triumphing victors, they were
committed to prison, wherein they remained without hope
of release. It was the manner, that when the triumpher
turned his chariot up towards the Capitol, there to do sacri
fice, he should command the captives to be had away to
prison, and there put to death ; so as the honour of the van
quisher and misery of those that were overcome might be
both together at the utmost. This last sentence of death
was remitted unto Perseus, yet so, that he had little joy of
his life, but either famished himself, or (for it is diversely
reported) was kept watching perforce by those that had him
in custody, and so died for want of sleep. Of his sons, two
died, it is uncertain how. The youngest, called Alexander,
(only in name like unto the Great, though destined sometimes

896 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

perhaps by his father unto the fortunes of the Great) became
a joiner, or turner, or, at his best preferment, a scribe under
the Roman officers. In such poverty ended the royal
house of Macedon ; and it ended on the sudden, though
some eightscore years after the death of that monarch unto
whose ambition this whole earth seemed too narrow.

If Perseus had known it before, that his own son should
one day be compelled to earn his living by handywork, in
a painful occupation, it is like that he would not, as in a
wantonness of sovereignty, have commanded those poor men
to be skin which had recovered his treasures out of the sea
by their skill in the feat of diving. He would rather have
been very gentle, and would have considered that the great
est oppressors, and the most undertrodden wretches, are all
subject unto one high Power, governing all alike with ab
solute command. But such is our unhappiness, instead of
that blessed counsel, Do as ye would be done unto, a sen
tence teaching all moderation, and pointing out the way to
felicity, we entertain that arrogant thought, / will be like
to the Most High, that is, I will do what shall please myself.
One hath said truly,

d Et qui nolunt occidere quemquam

Posse volunt

Even they that have no murd'rous will,
Would have it in their power to kill.

All, or the most, have a vain desire of ability to do evil
without control, which is a dangerous temptation unto the
performance. God, who best can judge what is expedient,
hath granted such power to very few ; among whom, also,
very few there are that use it not to their own hurt. For
who sees not, that a prince, by racking his sovereign au
thority to the utmost extent, enableth (besides the danger
to his own person) some one of his own sons or nephews to
root up all his progeny ? Shall not many excellent princes,
notwithstanding their brotherhood, or other nearness in
blood, be driven to flatter the wife, the minion, or perhaps
the harlot, that governs one, the most unworthy of his whole
d Juvenal. Sat. X.

CHAP. vi. OF THE WORLD. 897

house, yet reigning over all ? The untimely death of many
princes, which could not humble themselves to such flattery,
and the common practice of the Turkish emperors, to mur
der all their brethren, without expecting till they offend,
are too good proofs hereof. Hereto may be added, that
the heir of the same Roger Mortimer who murdered most
traitorously and barbarously king Edward the Second, was,
by reason of a marriage, proclaimed, in time not long after
following, heir apparent to the crown of England ; which
had he obtained, then had all the power of Edward fallen
into the race of his mortal enemy, to exercise the same upon
the line of that unhappy king. Such examples of the in
stability whereto all mortal affairs are subject, as they teach
moderation, and admonish the transitory gods of kingdoms
not to authorize by wicked precedents the evil that may
fall on their own posterity ; so do they necessarily make us
understand how happy that country is which hath ob
tained a king able to conceive and teach, that " e God is the
" sorest and sharpest schoolmaster that can be devised for
" such kings as think this world ordained for them, without
" controlment to turn it upside down at their pleasure."

Now concerning the triumph of L. ^Emilius Paulus,
it was in all points like unto that of f T. Quintius Flaminius,
though far more glorious in regard of the king's own person,
that was led along therein, as part of his own spoils, and in
regard likewise both of the conquest and of the booty. So
great was the quantity of gold and silver carried by Paulus
into the Roman treasury, that from thenceforth, until the
civil wars, which followed upon the death of Julius Caesar,
the estate had no need to burden itself with any tribute.
Yet was this noble triumph likely to have been hindered by
the soldiers, who grudged at their general for not having
dealt more bountifully with them : but the princes of the
senate overruled the people and soldiers herein, and brought
them to reason by severe exhortations. Thus Paulus en
joyed as much honour of his victory as men could give:
nevertheless it pleased God to take away from him his two
c The true Law of free Monarchies. f Chap. 3. §. 4-

898 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

remaining sons, that were not given in adoption, of which
the one died five days before the triumph, the other three
days after it. This loss he bore wisely, and told the people,
that he hoped to see the commonwealth flourish in a con
tinuance of prosperity, since the joy of his victory was re
quited with his own private calamity, instead of the public.
About the same time Octavius the admiral, who had
brought Perseus out of Samothrace, and Anicius the pretor,
who had conquered Illyria, and taken king Gentius pri
soner, made their several triumphs. The glory of which
magnificent spectacles, together with the confluence of em-
bassages from all parts, and kings, either visiting the im
perial city, or offering to visit her, and do their duties in
person, were enough to say unto Rome, Sume superbiam ;
" Take upon thee the majesty that thy deserts have pur-
" chased."

Jt>Y this which we have already set down is seen the
beginning and end of the three first monarchies of the
world, whereof the founders and erectors thought that they
could never have ended That of Rome, which made the
fourth, was also at this time almost at the highest. We
have left it flourishing in the middle of the field, having
rooted up or cut down all that kept it from the eyes and
admiration of the world : but after some continuance, it
shall begin to lose the beauty it had ; the storms of ambi
tion shall beat her great boughs and branches one against
another, her leaves shall fall off, her limbs wither, and a
rabble of barbarous nations enter the field, and cut her
down.

Now these great kings and conquering nations have been
the subject of those ancient histories which have been
preserved, and yet remain among us; and withal of so
many tragical poets, as in the persons of powerful princes
and other mighty men have complained against infidelity,
time, destiny, and most of all against the variable success of
worldly things, and instability of fortune. To these un-

CHAP. vi. OF THE WORLD. 899

dertakings the greatest lords of the world have been stirred
up rather by the desire of fame, which plougheth up the air,
and soweth in the wind, than by the affection of bearing
rule, which draweth after it so much vexation and so many
cares. And that this is true, the good advice of Cineas to
Pyrrhus proves. And certainly, as fame hath often been
dangerous to the living, so is it to the dead of no use at all,
because separate from knowledge. Which were it otherwise,
and the extreme ill bargain of buying this lasting discourse
understood by them which are dissolved, they themselves
would then rather have wished to have stolen out of the
world without noise, than to be put in mind that they have
purchased the report of their actions in the world by rapine,
oppression, and cruelty; by giving in spoil the innocent and
labouring soul to the idle and insolent, and by having emp
tied the cities of the world of their ancient inhabitants, and
filled them again with so many and so variable sorts of
sorrows.

Since the fall of the Roman empire (omitting that of the
Germans, which had neither greatness nor continuance)
there hath been no state fearful in the east, but that of the
Turk ; nor in the west any prince that hath spread his wings
far over his nest, but the Spaniard; who, since the time that
Ferdinand expelled the Moors out of Granado, have made
many attempts to make themselves masters of all Europe.
And it is true, that by the treasures of both Indies, and by
the many kingdoms which they possess in Europe, they
are at this day the most powerful. But as the Turk is
now counterpoised by the Persian, so instead of so many
millions as have been spent by the English, French, and
Netherlands in a defensive war, and in diversions against
them, it is easy to demonstrate, that with the charge of two
hundred thousand pound continued but for two years, or
three at the most, they may not only be persuaded to live
in peace, but all their swelling and overflowing streams
may be brought back into their natural channels and old
banks. These two nations, I say, are at this day the most
eminent, and to be regarded ; the one seeking to root out

900 THE HISTORY BOOK v.

the Christian religion altogether, the other the truth and
sincere profession thereof; the one to join all Europe to Asia,
the other the rest of all Europe to Spain.

For the rest, if we seek a reason of the succession and
continuance of this boundless ambition in mortal men, we
may add to that which hath been already said, that the
kings and princes of the world have always laid before
them the actions, but not the ends, of those great ones which
preceded them. They are always transported with the glory
of the one, but they never mind the misery of the other,
till they find the experience in themselves. They neglect
the advice of God, while they enjoy life, or hope it ; but
they follow the counsel of Death upon his first approach.
It is he that puts into man all the wisdom of the world,
without speaking a word, which God, with all the words of
his law, promises, or threats, doth not infuse. Death, which
hateth and destroyeth man, is believed ; God, which hath
made him and loves him, is always deferred : / have consi
dered, saith Solomon, all the works that are under the sun,
and, behold, all is vanity and vexation of spirit ; but who
believes it, till Death tells it us ? It was Death, which open
ing the conscience of Charles the Fifth, made him enjoin
his son Philip to restore Navarre ; and king Francis the
First of France, to command that justice should be done
upon the murderers of the protestants in Merindol and Ca-
brieres, which till then he neglected. It is therefore Death
alone that can suddenly make man to know himself. He
tells the proud and insolent, that they are but abjects, and
humbles them at the instant, makes them cry, complain,
and repent, yea, even to hate their forepast happiness.
He takes the account of the rich, and proves him a beggar,
a naked beggar, which hath interest in nothing but in the
gravel that fills his mouth. He holds a glass before the eyes
of the most beautiful, and makes them see therein their de
formity and rottenness, and they acknowledge it.

O eloquent, just, and mighty Death ! whom none could
advise, thou hast persuaded ; what none hath dared, thou
hast done ; and whom all the world hath flattered, thou only

CHAP. VI,

OF THE WORLD.

901

hast cast out of the world and despised ; thou hast drawn
together all the far-stretched greatness, all the pride, cru
elty, and ambition of man, and covered it all over with these
two narrow words, Hie jacet !

Lastly, whereas this book, by the title it hath, calls itself
The First Part of the General History of the World, im
plying a second and third volume, which I also intended,
and have hewn out ; besides many other discouragements
persuading my silence, it hath pleased God to take that
glorious prince out of the world to whom they were di
rected, whose unspeakable and never enough lamented loss
hath taught me to say with Job, Versa est in luctum cithara
mea, et organum meum in vocemjlentium.

THE END.

TO

THE READER.

J- HE use of chronological tables is needful to all histo
ries that reach to any length of time, and most of all to
those that are most general, since they cannot, like annals,
yearly set down all occurrences not coherent : this here fol
lowing may serve as an Index to the present part of this
work, pointing unto the several matters that, having fallen
out at one time, are far disjoined in the relation. Certainly
it is not perfect ; neither do I think that any can be : for
howsoever the years of the first patriarchs may seem to have
been well near complete, yet in the reigns of the kings of
Judah and Israel we find many fractions, and the last year
or years of one king reckoned also as the foremost of an
other : the same is most likely to have fallen out in many
other, though not so precisely recorded. Hereto may be
added the diverse and imperfect forms of the year, which
were in use among sundry nations, causing the a summer
months, in process of some ages, to fall into the winter,
and so breeding extreme confusion in the reckoning of their
times. Neither is it a small part of trouble, to choose out
of so many and so utterly disagreeing computations, as have
already gotten authority, what may probably be held for

» See lib. 2. c. 3. §. 6.
RALEGH, VOL. IV. 3 O

904 TO THE READER.

truth. All this, and a great deal more, is to be alleged in
excuse of such error as a more intentive and perfect cal
culator shall happen to find herein : it may serve to free
the book, and likewise the reader, (if but of mean judg
ment,) from any notorious anachronism, which ought to
suffice. The book indeed will need it, even in that regard,
not only for some errors of the press in the numbering of
years, but for some hasty misreckonings of mine own,
which I desire to have hereby reformed, in hope that the
printing of this Table shall not want careful diligence. The
reader, if he be not offended with the rest, shall find reason
to be pleased with this, as tending wholly to his own ease.

The titles over the columns have reference to that which
follows under them, as will readily be conceived. Where
two titles or more are over the head, as | §abonassar | t*lere
do the numbers underneath answer proportionably, the
higher to the higher, the lower to the lower. For example :
the walls of Jerusalem were finished in the 319th year from
the building of Rome, and in the 31 4th from Nabonassar.
In like manner it is to be understood, that Jehoshaphat be
gan his reign in the 3774th of the Julian era, in the 3092d
of the world, and in the 99th year of the temple. This
needs not more illustration, nor indeed so much, to those
that are acquainted with works of this kind. To avoid
prolixity, I have forborn to insert those years which I find
not signed with some regardable accident, as with the birth
or death of some patriarch, the beginning of some king's
reign, some change of government, some battle fought, or
the like. So, of the thirteen years wherein Sylvius Capetus
reigned over the Latins, I note only the first ; that is,
omitting all between the fourth of Jehoshaphat, wherein Ca
petus began, unto the seventeenth, wherein Sylvius Aven-

TO THE READER. 905

tinus succeeded, and wherein Jehoram first reigned with
Jehoshaphat his father. For I thought it vain to have filled
up a page with twelve lines of idle ciphers, numbering
forth 2, 3, 4, 5, and so still onwards, till I had come to
the first of Aventinus and seventeenth of Jehoshaphat. In
setting down the kings, there is noted over the head of
every one what place he held in order of succession, as whe
ther he were the first, second, fifth,, seventh, or so forth, in
rank, of those that reigned in his country, without notable
interruption ; before the name is the first year of his reign ;
at the end or foot of the name (as the space gives leave) is
the whole number of years in which he reigned ; in the
spaces following underneath are those years of his which
were concurrent with the beginning of some other king, or
with the year of any remarkable accident. Where two
numbers or more are found before one king's name, there
is it to be understood, that the same year belonged, not only
to the king then beginning, but unto some one or more of
his foregoers ; as the first year of Jehoram, king of Israel, was
the same with the second of his brother Ahaziah, and the
twenty-second of his father Ahab. So, where two or three
names are found in one space, as in the 3077th year of the
world, Zimri, Tibni, and Omri, it is meant, that every one
of them reigned in some part of the same year, which is
reckoned the second of Elah, and the first of Omri. Parti
cularly, under the years of the Egyptian kings, are set down
the years of those dynasties which it was thought meet to
insert ; as likewise, otherwhiles, the day of the month upon
which Nabonassar's year began ; which how it varied from
other years may be found in the place last above cited.

Concerning the era, or account of years, from Iphitus,
who began the Olympiads, from Rome built, from Nabo-

906 TO THE READER.

nassar, and the like ; as much as was thought convenient
hath been said, where due place was, in the book itself; so
as it remaineth only to note, that under the title of Olym
piads is set down first the number of the Olympiad, and
beneath it the year of that Olympiad ; as that Cyrus began
his reign in Persia, in the fifty-fifth Olympiad, and the
first year thereof.

Now, for that the years of the world, of the Olympiads, of
Rome, of Nabonassar, and other, had not beginning in one
month, but some of them in March, some in April, some
about midsummer, and some at other times, the better to
express their several beginnings, some painful chronologers
have divided them proportionably in their several columns,
opposing part of the one year to part of the other, not (as
I have here done) cutting all overthwart with one straight
line, as if all had begun and ended at one time. But this
labour have I spared, as more troublesome than useful,
since the more part would not have apprehended the mean
ing, and since the learned might well be without it. It
will only be needful to observe, that howsoever the era of
the Olympiads be twenty-four years elder than that of Romej
and twenty-nine than that of Nabonassar, yet the reign of
some king may have begun at such a time of the year as did
not suit with this difference. But hereof I take little re
gard; the more curious will easily find my meaning, the
vulgar will not find the difficulty. One familiar example
may explain all : Queen Elizabeth began her reign the 17th
of November, in the year of our Lord 1558 ; she was crown
ed, held a parliament, brake it up, threw down images, and
reformed many things in religion, all in her first year ; yet
not all in that year 1558, but the greater part in the year
following, whether we begin with the first of January or

TO THE READER.

907

with the 25th of March. The like may be otherwhiles
found in this Table, but so as the difference is never of a
whole year.

The Julian period, which I have placed, as the greater
number, over the years of the world, was devised by that
honourable and excellently learned Joseph Scaliger ; being
accommodated to the Julian years now in use among us.
It consisteth of 7980 years, which result from the mul
tiplication of 19, 28, and 15, that is, of the cycle of the
moon, the cycle of the sun, and the years of an indiction.
Being divided by any of these, it leaves the number of the
present year; or, if no fraction remain, it shews the last
year of that cycle to be current. For example; in the
4498th of this period, when was fought the great battle of
Cannae, the prime or golden number was 14, the cycle of
the sun 18, and consequently the Dominical letter F, as may
be found by dividing the same number of the Julian period
4498 by 19 for the prime, by 28 for the cycle of the sun.
This Julian period, after the present account, always ex
ceeds the years of the world by 682. Besides the former
uses, and other thence redounding, it is a better character
of a year than any other era, (as, from the beginning of the
world, from the flood, from Troy token, or the like,) which
are of more uncertain position.

More I shall not need to write, as touching the use or
explication of these Tables; neither was thus much requi
site to such as are conversant in works of this kind : it suf
ficed! if hereby all be made plain enough to the vulgar.

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A league for 30
years between A-
thens and Sparta.

The conquest of S a-
mos by the Atheni
ans under Pericles.

The Athenians and
the Corcyreans against
the Corinthians.

The first year of
the Peloponnesian
war.

The victory of the
Athenians at
Pylus.

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Greece.

A vain and trouble
some peace between
Athens and Sparta.

The Athenian
forces in Sicily ut
terly destroyed.

The government of the
400 in Athens, which
was suppressed the
year following.

The Athenians
begin to recover
strength.

Alcibiades, after many vic
tories, returns from banish
ment to Athens : is made
general, and banished
again.

The battle at Ar-
ginusae.

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12. Egypt rebelleth
against the Persians,
and sets up kings that
reign successively till
Ochus's reconquest.

13. Darius enters
into confederacy
with the Spartans.

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INDEX

TO

THE HISTORY OF THE WORLD.

where buried, ii.
315. his monument seen by
St. Jerome, ib.

Abijah succeeds Rehoboam in
the kingdom of Israel, ii. 562.
his victory against Jeroboam,
ib.

Abimelech murders his seventy
brethren, all but one, and is
made king by the Shechem-
ites, ii. 414. mortally bruised
with a stone thrown by a
woman, and, at his own com
mand, run through the body
by his page, 416.

Abner, Saul's general, forced to
kill Asahel, ii. 502. slain by
Joab, 503.

Aborigines, ii. 37.

Abraham, when born, ii. 2, 16.
not the eldest son of Terah,
14. made but one journey
into Canaan, 5. his age be
fore Noah died, ib. at his en
trance into Canaan, 16. and
when he rescued his nephew
Lot, and overthrew Amra-
phel, 25. first taught the Chal-
daeans, Phoenicians, and Egyp
tian priests astrology and di
vine knowledge, i. 384. con
temporary with Ninus, Semi-
ramis, and Xerxes, ii. 2. many
mighty families that came out
of his kindred, 320.

Abrocomas, his cowardice, Hi.

201.

Absalom, his rebellion, ii. 5 14.
Absolute lords, their advantage

over such as are served by

voluntaries, iii. 170.
Abydeni, their furious resolu
tion, iii. 591.
Academics, their opinion of

light, against Aristotle, i. 16.
Achab and his successors, ii.

298. his death, 362.
Achaemenes, his association with

Arbaces against Sardanapa-

lus, iii. 5 1.
Achaemenidae, two races of them,

i"-53-

Achaeus slays the murderers of
Seleucus Ceraunus, and takes
charge of the army in the
minority of Antiochus the
Great, iv. 645. turns traitor,
651. blocked up in Sardis,
656. betrayed to Antiochus,
who weeps over him, and
condemns him to a cruel
death, 66 1.

Achaians, when the most pow
erful nation in Greece, iv.

173-

Acheron, the river which the
" poets describe to be in hell,

where it riseth, ii. 389.
Achilles, his contention with
Agamemnon, ii. 455. recon-
3 «4

INDEX TO THE

ciled, 457. kills Hector, and
is slain by Paris, 459.

Achitophel rebels against his
lawful prince, ii. 514. hangs
himself, 516.

Acrisius, his fate foretold by an
oracle, ii. 399.

Acrithonos, a most delightful
and healthful situation, i. 84.
the place, according to Ter-
tullian, where the blessed
souls were preserved till the
last judgment, 85.

Ada, queen of Caria, adopts
Alexander the Great her son
and successor, iii. 309.

Adam, his body, its creation, i.
129. whence his name, ii.
114. his sin and fall, i. 137.
his free power in his first
creation enigmatically de
scribed in the person and
fable of Proteus, 62. his line
by Cain, 146. where buried,
an improbable conjecture,
183. — and Eve, the cause of
their disobedience, 137.

Adherbal, governor of Drepa-
num, arrives with great forces
about Lilybseum, iv. 63. takes
the Roman fleet under M.
Claudius the consul, 1 1 1 .

Admetus, king of Thessaly,
served by Apollo as a herds
man, ii. 394.

Adoni-bezek, his cruelty to se
venty kings justly requited,
ii. 183, 318, 383.

Adonijah, David's eldest son,
his faction, ii. 522.

Adrian, his severe edict against
the Jews, ii. 378.

Adversity always friendless, iii.
258. often malicious, 357.
sure to hear of her errors, iv.
1 29. rectifies the understand
ing, 432.

Advisedness and rashness, iv.
241.

JLgina forced by the Athenians,

"i. 153-

^Egira taken by surprise, and
lost again through greediness
of spoil, iv. 545.

uEgos-Potamos, the battle at,
which ended the Peloponne-
sian war, iii. 186.

^Emilius Paulus, his great cir
cumspection, iv. 263. encou
ragement of his soldiers, 265.
his care to prevent great mis
chief from the ill conduct of
his vainglorious colleague,
271. slain at the battle of
Cannae, 281.

^milius Paulus, his son, sent
against Perseus, and forces
him to decamp from Dium,
iv. 860. his superstition, 862.
gets the victory at Pydna,

864. and the whole kingdom
of Macedon into his power,

865. will not allow Perseus
the title of king, 868. abro
gates the ancient laws of that
country, and gives new ones,
874.sacksthe whole country of
Epirus, 876, 877. his triumph
at Rome, 897. calamities
which befell him at that time,
and a noble expression of
his to the people thereupon,

flies to Italy from Troy,

and marries Lavinia, ii. 705.

he is said to be the founder

of some towns in Sicily, iv.

29.
^Esculapius, when he flourished,

ii. 197.
Agag, a general name given by

the Amalekites to their kings,

ii. 1 86.
Agamemnon at variance with

Achilles, ii. 455. with Mene-

laus, 461. killed by -^Egys-

thus, 462.
Agathocles, the degrees by which

HISTORY OF THE WORLD.

he became tyrant of Syra
cuse, iv. 64. a comparison
between him and our king
Richard III. 65. gains a vic
tory over the Carthaginians,
and styles himself king of
Afric, 69. his bloody nature,
70. his base and obscure
death, 71.

Agathocles, protector of Pto-
lomy Epiphanes, stabbed to
death, iv. 668.

Agenor built and possessed the
cities of Tyre and Zidon, ii.
274. neither he nor his son
Cadmus the inventor of let
ters, 277.

Ages, the seven, of man, com
pared to the seven planets,
i. 60.

Agesilaus, his war with Tissa-
phernes, iii. 238. war and
treaty with Pharnabazus, 241.
called out of Asia to help his
country, 245. wastes Boeotia,
and overthrows the Thebans
and their allies, 247. sent into
Egypt, ib. proves a traitor,
252. his death and charac
ter, 275. a comparison be
tween him and Pompey the
Great, 276.

Agis, the second of the Hera-
clidse in Lacedsemon, his glo
rious achievements, ii. 534.
his successor, king of Sparta,
endeavouring to reform that
state, is imprisoned and
strangled, together with his
mother and grandmother, iv.
180.

Agrigentum besieged and won
by the Romans, iv. 78. an ac
count of its foundation, mag
nificent buildings, &c. ib.

Ahaz, his reign, ii. 692.

Ahaziah, his reign, ii. 593.
death, 267, 597.

Ajax, his proud and profane

answer to his father, ii.
641.

Air, its original, i. 14. prodigies
seen in it, iv. 285.

Alba, the kings of, ii. 706. Alba
Longa, by whom founded, ib.

Alcetus, brother to Perdiccas,
his unhappy end, iii. 416.

Alcibiades first appears power
ful in Athens, and occasions
the renewing of the Pelopon-
nesian war, iii. 172. forced
to banish himself, 177. like
to be murdered for lying with
the wife of Agis king of
Sparta, 1 8 1 . conveys himself
to Tissaphernes, and plays his
own game with him, ib. wins
many great victories for the
Athenians, is recalled from
exile, made their general, and
again banished, 183, 184. his
good counsel rejected by the
Athenian commanders, 187.
put to death, 1 89.

Alcinous's gardens, Homer's in
vention of them from Moses's
description of paradise, i. 74.

Alexamenus, sent by the JEto-
lians, kills Nabis, iv 715.
himself slain, 716.

Alexander, son of Amyntas,
king of Macedon, his bloody
entertainment of ambassadors
from Darius, iii. 89.

Alexander the Great born, iii.
299. succeeds his father, 300.
elected captain-general of
Greece, 301. beats the Per
sians at the Granicus, 306.
and Darius at Issus, taking
his wife, mother, and chil
dren prisoners, 321. wins the
city of Tyre, 324. and Gaza,
325. and* Egypt, 327. makes
a journey to the temple of Ju
piter Hammon, and is sa
luted son of Jupiter, ib. routs
Darius at Arbela, and finds a

INDEX TO THE

great mass of treasure there,
337. burns Persepolis by the
persuasion of a strumpet, 344.
visited by Thalestris, queen
of the Amazons, 350. his
treatment of a flattering his
torian, ib. grows luxurious,
353. a conspiracy against
him, 356. subdues the Bac-
trians, 362. and fights the
Scythians, 364. kills Clitus
and others of his friends, 367.
inarches into India, and gets a
victory over Porus,372. forms
a device to beguile posterity,
374^ gives himself wholly to
feasting and drinking, 376.
visits the sepulchre of Cyrus,
377. marries Statira, 378.
suppresses a dangerous mu
tiny, laments the death of
Hephsestion, returns to Ba
bylon, and dies, 379. the
time of his death, 76. his cha
racter, 380. his issue, 383.
pompously buried at Alexan
dria, a city of his own build
ing, 389. his whole race ex
tinct, 483. all his treasures
found, where, 454.
Alexander, son of Perseus king
of Macedon, bred a joiner at
Rome, iv. 896.

Alexander, son of Polysperchon,
revolts from Antigonus, iii.
462. loses his life by the trea
son of the Sicyonians, ib. his
death revenged by Cratesi-
polis his wife, ib.
Alexander Janneus, king of the
Jews, overthrown by Ptolo-
maeus Lathurus, ii. 267. sur
prises Gaza, &c. and slays
five hundred senators in the
temple of Apollo, 310.
Alexandrian library, by whom
built and furnished, iv. 641.
Alliensis, dies, an unlucky day,
what, and why so called in

the Roman calendar, iii. 534.

Almaggim, trees brought from

Ophir, of which the pillars of

Solomon's temple were made,

ii. 541.

Alps, a weak defence against an

invasion, and why, iii. 307.
Altinius, his treason justly pun
ished, iv. 365.
Amalek overthrown by Moses,

ii. 92.
Amalekites, a branch of the Ish-

maelites, ii. 185.
Amasis takes possession of

Egypt, iii. 40.

Amazia, king of Judah, his dis
simulation, ii. 365. war and
success against Edom, 638.
idolatry, 639. taken prisoner
by Joas king of Israel, 643.
grossly flattered under his
misfortunes, 649. generally
hated, 652. his death, ib.
Amazons, the opinion of an
cient historians, &c. concern
ing them, iii. 350.
Ambassadors, the law of nations

concerning them, iv. 201.
Ambition, the first sin, ii. 414.
makes haste to find out dis
honour, iv. 236. malignant
of others' virtue, a vile qua
lity in a great counsellor,
644. why boundless in kings,
900.

Amilcar, sent by the Carthagin
ians to relieve Syracuse, iv.
63. suspected of treachery,
carried prisoner into that city
and beheaded, 71.
Amilcar, son of Gisco, admiral
of the Carthaginians, beaten
by the Romans, iv. 86.
Amilcar Barcas, father of Han
nibal, recovers the city of
Eryx from the Romans, iv.
1 1 r. holds war with them for
five years, 116. his passage
over the river Bagradas, 151.

HISTORY OF THE WORLD.

first victory over the merce
naries, 152. his humanity to
his prisoners affrights their
captains, 153. his artful en
trapping of the rebels, and
great slaughter of them, 160.
takes Tunis, 162. made ge
neral in the Spanish expedi
tion, 1 66. his singular vir
tues acknowledged by his
greatest enemies, 167. slain
in. the battle with the Vet-
tones, ib.

Amilcar, a Carthaginian, cap
tain of the Gauls in Italy, be
sieges Cremona, overcome
and slain by the Romans,
iv. 609.

Ambrose, St., his saying of truth,

i- 5-
Ammon, king of Juda, his reign,

ii. 784.

Ammonites, their kings, ii. 343.

Amos, the prophet, when he
lived, ii. 665.

Amphiaraus, his destiny, ii. 420.

Amraphel, king of Shinar, who
he was, ii. 24.

Amyrtaeus usurps the kingdom
of Persia, iii. 190.

Anabaptists, contemners of all
order, discipline, and church-
government, ii. 151.

Anak, a giant, from what cus
tom he got the name, and
left it to his posterity, ii. 316.

Anastasius, the emperor, slain
by lightning, ii. 711.

Ancus Martins succeeds Tullus
Hostilius in the kingdom of
Rome, ii. 812. iii. 526.

Androclus, the founder of Ephe-
sus, ii. 536.

Andromeda delivered from the
sea-monster by Perseus, ii.

305-

Andronodorus, his subtlety in
resigning his protectorship,
iv. 338. artful attempts to

usurp a tyranny in Syracuse,
392. slain, 394.

Angels, why Moses forbare to
speak of them, i. 7.

Angra, in Tercera, a strong fort,
iv. 109.

Annius, quite contrary to Moses,
in his situation of Henoch, i.
143. his mistake in planting
Gomer in Italy, and Tubal
in Spain, 257. how to be cre
dited, ii. 38. his Philo con
demned, 608. Araxea, a na
tion of the Scythians, feigned
by him, i. 231.

Antalcidas, the peace of, iii. 25 1.

Antigonus, the elder, in danger
of his life, flies to Antipater,
iii. 403. made lieutenant of
Asia by him, 413. routs Eu-
menes, 414. his greatness,
428. great war raised against
him by Eumenes, 431. driven
back with great loss, 442. a
second battle between them,
443. the last battle, 447. puts
to death Eumenes, who was
betrayed to him, 451. slays
Python, and makes himself
lord of Persia, 453. leaves
none in office there but his
own creatures, 454. his great
riches and yearly income,
454, 455. the Chaldaeans
bring strange prophecies to
him, 455. combined against
by Ptolomy, Cassander, and
others, 456. his sturdy an
swers to each of their ambas
sadors, 457. takes many cities
in Egypt, 458. his declara
tion against Cassander, 460.
his fleet and land army ut
terly defeated, 463. his suc
cesses in Asia and Greece,
466. iv. 191, 1 97. takes upon
him the style of king, iii. 497.
iv. 172. his unsuccessful ex
pedition against Egypt, iii.

INDEX TO THE

499. great preparations of war
against him, 504. slain at the
battle of Ipsus, and his whole
estate lost, 508. his charac
ter, ib.

Antigonus Gonatas, son of De
metrius, gets the kingdom of
Macedon from the Gauls, iii.
550. forsaken by his own
soldiers, and loses it to Pyr-
rhus, 552. raises a new army,
and regains his kingdom, 554,
555- gets possession of Acro-
corinthus by a subtle device,
iv. 171. his death, 172.

Antigonus, called the Tutor, also
Doson, and why, iv. 172.
made protector to Philip, son
of Demetrius, ib. his expedi
tion into Achaia, 189. made
captain-general over the A-
chaians and their confede
rates, 191. vanquishes Cleo-
menes at Selasia, 196. over-
comesthelllyrians,but catches
his death in that battle by
overstraining his voice, 197.

Antioch, upon the Orontes, St.
Luke and Ignatius born there,
and St. Peter bishop thereof,

1-.3I3-
Antiochus Soter, son of Seleu-

cus, beaten by Demetrius,
son of Antigonus, iii. 509.
falls passionately in love with,
and marries his father's wife
Stratonice, 510. iv. 511. his
death and issue, 645.
Antiochus, surnamed the Great,
iv. 197. in the beginning of
his reign wholly governed by
Hermias,646. marches against
Molo, a rebel, 647. gets an
easy victory over him, 649.
wins Seleucia from Ptolomy
Euergetes, 652. loses the
battle at Raphia, and sues to
Ptolomy for peace, 655. takes
the city of Sardis, 657. his

expedition against the Par-
thians and Hyrcanians, 662.
Bactrians and Indians, 663,
664. his personal valour, 665.
passes over the Hellespont,
and rebuilds Lysimachia, 672,
673. sends ambassadors to
the Romans, 674, 756. en
treated to go to Greece, as
arbitrator between the Ro
mans and ^Etolians, 713.
made general of all the ^Eto-
lian forces, 720. wins Chal-
cis, and the whole island of
Euboea, 721. marries a citi
zen's daughter of Chalcis,
728. driven out of Greece,
733. utterly vanquished by
the Romans, 754, 755. ac
cepts of a peace from them
upon their own terms, 755,
756. his death and issue,
877. an account of his war
in Egypt, 88 1, 882. brought
to an end by the Roman am
bassadors, 889.

Antiochus, surnamed Theos,
son to Soter, poisoned by his
own wife, iv. 642.

Antiochus Hierax, or the Hawk,
why so called, iv. 644. wars
with his brother SeleucusCal-
linicus, ib. put to flight, be
takes himself to Ptolorny Eu
ergetes, is imprisoned by him,
escapes, falls among thieves,
and is murdered by them,

645-

Antipater said to poison Alex
ander the Great, iii. 3 79. sends
to Craterus for succour, 390.
loses a battle to Leosthenes,
and is besieged in Lamia, 39 1 .
comes to the aid of the Ma
cedonian camp, 396. grants
peace to the Athenians, and
makes great changes in their
government, 398. drawn into
Asia, 401. chosen protector

HISTORY OF THE WORLD.

of Macedon, and returns thi
ther with king Aridseus, 413.
his death and character,
417.

Antipater, eldest son of Cas-
sander, kills his own mother,
iii. 515. put to death by his
father-in-law, ib.

Antonius Lucius, rebel to Do-
mitian the emperor, the ru
mour of his defeat, how far
carried in one day, iii. 134.

Apega, wife of Nabis tyrant of
Lacedaemon, fitly matched
with him for plundering their
subjects, iv. 597.

Apelles, counsellor to Philip,
his device to supplant Ara-
tus, iv. 553. happily disco
vered, 554. enters into a con
spiracy against the king, 556.
his arrogancy and treachery
towards him, 562. falls into
disgrace, and is forsaken by
his attendants, ib. committed
to prison, and dies therein,

563..

Apocleti, the privy- council of
^Itolia, so called, iv. 713.

Apollo, his temple at Delphos,
the many ruins it suffered, i.
185. consumed by fire from
heaven in the time of Julian
the Apostate, ib. plundered
by the Phocians, iii. 289. his
oracle to Pyrrhus, 556. that
concerning Athens misinter
preted, 117.

Apollo and Diana, whence the
invention of that fable, i.
191.

Apollonides, his treachery, iii.
414.

Apostles, the twelve, where
chosen, ii. 255.

Appetites, three sorts of, in every
man, ii. 109.

Appius Claudius arrives at Mes-
sene in favour of the Mam-

ertines, iv. 18. routs the

Carthaginians, 22.
A pries, king of Egypt, strangled

by his own subjects, iii. 28.
Apsus, or Aous, a river in the

straits of Epirus, iv. 612.
Arabia Felix, by whom planted,

i. 271. Petrsea, ii. 185.
Arad, king of the Canaanites,

surprises divers Israelites, ii.

«55;

Aram, the sons of, i. 327.

Aram Naharajim, now Mesopo
tamia, i. 338.

Ararat, the mountain, where, i.
236.

Aratus expels the tyrant of Si-
cyon, iv. 174. surprises the
citadel of Corinth, 175. led
by private passion, makes a
bad bargain for his country,
1 94. violently opposes a league
with Cleomenes, 187. obsti
nate against all the gentle
overtures of Cleomenes, who
thereupon wastes his native
country, 1 89. wholly governs
Philip, 191, 541. a plot
formed to supplant him, 553.
poisoned by Philip's means,
573. divine honours decreed
him by the Sicyonians and
Achasans, ib.

Araxea, a nation of Annius's
making, i. 230.

Arbaces obtains the kingdom
of Assyria after Ninus, ii. 65 7.
transfers it to the Persians,
656. takes Nineveh after
above two years' siege, 657.

Arbela, the battle of, iii. 337.
different accounts of it, ib.

Arcadia, from whom its name,
ii. 190. great tumults therein
iii. 266.

Arcadians plant Italy, ii. 697.
desert the Messenians, 768.
stone their king Aristocrates,
773. their boast that they

INDEX TO THE

were more ancient than the
moon, explained, 190.

Archelaus makes himself king
of Macedon by the murder
of his brother, uncle, and
cousin, iii. 283.

Archimedes, where born, iv. 26.
his strange engines for the
defence of Syracuse, 400. his
lamented death and honour
able burial, 410.

Archons of Athens, iii. 91.

Areopagus, why so called, i. 179.

Arginusa?, the battle at, iii. 185.

Argives, how they came to be
called Danai, i. 298. at dis
sension among themselves,
iii. 174.

Argonauts, their expedition, ii.
408.

Argos, the name of an altar in
Greece, where Seleucus Ni-
canor was slain, iv. 639.

Ariadne, the story of her, ii.
417.

Ariarathes, king of Cappadocia,
made prisoner, and crucified
by Perdiccas, iii. 393.

Aridesus, base brother to Alex
ander, succeeds him in the
kingdom of Macedon, iii. 385.
the princes divide the empire
from him, and leave him a
bare title, 387. his g"reat
weakness, 388. seized by An-
ti pater, 412. cruelly put to
death by Olympias, 434.

Ariseus, a one-eyed nation, their
war with griffins, i. 336.

Arioch, said to be king of El
las, where he reigned, ii. 28.

Aristeeus, the book which goes
under his name, suspected as
counterfeit, iv. 641.

Aristagoras surprises the Persian
fleet, iii. 96. assisted by the
Athenians, 97. surprises and
burns Sardis, i&.his troops de
stroyed bv the Edonians, ib.

Aristides, general of the Athe
nians, his integrity, iii. 141.
his Ephemerides of his own
dreams, i. 392.

Aristocracy, what sort of go
vernment, ii. 605.

Aristocrates, his treachery, ii.
770. the just reward thereof,

773-

Aristodemus, his blind zeal,
with the fruits of it, ii. 768.

Aristomenes heads the Messe-
nians and routs the Spartans,
ii. 769. refuses to be made
king, 770. taken by the Spar
tans, 771- his marvellous
escape out of prison, ib. his
bravery and generosity, 773.
his death and character,

774-

Ark, Noah's, where it rested,
i. 218.

of God, taken by the Phi
listines, ii. 464. sent back,
467. conducted to the city of
David, 506.

Armeus, otherwise Danaus, king
of Egypt, ii. 54. afterward
becomes king of Argos, ib.

Aroer, the chief city of Gad,
distinguished from other ci
ties of that name, ii. 333.

Arsinoe married to her brother
Ptolomy Ceraunus, and ba
nished by him, iii. 544.

Artabanus, his fruitless counsel
to Xerxes, iii. 106. his trea
son, 145. himself and his
whole family put to death by
extreme torments, ib.

Artabazus flies into Thrace after
the battle of Plataese, iii. 131.
highly favoured by Alexan
der for his fidelity to Darius,
349. made governor of Bac-
tria, 362.

Artaxerxes Mnemon succeeds
his father Darius in the king
dom of Persia, iii. 191. the

HISTORY OF THE WORLD.

battle between him and Cy
rus the younger, 203. his
vain ostentation, 205. base
mind, 209. his court a school
for the art of falsehood, 217.

Artaxerxes Longimanus, his
reign, iii. 145. was Ahasue-
rus, the husband of queen
Esther, 152.

Artemisia, queen, fits out seve
ral galleys, iii. 107. accompa
nies Xerxes in his Grecian
expedition, 120. her good ad
vice to him, ib.

Artemisium, the battle at, iii.

115-

Asa, king of Judah, his reign, ii.
564. a remarkable battle be
tween him and Zara, king of
the Arabians, 315, 564. im
prisons the prophet Hanani,
and dies miserably, 567.

Ascalon, the birthplace of He
rod, Christ's persecutor, re
paired by Richard I. king of
England, ii. 310.

Ascalus, one of the sons of Hy-
menaeus, ii. 309.

Asclepius, his method of curing
the phrensy, ii. 499.

Asdrubal arrives with a great
army about Lilybaeum, and
is defeated by Timoleon, iv.
63. made general of the Car
thaginian forces in Spain,
167. greatly enlarged the
dominions of Carthage, and
built the city now called
Carthagena, ib. killed by a
slave whose master he had
put to death, 1 70.

Asdrubal, son of Amilcar, brings
forces to Hannibal against
the Romans, iv. 255. com
mands the Gauls and Spanish
horse, 275. breaks the Ro
man troops, 276. routs them
with very great slaughter,
279, 280. his strange flight

towards Italy, 334. his ter
rible entry into Italy, 434.
his main oversight, 436. his
death and character, 442.

Asdrubal, son of Gesco, chosen
general of the Carthaginians,
iv. 478. fired out ot his camp
by Scipio, 487. flies to Car
thage, 488. raises new forces,
and again put to flight by the
Romans, 490.

Asdrubal, surnamed the Kid,
sent ambassador from the
Carthaginians to Rome, to
obtain a peace, iv. 529.

Asher, the tribe of, where set
tled, ii. 223.

Asia the Less, by whom planted,
i. 260.

Assur, the name thereof di
versely taken, i. 361.

Assyria, the kings of, ii. 725.

Assyrians, who the father of
them, i. 323. invite Croesus
to their assistance, ii. 26.

Astarte, Juno called by that
name, ii. 226.

Astronomy, how long since
known, i. 307. by whom in
vented, 370.

Asychis, his severe law against
insolvent debtors, ii. 748.

Athalia, her schemes, ii. 599.
cruelty, 600. usurps the king
dom of Judah, 602. her sacri
lege, 604. would destroy her
grandson Joas, ib. a conspi
racy against her, 618. her
miserable death, 620. her cha
racter, 583. a comparison
between her and Jezabel, ib.

Athenians, their true original,
i. 274. their ingratitude to
Theseus, 11.419. enmity to
Xerxes, iii. 1 24. besiege Ses-
tos, 139. send a fleet into
Egypt against the Persians,
143, 146. force ^Egina to
surrender upon most base

INDEX TO THE

conditions, 151. and Samos,
154. subdue Mityiene, 160.
their rough answer to the
Lacedaemonian ambassadors,
171. an instance of their bad
policy, 177. their government
changed from a democracy to
an oligarchy, 180. their flat
tery of Antigonus and Deme
trius, 480. thirty tyrants op
press them intolerably, 188.
their stratagem against Syra
cuse, iv. 40. they besiege it,
41. obstinate in prosecuting
the war in Sicily, 43. beaten
at sea by the Syracusians, ib.
their last sea-fight in Sicily,
44, 45. the miserable end of
their whole army, 47.

Atlas, brother of Prometheus,
contemporary with Moses, ii.
189. his judgment in astro
logy, ib. divers of that name,
ib. 190.

Atossa, her wanton pride the
occasion of Xerxes' war with
Greece, ii. 614. by some
thought the same with queen
Esther, iii. 73. proved not,

153-

Attalus, king of Pergamus, be
sieged in his own city, iv.
581. relieved by the Tecto-
sagae, a nation of the Gauls,
from Thrace, ib. they after
wards invade his kingdom
and are beaten by him, ib.
enters into a confederacy
with the ^Etolians, &c. and
wars upon Philip, 583, 585.
grossly flattered by the Athe
nians, 589. assists the Ro
mans, 607. requests their aid
against Antiochus, 61 1. his
death, 638. a rare example
of brotherly love between
him and Eumenes, 821.

Atilius Regulus kills a mon
strous serpent, iv. 89. victo

rious against the Carthagi
nians, ib. utterly beaten by
them, made prisoner, and
cruelly put to death, 93. his
character, ib.

Augustine, St., his saying of
wicked men, i. 29. of predes
tination, 86. his answer to
those that take the tree of
life allegorically, 130. makes
Noah's ark a figure of the
church, 211. his opinion of
Baal and Astarte, ii. 226.

Aulis in Bceotia, a goodly ha
ven, iii. 237.

Ausonius, his epigram upon
Dido, ii. 633.
B.

Baasha, king of Israel, begins
his reign in blood, and con
tinues it in idolatry, ii. 566.

Babel, the first known city of
the world after the flood, i.
221. the tower forty years in
building, 225.

Babylon, its history, ii. 668.
kings, 790. iii. 10. won by
Cyrus, 365. the greatness of
it before that time, 366. sur
rendered to Alexander, 339.
submits to Seleucus, 471.

Bacchus, his expedition into In
dia, i. 176, 364.

Bagoas, his malicious cruelty,
iii. 377.

Balonimus, a gardener, made
king of Zidon, ii. 280. a good
saying of his to Alexander the
Great, iii. 470.

Balsamum, a medicinal drug,
where found, ii. 318, 342.

Balthasar, his mischievous na
ture, iii. 44. impious feast,
63. the handwriting on the
wall against him, ib. slain by
his revolted lords, 65.

Banks, his horse, i. 399.

Baris, an exceeding high moun
tain in Armenia, on which it

HISTORY OF THE WORLD.

is reported many were saved
at the deluge, i. 188.

Basan, a region most fertile of
oaks, ii. 345.

Bastarnse, a nation beyond the
Danubius, invited by Philip,
iv. 793. fall upon Dardania,
802. return home from Per
seus for want of pay, 856.

Baths of the ingas, or kings, in
Peru, ii. 324. in England
much warmer in the night
than in the day, iii. 330.

Bathsheba, the mother of Solo
mon, why not named by St.
Matthew, ii. 522.

Battles of ^gos-Potamos, iii.
1 88. Arbela, 336. Arginusae,
185. Artemisium, 115. Can
nae, iv. 273. Chseronea, iii.
295. Cynoscephalae, iv. 626.
Gaza, 468. the Granicus, iii.
306. Ipsus, 507. Issus, 321.
Leuctra, 257. Magnesia,
751. Mantinea, 270. Ma
rathon, 1 02. Metaurus, 440.
Mycale, iii. 132. Nadagara,
iv. 516. Olynthus, iii. 291.
Platseae, 129. Pydna, iv. 861.
Salamis, iii. 122. Thermo
pylae, 112. Thrasymene, iv.
246. Ticinum, 237. Tre-
bia, 239.

Bdellium, what it is, and where
great plenty of it, i. 114.

Becanus, his opinion of the
tree of knowledge refuted, i.
132.

Beginning, the meaning of the
word, i. 5.

Bel, a name imposed, i. 367.

Belisarius, his unworthy destiny,
iv. 787.

Bellerophon, the history of, ii.
395. the fable of him and
Pegasus moralized, 396.

Belosus rebels against Sardana-
palus, ii. 65. he and Phul
the same, 669.

Belus, Nimrod, and Ninus were
three distinct persons, i. 354.
Belus properly the first that
peaceably, and with general
allowance, exercised sovereign
power, 355. his sepulchre,

37°-

Benefit from wrongs done makes
not injustice the more ex
cusable, iv. 380.

Benhadad twice overthrown by
Achab, ii. 361.

Benjamin, the tribe of, where
settled, ii. 368.

Beroaldus, his solution of doubts
from the text, a river went
out of Eden, i. 106.

Berosus, his fragment proved to
be counterfeit, i. 268.

Bessus, governor of Bactria, his
treasons against Darius, iii.
345. pursued by Alexander,
347,354. taken and deliver
ed up to Darius's brother,

363-

Bethlehem, the native city of
Ibzan, Elimelec, and our Sa
viour Jesus Christ, ii. 317.

Bethsan, anciently Nysa, built
by Liber Pater, ii. 265.

Bethshemites, above fifty thou
sand slain for looking into
the ark of God, ii. 468.

Betis, his gallant defence of
Gaza, and behaviour under
Alexander's cruelties, iii. 325,
326.

Birds, their prognostications, i.
392. a child fed by them,
408.

of India, their cunning in

making their nests, ii. 105.

Birds and beasts, their language
understood, by whom, ii. 390.

Birthright, the cause of Adoni-
jah's death, ii. 539.

Bitumen, where found, and its
use, ii. 230.

Blessing, the valley of, ii. 318.
3 T

INDEX TO THE

Bodies, human, reflections upon
the baseness and frailty of
them, i. 54.

Boeotians reenter their own
land, and recover their li
berty, iii. 154. rebel against
the Romans, and are rigor
ously punished, iv. 838.

Books mentioned in scripture
which are lost, ii. 169. Numa
Pompilius's found near six
hundred years after they had
been buried, 780.

Boreas, his rape of Orythyia, ii.

389-

Bozius, his false doctrine, ii.238.

Brantius, his easy nature, iv.29y.

Bravery, of all qualities, the least
requisite to sovereign com
mand, iv. 285.

Breathing, how understood of
God's breathing the spirit of
life into man, i. 56.

Briareus, the fable of him well
expounded by sir Francis
Bacon, ii. 575.

Britains, what boats they crossed
the seas with in the time of
the Romans, i. 259. theirman-
ner of fight, ii. 69. their po
licy against the French under
Charles VIII., iv. 9.

British language hath remained
among us above two thou
sand years, i. 269.

Britomarus slain by Marcellus
in single fight, iv. 214. .

Brize, an easterly wind, so called
by the Spaniards, i. 89.

Brutus, his extreme severity, iii.
529.

Burrough leads the way for the
English fleet through the
straits of Elsinor, iv. 109.

Busiris, king of Egypt, the first
oppressor of the Israelites,
ii. 50.

C.

Cabala, what it imports, i. 153.

Cadmus, the first that brought
letters into Boeotia, ii. 193.

Caecilius, the Roman consul, his
victory at Panormus, iv.
106.

CsesareaPalsestinaejii. 270. Phi-
lippi, 246.

Cain, the history of him, i. 138,
139. hisgoing from God's pre
sence not to be understood
literally, ib. the first Jupiter,
1 66.

Cairo, by whom founded, ii.
738.

Calanus, an Indian philosopher,
burns himself, iii. 377.

Caleb, of greatest authority in
the tribe of Juda after the
death of Joshua, ii. 383.

Calendar reformed by Julius
Caesar, ii. 75.

Calippus slain with the same
dagger with which he had
murdered Dion, iv. 60.

Callisthenes cruelly put to death
by Alexander, iii. 369. Se
neca's censure of that deed,
ib.

Calpas, a goodly haven, iii. 227.

Cambyses, his chief reason for
hindering the building of the
city and temple of Jerusalem,
iii. 71. marries two of his own
sisters, 73. conquers Egypt,
78. his indignities to the dead
body of king Amasis, 79. at
tempts to overturn the temple
of Jupiter Ammon, ib. his
many detestable murders, 81.
his accidental death by his
own sword, ib.

Camillus, Furius, his integrity
and fortitude, iii. 533. un
justly banished, ib. his not-
, able service against the
Gauls, 535.

Campania, the most fruitful pro
vince of Italy, iv. 286.

Campanians submit to the Ro-

HISTORY OF THE WORLD.

mans, iii. 536. their charac
ter, iv. 287.

Canaan, the land of, described,
ii. 217.

Canaanites, what nations they
were, ii. 1 8 1 . their kings, 1 84.
most of their cities uncon-
quered by Israel, 213.

Candaules, king of Lydia, his
fatal dotage upon his wife, ii.
728.

Cannse, the battle of, iv. 276.

Canutus, his advantage against
Edmund Ironside, iv. 97. a
single combat between them,

455-

Cape, now called of Good Hope,
discovered, and by whom, ii.
790.

Capernaum, where Christ first
preached, its situation, ii.
248.

Caponi, Peter, his bravery at
the siege of Florence, ii.
646.

Capua, the siege of, iv. 370.
taken by the Romans, 383.

Cardan's mortal devils, 1.397.

Carthage, when and by whom
built, ii. 632. iv. 12. its an
tiquity, power, and strength,
ii. T 2. described, ib. the causes
of its destruction, ib.

Carthagena, in the kingdom of
Granada, when and by whom
built, iv. 167.

in the West Indies,

built by the Spaniards, and
sacked by the English, ib.

Carthaginian butchery, ii. 693.

Carthaginians anciently Tyrians,
ii. 232. their wars with the
Romans, iv. 19, 83. gain a
victory against Atilius, 92.
prosperous afterwards, 96.
beaten at sea by Luctatius,
117. forced to sue for peace
upon hard terms, 119. cruel
war with their own merce

naries, 121. provoke the Ro
mans to war, 223. victorious
at Thrasymene, 246. nig
gardly to Hannibal, 307. war
with the Romans in Sicily
and Sardinia, and are over
come, 352. driven by Scipio
from the continent to the
isle of Gades, 448. obtain a
peace from the Romans, 53 1.

Carthalo, his great enterprise
against the Romans, iv. 112.

Casloim, the first founder of the
Philistines, ii. 533.

Cassander begs the assistance
of Antigonus in his insurrec
tion against Polysperchon, iii.
420. his successes against
Polysperchon, 424. beaten
by Alexander for mocking his
assumed divinity, 435. his re
venge upon Olyrnpias, 436.
seeks to make himself king
of Macedon, 439. builds Cas-
sandria and reedifies Thebes,
ib. wars with Antigonus, 460.
his politic dealing with Alex
ander, son of Polysperchon,
461. vanquishes Glaucias,
king of the Illyrians, 463.
murders Roxana, Alexander's
wife, and his son, 483. pressed
hard by Demetrius, 490. his
death, 5 14. his children slain,
and whole race soon extinct,
S'<5.

C. Cassius, his wise answer, iii.
179.

Catarractse Coeli, probably ex
pounded, i. 203.

Cato, M. Porcius, his character,
iv. 702. overthrows the Mto-
lians, 733. his oration in the
Roman senate against L. Sci
pio, 769. his writings, 702.

Caucasus, its height, i. 239.

Cedar, the most lasting wood,
i. 211.

Celestial bodies, observations of

3 T 2

INDEX TO THE

them the surest marks of
time, iii. 472.

Censors, Roman, their office,
iv. 359-

Centaurs, from whom descended,
ii. 416.

Centrites, the river, its rise and
course, iii. 216.

Cetaphi m, or Hagiographa, what,
and why so called, iii. 5.

Cethim, afterwards called Ma-
cedon, i. 284.

Chabot, admiral of France, loses
his estate, offices, and li
berty by the falsehood of
chancellor Poyet, but restored
to them, iv. 467.

Chseronea, the battle of, puts
an end to the liberties of
Greece, iii. 295.

Chaldea, Babylonia, and Shinar,
three names of one country,
i. 96.

Chaldeans, their original, i. 325.

Challenges, giving them con
demned, iv. 458, 460.

Chalybes, their merchandise in
iron and other metals, i. 265.
annoy the Greeks in their
march to Trabizond, iii. 218.

Cham, or Ham, entitled Jupiter
Hammon by the Egyptians,
i. 178. his sons, 285. the
first king of Egypt, ii. 397.
his successors, ib. 243.

Charidemus, his good advice to
Darius most barbarously re
warded, iii. 320.

Charles V. emperor, his precept
to his son Philip, iv. 87. his
great loss by tempest, 96. the
lie sent him by Francis the
French king, iv. 458.

Charles IX. of France, his trea
chery to monsieur de Piles,

iv- 55-

Charran, sometimes called
Charre, Haran, aud Aran, is
but the same Charran in Me

sopotamia, i. 94. famous for
the overthrow of Crassus, 95.

Chebar, mentioned by Ezekiel,
but a part of the Euphrates,
i. 116.

Chedorlaomer, where he reigned,
ii. 27. wars with a nation of
giants, 321.

Chemmis, king of Egypt, his
pyramis, ii. 745.

Cheops, the tale devised against
.his daughter, ii. 746.

Child, fed by birds, i. 408.

Chison, on whose banks the
idolatrous priests of Baal were
slain in king Achab's time, ii.
264.

Chivalry, the court of, its good
institution, iv. 465.

Chrim Tartars, their manner of
living, iii. 87.

Christian religion, an indiscreet
zeal to admit foreign proofs
to strengthen it, iv. 766.

Churches, why built east and
west, i. 73.

Chush, his sons, i. 314, 353.

Cicero, M. Tullius, an observa
tion upon his conduct and
fate, i. 45. curious remarks
of his, ii. 102, 142, 189.
iii. 537. iv. 10. 766.

Cidarim, a garment worn by
the Persian kings, ii. 29.

Cimbri, whence so called, i.
267. broke into Asia, ii. 799.
their war in Lydia, ii. 803.

Cimon, general and admiral of
the Athenians, iii. 142. takes
the city of Phaselis, 143. ob
tains two great victories by
sea and land in one day,
ib. sent with a strong fleet to
take in the isle of Cyprus,
147. his death, 151.

Cincinnatus, L. Quintius, taken
from the plough and made
dictator, the highest honour
in Rome, iii. 532. his noble

HISTORY OF THE WORLD.

expedition against the Volsci,

533-

Cios taken and cruelly destroyed
by Philip, son of Demetrius,

>-583-

Ciphers and characters, when
and by whom first used, i.

.'.S3-
Civil law defined, ii. 139. when

first written, ib.

Civility, when it first appeared
in Europe, ii. 187.

Cicadas, his fruitless arguments
with Alexander not to de
stroy Thebes, iii. 303.

Cleander, and his accomplices in
the murder of Parmenio,
justly rewarded, iii. 377.

Cleanthes the Stoic, his descrip
tion of God, by what attri
butes and properties, i. 182.

Clearchus drives the Persians
out of their camp, iii. 208.
his arrogant message to Ar-
taxerxes, 209. his fatal cre
dulity, 212. beheaded, 213.

Cleomenes marries the wife of
Agis, king of Sparta, iv. 180.
his victory against Aratus,
182. returns to Sparta, slays
the ephori, and restores the
ancient discipline of Lycur-
gus, 182. his great cou
rage and conduct, ib. his vic
tory at Dymes in Achaia,
1 86. forced to abandon Acro-
corinthus, 189. defeated at
Olympus, flies to Sparta, and
is lovingly entertained by Pto-
lomy Euergetes, 195, 196.
fails in a desperate attempt
at Alexandria, and kills him
self, ib.

Cleopatra, sister to Alexander
the Great, betrothed to Pto-
lomy Lagus, iii. 488. mur
dered by the secret contriv
ance of Antigonus, ib.

Clypea, a port-town of great

use to the Romans against
the Africans, iv. 88.

Cocalus, king of the Sicani, kills
Minos king of Crete, ii. 407.
758.

Codes, Horatius, his admirable
resolution, iii. 530.

Codrus, king of the Athenians,
his generous attempt and
hard fate, ii. 534. the Athe
nians change their govern
ment in honour to his me
mory, iii. 91.

Coin, gold and silver, where
found, and by whom sup
posed to have been hidden,

i. 202.

Colligni, Gaspar de, admiral of
France, his answer to one
that foretold his death, iii.

452-

Combats, single, a very ancient
custom, ii. 502. a discourse
of them, iv. 455.

Common law of England, upon
what customs grounded, ii.
140.

Concolitanus, and Aneroestus,
kings of the Gauls, slain in
battle with the Romans, iv.
212.

Congo, the kingdom of, threw
off the Christian religion be
cause plurality of wives was
denied them, ii. 145. empe
ror of, guarded by Amazons,
iii. 153.

Conjecture, its use in history, ii.
614.

Conon, the Athenian, his vic
tories, iii. 246. rebuilds the
walls of Athens, ib.

Conon, the Briton, his famous
retreat, iii. 231.

Conquerors, a reflection on
them, iv. 898.

Consuls, the first at Rome, in
stead of kings, iii. 529. their
government transferred to mi-
3 T3

INDEX TO THE

litary tribunes, 535. the con
sular authority established, ib.

Continency not a virtue, only
a degree unto it, ii. 132.

Coral, great store of it in the
Red sea, ii. 84.

Coriolanus, T. Martins, by what
victory he got that surname,
iii. 5 3 2. banished by the Ro
mans, and put to death by
the Volsci, ib.

Corn, without sowing, i. in.
iv. 25. the rules of setting
and sowing it, where first
taught, ib.

Cortez, Ferdinando, his unfor
tunate offer to the emperor
Charles V., iv. 59.

Counsellors, dishonour rather
to be laid on them than on
kings, and why, iii. 499.

Court- wars,wicked arts in them,
iv. 164.

Cowardice and courage,a strange
mixture of them, iv. 175.

Craterus, his malice, iii. 357.
made lieutenant of Macedon,
&c. 378. joins forces with
Antipater, 396. marries his
daughter, 400. reduces the
^Etolians to hard terms, ib.
too hasty for an encounter
with Eumenes, 407. his death
greatly lamented by Eumenes,
411.

Cratippus, his answer to Pom-
pey, iii. 58.

Creation of the world, i. 4. a
sum of the six days' works,
24.

Creon, his cruelty, ii. 420.

Crocodiles in Egypt, i. 336.

Croesus, the cause of his enmity
with the Medes, iii. 50. his
pedigree, 55. many conquests,
56. despises the good coun
sel of Sardanes, 57. quits the
field to Cyrus, and flies to Sar-
dis, 58, 59. besieged therein,

ib. condemned to death, and
by what accident saved, ib.

Cromwell, lord, perished by an
unjust law of his own de
vising, iv. 777.

Crows, a flight of them guides
Alexander and his army over
the deserts of Egypt, iii. 327.

Cruelty, examples of men re
paid with their own, iv. 786.

Cubit, mentioned in scripture,
not the geometrical, i. 215.

Curtius and Trogus greatly
mistaken on Alexander's ar
rival on the banks of Tanais,
iii. 364.

Cush, the land of, where it lies,
i. 1 1 8. ill expounded for
Ethiopia, 290. many places in
scripture corrupted thereby,
292.

Cyaxares besieges Nineveh, ii.
796. forced to abandon As
syria, ib. delivers his country
from extreme oppression by a
stratagem, 809.

Cyneas, chief counsellor to Pyr-
rhus, his notable expostula
tion with him, iii. 539. sent
ambassador to bribe the Ro
mans, 542.

Cynigyrus, a brave Grecian, his
hardy valour, iii. 103.

Cynoscephalae, the battle of, be
tween Philip and T. Quin-
tius, iv. 625.

Cyrus, of his name and first ac
tions, iii. 41. 55. his decree
for building the temple of
God in Jerusalem, 70, 71.
his conquest of Lydia, 59.
and Babylon, 6 1 . great mercy
and generosity to Croesus, 60.
reputed the greatest monarch
then living, 61. his wars in
Scythia, ib. besieges Baby
lon, ib. drains Euphrates, and
enters the city through the
dry channel, 65. his death

HISTORY OF THE WORLD.

and epitaph, 69. Apollo's
oracle concerning him, 17.
Cyrus the younger, his policy in
levying soldiers, iii. 199. the
battle between him and his
brother Artaxerxes, wherein
he is slain, 203.

D.

Dabir, the university, or aca
demy, of old Palestine, ii.
3 12.

Daedalus, the story of him, ii.
405. his curious workman
ships, iv. 28.

Dagon, the idol of the Philis
tines, described, i. 408. his
fall, ib. 466.

Dalaqua, formerly Leques, an
island in the Red sea, ii. 84.

Damaratus, the paternal an
cestor of the Tarquinii, iii.

527-
Damascus, by whom built, ii.

355. taken by Tamerlaine,
357. first kings, 358. later
kings, and their overthrow,

363-

Dan, the tribe of, where settled,
ii. 304.

Danae, the fable of her, ii. 399.

Danaus made king of Argos, ii.
737. the story of his daugh
ters, 738.

Danes and Saxons, remarks on
the wars between them, ii.
804.

Daniel, the prophet, interprets
the handwriting on the wall
against Balthasar, iii. 64. his
book, when made canonical,

5-
Daphne, a place of delight near

Antioch, iv. 883.
Dares and Dictys, the books

of, ii. 459.
Darius Hystaspes, made king

from the neighing of his

horse, iii. 83. his lineage, go

vernment, and war with the
Scythians, 84, 85, 87. his
narrow escape out of Scy thia,
88. wars with the Athenians,
and why, 90. his jealousy of
Histiseus, 96. demands tri
bute of the Greeks, 100. his
death and issue, 105.

Darius, son of Xerxes, unjustly
suffers death as a parricide,
iii. 145.

Darius Nothus, or the Bastard,
his reign, iii. 190.

Darius, the last king of Persia,
his vain insolency, iii. 305.
his numerous army and its
condition, ib. 313. defeated
by Alexander near the Gra-
nicus, 309. utterly vanquished
at Issus, and his mother,
wife, and children taken pri
soners, 321. offers terms of
peace to Alexander, 325.
raises new forces, 332. offers
further conditions of peace,
334. routed at Arbela, 337.
retreats into Media, 338.
bound in chains, and killed
by the treason of Bessus,
347. his dying message to
Alexander, 348.

David, when born, ii. 489. made
king of Juda, 486. kills Go-
liah, 488. his condition in
the time of Saul, 498. the
beginning of his reign, 499.
takes Jerusalem, 505. over
throws the Philistines and
the Moabites, and makes war
upon the Scythians, 507, 508,
509. great troubles befall
him after his adultery with
Beersheba, 513. disconsolate
at the death of Absalom, 517.
his speech in the parliament
held at Jerusalem for build
ing the temple, 523. the
good effect it had, ib. enjoins
Solomon to rid himself of
3 T 4

INDEX TO THE

Shimei, 525. his death and
character, 525. the vast trea
sure he left, 527.
Dead sea, an account of it, ii.

329-

Deadly feud, an hereditary pro
secution of malice in Scot
land, so called ; suppressed
by king James, iv. 465.

Death, its eloquence, justice,
and might, iv. 900.

Deborah, and her contempora
ries, ii. 397.

Decalogue, its several com
mandments, ii. 1 27, 1 28, 1 29.
necessary to be observed,
were there no religion among
men, 133.

Decapolis, the cities of, ii. 248.

Deceit in all professions, i. 395.
overreached, iv. 429.

Decius, the Roman consul, pur
chases victory by his death,

i"; 537-

Decius Magius, son to the for
mer, his constancy towards
the Romans, iv. 290, 291.
Tully's remarks on the des
perate resolution of these De-
cii, Hi. 537.

Deioces, his strict form of go
vernment, ii. 775. built Tau-
ris, formerly called Ecbatana,
776. whether that king Ar-
phaxad mentioned in Judith,
ib.

Deluges, several, i. 199.

Demetrius, son of Antigonus
the elder, begs his father to
spare Eumenes, iii. 451. his
vain expedition into Cilicia,
467. takes Cilles, Ptolomy's
lieutenant, with his camp
and army, 472. gives liberty
to Athens, 490. his wanton
ness well punished, 493. vic
tory over Ptolomy in Cyprus,
495. takes upon him the title
of king, 497. translates Si-

cyon, and calls it Demetrias,
503. forsaken by the Athe
nians, 509. reconciled to Se-
leucus and Ptolomy, 511.
takes Athens, 513. conquers
in Greece, 518. unsuccessful
there and in Asia, 521, 522.
compelled to yield himself to
Seleucus, 523. is a prisoner
at large and dies, 524.

Demetrius, son of Antigonus
Gonatas, drives Alexander,
son of Pyrrhus, out of Mace-
don and Epirus, iv. 171. de
cays in virtue after he be
came king, 172.

Demetrius Pharius made king
of great part of Illyria by the
Romans, rebels against them,
iv. 220. expelled his king
dom by them, and enter
tained by king Philip, 547.
persuades Philip to enter into
league with Hannibal against
them, 565. soothes him in
his, vices, 570. slain in an at
tempt upon Messine, 517.

Democracy, what sort of go
vernment, ii. 603.

Demosthenes too hastily in
vades the Syracusians, and is
beaten, iv. 43. his good ad
vice rejected, 46. deserted by
Nicias, forced to surrender
himself, and basely mur
dered, 47.

Demosthenes, the orator, dis
suades the Athenians from
accepting Philip's reasonable
conditions of peace, iii. 294.
put to death by Antipater,

399-
Derceta, the mother of Semi-

ramis, her temple, i. 407,

408. ii. 309.
Desmond, countess of, her long

life, i. 151.
Desperation, effects of it, iv.

94.

HISTORY OF THE WORLD.

Destiny often confounded with
providence, prescience, and
predestination, i. 27 — 37.

Deucalion contemporary with
Moses, ii. 190. his a second
flood, and not that of Noah,
i. 193. king of Thessaly, ii.
491.

Devil, his policy, i. 391, 392.
the several ways by which he
seems to work wonders, 398.
none ever raised from the
dead by his power, 402. his
last refuge to maintain his
kingdom, i. 186.

Deuteronomy, the book so called
made into a law, ii. 785.

Diagoras, his three sons, ii.
690.

Diana, her temple at Ephesus,
its dimensions, ii. 536.

Dido, whose daughter, ii. 537.
the founder of Carthage,
283. 632. iv. 12. all that Vir
gil hath written of her fabu
lous, ii. 633.

Dieneces, the Spartan, his reso
lute answer, iii. 113.

Dion banished out of Sicily for
his public spirit, iv. 58. re
turns with an army, and en
ters Syracuse, 59. driven out
again and murdered, 60.

Dionysius the elder, the degrees
by which he became tyrant
of Syracuse, iv. 50. his vic
tories in Sicily and Italy, 52.
his death and character, 57.

Dionysius the younger artfully
begins his reign with several
good acts, iv. 57. causes all
his brethren to be slain, ib.
takes Plato for his instructor,
but soon banishes him, 58.
forced to quit Syracuse, and
recovers it again, 60. besieged
by Icetes, and surrenders to
Timoleon, who deposes him,
62.

Dodanim, fourth son of Javan,
first planted Rhodes, i. 284.

Dogs brought by the Spaniards
into Hispaniola, changed into
wolves,i. 214. a strange story
of dogs, ib.

Doria, Peter, pays dear for his
insolency in a victory over
the Spaniards, iv. 94.

Dove, why worshipped by the
Babylonians, and given in
their ensigns, i. 410. ii.

3°9-

Draco, his rigorous laws, ii.
812.

Dreams, warnings and disco
veries by them, i. 392.

Duels, the custom very ancient,
ii. 502. a discourse of them,

iy-. 455. 45&

Duillius, his policy in fight
with the Carthaginian gal
leys, iv. 81. honoured with
the first naval triumph ever
seen at Rome, 83.

Dying of purple and scarlet
cloth, how first found out, ii.
229.

Dynasties, Egyptian, ii. 38, 39,
'739-

E.

Eacides, king of Epirus, ba
nished by his own subjects,
iii. 436.

Earth, by whom repeopled, i.
245. when divided, 328, 330.

East, whence the custom of
praying towards it, i. 71.

East Indies, by whom planted,

i- 337-

Eclipses of the sun, ii. 688,
716. of the moon, 716. iii.
179. 332. iv. 862.

Eden, the country of, why so
called,, i. 68. the true Eden
of paradise, 71. described by
the countries bordering it,
98. an island of that name in

INDEX TO THE

. the Tigris described, 100.
now called Geserta, 105.

Edom rebels against Jehoram,
and shakes off subjection to
Juda, ii. 597.

Education, the power of, i. 31.

Edward III. king of England,
his victories in France, iv. 8.

Eglon, king of Moab, subdues
and governs Israel, ii. 331.
slain in his own house, ib.
388.

Egypt its plantation and anti
quities, i. 297. whence its
name, ib. a flourishing king
dom in the time of Abraham,
ii. 36. the names and times

, of its first kings, 37. all the
first-born therein slain, 89.
governed by twelve rulers,
757. conquered by the Ba
bylonians, iii. 27. by Alex
ander the Great, 327. never
any rain there, ib.

Egyptian wisdom, ii. 201. learn
ing, and mystical kind of
writing, 203. dynasties, 38,
40. ^

Egyptians the first idolaters, i.
164. when they first took
their name, 297. how they
may be said to have story
13,000 years, 298. had gods
for all turns, ii. 79.

Ehud goes as an ambassador to
Eglon, king of the Moabites,
and stabs him ; invades the
territory of Moab, and de
stroys their whole army, ii.
33i*. 388.

Elder, the signification of the
word, i. 339.

Elephants first used by the Ro
mans in fight, iv. 603.

Eli, an account of him, his sons,
and his priesthood, iii. 464.

Elisa, the isles of, mentioned
by Ezekiel, i. 281.

Elisha, when he lived, ii. 636.

the miracles wrought by him,
and his dead bones, 637.

Elius, or Sol, his pedigree, i.
177.

Elizabeth, queen of England,
very sparing of rewards to
martial men, iv. 789.

Emaus, afterwards Nicopolis,
overturned by an earthquake,
ii. 316.

Emims, giants of huge stature,
ii. 172, 321.

Empedocles, the philosopher,
where born, iv. 26.

Emporiae, a town of great im
portance in Spain, iv. 308.

Enemy, his approbation the best
witness, ii. 467.

English, their valour not equalled
by the Macedonians nor the
Romans, iv. 7. examples of
that virtue in them, 9, 10.
husbandmen and yeomen the
freest of all the world, 13.

Enoch wrote before the flood, i.
154. his translation, 156.

Enoch, the first city of the world,
by whom built, i. 141.

Epaminondas wastes the terri
tory of Lacedsemon, restores
the Messenians, and' rebuilds
their city Messine for them,
ii. 774, 775. iii. 259. invades
and spoils Peloponnesus, 266.
heads a select troop, which
forces the Lacedaemonian
army to give way at the great
battle of Man tinea, 271.
charged by Spartans, who all
at once throw their darts at
him alone, 272. his heroic
behaviour when mortally
wounded j his death, and
great character, ib. 273.

Epaphus, the founder of Mem
phis in Egypt, ii. 54.

Ephesus, by whom built, ii.

535;
Ephori of Sparta, when they

HISTORY OF THE WORLD.

began, ii. 696. their power,

ib. iii. 90. slain by Cleomenes,

iv. 182.
Ephraim, the tribe of, head of

the ten tribes, ii. 290.
Ephraimites, the ground of their

quarrel with Gideon, ii. 402.
Epicides, his craft with the

Leontines, iv. 395, 396. his

costly feasting of the Syracu-

sians, 406.
Era of the kingdom of the

Greeks, when it began, iii.

472.
Er.a betrayed by a slave, and

how, ii. 772.
Eryx, the city of, surprised by

the Romans, and recovered

by Amilcar, iv. 115, 116.
Esdras, the history of, when

written, iii. 152.
Esther, the book of, arguments

to prove the age of it, iii.

J53-

Eteocles and Polynices, sons of
CEdipus, quarrel about the
government of the kingdom
of Thebes, ii. 422. slay each
other in single fight, 425.

Ethiopia, its distance from Ara
bia and Palestina, i. 122. See
Cush.

Ethnics had the invention of
sacrifice from Cain, i. 167.

Etolians beaten by Antigonus,
iii. 463. driven out of their
country by Philip, Cassan-
der's lieutenant, 465. their
ingratitude, iv. 178. join with

, the Romans in their war
upon Philip in Greece, 342.
overrun Peloponnesus, 547.
invade Greece and Macedon,
5 39, 541. are invaded at home
by Philip, 545. again, 553.
beg and obtain a peace, ib.
break it, and are beaten, 606.
vanquished by the Romans,
758.

v, its various significa
tions, ii. 122.

Euaephnes, his treachery and
murder the pretended grounds
of the Messenian war, ii. 766,
767.

Euclides, the famous geometri
cian, where born, iv. 26.

Eudsemon, John, Andrew, a li
beller of the author, iv. 659.

Eve, her desire continued down
in her sex, i. 138.

Evilmerodach, his reign, iii. 40.

Eumenes, one of Alexander's
captains, his country and
condition, iii. 432. made go
vernor of Cappadocia, 393.
his victories in the Lower
Asia, 407. kills Neoptolemus
in single fight, 410. his arts
to redeem the love of his
people, 41 1. the condition of
his army, 414. defeated by
Antigonus, ib. besieged by
him at Nora, 416. reliev
ed by Aridseus, governor of
Phrygia, 430. raises great war
upon Antigonus in defence of
the royal house, 431. his
profitable use of a feigned
dream, 440. goes into Persia,
ib. defeats Antigonus at Susa,

442. again, in open battle,

443. his politic delusion of
him, 445 . a conspiracy against
his life, 446. the last battle
between him and Antigo
nus, 447. betrayed and slain,
451, 452. his virtue the sole
cause of his overthrow, 446.
his character and honourable
funeral, 452.

Eumenes, king of Pergamus,
goes in person to Rome and
accuses Perseus of Macedon
to the senate, iv. 817. set
upon in his return by Per-
seus's ruffians, and left for
dead, 820. a singular instance

INDEX TO THE

of brotherly love between him
and Attains, 821.

Eumenes, king of Pergamus,
his petty device at a sacrifice
to animate his men for vic
tory, iv. 580. obtains it against
Antiochus Hierax, ib. dies by
a surfeit of too much drink,
581.

Euphrates, one of the guides to
the country of Eden, i. 93.
being one of the four heads
into which the rivers of pa
radise were divided, 103. it
self divi ded into four branches,
107, 108.

Europe, by whom planted, i.

253-

Europus, an infant king of Ma-
cedon, carried into the field
with his army, in his cradle,
iii. 282.

Eurydice, her incest and mur
der, iii. 284. her title to the
empire of Macedon after
Alexander's death, 382. calls
Cassander to her aid, 433.
cruelly put to death, with
her husband Aridseus, by
Olympias, 434.

Eusebius, an error of his, ii.

745-
Expectation always tedious

when the event is of most
importance, iv. 267.

Ezekias, the godly beginning
of his reign, ii. 714. besieged
by Sennacherib, 719. mar
vellously delivered, 721. his
sickness and recovery, 723.
great oversight and death,
724.

Ezion-Geber, where Solomon
furnished his fleets for the
East Indies, ii. 160.
F.

Fabii, three hundred and five,
all of one family, slain, iii.
532-

Fabius, a partial historian, ^.309.

Fabius Maximus, his artful de
lays of battle with Hannibal,
iv. 252. divides the legions
with Minutius, 258. his ex
hortation to Jimilius, 266.
his unanswerable objection
to Scipio, 312. becomes lieu
tenant to his own son, 364.
recovers Tarentum, and by
what means, 422. envies the
growing virtue of Scipio, 47 1 .
his opinion upon Hannibal's
departure out of Italy, 511.
his death, 512.

Fables, most of them occasioned
by some ancient truth, though
darkly expressed, ii. 701. in
stances thereof, ib.

Fair Promontory, where, iv.
481.

Faith, of keeping it, a remark
able instance in Joshua, ii. 209.
'Faith-breakers, God's judgment
upon them, ii. 211.

Fall of our fifst parents ex
plained, i. 136.

Fame, often dangerous to the
living, and of no use to the
dead, iv. 899.

Fate, i. 27.

Fayal, taken by the English, iv.
103.

Ficus Indica, described, i. 131.
allegorized, 133.

Firmament, its extension, i.
21.

First-born slain throughout
Egypt, ii. 89.

Flaminius, his fiery disposition,
iv. 245. slain, 246.

Flanders, earl of, the fruits of
his insolency, iv. 94.

Flatterers, the basest of slaves,
iv. 146.

Fleet, examples of the advan
tages of a good one in war
between nations divided by
the sea, iv. 98, 99.

HISTORY OF THE WORLD.

Flight, sometimes commend
able, iv. 238.

Fons Solis, its strange nature,
iii. 329,

Forlorn Hope, what part of the
army so called, iv. 273.

Fortescue, judge, his report of
an unjust judgment given a-
gainst a gentlewoman at Sa
lisbury, ii. 147.

Fortitude, a diligent preserver
of itself, iv. 461.

Fortune, a goddess the most
reverenced and most reviled,
but not ancient, i. 38. an
imaginary power, 40. a verse
of JEschylus applied toher,i&.

Fountain running with blood,
iv. 885.

Francis I. of France, his justice
upon the lord of Tallard, for
wilful murder, iv. 466. upon
his chancellor Poyet, for false
hood, 467.

Freewill given to man in his
creation, i. 60.

French, their miserable over
throw at Naples, to what
owing, iv. 211.

Friends taken for enemies, iv.
380.

Friendship sought after a strange
manner, iv. 872.

Fruits, of fair outside, and no
thing but dust within, ii. 330.

Funeral games, held by Scipio,
iv. 455-

G.

Gad, the tribe of, ii. 332. chief
city, 333. possessions, 343.

Gades, isle and city of, yielded
to the Romans, iv. 470.

Galleys, by whom invented, i.
258.

Gam, captain, his gallant report
to king Henry V. before the
battle of Agincourt, iv. 273.

Gama, Stephen, his discovery of

the Red sea in 1544, ii.

83-

Gamala, a strong city, why so
called, ii. 347. forced by Ves
pasian, ib.

Games, Olympian, first insti
tuted, ii. 686. Nemaean, 424.

Ganges, where it falls into the
ocean, i. 113.

Gascoignes, the reason of their
faithful affection to the kings
of England, iii. 479.

Gauls, their furious invasion and
spoil of Rome, iii. 534. over
thrown by Antigonus Gona-
tas, 550.

Gaza, taken by Alexander the
Great, iii. 325. a great battle
there won by Ptolomy and
Seleucus, against Demetrius
son of Antigonus, 465.

Geese save the Capitol of Rome,

iii- 534-

Gehazites, whence the sellers
of spiritual gifts so called,
ii. 300.

Gehon disproved to be Nilus,
i. 1 1 8. so confessed by Pere-
rius, 119.

Gelon elected prince of Syra
cuse, iv. 34. gets a victory
over the Carthaginians, 35.
grants them a peace upon high
terms, ib. dies exceedingly
beloved and honoured, ib. an
odd story of his dog, ib.

Genoese, their insolent use of
their success against the Ve
netians cost them dear, iv. 94.

Gentius, king of the Illyrians,
taken by the Romans, iv. 87 1.
led in chains to adorn the
victor's triumph at Rome,
and put to death, 895.

Geographers, the liberty they
take of describing undisco
vered countries, ii. 683.

George, St., the castle of, where,
ii. 235. observations on the

INDEX TO THE

story of St. George and the
dragon, ib. St. George, per
haps not the same, his se
pulchre, 292.

Gergeseus, fifth son of Canaan,
founder of Berytus, after
wards called Felix Julia, in
Phoenicia, i. 311.

German prince, his answer to
those who persuaded him to
turn Lutheran, ii. 152.

Germany possessed by Gomer's
posterity, i. 267.

Gesco, his provident course in
transporting the Carthaginian
army from Sicily to Carthage,
iv. 121. sent to pacify the
mutineers, 126. is detained
prisoner by them, 129.

Giants mentioned in scripture,
i. 158, 160, 171.11.321,349.
giants since, iv. 30. greater
now for vice and injustice
than those forbodilystrength,
ib.

Gideon, his stratagem of trump
ets and lamps in pitchers,
11. 402. revenges the death of
his brethren on Zeba and
Zalmunna, 403. offered so
vereignty, and refuses it, 404.
his ephod the cause of idola
try, and his destruction, ib.
his contemporaries, 405.

Glass, the invention of, ii. 225.
where the best made, 245.

Glaucias, king of Illyria, restores
Pyrrhus to his father's king
dom, iii. 516.

God, the invisible, seen in his
creatures, i. i. never seen
with corporeal eyes, 2. his
creation of the world acknow
ledged by the wisest heathen,
4. his rest from the creation,
63. he foreknew and compre
hended the beginning and
end, before they were, ib. he
works the greatest things by

the weakest means, ii. 65. his
first punishment of the Egyp
tians by changing their rivers
into blood, wherein their
forefathers had drowned the
innocent children of the He
brews, 68. his secret hand in
all manner of accidents, 176.
he punishes places for the
people's sakes, 377. the an
cient philosophers' opinion of
God, 179.

Gods, the multiplicity of them
among the heathens, i. 375.

Gog and Magog, what under
stood by them, i. 260.

Gold, mountains in America,
full of it, i. 236.

Golden age, i. 347. fleece, se
veral interpretations of that
fiction, ii. 413.

Golden number, the invention
of it, ii. 75.

Gopher, of which the ark was
made, what kind of timber,
variously taken, i. 210.

Government, its beginning and
establishment, i. 339. three
commendable sorts, with their
opposites, 343, 344.

Gourges, monsieur du, a saying
of his to the Spaniards in
Florida, iv. 558.

Gracchus, his victory at Bene-
vento, iv. 356.

Granicus, the battle of, between
Alexander and the Persians,
iii. 305.

Grapes, where the largest
bunches of them, i. 243.

Greece, by whom anciently pos
sessed, ii. 490. the pedigree of
its first planters, ib. war made
upon it by Darius, iii. 100.
by Xerxes, 406. troubles
therein, foregoing the Pelo-
ponnessian war, 154. affairs
of it, while managed by the
Lacedaemonians, 23 1. divided

HISTORY OF THE WORLD.

between them and the Athe
nians on the one side, and
the Thebans on the other,
265. peace concluded therein
after the battle of Mantinea,
274. the estate of it in the
first Punic war, and between
it and the second, 170. the
coasts of it infested by the
Illyrians, 198. invaded by the
jEtolians, iv. 544.

Greeks, from whom descended,
i. 274. corrupted the story of
the creation, 163. their siege
and taking of Troy, ii. 455,
459. how dispersed after that,
46 1 . revolt from the Persians,
iii. 95. reduced, 101. vainly
boasting of their antiquity,
held that no flood preceded
that of Ogyges, i. 189. their
memorable victory at Salamis,
iii. 122. at Plataese, 130. and
at Mycale, 132. terrible to
the Barbarians, 1 66. their sad
condition after the battle be
tween Cyrus and Artaxerxes,
208. all their captains be
trayed by Tissaphernes, 210.
animated byXenophon, 214.
rout Teribazus, 217. over
thrown by Philip at Manti-
nea, and lose their liberty,
295, 296. the plantation of
them in Sicily, iv. 31.

Griffins, mountains of gold
guarded by them, i. 335.

Guile, killing by, many ways of,
iv. 466.

Guns, and ordnance of battery,
how old the use of them, i.
222. iii. 374.

Gyges obtains the kingdom and
queen of Lydia by treason,
ii. 728.

Gylippus comes to the relief of
Syracuse, iv. 42. takes the
Athenians' fort,43 . and Nicias,
their general, prisoner, 48.

H.

Habdon, judge of Israel, at the
time of the destruction of
Troy, ii. 419, 440. had
forty sons and thirty grand
children, ib.

Hagiographa. See Cetaphlm.

Halon, the Tartar, forces Da
mascus, and makes his son
Agab king of it, ii. 357.

Halyattes, the beginning of his
reign in Lydia, ii. 798. six
years war between him and
Cyaxares, 806. the occasion
of it, as delivered by Herodo
tus, questioned, ib.

Ham. See Cham.

Hanan, king of the Ammonites,
his contemptuous treatment
of king David's ambassadors
revenged with strange sever
ity, ii. 344.

Hannibal made general of the
Carthaginians in Spain, iv. 215.
besieges and takes Saguntum,
219, 221. his hereditary ha
tred to the Romans, 225.
goes into Italy, ib. 227. his
progress there, 231. his vic
tory at Ticinum, now called
Pavia, 233. at Trebia, 242.
takes in Clastidium, 243. his
peril among the Gauls, ib.
loses one of his eyes, in going
to Hetruria, 244. his victory
at Thrasymene, 246. his stra
tagem in passing the hills of
Calicula and Casilinum, 252.
seizes the Roman stores in
the castle of Cannae, 265. his
victory at Cannae, 281. takes
Casiline after a long siege,
301. his fruitless attempt
upon Cumae, 354. loses back
some towns to the Romans,
363. wins Tarentum, 368.
and two field victories, 374.
passes over Vulturnus, and
comes to the gates of Rome,

INDEX TO THE

379. forced to decamp, 382.
his glory declines, 386. his
stratagem against Fabius dis
covered, 421. surprises Mar-
cellus, 428. Polybius and Livy
very full in his praise, 445.
raises an altar with a large
inscription of his victories,
474. called out of Italy, and
his speech thereupon, 510.
beaten by Scipio at Nadagara,
524. his rough treatment of
a vain orator, 528. his rea
sons for his laughing in a
general calamity, 532. enters
into a league with Philip a-
gainst the Romans, 566. the
tenor of the league, 567.
examines into the treasury at
Carthage, detects corrupt of
ficers, strips them of their
authority, and makes them
restore the public money they
had turned to their own use,
679. hated for this virtue by
the Roman faction, and forced
to leave his country, 680, 68 1 .
flies to Antiochus, 682. his
conferences with the Roman
ambassadors, 710. brought
into council, and gives good
advice to Antiochus in vain,
726, 727. betrayed into the
hands of the Romans, 784.
drinks poison, and dies, 785.
his character, with remarks
upon it, ib.

Han no beats the Romans into
their trenches near Agrigen-
tum, iv. 78. made admiral of
the Carthaginian fleet, 117.
his character, ib. intercepted
and defeated by Catulus, 1 1 8.
difficulties with the merce
naries of the Carthaginians,
123,1 24, 1 25 . a bitter enemy
to Amilcar, 1 24. his ill con
duct of the Carthaginian
army, 1 29. his malicious jest

at Hannibal's victories, 303.
unjustly accuses Hannibal,
307. made by him governor
of the Bargutians, adventures
a battle with Scipio, is over
come and taken, 314.

Haran, the eldest son of Terah,
ii. 12.

Hardiness, without regard to
honesty or friendship, not to
be called valour, iv. 177.

Harpalus, treasurer to Alexan
der the Great, goes off with
vast treasures and forces to
the Greeks, iii. 378. those re
jected by them, and himself
slain, ib.

Harpies what they were, ii. 410.

Havilah, one of the sons of
Joctan, inhabited the East
Indies in the continent, 1.337.

Hazael, king of Aram, his con
quests in Judah, ii. 625, 626.

Heathenism, miraculously con
founded under Julian the
Apostate, i. 185.

Heaven, crystalline, whether
there be any, i. 23.

Heaven and earth, the meaning
of the words, i. 6.

Heaven-field in Northumber
land, whence so called, ii. 338.

Hebrew year, the form of it,
ii. 72.

Hebrews, who their father, i.
323. the history of them the
most ancient, iii. 2.

Hebron, vulgarly Cariotharbe,
one of the most ancient cities
of Canaan, ii. 315. Adam,
Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob
buried there, ib.

Hector, slain by Achilles, ii.

458.

Helen, the empress, her sump
tuous chapel, built in me
mory of the transfiguration,
ii. 261.

Helen of Greece, the rape of,

HISTORY OF THE WORLD.

by Theseus, ii. 419. by Paris,
ib. 449, 450.

Hellen, one of the sons of Deu
calion, ii. 191. 490.

Hemorrhoides, great numbers of
the Philistines perish of that
disease, ii. 466.

Henry I., king of England,
what bettered his claim to
the crown, iv. 24.

Henry VII., king of England,
with regard to Pool, took
pattern from David towards
Shimei, ii. 525.

Henry VIII., king of England,
very curious in his choice of
commanders at sea, iii. 340.

Henry IV., of France, inflamed
against the duke of Biron,
and for what, iv. 56.

Hephaestion, Alexander's chief
favourite, has the disposal of
the kingdom of Zidon, ii.
280. iii. 322. marries Darius's
youngest daughter, 378. dies,

379-

Heraclidse, the children of Her
cules, persecuted by Eurys-
theus,kingof Mycenae, ii. 493.
protected by the Athenians,
ib. recover Peloponnesus 494.

535-

Hercules, his twelve labours,
ii.492. kings descended from
him, 728.

Hermes Trismegistus, ii. 192.
his two last speeches, 196.
his many writings, 204. those
in divinity now extant cor
rupted by the Greeks and
Egyptian priests, 194. his
books foretelling Christ little
better than counterfeit pieces,
iv. 766.

Hermias, prime minister of An-
tiochus, wholly governs him,
iv. 646. works the death of
Epigenes, for good counsel
contrary to his own liking,

649. consults his own good
rather than the king's honour,

650. odious to the people,

651. suspected by the king,
forsaken by those who had
been most obsequious to him,
and put to death, ib. his
wife and children stoned to
death by the citizens, ib.

Hermocrates, general of the Sy-
racusians, his stratagem to
gain time with the Athenians,
iv. 46. is banished, 49. returns
to Sicily, and is slain, ib.

Herod Agrippa, his blasphemy,
ii. 271. stricken dead by an
angel, ib. a wicked usurper, but
magnificent, 377. Herodium,
an exceeding beautiful strong
castle built by him, 318.

Herodotus, his testimony of
Eden, and the country ad
joining i. 109. his argument,
that Helen was not at Troy
during the siege, ii. 448.

Hetrurians become tributary to
Rome, iii. 536.

Hiero made king of Syracuse,
iv. 17. enters into league
with the Carthaginians for
exterminating the Mamer-
tines out of Sicily, 18. his
wrong judgment and ill suc
cess in encountering with
Claudius, 2 1 . retiresfrom Mes
sina, 22. forsakes the Car
thaginians, and makes his
peace with Rome, 75. relieves
Carthage, 158. and sends help
to Rome to preserve the ba
lance, 263.

Hieronymus, the last king of
Syracuse, managed byAndro-
nodorus, iv. 389. of a tyran
nical disposition, and wholly
given up to his pleasures, ib.
a conspiracy against him, ib.
slain before his guards, 392.

Himilco recovers man towns in

INDEX TO THE

Sicily, iv. 53. 403. besieges
Syracuse, 54. makes a trea
cherous peace with Dionysius,
and is repaid with like per
fidy, ib. joins with Hippocra
tes, and oxrerruns the whole
island of Sicily, 404.

Hippocrates sends counterfeit
letters to Marcellus, and the
success thereof, iv. 398.

Hippones, his cruel punishment
of his own daughter for un-
chastity, ii. 727.

Hiram, king of Tyre, his dis
pleasure against Solomon, ii.
238. assisted him in building
the temple, 287. enforced by
policy to hold league with him,
ib. when he reigned king of
Tyre, against an error of Jo-
sephus, 537. congratulates
Solomon on his accession to
the throne, 538. his answer to
king Solomon's letter, 542.

Histiaeus abandons his tyranny,
and sets Miletus at liberty,
iii. 96. the first mover of the
Ionian rebellion, 99. taken
by the Persians, and beheaded,
ib.

Historians of all ages, especially
of the latter, partial, i. 338.
borrowers of poets, ii. 613.
partial to their own country
men, iv. 270.

Historical caution, ii. 729.

History, sacred and profane,
the connection of, iii. i.

Hollanders' passage by the mouth
of the duke of Parma's can
non, iv. 109.

Homer, when he lived, ii. 494.
whether he or Hesiod were
the elder, much disputed, 496.
stole almost word for word
from the books of Moses, i.
179.

Honey-dew, congealed-into hard

i sugar, where, ii. 242.

Honour defined, iv. 460
Hooker, his definition of law,

ii. 100.
Horatii and Curiatii, their com

bat, ii. 781. 455-
Horses, where the best of the

Lesser Asia bred, ii. 536.
Hosea, the prophet, when he

lived, ii. 655.
Howard, lord Charles, admiral

of England, his good conduct,

in 1588, iv. 3 2. rewarded, 790.
Husband, his rule over the

wife, as the dominion of rea

son over appetite, iv. 144.
Husbandry, the ancient kings

enriched themselves by it, ii.

Hydarnes commands the select

Persians, called the immortal

regiment ; why so called, iii.

1 06.
Hyllus and Echenus, their com

bat, and the conditions of

it, ii. 494.

I.
Jabin, king of Hazor, invades

and oppresses Israel, ii. 397.

his death, 398.
Jacob, when he came into E-

gypt, ii. 44. when he died, ib.
James I., king of England, his

prudence and kingly power,

iv. 465. his justice, ib. 139.

honours conferred upon mar

tial men, 789.
Jannes and Jambres, two no

torious sorcerers, ii. 197.
Janus not Noah, i. 207. 268.

who he was, 206.
Japan, isle of, now Zipingari,

a great character of its inha

bitants, i. 223.
lapetus, why called the son of

heaven and earth by the

poets, ii. 490.
Japha, a strong city, forced by

Titus Vespasian with great

slaughter, ii. 260.

HISTORY OF THE WORLD.

Japhet, the eldest son of Noah,
i. 249. his sons, 251. his
portion, 253.

Jason adventures for the Golden
Fleece, ii. 408. carries it off
by the help of Medeea's ma
gic, and marries her, 411.
his story moralized, 413.

Javan, the sons of, and where
settled, i. 281, 282.

Icetes, governor of Leontium,
enters into confederacy with
the Carthaginians, iv. 61. be
sieges Dionysius the younger
in the castle of Syracuse, ib.
his army surprised and routed
by Timoleon, 62. is rein
forced, and again assaults the
castle of Syracuse, ib. 63.
overthrown by Timoleon, and
slain, ib.

Idanthura,kingofthe Scythians,
his mysterious presents, in
answer to Darius's threaten
ing letters, ii. 204.

Idolatrous corruptions, i. 163.
very ancient, 164. sacrifices,
ii. 693. the idolatry of the
ten tribes, 556.

Idols first invented, i. 164.374.
Numa's law against them, 3 73.

Jehoahaz deposed by Pharaoh,
and carried prisoner into
Egypt, ii. 791.

Jehoiachim, his reign, ii. 792.
becomes tributary to Nabu-
chodonosor, 815. is slain, 8 19.

Jehoiada, his preservation of
the young prince Joas, ii. 605 .
his policy against the ruling
power, 6 1 8. makes Joas king,
619. his death and honour
able funeral, 624.

Jehoram made king sundry
times, ii. 581, 582. his reign
alone, 586. all his sons slain
by the Philistines, 564. 591.
his miserable death, 592. and
infamous funeral, ib.

Jehoshaphat, his good reign, ii.

5 76. his death, 581. part of his

4 monument yet to be seen, ib.

Jehovah, the proper name of
the true God, ii. 14.

Jeh u destroys the house of Ahab,
ii. 596, 597. slays the priests
of Baal, 602. his ingratitude,
and punishment, 603.

Jephtha's just defence against
the claim of the Ammonites,
ii. 322. his victory over them,
428. his rash vow, and death,
ib. 429.

Jeremiah, the prophet, where
born, ii. 373. his prophecies,
8 1 6. stoned to death in E-
gypt by his own countrymen,

59-

Jericho, the last of the topar-
chies of Juda, its situation,
ii. 368. by whom destroyed,
and rebuilt, ib.

Jeroboam, his idolatry ii. 558.
that compared with the poli
cies of late ages, ib. over
thrown by Abijah, 562.

Jerusalem, uncertain when built,
ii. 374. taken by David, 505.
fortified with a treble wall by
Solomon, 543. spoiled by
Sesac, 561. besieged by Sen
nacherib, 719. destroyed by
the Romans, 378. by the
Chaldeans, 8-23.

Jesrael, a city in Gilboa, where
Naboth was stoned, ii. 269.

Jesus Well, where, ii. 60.

Jews, many thousands over
whelmed in rebuilding the
temple at Jerusalem, i. 186.
oppressed by the Chaldeans,
ii. 814. their seventy years of
captivity, iii. 6. compared to
Cain, i. 140. ancient, belied
by heathen writers, ii. 380.

Jezabel devoured by dogs,ii. 597.
compared to Athaliah, 621.

Illyrians infest the coasts of
3 u 2

INDEX TO THE

Greece, iv. 198. subdued by
the Romans, 203.

Image and similitude taken in
one sense by St. Paul and
St. James, i. 45. of God, man
created according to it, 43.

Images, the worshipping of
them, where and from whom
begun, i. 371.

Inarus, king of Libya, hanged
by the Persians, iii. 150.

Indian, above three hundred
years old, i. 151.

Indus, its descent into the ocean,
i. 113.

Ingas, or kings, in Peru, their
baths, ii. 324.

Initiation, days of, mysteries of
idolatrous superstition then
delivered in the temple of
Ceres, iv. 588.

Injuries, newly received, abolish
the memory of old good turns,
iv. 617.

Inscription upon Osymandias's
tomb, ii. 736. under the sta
tue of Sethon, 753. upon an
altar at Rome, iv. 767.

Inscriptions, two, in the He
brew character, found at Pa-
normus, now Palermo, iv. 84.

Intellectual mind of man, i. 48.

Intercalation, the manner of,
among the Hebrews, ii. 72.

Interregnum, when it took name
and being at Rome, with the
order of it, iv. 621.

Inundations, an account of se
veral, i. 199.

Joas, king of Juda, whose son
he was, ii. 607. repairs the
temple, 623, his apostasy,
624. forced to buy a peace
of Hazael with the hallowed
treasures, 625. murders the
prophet Zacharia,628. shame
fully beaten by the Aramites,
and killed in his bed, 630,
63 1 . his contemporaries, 63 2.

Joas, king of Israel, his good
husbandry in the beginning
of his reign, ii. 636. makes a
triumphant entry into Jeru
salem, with Amazia prisoner,
643 .his error,644 . forsaken of
his prosperity, and dies, 648.

Job, who he was, and where he
dwelt, ii. 350, 351. his se
pulchre feigned, 350. whence
his friends, Elihu, and the
rest, 353.

Joctan, the sons of, where they
settled, i. 331.

Joel, the prophet, when he lived,
ii. 665.

John, the son of Levi, his com
motions in the Upper Galilee,
ii. 238.

Jonas supposed to be the most
ancient of the lesser prophets,
ii. 665. some of his prophe
cies lost, ib.

Jonathan, his great exploit, ii.
484.

lones, from whom descended,
i. 269. driven out of Pelo
ponnesus, ii. 492.

Ionian rebellion, iii. 95.

Joppe in Judsea, founded before
the flood, i. 191. burnt to the
ground by the Romans, ii.
292. rebuilt, and now called
Jaffa, 305. _

Joseph, the history of him, ii.
46. esteemed by some the
first Mercury, 195.

Josephus, his tale of an E-
thiopess, wife of Moses, dis
puted, i. 288. another opinion
of his disproved, 318. his er
ror concerning Hiram. 537.

Joshua, the beginning of his
government, ii. 205. draws
his army to the banks of Jor
dan, 206. his passage over it,
ib. his skill in war, and strict
observance of his word to the
enemies, 209, 210. his death,

HISTORY OF THE WORLD.

214. remarks upon his book,
ib. contemporaries, 215. his
sepulchre remaining in St.
Jerome's time, 294.

Josias abolishes idolatry, and
rebuilds the temple, ii. 785.
his fidelity to the king of
Babel, 787. encounters Pha-
raoh-Neco at Megiddo, and
is slain, 789.

Jotapata, a strong city, fortified
by Josephus, ii. 259.

Jotham, his short but happy
reign, ii. 691. his great cha
racter by Josephus, ib.

Ipsus, the battle at, iii. 506.

Irish, hard upon their husband
men, iv. 13.

Iron, the use of, by whom found
out, ii. 383.

Isaac, his birth a miracle rather
wrought upon Sarah than
upon Abraham, ii. ii.

Isaiah, first of the four great
prophets, when he lived, ii.
666, 750. the excellency of
his style and argument, 666.
put to death in a most cruel
manner, 756.

Isaurians, their desperate reso
lution, iii. 402.

Iscah and Sarah, two names of
one signification, ii. 17.

Ishbosheth slain by Rechab and
Banaah, ii. 504.

Ishrnael, his sons, twelve princes,
where settled, ii. 185, 186.

Israelites punished with famine
in Saul's time for a breach
of faith, given four hundred
years before by Joshua, ii.
211. cruelly used by Pharaoh,
62. pursued by him, 69. 81.
their number and passage
from Succoth, 79. and over
the Red sea, 81. their pas
sage miraculous, and not at
low ebb, 68. the history of
them, from the receiving of

the law to the death of Mo
ses, 146. overthrown by the
Philistines, 464.

Issachar, the tribe of, where set
tled, ii. 262.

Issus, the battle of, between
Alexander and Darius, iii. 3 1 9.

Italy, its names and old inha
bitants, i. 196. ii. 697. part
of it occupied by the Abori
gines, 699.

Itursea, of whom that country
so called, ii. 252. the people
excellent archers, ib.

Juda, the tribe of, where set
tled, ii. 313. carries on the
war successfully against the
Canaanites in the interreg
num after Joshua's death, ii.
382, 383. the crown void
eleven years after Amazia,
652.

Judaism confounded under Ju
lian the Apostate, i. 185.

Judges, a good lesson to them,
iv. 467.

Judith, remarks on the history
of, ii. 776, 777.

Julian account, its beginning,
ii. 175.

Julian, the apostate, miracu
lously hindered from rebuild
ing the temple of Jerusalem,
i. 185.

Julius Caesar, from whom de
scended, ii. 709.

lulus, the surname of Ascanius,
son of tineas, ii. 706. his
son, of that name, contented
to hold the priesthood instead
of the kingdom, ib.

Jupiters, the three chiefest, i.
1 66, 167. the strange story
of the third, 170. 174. the
pedigree of them, 177. Jupi
ter Belus, the son of Nimrod,

178.

Jus acquisitum, what gives it,
iv. 24.
3 ^3

INDEX TO THE

Justinian, the emperor, builds a
church over the tomb of St.
George the martyr, ii. 292.
K.

Kenites, an account of them,
ii. 93.

Ketura, wife of Abraham, ma
ternal ancestor of the Kenites,
ii. 93.

King, a common father of his
people, iv. 144. the qualities
of a good one, ib.

Kingdom of the Greeks, when
the era of it began, iii. 472.

Kingly government, the insta
bility of it, iv. 897. abolished
at Rome, iii. 529.

Kings, called Jupiters by the
ancients, i. 170. their power
not to be resisted by their
subjects, 346. made by God
and laws divine ; by human
laws only so declared, ii. 142.
rather pardon ill designs than
villainous words, iv. 56. their
unthankfulness, and the rea
son of it, 786. the good go
vernment of the first kings,
i. 348.

Korah, the rebellion of, ii. 159.

Knolles, sir Robert, a renown
ed commander in the French
wars, iv. 4 = 6.

"L.

Labyrinth in Egypt, built for a
monument, ii. 758.

Lacedaemonians war with the
Messenians, ii. 767. their pa
tient valour, iii. 13 1. war with
the Athenians, 159. obtain a
disadvantageous peace, 164.
lose their old true friends for
new false ones, 1 66. send an
embassy to Corinth, 168.
make war upon Artaxerxes,
231. take revenge upon the
Eleans, 236. their fleet de
stroyed by Pharnabazus, 246.
take Thebes by treason, and

Olynthus by famine, 252.
driven out of Messene by
Epaminondas, 259.

Lamian war, its beginning, iii.
389. process, 393.

Lampsacus, a city of Mysia,
upon the Hellespont, iii. 94.

Lapithae, from whom descend
ed, ii. 416.

Latini and Latium, the reason
of the names, ii. 702. their
ancient kings before .'Eneas,
704.

Law and right, the name and
meaning of the words, ii. 97.

Law of Moses, when given, ii.
96. denned, 114. not always
taken in one sense in scrip
ture, 1 1 6. hath three parts,
moral, ceremonial, and judi
cial, 1 1 8. the ends and use of
them, 125.

Law of nature, ii. 104. of God,
written, 112. 118. unwritten,
iii. human, written and un
written, 137, 138.

Laws, commendations of the
invention of them', ii. 96.

Lehabim, the son of Mizraim,
called Hercules Libyus, ii. 44.

Lemnia, a harlot, cuts out her
own tongue, to keep a se
cret, iii. 94.

Lentulus, his compassionate ad
dress to JEmilius under his
wounds at the battle of Can
nae, the consul's reply, and a
comment thereupon, iv. 280,
281.

Leonatus, one of Alexander's
captains, made protector to
Aridaeus, iii. 388. slain in
-battle against the Athenians,

Leonidas,kirigof the Lacedaemo
nians, his admirable prowess,
ii. 1 13. his death, ib.

Leontius, his quarrel with Ara-
tus, and the issue of it, iv.

HISTORY OF THE WORLD.

559. endeavours to raise se
dition in the army, 561 . is de
tected, and put to death, 563.

Leosthenes levies an army a-
gainst the Macedonians, iii.
390. routs and pursues Anti-
pater, 391. slain at the siege
of Lamia, 395.

Leptines, brother to Dionysius,
his victory at sea over Hi-
milco, iv. 54. utterly beaten
by the Carthaginians, 53.

Letter, a very concise one, iii.
184.

Letters, the invention of, i. 153.
221. JL 193. 274. 278.

Leua, Antony de, fatal disho
nour laid upon him by
Charles V. of France, iii.
500.

Leuctra, the battle of, iii. 257.

Leutychides, admiral of the
Greek navy, his successful
stratagem, iii. 132.

Library at Alexandria, by whom
founded, iv. 641.

Lie, the offence of giving it
examined, iv. 458. who most
tender in taking it, 459. the
subject of deadly quarrels,
460.

Light, its creation, excellency,
and use, i. 15, 16.

Ligurians, their nature and con
dition, iv. 698.

Lilybeeum, the siege of, iv. 108.
j 10.

Linus, when he flourished, his
writings, and hard fate, ii.
^406, 407. _

Livia, her white hen and laurel
branch, iv. 885.

Livy, a problem of his discussed,
iv. i. his history relating to
the actions of the Scipios in
Spain condemned, iv. 311,
312. a follower of Polybius,
488.

Long-livers, i. 151.

Lombardy, the towns of, mis
taken in their fancied secu
rity against Francis 1. of
France, iii. 308.

Loray law, iv. 457.

Lucian, makes Helen almost as
old as Hecuba, at the siege
of Troy, ii. 452. his feigned
conference with Homer in
hell, concerning the Iliad,

497-.

Lucretia, ravished by Sextus
Tarquinius, kills herself, iii.
528.

Luctatius Catiilus, his victory
over the Carthaginians at sea,
iv. 117, 1 1 8.

Ludim, eldest son of Mizraim,
from whom came the Libyans
in Africa, i. 319.

Luxury of the age, i. 150. verses
of Lucan upon it, ib.

Lycidas, his counsel to the se
nate of Athens, iii. 126. fatal
to himself and his family, ib.

Lycophron, an usurper, driven
out of Thessaly, iii. 290.

Lycurgus, his law for husbands
and wives, ii. 106. against
fortifications, iv. 178. buys
his election to the kingdom
of Sparta of the Ephori, 544.
drives out his fellow king, and
establishes his tyranny, 550.

Lyda, afterward Diospolis, where
St. Peter cured /Eneas of the
palsy, i. 320.

Lydia, kings of, ii. 727. 775.
won by Antigonus, iii. 430.

Lysander surprises the Athe
nian fleet at ^Egos- Potamos,
iii. 187. 1 88. razes the walls
of Athens, and sets up thirty
tyrants, ib.

Lysimachus, one of Alexander's
captains, his victories, iii. 465,
505. murders his son-in-law,
517. is taken prisoner by the
Thracians, and released, 518.
3 ^4

INDEX TO THE

shares the kingdom of Ma-
cedon with Philip, 522.
poisons his eldest son, 525.
his city Lysimachia destroyed
by an earthquake, ib. himself
slain, and his whole family
soon extinct, ib. thought to
have been lord of Transylva
nia, from medals of gold
found there, iv. 774.

M.
Maccabees, their sepulchre, ii.

3°7-

Macedon, whence so called, its
situation, kings before Philip,
iii. 281. delivered from many
troubles by him, 287. divi
sions in it, 388. 400. 514.
544. 170. shared between
Pyrrhus and Lysimachus,

5J5-

Macedonians, who the father of
them, i. 284. the ceremony
of mustering, and lustration
of their army, iv. 794.

Machserus, a strong city and
castle where John Baptist
was beheaded, ii. 324.

Machanaiim, where the angels
met Jacob for his defence,

n. 338.

Machiavel, his observation upon
mercenary soldiers, iv. 136.
his doctrine to Caesar Borgia,

777-

Magdalum, a strong castle, the
habitation of Mary Magdalen,
ii. 259.

Magic, the invention of it, i.
379. anciently far different
from conjuring and witch
craft, 382. 388. natural, not
to be condemned, 391. 198.
helps us to know the divinity
of Christ, i. 390. unlawful,
the many kinds of it, 396.

Magistrate, his office and duty,

i. 345-
Mago brings great forces to

Icetes, iv. 62. abandons him
through fear, and hangs him
self, 62, 63.

Mago, brother of Hannibal, sent
express to Carthage with the
news of the victory at Cannae,
iv. 302. ordered into Italy,
470. takes Genoa, 473. called
out of Italy, 510. fights a bat
tle with the Romans, where
in he is mortally wounded,

5°9-

Magna Grsecia, what part of
Italy formerly so called, iv.

57»-

Magnesia, the battle of, be
tween the Romans and An-
tiochus the Great, iv. 751.

Mahomet's dove, the imposture
of it, i. 398.

Mahometan Arabians descended
from the Ishmaelites, i. 122.

Malt, invented by some of great
knowledge in natural philo
sophy, iv. 400.

Mamertines, their treachery to
the Messenians, iv. 16. are
besieged in Messina, ib. their
impudent request to the Ro
mans, 20.

Man created according to the
image of God, i. 42. as it
were, a little world, 58.

Manasseh, one half tribe of, and
the territory which fell to it,
ii. 265. the other half, and
its provinces, 345.

Manasses, his wickedness, im
prisonment, repentance, and
death, ii. 756, 757.

Mandevile, the traveller, his
monument, iii. 373.

Mania, her good government of
^Eolis, under Pharnabazus,
iii. 232. murdered by her
son-in-law, 233.

Manlius, Titus, sent to the Ba-
leares, iv. 386. gets a victory
over the Sardinians, 387.

HISTORY OF THE WORLD.

Manlius Torquatus causes his
son to be put to death for a
breach of his order, iii. 537.

Man tinea, the battle of, iii. 270.

Marathon, the battle of, iii. 102.

Marcellus forces Hannibal to
raise the siege of Nola, iv.
298. is dishonourable at Ca-
siline, 363. takes Leontium,
396. besieges Syracuse, 399.
his profitable circumspection,
406. his underhand dealing
with the Syracusians during
a treaty of peace, 407. gets
Syracuse by the treason of
Mericus,4o8. comes to Rome,
and is honoured with the
lesser triumph, called Ova
tion, 414. follows Hannibal,
417. prepares for battle with
him, and is slain, 428.

Mardonius made general of
Xerxes' s army in Greece, iii.
1 06. his flattering promises
to that king, 123. his em
bassy to the Athenians, 124.
invades Attica, 1 26. quits it,
and burns Athens, 128. slain
at Plataese, 130.

Margiana, where Alexander,
finding the best wine there,
feasted himself and his army
for ten days together, i. 243.

Marronites, Christian, two mo
nasteries of them near mount
Horeb, their hospitality, ii.

95-

Marshal (earl) of England, his
power, iv. 465.

Martins, L. a young Roman
gentleman, chosen general,
iv. 326. surprises Asdrubal's
camp, 327. marvellous victo
ries ascribed to him by some
historians, ib. proved idle
dreams, 331.

Martins, Quintius, the Roman
consul, his difficult and dan
gerous march against the

Macedonians, iv. 842. takes
Dium, 847. quits that city,
and enters into Tempe, ib.
his character, 851.

Martyrs, who may be numbered
among them, iv. 461.

Marus, his monument, ii. 758.

Masinissa offers his service to
Scipio against the Carthagi
nians, iv. 478. driven out of
his kingdom by Syphax, 479.
the cause of his revolt from
them to the Romans, ib.
easily defeats Hanno, 482.
pursues Syphax, 491. restor
ed to his kingdom^ 494. takes
Syphax prisoner, and carries
him bound to Cirta, where he
marries Sophonisba,495,496.
sends her a sad message, with
a cup of poison, 497. brought
before the Roman army by
Scipio, and proclaimed king,

499. returns to his kingdom,

500. comes again to help Sci
pio against Hannibal, 514.
does good service at the bat
tle of Nadagara, 522. cruelly
oppresses the Carthaginians,
803. in credit with the Ro
mans above all other kings,
894.

Masistes and his wife, the bar
barous cruelty to them by
Xerxes and Amestris, iii. 136,

137-

Masons, the number of them
employed in building the tem
ple of Solomon, ii. 541.

Mathematicians, the consent of,
in account of times, more
sure than the authority of
any history, ii. 717.

Matho, his mutinous oration
against the Carthaginians, iv.
127. chosen by the mutineers
for one of their captains, 1 28.
makes a furious sally upon
the Carthaginians, 161. ut-

INDEX TO THE

terly defeated, taken prisoner,
and put to death with extreme
torments, 162.

Maurice, count, of Nassau, de
ceives the Spaniards, and
takes Zutphen, Hulst, and
Nimeguen, iv. 98. his cha
racter, ib.

Mazeus, his treacherous cow
ardice, iii. 331. 339.

Meal-tub plot among the Athe
nians, iii. 185.

Medals of gold found in the
province of Transylvania, iv.

774-

Medes, from whom descended,
i. 269. chief actors in the
subversion of the Babylonian
empire, iii. 46. their war with
the Assyrians, 50. their estate
in times foregoing, 51.

Media, kings of, ii. 725. 795.
iii. 46. occupied by Antigonus,

453-
Medon, first archon of Athens,

iii. 90. the twelve generations

of the Medontidae after him,i6.
Medusa, the story of her, ii. 394.
Melampus said to have under
stood the voices of birds and

beasts, ii. 390.
Meleager proclaims Aridseus

king, iii. 385, 386. his plot

against Perdiccas discovered,

ib. slain, 388.
Men of renown before the flood,

i. 156.
Menahem, his inhuman cruelty,

ii. 662.
Menas, Minaeus, and Menis,

names or titles of dignity

among the Egyptians, ii. 49.
Mendesius, an island in the

mouth of Nilus, iii. 150.
Menedemus slain, and his army

overthrown by Spitamenes,

iii. 365.
Menelaus, brother to Ptolomy,

his fatal rigour against Nico-

cles king of Paphos, iii. 493.
besieged in Salamis, ib. forced
to yield up the town, and his
army, 495.

Men on, first husband to Semi-
ramis, compelled to part with
her to Ninus, drowns him
self, i. 378.

Mercenaries, useful to tyrants,
iv. 130. the dangers of them,
136.

Mercuries, five of them, ii. 192.

Merodach usurps the kingdom
of Babylon, ii. 724.

Messene in Sicily, what its old
name, and how changed, ii.

774-
Messenian wars, the first and

second, ii. 766. nobility, of

whom the chief of them came,

769.
Messenians, why called Helotes,

"• 534-.
Metapontines give up Tarentum

to Hannibal, iv. 372.
Metaurus, the battle at, iv. 440.
Mexico, written books, like the

Egyptian hieroglyphics, found

there, ii. 278.
Micah the prophet, where born,

»• 3J5-
Microcosmos, man so called,

and why, i. 58.
Midas king of Phrygia, many

fables devised of him, ii. 782.
Midianites, a great slaughter of

them by Gideon, ii. 185.
Midias, his detestable murders,

iii. 231.
Miltiades gets the victory at

Marathon, iii. 103. dies under

the ingratitude of the Athe
nians, 105.

Mind, a discourse of it, i. 48.
Ministers, ill for princes, the

making them overgreat, iii.

382.
Minos thrusts his brother out of

Crete, ii. 407. brings the

HISTORY OF THE WORLD.

Athenians to a tribute of de
livering every yedr seven of
their sons, ib. his pursuit
of Daedalus, iv. 27. .slain by
treason, ii. 407. iv. 28.

Miriam, the sister of Moses,
her sepulchre, ii. 161.

Molo rebels against Antiochus,
iv. 647. forced to retire to
wards Media, 648. returns,
surprises and destroys Xanse-
tus and his whole army, 649.
forsaken by his followers,
and kills himself, 650.

Moloch described, and the man
ner of sacrifice, ii. 693.

Mona, now called Anglesey,
given up to the Romans under
Julius Agricola, iii. 308.

Monarchy, the first and best
government, i. 343, 344.

Money not used in Greece in
Homer's time, ii. 421.

Monluc, a marshal of France,
his ingenuous confession, iv.
786. ~ *

Months, Hebrew, their names,
ii. 72.

Mons Christi, where our Saviour
chose the twelve apostles, ii.

255-

Moon, a total eclipse of it, fore
going the overthrow of Per
seus, iv. 862. other eclipses,
ii. 783. iii. 179.

Mortality, a digression concern
ing it, i. 58.

Mosal, a large city lying upon
the Tigris, anciently the Se-
leucia Parthorum, i. 181.

Moscovites, from whom de
scended, i. 272. the first pre
sent their wives make them
in the time of wooing, ii. 81 1.

Moses, the time of his birth,
ii. 55. 89. different opinions
concerning it, 56. his pre
servation and education, 63,
64. whence his name, 64, 65.

flight out of Egypt, 89. num
bers the tribes, and disposes
of the army of Israel for their
marches through the wilder
ness, 148. his several inarches
and encampments, 154, 155.
his death, 175. his sepulchre
never known, ib. was the
most ancient historian, i. 250.
supposed to have wrote the
book of Job, ii. 66.

Mother of the Gods, an old
stone, so called by the Romans,
iv. 729.

Mountains from the creation,
i. 8 1. the highest now in the
world, 238, 239. called by
the ancients after their own,
or their ancestors' names, and
why, 285. some in America
full of gold, 336.

Murder by guile distinguished,
iv. 466. examples of its pu
nishment, ib.

Music, phrensy cured by it, ii.

499-

Mutines, his good service gets
him the envy of Hanno, iv.
4 10. his wrongful disgrace oc
casions the loss of all the Car
thaginians held in Sicily, 413.

Mycale, the battle of, iii. 132.

Myris, a great lake in Egypt,
with monuments in the mid
dle of it, ii. 738. 758.
N.

Nabatheans, in what they traded
with the remote Arabians,
iii. 480.

Nabis, tyrant of Lacedaemon, a
cruel oppressor of his subjects,
iv. 596. his engine, in the
form of his wife, to gripe
those to death who refused
money, 597. has Argos deli
vered to him by Philip, and
presently enters into league
with the Romans against him,
624. defeated by Philopoemen,

INDEX TO THE

708. slain by the treachery of
the jEtolians, 715.

Nabonassar, the era of, ii. 717.

Nabonidus, who he was, various
opinions about it, iii. 17.

Naboth, the eldest son of Is-
mael, of whom sprung the
Arabians of Petraea, ii. 179.

Nabuchodonosor overthrows
Neco, ii. 814. his peremp
tory message to Jehoiakim,
815. conquers Egypt, 819.
besieges Tyre, 817. puts Je
hoiakim to death, 819. takes
Jerusalem, 824. and destroys
the temple, ib. Megasthenes's
report of him, iii. 16. his vic
tories between the destruc
tion of Jerusalem arid con
quest of Egypt, 323.

Naburzanes, his insolence to
Darius, iii. 345.

Nadagara, battle at, between
Scipio and Hannibal, iv.
516.

Nahas, king of the Ammonites,
his cruelty to the Gileadites,

"• 343-
Nahum, the prophet, when he

lived, ii. 692.
Nations, the first planting of,

after the flood, i. 247. the law

of, ii. 136.
Nature, no principium per se,

i. 24,
Naval triumph, the first ever

seen in Rome, iv. 83.
Navigation, by whom invented,

i. 258. the first about Africa,

ii. 790.
Nebo, the idol oracle of the

Moabites, ii. 326.
Nebuchadnezzar subdues Egypt,

iii. 32. destroys Nineveh, 35,

36. his buildings, madness,

and death, 40.
Necessity binds every nature

but the immortal, i. 340.
Nectar and ambrosia alluded

to the tree of life by the an
cient poets, i. 131.

Nehemiah, the book of, when
written, iii. 153.

Nemsean games, first instituted,
ii. 424.

Neoptolemus, his dissimulation
with Eumenes, iii. 407. shame
fully beaten, 40 8. rallies again,
and is slain by the hand of
Eumenes, 410.

Nephtalim, the tribe of, where
settled, ii. 242,

Nestorian Christians, their epi
stles to the pope concerning
the land of Eden, i. 101.

Netherlands, what helped them
greatly against the Spaniards,
iv. 98. 139.

Nicanor, brother to Cassander,
timely put into Athens by
him, iii. 422. takes Pireus,
423. his victory at sea against
Clitus, 428. murdered by the
command of Olympias, 435.

Nicias, an honourable citizen
of Athens, sent ambassador
to Sparta, iii. 174. made ge
neral of the Athenians in
Sicily, 178. iv. 40. his reasons
for carrying on his unfortu
nate siege of Syracuse, iii. 178.
beaten, ib. iv. 46. entangled
in his passage to Camerina,
47. surrenders himself, and is
barbarously murdered, 48.

Nicocles, king of Paphos, his
pitiful tragedy, iii. 493.

Nimrod, where his country was,
i. 126. the first sovereign lord
after the flood, 353. built Ni
neveh, 355. reestablished the
Babylonian empire, ib. 365.
he, Belus, and Ninus three
distinct persons, 355.

Nineveh, formerly called Camp-
sor, i. 406. destroyed by Ar-
baces, ii. 667.

Ninias, son of Serairamis, sue-

HISTORY OF THE WORLD.

ceeds her, ii. i. an effeminate
prince, ib. supposed to be
the Amraphel whom Abra
ham overthrew, ii. 24.

Ninus, the time of his govern
ment after the flood, i. 302.
the first notorious sacrificer to
idols, 364. his wars, 376.
forces Semiramis from Menon
her husband, 378. his build
ings and death, 406.

Nitocris, sister to Evilmero-
dach, takes the government
out of his hands, iii. 44.

Noah, the many names given
him, i. 206, 207, 208. first
planter of the vine, 207. not
remembered in scripture after
his sacrifice, and why, 228.
his sons, which the eldest,
248, 249. their issue, where
settled, 271, 272. his flood
forewarned of God, 1 87. uni
versal, 198. supernatural, 202.
no need of any new creation
of matter to make it, 204. he
and his family enter the ark,
217.

Nobility, the beginning of it,
i. 349. vainly boasted of with
out virtue, 350. ancient, had
in due regard, proof against
conquest, iii. 477. examples
of this in France, ib.

Nomades, what sort of people,
i. 140.

Novogrodskoy, a coin in Russia,
upon what occasion stamped,
ii. 8n.

Numa Pompilius chosen king of
the Romans, ii. 779. more
like a priest than a king, 712.
his law against idolatry, 373.
his books of his own Consti
tutions, and of Philosophy,
found in his grave near six
hundred years after his death,
780. and ordered by the se
nate to be burnt, ib. an an

swer of his reported by Plu
tarch, 470.

O

Oaths, how sacred they ought
to be, ii. 210.

Obadiah, the prophet, when he
lived, ii. 665.

Oceanus and Hesperus, contem
poraries with Moses, ii. 189.

(Edipus, the story of him, ii.
421.

Og, his iron bed, its dimensions,
ii. 342.

Ogyges, contemporary with Ja
cob, and his flood above 500
years after Noah's, i. 190.

Oil, by whom first pressed, ii.
199.

Olympiads, when they began,
and whence their name, ii.
685.

Olympian games first instituted
by Hercules, ii. 686. how and
when celebrated, 689.

Olympias, mother to Alexander
the Great, her hatred to An-
tipater, iii. 392. recalled into
Macedon, 418. her easy vic
tory over Eurydice, 434. puts
Aridseus to death by cruel
torments, and hangs Eury
dice, ib. 435. besieged by
Cassander, and submits to
him, iii. 438. her death, and
character, ib. 439. many in
stances of her barbarous
cruelty, 299. 434. 439.

Olynthus, a city in Thrace,
compelled by famine to sur
render to the Lacedaemonians,
iii. 253. sacked by Philip, son
of Amyntas, 291.

Omri proclaimed king of Israel,
ii. 569.

Onomarchus, commander of the
Phocian army, assists Lyco-
phron in the invasion of Thes-
saly, iii. 290. gets a great vic
tory over the Thessalians and

INDEX TO THE

Macedonians, iii.29o. his army
overturned, and himself hang
ed, by Philip, son of Amyntas,
ib.

Ophir, one of Jocton's sons,
seated in an island in the
East Indies, now called Mo
lucca, i. 333.

Orchards in the air, iii. 36.

Oreb and Zeb taken by the
Ephrai mites, ii. 402.

Orestes murdered by his tutor
jEropus, iii. 284.

Origen, his opinion of the stars,
i. 28. his glorious sepulchre,
»• 233.

Original sin explained, i. 53.

Orontes, the river, whence so
called, iii. 81, 82.

Orus the Second, or Busiris, his
edict for drowning the He
brew children, ii. 51.

Osiris, the eldest son of Cham,

ii- 43-

Ostracism, a law of Athens, de
vised by Theseus, ii. 419.

Osymandyas, his tomb, ii. 736.

Othoniel commands the Jews
after Joshua's death, ii. 384.
his contemporaries, 385.

Oysters growing on trees, i.

133-

P.

Pacuvius Calavius, an ambitious
nobleman of Capua, his con
junction with Hannibal, iv.
287. saves the senators from
being murdered by the people,
ii. 685. iv. 289.

Painters Wife's island, ii. 684.

Palm-tree, where it grows, i.
no. yields meat, drink, and
cloth, ib.

Palmitto-tree, the wonderful
nature of the female, ii. 106.

Panormus, now Palermo, by
whom founded, iv. 29. 53. a
further account of it, 84.

Papyrius, his noble exhortation

to the Roman soldiers against
the Samnites, iii. 316.

Paradise, the seat of it greatly
mistaken, i. 64. many strange
opinions about it, ib. where
seated, 70. 100. necessary to
be known, 76. the marks of
it not utterly defaced by the
flood, 78. not the whole earth,
as some have thought, 82.
placed by some as high as the
moon, 84, by others under
the equinoctial, 88. the two
chief trees in it, 129.

Parents, our first, their sin and
fall, i. 136.

Parmenio, one of Alexander's
captains, wins Miletus, iii.
309. the very right hand of
Alexander's good fortune,34o.
put to death by his order,
361.

Parret, sir John, the cause of
his ruin, iv. 56.

Parthenians, their rise, ii. 768.

Pasiphae, her unnatural lust, ii.

4°5-

Passover, the first celebration of
it, ii. 89. the second, 153.
the third, 207.

Patriarchs, their different ages,
when they begat their chil
dren, i. 147. long-lived, 149.
the causes thereof, ib. their
years not 1 unary, ib. delivered
their knowledge by tradition,

I53-.

Pausanias, king of Sparta, car
ries large forces to the aid of
the Athenians, iii. 130. re
covers Byzantium, now Con
stantinople, from the Per
sians, 141. condemned as a
traitor, and dies in banish
ment, 245.

Pelasgi, a nation that once gave
name to all Greece, ii. 701.

Pelasgus chosen king of Arcadia
for his bodily strength, ii. 1 87 .

HISTORY OF THE WORLD.

Pelopidas, sent ambassador from
the Thebans to Artaxerxes
Mnemon, iii. 261.

Peloponnesian war, its begin
ning, iii. 156. the end of it,
189.

Pelusium, a great city upon the
branch of Nilus, next Arabia,
i. 294.

Pen, instances of guileful killing
by it, iv. 466.

Penthesilea, queen of the Ama
zons, slain by Pyrrhus, son
of Achilles, ii. 458.

Perdiccas, his nature and qua
lity, iii. 384. joined with Leo-
natus in the government of
Aridaeus's army, 386. made
protector and commander of
the king's forces, 387. con
quers Cappadocia, and cru
cifies Ariaretes the king of
it, 393. makes an unfortunate
voyage into Egypt, 404. is
slain, 406.

Periander, one of the seven
sages of Greece, a cruel ty
rant, ii. 812.

Persepolis burnt by Alexander
at the request of a strumpet,
iii. 344. the immense riches
of that city, 176.

Perseus, eldest son of Philip,
the son of Demetrius, accuses
his brother Demetrius, and
works his death, iv. 795, 796.
succeeds his father in the
kingdom of Macedon, 80 1.
his timorous nature, 802. the
Dolopians rebel against him,
806. makes a journey to A-
pollo's temple at Delphi, 8 1 2.
accused by Eumenes, king of
Pergamus, to the Roman se
nate, 817. attempts to mur
der Eumenes, 820. and to
poison some of the Roman
senators, 823. the Romans
declare war against him, ib.

his forces, 830. his cowardice
in abandoning Tempe, 846.
overthrown by the Romans
at Pydna, and the first that
fled, 865. takes sanctuary at
Samothrace, 867. cozened by
the Cretans, 869. led cap
tive to Rome, and dies mi
serably, 895. his son put to
a low trade, 896.
Persians, from whom descended,
i. 323. their first greatness, iii.
45. kings, their number and
names, 74. empire, troubles
therein, 263. the battle be
tween them and Alexander
near the Granicus, 305. their
barbarity to their prisoners,

342.

Peru, whence its name, i.
333. Solomon traded thither,

335-

Petalismus, a law for banish
ment among the Syracusians,
iv. 37.

Petellia, a city of the Brutians
in Italy, its fidelity to the
Romans, iv. 141. 337.

Petra, the native city of Ruth,
ii. 327.

Peucestes put to flight by An-
tigonus, iii. 444. conspires
against Eumenes's life, 446.
deserts the army, 450. lives
contemptibly, and dies ob
scurely, 454.

Phaedra and Hippolytus, the
story of them, ii. 418.

Phaeton's conflagration, ii. 191.

Phalaris, his justice upon Pe-
rillus, iv. 33. stoned to death,
ib.

Phalinus, a Grecian, endeavours
to talk his countrymen into
slavery, iii. 207. well an
swered by Xenophon, ib.

Pharaoh, his cruelty against the
Israelites' children in Egypt,
and the ground of it, ii. 62.

INDEX TO THE

his army, and pursuit of the
Israelites, 69. 81. drowned
in the Red sea, ib.

Pharaoh, a general name given
by the Egyptians to their
kings, ii. 1 86.

Pharaoh Neeo, his conquests,
ii. 786. 789. slain, 814.

Pharaoh Vaphres, father-in-law
to Solomon, ii. 48.

Pharnabazus assists the Bi-
thynian Thracians against the
Greeks, iii. 228. the war and
treaty between him and Age-
silaus, 241. helps Conon to
a victory over the Lacedaemo
nian fleet, 246. marries one
of the daughters of Artaxerxes,
251.

Pharnus and his seven sons, iii.
46.

Phemone, priest of Apollo, the
deviser of heroic verse, iii.

??x>.

Phidippides, his familiar devil,

iii. 102.

Philetserus, an eunuch, by what
means he got the kingdom
of Pergamus, iv. 580.

Philip, son of Amyntas, king of
Macedon, carried as an host
age into Thebes, iii. 261. loses
one of his eyes at the siege
of Methone, ib. the beginning
of his reign, 285. makes
a politic league with the
Olynthiains, 288. is beaten by,
and afterwards overthrows
Onomarchus and his whole
army, 290. destroys Olynthus,
and sells the inhabitants for
slaves, 291. ends the Phocian
war, 292. defeated in his at
tempts upon Perinthus, By
zantium, and the Scythians,
293 .victorious over the Greeks
atChaeronea, and chosen their
captain general against the
Persians, 295. raises a great

army to invade Asia, 296.
killed by Pausanias, a gentle
man of his guard, 297. the
good foundations he laid for
his son Alexander's greatness,
ib. his character and issue,
298. his whole race extinct,
489.

Philip, son of Demetrius, king
of Macedon, comes to the
crown in his infancy, iv. 172.
197. drives Attains out of
Opus, 346. his gallant de
meanour towards the Achaeans,
his confederates, 347. his
friendship courted by the
Romans, 350. wars with the
.^Etolians, 545. misadvised by
evil counsellors, 551. invades
the JEtolians a second time,
556. wastes ^Etolia, and car
ries away rich spoils, 559.
grants peace to the ^Etolians,
565. enters into a league with
Hannibal against the Romans,
339. 566. his double dealing
between the nobility and com
mons of Messene, 570. makes
his friends his enemies, 566.
poisons the Arati, father and
son, 573. his perfidiousness
and cruelty to the Ciani, 583.
the notable stratagem by
which he won Prinassus,585.
war proclaimed against him
by the Athenians, 589. and
by the Romans, 592. attempts
to surprise Athens, and de
stroys the temple of Hercules
near it, 595. skirmishes be
tween him and the Romans,
603. wastes Thessaly, 614.
delivers Argos to Nabis, 623.
vanquished by the Romans
at Cynoscephalae, 623. obtains
a peace of them upon hard
conditions, 634. puts his
youngest son to death, 797.
resolves to give the kingdom

HISTORY OF THE WORLD.

from the eldest, but dies be
fore he could effect it, 800.

Philip II. of Spain, his enter
prise upon England, in 1588,
compared to that of Xerxes
against Greece, iii. no.

Philistines, their foundation, and
first kings, ii. 533. slay great
numbers of the Israelites in
two battles, 464. take the
ark of God, ib. plagued with
a grievous disease, and forced
to return it, 467. dispersed
by thunder, 470. their vic
tory over Saul at Gilboa, 500.
their policy in not prosecuting
it after Saul's death, 501.

Philistus, the historian, prevails
upon Dionysius to banish
Plato, iv. 58. put to death,
60.

Philomela, whose daughter, ii.
385. the fable of her, 389.
390.

Philopcemen, his first military
action, iv. 195. made general
of the Achaeans, 575. gets a
victory over the Lacedaemo
nians, and slays the tyrant
Machanidas, 758. 759. his
exact skill in advantage of
ground, 708. overcomes Nabis
thereby, and wastes his coun
try, 709. unites the Lacedae
monians and Achaeans, 714.
taken prisoner by the revolted
Messenians, and poisoned,

783-

Philosophers, ignorant in nature,
and the ways of her working,
i. 26.

Philosophy,natural, from whence
it came, iv. 30.

Philostratus, a passage in his
Life of Apollonius Tyaneus
found true, though fabulous
ly expressed, i. 222.

Philotas, his treason against
Alexander, iii. 356. tortured

to death for it, 360. an ex
cellent note of Sam. Daniel's
in his tragedy of Philotas,

357-
Phineus plagued by the harpies,

ii. 409.
Phocian war began, iii. 288.

ended, 293.
Phocion made chief ruler in

Athens, iii. 400. poisoned by

the Athenians, after having

been chosen their governor

five and forty times, 425. his

character, ib.
Phoenicia, its bounds, chief cities,

and their founders, ii. 273.

kings, 276. won by Ptolomy

Lagus, iii. 416.
Phoenicians, some of the first

idolaters, i. 164. their kings,

especially of Tyre, ii. 278.
Phraortes, king of the Medes,

slain at the siege of Nineveh,

»• 795-
Phrensy, cured by music, ii.

499;

Phrygia won by Antigonus the
elder, iii. 430.

Phunon, a principal city of the
Edomites, where Moses erect
ed the brasen serpent, ii.
1 66.

Phyllidas gives liberty to the
Thebans by a stratagem, iii.

254-

Pilgrims, the castle of, where,
and by whom built, ii. 263.

Pillar, one set up 1426 years
before Noah's flood, seen in
Josephus's time, i. 80.

Pindar, the poet, all his race
pardoned by Alexander at
the destruction of Thebes, iii.

3°3-

Pineda, his miracle, ii. 547.

Pisistratus changes the popular
government of Athens into a
monarchy, iii. 92. the various
turns of his fortune, ib.
3 *

INDEX TO THE

Pison, i. in. falsely taken for
Ganges, 83. joins Tigris
under Apamia, and now called
Piso-Tigris, 115.

Platseae, the battle of, in. 128.
the city taken by the Pelo-
ponnesians, 159.

Plato, his good instructions to
Dionysius, iv. 57. banished
by him, 58.

Plays, musical, instituted to
Apollo Delphicus, ii. 198.

Pleminius, a captain under P. C.
Scipio, plunders the temple
of Proserpina, at Locri, iv.
476.

Plessis, M. du, the satisfaction
given him, for a blow, by a
baron of France, iv. 463.

Plunder, divided before the vic
tory won, iv. 198. expecta
tion of it gives the greatest
edge to the common soldiers,
iii. 318.

Pluto, his rape of Proserpina,
ii. 388.

Poets, ancient, little historical
truth in them, ii. 448.

Polybius, an impartial historian,
iv. 309.

Polysperchon made protector of
the king and empire of Ma-
cedon, iii. 418. his cruelty to
a familiar friend, 425. his
vain expedition against Cas-
sander, 426. his treachery to
his sovereign, 43 3. endeavours
to place Hercules, son of
Alexander, upon the throne,
486. bribed by Cassander,
murders him, ib.

Polyxenidas, admiral of Antio-
chus, surprises the Rhodian
fleet, iv. 745.

Pontus, whence used for the
sea in general, i. 282.

Popular jealousy, the fruits of
it, iv. 250.

Porus beaten and taken pri

soner by Alexander, iii. 372.
restored to his estate by him,
with a great enlargement, ib.

Posthumius, general of the
Romans, the strange man
ner of his overthrow by the
Gauls, iv. 338. his skull made
a drinking cup, 339.

Poyet, chancellor to Francis I.
of France, worthily punished
for his falsehood, iv. 467.

Prsenestines, their great reso
lution and patience at the
siege of Casiline, iv. 300.

Predestination, i. 36.

Prescience, i. 33.

Priamus, king of Troy, rebuilt
it, ii. 416. had fifty sons,
417.

Primum mobile whether there
be any, i. 23.

Printing invented, i. 221. im
proved by great scholars, and
wise men ; afterwards cor
rupted, and by whom, iv.4oi.

Progne, the fable of her, ii. 390.

Prometheus flourished in the
time of Moses, ii. 187. his
story moralized, i. 200. ii. 1 88.
j3Lsobylus's testimony of his
knowledge, ib.

Prophets, greater and lesser,
whence the difference of them
taken, ii. 666.

Proteus takes Helena from Paris,
ii. 451. 741. what he was
probably, ib.

Providence, i. 34.

Proximus, his just reflection upon
the emperor Valentinian for
killing ^Etius, iv. 786.

Prusias, king of Bithynia, sends
a fleet into Greece to assist
Philip, son of Demetrius, iv.
344. marries his daughter,
583. persuades him to destroy
the town of Cios in a cruel
and perfidious manner, ib.
promises to deliver up Han-

HISTORY OF THE WORLD.

nibal to the Romans, 784.
basely flatters them in the
senate, 894.

Psalms, a dispute whether all
were written by David, ii.
526. the supposed nine other
authors of them, ib. divided
and distinguished by Ezechias,
ib.

Psammiticus, his reign, ii. 758.
forsaken by his soldiers, 761.
the means he used to find
out what language was most
ancient, 762. his long siege of
Azotus,i&. his provident course
to divert the Scythians from
Egypt, 807.

Psammones, the philosopher,
takes down the pride of Alex
ander the Great, iii. 330.

Ptolomaeus Lathurus, his vic
tory over the Jews, ii. 267.
his barbarous contrivance to
strike the rest of that people
with terror, ib.

Ptolomais, its situation, and
whence its name, ii. 233.

Ptolomy, called the son of Lagus,
but reputed of Philip, iii. 3 83.
his subtlety to debar all claim
to the crown of Macedon,
384. very powerful and popu
lar in Egypt, 404. sides with
Antipater, 458, 459. scours
the sea with his fleet, under
the conduct of Seleucus, ib.
subdues Cyprus, 467. sur
prises Gaza, and takes Tyrus
and Sidon, 469, 470. retires
with treasures into Egypt,475 .
obtains Sicyon and Corinth,
484. distresses Antigonus,
499. besieges Salamis, 5 14.
his death, and character, 5 24.

Ptolomy Philadelphus, his son,
succeeds him, 524. his cha
racter, 641. built and fur
nished the famous library at
Alexandria, ib. first of the

Egyptian kings that entered
into league with the Romans,
642.

Ptolomy Ceraunus treacherously
murders Seleucus, iii. 525.
seizes all the dominions of
Lysimachus, 543. is possessed
of all Macedon and Thrace,
544. marries his own sister,
murders her children, and
banishes her, ib. taken pri
soner by the Gauls, who
struck off his head, 546.

Ptolomy Euergetes, his reign,
iv. 642. death, 646. his ac
tions, and whence his name,
ib.

Ptolomy, Philopator succeeds
him, iv. 646. his surname
given him in derision, 666.
his lewd reign, and death,
ib.

Ptolomy Epiphanes left his
successor, iv. 666.

Ptolomy Philometor and Pto
lomy Physcon, his sons, their
contention for the crown, iv.
880.

Publicola, Valerius, his sin
cerity, iii. 529,

Punic faith, a proverb among
the Romans, iv. 66.

Punic war, the beginning of the
first, iv. 19. its end, 120. the
second, 217.

Purim, the feast of, when, and
why instituted, iii. 153,

Pydna, besieged by Cassander,
iii. 436. extreme famine
therein, ib. the battle of, be
tween the Romans and Per
seus king of Macedon, iv. 864.

Pygmalion, king of Tyre, when
he reigned, ii. 282. 632. his
barbarous murder of Sichaeuj,
283.

Pyramids of Egypt, ii. 746.

Pyrrhus, king of Epirus, his de
scent and education, iii. 51 6.
3x2

INDEX TO THE

his personal valour, 519. gets
Macedon, 521. his trium
phant entry into it, ib. made
patron of the Athenians, 522.
forsaken by the Macedonians,
525. wars with the Romans,
and vanquishes them in two
battles, 541. wins most part
of Sicily, is tyrannical, and
soon loses it, 546. beaten out
of Italy by the Romans, and
forced to return to Epirus,
551. besieges Sparta without
success, 553. his enterprise
upon Argos, 554. his death
by a stone from the hand of
a woman, 556. his character,
548.

Pythagoras, his eagle, i. 398. his
golden precept, ii. 108.

Pythius, a Lydian, entertains
Xerxes, and his whole army,
iii. 107. barbarously requited
by him, ib.

Python sent against the rebel
Greeks in Asia, iii. 393. suc
ceeds Perdiccas in the pro
tectorship of Macedon, 406.
resigns his office, 412. de
luded, and slain by Antigonus,
453-

Q.

Quinqueremes, Roman galleys,
how built, iv. 80. 85.

Quintius (T.) Flaminius, consul
of Rome, sent with an army
into Macedon, iv. 610. wins a
passage against Philip, 612.
enters into a treaty with him,
62 1 . which is broken off, 622.
vanquishes Philip at Cyno-
scephalse, 624. falls out with
the ^tolians, 629. grants
peace to Philip, 633. thereby
sets the Greeks at liberty,
634. his magnificent triumph,
695. sent ambassador to Pru-
sias, king of Bithynia, and re

quires him to deliver up Han
nibal, 784.

R.

Rabba, the chief city of the
Ammonites, where Uriah was
slain, ii. 342.

Ram, in gold, a curious piece
of workmanship, in the tem
ple of Venus Erycina, iv. 28.

Ramases, a city in Goshen,
whence the Israelites made
their march towards the Red
sea, ii. 71.

Rats, great mischief done by
them in Sennacherib's army,

"•72I.753-

Rebels, how vain their con
fidence in their favour with
the multitude, iv. 562.

Recem, now called Crac, and
Mozera, a strong city, where
in the soldans of Egypt kept
all their treasures, ii. 327.

Red colour superstitiously ob
served by the Egyptians, ii. 69.

Red sea described, ii. 81. the
various names given to it, 83.
by whom discovered in 1544,
ib.

De Repetundis, or of recovery,
a law among the Romans
against extorting magistrates,
iv. 134.

Reges Arabum et Sabse, in Psal.
Ixxii. expounded according to
the Hebrew, i. 98.

Rehoboam succeeds his father
Solomon, 11.556. his impiety,
and death, 560.

Report of a victory, how far
carried in one day, iii. 133.

Retreat in the head of an ene
my's army, how dangerous,
iv. 210.

Revelation of St. John, an in
terpretation of Daniel's vi
sions, iii. 6.

Revenge, steadfastness in taking

HISTORY OF THE WORLD.

it, wrongfully held a point of
honour, and why, iv. 155. its
true conquest, 461.

Reuben, the tribe of, and his
borderers, ii. 321.

Rhodes, the siege of, by Deme
trius, iii. 500.

Rhodian, with one galley, defies
the Roman fleet, iv. 108.

Rhodians, their fleet overthrown
by Ptolomy's navy, iii. 463.
war upon Philip, iv. 583. re
cover the whole province of
Peraea from the Macedonians,
630. their proud embassage
to Antiochus, 671. slighted
by the Romans, 818.

Rivers, the four that went out
of Eden, i. 101.

Robberies, more committed in
England, than in any other
Christian country, ii. 130.

Rome, when, and by whom
founded, ii. 709. her kings,
711. iii. 526. first consuls,
529. how, and when, she fell
under subjection to a prelate,
ii. 712.

Romans, their first wars, iii.
53°» 534- with Pyrrhus, 538.
victory over him, 546. first
Punic war unjustly under
taken by them, iv. 19. con
tend with the Carthaginians
for Sicily, 28. 73. besiege
and win Agrigentum, 77.
begin to fit out a fleet, 80.
their first loss, and first vic
tory by sea, ib. a second vic
tory, 86. carry the war into
Africa, and prevail there, 88.
lose their fleet by tempest,
and rely only on a land-army,
97. attempt again to get the
mastery of the seas, and fail,
105. build a new fleet at the
charge of private men, 1 1 6.
get a great victory at sea,

- and thereby bring the Car

thaginians to hard terms of
peace, 1 1 8. take Sardinia from
them, contrary to that peace,
164. war with and subdue
the Illyrians, 198. and the
Gauls, 205 — 212. undertake
the second Punic war, 215.
rebelled against by the Cisal
pine Gauls, 230. beaten by
Hannibal at Ticinum, 237.
at Trebia, 239. at Thrasy-
mene, 246. their lingering
war under Q.Fabius, 251. &c.
driven to hard shifts, 294.
join with the ^tolians, and
make war upon Philip in
Greece, 342. 344. begin to
recover their strength, 351.
362. their noble affection for
their commonweal, 359. be
siege and take Capua, 368.
rout Hannibal at Nadagara,
526. force the Carthaginians
to beg a peace, ib. assist the
Athenians against Philip, 592.
war with Antiochus, 639.
with the Gauls, Ligurians,
and Spaniards, 698. vanquish
Antiochus at Magnesia, 755.
subdue the JEtolians, 758.
and Gallo-Greeks, 761. their
ingratitude to the Scipios,
769. their custom of leading
captive princes in triumph
condemned, 533. factions a-
mong their nobility, 770.
their victory over Perseus,
866. dreadful to all kings,
892.

Romulus, his birth, ii. 709.
death, 711.

Rowing, after a strange fashion,
iv. 80.

Roxana, her bloody malice upon
Statira justly revenged, iii.

483-

Rule, the desire of it belongs to
the nobler part of reason, iv.
142. of the husband over the
3X3

INDEX TO THE

wife, and of parents over
their children, 144.

Ruth and Janus contempora
ries, i. 269.

S.

Saba, now Semiscasac, whence
the magi come to worship
Christ, where seated, i. 3 1 5 .

Saba, son of Joctan, seated in
India, from whom came the
nation of the Sabaei, i. 331.

Saccharum, whence the word, ii.
242.

Saffa, the birth city of Zebedaeus,
Alphaeus, James, and John,
ii. 260.

Sages of Greece, when they
flourished, ii. 686.

Saguntum besieged and taken
by Hannibal, iv. 221. reco
vered by the Romans, 322.

Saladine, soldan of Egypt, gets
the sovereignty, ii. 740. forced
by the Christians to raise
the siege of Belfort, 238.

Salamis, the battle of, iii. 1 20.

Sallum gets the crown of Juda
by treason, reigns one month,
and is slain, ii. 662.

Samaria, the metropolis of the
kingdom of Israel, by whom
built, ii. 290. magnificent
buildings in it formerly, now
only a few cottages of Gre
cian monks, ib. Helisaeus,
Abdias, and John Baptist bu
ried there, ib.

Samaritans ever a perfidious na
tion, i. 3 13.

Samnites become tributary to
Rome, iii. 536.

Samson, his surpassing strength,
i. 161. observations upon
some parts of his history, ii.
462.

Samuel, his descent and govern
ment, ii. 468, 469. his death,
489.

Sanar, the first that brought the

Turks into Egypt, ii. 730.

Sardanapalus, king of Assyria,
his voluptuous life, and death,
". 655.

Sarepta, a city, where situate,
ii. 227. excellent wines near
it, 228.

Sarke, the island of, surprised
by the French in queen Ma
ry's time, regained by a stra
tagem, iii. 366.

Sarmiento, don Pedro de, a
petty jest of his, ii. 684.

Satrapse, the Persian, their pre
carious condition, iii. 478.

Saul, elected king of Israel, ii.
475. his first victories, 478. his
disobedience, 48 1 . his cruelty,
488. his severe conditions of
peace to the Ammonites, 267.
slai n with his three sons by the
Philistines, 489. dishonour
done to their bodies, ib. his
contemporaries, ib.

Scaliger, Joseph, his opinion
concerning Nabonidus, iii. 16.

Scipio, Publius Cornelius, saves
his father's life, iv. 237. sent
proconsul into Spain at twen
ty-four years of age, 330. wins
New Carthage by assault the
first day, 331. makes an entire
conquest of Spain, 646, 647.
drives the Carthaginians from
the continent to the isle of
Gades, 452. institutes funeral
games at New Carthage, 454.
his exemplary justice on his
mutineers, 469. returns to
Rome, and is chosen consul,
470. procures the war to be
transferred into Africa, 471.
recovers Locri, 476. lands in
Africa, 480. the manner of
his winter-camp, 483. fires
the camps of Syphax and
Asdrubal, 486. fights the Car
thaginians in the haven at
Utica, 492. proclaims Masa-

HISTORY OF THE WORLD.

nissa king before the army,
499. sends ambassadors to
Carthage, 505. meets and par
leys with Hannibal, 516, 517.
routs him at Nadagara, and
makes the Carthaginians sub
mit, 526. his triumphant jour
ney through Italy, and entry
into Rome, 532. surnamed
the African, from the pro
vince he had subdued, 533.
condescends to go his younger
brother's lieutenant in the
war against Antiochus, 742.
proof against bribery, 755.
yet accused of it by two tri
bunes, 768. leaves the un
grateful city, and dies in vo
luntary banishment, ib. 769.

Scipio, Lucius Cornelius, bro
ther to Publius, chosen con
sul at Rome, iv. 741. grants
peace to the Jitolians, 743.
goes into Asia, 749. over
comes Antiochus at Mag
nesia, 754. returns to Rome,
and is honoured with a most
pompous triumph, and the
title of the Asiatic, 757.
falls under the same false ac
cusation with his brother, 768.
prosecuted with more sever
ity, 770. condemned in a fine
far beyond his ability to pay,
and his estate confiscated, ib.

Scriptures, beyond all other re
cords in age and authority,
i. 250,

Scripture-chronology, seemingly
disagreeing, reconciled, 11.429.

Scultet, Bartholomew, his cal
culation on what day the
sun went back in Ezekia's
time, ii. 714.

Scythia Saga, under the moun
tains of Paropanisus, i. 229.
Scythia intra Imaum, now
called Gassaria, 231.

Scythians, their expedition a-

gainst the Cimmerians, ii.
799. their vast army, 802.
their war in the higher Asia,
806. tyrannous dominion over
it, 808. Alexander wars with
them, iii. 363.

Sea-fight in general, observa
tions thereon, iv. 82.

Seas, principal, their appella
tions and whence, i. 241.

Second causes, our ignorance
how they should have any
proportion with their effects,

' *' 25- .
Sehon discomfited by Moses,

ii. 172.

Seleucus Nicanor, chased out
of Babylon by Antigonus,
flies to Ptolomy, 111.454,455.
lands with a fleet in Cyprus,
459. gains with him a victory
at Gaza, over Demetrius, son
of Antigonus, 467. surprises
Nicanor's camp, and routs
his whole army, 472. the
era of the kingdom of the
Greeks begins from his vic
tories, ib. joins forces with
Lysimachus, 504. marries
Stratonice, and then gives her
to his love-sick son, 510. 639.
has Demetrius prisoner, 523.
treacherously slain by Pto
lomy Ceraunus 525. 639. the
last of Alexander's captains,

524-

Seleucus Callinicus begins his
reign with cruelties, iv. 642.
prepares a fleet to make war
upon his own subjects, which
is cast away, 643 . vanquished
by Ptolomy Euergetes, ib. in
vaded by his brother Antio
chus Hierax, but gets the up
per hand of him, 644. killed
by a fall from his horse, 645.

Seleucus Ceraunus, son to the
last, slain by the treason of
Nicanor iv. 645.
3x4

INDEX TO THE

Seleusia, anciently called Cha-
lanne, i. 94. taken by Molo,
iv. 649.

Semiramis, her policy to obtain
the empire, i. 406. her pa
rentage, and education, 407.
the vast army with which she
invaded India, 223.302.409.
overthrown by Staurobates,
and dies, 41 o. her buildings, ib.

Sempronius going to Africa, re
called with his army to save
Italy, iv. 234.

Sennacherib, his wars with the
Jews, i. 294. ii. 718. 75 2. his
army destroyed by a pesti
lence, 714. 720. slain by his
sons, ib. 714. 722.

Senones, a tribe of the Gauls,
win a great battle from the
Romans, slay the ambassa
dors they sent to treat about
the ransom of prisoners, and
are expelled out of their
country, iv. 205. 206.

Sephoris, formerly the bulwark
of Galilee, the city of Jo
achim and Anna, parents of
the Virgin Mary ; now but a
castle called Zaphet, ii. 260.

Serpent, 120 foot longin Africa,
slain by Regulus, iv. 89.

ServiusTullius usurps the king
dom of Rome, iii. 527. the
first that levied subsidies there,
ib.

Sesac invades Judea with a vast
army, takes Jerusalem, spoils
the temple, and subjects the
whole kingdom to Egypt, ii.

561..

Sesostris, two of the name, ii.
48. divers errors about the
former, ib. he makes four
captive kings draw his coach,
555. both fall blind, 49. the
fabulous recovery of the last,

5°-
Seth, worshipped by the Egypt

ians, i. 169. Setheitica, a
principal province in Egypt,
so called in honour to him,
ib.

Sethon, king of Egypt, in the
time of Ezekia, ii. 751.

Sevora and Thura, famous mid-
wives, Pharaoh's cruel edict
by them, ii. 62.

Sextus Tarquinius, his rape of
Lucretia, iii. 528.

Sforza, Lodowick, duke of Mi
lan, delivered up to his enemy
by the treachery of his mer
cenaries, iv. 136.

Sheba, borders upon the Persian
gulf, i. 93. the queen of it
visits Solomon with rich pre
sents, ii. 548.

Shekel of the sanctuary, its
weight, and value, ii. 153.

Ships, the invention of them, i.
258.

Shishac, his policy in entertain
ing Jeroboam and Adad, ii.
297.

Sibyls' books, of great credit
among the Romans, iv. 292.
765. shameful idolatry ad
vanced by them, 766. their
prophecies of Christ suspect
ed as counterfeit, ib.

Sibylla Erythrsea, when she
lived, ii. 536.

Sicily, the quality and first in
habitants of it, iv. 24. whence
so named, 27. plantation of
the Greeks in it, 31. the go
vernment and affairs of it be
fore Dionysius's tyranny, 33.
conquered by the Romans,
iv. 614.

Sidney, sir Philip, his observa
tion of historians, ii. 613.

Siege, a great one breaks the
force of a great army ; in
stances of it, iv. 251.

Simeon, the tribe of, where
settled, ii. 308.

HISTORY OF THE WORLD.

Simon Magus, his end, i. 401.

Simoni Deo Sancto, an inscrip
tion on an altar at Rome,
conjectures upon it examined,
iv. 767.

Simonians, whence the sellers of
spiritual gifts so called, ii.
300.

Sin, the image of God in man
much deformed by it, i. 53.
of our first parents explained,
i. 136.

Sinai and Horeb but one moun
tain, ii. 95.

Sinope, a port- town in Leuco-
syria, a colony of the Mile
sians, iii. 221.

Sisamnus, an unjust judge, pu
nished in a most severe man
ner by Cambyses, iii. 80.

Sixtus Quintus, his good an
swer to a friar, ii. 615.

Slave, whence the word, ii-535-
who naturally so, iv. 145.

Socrates, his death, and for what,
1.84.

Solar and lunar years, and how
reconciled, ii. 72.

Soldiers, their profession un-
prosperous, and why, iv-786.

Solomon declared David's suc
cessor, ii. 523. anointed king,
ib. his riches, 527. his weak
pretence for the murder of
Adonijah, his elder brother,
538. wisdom, buildings, and
glory, 541. his letter to
Suron, king of Tyre, 542.
sends a fleet to India, 545.
the strength of his garrisons,
and grandeur of his court,
548. his death and writings,
553. the greatest example of
human frailty, 554. his con
temporaries, 555.

Solon gives laws to the Athe
nians, iii. 92. a saying of his,
remembered by Croesus, saves
that king's life, 59.

Sons of God, the meaning there
of, i. 158.

Sophonisba, daughter of As-
drubal the son of Gisgo, be
trothed to Masanissa, but af
terwards married to Syphax,
iv. 478. yields herseff into
the hands of Masanissa, and
is married to him, 496. bold
ly drinks off a cup of poison
sent her by him, 498.

Spain, by whom first peopled, i.
265. the figure of it likened to
an ox-hide, ^.699. most of its
provinces subjected to Car
thage, 167. -Hannibal's pro
gress, 217. wars there be
tween the Romans and Car
thaginians, 311. the most
powerful kingdom in the west,
899.

Spaniards, their pride in Ame
rica, i. 328. plant in the
eastern islands of Manilla,
ii. 545. three hundred smo
thered to death in Guiana,
iii. 355. their patient virtue
in their Indian discoveries,
iv. 114. fall from the Car
thaginians to the Romans,
319. turn against the Romans,
701.

Spartans, their obstinacy in the
first Messenian war, ii. 769.
enter into war with Athens,
iii. 158. are beaten at Pylus,
and sue for peace, 160. re
duce the Athenians, 186. join
with them against the The-
bans, 259.

Spending, a principal ringleader
of the Carthaginian muti
neers, iv. j 26. takes the field
against Amilcar, 159. sub
dued and crucified at Tunis,
160.

Sphere, the invention of it, by
whom, i. 1 74. — and cylinder,
the proportion between them,

INDEX TO THE

by whom found out, iv.
410.

Sphinx, various accounts of her,
ii. 407.

Sphodrias, his foolish attempt
upon the haven of Athens,
Hi. 255.

Spirit of God moved upon the
waters, how to be under
stood, i. TO. not to be search
ed curiously, ib.

Spirit of life, which God breath
ed into man, i. 56.

Spitamenes revolts from Alex
ander, iii. 365. murdered by
his own wife, 368.

Spouts, what those fallings of
water, in the Indies, i. 205.

Spring, perpetual in the south
of America, i. 1 1 1.

Springs of hot and cold, bitter
and sweet water, where
found, ii. 323.

Stars, their influence and ope
rations, i. 29.

Strato, king of Sidon, dethroned
by Alexander Macedon, ii.
279.

Strossie, Peter, lost at the A-
zores by an ignorant bravery,
iv. 8 1.

Styx, by the water of, an in
violable oath, the meaning of
it, iv. 587.

Subjects, held as slaves, easily
conquered, iii. 477. exam
ples of this in Turkey and
Persia, ib. 478.

Succoth, the feast of taberna
cles instituted there, ii. 337.

Sugar made by the sun, ii.
242.

Sulpicius, the Roman consul,
invades Macedon, iv. 592.
forces Antipatria, 599. returns
with his army to Apollonia,
606.

Sun, its original, i. 15. material
substance, ib. excellency and

use, 19. motion and heat, 21.
the miracle of its standing
still, ii. 209. going back, 16.
723. eclipses, 688. 717.

Suph, a region bordering the
Dead sea, ii. 167, 325. the
ambiguity of the word, 547.

Suron, the same as Huron, or
Hiram, v. Hiram.

Susa, in the province of Elam,
the seat-royal of the kings of
Persia, i. 324. taken by Alex
ander, iii. 340. by Molo, iv.
649.

Syphax enters into league with
the Romans, iv. 453. after
wards sides with the Car
thaginians, 478. brings with
him large forces to Carthage,

483. forms a very odd camp,

484. Scipio fires it, 486.
escapes back to his own king
dom, 490. fights a battle
with Lselius and Masanissa,
495. taken and carried pri
soner to Cirta, 496. loses,
and exclaims against Sopho-
nisba, ib. 497. sent to Rome,
502. his death, 533.

Syracuse, where, and by whom
founded, ii. 783. Cicero's de
scription and account of it,
iv. 31. taken by the Romans,

4°7\
Syracusians, their unfortunate

expedition against Ducetius,

king of the Sicilians, iv. 37.

war with the Athenians, 38.

lock up the Athenian fleet in

their haven, 44.
Syria described, ii. 217. won by

Ptolomy Lagus, iii. 416.
Syrians, the history of them, ii.

355. invade Juda in the

reign of Joas, 625.

T.
Tabernacles, the feast of,

whence, and where insti
tuted, ii. 337.

HISTORY OF THE WORLD.

Tacitus contradicts himself, ii.

38i.

Talard, the lord of, justice done
upon him for guileful mur
der, iv. 466.

Talbot, John, viscount Lisle,
compared to JLmilius Paulus,
iv. 281.

Talus, a man of brass, destroyed
by Medaea, ii. 413.

Tamberlain, emperor of the
Parthians, his trophy of vic
tory, ii. 358.

Tanais, whence it rises, i. 232.

Tanistry, the custom of, in Ire
land, ii. 141. iv. 455.

Tantalus, the fable of him va
riously expounded, ii. 391.

Taochi, kill themselves, and
their children, to avoid cap
tivity, iii. 218.

Tarichea, a city near the sea of
Galilee, taken from the Jews,
first by Cassius, afterwards by
Vespasian, ii. 262.

Tarquinius, Lucius, slain by the
sons of Ancus Martius, iii.

527-

Tarquinius Priscus gets the
kingdom of Rome, ii. 812.

Tarquinius Superbus deposed,
and the government of Rome
given to consuls, iii. 528.

Telassar, a strong city, inhabit
ed by the Edenites, situate
in an island of the Euphrates,
i. 99.

Teleutias surprises the Athe
nian navy at PiraBus, iii.
250.

Tempe, in Thessaly, described,
iv. 832,845. abandoned by
Perseus in a cowardly man
ner, 846. entered into, with
extreme difficulty, by Q. Mar
tius, the Roman consul, 847.

Temple of Solomon, an account
of its building, ii. 541.

Ten tribes of Israel, their kings,

ii. 296, 301. captivity, 298.
idolatry, 556. the causes of
their defection from the house
of David, 571.

Teneriffe, in the Canaries, the
highest mountain in the
world, i. 239.

Terentius Varro, made plebeian
consul by detracting from
the nobles, iv. 261. prepares
for battle with Hannibal, 263.
put to flight by Asdrubal,
277. writes to the Roman
senate, 285. deludes the Cam-
panian ambassadors, 290. call
ed home, 292.

Tereus, his rape of Philomela,
ii. 389.

Teribazus, governor of Armenia,
seeking to entrap the Greeks
there, shamefully beaten, iii.
217.

Testament, Old, the law of it
defined, i. 1 16. Old«and New,
the difference and agreement
between them, 121.

Tetrarchy and a toparchy,the dif
ference between them, ii. 268.

Teuta, queen of the Illyrians,
causes one of the Roman
ambassadors to be slain, iv.
201. the Romans take away
most part of her kingdom,
and make her pay tribute for
the rest, 203, 204.

Teutonici, an order of Dutch
knights, ii. 237.

Thalestris, her visit and lustful
suit to Alexander, suspected
as a forged tale, iii. 350.

Tharsis, often used in scripture
for the ocean, and why, i.
283. ii. 546.

Tharsis, the metropolis of Ci-
licia, by whom founded, i.
283. St. Paul born there, ib.

Theban war, the most ancient
ever wrote of by any Greek
historian or poet, ii. 420.

INDEX TO THE

Thebans raise great commotions
in Greece, iii. 242. send am
bassadors to the Athenians,
244. join with them against
Sparta, and get a victory at
Leuctra, 2 55. invade and spoil
Peloponnesus, 260. grow
great, 257, 261. their ingra
titude to Cassander, 466.

Thebes surprised by the Lace
daemonians, and recovered, iii.
252. destroyed by Alexander,
303. rebuilt by Cassander,

439-

Themistocles gets his first re
putation at the battle of Ma
rathon, iii. 1 03 . his contrivance
to alienate the lonians from
the Persians, 116. gets the
most glory at the battle of
Salamis, 123. pretends friend
ship to Xerxes, 124. banish
ed, and flies to Artaxerxes,
146. poisons himself, 147.

Theocles, the first discoverer of
Sicily to the Greeks, iv. 31.

Theology, what it teaches, ii.202.

Theori, Athenian ambassadors,
so called, iii. 492.

Theramines, one of the thirty
tyrants of Athens, compelled
by his fellows to drink poi
son, iii. 194.

Thermopylae, the battle at, iii.
112.

Theseus, his birth, famous acts,
and amours, ii. 417 — 419.

Thimbro sent by the Lacedae
monians with forces to as
sist the lonians against the
Persians, iii. 230. slain by
Struthas, 249.

Thracians, from whom descend
ed, i. 278.

Thrasybulus delivers Athens
from the thirty tyrants, iii. 1 96.
takes part with the Thebans,
244. reduces the isle of Les
bos to the Athenians, 248.

slain at Aspendus, 249.

Thrasybulus, tyrant of Syracuse,
banished by the citizens, iv.
3<5.

Thrasymene, the battle at, be
tween the Carthaginians and
the Romans, iv. 246.

Thulis, an Egyptian king, his
consultation with the Devil,
ii. 742.

Thuoris, the last of the Larthes,
supposed to be Proteus, ii.
741.

Tiber, the river, whence its
name, ii. 581. 707.

Tiberius forbids human sacri
fices, ii. 425, Caesar, his vain
curiosity, iii. 36.

Ticinum, the battle at, between
Hannibal and Scipio, iv. 234.

Tidal, king of the nations, his
kingdoms, ii. 28.

Tigris, a river of Eden, i. 101.
overflowed Nineveh, ii. 656.

Timoleon sent by the Corinth
ians to deliver Syracuse from
tyranny, iv. 61. surprises and
defeats Icetes's army, 62.
sends Dionysius the younger
to Corinth, ib. gets many
more victories, slays many
tyrants, and lives in great ho
nour among the Syracusians
till his death, 63.64.

Tiras, youngest son of Japhet,
father of the Thracians, i.
277.

Teridates, one of Darius's false
hearted grandees, offers Per-
sepolis to Alexander the Great,

iii. 343-

Tissaphernes corrupted by Al-
cibiades, iii. 181. his perfi
dious dealing with Cyrus,
1 98. generally hated, 199. be
trays all the captains of the
Greeks, 211. burns the coun
try about them, 215. his
cowardice, 23 5 .his camp taken

HISTORY OF THE WORLD.

and plundered of great riches

by Agesilaus, king of Sparta,

239. put to death by the order

of his own king, Artaxerxes,

ib.
Tithraustes, his wise course a-

gainst the Greeks, iii. 242.
Tityus, the story of him, ii-393-
Tohu oppressed by Hadadezer,

and delivered by David, ii.

509. his rich presents to

David, 510.
Tomyris, queen of Scythia, her

true name Sparetha, iii. 68.
Tongue, the civil war of, in the

Roman pleadings, when it be
gan, iv. 770.
Torniellus, his device to prove

the book of Judith canonical,

11.778.
Torture, that kind of judicial

proceeding condemned, iii.

360.
Towns removeable at pleasure,

iii. 88.
Trabisond, a colony of the

Greeks, where situate, iii. 219.
Treasure, the burying it with

the dead, an ancient custom,

ii-532-

Trebia, the battle at, between
Hannibal and the Romans,
iv. 241.

Trees of life, and of knowledge,
material trees, i. 129. 136.
tree of life, the Hebrews' con
struction of it, i 29. of know
ledge, explained, 136.

Trees, red, growing under water,
ii. 84.

Triarii, a part of the Roman
army, what their duty, iv. 38.

Tribunes, military, governors of
Rome, instead of consuls, iii.

535-

Tribute denied, causes Senna
cherib to make war on Eze-
chias, ii. 718.

Triptolemus, his galley, fictions

of the poets upon the make
and speed of it, 386.

Trojans, by whom assisted a-
gainst the Greeks, ii. 456.

Troy, by whom built, ii. 441.
rebuilt, 416. kings of, the
history and genealogy of them,
441, 447. the city besieged,
453. taken, 458.

Tryphon, his perfidious villainy,
ii. 272.

Tselem, the signification of it,
i. 46.

Tullia, her barbarity to her fa
ther's dead corpse, iii. 528.

Tullus Hostilius, third king of
the Romans, ii. 780. burnt
by lightning, iii. 526.

Tunis taken from the Cartha
ginians by the Romans, iv.
89. recovered by Amilcar Bar-
cas, 160. taken from the
Turks by Charles V., 89.

Turin forced by Hannibal, iv.
233. whence called Augusta
Taurinorum, ib.

Turks, their heavy tithes upon
husbandmen, iv. 13.

Tydeus, his quarrel with Poly-
nices, and the issue of it, ii.
422, 423.

Tyranny properly defined, iv.
130. engrafted by nature in
mankind, 142. a vice distinct
from others, 142. the true
name of it, ib. of a city
over her subjects, worse than
the tyranny of one man, 132.
both must use mercenary sol
diers, 130. 132.

Tyre, by whom founded, ii. 228.
274. kings of, 278. a brief
history of it, 228. 230. be
sieged by the Chaldeans, 817.
taken by Alexander, iii. 323.

Tyrians, a mistake concerning
their descent rectified, ii. 284.

Tyrrhenus first brought vines
into France, i. 234.

INDEX TO THE

Tyrtaeus, an Athenian poet, sent
by an oracle to direct the
Lacedaemonians against the
Messenians, and raises their
courage with his verses, ii.
770.

V.

Vagabond, how to be under
stood, i. 141.

Valour, without discretion, the
inconvenience of it, iv. 157.
158. scorns to hunt after
opinion, 465.

Vaphres, king of Egypt, father-
in-law to Solomon, ii. 48.
536. 544. 555. 744.

Vasco de Garna discovers the
Cape, now called of Good
Hope, ii. 790.

Venetians probably descended
from the Trojans, ii. 461.
war with the Genoese, iv.

94-

Vermina, son of Syphax, courts
the Romans to call him king,
and is refused, iv. 500. 608.
brings an army to aid the
Carthaginians after they were
vanquished, 526. beaten by
the Romans, ib. peace be
tween them, 609.

Verse, heroic, by whom devised,
ii. 391.

Vettones, a nation in Portugal,
their battle with the Car
thaginians, iv. 167.

Vexoris and Sesostris the same
person, i. 367. ii. 49.

Vines first planted by Noah,
i. 207. where the best, 243.
ii. 308.

Virgil a flatterer, i. 251. his
opinion concerning the ori
ginal of the Trojans, ii. 441.

Virtue, unfortunate, contemned,
iii. 167. what is justly termed
heroical, iv. 147.

Vulcan, whence the name, ii.
386.

Umbri, not inhabitants of Italy
before the flood, i. 197. why
so called, and from whom de
scended, 229.

Unchastity strangely punished,
ii. 727.

United Provinces, from what
their present riches and
strength chiefly grew, iv. 361.

Urbs and civitas distinguished,

i- 345-.

Uriah slain by David's means,
ii. 512, 513. his death con
sidered with Solomon's mur
der of his elder brother, 474.

Urim and Thummim of the
Jewish high-priests, what,
ii. 477.

Utica, its situation, antiquity,
&c. iv. 149. besieged by the
Carthaginian mercenaries,
151. by Scipio without suc
cess, 483.

Uz, the country of Job, how
bounded, i. 327.

Uzziah, king of Juda, his pros
perity, ii. 658. invades the
priest's office, and is smitten
with leprosy, 664. his death,
665. prophets contemporary
with him, ib.
W.

Want of money finds many
blind excuses, iv. 294.

War, the calamities of it, in
some cases rather enable
than weaken kingdoms, iv.
361.

Warriors unprosperous, and
why, iv. 786.

Water miraculously supplied to
the Israelites in the wilder
ness, ii. 162.

Waters, why named by Moses
in the third place, i. 8. above
the firmament, what they are,
21.

Well of living waters, a spring
that driveth six great mills,

HISTORY OF THE WORLD.

in the length of a bow-shot,

ii. 237.
Wheat, growing of itself, where,

iv. 26.
Wicked Street, in Rome, whence

its name, iii. 528.
William of Tyre, an ancient

account of him, ii. 734. his

report of the Egyptian caliph,

73°-

Wines, where the best, i. 127.
ii. 228. 356.

Wintering-houses under ground,
iii. 217.

Wisdom, God's gift to Solomon,
ii. 540. taught by necessity,
an example of it in Philip II.
of Spain, his dealing with the
duke of Alva, iv. 432.

Wise at home,and foolish abroad,
ii. 640.

Wisemen, which worshipped
Christ, whence they came,
i. 316.

Wisest of men r»»t without their
vanities, ii. 616.

Witches, their pegasus, i. 397.
how they differ from necro
mancers, 398.

Woman given to man for a
comforter and companion,
not for a counsellor, i. 138.

Woman-cow, St. Jerome's story,
iii. 39.

Women make Solomon an ido
later, ii. 554.

Wooden horse, at the taking of
Troy, the story of it impro
bable, ii. 458.

World, the plantation of it after
the flood, i. 336.

Worldly men, their nature, ii.
480. — prosperity, trust there
in, how vain, 595. 596.

Writ of right, what, iv. 456.

Wrongs that are insolent, are
most grievous, iv. 132.
X.

Xantippus, a Spartan, made ge

neral of the African forces,
obtains a victory over the
Romans, and takes Attilius
their consul, prisoner, iv. 90
— 92.

Xenoetas sent by Antiochus with
forces to suppress Molo, iv.
647. his politic passage over
Tigris, 648. loses the ~ad van
tage of it by his own folly,
and is slain, 649.

Xenophanes, am bassador of Phi
lip, king of Macedon, his
league with Hannibal, iv. 567.

Xenophon, a good observation
of his, iii. 207. his wise an
swer to the ambassadors of
Tissaphernes, 213. raises the
courage of the Greeks, and
conducts them through great
difficulties, 214. defeats Te-
ribazus at the river Teleboa,
217. his resolute answer to
the ambassadors of Sinope,
and the effect of it, 221. quiets
a dissension in the army, and
is offered to be made sole
commander of it, but refuses,
223. rescues part of it from
the Barbarians, 2 2 8. his speech
to his soldiers, ib. ransacks
Bithynia, 229.

Xerxes, his preparations against
Greece, iii. 105. barbarous
ingratitude to Pythius, 107.
cuts off mount Athos from
the continent, and makes a
bridge of boats over the Hel
lespont, 1 08. weeps, and
why, 109. the muster of his
prodigious army at Sardis,
in. and great slaughter of
it by a handful of men at
Thermopylae, 113. attempts
to spoil Apollo's temple at
Delphi, and takes Athens,
ii 6. refuses the good coun
sel of Artemisia, and follows
worse, 121. defeated at Sala-

INDEX TO THE HISTORY OF THE WORLD.

mis, 122. his shameful flight,
i 24. one part of his army van
quished at Plataeae, 130. an
other at Mycale, 133- his
barbarous qualities, 135. for
tunate against the Egyptians,
but not against the Greeks,
137. makes a dishonourable
peace with the Greeks, 144.
his death by the treason of
Artabanus, his uncle, ib.

Xerxes II., a vicious prince, his
very short reign, iii. 190.
Y.

Year, Hebrew, the form of it,
iii. 71. Julian, corrected by
pope Gregory XIII., 75.

Years, solar and lunar, how re
conciled, ii. 72.

Yvo, bishop of Chartres, his
complaint against duels, iv.

457-

Z.

Zabulon, the tribe of, where
settled, ii, 257.

Zacharia, the prophet, mur
dered by Joas, ii. 628.

Zacharia, king of Juda, his
short reign, slain by Sallum,
ii. 661, 662.

Zaleuchus, his mild laws, ii.
812. a singular example of
justice, when his own son
had committed adultery, 813.

Zanzummims, giants so called,

i. 160. ii. 171.

Zara, king of the Arabians, his
army, of a million of fighting
men, beaten by Asa, ii. 315.

Zedekias, that name, and the
kingdom of Juda, given him
by Nabuchodonosor, ii. 819.
revolts from Nabuchodonosor,
who besieges and takes Jeru
salem, 821. flies and hides
himself under ground, 822.
his eyes torn out, sent to
Babylon, and imprisoned for
life, ii. 254. 824.

Zitnri, murders his master Elah,
king of Israel, and reigns for
seven days 5 is besieged in
Tirzah, and burns himself
with his palace, ii. 569.

Zioberis, a great river in Par-
thia, its course into the Cas
pian sea, iii. 349.

Zipingari. See Japan.

Zopyrus, his marvellous love to
Darius, iii. 85.

Zoroaster, king of the Bac-
trians, not Cham, nor the in
ventor of astrology, or of
magic, i. 378. divers great
magicians of that name, 380.
381.

Zutphen, how taken by prince
Maurice of Nassau, iv. 98.

THE END.

Hi

PR

2334
Al
1829
v.7

Raleigh, (Sir) Walter
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