ss Lji ^ o 7
Gass
COPYRIGHT DEPOSIT
THE
WORKS
OF
ABRAHAM
LI
N C O
LN
STATE
PAPERS
1861-
—1865
Introductions and
Special Articles by
Theodore Roosevelt
William H. Taft
Charles E. Hughes
Joseph H. Choate
Henry
Watterson
Robert G. Ingersoll
And Others
Managing Editors
JOHN H.
CLIFFORD
MARION M. MILLER
Volume VI
THE UNIVERSITY SOCIETY INC.
NEW YORK
£"-■
LIBRARY of CONGRESS
Two Copies Received
OUII ^^^ XMi NO.
incoiniant
Copyright, 1907
By Current Literature Publishing Company
Copyright, 1908
By The University Society Inc.
CONTENTS
PAGE
Preface . . . xi
Introduction
Abraham Lincoln. By Jam^s Russell Lowell . xiii
The First American. Extract from Ode Recited
at the Harvard Commemoration,- July 21, 1863.
By James Russell Lowell ..... xliii
Lmcoln's Personal Appearance. By William H.
Herndon ........ xlvi
President Lincoln's State Papers. By Henry J.
Raymond ........ xlix
General Messages to Congress
Message to Congress in Special Session. July
4. 1861 3
Annual Message. December 3, 1861 . . 25
Annual Message. December i, 1862 . . 51
Annual Message. December 8, 1863 . . 82
Annual Message. December 6, 1864 . . 105
Proclamations, Messages, etc., Concerning Slav-
ery
Message to Congress Recommending Compen-
sated Emancipation. March 6, 1862 . . . 129
Message to Congress on Passage of Act to
Abolish Slavery in District of Columbia. April
16, 1862 131
Proclamation Revoking General Hunter's Order
of Military Emancipation. May 19. 1862 . . 132
Message to Congress Enclosing Draft of Bill
to Compensate States That Abolish Slavery.
July 14, 1862 13s
Message to Congress on Act to Confiscate Prop-
erty of Rebels, etc. July 17, 1862 . . .136
Order Authorizing Employment of "Contra-
bands." July 22, 1862 141
vi CONTENTS
PAGE
Preliminary Emancipation Proclamation, Sep-
tember 22, 1862 142
Final Emancipation Proclamation. January i,
1863 145
Message to Congress on Freedmen's Aid So-
cieties. December 17, 1863 .... 148
Order to Bring Back Negro Colonists from San
Domingo. February i, 1864 .... 148
Proclamations of Days of Thanksgiving, Fast-
ing, AND Prayer
Proclamation of a National Fast-Day. August
12. 1861 153
Proclamation of Celebration of Washington's
Birthday. February 19, 1862 .... 154
Proclamation Recommending Thanksgiving for
Victories. April 10, 1802 ..... 155
Proclamation of a National Fast-Day. March
30, 1863 156
Announcement of News from Gettysburg. July
4. 1863 158
Proclamation for Thanksgiving. July 15, 1863 . i^
Proclamation for Thanksgiving. October 3,
1863 . . . . . . . . . 159
Recommendation of Thanksgiving for Union
Success in East Tennessee. December 7, 1863 . 161
Recommendation of Thanksgiving. May 9, 1864 162
Proclamation for a Day of Prayer, July 7,
1864 ......... 162
Proclamation of Thanksgiving. September 3,
1864 164
Proclamation of Thanksgiving. October 20,
1864 165
Proclamations, Messages, and General Military
Orders Relating to the Conduct of the War
Cabinet Conference on Provisioning Fort
Sumter. March 15, 1861 169
Message to Senate Refusing to Make Public
Despatches of Major Anderson. March 26,
1861 173
Cabinet Conference for Relief of Fort Sumter.
March 29, 1861 173
Proclamation Calling 75,000 Militia and Con-
vening Congress in Extra Session. April 15,
1861 173
CONTENTS
Proclamation of Blockade in South Carolina,
Georgia, Alabama, Florida, Mississippi, Louisi-
ana, and Texas. April 19, 1861 . . .175
Supplementary Proclamation, Extending Block-
ade to Virginia and North Carolina. April 27,
1861 . . . . . . . . .177
Proclamation Calling for 42,034 Volunteers, and
an Increase in Regular Army and Navy Forces.
May 3, 1861 . . . . . . .177
Proclamation Suspending Writ of Habeas
Corpus on the Florida Keys. May 10, 1861 . 179 "
jNIemoranda of Military Policy Suggested by
the Bull Run Defeat. July 23, 27, 1861 . . 179
Message to House of Representatives in re
Imprisonment of Baltimore Police Commission-
ers. July 27, 1861 . . . . . . 181 -
Proclamation Forbidding Intercourse with Rebel
States. August 16, 1861 181
Memorandum for a Plan of Campaign. About
October i, 1861 183
President's General War Order No. i. Janu-
ary 27, 1862 186
President's Special War Order No. i. Janu-
ary 31, 1862 186
Amnesty to Political Prisoners. February 14,
1862 187
Executive Order No. 2. In Relation to State
Prisoners. February 27, 1862 .... 189
President's General War Order No. 2. March
8, 1862 189
President's General War Order No. 3. March
8. 1862 190
President's Special War Order No. 3. March
II, 1862 191
Order Taking Military Possession of Railroads.
May 25, 1862 192 V
Message to Congress Assuming Responsibility
for Acts of Secretary Cameron for Which He
Had Been Censured by the House. May 26,
1862 193
Order Constituting the Army of Virgmia. June
26, 1862 197
Letter to State Governors Callmg for Troops.
June 30, 1862 198
viii CONTENTS
PAGE
Proclamation Concerning Taxes in Rebellious
Slates. July i, 1862 201
Proclamation to Rebels to Return to Their
Allegiance. July 25, 1862 . . . . . 202
Proclamation Suspending the Writ of Habeas
Corpus Because of Resistance to Draft. Sep-
tember 24, 1862 203
Order Establishing Provisional Court in Louisi-
ana. October 20, 1862 204
Order Concerning Confiscation Act. November
13, 1862 204
Order for Sabbath Observance. November 15,
1862 204
Congratulations to the Army of the Potomac.
December 22, 1862 205
Opinion on the Admission of West Virginia
into the Union. December. 31, 1862 . . . 206
Proclamation of Amnesty to Returning Desert-
ers. March 10, 1863 . . . . . . 208
Proclamations Concerning Commercial Inter-
course. March 31, April 2, 1863 . . . 209
Proclamation Admitting West Virginia into the
Union. April 20, 1863 . . . . .209
Proclamation Concerning Liability of Aliens to
Military Service. May 8, 1863 . . . .209
Call for 100,000 Militia to Serve Six Months.
June 15, 1863 212
Order of Retaliation for Rebel Mistreatment of
Prisoners. July 30, 1863 213
Order Modifying Prohibition of Export of
Arms, etc. September 4, 1863 .... 214
Proclamation Suspending Writ of Habeas
Corpus throughout the Union. September 15,
1863 .214
Call for 300,000 Volunteers. October 17, 1863 . 215
Opinion on the Loss of General R. H. Milroy's
Division. October 27, 1863 . . . . 217
Proclamation of Amnesty and Reconstruction.
December 8, 1863 218
Message to Congress on Bounties. January 5,
1864 222
Order for a Draft of 500,000 Men. February
I, 1864 223
Indorsement on the Modifying Order Relatmg
to Methodist Churches in Rebel States. Febru-
ary 13, 1862 224
CONTENTS ix
PAGE
Memoranda About Military Control of Churches.
March 4. 1864 224
Proclamation Restricting Amnesty to Persons
at Large. March 26, 1864 225
Offer of Troops by State Governors. April 26,
1864 227
Message to Congress on Relief of East Tennes-
see Loyalists. April 28, 1864 .... 228
Suspension of Writ of Habeas Corpus in Ken-
tucky. July 5, 1864 . . . . . .229
Proclamation Concerning Reconstruction. July
8, 1864 230
Announcement Concerning Terms of Peace.
July 18, 1864 232
Proclamation Calling for 500,000 Volunteers.
July 18, 1864 232
Orders of Thanks and Rejoicing for Union
Victories, Won under Admiral Farragut and
Major-Generals Canby, Granger, and Sherman.
September 3, 1864 234
Order of Thanks to Hundred-day Troops from
Ohio. September 10, 1864 .... 236
Order of Thanks to Hundred-day Troops from
Indiana, Illinois, Iowa, and Wisconsin. Octo-
ber I, 1864 22,7
Call for 300,000 Volunteers. December 19,
1864 238
Order to Commanding Officers in West Tennes-
see. February 13, 1865 239
Proclamation Offering Pardon to Deserters.
March 11, 1865 240
Proclamation of Blockade. April 11, 1865 . 240
Messages, Despatches, Etc., on Foreign Affairs
Message to the Senate on Canadian Boundary
Dispute. March 16, 1861 . . . . .245
Message to Congress on London Industrial Ex-
hibition. July 16, 1861 . . . . . 245
Message to Congress on Fisheries Commission.
July 19, 1861 246
Reply to the Tycoon of Japan on Opening
Treaty Ports. August i, 1861 .... 246
Letter to the Viceroy of Egypt on His Punish-
ment of Persecutors of a Missionary Agent.
October 11, 1861 247
X CONTENTS
PAGE
Message to Congress on Treaty with Great
Britain to Suppress Slave Trade. June lo,
1862 248
Message to the House of Representatives on
Relations with the Rival Governments of New
Granada. January 14, 1863 .... 248
Proclamation of Retaliation for Refusal of Port
Privileges to American War Vessels Abroad.
April II, 1865 250
Messages on Financial, Indian, and Adminis-
trative Affairs
Message to the Senate on Act to Permit Circu-
lation of Bank-Notes of Small Denominations in
the District of Columbia. June 23, 1862 . . 255
Message to the Senate on the Indian Massacre
in Minnesota. December 11, 1862 . . .257
Message to Congress on Issue of United States
Notes. January 17, 1863 259
Message to Congress on Electoral Count. Feb-
ruary 8, 1865 261
Proclamation Concerning Supply of Arms to
Indians by Foreigners. March 17, 1865 . . 262
PREFACE
State papers of President Lincoln not specifi-
cally addressed to any individual in his proper
name form ,the contents of this volume of the
series.
Documents issued by members of the Cabinet
or other officials are included among the state
papers when they convey the President's instruc-
tions or express his opinions.
A number of state papers have been excluded
from the present edition because their subject-
matter is of no historical importance ; their style
does not express Lincoln's personality ; and even
the fact of their existence gives no indication of
executive ability beyond the perfunctory per-
formance of routine duties. Such are messages
to Congress transmitting documents requested
by that body, executive action, as required by
the Constitution, on acts of Congress, official in-
dorsements of the reports and findings of com-
missions, etc., in whose labors the President had
no part, formal receptions of foreign ministers,
etc. In certain instances where documents have
only historical value, an abstract of their contents
is given. If, however, even as much as a phrase
is expressive of Lincoln's personality, it is quoted
in his exact words.
The state papers are arranged under the fol-
lowing heads :
I. General Messages to Congress;
xi
Xll
PREFACE
2. Proclamations, Messages, etc., Concerning
Slavery; , . r
3. Proclamations and Recommendations ot
Days of Thanksgiving, Fasting, and Prayer;
4. Proclamations, Messages to Congress, and
Military Orders Relating to the Conduct of the
War;
5. Messages and Despatches on Foreign Af-
fairs ;
6. Messages and Proclamations on Financial,
Indian, and Administrative Affairs.
Some documents could with propriety appear
in more than one class : for example, the proc-
lamations regarding slavery are necessarily con-
nected with the conduct of the war — military
necessity being advanced as the reason for their
promulgation. One classification, therefore,
would be logically sufficient, but Lincoln's pre-
eminent fame as the Great Emancipator justifies
from a practical point of view the segregation
of those papers relating to slavery. For a sim-
ilar reason the proclamations of days of thanks-
giving, fasting, and prayer have been taken out
of the military papers and put in a class by them-
selves. They present Lincoln's official recogni-
tion of a divine guidance in the affairs of nations.
The papers in each division are chronologically
arranged.
Introductions
INTRODUCTION
Abraham Lincoln.*
By James Russell Lowell.
There have been many painful crises since
the impatient vanity of South CaroHna hurried
ten prosperous Commonwealths into a crime
whose assured retribution was to leave them
either at the mercy of the nation they had
wronged, or of the anarchy they had summoned
but could not control, when no thoughtful Amer-
ican opened his morning paper without dreading
to find that he had no longer a country to love
and honor. Whatever the result of the convul-
sion whose first shocks were beginning to be
felt, there would still be enough square miles of
earth for elbow-room; but that ineffable senti-
ment made up of memory and hope, of instinct
and tradition, which swells every man's heart
and shapes his thought, though perhaps never
present to his consciousness, would be gone from
it, leaving it common earth and nothing more.
Men might gather rich crops from it, but that
ideal harvest of priceless associations would be
reaped no longer; that fine virtue which sent up
messages of courage and security from every
sod of it would have evaporated beyond recall.
We should be irrevocably cut off from our past,
* Published in the North American Review for January, 1864.
xiii
xiv ABRAHAM LINCOLN
and be forced to splice the ragged ends of our
lives upon whatever new conditions chance might
leave dangling for us.
We confess that we had our doubts at first
whether the patriotism of our people were not
too narrowly provincial to embrace the propor-
tions of national peril. We felt an only too natu-
ral distrust of immense public meetings and
enthusiastic cheers.
Thai a reaction should follow the holiday en-
thusiasm with which the war was entered-on,
that it should follow soon, and that the slackening
of public spirit should be proportionate to the
previous over-tension, might well be foreseen by
all who had studied human nature or history.
Men acting gregariously are always in extremes ;
as they are one moment capable of higher cour-
age, so they are liable, the next, to baser depres-
sion, and it is often a matter of chance whether
numbers shall multiply confidence or discourage-
ment. Nor does deception lead more surely to
distrust of men, than self-deception to suspicion
of principles. The only faith that wears well and
holds its color in all weathers is that which is
woven of conviction and set with the sharp mor-
dant of experience. Enthusiasm is good material
for the orator, but the statesman needs something
more durable to work in, — must be able to rely
on the deliberate reason and consequent firmness
of the people, without which that presence of
mind, no less essential in times of moral than of
material peril, will be wanting at the critical mo-
ment. Would this fervor of the Free States hold
out? Was it kindled by a just feeling of the value
of constitutional liberty ? Had it body enough to
withstand the inevitable dampening of checks, re-
BY JAMES RUSSELL LOWELL xv
verses, delays? Had our population intelligence
enough to comprehend that the choice was be-
tween order and anarchy, between the equilib-
rium of a government by law and the tussle of
misrule by prommcimnicnto? Could a war be
maintained without the ordinary stimulus of
hatred and plunder, and with the impersonal loy-
alty of principle? These were serious questions,
and with no precedent to aid in answering them.
At the beginning of the war there was, indeed,
occasion for the most anxious apprehension.
A President known to be infected with the polit-
ical heresies, and suspected of sympathy with
the treason, of the Southern conspirators, had
just surrendered the reinsj we will not say of
power, but of chaos, to a successor known only
as the representative of a party whose leaders,
with long training in opposition, had none in
the conduct of affairs ; an empty treasury was
called on to supply resources beyond precedent
in the history of finance ; the trees were yet grow-
ing and the iron unmined with which a navy
was to be built and armored; officers without
discipline were to make a mob into an army;
and, above all, the public opinion of Europe,
echoed and reinforced with every vague hint and
every specious argument of despondency by a
powerful faction at home, was either contemp-
tuously sceptical or actively hostile. It would be
hard to overestimate the force of this latter ele-
ment of disintegration and discouragement
among a people where every citizen at home, and
every soldier in the field, is a reader of news-
papers. The pedlers of rumor in the North were
the most effective allies of the rebellion. A
nation can be liable to no more insidious treach-
xvi 'ABRAHAM LINCOLN
ery than that of the telegraph, sending hourly-
its electric thrill of panic along the remotest
nerves of the community, till the excited imagi-
nation makes every real danger loom heightened
with its unreal double.
And even if we look only at more palpable
difficulties, the problem to be solved by our civil
war was so vast, both in its immediate relations
and its future consequences ; the conditions of
its solution were so intricate and so greatly de-
pendent on incalculable and uncontrollable con-
tingencies ; so many of the data, whether for
hope or fear, were, from their novelty, incapable
of arrangement under any of the categories of
historical precedent, that there were moments of
crisis when the firmest believer in the strength
and sufficiency of the democratic theory of gov-
ernment might well hold his breath in vague
apprehension of disaster. Our teachers of polit-
ical philosophy, solemnly arguing from the prece-
dent of some petty Grecian, Italian, or Flemish
city, whose long periods of aristocracy were
broken now and then by awkward parentheses of
mob, had always taught us that democracies were
incapable of the sentiment of loyalty, of concen-
trated and prolonged effort, of far-reaching con-
ceptions ; were absorbed in material interests ; im-
patient of regular, and much more of exceptional
restraint; had no natural nucleus of gravitation,
nor any forces but centrifugal; were always on
the verge of civil war, and slunk at last into the
natural almshouse of bankrupt popular govern-
ment, a military despotism. Here was indeed a
dreary outlook for persons who knew democracy,
not by rubbing shoulders with it lifelong, but
merely from books, and America only by the
BY JAMES RUSSELL LOWELL xvii
report of some fellow-Briton, who, having eaten
a bad dinner or lost a carpet-bag here, had writ-
ten to TJic Times demanding redress, and draw-
ing a mournful inference of democratic instabil-
ity. Nor were men wanting among ourselves who
had so steeped their brains in London literature
as to mistake Cockneyism for European culture,
and contempt of their country for cosmopolitan
breadth of view, and who, owing all they had
and all they were to democracy, thought it had
an air of high-breeding to join in the shallow
epicedium that our bubble had burst.
But beside any disheartening influences which
might affect the timid or the despondent, there
were reasons enough of settled gravity against
any over-confidence of hope. A war — which,
whether we consider the expanse of the territory
at stake, the hosts brought into the field, or the
reach of the principles involved, may fairly be
reckoned the most momentous of modern times —
was to be waged by a people divided at home,
unnerved by fifty years of peace, under a chief
magistrate without experience and without repu-
tation, whose every measure was sure to be cun-
ningly hampered by a jealous and unscrupulous
minority, and who, while dealing with unheard-of
complications at home, must soothe a hostile
neutrality abroad, waiting only a pretext to be^
come war. All this was to be done without warn-
ing and without preparation, while at the same
time a social revolution was to be accomplished
in the political condition of four millions of
people, by softening the prejudices, allaying the
fears, and gradually obtaining the cooperation,
of their unwilling liberators. Surely, if ever
there were an occasion^ when the heightened
xviii 'ABRAHAM LINCOLN
imagination of the historian might see Destiny
visible intervening in human affairs, here was
a knot worthy of her shears. Never, perhaps,
was any system of government tried by so con-
tinuous and searching a strain as ours during
the last three years ; never has any shown itself
stronger; and never could that strength be so
directly traced to the virtue and intelligence of
the people, — to that general enlightenment and
prompt efficiency of public opinion possible only
under the influence of a political framework like
our own. We find it hard to understand how
even a foreigner should be blind to the grandeur
of the combat of ideas that has been going on
here, — ^to the heroic energy, persistency, and
self-reliance of a nation proving that it knows
how much dearer greatness is than mere power ;
and we own that it is impossible for us to con-
ceive the mental and moral condition of the
American who does not feel his spirit braced and
heightened by being even a spectator of such
qualities and achievements. That a steady pur-
pose and a definite aim have been given to the
jarring forces which, at the beginning of the war,
spent themselves in the discussion of schemes
which could only become operative, if at all,
after the war was over ; that a popular excitement
has been slowly intensified into an earnest na-
tional will ; that a somewhat impracticable moral
sentiment has been made the unconscious instru-
ment of a practical moral end; that the treason
of covert enemies, the jealousy of rivals, the
unwise zeal of friends, have been made not only
useless for mischief, but even useful for good;
that the conscientious sensitiveness of England
to the horrors of civil conflict has been prevented
BY JAMES RUSSELL LOWELL xix
from complicating a domestic with a foreign
war ; — all these results, any one of which might
suffice to prove greatness in a ruler, have been
mainly due to the good sense, the good-humor,
the sagacity, the large-mindedness, and the un-
selfish honesty of the unknown man whom a
blind fortune, as it seemed, had lifted from the
crowd to the most dangerous and difficult emi-
nence of modern times. It is by presence of
mind in untried emergencies that the native metal
of a man is tested; it is by the sagacity to
see, and the fearless honesty to admit, whatever
of truth there may be in an adverse opinion, in
order more convincingly to expose the fallacy
that lurks behind it, that a reasoner at length
gains for his mere statement of a fact the force of
argument; it is by a wise forecast which allows
hostile combinations to go so far as by the in-
evitable reaction to become elements of his own
power, that a politician proves his genius for
statecraft ; and especially it is by so gently guid-
ing public sentiment that he seems to follow it,
by so yielding doubtful points that he can be
firm without seeming obstinate in essential ones,
and thus gain the advantages of compromise
without the weakness of concession ; by so in-
stinctively comprehending the temper and preju-
dices of a people as to make them gradually con-
scious of the superior wisdom of his freedom
from temper and prejudice, — it is by qualities
such as these that a magistrate shows himself
worthy to be chief in a commonwealth of free-
men. And it is for qualities such as these that
we firmly believe History will rank Mr. Lincoln
among the most prudent of statesmen and the
most successful of rulers. If we wish to appre-
XX ABRAHAM LINCOLN
ciate him, we have only to conceive the inevitable
chaos in which we should now be weltering, had
a weak man or an unwise one been chosen in his
stead.
"Bare is back," says the Norse proverb, "with-
out brother behind it"; and this is, by analogy,
true of an elective magistracy. The hereditary
ruler in any critical emergency may reckon on
the inexhaustible resources of prestige, of senti-
ment, of superstition, of dependent interest,
while the new man must slowly and painfully
create all these out of the unwilling material
around him, by superiority of character, by
patient singleness of purpose, by sagacious pre-
sentiment of popular tendencies and instinctive
sympathy with the national character. Mr. Lin-
coln's task was one of peculiar and exceptional
difficulty. Long habit had accustomed the Amer-
ican people to the notion of a party in power,
and of a President as its creature and organ,
while the more vital fact, that the executive for
the time being represents the abstract idea of
government as a permanent principle superior
to all party and all private interest, had grad-
ually become unfamiliar. They had so long seen
the public policy more or less directed by views
of party, and often even of personal advantage,
as to be ready to suspect the motives of a chief
magistrate compelled, for the first time in our
history, to feel himself the head and hand of a
great nation, and to act upon the fundamental
maxim, laid down by all publicists, that the first
duty of a government is to defend and maintain
its own existence. Accordingly, a powerful
weapon seemed to be put into the hands of the
opposition by the necessity under which the ad-
BY JAMES RUSSELL LOWELL
XX]
ministration found itself of applying this old
truth to new relations. Nor were the opposition
his only nor his most dangerous opponents.
The Republicans had carried the country upon
an issue in which ethics were more directly and
visibly mingled with politics than usual. Their
leaders were trained to a method of oratory which
relied for its effect rather on the moral sense than
the understanding. Their arguments were
drawn, not so much from experience as from
general principles of right and wrong. When
the war came, their system continued to be ap-
plicable and effective, for here again the reason
of the people was to be reached and kindled
through their sentiments. It was one of those
periods of excitement, gathering, contagious,
universal, which, while they last, exalt and clarify
the minds of men, giving to the mere words
country, human rights, democracy, a meaning and
a force beyond that of sober and logical argu-
ment. They were convictions, maintained and
defended by the supreme logic of passion. That
penetrating fire ran in and roused those primary
instincts that make their lair in the dens and
caverns of the mind. What is called the great
popular heart was awakened, that indefinable
something which may be, according to circum-
stances, the highest reason or the most brutish
unreason. But enthusiasm, once cold, can never
be warmed over into anything better than cant, —
and phrases, when once the inspiration that filled
them with beneficent power has ebbed away,
retain only that semblance of meaning which
enables them to supplant reason in hasty minds.
Among the lessons taught by the French Revolu-
tior there is none sadder or more striking than
xxii ABRAHAM LINCOLN
this, that you may make everything else out of
the passions of men except a poHtical system that
will work, and that there is nothing so pitilessly
and unconsciously cruel as sincerity formulated
into dogma. It is always demoralizing to extend
the domain of sentiment over questions where it
has no legitimate jurisdiction; and perhaps the
severest strain upon Mr. Lincoln was in resisting
a tendency of his own supporters which chimed
with his own private desires while wholly op-
posed to his convictions of what would be wise
policy.
The change which three years have brought
about is too remarkable to be passed over with-
out comment, too weighty in its lesson not to
be laid to heart. Never did a President enter
upon office with less means at his command, out-
side his own strength of heart and steadiness
of understanding, for inspiring confidence in the
people, and so winning it for himself, than Mr.
Lincoln. All that was known of him was that
he was a good stump-speaker, nominated for his
availability, — that is, because he had no history, —
and chosen by a party with whose more extreme
opinions he was not in sympathy. It might well
be feared that a man past fifty, against whom the
ingenuity of hostile partisans could rake up no
accusation, must be lacking in manliness of
character, in decision of principle, in strength
of will ; that a man who was at best only the
representative of a party, and who yet did not
fairly represent even that, would fail of political,
much more of popular, support. And certainly
no one ever entered upon office with so few
resources of power in the past, and so many
materials of weakness in the present, as Mr. Lin-
BY JAMES RUSSELL LOWELL xxiii
coin. Even in that half of the Union which
acknowledged him as President, there was a
large, and at that time dangerous minority, that
hardly admitted his claim to the office, and even
in the party that elected him there was also a
large minority that suspected him of being se-
cretly a communicant with the church of Lao-
dicea. All that he did was sure to be virulently
attacked as ultra by one side; all that he left
undone to be stigmatized as proof of lukewarm-
ness and backsliding by the other. Meanwhile
he was to carry on a truly colossal war by means
of both; he was to disengage the country from
diplomatic entanglements of unprecedented peril
undisturbed by the help or the hindrance of
either, and to win from the crowning dangers of
his administration, in the confidence of the peo-
ple, the means of his safety and their own. He
has contrived to do it, and perhaps none of our
Presidents since Washington has stood so firm
in the confidence of the people as he does after
three years of stormy administration.
Mr. Lincoln's policy was a tentative one, and
rightly so. He laid down no programme which
must compel him to be either inconsistent or
unwise, no cast-iron theorem to which circum-
stances must be fitted as they rose, or else be
useless to his ends. He seemed to have chosen
Mazarin's motto, Le temps et moi.'^ The nioi, to
be sure, was not very prominent at first ; but it
has grown more and more so, till the world is
beginning to be persuaded that it stands for a
character of marked individuality and capacity
for affairs. Time was his prime-minister, and,
* Time and I. Cardinal Mazarin was prime-minister of Louis
XIV. of France.
xxiv ABRAHAM LINCOLN
we began to think, at one period, his general-in-
chief also. At first he was so slow that he tired
out all those who see no evidence of progress
but in blowing up the engine ; then he was so
fast that he took the breath away from those
who think there is no getting on safely while
there is a spark of fire under the boilers. God is
the only being who has time enough ; but a pru-
dent man, who knows how to seize occasion, can
commonly make a shift to find as much as he
needs. Mr. Lincoln, as it seems to us in review-
ing his career, though we have sometimes in our
impatience thought otherwise, has always waited,
as a wise man should, till the right moment
brought up all his reserves. Semper nocnit dif-
ferre paratis/^ is a sound axiom, but the really
efficacious man will also be sure to know when
he is not ready, and be firm against all persuasion
and reproach till he is.
One would be apt to think, from some of the
criticisms made on Mr. Lincoln's course by those
who mainly agree with him in principle, that the
chief object of a statesman should be rather to
proclaim his adhesion to certain doctrines, than
to achieve their triumph by quietly accomplishing
his ends. In our opinion, there is no more
unsafe politician than a conscientiously rigid
doctrinaire, nothing more sure to end in disaster
than a theoretic scheme of policy that admits
of no pliability for contingencies. True,
there is a popular image of an impossible
He, in whose plastic hands the submissive des-
tinies of mankind become as wax, and to whose
commanding necessity the toughest facts yield
with the graceful pliancy of fiction; but in real
* It is always bad for those who are ready to procrastinate.
BY JAMES RUSSELL LOWELL xxv
life we commonly find that the men who control
circumstances, as it is called, are those who have
learned to allow for the influence of their eddies,
and have the nerve to turn them to account at
the happy instant. Mr. Lincoln's perilous task
has been to carry a rather shaky raft through
the rapids, making fast the unrulier logs as he
could snatch opportunity, and the country is to
be congratulated that he did not think it his duty
to run straight at all hazards, but cautiously to
assure himself with his setting-pole where the
main current was, and keep steadily to that. He
is still in wild water, but we have faith that his
skill and sureness of eye will bring him out right
at last.
A curious, and, as we think, not inapt parallel,
might be drawn between Mr. Lincoln and one
of the most striking figures in modern history, —
Henry IV. of France. The career of the latter
may be more picturesque, as that of a daring
captain always is ; but in all its vicissitudes there
is nothing more romantic than that sudden
change, as by a rub of Aladdin's lamp, from
the attorney's office in a country town of Illinois
to the helm of a great nation in times like these.
The analogy between the characters and circum-
stances of the two men is in many respects
singularly close. Succeeding to a rebellion
rather than a crown, Henry's chief material de-
pendence was the Huguenot party, whose doc-
trines sat upon him with a looseness distasteful
certainly, if not suspicious, to the more fanatical
among them. King only in name over the
greater part of France, and with his capital
barred against him, it yet gradually became clear
to the more far-seeing even of the Catholic
xxvi ABRAHAM LINCOLN
party that he was the only centre of order and
legitimate authority round which France could
reorganize itself. While preachers who held the
divine right of kings made the churches of Paris
ring with declamations in favor of democracy
rather than submit to the heretic dog of a Bear-
nois,* — much as our soi-disant Democrats have
lately been preaching the divine right of slavery,
and denouncing the heresies of the Declaration
of Independence, — Henry bore both parties in
hand till he was convinced that only one
course of action could possibly combine his own
interests with those of France. Meanwhile the
Protestants believed somewhat doubtfully that
he was theirs, the Catholics hoped somewhat
doubtfully that he would be theirs, and Henry
himself turned aside remonstrance, advice, and
curiosity alike with a jest or a proverb (if a little
high, he liked them none the worse), joking con-
tinually as his manner was. We have seen Mr.
Lincoln contemptuously compared to Sancho
Panza by persons incapable of appreciating one
of the deepest pieces of wisdom in the profound-
est romance ever written; namely, that, while
Don Quixote was incomparable in theoretic and
ideal statesmanship, Sancho, with his stock of
proverbs, the ready money of human experience,
made the best possible practical governor.
Henry IV. was as full of wise saws and modern
instances as Mr. Lincoln, but beneath all this
was the thoughtful, practical, humane, and
thoroughly earnest man, around whom the frag-
ments of France were to gather themselves till
she took her place again as a planet of the first
* Henry came from the province of Beam,
BY JAMES RUSSELL LOWELL xxvii
magnitude in the European system. In one re-
spect Mr, Lincoln was more fortunate than
Henry. However some may think him wanting in
zeal, the most fanatical can find no taint of apos-
tasy in any measure of his, nor can the most
bitter charge him with being influenced by mo-
tives of personal interest. The leading distinc-
tion between the policies of the two is one
of circumstances. Henry went over to the
nation; Mr. Lincoln has steadily drawn the
nation over to him. One left a united France;
the other, we hope and believe, will leave a re-
united America. We leave our readers to trace
the further points of difference and resemblance
for themselves, merely suggesting a general
similarity which has often occurred to us. One
only point of melancholy interest we will allow
ourselves to touch upon. That Mr. Lincoln is
not handsome nor elegant, we learn from cer-
tain English tourists who would consider similar
revelations in regard to Queen Victoria as
thoroughly American in their want of hienseance.
It is no concern of ours, nor does it affect his
fitness for the high place he so worthily occupies ;
but he is certainly as fortunate as Henry in the
matter of good looks, if we may trust contem-
porary evidence. Mr. Lincoln has also been re-
proached with Americanism by some not un-
friendly British critics ; but, with all deference, we
cannot say that we like him any the worse for it,
or see in it any reason why he should govern
Americans the less wisely.
People of more sensitive organizations may
be shocked, but we are glad that in this our true
war of independence, which is to free us for-
ever from the Old World, we have had at the
xxviii ABRAHAM LINCOLN
head of our affairs a man whom America made,
as God made Adam, out of the very earth, un-
ancestored, unprivileged, unknown, to show us
how much truths how much magnanimity, and
how much statecraft await the call of opportunity
in simple manhood when it believes in the
justice of God and the worth of man. Conven-
tionalities are all very well in their proper place,
but they shrivel at the touch of nature like stub-
ble in the fire. The genius that sways a nation
by its arbitrary will seems less august to us
than that which multiplies and reinforces itself
in the instincts and convictions of an entire peo-
ple. Autocracy may have something in it more
melodramatic than this, but falls far short of it
in human value and interest.
Experience would have bred in us a rooted dis-
trust of improvised statesmanship, even if we
did not believe politics to be a science, which, if
it cannot always command men of special apti-
tude and great powers, at least, demands the long
and steady application of the best powers of such
men as it can command to master even its first
principles. It is curious, that, in a country which
boasts of its intelligence, the theory should be
so generally held that the most complicated of
human contrivances, and one which every day
becomes more complicated, can be worked at
sight by any man able to talk for an hour or two
without stopping to think.
Mr, Lincoln is sometimes claimed as an ex-
ample of a ready-made ruler. But no case could
well be less in point; for, besides that he was
a man of such fair-mindedness as is always the
raw material of wisdom, he had in his profes-
sion a training precisely the opposite of that to
BY JAMES RUSSELL LOWELL xxh
which a partisan is subjected. His experience
as a lawyer compelled him not only to see that
there is a principle underlying every phenomenon
in human affairs, but that there are always two
sides to every question, both of which must be
fully understood in order to understand either,
and that it is of greater advantage to an advo-
cate to appreciate the strength than the weakness
of his antagonist's position. Nothing is more
remarkable than the unerring tact with which,
in his debate with Mr. Douglas, he went straight
to the reason of the question; nor have we ever
had a more striking lesson in political tactics
than the fact, that opposed to a man exceptionally
adroit in using popular prejudice and bigotry
to his purpose, exceptionally unscrupulous in
appealing to those baser motives that turn a meet-
ing of citizens into a mob of barbarians, he
should yet have won his case before a jury of
the people. Mr, Lincoln was as far as possible
from an impromptu politician. His wdsdom was
made up of a knowledge of things as well as
of men ; his sagacity resulted from a clear per-
ception and honest acknowledgment of difficul-
ties, which enabled him to see that the only dura-
ble triumiph of political opinion is based, not on
any abstract right, but upon so much of justice,
the highest attainable at any given moment in
human affairs, as may be had in the balance of
mutual concession. Doubtless he had an ideal,
but it was the ideal of a practical statesman, —
to aim at the best, and to take the next best,
if he is lucky enough to get even that. His slow,
but singularly masculine, intelligence taught him
that precedent is only another name for embodied
experience, and that it counts for even more in
XXX ABRAHAM LINCOLN
the guidance of communities of men than in that
of the individual Hfe. He was not a man who
held it good public economy to pull down on the
mere chance of rebuilding better. Mr. Lincoln's
faith in God was qualified by a very well-founded
distrust of the wisdom of man. Perhaps it was
his want of self-confidence that more than any-
thing else won him the unlimited confidence of
the people, for they felt that there would be
no need of retreat from any position he had
deliberately taken. The cautious, but steady,
advance of his policy during the war was like
that of a Roman army. He left behind him a
firm road on which public confidence could fol-
low ; he took America with him where he went ;
what he gained he occupied, and his advanced
posts became colonies. The very homeliness of
his genius was its distinction. His kingship
was conspicuous by its workday homespun.
Never was ruler so absolute as he, nor so little
conscious of it ; for he was the incarnate common-
sense of the people. With all that tenderness
of nature whose sweet sadness touched whoever
saw him with something of its own pathos, there
was no trace of sentimentalism in his speech or
action. He seems to have had but one rule of
conduct, always that of practical and successful
politics, to let himself be guided by events, when
they were sure to bring him out where he wished
to go, though by what seemed to unpractical
minds, which let go the possible to grasp at the
desirable, a longer road.
Undoubtedly the highest function of states-
manship is by degrees to accommodate the con-
duct of communities to ethical laws, and to sub-
ordinate the conflicting self-interests of the day
BY JAMES RUSSELL LOWELL xxxi
to higher and more permanent concerns. But
it is on the understanding, and not on the senti-
ment, of a nation that all safe legislation must
be based. Voltaire's saying, that "a considera-
tion of petty circumstances is the tomb of great
things," may be true of individual men, but it
certainly is not true of governments. It is by
a multitude of such considerations, each in itself
trifling, but all together weighty, that the f ramers
of policy can alone divine what is practicable
and therefore wise. The imputation of incon-
sistency is one to which every sound politician
and every honest thinker must sooner or later
subject himself. The foolish and the dead
alone never change their opinion. The course of
a great statesman resembles that of navigable
rivers, avoiding immovable obstacles with noble
bends of concession, seeking the broad levels of
opinion on which men soonest settle and longest
dwell, following and marking the almost imper-
ceptible slopes of national tendency, yet always
aiming at direct advances, always recruited from
sources nearer heaven, and sometimes bursting
open paths of progress and fruitful human com-
merce through what seem the eternal barriers
of both. It is loyalty to great ends, even though
forced to combine the small and opposing mo-
tives of selfish men to accomplish them ; it is
the anchored cling to solid principles of duty and
action, which knows how to swing with the tide,
but is never carried away by it, — that we demand
in public men, and not sameness of policy, or
a conscientious persistency in what is impracti-
cable. For the impracticable, however theoret-
ically enticing, is always politically unwise,
sound statesmanship being the application of that
xxxii ABRAHAM LINCOLN
prudence to the public business which Is the
safest guide in that of private men.
No doubt slavery was the most delicate and
embarrassing question with which Mr. Lincoln
was called on to deal, and it was one which no
man in his position, whatever his opinions, could
evade; for, though he might withstand the
clamor of partisans, he must sooner or later yield
to the persistent importunacy of circumstances,
which thrust the problem upon him at every
turn and in every shape.
It has been brought against us as an accusation
abroad, and repeated here by people who measure
their country rather by what is thought of it
than by what it is, that our war has not been
distinctly and avowedly for the extinction of
slavery, but a war rather for the preservation
of our national power and greatness, in which
the emancipation of the negro has been forced
upon us by circumstances and accepted as a ne-
cessity. We are very far from denying this ; nay,
we admit that it is so far true that we were slow
to renounce our constitutional obligations even
toward those who had absolved us by their own
act from the letter of our duty. We are speak-
ing of the government which, legally installed
for the whole country, was bound, so long as
it was possible, not to overstep the limits of
orderly prescription, and could not, without ab-
negating its own very nature, take the lead in
making rebellion an excuse for revolution.
There were, no doubt, many ardent and sincere
persons who seemed to think this as simple a
thing to do as to lead off a Virginia reel. They
forgot, what should be forgotten least of all in
a system like ours, that the administration for
BY JAMES RUSSELL LOWELL -xxiii
the time being represents not only the majority
which elects it, but the minority as well, — a mi-
nority in this case powerful, and so Httle ready
for emancipation that it was opposed even to
war. Mr. Lincoln had not been chosen as gen-
eral agent of an anti-slavery society, but Presi-
dent of the United States, to perform certain
functions exactly defined by law. Whatever
were his wishes, it was no less duty than policy
to mark out for himself a line of action that
would not further distract the country, by raising
before their time questions which plainly would
soon enough compel attention, and for which
every day was making the answer more easy.
Meanwhile he must solve the riddle of this
new Sphinx, or be devoured. Though Mr. Lin-
coln's policy in this critical afifair has not been
such as to satisfy those who demand an heroic
treatment for even the most trifling occasion,
and who will not cut their coat according to their
cloth, unless they can borrow the scissors of
Atropos, it has been at least not unworthy of the
long-headed king of Ithaca. Mr. Lincoln had
the choice of Bassanio offered him. Which of
the three caskets held the prize that was to re-
deem the fortunes of the country? There was
the golden one, whose showy speciousness might
have tempted a vain man; the silver of compro-
mise, which might have decided the choice of
a merely acute one; and the leaden, — dull and
homely-looking, as prudence always is, — yet with
something about it sure to attract the eye of
practical wisdom. Mr. Lincoln dallied with his
decision perhaps longer than seemed needful to
those on whom its awful responsibility was not
to rest, but when he made it, it was worthy of
xxxiv ABRAHAM LINCOLN
his cautious but sure-footed understanding. The
moral of the Sphinx-riddle, and it is a deep one,
lies in the childish simplicity of the solution.
Those who fail in guessing it, fail because they
are over-ingenious, and cast about for an answer
that shall suit their own notion of the gravity
of the occasion, and of their own dignity, ratherj
than the occasion itself. !
In a matter which must be finally settled by.;
public opinion, and in regard to which the fer-
ment of prejudice and passion on both sides has
not yet subsided to that equilibrium of compro-
mise from which alone a sound public opinion
can result, it is proper enough for the private
citizen to press his own convictions with all pos-
sible force of argument and persuasion; but the
popular magistrate, whose judgment must be-
come action, and whose action involves the whole
country, is bound to wait till the sentiment of
the people is so far advanced toward his own
point of view, that what he does shall find sup-
port in it, instead of merely confusing it with
new elements of division. It was not unnatural
that men earnestly devoted to the saving of their
country, and profoundly convinced that slavery
was its only real enemy, should demand a decided
policy round which all patriots might rally, — and
this might have been the wisest course for an
absolute ruler. But in the then unsettled state
of the public mind, with a large party decrying
even resistance to the slaveholders' rebellion as
not only unwise, but even unlawful ; with a ma-
jority, perhaps, even of the would-be loyal so
long accustomed to regard the Constitution as
a deed of gift conveying to the South their own
judgment as to policy and instinct as to right,
BY JAMES RUSSELL LOWELL xxxv
that they were in doubt at first whether their
loyalty were due to the country or to slavery;
and with a respectable body of honest and in-
fluential men who still believed in the possibility
of conciliation, — Mr. Lincoln judged wisely, that,
in laying down a policy in deference to one party,
he should be giving to the other the very
fulcrum for which their disloyalty had been
waiting.
It behooved a clear-headed man in his position
not to yield so far to an honest (indignation
against the brokers of treason in the North as
to lose sight of the materials for misleading
which were their stock in trade, and to forget
that it is not the falsehood of sophistry which
is to be feared, but the grain of truth mingled
with it to make it specious, — that it is not the
knavery of the leaders so much as the honesty
of the followers they may seduce, that gives them
power for evil. It was especially his duty to
do nothing which might help the people to forget
the true cause of the war in fruitless disputes
about its inevitable consequences.
The doctrine of State rights can be so handled
by an adroit demagogue as easily to confound
the distinction between liberty and lawlessness
in the minds of ignorant persons, accustomed
always to be influenced by the sound of certain
words, rather than to reflect upon the principles
which give them meaning. For, though Seces-
sion involves the manifest absurdity of denying
to a State the right of making war against any
foreign power while permitting it against the
United States; though it supposes a compact of
mutual concessions and guaranties among States
without any arbiter in case of dissension ; though
xxxvi ABRAHAM LINCOLN
it contradicts commonsense in assuming that
the men who framed our government did not
know what they meant when they substituted
Union for Confederation; though it falsifies his-
tory, which shows that the main opposition to
the adoption of the Constitution was based on
the argument that it did not allow that independ-
ence in the several States which alone would
justify them in seceding; — yet, as slavery was
universally admitted to be a reserved right, an
inference could be drawn from any direct attack
upon it (though only in self-defense) to a natural
right of resistance, logical enough to satisfy
minds untrained to detect fallacy, as the majority
of men always are, and now too much disturbed
by the disorder of the times^ to consider that
the order of events had any legitimate bearing
on the argument. Though Mr. Lincoln was too
sagacious to give the Northern allies of the
Rebels the occasion they desired and even strove
to provoke, yet from the beginning of the war
the most persistent efforts have been made to
confuse the public mind as to its origin and
motives, and to drag the people of the loyal
States down from the national position they had
instinctively taken to the old level of party squab-
bles and antipathies. The wholly unprovoked
rebellion of an oligarchy proclaiming negro slav-
ery the corner-stone of free institutions, and in
the first flush of over-hasty confidence venturing
to parade the logical sequence of their leading
dogma, ''that slavery is right in principle, and
has nothing to do with difference of com-
plexion," has been represented as a legitimate
and gallant attempt to maintain the true prin-
ciples of democracy. The rightful endeavor of
BY JAMES RUSSELL LOWELL xxxvii
an established government, the least onerous that
ever existed, to defend itself against a treach-
erous attack on its very existence, has been cun-
ningly made to seem the wicked effort of a fanati-
cal clique to force its doctrines on an oppressed
population.
Even so long ago as when Mr. Lincoln, not
yet convinced of the danger and magnitude of
the crisis, was endeavoring to persuade himself
of Union majorities at the South, and to carry
on a war that was half peace in the hope of a
peace that would have been all war, — while he
was still enforcing the Fugitive Slave Law,
under some theory that Secession, however it
might absolve States from their obligations,
could not escheat them of their claims under the
Constitution, and that slaveholders in rebellion
had alone among mortals the privilege of having
their cake and eating it at the same time, — the
enemies of free government were striving to
persuade the people that the war was an Aboli-
tion crusade. To rebel without reason was pro-
claimed as one of the rights of man, while it
was carefully kept out of sight that to suppress
rebellion is the first duty of government. All
the evils that have come upon the country have
been attributed to the Abolitionists, though it
is hard to see how any party can become per-
manently powerful except in one of two ways, —
either by the greater truth of its principles, or
the extravagance of the party opposed to it. To
fancy the ship of state, riding safe at her constitu-
tional moorings, suddenly engulfed by a huge
kraken of Abolitionism, rising from unknown
depths and grasping it with slimy tentacles, is
to look at the natural history of the matter with
xxxviii ABRAHAM LINCOLN
the eyes of Pontoppidan.* To believe that the
leaders in the Southern treason feared any dan-
ger from Abolitionism, would be to deny them
ordinary intelligence, though there can be little
doubt that they made use of it to stir the pas-
sions and excite the fears of their deluded accom-
plices. They rebelled, not because they thought
slavery weak, but because they believed it strong
enough, not to overthrow the government, but
to get possession of it; for it becomes daily
clearer that they used rebellion only as a means
of revolution, and if they got revolution, though
not in the shape they looked for, is the American
people to save them from its consequences at the
cost of its own existence? The election of Mr.
Lincoln, which it was clearly in their power to
prevent had they wished, was the occasion
merely, and not the cause, of their revolt. Abo-
litionism, till within a year or two, was the de-
spised heresy of a few earnest persons, without
political weight enough to carry the election of
a parish constable ; and their cardinal principle
was disunion, because they were convinced that
within the Union the position of slavery was im-
pregnable. In spite of the proverb, great effects
do not follow from small causes, — that is, dis-
proportionately small, — but from adequate causes
acting under certain required conditions. To
contrast the size of the oak with that of the par-
ent acorn, as if the poor seed had paid all costs
from its slender strong-box, may serve for a
child's wonder; but the real miracle lies in that
divine league which bound all the forces of na-
ture to the service of the tiny germ in fulfilling
its destiny. Everything has been at work for
* A Danish antiquary and theologian.
BY JAMES RUSSELL LOWELL xxxix
the past ten years in the cause of anti-slavery,
but Garrison and PhilHps have been far less suc-
cessful propagandists than the slaveholders
themselves, with the constantly growing arro-
gance of their pretensions and encroachments.'
They have forced the question upon the attention
of every voter in the Free States, by defiantly put-
ting freedom and democracy on the defensive.
But, even after the Kansas outrages, there was no
widespread desire on the part of the North to
commit aggressions, though there was a growing
determination to resist them. The popular unan-
imity in favor of the war three years ago was
but in small measure the result of anti-slavery
sentiment, far less of any zeal for abolition. But
every month of the war, every movement of the
allies of slavery in the Free States, has been
making Abolitionists by the thousand. The
masses of any people, however intelligent, are
very little moved by abstract principles of hu-
manity and justice, until those principles are in-
terpreted for them by the stinging commentary
of some infringement upon their own rights, and
then their instincts and passions, once aroused,
do indeed derive an incalculable reinforcement
of impulse and intensity from those higher ideas,
those sublime traditions, which have no motive
political force till they are allied with a sense of
immediate personal wrong or imminent peril.
Then at last the stars in their courses begin to
fight against Sisera. Had any one doubted be-
fore that the rights of human nature are unitary,
that oppression is of one hue the world over, no
matter what the color of the oppressed, — had
any one failed to see what the real essence of
the contest was^ — the efforts of the advocates of
xl ABRAHAM LINCOLN
slavery among ourselves to throw discredit upon
the fundamental axioms of the Declaration of
Independence and the radical doctrines of Chris-
tianity, could not fail to sharpen his eyes.
While every day was bringing the people
nearer to the conclusion which all thinking men
saw to be inevitable from the beginning, it was
wise in Mr. Lincoln to leave the shaping of his
policy to events. In this country, where the
rough and ready understanding of the people is
sure at last to be the controlling power, a pro-
found commonsense is the best genius for states-
manship. Hitherto the wisdom of the President's
measures has been justified by the fact that they
have always resulted in more firmly uniting pub-
lic opinion. One of the things particularly
admirable in the public utterances of President
Lincoln is a certain tone of famiUar dignity,
which, while it is perhaps the most difficult at-
tainment of mere style, is also no doubtful indi-
cation of personal character. There must be
something essentially noble in an elective ruler
who can descend to the level of confidential ease
without losing respect, something very manly in
one who can break through the etiquette of his
conventional rank and trust himself to the rea-
son and intelligence of those who have elected
him. No higher compliment was ever paid to
a nation than the simple confidence, the fireside
plainness, with which Mr. Lincoln always ad-
dresses himself to the reason of the American
people. This was, indeed, a true democrat, who
grounded himself on the assumption that a
democracy can think. "Come, let us reason to-
gether about this matter/' has been the tone of
all his addresses to the people ; and accordingly
BY JAMES RUSSELL LOWELL xli
we have never had a chief magistrate who so
won to himself the love and at the same time the
judgment of his countrymen. To us, that simple
confidence of his in the right-mindedness of his
fellow-men is very touching, and its success is
as strong an argument as we have ever seen in
favor of the theory that men can govern them-
selves. He never appeals to any vulgar senti-
ment, he never alludes to the humbleness of his
origin ; it probably never occurred to him, indeed,
tha't there was anything higher to start from
than manhood; and he put himself on a level
with those he addressed, not by going down to
them, but only by taking it for granted that they
had brains and would come up to a cornmon
ground of reason. In an article lately printed
in The Nation, Mr. Bayard Taylor mentions the
striking fact, that in the foulest dens of the Five
Points he found the portrait of Lincoln. The
wTetched population that makes its hive there
threw all its votes and more against him, and yet
paid this instinctive tribute to the sweet humanity
of his nature. There ignorance sold its vote
and took its money, but all that was left of man-
hood in them recognized its saint and martyr.
Mr. Lincoln is not in the habit of saying,
"This is my opinion, or my theory," but "This
is the conclusion to which, in my judgment, the
time has come, and to which, accordingly, the
sooner we come the better for us." His policy
has been the policy of public opinion based on
adequate discussion and on a timely recognition
of the influence of passing events in shaping the
features of events to come.
One secret of Mr. Lincoln's remarkable suc-
cess in captivating the popular mind is undoubt-
xlii THE FIRST AMERICAN
edly an unconsciousness of self which enables
him, though under the necessity of constantly
using the capital /, to do it without any sugges-
tion of egotism. There is no single vowel which
men's mouths can pronounce with such difference
of effect. That which one shall hide away, as
it were behind the substance of his discourse,
or, if he bring it to the front, shall use merely
to give an agreeable accent of individuality to
what he says, another shall make an offensive
challenge to the self-satisfaction of all his hear-
ers, and an unwarranted intrusion upon each
man's sense of personal importance, irritating
every pore of his vanity, like a dry northeast
wind, to a goose-flesh of opposition and hostility.
Mr. Lincoln has never studied Quintilian ; but
he has, in the earnest simplicity and unaffected
Americanism of his own character, one art of
oratory worth all the rest. He forgets himself
so entirely in his object as to give his / the sympa-
thetic and persuasive effect of Wc with the great
body of his countrymen. Homely, dispassionate,
showing all the rough-edged process of his
thought as it goes along, yet arriving at his
conclusions with an honest kind of every-day
logic, he is so eminently our representative man,
that, when he speaks, it seems as if the people'
were listening to their own thinking aloud. The
dignity of his thought owes nothing to any cere-
monial garb of words, but to the manly move-
ment that comes of settled purpose and an en-
ergy of reason that knows not what rhetoric
means. There has been nothing of Cleon, still
less of Strepsiades* striving to underbid him in
* Athenian demagogues, satirized by the comic dramatist Aris-
tophanes.
BY JAMES RUSSELL LOWELL xliii
demagogism, to be found in the public utter-
ances of Mr. Lincoln. He has always addressed
the intelligence of men, never their prejudice,
their passion, or their ignorance.
The First American.
Extract from Ode Recited at the Harvard Commemora-
tion, July 21, 1865.
By James Russell Lowell.
V.
Whither leads the path
To ampler fates that leads?
Not down through flowery meads,
To reap an aftermath
Of youth's vainglorious weeds ;
But up the steep, amid the wrath
And shock of deadly-hostile creeds,
Where the world's best hope and stay
By battle's flashes gropes a desperate way,
And every turf the fierce foot clings to bleeds.
Peace hath her not ignoble wreath.
Ere yet the sharp, decisive word
Light the black lips of cannon, and the sword
Dreams in its easeful sheath ;
But some day the live coal behind the thought,
Whether from Baal's stone obscene.
Or from the shrine serene
Of God's pure altar brought,
Bursts up in flame ; the war of tongue and pen
Learns with what deadly purpose it was fraught,
And, helpless in the fiery passion caught.
Shakes all the pillared state with shock of men :
xliv THE FIRST AMERICAN
Some day the soft Ideal that we wooed
Confronts us fiercely, foe-beset, pursued,
And cries reproachful : "Was it, then, my praise,
And not myself was loved ? Prove now thy truth ;
I claim of thee the promise of thy youth ;
Give me thy life, or cower in empty phrase,
The victim of thy genius, not its mate !"
Life may be given in many ways,
And loyalty to Truth be sealed
As bravely in the closet as the field,
So bountiful is Fate ;
But then to stand beside her,
When craven churls deride her,
To front a lie in arms and not to yield.
This shows, methinks, God's plan
And measure of a stalwart man.
Limbed like the old heroic breeds,
Who stands self-poised on manhood's solid
earth,
Not forced to frame excuses for his birth.
Fed from within with all the strength he needs.
VI.
Such was he, our Martyr-Chief,
Whom late the Nation he had led.
With ashes on her head,
Wept with the passion of an angry grief :
Forgive me, if from present things I turn
To speak what in my heart will beat and burn.
And hang my wreath on his world-honored urn.
Nature, they say, doth dote.
And cannot make a man
Save on some worn-out plan.
Repeating us by rote :
BY JAMES RUSSELL LOWELL xlv
For him her Old- World moulds aside she threw;
And, choosing sweet clay from the breast
Of the unexhausted West,
With stuff untainted shaped a hero new,
Wise, steadfast in the strength of God, and true.
How beautiful to see
Once more a shepherd of mankind indeed,
Who loved his charge, but never loved to lead ;
One whose meek flock the people joyed to be.
Not lured by any cheat of birth.
But by his clear-grained human worth,
And brave old wisdom of sincerity !
They knew that outward grace is dust ;
They could not choose but trust
In that sure-footed mind's unfaltering skill,
And supple-tempered will
That bent like perfect steel to spring again and
thrust.
His was no lonely mountain-peak of mind,
Thrusting to thin air o'er our cloudy bars,
A sea-mark now, now lost in vapors blind ;
Broad prairie rather, genial, level-lined,
Fruitful and friendly for all human-kind.
Yet also nigh to heaven and loved of loftiest
stars.
Nothing of Europe here.
Or. then, of Europe fronting mornward still,
Ere any names of Serf and Peer
Could Nature's equal scheme deface
And thwart her genial will ;
Here was a type of the true elder race.
And one of Plutarch's men talked with us face
to face.
I praise him not ; it were too late ;
And some innative weakness there must be
In him who condescends to victory
xlvi LINCOLN'S PERSONAL APPEARANCE
Such as the Present gives, and cannot wait,
Safe in himself as in a fate.
So always firmly he :
He knew to bide his time,
And can his fame abide,
Still patient in his simple faith sublime.
Till the wise years decide.
Great captains, with their guns and drums,
Disturb our judgment for the hour,
But at last silence comes ;
These all are gone, and, standing like a tower,
Our children shall behold his fame,
The kindly-earnest, brave, foreseeing man,
Sagacious, patient, dreading praise, not blame.
New birth of our new soil, the first American.
Lincoln's Personal Appearance.*
By William H. Herndon.
He was about six feet four inches high, and
when he left this city was fifty-one years old,
having good health and no gray hairs, or but
few on his head. He was thin, wiry, sinewy, raw-
boned ; thin through the breast to the back, and
narrow across the shoulders ; standing, he leaned
forward — was what may be called stoop-shoul-
dered, inclining to the consumptive by build.
His usual weight was one hundred and sixty
pounds. His organization — rather his structure
and functions — worked slowly. His blood had
to run a long distance from his heart to the ex-
tremities of his frame, and his nerve-force had
* From an address delivered in Springfield, Illinois, December
12, 1865.
BY WILLIAM H. HERN DON xlvii
to travel through dry ground a long distance
before his muscles were obedient to his will. His
structure was loose and leathery ; his body was
shrunk and shrivelled, having dark skin, dark
hair, — looking woe-struck. The whole man,
body and mind, worked slowly, creakingly, as
if it needed oiling. Physically, he was a very
powerful man, lifting with ease four hundred
or six hundred pounds. His mind was like his
body, and worked slowly but strongly. When
he walked, he moved cautiously but firmly, his
long arms and hands on them, hanging like
giant's hands, swung down by his side. He
walked with even tread, the inner sides of his
feet being parallel. He put the whole foot flat
down on the ground at once, not landing on
the heel ; he likewise lifted his foot all at once,
not rising from the toe, and hence he had no
spring to his walk. He had economy of fall and
lift of foot, though he had no spring or apparent
ease of motion in his tread. He walked undula-
tory, up and down, catching and pocketing tire,
weariness, and pain, all up and down his per-
son, preventing them from locating. The first
opinion of a stranger, or a man who did not ob-
serve closely, was that his walk implied shrewd-
ness, cunning, — a tricky man; but his was the
walk of caution and firmness. In sitting down on
a common chair he was no taller than ordinary
men. His legs and arms were, abnormally, un-
naturally long, and in undue proportion to the
balance of his body. It was only when he stood
up that he loomed above other men.
Mr. Lincoln's head was long and tall from
the base of the brain and from the eyebrows.
His head ran backwards, his forehead rising as
xlviii LINCOLN'S STATE PAPERS
it ran back at a low angle, like Clay's, and, un-
like Webster's, almost perpendicular. The size
of his hat, measured at the hatter's block, was
yYs, his head being, from ear to ear, 63/^ inches,
and from the front to the back of the brain 8
inches. Thus measured, it was not below the
medium size. His forehead was narrow but high ;
his hair was dark, almost black, and lay floating
where his fingers or the winds left it, piled up
at random. His cheek-bones were high, sharp,
and prominent; his eyebrows heavy and promi-
nent; his jaws were long, upcurved, and heavy;
his nose was large, long, and blunt, a little awry
towards the right eye; his chin was long, sharp,
and upcurved; his eyebrows cropped out like a
huge rock on the brow of a hill; his face was
long, sallow, and cadaverous, shrunk, shrivelled,
wrinkled, and dry, having here and there a hair
on the surface ; his cheeks were leathery ; his ears
were large, and ran out almost at right angles
from his head, caused partly by heavy hats and
partly by nature; his lower lip was thick, hang-
ing, and undercurved, while his chin reached for
the lip upcurved; his neck was neat and trim,
his head being well balanced on it; there was
the lone mole on the right cheek, and Adam's
apple on his throat.
Thus stood, walked, acted, and looked Abra-
ham Lincoln. He was not a pretty man by any
means, nor was he an ugly one ; he was a homely
man, careless of his looks, plain-looking and
plain-acting. He had no pomp, display, or dig-
nity, so-called. He appeared simple in his car-
riage and bearing. He was a sad-looking man ;
his melancholy dripped from him as he walked.
His apparent gloom impressed his friends, and
BY HENRY J. RAYMOND xlix
created a sympathy for him — one means of his
great success. He was gloomy, abstracted, and
joyous, — rather humorous, — by turns. I do not
think he knew what real joy was for many
years. . . .
Thus, I say, stood and walked and looked this
singular man. He was odd, but when that gray
eye and face and every feature were lit up by
the inward soul in fires of emotion, then it was
that all these apparently ugly features sprang
into organs of beauty, or sunk themselves into
a sea of inspiration that sometimes flooded his
face. Sometimes it appeared to me that Lin-
coln's soul was just fresh from the presence of
its Creator.
[See also "Lincoln's Personal Appearance," page 283,
yolume five, present edition.]
President Lincoln's State Papers.*
By Henry J. Raymond.
No one can read Mr. Lincoln's state papers
without perceiving in them a most remarkable
faculty of "putting things" so as to command
the attention and assent of the common people.
His style of thought as well as of expression
is thoroughly in harmony with their habitual
modes of thinking and of speaking. His in-
tellect is keen, emphatically logical in its action,
and capable of the closest and most subtle analy-
sis: and he uses language for the sole purpose
* From " History of the Administration of President Lincoln,"
by Henry J. Raymond, 1864. Mr, Raymond was editor of the
New York Times, and the Chairman of the Executive Nationa/
Committee of the Union (Republican) party at the time.
1 LINCOLN'S STATE PAPERS
of stating, in the clearest and simplest possible
form, the precise idea he wishes to convey. He
has no pride of intellect — not the slightest desire
for display — no thought or purpose but that of
making everybody understand precisely what he
believes and means to utter. And while this
sacrifices the graces of style, it gains immeas-
urably in practical force and effect. It gives
to his public papers a weight and influence with
the mass of the people which no public man
of this country has ever before attained. And
this is heightened by the atmosphere of humor
which seems to pervade his mind, and which is
just as natural to it and as attractive and soft-
ening a portion of it, as the smoky hues of
Indian summer are of the charming season to
which they belong. His nature is eminently
genial, and he seems to be incapable of cherish-
ing an envenomed resentment. And although
he is easily touched by whatever is painful, the
elasticity of his temper and his ready sense of
the humorous break the force of anxieties and
responsibilities under which a man of harder
though perhaps a higher nature would sink and
fail.
General Messages to Congress
GENERAL MESSAGES TO
CONGRESS
Message to Congress in Special Session.
July 4, 1861.
Fellozv-citkens of the Senate and House of
Representatives: Having been convened on an
extraordinary occasion, as authorized by the
Constitution, your attention is not called to any
ordinary subject of legislation.
At the beginning of the present presidential
term, four months ago, the functions of the Fed-
eral Government were found to be generally
suspended within the several States^ of South
Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, Loui-
siana, and Florida, excepting only those of the
Post-office Department.
Within these States all the forts, arsenals,
dockyards, custom-houses, and the like, includ-
ing the movable and stationary property in and
about them, had been seized, and were held in
open hostility to this government, excepting only
Forts Pickens, Taylor, and Jefferson, on and
near the Florida coast, and Fort Sumter, in
Charleston Harbor, South Carolina. The forts
thus seized had been put in improved condition,
new ones had been built, and armed forces had
been organized and were organizing, all avow-
edly with the same hostile purpose.
4 STATE PAPERS
The forts remaining in the possession of the
Federal Government in and near these States
were either besieged or menaced by warHke
preparations, and especially Fort Sumter was
nearly surrounded by well-protected hostile bat-
teries, with guns equal in quality to the best
of its own, and outnumbering the latter as per-
haps ten to one. A disproportionate share of the
Federal muskets and rifles had somehow found
their way into these States, and had been seized
to be used against the government. Accumula-
tions of the public revenue lying within them
had been seized for the same object. The navy
was scattered in distant seas, leaving but a very
small part of it within immediate reach of the
government. Officers of the Federal army and
navy resigned in great numbers ; and of those
resigning a large proportion had taken up arms
against the government. Simultaneously, and in
connection with all this, the purpose to sev.er the
Federal Union was openly avowed. In accord-
ance with this purpose, an ordinance had been
adopted in each of these States, declaring the
States respectively to be separated from the
National tlnion. A formula for instituting a
combined government of these States had been
promulgated ; and this illegal organization, in the
character of confederate States, was already in-
voking recognition, aid, and intervention from
foreign powers.
Finding this condition of things, and believing
it to be an imperative duty upon the incoming
executive to prevent, if possible, the consumma-
tion of such attempt to destroy the Federal
Union, a choice of means to that end became in-
dispensable. This choice was made and was
SPECIAL MESSAGE, JULY 4, 1861 5
declared in the inaugural address. The policy
chosen looked to the exhaustion of all peaceful
measures before a resort to any stronger ones.
It sought only to hold the public places and
property not already wrested from the govern-
ment, and to collect the revenue, relying for the
rest on time, discussion, and the ballot-box. It
promised a continuance of the mails at govern-
ment expense, to the very people who were re-
sisting the government; and it gave repeated
pledges against any disturbance to any of the
people, or any of their rights. Of all that which
a President might constitutionally and justifiably
do in such a case, everything was forborne with-
out which it was believed possible to keep the
government on foot.
On the 5th of March (the present incum-
bent's first full day in office), a letter of Major
Anderson, commanding at Fort Sumter, writ-
ten on the 28th of February and received at the
War Department on the 4th of March, was by
that department placed in his hands. This letter
expressed the professional opinion of the writer
that reinforcements could not be thrown into
that fort within the time for his relief, rendered
necessary by the limited supply of provisions,
and with a view of holding possession of the
same, with a force of less than twenty thousand
good and well-disciplined men. This opinion
was concurred in by all the officers of his com-
mand, and their memoranda on the subject
were made inclosures of Major Anderson's let-
ter. The whole was immediately laid before
Lieutenant-General Scott, who at once concurred
with Major Anderson in opinion. On reflec-
tion, however, he took full time, consulting with
6 STATE PAPERS
other officers, both of the army and the navy,
and at the end of four days came reluctantly
but decidedly to the same conclusion as before.
He also stated at the same time that no such
sufficient force was then at the control of the
government, or could be raised and brought to
the ground within the time when the provisions
in the fort would be exhausted. In a purely
military point of view, this reduced the duty of
the administration in the case to the mere mat-
ter of getting the garrison safely out of the fort.
It was believed, however, that to so abandon
that position, under the circumstances, would
be utterly ruinous; that the necessity under
which it was to be done would not be fully under-
stood ; that by many it would be construed as a
part of a voluntary policy ; that at home it would
discourage friends of the Union, embolden its
adversaries, and go far to insure to the latter
a recognition abroad ; that, in fact, it would
be our national destruction consummated. This
could not be allowed. Starvation was not yet
upon the garrison, and ere it would be reached
Fort Pickens might be reinforced. This last
would be a clear indication of policy, and would
better enable the country to accept the evacua-
tion of Fort Sumter as a military necessity.
An order was at once directed to be sent for the
landing of the troops from the steamship Brook-
lyn into Fort Pickens. This order could not go
by land, but must take the longer and slower
route by sea. The first return news from the
order was received just one week before the fall
of Fort Sumter. The news itself was that the
officer commanding the Sahine, to which vessel
the troops had been transferred from the Brook-
SPECIAL MESSAGE, JULY 4. 1861 7
lyn, acting upon some quasi armistice of the late
administration (and of the existence of which
the present administration, up to the time the
order was despatched, had only too vague and
uncertain rumors to fix attention), had refused
to land the troops. To now reinforce Fort Pick-
ens before a crisis would be reached at Fort
Sumter was impossible — rendered so by the
near exhaustion of provisions in the latter-named
fort. In precaution against such a conjuncture,
the government had, a few days before, com-
menced preparing an expedition as well adapted
as might be to relieve Fort Sumter, which
expedition was intended to be ultimately used,
or not, according to circumstances. The strong-
est anticipated case for using it was now pre-
sented, and it was resolved to send it forward.
As had been intended in this contingency, it was
also resolved to notify the governor of South
Carolina that he might expect an attempt would
be made to provision the fort ; and that, if the
attempt should not be resisted, there would be
no effort to throw in men, arms, or ammunition,
without further notice, or in case of an attack
upon the fort. This notice was accordingly
given; whereupon the fort was attacked and
bombarded to its fall, without even awaiting the
arrival of the provisioning expedition.
It is thus seen that the assault upon and re-
duction of Fort Sumter was in no sense a mat-
ter of self-defense on the part of the assailants.
They well knew that the garrison in the fort
could by no possibility commit aggression upon
them. They knew — they were expressly noti-
fied — that the giving of bread to a few brave and
hungry men of the garrison was all which would
8 STATE PAPERS
on that occasion be attempted, unless them-
selves, by resisting so much, should provoke
more. They knew that this government desired
to keep the garrison in the fort, not to assail
them, but merely to maintain visible possession,
and thus to preserve the Union from actual and
immediate dissolution — trusting, as hereinbefore
stated, to time, discussion, and the ballot-box for
final adjustment; and they assailed and reduced
the fort for precisely the reverse object — to
drive out the visible authority of the Federal
Union, and thus force it to immediate dissolution.
That this was their object the executive well
understood ; and having said to them in the in-
augural address, "You can have no conflict with-
out being yourselves the aggressors," he took
pains not only to keep this declaration good, but
also to keep the case so free from the power of
ingenious sophistry that the world should not
be able to misunderstand it. By the affair at
Fort Sumter, with its surrounding circum-
stances, that point was reached. Then and
thereby the assailants of the government began
the conflict of arms, without a gun in sight or
in expectancy to return their fire, save only the
few in the fort sent to that harbor years before
for their own protection, and still ready to give
that protection in whatever was lawful. In
this act, discarding all else, they have forced upon
the country the distinct issue, "immediate disso-
lution or blood."
And this issue embraces more than the fate
of the United States. It presents to the whole
family of man the question whether a consti-
tutional republic or democracy — a government of
the people by the same people — can or cannot
SPECIAL MESSAGE, JULY 4, 1861 9
maintain its territorial integrity against its own
domestic foes. It presents the question whether
discontented individuals, too few in numbers to
control administration according to organic law
in any case, can always, upon the pretenses made
in this case, or on any other pretenses, or ar-
bitrarily without any "pretense, break up their
government, and thus practically put an end to
free government upon the earth. It forces us
to ask: "Is there, in all republics, this inherent
and fatal weakness?" ''Must a government, of
necessity, be too strong for the liberties of its
own people, or too weak to maintain its own
existence ?"
So viewing the issue, no choice was left but
to call out the war power of the government;
and so to resist force employed for its destruc-
tion, by force for its preservation.
The call was made, and the response of the
country was most gratifying, surpassing in una-
nimity and spirit the most sanguine expecta-
tion. Yet none of the States commonly called
slave States, except Delaware, gave a regiment
through regular State organization. A few regi-
ments have been organized within some others
of those States by individual enterprise, and
received into the government service. Of course
the seceded States, so called (and to which
Texas had been joined about the time of the
inauguration), gave no troops to the cause of
the Union. The border States, so called, were
not uniform in their action, some of them being
almost for the Union, while in others — as Vir-
ginia, North Carolina, Tennessee, and Arkansas
— the Union sentiment was nearly repressed
and silenced. The course taken in Virginia was
lo STATE PAPERS
the most remarkable — perhaps the most im-
portant. A convention elected by the people of
that State to consider the very question of dis-
rupting the Federal Union was in session at the
capital of Virginia when Fort Sumter fell. To
this body the people had chosen a large majority
of professed Union men. Almost immediately
after the fall of Sumter, many members of that
majority went over to the original disunion
minority, and with them adopted an ordinance
for withdrawing the State from the Union.
Whether this change was wrought by their great
approval of the assault upon Sumter or their
great resentment at the government's resistance
to that assault, is not definitely known. Al-
though they submitted the ordinance for ratifi-
cation to a vote of the people, to be taken on a
day then somewhat more than a month distant,
the convention and the legislature (which was
also in session at the same time and place), with
leading men of the State not members of either,
immediately commenced acting as if the State
were already out of the Union. They pushed
military preparations vigorously forward all
over the State. They seized the United States
armory at Harper's Ferry, and the navy-yard at
Gosport, near Norfolk. They received — perhaps
invited — into their State large bodies of troops,
with their warlike appointments, from the so-
called seceded States. They formally entered
into a treaty of temporary alliance and coopera-
tion with the so-called ''Confederate States,"
and sent members to their congress at Mont-
gomery. And, finally, they permitted the insur-
rectionary government to be transferred to their
capital at Richmond.
SPECIAL MESSAGE, JULY 4, 1861 11
The people of Virginia have thus allowed this
giant insurrection to make its nest within her
borders ; and this government has no choice left
but to deal with it where it finds it. And it has
the less regret as the loyal citizens have, in due
form, claimed its protection. Those loyal citi-
zens this government is bound to recognize and
protect, as being Virginia.
In the border States, so called, — in fact, the
Middle States, — there are those who favor a
policy which they call ''armed neutrality" ; that
is, an arming of those States to prevent the Union
forces passing one way, or the disunion the
other, over their soil. This would be disunion
completed. Figuratively speaking, it would be
the building of an impassable wall along the
line of separation — and yet not quite an impass-
able one, for under the guise of neutrality it
would tie the hands of Union men and freely
pass supplies from among them to the insurrec-
tionists, which it could not do as an open enemy.
At a stroke it would take all the trouble off the
hands of secession, except only what proceeds
from the external blockade. It would do for the
disunionists that which, of all things, they most
desire — feed them well, and give them disunion
without a struggle of their own. It recognizes
no fidelity to the Constitution, no obligation to
maintain the Union; and while very many who
have favored it are doubtless loyal citizens, it is,
nevertheless, very injurious in effect.
Recurring to the action of the government, it
may be stated that at first a call was made for
75,000 militia, and, rapidly following this, a
proclamation was issued for closing the ports of
the insurrectionary districts by proceedings in
12 STATE PAPERS
the nature of blockade. So far all was believed
to be strictly legal. At this point the insurrec-
tionists announced their purpose to enter upon
the practice of privateering.
Other calls were made for volunteers to serve
for three years, unless sooner discharged, and
also for large additions to the regular army and
navy. These m.easures, whether strictly legal or
not," were ventured upon, under what appeared
to be a popular demand and a public necessity;
trusting then, as now, that Congress would
readily ratify them. It is believed that nothing
has been done beyond the constitutional com-
petency of Congress.
vSoon after the first call for militia, it was
considered a duty to authorize the commanding
general in proper cases, according to his discre-
tion, to suspend the privilege of the writ of
'habeas corpus, or, in other words, to arrest and
detain, without resort to the ordinary processes
and forms of law, such individuals as he might
deem dangerous to the public safety. This au-
thority has purposely been exercised but very
sparingly. Nevertheless, the legality and propri-
ety of what has been done under itare questioned,
and the attention of the country has been called
to the proposition that one who has sworn to
*'take care that the laws be faithfully executed''
should not himself violate them. Of course
some consideration was given to the questions
of power and propriety before this matter was
acted upon. The whole of the laws which were
required to be faithfully executed were being
resisted and failing of execution in nearly one
third of the States. Must they be allowed to
finally fail of execution, even had it been per-
SPECIAL MESSAGE, JULY 4, 1S61 13
fectly clear that by the use of the means neces-
sary to their execution some single law, made
in such extreme tenderness of the citizen's liberty
that, practically, it relieves more of the guilty
than of the innocent, should to a very limited
extent be violated? To state the question more
directly, are all the laws but one to go unex-
ecuted, and the government itself go to pieces
lest that one be violated? Even in such a case,
would not the official oath be broken if the gov-
ernment should be overthrown, when it was
believed that disregarding the single law would
tend to preserve it ? But it was not believed that
this question was presented. It was not believed
that any law was violated. The provision of
the Constitution that ''the privilege of the writ
of habeas corpus shall not be suspended, unless
when, in cases of rebellion or invasion, the pub-
lic safety may require it," is equivalent to a
provision — is a provision — that such privilege
may be suspended when, in case of rebellion or
invasion, the public safety does require it. It
was decided that we have a case of rebellion,
and that the public safety does require the quali-
fied suspension of the privilege of the writ which
was authorized to be made. Now it is insisted
that Congress, and not the executive, is vested
with this power. But the Constitution itself is
silent as to which or who is to exercise the
power; and as the provision was plainly made
for a dangerous emergency, it cannot be believed
the framers of the instrument intended that in
every case the danger should run its course until
Congress could be called together, the very as-
sembling of which might be prevented, as was
intended in this case, by the rebellion.
14 STATE PAPERS
No more extended argument is now offered,
as an opinion at some length will probably be
presented by the attorney-general. Whether
there shall be any legislation upon the subject,
and if any, what, is submitted entirely to the
better judgment of Congress.
The forbearance of this government had been
so extraordinary and so long continued as to
lead some foreign nations to shape their action
as if they supposed the early destruction of our
National Union was probable. While this, on
discovery, gave the executive some concern, he
is now happy to say that the sovereignty and
rights of the United States are now everywhere
practically respected by foreign powers ; and a
general sympathy with the country is manifested
throughout the world.
The reports of the Secretaries of the Treasury,
War, and the Navy will give the information in
detail deemed necessary and convenient for your
deliberation and action; while the executive and
all the departments will stand ready to supply
omissions, or to communicate new facts consid-
ered important for you to know.
It is now recommended that you give the legal
means for making this contest a short and de-
cisive one : that you place at the control of the
government for the work at least four hundred
thousand men and $400,000,000. That number
of men is about one tenth of those of proper
ages within the regions where, apparently, all
are willing to engage; and the sum is less than
a twenty-third part of the money value owned
by the men who seem ready to devote the whole.
A debt of $600,000,000 now is a less sum per
head than was the debt of our Revolution when
SPECIAL MESSAGE, JULY 4, 1861 15
we came out of that struggle; and the money
value in the country now bears even a greater
proportion to what it was then than does the
population. Surely each man has as strong a
motive now to preserve our liberties as each had
then to establish them.
A right result at this time will be worth more
to the world than ten times the men and ten
times the money. The evidence reaching us
from the country leaves no doubt that the
material for the work is abundant, and that it
needs only the hand of legislation to give it
legal sanction, and the hand of the executive to
give it practical shape and efficiency. One of the
greatest perplexities of the government is to
avoid receiving troops faster than it can provide
for them. In a word, the people will save their
government if the government itself will do its
part only indifferently well.
It might seem, at first thought, to be of little
difference whether the present movement at the
South be called ''secession" or "rebellion." The
movers, however, will understand the difference.
At the beginning they knew they could never
raise their treason to any respectable magnitude
by any name which implies violation of law.
They knew their people possessed as much of
moral sense, as much of devotion to law and
order, and as much pride in and reverence for
the history and government of their common
country as any other civilized and patriotic peo-
ple. They knew they could make no advance-
ment directly in the teeth of these strong and
noble sentiments. Accordingly, they commenced
by an insidious debauching of the public mind.
They invented an ingenious sophism which, if
i6 STATE PAPERS
conceded, was followed by perfectly logical
steps, through all the incidents, to the complete
destruction of the Union. The sophism itself is
that any State of the Union may consistently with
the National Constitution, and therefore lawfully
and peacefully, withdraw from the Union with-
out the consent of the Union or of any other
State. The little disguise that the supposed right
is to be exercised only for just cause, themselves
to be the sole judges of its justice, is too thin
to merit any notice.
With rebellion thus sugar-coated they have
been drugging the public mind of their section
for more than thirty years, and until at length
they have brought many good men to a willing-
ness to take up arms against the government
the day after some assemblage of men have en-
acted the farcical pretense of taking their State
out of the Union, who could have been brought
to no such thing the day before.
This sophism derives much, perhaps the whole,
of its currency from the assumption that there
is some omnipotent and sacred supremacy per-
taining to a State — to each State of our Federal
Union. Our States have neither more nor less
power than that reserved to them in the Union
by the Constitution — no one of them ever hav-
ing been a State out of the Union. The original
ones passed into the Union even before they cast
off their British colonial dependence ; and the
new ones each came into the Union directly from
a condition of dependence, excepting Texas.
And even Texas, in its temporary independence,
was never designated a State. The new ones
only took the designation of States on coming
into the Union, while that name was fir-st adopted
J
SPECIAL MESSAGE, JULY 4, 1861 17
for the old ones in and by the Declaration of
Independence. Therein the "United Colonies"
were declared to be ''free and independent
States"; but even then the object plainly was
not to declare their independence of one another
or of the Union, but directly the contrary, as
their mutual pledge and their mutual action be-
fore, at the time, and afterward, abundantly
show. The express plighting of faith by each
and all of the original thirteen in the Articles of
Confederation, two years later, that the Union
shall be perpetual, is most conclusive. Having
never been States either in substance or in name
outside of the Union, whence this magical om-
nipotence of "State Rights," asserting a claim
of power to lawfully destroy the Union itself?
Much is said about the ''sovereignty" of the
States ; but the word even is not in the National
Constitution, nor, as is believed, in any of the
State constitutions. What is "sovereignty" in
the political sense of the term? Would it be
far wrong to define it "a political community
without a political superior"? Tested by this,
no one of our States except Texas ever was a
sovereignty. And even Texas gave up the char-
acter on coming into the Union ; by which act
she acknowledged the Constitution of the United
States, and the laws and treaties of the United
States made in pursuance of the Constitution,
to be for her the supreme law of the land. The
States have their status in the Union, and they
have no other legal status. If they break from
this, they can only do so against law and by revo-
lution. The Union, and not themselves separate-
ly, procured their independenece and their liberty.
By conquest or purchase the Union gave each
i8 STATE PAPERS
of them whatever of independence or Hberty it
has. The Union is older than any of the States,
and, in fact, it created them as States. Orig-
inally some dependent colonies made the Union,
and, in turn, the Union threw off their old de-
pendence for them, and made them States, such
as they are. Not one of them ever had a State
constitution independent of the Union. Of
course, it is not forgotten that all the new States
framed their constitutions before they entered
the Union — nevertheless, dependent upon and
preparatory to coming into the Union.
Unquestionably the States have the powers
and rights reserved to them in and by the Na-
tional Constitution; but among these surely are
not included all conceivable powers, however
mischievous or destructive, but, at most, such
only as were known in the world at the time as
governmental powers; and certainly a power to
destroy the government itself had never been
known as a governmental, as a merely admin-
istrative power. This relative matter of national
power and State rights, as a principle, is no
other than the principle of generality and locality.
Whatever concerns the whole should be con-
fided to the whole — to the General Government;
while whatever concerns only the State should
be left exclusively to the State. This is all there
is of the original principle about it. Whether
the National Constitution in defining boundaries
between the two has applied the principle with
exact accuracy, is not to be questioned. We are
all bound by that defining, without question.
What is now combated is the position that
secession is consistent with the Constitution — is
lawful and peaceful. It is not contended that
SPECIAL MESSAGE, JULY 4, 1861 19
there is any express law for it; and nothing
should ever be implied as law which leads to
unjust or absurd consequences. The nation
purchased with money the countries out of which
several of these States were formed. Is it just
that they shall go off without leave and without
refunding? The nation paid very large sums
(in the aggregate, I believe, nearly a hundred
millions) to relieve Florida of the aboriginal
tribes. Is it just that she shall now be off with-
out consent or without making any return? The
nation is now in debt for money applied to the
benefit of these so-called seceding States in com-
mon with the rest. Is it just either that cred-
itors shall go unpaid or the remaining States pay
the whole? A part of the present national debt
was contracted to pay the old debts of Texas.
Is it just that she shall leave and pay no part of
this herself?
Again, if one State may secede, so may an-
other; and when a'l shall have seceded, none is
left to pay the debts. Is this quite just to cred-
itors? Did we notify them of this sage view
of ours when we borrowed their money? If
we now recognize this doctrine by allowing the
seceders to go in peace, it is difficult to see what
we can do if others choose to go or to extort
terms upon which they will promise to re-
main.
The seceders insist that our Constitution ad-
mits of secession. They have assumed to make
a national constitution of their own, in which
of necessity they have either discarded or re-
tained the right of secession as they insist it
exists in ours. If they have discarded it, they
thereby admit that on principle it ought not to
20 STATE PAPERS
be in ours. If they have retained it by their own
construction of ours, they show that to be con-
sistent they must secede from one another when-
ever they shall find it the easiest way of settling
their debts, or effecting any other selfish or un-
just object. The principle itself is one of dis-
integration, and upon which no government can
possibly endure.
If all the States save one should assert the
power to drive that one out of the Union, it is
presumed the whole class of seceder politicians
would at once deny the power and denounce the
act as the greatest outrage upon State rights.
But suppose that precisely the same act, instead
of being called "driving the one out," should be
called "the seceding of the others from that one,"
it would be exactly what the seceders claim to
do, unless, indeed, they make the point that the
one, because it is a minority, may rightfully do
what the others, because they are a majority,
may not rightfully do. These politicians are
subtle and profound on the rights of minorities.
They are not partial to that power which made
the Constitution and speaks from the preamble
calling itself "We, the People."
It may well be questioned whether there is to-
day a majority of the legally qualified voters of
any State, except perhaps South Carolina, in fa-
vor of disunion. There is much reason to believe
that the Union men are the majority in many,
if not in every other one, of the so-called seceded
States. The contrary has not been demon-
strated in any one of them. It is ventured to
affirm this even of Virginia and Tennessee; for
the result of an election held in military camps,
where the bayonets are all on one side of the
SPECIAL MESSAGE, JULY 4, 1861 21
luestion voted upon, can scarcely be considered
IS demonstrating popular sentiment. At such
m election, all that large class who are at once
:or the Union and against coercion would be
:oerced to vote against the Union.
It may be affirmed without extravagance that
;he free institutions we enjoy have developed
:he powers and improved the condition of our
vhole people beyond any example in the world.
Di this we now have a striking and impressive
llustration. So large an army as the govern-
ment has now on foot was never before known,
vithout a soldier in it but who has taken his place
;here of his own free choice. But more than
:his, there are many single regiments whose
nembers, one and another, possess full practical
knowledge of all the arts, sciences, professions,
md whatever else, whether useful or elegant,
is known in the world ; and there is scarcely one
from which there could not be selected a Pres-
ident, a cabinet, a congress, and perhaps a court,
abundantly competent to administer the gov-
ernment itself. Nor do I say this is not true
also in the army of our late friends, now ad-
versaries 'in this contest; but if it is, so much
better the reason why the government which has
conferred such benefits on both them and us
should not be broken up. Whoever in any sec-
tion proposes to abandon such a government
would do well to consider in deference to what
principle it is that he does it — what better he
is likely to get in its stead — whether the substi-
tute will give, or be intended to give, so much
of good to the people? There are some fore-
shadowings on this subject. Our adversaries
have adopted some declarations of independence
22 STATE PAPERS
in which, unlike the good old one, penned by
Jefferson, they omit the words "all men are cre-
ated equal." Why? They have adopted a tem-
porary national constitution, in the preamble of
which, unlike our good old one, signed by Wash-
ington, they omit "We, the People," and substi-
tute, "We, the deputies of the sovereign and
independent States." Why? W^hy this delib-
erate pressing out of view the rights of men and
the authority of the people?
This is essentially a people's contest. On the
side of the Union it is a struggle for maintaining
in the world that form and substance of gov-
ernment whose leading object is to elevate the
condition of men — to lift artificial weights from
all shoulders; to clear the paths of laudable
pursuit for all; to afford all an unfettered start,
and a fair chance in the race of life. Yielding
to partial and temporary departures, from neces-
sity, this is the leading object of the government
for whose existence we contend.
I am most happy to believe that the plain
people understand and appreciate this. It is
worthy of note that while in this, the govern-
ment's hour of trial, large numbers of those in
the army and navy who have been favored with
the offices have resigned and proved false to the
hand which had pampered them, not one common
soldier or common sailor is known to have de-
serted his flag.
Great honor is due to those officers who re-
mained true, despite the example of their treach-
erous associates; but the greatest honor, and
most important fact of all, is the unanimous
firmness of the common soldiers and common
sailors. To the last man, so far as known, they
i
SPECIAL MESSAGE, JULY 4, 1861 23
have successfully resisted the traitorous efforts
of those whose commands, but an hour before,
they obeyed as absolute law. This is the patri-
otic instinct of the plain people. They under-
stand, without an argument, that the destroying
of the government which wac made by Wash-
ington means no good to them.
Our popular government has often been called
an experiment. Two points in it our people
have already settled — the successful establishing
and the successful administering of it. One
still remains — its successful maintenance against
a formidable internal attempt to overthrow it.
It is now for them to demonstrate to the world
that those who can fairly carry an election can
also suppress a rebellion; that ballots are the
rightful and peaceful successors of bullets;
and that when ballots have fairly and consti-
tutionally decided, there can be no successful
appeal back to bullets ; that there can be no suc-
cessful appeal, except to ballots themselves, at
succeeding elections. Such will be a great lesson
of peace: teaching men that what they cannot
take by an election, neither can they take it by a
war ; teaching all the folly of being the beginners
of a war.
Lest there be some uneasiness in the minds
of candid men as to what is to be the course
of the government toward the Southern States
after the rebellion shall have been suppressed,
the executive deems it proper to say it will be
his purpose then, as ever, to be guided by the
Constitution and the laws ; and that he probably
will have no different understanding of the pow-
ers and duties of the Federal Government rel-
atively to the rights of the States and the people,
24 STATE PAPERS
under the Constitution, than that expressed in
the inaugural address.
He desires to preserve the government, that
it may be administered for all as it v^as ad-
ministered by the men who made it. Loyal
citizens everywhere have the right to claim this
of their government, and the government has
no right to withhold or neglect it. It is not per-
ceived that in giving it there is any coercion,
any conquest, or any subjugation, in any just
sense of those terms.
The Constitution provides, and all the States
have accepted the provision, that "the United
States shall guarantee to every State in this
Union a republican form of government." But
if a State may lawfully go out of the Union,
having done so, it may also discard the repub-
lican form of government ; so that to prevent its
going out is an indispensable means to the end of
maintaining the guarantee mentioned ; and when
an end is lawful and obligatory, the indispensable
means to it are also lawful and obligatory.
It was with the deepest regret that the execu-
tive found the duty of employing the war power
in defense of the government forced upon him.
He could but perform this duty or surrender
the existence of the government. No compro--
mise by public servants could, in this case,!
be a cure ; not that compromises are not often*
proper, but that no popular government can long
survive a marked precedent that those who carry]
an election can only save the government from,
immediate destruction by giving up the main I
point upon which the people gave the election.'
The people themselves, and not their servants, j
can safely reverse their own deliberate decisions.
ANNUAL MESSAGE, DEC. 3, 1861 25
As a private citizen the executive could not
have consented that these institutions shall per-
ish ; much less could he, in betrayal of so vast
and so sacred a trust as the free people have
confided to him. He felt that he had no moral
right to shrink, nor even to count the chances
of his own life in what might follow. In full
view of his great responsibility he has, so far,
done what he has deemed his duty. You will
now, according to your own judgment, perform
yours. He sincerely hopes that your views and
your actions may so accord with his, as to assure
all faithful citizens who have been disturbed in
their rights of a certain and speedy restoration
to them, under the Constitution and the laws.
And having thus chosen our course, without
guile and with pure purpose, let us renew our
trust in God, and go forward without fear and
with manly hearts.
Abraham Lincoln.
Annual Message to Congress.
December 3, 1861.
FeUozv-citizens of the Senate and House of
Representatives: In the midst of unprecedented
political troubles we have cause of great grati-
tude to God for unusual good health and most
abundant harvests.
You will not be surprised to learn that, in the
peculiar exigencies of the times, our intercourse
with foreign nations has been attended with pro-
found solicitude, chiefly turning upon our own
domestic affairs.
A disloyal portion of the American people
26 STATE PAPERS
have, during the whole year, been engaged in
an attempt to divide and destroy the Union. ^ A
nation which endures factious domestic division
is exposed to disrespect abroad; and one party,
if not both, is sure, sooner or later, to invoke
foreign intervention. Nations thus tempted to
interfere are not always able to resist the coun-
sels of seeming expediency and ungenerous am-
bition, although measures adopted under such
influences seldom fail to be unfortunate and in-
jurious to those adopting them.
The disloyal citizens of the United States who
have offered the ruin of our country in return
for the aid and comfort which they have invoked
abroad, have received less patronage and en-
couragement than they probably expected. If
it were just to suppose, as the insurgents have
seemed to assume, that foreign nations in this
case, discarding all moral, social, and treaty
obligations, would act solely and selfishly for the
most speedy restoration of commerce, including
especially, the acquisition of cotton, those nations
appear as yet not to have seen their way to their
object more directly or clearly through the de-
struction than through the preservation of the
Union. If we could dare to believe that foreign
nations are actuated by no higher principle than
this, I am quite sure a sound argument could
be made to show them that they can reach their
aim more readily and easily by aiding to crush
this rebellion than by giving encouragement to it.
The principal lever relied on by the insur-
gents for exciting foreign nations to hostility
against us, as already intimated, is the embar-
rassment of commerce. Those nations, however,
not improbably saw from the first that it was
ANNUAL MESSAGE, DEC. 3, 1S61 27
the Union which made as well our foreign as
our domestic commerce. They can scarcely
have failed to perceive that the effort for dis-
union produces the existing difficulty ; and that
one strong nation promises more durable peace
and a more extensive, valuable, and reliable
commerce than can the same nation broken in
hostile fragments.
It is not rny purpose to review our discussions
with foreign states, because, whatever might be
their wishes or dispositions, the integrity of our
country and the stability of our government
mainly depend not upon them, but on the loyalty,
virtue, patriotism, and intelligence of the Ameri-
can people. The correspondence itself, with the
usual reservations, is herewith submitted.
I venture to hope it will appear that we have
practised prudence and liberality toward foreign
powers, averting causes of irritation, and with
firmness maintaining our own rights and
honor.
Since, however, it is apparent that here, as
in every other state, foreign dangers necessarily
attend domestic difficulties, I recommend that
adequate and ample measures be adopted for
maintaining the public defenses on every side.
While under this general recommendation pro-
vision for defending our sea-coast line readily
occurs to the mind, I also in the same connection
ask the attention of Congress to our great lakes
and rivers. It is believed that some fortifications
and depots of arms and munitions, with harbor
and navigation improvements, all at well-selected
points upon these, would be of great importance
to the national defense and preservation. I ask
attention to the views of the Secretary of War,
28 STATE PAPERS
expressed in his report upon the same general
subject.
I deem it of importance that the loyal regions
of East Tennessee and western North Carolina
should be connected with Kentucky and other
faithful parts of the Union by railroad. I
therefore recommend as a military measure that
Congress provide for the construction of such
road as speedily as possible. Kentucky, no doubt
will cooperate, and, through her legislature, make
the most judicious selection of a line. The
northern terminus must connect with some exist-
ing railroad; and whether the route shall be
from Lexington or Nicholasville to the Cum-
berland Gap, or from Lebanon to the Tennessee
line, in the direction of Knoxville, or on some
still different line, can easily be determined.
Kentucky and the General Government cooperat-
ing, the work can be completed in a very short
time; and when done it will be not only of vast
present usefulness, but also a valuable per-
manent improvement, worth its cost in all the
future.
Some treaties, designed chiefly for the interests
of commerce, and having no grave political
importance, have been negotiated, and will be
submitted to the Senate for their considera-
tion.
Although we have failed to induce some of the
commercial powers to adopt a desirable meliora-
tion of the rigor of maritime war, we have re-
moved all obstructions from the way of this
humane reform, except such as are merely of
temporary and accidental occurrence.
I invite your attention to the correspondence
between her Britannic Majesty's minister ac-
ANNUAL MESSAGE, DEC. 3, 1861 29
credited to this government, and the Secretary
of State, relative to the detention of the British
ship Perthshire, in June last, by the United
States steamer Massachusetts, for a supposed
breach of the blockade. As this detention was
occasioned by an obvious misapprehension of the
facts, and as justice requires that we should
commit no belligerent act not founded in strict
right, as sanctioned by public law, I recommend
that an appropriation be made to satisfy the rea-
sonable demand of the owners of the vessel for
her detention.
I repeat the recommendation of my predeces-
sor, in his annual message to Congress in De-
cember last, in regard to the disposition of the
surplus which will probably remain after satis-
fying the claims of American citizens against
China, pursuant to the awards of the commis-
sioners under the act of the 3d of March, 1859.
If, however, it should not be deemed advisable to
carry that recommendation into effect, I would
suggest that authority be given for investing the
principal, over the proceeds of the surplus re-
ferred to, in good securities, with a view to the
satisfaction of such other just claims of our citi-
zens against China as are not unlikely to arise
hereafter in the course of our extensive trade
with that empire.
By the act of the 5th of August last, Congress
authorized the President to instruct the com-
manders of suitable vessels to defend themselves
against, and to capture, pirates. This authority
has been exercised in a single instance only.
For the more effectual protection of our exten-
sive and valuable commerce, in the eastern seas
especially, it seems to me that it would also be
3°
STATE PAPERS
advisable to authorize the commanders of sailing
vessels to recapture any prizes which pirates may
make of United States vessels and their cargoes,
and the consular courts, now established by law
in eastern countries, to adjudicate the cases, in
the event that this should not be objected to by
the local authorities.
If any good reason exists why we should per-
severe longer in withholding our recognition of
the independence and sovereignty of Hayti and
Liberia, I am unable to discern it. Unwilling,
however, to inaugurate a novel policy in regard
to them without the approbation of Congress,
I submit for your consideration the expedienc3;
of an appropriation for maintaining a charge
d'affaires near each of those new states. It does
not admit of doubt that important commercial
advantages might be secured by favorable treaties
with them.
The operations of the treasury during the pe-
riod which elapsed since your adjournment have
been conducted with signal success. The pa-
triotism of the people has placed at the disposal
of the government the large means demanded
by the public exigencies. Much of the national
loan has been taken by citizens of the industrial
classes whose confidence in their country's faith,
and zeal for their country's deliverance from
present peril, have induced them to contribute to
the support of the government the whole of their
limited acquisitions. This fact imposes peculiar
obligations to economy in disbursement and en-
ergy in action.
The revenue from all sources, including loans,
for the financial year ending on the 30th June,
1861, was $86,835,900.27, and the expenditures
"ANNUAL MESSAGE, DEC. 3, 1861 31
for the same period, including payments on ac-
count of the pubUc debt, were $84,578,83447;
leaving a balance in the treasury, on the ist of
July, of $2,257,065.80. For the first quarter
of the financial year ending on the 30th of Sep-
tember, 1861, the receipts from all sources,
including the balance of ist of July, were
$102,532,509.27, and the expenses $98,239,733.-
09; leaving a balance on the ist October, 1861,
of $4,292,776.18.
Estimates for the remaining three quarters of
the year, and for the financial year 1863, to-
gether with his views of ways and means for
meeting the demands contemplated by them, will
be submitted to Congress by the Secretary of
the Treasury. It is gratifying to know that the
expenditures made necessary by the rebellion are
not beyond the resources of the loyal people, and
to believe that the same patriotism which has
thus far sustained the government will continue
to sustain it till peace and union shall again
bless the land.
I respectfully refer to the report of the Sec-
retary of War for information respecting the
numerical strength of the army, and for recom-
mendations having in view an increase of its
efficiency and the well-being of the various
branches of the service intrusted to his care.
It is gratifying to know that the patriotism of
the people has proved equal to the occasion, and
that the number of troops tendered greatly ex-
ceeds the force which Congress authorized me
to call into the field.
I refer with pleasure to those portions of his
report which make allusion to the creditable
degree of discipline already attained by our
32 STATE PAPERS
troops, and to the excellent sanitary condition of
the entire army.
The recommendation of the secretary for an
organization of the militia upon a uniform basis
is a subject of vital importance to the future
safety of the country, and is commended to the
serious attention of Congress.
The large addition to the regular army, in
connection with the defection that has so con-
siderably diminished the number of its officers,
gives peculiar importance to his recommendation
for increasing the corps of cadets to the greatest
capacity of the Military Academy.
By mere omission, I presume, Congress has
failed to provide chaplains for hospitals occupied
by volunteers. This subject was brought to my
notice, and I was induced to draw up the form
of a letter, one copy of which, properly ad-
dressed, has been delivered to each of the per-
sons, and at the dates respectively named and
stated, in a schedule, containing also the form
of the letter, marked A, and herewith trans-
mitted.
These gentlemen, I understand, entered upon
the duties designated at the times respectively
stated in the schedule, and have labored faith-
fully therein ever since. I therefore recommend
that they be compensated at the same rate as
chaplains in the army. I further suggest that
general provision be made for chaplains to serve
at hospitals as well as with regiments.
The report of the Secretary of the Navy pre-
sents in detail the operations of that branch of
the service, the activity and energy which have
characterized its administration, and the results
of measures to increase its efficiency and power.
ANNUAL MESSAGE, DEC. 3, 1S61 33
Such have been the additions, by construction and
purchase, that it may ahiiost be said a navy has
been created and brought into service since our
difficulties commenced.
Besides blockading our extensive coast, squad-
rons larger than ever before assembled under
our flag have been put afloat and performed
deeds which have increased our naval re-
nown.
I would invite special attention to the recom-
mendation of the secretary for a more perfect
organization of the navy by introducing addi-
tional grades in the service.
The present organization is defective and un-
satisfactory, and the suggestions submitted by
the department will, it is believed, if adopted,
obviate the difficulties alluded to, promote
harmony, and increase the efficiency of the
navy.
There are three vacancies on the bench of the
Supreme Court — two by the decease of Justices
Daniel and McLean, and one by the resignation
of Justice Campbell. I have so far forborne
making nominations to fill these vacancies for
reasons which I v/ill now state. Two of the out-
going judges resided within the States now over-
run by revolt; so that if successors were ap-
pointed in the same localities they could not now
serve upon their circuits ; and many of the most
competent men there probably would not take
the personal hazard of accepting to serve, even
here, upon the supreme bench. I have been un-
willing to throw all the appointments north-
ward, thus disabling myself from doing justice
to the South on the return of peace; although
I may remark that to transfer to the North one
34
STATE PAPERS
which has heretofore been in the South, would
not, with reference to territory and population,
be unjust.
During the long and brilliant judicial career
of Judge TvIcLean his circuit grew into an em-
pire, — altogether too large for any one judge to
give the courts therein more than a nominal
attendance, — rising in population from 1,470,018
in 1830, to 6,151,405 in i860.
Besides this, the country generally has out-
grown our present judicial system. If uniform-
ity was at all intended, the system requires that
all the States shall be accommodated with circuit
courts, attended by supreme judges, while, in fact,
Wisconsin, Minnesota, Iowa, Kansas, Florida,
Texas, California, and Oregon have never had
any such courts. Nor can this well be remedied
without a change of the system ; because the add-
ing of judges to the Supreme Court, enough for
the accommodation of all parts of the country,
with circuit courts, would create a court altogeth-
er too numerous for a judicial body of any sort.
And the evil, if it be one, will increase as new
States come into the Union. Circuit courts are
useful, or they are not useful. If useful, no
State should be denied them; if not useful, no
State should have them. Let them be provided
for all, or abolished as to all.
Three modifications occur to me, either of
which, I think, would be an improvement upon
our present system. Let the Supreme Court be of
convenient number in any event. Then, first, let
the whole country be divided into circuits of
convenient size, the supreme judges to serve in
a number of them corresponding to their own
number, and independent circuit judges to be
ANNUAL MESSAGE, DEC. 3, 1S61 35
provided for the rest. Or, secondly, let the su-
preme judges be relieved from circuit duties, and
circuit judges provided for all the circuits. Or,
thirdly, dispense with circuit courts altogether,
leaving the judicial functions wholly to the dis-
trict courts and an independent Supreme Court.
I respectfully recommend to the consideration
of Congress the present condition of the
statute laws, with the hope that Congress
will be able to find an easy remedy for
manv of the inconveniences and evils which
constantly embarrass those engaged in the prac-
tical administration of them. Since the organi-
zation of the government. Congress has enacted
some 5000 acts and joint resolutions, which fill
more than 6000 closely printed pages, and are
scattered through many volumes. Many of these
acts have been drawn in haste and without suf-
ficient caution, so that their provisions are often
obscure in themselves, or in conflict with each
other, or at least so doubtful as to render it very
difi(icult for even the best-informed persons to
ascertain precisely what the statute law really is.
It seems to me very important that the statute
laws should be made as plain and intelligible
as possible, and be reduced to as small a compass
as may consist with the fulness and precision
of the will of the legislature and the perspicuity
of its language. This, well done, would, I think,
greatly facilitate the labors of those whose duty
it is to assist in the administration of the laws,
and would be a lasting benefit to the people by
placing before them, in a more accessible and in-
telligible form, the laws which so deeply concern
their interests and their duties,
I am informed by some whose opinions I re-
36 STATE PAPERS
spect that all the acts of Congress now in force,
and of a permanent and general nature, might
be revised and rewritten so as to be embraced
in one volume (or, at most, two volumes) of
ordinary and convenient size; and I respectfully
recommend to Congress to consider of the sub-
ject, and, if my suggestion be approved, to de-
vise such plan as to their wisdom shall seem most
proper for the attainment of the end proposed.
One of the unavoidable consequences of the
present insurrection is the entire suppression, in
many places, of all the ordinary means of ad-
ministering civil justice by the officers, and in the
forms of existing law. This is the case, in whole
or in part, in all the insurgent States ; and as our
armies advance upon and take possession of
parts of those States, the practical evil becomes
more apparent. There are no courts nor offi-
cers to whom the citizens of other States may
apply for the enforcement of their lawful claims
against citizens of the insurgent States ; and
there is a vast amount of debt constituting such
claims. Some have estimated it as high as
$200,000,000, due, in large part, from insur-
gents in open rebellion to loyal citizens who are,
even now, making great sacrifices in the dis-
charge of their patriotic duty to support the
government.
Under these circumstances, I have been ur-
gently solicited to establish, by military power,
courts to administer summary justice in such
cases. I have thus far declined to do it, not
because I had any doubt that the end proposed —
the collection of the debts — was just and right
in itself, but because I had been unwilling to
go beyond the pressure of necessity in the un-
ANNUAL MESSAGE, DEC. j, 1861 37
usual exercise of power. But the powers of
Congress, I suppose, are equal to the anomalous
occasion, and therefore I refer the whole mat-
ter to Congress, with the hope that a plan may
be devised for the administration of justice in
all such parts of the insurgent States and Ter-
ritories as may be under the control of this
government, whether by a voluntary return to
allegiance and order, or by the power of our
arms; this, however, not to be a permanent
institution, but a temporary substitute, and to
cease as soon as the ordinary courts can be re-
established in peace.
It is important that some more convenient
means should be provided, if possible, for the
adjustment of claims against the government,
especially in view of their increased number by
reason of the war. It is as much the duty of
government to render prompt justice against
itself, in favor of citizens, as it is to administer
the same between private individuals. The in-
vestigation and adjudication of claims in their
nature belong to the judicial department; be-
sides, it is apparent that the attention of Congress
will be more than usually engaged, for some time
to come, with great national questions. It was
intended, by the organization of the Court of
Claims, mainly to remove this branch of business
from the halls of Congress; but while the court
has proved to be an effective and valuable means
of investigation, it in great degree fails to effect
the object of its creation for want of power to
make its judgments final.
Fully aware of the delicacy, not to say the
danger, of the subject, I commend to your care-
ful consideration whether this power of making
38 STATE PAPERS
judgments final may not properly be given to
the court, reserving the right of appeal on ques-
tions of law to the Supreme Court, with such
other provisions as experience may have shown
to be necessary.
I ask attention to the report of the Postmaster-
General, the following being a summary state-
ment of the condition of the department :
The revenue from all sources during the fiscal
year ending Tune 30, 1861, including the annual
permanent appropriation of $700,000 for the
transportation of "free mail matter," was $9,-
049,296.40, being about two per cent, less than
the revenue for i860.
The expenditures were $13,606,759.11, show-
ing a decrease of more than eight per cent, as
compared with those of the previous year, and
leaving an excess of expenditure over the reve-
nue for the last fiscal year of $4,557,462.71.
The gross revenue for the year ending June
30, 1863, is estimated at an increase of four
per cent, on that of 1861, making $8,683,000, to
which should be added the earnings of the de-
partment in carrying free matter, viz., $700,000,
making $9,383,000.
The total expenditures for 1863 ^^^ estimated
at $12,528,000, leaving an estimated deficiency
of $3,145,000 to be supplied from the treasury
in addition to the permanent appropriation.
The present insurrection shows, I think, that
the extension of this District across the Potomac
River, at the time of establishing the capital
here, was eminently wise, and consequently that
the relinquishment of that portion of it which
lies within the State of Virginia was unwise and
dangerous. I submit for your consideration the
ANNUAL MESSAGE, DEC. 3, 1861 39
expediency of regaining that part of the Dis-
trict and the restoration of the original bound-
aries thereof, through negotiations with the
State of Virginia.
The report of the Secretary of the Interior,
with the accompanying documents, exhibits the
condition of the several branches of the pubhc
business pertaining to that department. The
depressing influences of the insurrection have
been especially felt in the operations of the
Patent and General Land Offices. The cash re-
ceipts from the sales of public lands during the
past year have exceeded the expenses of our
land system only about $200,000. The sales have
been entirely suspended in the Southern States,
while the interruptions to the business of the
country, and the diversion of large numbers of
men from labor to military service, have ob-
structed settlements in the new States and Terri-
tories of the Northwest.
The receipts of the Patent Office have declined
in nine months about $100,000, rendering a large
reduction of the force employed necessary to
make it self-sustaining.
The demands upon the Pension Office will be
largely increased by the insurrection. Numerous
applications for pensions, based upon the casual-
ties of the existing war, have already been made.
There is reason to believe that many who are
now upon the pension rolls and in receipt of the
bounty of the government are in the ranks of
the insurgent army, or giving them aid and com-
fort. The Secretary of the Interior has directed
a suspension of the payment of the pensions of
such persons upon proof of their disloyalty. I
recommend that Congress authorize that officer
40 STATE PAPERS
to cause the names of such persons to be stricken
from the pens'on rolls.
The relations of the government with the In-
dian tribes have been greatly disturbed by the
insurrection, especially in the Southern Super-
intendency and in that of New Mexico. The
Indian country south of Kansas is in the pos-
session of insurgents from Texas and Arkansas.
The agents of the United States appointed since
the 4th of March for this superintendency have
been unable to reach their posts, while the most
of those who were in office before that time
have espoused the insurrectionary cause, and
assume to exercise the powers of agents by virtue
of commissions from the insurrectionists. It
has been stated in the public press that a portion
of those Indians have been organized as a mili-
tary force, and are attached to the army of the
insurgents. Although the government has no
official information upon this subject, letters
have been written to the Commissioner of Indian
Affairs by several prominent chiefs, giving as-
surance of their loyalty to the United States,
and expressing a wish for the presence of
Federal troops to protect them. It is believed
that upon the repossession of the country by the
Federal forces the Indians will readily cease all
hostile demonstrations and resume their former
relations to the government.
Agriculture, confessedly the largest interest
of the nation, has not a department, nor a bureau,
but a clerkship only, assigned to it in the gov-
ernment. While it is fortunate that this great
interest is so independent in its nature as to not
have demanded and extorted more from the gov-
ernment, I respectfully ask Congress to consider
ANNUAL MESSAGE, DEC. 3, 1861 41
whether something more cannot be given volun-
tarily with general advantage.
Annual reports exhibiting the condition of
our agriculture, commerce, and manufactures
would present a fund of information of great
practical value to the country. While I make no
suggestion as to details, I venture the opinion
that an agricultural and statistical bureau might
profitably be organized.
The execution of the laws for the suppression
of the African slave-trade has been confided to
the Department of the Interior. It is a subject
of gratulation that the efforts which have been
made for the suppression of this inhuman traffic
have been recently attended with unusual suc-
cess. Five vessels being fitted out for the slave-
trade have been seized and condemned. Two
mates of vessels engaged in the trade, and one
person in equipping a vessel as a slaver, have
been convicted and subjected to the penalty of
fine and imprisonment, and one captain, taken
with a cargo of Africans on board his vessel, has
been convicted of the highest grade of offense
under our laws, the punishment of which is
death.
The Territories of Colorado, Dakota, and
Nevada, created by the last Congress, have been
organized, and civil administration has been in-
augurated therein under auspices especially
gratifying when it is considered that the leaven
of treason was found existing in some of these
new countries when the Federal officers arrived
there.
The abundant natural resources of these Ter-
ritories, with the security and protection afforded
by organized government, will doubtless invite
42 STATE PAPERS
to them a large immigration when peace shall
restore the business of the country to its accus-
tomed channels. I submit the resolutions of the
legislature of Colorado, which evidence the pa-
triotic spirit of the people of the Territory. So
far the authority of the United States has been
upheld in all the Territories, as it is hoped it
will be in the future. I commend their interests
and defense to the enlightened and generous
care of Congress.
I recommend to the favorable consideration
of Congress the interests of the District of
Columbia. The insurrection has been the cause
of much suffering and sacrifice to its inhabitants ;
and as they have no representative in Congress,
that body should not overlook their just claims
upon the government.
At your late session a joint resolution was
adopted authorizing the President to take meas-
ures for facilitating a proper representation of
the industrial interests of the United States at
the exhibition of the industry of all nations to
be holden at London in the year 1862. I regret
to say I have been unable to give personal at-
tention to this subject — a subject at once so in-
teresting in itself, and so extensively and inti-
mately connected with the material prosperity
of the world. Through the Secretaries of State
and of the Interior a plan, or system, has been
devised and partly matured, and which will be
laid before you.
Under and by virtue of the act of Congress
entitled "An act to confiscate property used for
insurrectionary purposes," approved August 6,
1861, the legal claims of certain persons to the
labor and service of certain other persons have
ANNUAL MESSAGE, DEC. 3, 1861 43
become forfeited ; and numbers of the latter, thus
Hberated, are already dependent on the United
States, and must be provided for in some way.
Besides this, it is not impossible that some of
the States will pass similar enactments for their
own benefit respectively, and by operation of
which persons of the same class will be thrown
upon them for disposal. In such case I recom-
mend that Congress provide for accepting such
persons from such States, according to some
mode of valuation, in lieu, pro tanto, of direct
taxes, or upon some other plan to be agreed
on with such States respectively, that such per-
sons, on such acceptance by the General Gov-
ernment, be at once deemed free ; and that, in
any event, steps be taken for colonizing both
classes (or the one first mentioned, if the other
shall not be brought into existence) at some place
or places in a climate congenial to them. It
might be well to consider, too, whether the free
colored people already in the United States could
not, so far as individuals may desire, be included
in such colonization.
To carry out the plan of colonization may
involve the acquiring of territory, and also the
appropriation of money beyond that to be ex-
pended in the territorial acquisition. Having
practised the acquisition of territory for nearly
sixty years, the question of constitutional power
to do so is no longer an open one with us. The
power was questioned at first by Mr. Jefferson,
who, however, in the purchase of Louisiana,
yielded his scruples on the plea of great expedi-
ency. If it be said that the only legitimate ob-
ject of acquiring territory is to furnish homes
for white men, this measure effects that object;
44 STATE PAPERS
for the emigration of colored men leaves addi-
tional room for white men remaining or coming
here. Mr. Jefferson, however, placed the impor-
tance of procuring Louisiana more on political
and commercial grounds than on providing room
for population.
On this whole proposition, including the ap-
propriation of money with the acquisition of
territory, does not the expediency amount to
absolute necessity — that without which the gov-
ernment itself cannot be perpetuated?
The war continues. In considering the policy
to be adopted for suppressing the insurrection,
I have been anxious and careful that the inevi-
table conflict for this purpose shall not degenerate
into a violent and remorseless revolutionary
struggle. I have, therefore, in every case thought
it proper to keep the integrity of the Union
prominent as the primary object of the contest
on our part, leaving all questions which are not
of vital military importance to the more delib-
erate action of the legislature.
In the exercise of my best discretion I have
adhered to the blockade of the ports held by the
insurgents, instead of putting in force, by proc-
lamation, the law of Congress enacted at the last
session for closing those ports.
So also, obeying the dictates of prudence as
well as the obligations of law, instead of tran-
scending I have adhered to the act of Congress
to confiscate property used for insurrectionary
purposes. If a new law upon the same subject
shall be proposed, its propriety will be duly con-
sidered. The Union must be preserved ; and
hence all indispensable means must be employed.
We should not be in haste to determine that
ANNUAL MESSAGE, DEC. 3> 1861 45
radical and extreme measures, which may reach
the loyal as well as the disloyal, are indispensable.
The inaugural address at the beginning of
the administration, and the message to Congress
at the late special session, were both mainly
devoted to the domestic controversy out of which
the insurrection and consequent war have sprung.
Nothing now occurs to add or subtract, to or
from, the principles or general purposes stated
and expressed in those documents.
The last ray of hope for preserving the Union
peaceably expired at the assault upon Fort Sum-
ter; and a general review of what has occurred
since may not be unprofitable. What was pain-
fully uncertain then is much better defined and
more distinct now ; and the progress of events
is plainly in the right direction. The insurgents
confidently claimed a strong support from north
of Mason and Dixon's line ; and the friends of
the Union were not free from apprehension on
the point. This, however, was soon settled def-
initely, and on the right side. South of the line,
noble little Delaware led off right from the first.
Maryland was made to seem against the Union.
Our soldiers were assaulted, bridges were
burned, and railroads torn up within her limits,
and we were many days, at one time, without the
ability to bring a single regiment over her soil
to the capital. Now her bridges and railroads
are repaired and open to the government ; she
already gives seven regiments to the cause of the
Union and none to the enemy; and her people,
at a regular election, have sustained the Union
by a larger majority and a larger aggregate vote
than they ever before gave to any candidate or
any question. Kentucky, too, for some time in
46 STATE PAPERS
doubt, is now decidedly, and, I think, unchange-
ably, ranged on the side of the Union. Missouri is
comparatively quiet, and, I believe, cannot again
be overrun by the insurrectionists. These three
States of Maryland, Kentucky, and Missouri,
neither of which would promise a single soldier
at first, have now an aggregate of not less than
forty thousand in the field for the Union, while
of their citizens certainly not more than a third
of that number, and they of doubtful where-
abouts and doubtful existence, are in arms
against it. After a somewhat bloody struggle
of months, winter closes on the Union people
of western Virginia, leaving them masters of
their own country.
An insurgent force of about 1500, for months
dominating the narrow peninsular region con-
stituting the counties of Accomac and North-
ampton, and known as the eastern shore of Vir-
ginia, together with some contiguous parts of
Maryland, have laid down their arms, and the
people there have renewed their allegiance to and
accepted the protection of the old flag. This
leaves no armed insurrectionist north of the
Potomac or east of the Chesapeake.
Also we have obtained a footing at each of
the isolated points, on the southern coast, of
Hatteras, Port Royal, Tybee Island, near Savan-
nah, and Ship Island ; and we likewise have some
general accounts of popular movements in behalf
of the Union in North Carolina and Tennessee.
These things demonstrate that the cause of the
Union is advancing steadily and certainly south-
ward.
Since your last adjournment Lieutenant-Gen-
eral Scott has retired from the head of the army.
ANNUAL MESSAGE, DEC. 3, 1861 47
During his long life the nation has not been
unmindful of his merit; yet, on calling to mind
how faith full}^, ably, and brilliantly he has served
the country from a time far back in our his-
tory when few of the now living had been born,
and thenceforward continually, I cannot but
think we are still his debtors. I submit, there-
fore, for your consideration what further mark
of recognition is due to him and to ourselves as
a grateful people.
With the retirement of General Scott came
the executive duty of appointing in his stead
a general-in-chief of the army. It is a fortunate
circumstance that neither in council nor country
was there, so far as I know, any difference of
opinion as to the proper person to be selected.
The retiring chief repeatedly expressed his judg-
ment in favor of General McClellan for the po-
sition, and in this the nation seemed to give a
unanimous concurrence. The designation of
General McClellan is, therefore, in considerable
degree the selection of the country as well as of
the executive, and hence there is better reason
to hope there will be given him the confidence and
cordial support thus far by fair implication prom-
ised, and without which he cannot with so full
efficiency serve the country.
It has been said that one bad general is better
than two good ones; and the saying is true, if
taken to mean no more than that an army is bet-
ter directed by a single mind, though inferior,
than by two superior ones at variance and cross-
purposes with each other.
And the same is true in all joint operations
wherein those engaged can have none but a com-
mon end in view, and can differ only as to the
48 STATE PAPERS
choice of means. In a storm at sea no one on
board can wish the ship to sink; and yet not
infrequently all go down together because too
many will direct, and no single mind can be al-
lowed to control.
It continues to develop that the insurrection
is largely, if not exclusively, a war upon the
first principle of popular government — the rights
of the people. Conclusive evidence of this is
found in the most grave and maturely consid-
ered public documents as well as in the general
tone of the insurgents. In those documents we
find the abridgment of the existing right of
suffrage and the denial to the people of all right
to participate in the selection of public officers
except the legislative, boldy advocated, with
labored arguments to prove that large control of
the people in government is the source of all
political evil. Monarchy itself is sometimes
hinted at as a possible refuge from the power of
the people.
In my present position I could scarcely be
justified were I to omit raising a warning voice
against this approach of returning despotism.
It is not needed nor fitting here that a gen-
eral argument should be made in favor of pop-
ular institutions; but there is one point, with
its connections, not so hackneyed as most others,
to which I ask a brief attention. It is the effort
to place capital on an equal footing with, if not
above, labor, in the structure of government.
It is assumed that labor is available only in con-
nection with capital ; that nobody labors unless
somebody else, owning capital, somehow by the
use of it induces him to labor. This assumed,
it is next considered whether it is best that cap-
ANNUAL MESSAGE, DEC. 3> i86r 49
ital shall hire laborers, and thus induce them
to work by their own consent, or buy them
and drive them to it without their consent. Hav-
ing proceeded thus far, it is naturally concluded
that all laborers are either hired laborers or what
we call slaves. And, further, it is assumed that
whoever is once a hired laborer is fixed in that
condition for life.
Now, there is no such relation between capital
and labor as assumed, nor is there any such
thing as a free man being fixed for life in the
condition of a hired laborer. Both these as-
sumptions are false, and all inferences from
them are groundless.
Labor is prior to, and independent of, capital.
Capital is only the fruit of labor, and could never
have existed if labor had not first existed.
Labor is the superior of capital, and deserves
much the higher consideration. Capital has its
rights, which are as worthy of protection as any
other rights. Nor is it denied that there is, and
probably always will be, a relation between labor
and capital producing mutual benefits. The
error is in assuming that the whole labor of the
community exists within that relation. A few
men own capital, and that few avoid labor them-
selves, and with their capital hire or buy another
few to labor for them. A large majority be-
long to neither class — neither work for others
nor have others working for them. In most of
the Southern States a majority of the whole
people, of all colors, are neither slaves nor mas-
ters ; while in the Northern a large majority are
neither hirers nor hired. Men with their fam-
ilies — wives, sons, and daughters — work for
themselves, on their farms, in their houses, and
so
STATE PAPERS
in their shops, taking the whole product to them-
selves, and asking no favors of capital on the
one hand, nor of hired laborers or slaves on
the other. It is not forgotten that a considerable
number of persons mingle their own labor with
capital — that is, they labor with their own hands
and also buy or hire others to labor for tliem;
but this is only a mixed and not a distinct class.
No principle stated is disturbed by the existence
of this mixed class.
Again, as has already been said, there is not,
of necessity, any such thing as the free hired
laborer being fixed to that condition for life.
Many independent men everywhere in these
States, a few years back in their lives, were hired
laborers. The prudent, penniless beginner in the
world labors for wages awhile, saves a surplus
with which to buy tools or land for him-
self, then labors on his own account another
while, and at length hires another new beginner
to help him. This is the just and generous and
prosperous system which opens the way to all —
gives hope to all, and consequent energy and
progress and improvement of condition to all.
No men living are more worthy to be trusted
than those who toil up from poverty — none less
inclined to take or touch aught which they have
not honestly earned. Let them beware of sur-
rendering a political power which they already
possess, and which, if surrendered, will surely
be used to close the door of advancement against
such as they, and to fix new disabilities and bur-
dens upon them, till all of liberty shall be lost.
From the first taking of our national census
to the last are seventy years ; and we find our
population at the end of the period eight times
ANNUAL MESSAGE, DEC. i, 1862 51
as great as it was at the beginning. The increase
of those other things which men deem desirable
has been even greater. We thus have, at one
view, what the popular principle, applied to gov-
ernment, through the machinery of the States
and the Union, has produced in a given time;
and also what, if firmly maintained, it promises
for the future. There are already among us
those who, if the Union be preserved, will live
to see it contain 250,000,000. The struggle of
to-day is not altogether for to-day — it is for a
vast future also. With a reliance on Providence
all the more firm and earnest, let us proceed in
the great task which events have devolved
upon us.
Abraham Lincoln.
Annual Message to Congress.
December i, 1862.
Fellow-citizens of the Senate and House of
Representatives: Since your last annual assem-
bling another year of health and bountiful har-
vests has passed; and while it has not pleased
the Almighty to bless us with a return of peace,
we can but press on, guided by the best light
he gives us, trusting that in his own good time
and wise way all will yet be well.
The correspondence touching foreign affairs
which has taken place during the last year is
herewith submitted, in virtual compliance with a
request to that eft'ect, made by the House of
Representatives near the close of the last ses-
sion of Congress.
If the condition of our relations with other
52
STATE PAPERS
nations is less gratifying than it has usually been
at former periods, it is certainly more satis-
factory than a nation so unhappily distracted
as we are might reasonably have apprehended.
In the month of June last there were some
grounds to expect that the maritime powers
which, at the beginning of our domestic diffi-
culties, so unwisely and unnecessarily, as we
think, recognized the insurgents as a belligerent,
would soon recede from that position, which has
proved only less injurious to themselves than to
our own country. But the temporary reverses
which afterward befell the national arms, and
which were exaggerated by our own disloyal cit-
izens abroad, have hitherto delayed that act of
simple justice.
The civil war, which has so radically changed,
for the moment, the occupations and habits of
the American people, has necessarily disturbed the
social condition, and affected very deeply the
prosperit}^ of the nations with which we have car-
ried on a commerce that has been steadily in-
creasing throughout a period of half a century.
It has, at the same time, excited political ambi-
tions and apprehensions which have produced a
profound agitation throughout the civilized
world. In this unusual agitation we have for-
borne fromi taking part in any controversy be-
tween foreign states, and between parties or
factions in such states. We have attempted no
propagandism, and acknowledged no revolution.
But we have left to every nation the exclusive
conduct and management of its own affairs. Our
struggle has been, of course, contemplated by
foreign nations with reference less to its own
merits than to its supposed and often exaggerated
ANNUAL MESSAGE, DEC. i, 1862 53
effects and consequences resulting to those na-
tions themselves. Nevertheless, complaint on
the part of this government, even if it were
just, would certainly be unwise.
The treaty with Great Britain for the sup-
pression of the slave-trade has been put into
operation with a good prospect of complete suc-
cess. It is an occasion of special pleasure to
acknowledge that the execution of it on the
part of her Majesty's government has been
marked with a jealous respect for the authority
of the United States, and the rights of their moral
and loyal citizens.
The convention with Hanover for the abolition
of the state dues has been carried into full effect
under the act of Congress for that pur-
pose.
A blockade of three thousand miles of sea-coast
could not be established and vigorously enforced,
in a season of great commercial activity like
the present, without committing occasional mis-
takes, and inflicting unintentional injuries upon
foreign nations and their subjects.
A civil war occurring in a country where for-
eigners reside and carry on trade under treaty
stipulations, is necessarily fruitful of complaints
of the violation of neutral rights. All such col-
lisions tend to excite misapprehensions, and pos-
sibly to produce mutual reclamations between
nations which have a common interest in pre-
serving peace and friendship. In clear cases of
these kinds I have, so far as possible, heard and
redressed complaints which have been presented
by friendly powers. There is still, however, a
large and an augmenting number of doubtful
cases upon which the government is unable to
54
STATE PAPERS
agree with the governments whose protection is
demanded by the claimants. There are, more-
over, many cases in which the United States or
their citizens suffer wrongs from the naval or
military authorities of foreign nations, which
the governments of those states are not at once
prepared to redress. I have proposed to some
of the foreign states thus interested mutual con-
ventions to examine and adjust such complaints.
This proposition has been made especially to
Great Britain, to France, to Spain, and to Prussia.
In each case it has been kindly received, but has
not yet been formally adopted.
I deem it my duty to recommend an appropria-
tion in behalf of the owners of the Norwegian
bark Admiral P. Tordenskiold, which vessel was,
in May, 1861, prevented by the commander of
the blockading force off Charleston from leaving
that port with cargo notwithstanding a similar
privilege had shortly before been granted to an
English vessel. I have directed the Secretary of
State to cause the papers in the case to be com-
municated to the proper committees.
Applications have been made to me by many
free Americans of African descent to favor their
emigration, with a view to such colonization as
was contemplated in recent acts of Congress.
Other parties at home and abroad — some from
interested motives, others upon patriotic consid-
erations, and still others influenced by philan-
thropic sentiments — have suggested similar meas-
ures ; while, on the other hand, several of the
Spanish-American republics have protested
against the sending of such colonies to their
respective territories. Under these circum-
stances, I have declined to move any such colony
ANNUAL MESSAGE, DEC. i, 1862
55
to any state without first obtaining the consent of
its government, with an agreement on its part to
receive and protect such emigrants in all the
rights of freemen ; and I have at the same time
offered to the several states situated within the
tropics, or having colonies there, to negotiate with
them, subject to the advice and consent- of the
Senate, to favor the voluntary emigration of per-
sons of that class to their respective territories,
upon conditions which shall be equal, just, and
humane. Liberia and Hayti are as yet the only
countries to which colonists of African descent
from here could go with certainty of being re-
ceived and adopted as citizens ; and I regret to
say such persons contemplating colonization do
not seem so willing to migrate to those countries
as to some others, nor so willing as I think their
interest demands. I believe, however, opinion
among them in this respect is improving; and
that ere long there will be an augmented and
considerable migration to both these countries
from the United States.
The new commercial treaty between the United
States and the Sultan of Turkey has been carried
into execution.
A commercial and consular treaty has been ne-
gotiated, subject to the Senate's consent, with
Liberia ; and a similar negotiation is now pending
with the republic of Hayti. A considerable im-
provement of the national commerce is expected
to result from these measures.
Our relations with Great Britain, France,
Spain, Portugal, Russia, Prussia, Denmark,
Sweden, Austria, the Netherlands, Italy, Rome,
and the other European states, remain undis-
turbed. Very favorable relations also continue
56 STATE PAPERS
to be maintained with Turkey, Morocco, China,
and Japan.
During the last year there has not only been
no change of our previous relations with the inde-
pendent states of our own continent, but more
friendly sentiments than have heretofore existed
are believed to be entertained by these neighbors,
whose safety and progress are so intimately con-
nected with our own. This statement especially
applies to Mexico, Nicaragua, Costa Rica, Hon-
duras, Peru, and Chile.
The commission under the convention with the
republic of New Granada closed its session with-
out having audited and passed upon all the claims
which were submitted to it. A proposition is
pending to revive the convention, that it may be
able to do more complete justice. The joint com-
mission between the United States and the re-
public of Costa Rica has completed its labors
and submitted its report.
I have favored the project for connecting the
United States with Europe by an Atlantic tele-
graph, and a similar project to extend the tele-
graph from San Francisco, to connect by a Pacific
telegraph with the line which is being extended
across the Russian empire.
The Territories of the United States, with un-
important exceptions, have remained undisturbed
by the civil war, and they are exhibiting such evi-
dence of prosperity as justifies an expectation that
some of them will soon be in a condition to be
organized as States and be constitutionally ad-
mitted into the Federal Union.
The immense mineral resources of some of
those Territories ought to be developed as rapidly
as possible. Every step in that direction would
ANNUAL MESSAGE, DEC. i, 1862 57
have a tendency to improve the revenues of the
government, and diminish the burdens of the
people. It is worthy of your serious considera-
tion whether some extraordinary measures to
promote that end cannot be adopted. The means
which suggests itself as most likely to be effective
is a scientific exploration of the mineral regions
in those Territories, with a view to the publica-
tion of its results at home and in foreign coun-
tries — results which cannot fail to be auspicious.
The condition of the finances will claim your
most diligent consideration. The vast expendi-
tures incident to the military and naval opera-
tions required for the suppression of the rebellion
have hitherto been met with a promptitude and
certainty unusual in similar circumstances, and
the public credit has been fully maintained. The
continuance of the war, however, and the in-
creased disbursements made necessary by the
augmented forces now in the field, demand your
best reflections as to the best modes of pro-
viding the necessary revenue v/ithout injury to
business and with the least possible burdens
upon labor.
The suspension of specie payments by the
banks, soon after the commencement of your last
session, made large issues of United States notes
unavoidable. In no other way could the pay-
ment of the troops, and the satisfaction of other
just demands, be so economically or so well pro-
vided for. The judicious legislation of Congress,
securing the receivability of these notes for loans
and internal duties, and making them a legal
tender for other debts, has made them a universal
currency, and has satisfied, partially at least, and
for the time, the long-felt want of a uniform cir-
58 STATE PAPERS
culating medium, saving thereby to the people im-
mense sums in discounts and -exchanges.
A return to specie payments, however, at the
earhest period compatible with due regard to all
interests concerned, should ever be kept in view.
Fluctuations in the value of currency are always
injurious, and to reduce these fluctuations to the
lowest possible point will always be a leading
purpose in wise legislation. Convertibility —
prompt and certain convertibility — into coin is
generally acknowledged to be the best and surest
safeguard against them; and it is extremely
doubtful whether a circulation of United States
notes, payable in coin, and sufficiently large for
the wants of the people, can be permanently, use-
fully, and safely maintained.
Is there, then, any other mode in which the
necessary provision for the public wants can be
made, and the great advantages of a safe and
uniform currency secured?
I know of none which promises so certain re-
sults, and is at the same time so unobjectiona-
ble, as the organization of banking associations
under a general act of Congress well guarded in
its provisions. To such associations the govern-
ment might furnish circulating notes, on the se-
curity of United States bonds deposited in the
treasury. These notes, prepared under the su-
pervision of proper officers, being uniform in
appearance and security, and convertible always
into coin, would at once protect labor against
the evils of a vicious currency, and facilitate com-
merce by cheap and safe exchanges.
A moderate reservation from the interest on
the bonds would compensate the United States
for the preparation and distribution of the notes
ANNUAL MESSAGE, DEC. i, 1862 59
and a general supervision of the system, and
would lighten the burden of that part of the
public debt employed as securities. The public
credit, moreover, would be greatly improved
and the negotiation of new loans greatly facili-
tated by the steady market demand for govern-
ment bonds which the adoption of the proposed
system would create.
It is an additional recommendation of the
measure, of considerable weight in my judg-
ment, that it would reconcile, as far as possible,
all existing interests, by the opportunity offered
to existing institutions to reorganize under the
act, substituting only the secured uniform_ na-
tional circulation for' the local and various circu-
lation, secured and unsecured, now issued by
them.
The receipts into the treasury from all sources,
including loans and balance from the preceding
year, for the fiscal year ending on the 30th June,
1862, were $583,885,247.06; of which sum $49,-
056,397.62 were derived from customs; $i,795r
331.73 from the direct tax; from public lands,
$152,203.77; from miscellaneous sources, $931,-
787.64; from loans in all forms, $529,692,460.50.
The remainder, $2,257,065.80, was the balance
from last vear.
The disbursements during the same period
were; for congressional, executive, and judicial
purposes, $5,939,009.29; for foreign intercourse,
$i'339'7iO-35; fo^ miscellaneous expenses, in-
cluding the mints, loans, post-office deficiencies,
collection of revenue, and other Hke charges,
$14,129,771.50; for expenses under the Interior
Department, $3,102,985.52; under the War De-
partment, $394,368,407.36; under the Navy De-
6o STATE PAPERS
partment, $42,674,569.69; for interest on public
debt, $13,190,32445; and for payment of public
debt, including reimbursement of temporary loan,
and redemptions, $96,096,922.09 — making an ag-
gregate of $570,841,700.25, and leaving a balance
in the treasury on the first day of July, 1862, of
$13,043,546.81.
It should be observed that the sum of $96,-
096,922.09, expended for reimbursements and re-
demption of public debt, being included also in
the loans made, may be properly deducted both
from receipts and expenditures, leaving the actual
receipts for the year, $487,788,324.97; and the
expenditures, $474,744,778.16.
Other information on the subject of the finances
will be found in the report of the Secretary of
the Treasury, to whose statements and views I
invite your most candid and considerate atten-
tion.
The reports of the Secretaries of War and of
the Navy are herewith transmitted. These re-
ports, though lengthy, are scarce!}^ more than
brief abstracts of the very numerous and ex-
tensive transactions and operations conducted
through those departments. Nor could I give
a summary of them here, upon any principle,
which would admit of its being much shorter than
the reports themselves. I therefore content my-
self with laying the reports before you, and ask-
ing your attention to them.
It gives me pleasure to report a decided im-
provement in the financial condition of the Post
Ofiice Department, as compared with several pre-
ceding years. The receipts for the fiscal year
1 86 1 amounted to $8,349,296.40, which embraced
the revenue from all the States of the Union for
ANNUAL MESSAGE, DEC. i, 1862 61
three quarters of that year. Notwithstanding the
cessation of revenue from the so-called seceded
States during the last fiscal year, the increase of
the correspondence of the loyal States has been
sufficient to produce a revenue during the same
year of $8,299,820.90, being only $50,000 less
than was derived from all the States of the
Union during the previous year. The expendi-
tures show a still more favorable result. The
amount expended in 1861 was $13,606,759.11.
For the last year the amount has been reduced
to $11,125,364.13, showing a decrease of about
$2,481,000 in the expenditures as compared with
the preceding year, and about $3,750,000 as
compared with the fiscal year i860. The defi-
ciency in the department for the previous year
was $4,551,966.98. For the last fiscal year it was
reduced to $2,112,814.57. These favorable re-
sults are in part owing to the cessation of mail
service in the insurrectionary States, and in
part to a careful review of all expenditures
in that department in the interest of economy.
The efficiency of the postal service, it is be-
Heved, has also been much improved. The Post-
master-General has also opened a correspondence,
through the Department of State, with foreign
governments, proposing a convention _ of postal
representatives for the purpose of simphfying
the rates of foreign postage, and to expedite the
foreign m.ails. This proposition, equally im-
portant to our adopted citizens and to the com-
mercial interests of this country, has been favor-
ably entertained, and agreed to, by all the govern-
ments from whom replies have been received.
I ask the attention of Congress to the sugges-
tions of the Postmaster-General in his report
62 STATE PAPERS
respecting the further legislation required, in his
opinion, for the benefit of the postal service.
The Secretary of the Interior reports as follows
in regard to the public lands :
The public lands have ceased to be a source of
revenue. From the 1st July, 1861, to the 30th Septem-
ber, 1862, the entire cash receipts from the sale of lands
were $137,476.26— a sum much less than the expenses
of our land system during the same period. The home-
stead law, which will take effect on the ist of January
next, offers such inducements to settlers that sales for
cash cannot be expected to an extent sufficient to meet
the expenses of the General Land Office, and the cost
of surveying and bringing the land into market.
The discrepancy between the sum here stated
as arising from the sales of the public lands,
and the sum derived from the same source as
reported from the Treasury Department, arises,
as I understand, from the fact that the periods of
time, though apparently, were not really coinci-
dent at the" beginning point — the Treasury report
including a considerable sum now, which had
previously been reported from the Interior —
sufficiently large to greatly overreach the sum
derived from the three months now reported
upon by the Interior, and not by the Treasury.
The Indian tribes upon our frontiers have,
during the past year, manifested a spirit of insub-
ordination, and at several points have engaged in
open hostihties against the white settlements in
their vicinity. The tribes occupying the Indian
country south of Kansas renounced their alle-
giance to the United States, and entered into
treaties with the insurgents. Those who re-
mained loyal to the United States were driven
from the country. The chief of the Cherokees
ANNUAL MESSAGE, DEC. i, 1862 63
has visited this city for the purpose of restoring
the former relations of the tribe with the United
States. He alleges that they were constrained by
superior force to enter into treaties with the in-
surgents, and that the United States neglected
to furnish the protection which their treaty stip-
ulations required.
In the month of August last the Sioux Indians
in Minnesota attacked the settlemxcnts in their
vicinity with extreme ferocity, killing indiscrim-
inately men, women, and children. This attack
was wholly unexpected, and therefore no means
of defense had been provided. It is estimated that
not less than eight hundred persons were killed by
the Indians, and a large amount of property was
destroyed. How this outbreak was induced is
not definitely known, and suspicions, which may
be unjust, nfeed not to be stated. Information
was received by the Indian bureau, 'from differ-
ent sources, about the time hostilities were com-
menced, that a simultaneous attack was to be
made upon the white settlements by all the tribes
between the Mississippi River and the Rocky
Mountains. The State of Minnesota has suffered
great injury from this Indian war. A large por-
tion of her territory has been depopulated, and a
severe loss has been sustained by the destruction
of property. The people of that State manifest
much anxiety for the removal of the tribes beyond
the limits of the State as a guarantee against
future hostilities. The Commissioner of Indian
Affairs will furnish full details. I submit for
your especial consideration whether our Indian
system shall not be remodeled. Many wise and
good men have impressed me with the belief that
this can be profitably done.
64 STATE PAPERS
I submit a statement of the proceedings of com-
missioners, which shows the progress that has
been made in the enterprise of constructing the
Pacific Railroad. And this suggests the earhest
completion of this road, and also the favorable
action of Congress upon the projects now pend-
ing before them for enlarging the capacities of
the great canals in New York and Illinois, as
being of vital and rapidly increasing importance
to the whole nation, and especially to the vast
interior region hereinafter to be noticed at some
greater length. I purpose having prepared and
laid before you at an early day some interesting
and valuable statistical information upon this
subject. The military and commercial im-
portance of enlarging the Illinois and Michigan
canal and improving the Illinois River is pre-
sented in the report of Colonel Webster to the
Secretary of War, and now transmitted to Con-
gress. I respectfully ask attention to it.
To carry out the provisions of the act of Con-
gress of the 15th of May last, I have caused
the Department of Agriculture of the Ignited
States to be organized. The commissioner in-
forms me that within the period of a few months
this department has established an extensive sys-
tem of correspondence and exchanges, both at
home and abroad, which promises to effect highly
beneficial results in the development of a correct
knowledge of recent improvements in agriculture,
in the introduction of new products, and in the
collection of the agricultural statistics of the dif-
ferent States. Also that it will soon be pre-
pared to distribute largely seeds, cereals, plants,
and cuttings, and has already published and lib-
erally diffused much valuable information in an-
ANNUAL MESSAGE, DEC. i, 1862 65
ticipation of a more elaborate report which will
in due time be furnished, embracing some valua-
ble tests in chemical science now in progress in
the laboratory. The creation of this department
was for the more immediate benefit of a large
class of our most valuable citizens ; and I trust
that the liberal basis upon which it has been or-
ganized will not only meet your approbation, but
that it will realize, at no distant day, all the fond-
est anticipations of its most sanguine friends, and
become the fruitful source of advantage to all
our people.
On the 22d day of September last a proclarna-
tion was issued by the Executive, a copy of which
is herewith submitted. In accordance with the
purpose expressed in the second paragraph of
that paper, I now respectfully recall your atten-
tion to what may be called ''compensated emanci-
pation."
A nation may be said to consist of its territory,
its people, and its laws. The territory is the
only part which is of certain durability. "One
generation passeth away, and another generation
cometh, but the earth abideth forever." It is of
the first importance to duly consider and estimate
this ever-enduring part. That portion of the
earth's surface which is owned and inhabited
by the people of the United States is well adapted
to be the home of one national family, and it is
not well adapted for two or more. Its vast extent
and its variety of climate and productions are of
advantage in this age for one people, whatever
they might have been in former ages. Steam,
telegraphs, and intelligence have brought these
to be an advantageous combination for one united
people.
66 STATE PAPERS
In the inaugural address I briefly pointed out
the total inadequacy of disunion as a remedy for
the differences between the people of the two
sections. I did so in language which I cannot
improve and which, therefore, I beg to repeat.
One section of our country believes slavery is right
and ought to be extended, while the other believes it is
wrong and ought not to be extended. This is the only
substantial dispute. The fugitive-slave clause of the
Constitution and the law for the suppression of the
foreign slave-trade are each as well enforced, perhaps,
as any law can ever be in a community where the moral
sense of the people imperfectly supports the law itself.
The great body of the people abide by the dry legal
obligation in both cases, and a few break over in each.
This, I think, cannot be perfectly cured; and it would
be worse in both cases after the separation of the sec-
tions than before. The foreign slave-trade, now im-
perfectly suppressed, would be ultimately revived with-
out restriction in one section ; while fugitive slaves,
now only partially surrendered, would not be sur-
rendered at all by the other.
Physically speaking, we cannot separate. We cannot
remove our respective sections from each other, nor
build an impassable wall between them. A husband
and wife may be divorced and go out of the presence
and beyond the reach of each other ; but the different
parts of our country cannot do this. They cannot but
remain face to face ; and intercourse, either amicable or
hostile, must continue between them. Is it possible,
then, to make that intercourse more advantageous or
more satisfactory after separation than before? Can
aliens make treaties easier than friends can make laws?
Can treaties be more faithfully enforced between aliens
than laws can among friends? Suppose you go to
war, you cannot fight always; and when, after much
loss on both sides and no gain on either, you cease
fighting, the identical old questions as to terms of in-
tercourse are again upon you.
There is no line, straight or crooked, suitable
for a national boundary upon which to divide.
ANNUAL MESSAGE, DEC. i, 1862 67
Trace through, from east to west, upon the Hne
between the free and slave country, and we shall
find a little more than one third of its length
are rivers, easy to be crossed, and populated, or
soon to be populated, thickly upon both sides;
while nearly all its remaining length are merely
surveyors' lines, over which people may walk
back and forth without any consciousness of their
presence. No part of this line can be made any
more difficult to pass by writing it down on paper
or parchment as a national boundary. The fact
of separation, if it comes, gives up on the part of
the seceding section the fugitive-slave clause
along with "all other constitutional obligations
upon the section seceded from, while I should
expect no treaty stipulation would be ever made
to take its place.
But there is another difficulty. The great inte-
rior region, bounded east by the Alleghanies,
north by the British dominions, west by the
Rocky Mountains, and south by the line along
whicli the culture of corn and cotton meets, and
which includes part of Virginia, part of Ten-
nessee, all of Kentucky, Ohio, Indiana, Michigan,
Wisconsin, Illinois, Missouri, Kansas, Iowa,
Minnesota, and the Territories of Dakota, Ne-
braska, and part of Colorado, already has above
ten millons of people, and will have fifty millions
within fifty years if not prevented by any political
folly or mistake. It contains more than one third
of the country owned by the United States —
certainly more than one million of square miles.
Once half as populous as Massachusetts already
is, it would have more than seventy-five millions
of people. A glance at the map shows that, ter-
ritorially speaking, it is the great body of the
68 STATE PAPERS
republic. The other parts are but marginal bor-
ders to it, the magnificent region sloping west
from the Rocky Mountains to the Pacific being
the deepest and also the richest in undeveloped
resources. In the production of provisions,
grains, grasses, and all which proceed from them,
this great interior region is naturally one of the
most important in the world. Ascertain from
the statistics the small proportion of the region
which has, as yet, been brought into cultivation,
and also the large and rapidly increasing amount
of its products, and we shall be overwhelmed with
the magnitude of the prospect presented; and
yet this region has no sea-coast, touches no ocean
anywhere. As part of one nation, its people now
find, and may forever find, their way to Europe
by New York, to South America and Africa Ijy
New Orleans, and to Asia by San Francisco. But
separate our common country into two nations,
as designed by the present rebellion, and every
man of this great interior region is thereby
cut off from some one or more of these out-
lets — not, perhaps, by a physical barrier,
but by embarrassing and onerous trade regu-
lations.
And this is true wherever a dividing or bound-
ary line may be fixed. Place it between the now
free and slave country, or place it south of Ken-
tucky or north of Ohio, and still the truth remains
that none south of it can trade to any port or
place north of it, and none north of it can trade to
any port or place south of it, except upon terms
dictated by a government foreign to them. These
outlets, east, west, and south, are indispensable to
the well-being of the people inhabiting, and to in-
habit, this vast interior region. Which of the
ANNUAL MESSAGE, DEC. i, 1862 69
three may be the best, is no proper question.
All are better than either ; and all of right belong
to that people and to their successors forever.
True to themselves, they will not ask where a line
of separation shall be, but will vow rather that
there shall be no such line. Nor are the marginal
regions less interested in these communications to
and through them to the great outside world.
They, too, and each of them, must have access
to this Egypt of the West without paying toll
at the crossing of any national boundary.
Our national strife springs not from our per-
manent part, not from the land we inhabit, not
from our national homestead. There is no pos-
sible severing of this but would multiply, and
not mitigate, evils among us. In all its adapta-
tions and aptitudes it demands union and abhors
separation. In fact, it would ere long force re-
union, however much of blood and treasure the
separation might have cost.
Our strife pertains to ourselves — to the pass-
ing generations of men ; and it can without con-
vulsion be hushed forever with the passing of one
generation.
In this view I recommend the adoption of the
following resolution and articles amendatory to
the Constitution of the United States:
"Resolved by the Senate and House of Representa-
tives of the United States of America in Congress
assembled (two-thirds of both houses concurring),
That the following articles be proposed to the legisla-
tures (or conventions) of the several States as amend-
ments to the Constitution of the United States, all or
any of which articles when ratified by three fourths of
the said legislatures (or conventions) to be valid as
part or parts of the said Constitution, viz. :
yo STATE PAPERS
"Article — .
"Every State wherein slavery now exists which shall
abolish the same therein at any time or times before the
first day of January in the year of our Lord one thou-
sand and nine hundred, shall receive compensation from
the United States as follows, to wit:
"The President of the United States shall deliver to
every such State bonds of the United States, bearing
interest at the rate of per cent, per annum, to an
amount equal to the aggregate sum of , for
each slave shown to have been therein by the eighth
census of the United States, said bonds to be delivered
to such State by instalments, or in one parcel at the
completion of the abolishment, accordingly as the same
shall have been gradual or at one time within such
State; and interest shall begin to run upon any such
bond only from the proper time of its delivery as afore-
said. Any State having received bonds as aforesaid,
and afterward reintroducing or tolerating slavery
therein, shall refund to the United States the bonds so
received, or the value thereof, and all interest paid
thereon.
"Article — .
"All slaves who shall have enjoyed actual freedom by
the chances of the war at any time before the end of
the rebellion, shall be forever free ; but all owners of
such who shall not have been disloyal shall be compen-
sated for them at the same rates as are provided for
States adopting abolishment of slavery, but in such way
that no slave shall be twice accounted for.
"Article — .
"Congress may appropriate money and otherwise
provide for colonizing free colored persons, with their
own consent, at any place or places without the United
States."
I beg indulgence to discuss these proposed arti-
cles at some length. Without slavery the rebel-
ANNUAL MESSAGE, DEC. i, 1862 71
lion could never have existed; without slavery
it could not continue.
Among the friends of the Union there is great
diversity of sentiment and of policy in regard
to slavery and the African race amongst us.
Some would perpetuate slavery; some would
abolish it suddenly, and without compensation ;
some would abolish it gradually, and with com-
pensation; some would remove the freed people
from us, and some would retain them with us;
and there are yet other minor diversities. Be-
cause of these diversities we waste much strength
in struggles among ourselves. By mutual con-
cession we should harmonize and act together.
This would be compromise ; but it would be com-
promise among the friends, and not with the
enemies, of the Union. These articles are in-
tended to embody a plan of such mutual con-
cessions. If the plan shall be adopted, it is as-
sumed that emancipation will follow at least
in several of the States.
As to the first article, the main points are:
first, the emancipation; secondly, the length of
time for consummating it — thirty-seven years;
and, thirdly, the compensation.
The emancipation will be unsatisfactory to the
advocates of perpetual slavery; but the length
of time should greatly mitigate their dissatisfac-
tion. The time spares both races from the evils
of sudden derangement— in fact, from the neces-
sity of any derangement; while most of those
whose habitual course of thought will be dis-
turbed by the mxcasure will have passed away be-
fore its consummation. They will never see it.
Another class will hail the prospect of emancipa-
tion, but will deprecate the length of time. They
72
STATE PAPERS
will feel that it gives too little to the now living
slaves. But it really gives them much. It saves
them from the vagrant destitution which must
largely attend immediate emancipation in locali-
ties where their numbers are very great; and it
gives the inspiring assurance that their posterity
shall be free forever. The plan leaves to each
State choosing to act under it to abolish slavery
now, or at the end of the century, or at any
intermediate time, or by degrees extending over
the whole or any part of the period ; and it obliges
no two States to proceed alike. It also provides
for compensation, and generally the mode of mak-
ing it. This, it would seem, must further mitigate
the dissatisfaction of those who favor perpetual
slavery, and especially of those who are to receive
the compensation. Doubtless some of those who
are to pay, and not to receive, will object. Yet
the measure is both just and economical. In a
certain sense the liberation of slaves is the de-
struction of property — property acquired by de-
scent or by purchase, the same as any other prop-
erty. It is no less true for having been often
said, that the people of the South are not more
responsible for the original introduction of this
property than are the people of the North ; and
when it is remembered how unhesitatingly we all
use cotton and sugar and share the profits of
dealing in them, it may not be quite safe to say
that the South has been more responsible than
the North for its continuance. If, then, for a
common object this property is to be sacrificed, is
it not just that it be done at a common charge?
And if, with less money, or money more easily
paid, we can preserve the benefits of the Union
by this means than we can by the war alone,,
ANNUAL MESSAGE, DEC. i, 1862 73
is it not also economical to do it? Let us con-
sider it, then. Let us ascertain the sum we have
expended in the war since compensated emancipa-
tion was proposed last March, and consider
whether, if that measure had been promptly ac-
cepted by even some of the slave States, the same
sum would not have done more to close the
war than has been otherwise done. If so, the
measure would save money, and in that view
would be a prudent and economical measure.
Certainly it is not so easy to pay something as
it is to pay nothing ; but it is easier to pay a large
sum than it is to pay a larger one. And it is easier
to pay any sum when we are able, than it is to pay
it before we are able. The war requires large
sums, and requires them at once. The aggre-
gate sum necessary for compensated emancipa-
tion of course would be large. But it would re-
quire no ready cash, nor the bonds even, any
faster than the emancipation progresses. This
might not, and probably would not, close before
the end of the thirty-seven years. At that time
we shall probably have i(X),C)00,ooo of people to
share the burden, instead of 31,000,000 as now.
And not only so, but the increase of our popu-
lation may be expected to continue for a long
time after that period, as rapidly as before, be-
cause our territory will not have become full. I
do not state this inconsiderately. At the same
ratio of increase which we have maintained, on
an average, from our first national census in
1790 until that of i860, we should in 1900 have
a population of 103,208,415. And why may we
not continue that ratio far beyond that period?
Our abundant room — our broad national home-
stead — is our ample resource. Were our terri-
74 STATE PAPERS
tory as limited as are the British Isles, very cer-
tainly our population could not expand as stated.
Instead of receiving the foreign-born as now, we
should be compelled to send part of the native-
born away. But such is not our condition. We
have 2,963,000 square miles. Europe has 3,800,-
000, with a population averaging 73 1-3 persons
to the square mile. Why m.ay not our country,
at the same time, average as many? Is it less
fertile? Has it more waste surface, by moun-
tains, rivers, lakes, deserts, or other causes?
Is it inferior to Europe in any natural advantage ?
If, then, we are at some time to be as populous
as Europe, how soon? As to when this may be,
we can judge by the past and the present ; as
to when it will be, if ever, depends much on
whether we maintain the Union. Several of our
States are already above the average of Europe —
y2> 1-3 to the square mile. Massachusetts has
157; Rhode Island, 133; Connecticut, 99; New
York and New Jersey, each 80. Also two other
great States, Pennsylvania and Ohio, are not
far below, the former having 63 and the latter
59. The States already above the European
average, except New York, have increased in
as rapid a ratio since passing that point as ever
before, while no one of them is equal to some
other parts of our country in natural capacity for
sustaining a dense population.
Taking the nation in the aggregate, we find
its population and ratio of increase for the sev-
eral decennial periods to be as follows :
1790 3,929,827
1800 5,305.937 35.02 per cent, ratio of increase.
1810 7,239,814 36.45
1820 9,638,131 33.13 "
ANNUAL MESSAGE, DEC. i, 1862 75
1830 12,866,020 33.49 per cent, ratio of increase.
1840 17,069,453 32.67
1850 23,191,876 35.87 " " ;;
i860 31,443,790 35-58
This shows an average decennial increase of
34.60 per cent, in population through the seventy
years from our first to our last census yet taken.
It is seen that the ratio of increase at no one
of these seven periods is either two per cent,
below or two per cent, above the average, thus
showing how inflexible, and consequently how re-
liable, the law of increase in our case is. Assum-
ing that it will continue, gives the following re-
sults :
1870 42,323,341
1880 56,967,216
1890 76,677.872
1900 103,208.415
1910 138,918,526
1920 186,984.335
1930 251,680,914
These figures show that our country may be as
populous as Europe now is at some point be-
tween 1920 and 1930 — say about 1925 — our terri-
tory, at 73 1-3 persons to the square mile, being
of capacity to contain 217,186,000.
And we will reach this, too, if we do not our-
selves relinquish the chance by the folly and evils
of disunion, or by long and exhausting war
springing from the only great element of national
discord among us. While it cannot be foreseen
exactly how much one huge example of seces-
sion, breeding lesser ones indefinitely, would re-
tard population, civilization, and prosperity, no
one can doubt that the extent of it would be
very great and injurious.
;6 STATE PAPERS
The proposed emancipation would shorten the
war, perpetuate peace, insure this increase of pop-
ulation, and proportionately the wealth of the
country. With these, we should pay all the
emancipation would cost, together with our other
debt, easier than we should pay our other debt
without it. If we had allowed our old national
debt to run at six per cent, per annum, simple
interest, from the end of our Revolutionary strug-
gle until to-day, without paying anything on
either principle or interest, each man of us would
owe less upon that debt now than each man
owed upon it then ; and this because our increase
of men, through the whole period, has been
greater than six per cent. — has run faster than
the interest upon the debt. Thus, time alone
relieves a debtor nation, so long as its popu-
lation increases faster than unpaid interest ac-
cumulates on its debt.
This fact would be no excuse for delaying pay-
ment of what is justly due; but it shows the
great importance of time in this connection— the
great advantage of a policy by which we shall
not have to pay, until we number a hundred mil-
lions, what by a different policy we would have
to pay now, when we number but thirty-one mil-
lions. In a word, it shows that a dollar will
be much harder to pay for the war than will
be a dollar for emancipation on the pro-
posed plan. And then the latter will cost
no blood, no precious life. It will be a saving of
both.
As to the second article, I think it would be
impracticable to return to bondage the class of
persons therein contemplated. Some of them
doubtless, in the property sense, belong to loyal
ANNUAL MESSAGE, DEC. i, 1862 77
owners ; and hence provision is made in this
article for compensating such.
The third article relates to the future of the
freed people. It does not oblige, but merely
authorizes, Congress to aid in colonizing such
as may consent. This ought not to be regarded
as objectionable, on the one hand or on the
other, insomuch as it comes to nothing unless by
the mutual consent of the people to be deported,
and the American voters through their repre-
sentatives in Congress.
I cannot make it better known than it already
is, that I strongly favor colonization. And yet
I wish to say there is an objection urged against
free colored persons remaining in the country
which is largely imaginary, if not sometimes
malicious.
It is insisted that their presence would injure
and displace white labor and white laborers. If
there ever could be a proper time for mere catch
arguments, that time surely is not now. In times
like the present, men should utter nothing for
which they would not willingly be responsible
through time and in eternity. Is it true, then,
that colored people can displace any more white
labor by being free than by remaining slaves?
If they stay in their old places, they jostle no
white laborers ; if they leave their old places,
they leave them open to white laborers. Logi-
cally, there is neither more nor less of it. Eman-
cipation, even without deportation, would prob-
ably enhance the wages of white labor, and very
surely would not reduce them. Thus, the cus-
tomary amount of labor Avould still have to be
performed ; the freed people would surely not
do more than their old proportion of it, and very
78 STATE PAPERS
probably for a time would do less, leaving an
increased part to white laborers, bringing their
labor into greater demand, and consequently en-
hancing the wages of it. With deportation, even
to a limited extent, enhanced wages to white
labor is mathematically certain. Labor is like
any other commodity in the market — increase
the demand for it, and you increase the price of
it. Reduce the supply of black labor by coloniz-
ing the black laborer out of the country, and by
precisely so much you increase the demand for,
and wages of, white labor.
But it is dreaded that the freed people will
swarm forth and cover the whole land ? Are they
not already in the land? Will liberation make
them any more numerous? Equally distributed
among the whites of the whole country, and
there would be but one colored to seven whites.
Could the one in any way greatly disturb the
seven? There are many communities now hav-
ing more than one free colored person to seven
whites, and this without any apparent conscious-
ness of evil from it. The District of Columbia,
and the States of Maryland and Delaware, are
all in this condition. The District has more than
one free colored to six whites ; and yet in its
frequent petitions to Congress I believe it has
never presented the presence of free colored per-
sons as one of its grievances. But why should
emancipation south send the free people north?
People of any color seldom run unless there be
something to run from. Heretofore colored peo-
ple, to some extent, have fled north from bondage ;
and now, perhaps, from both bondage and desti-
tution. But if gradual emancipation and deporta-
tion be adopted, they will have neither to flee
I
ANNUAL MESSAGE, DEC. i, 1862 79
from. Their old masters will give them wa^fes
at least until new laborers can be procured ;
and the freedmen, in turn, will gladly give their
labor for the wages till new homes can be found
for them in congenial cHmes and with people
of their own blood and race. This proposition
can be trusted on the mutual interests involved.
And, in any event, cannot the North decide for
itself whether to receive them?
Again, as practice proves more than theory,
in any case, has there been any irruption of col-
ored people northward because of the abolish-
ment of slavery in this District last spring?
What I have said of the proportion of free col-
ored persons to the whites in the District is from
the census of i860, having no reference to per-
sons called contrabands, nor to those made free
by the act of Congress abolishing slavery here.
The plan consisting of these articles is recom-
mended, not but that a restoration of the national
authority would be accepted without its adoption.
Nor will the war, nor proceedings under the
proclamation of September 22, 1862, be stayed
because of the recommendation of this plan. Its
timely adoption. I doubt not, would bring restora-
tion, and thereby stay both.
And, notwithstanding this plan, the recom-
mendation that Congress provide by law for
compensating any State which may adopt eman-
cipation before this plan shall have been acted
upon, is hereby earnestly renewed. Such would
be only an advance part of the plan, and the
same arguments apply to both.
This plan is recommended as a means, not in
exclusion of, but additional to, all others for
restoring and preserving the national authority
8o STATE PAPERS
throughout the Union. The subject is presented
exclusively in its economical aspect. The plan
would, I am confident, secure peace more speed-
ily, and maintain it more permanently, than can
be done by force alone; while all it would cost,
considering amounts, and manner of payment,
and times of payment, would be easier paid than
will be the additional cost of the war if we rely
solely upon force. It is much — very much —
that it would cost no blood at all.
The plan is proposed as permanent constitu-
tional lavv^. It cannot become such without the
concurrence of, first, two thirds of Congress
and, afterward, three fourths of the States.
The requisite three fourths of the States will
necessarily include seven of the slave States.
Their concurrence, if obtained, will give assur-
ance of their severally adopting emancipation at
no very distant day upon the new constitutional
terms. This assurance would end the struggle
now, and save the Union forever.
I do not forget the gravity which should char-
acterize a paper addressed to the Congress of
the nation by the Chief Magistrate of the nation.
Nor do I forget that some of you are my seniors,
nor that many of you have more experience than
I in the conduct of public affairs. Yet I trust
that in view of the great responsibility resting
upon me, you will perceive no want of respect
to yourselves in any undue earnestness I may
seem to display.
Is it doubted, then, that the plan I propose, if
adopted, would shorten the war, and thus lessen
its expenditure of money and of blood? Is it
doubted that it would restore the national au-
thority and national prosperity, and perpetuate
ANNUAL MESSAGE, DEC. i, 1862 81
both indefinitely? Is it doubted that we here —
Congress and Executive — can secure its adop-
tion? Will not the good people respond to a
united and earnest appeal from us? Can we,
can they, by any other means so certainly or so
speedily assure these vital objects? We can suc-
ceed only by concert. It is not ''Can any of us
imagine better?" but, ''Can we all do better?"
Object whatsoever is possible, still the question
occurs, "Can we do better?" /The dogmas of
the quiet past are inadequate to the stormy pres-
ent. The occasion is piled high with difficulty,
and v/e must rise with the occasion. As our case
is new, so we must think anew and act anew.
We must disenthrall ourselves, and then we shall
save our country.
Fellow-citizens, we cannot escape history. We
of this Congress and this administration will be
remembered in spite of ourselves. No personal
significance or insignificance can spare one or an-
other of us. The fiery trial through which we
pass will light us dov/n, in honor or dishonor,
to the latest generation. We say we are for
the Union. The world will not forget that
we say this. We know how to save the Union.
The world knows we do know how to save it.
We — even we here — hold the power and bear the
responsibility. In giving freedom to the slave,
we assure freedom to the free — honorable alike
in what we give and what we preserve. We shall
nobly save or meanly lose the last, best hope of
earth. Other means may succeed; this could
not fail. The way is plain, peaceful, generous,
just — a way which, if followed, the world will
forever applaud, and God must forever bless.
Abraham Lincoln.
Z2 STATE PAPERS
Annual Message to Congress.
December 8, 1863.
Fellozv-citizens of the Senate and House of
Representatives: Another year of health, and of
sufficiently abundant harvests, has passed. For
these, and especially for the improved condition
of our national affairs, our renewed and pro-
foundest gratitude to God is due.
We remain in peace and friendship with for-
eign powers.
The efforts of disloyal citizens of the United
States to involve us in foreign wars, to aid an
inexcusable insurrection, have been unavailing.
Her Britannic Majesty's government, as was
justly expected, have exercised their authority to
prevent the departure of new hostile expeditions
from British ports. The Emperor of France has,
by a like proceeding, promptly vindicated the
neutrality which he proclaimed at the beginning
of the contest. Questions of great intricacy and
importance have arisen out of the blockade, and
other belligerent operations, between the govern-
ment and several of the maritime powers, but
they have been discussed, and, as far as was pos-
sible, accommodated, in a spirit of frankness, jus-
tice, and mutual good-will. It is especially grati-
fying that our prize courts, by the impartiality
of their adjudications, have commanded tlie re-
spect and confidence of maritime powers.
The supplemental treaty between the United
States and Great Britain for the suppression of
the African slave-trade, made on the 17th day
of February last, has been duly ratified and car-
ried into execution. It is believed that, so far
as American ports- and American citizens are
ANNUAL MESSAGE, DEC. 8, 1863 S^
concerned, that inhuman and odious traffic has
been brought to an end.
I shall submit, for the consideration of the
Senate, a convention for the adjustment of pos-
sessory claims in Washington Territory, arising
out of the treaty of the 15th of June, 1846, be-
tween the United States and Great Britain, and
Avhich have been the source of some disquiet
among the citizens of that now rapidly improving
part of the country.
A novel and important question, involving the
extent of the maritime jurisdiction of Spain in
the waters which surround the island of Cuba, has
been debated without reaching an agreement, and
it is proposed, in an amicable spirit, to refer it to
the arbitrament of a friendly power. A conven-
tion for that purpose will be submitted to the
Senate.
I have thought it proper, subject to the ap-
proval of the Senate, to concur with the inter-
ested commercial powers in an arrangement for
the hquidation of the Scheldt dues upon the
principles which have been heretofore adopted
in regard to the imposts upon navigation in the
waters of Denmark.
The long-pending controversy between this
government and that of Chile, touching the seiz-
ure at Sitana, in Peru, by Chilian officers, of a
large amount in treasure belonging to citizens
of the United States, has been brought to a close
by the award of his Majesty the King of the
Belgians, to whose arbitration the question was
referred by the parties. The subject was thor-
oughly and patiently examined by that justly
respected magistrate, and although the sum
awarded to the claimants may not have been
84 STATE PAPERS
as large as they expected,' there is no reason
to distrust the wisdom of his Majesty's deci-
sion. That decision was promptly complied with
by Chile, when intelligence in regard to it reached
that country.
The joint commission, under the act of the
last session, for carrying into effect the con-
vention with Peru, on the subject of claims,
has been organized at Lima, and is engaged in
the business intrusted to it.
Difficulties concerning inter-oceanic transit
through Nicaragua are in course of amicable
adjustment.
In conformity with principles set forth in my
last annual message, I have received a repre-
sentative from the United States of Colombia,
and have accredited a minister to that republic.
Incidents occurring in the progress of our civil
war have forced upon my attention the uncer-
tain state of international questions touching the
rights of foreigners in this country and of United
States citizens abroad. In regard to some gov-
ernments, these rights are at least partially de-
fined by treaties. In no instance, however, is it
expressly stipulated that, in the event of civil
war, a foreigner residing in this country, with-
in the lines of the insurgents, is to be exempted
from the rule which classes him as a belligerent,
in whose behalf the government of his country
cannot expect any privileges or immunities dis-
tinct from that character. I regret to say, how-
ever, that such claims have been put forward,
and, in some instances, in behalf of foreigners
who have lived in the United States the greater
part of their lives.
There is reason to believe that many persons
'ANNUAL MESSAGE, DEC. 8, 1863 85
born in foreign countries, who have declared
their intention to become citizens, or who have
been fully naturalized, have evaded the military
duty required of them by denying the fact,
and thereby throwing upon the government the
burden of proof. It has been found difficult or
impracticable to obtain this proof, from the want
of guides to the proper sources of information.
These might be supplied by requiring clerks of
courts, where declarations of intention may be
made, or naturalizations effected, to send, period-
ically, lists of <-.he names of the persons natural-
ized, or declaring their intention to become citi-
zens, to the Secretary of the Interior, in whose
department those names might be arranged and
Drinted for general information.
There is also reason to believe that foreign-
ers frequently become citizens of the United
States for the sole purpose of evading duties
im.posed by the laws of their native countries,
to which, on becoming naturalized here, they at
once repair, and, though never returning to the
United States, they still claim the interposition
of this government as citizens. Many altercations
and great prejudices have heretofore arisen out
of this abuse. It is, therefore, submitted to your
serious consideration. It maght be advisable to
fix a Umit, beyond which no citizen of the United
States residing abroad may claim the interposi-
tion of his government.
The right of suffrage has often been assumed
and exercised by aliens, under pretenses of nat-
uralization, which they have disavowed when
drafted into the military service. I submit the
expediency of such an amendment of the law
as will make the fact of voting an estoppel against
86 STATE PAPERS
any plea of exemption from military service, or
other civil obligation, on the ground of alienage.
In common with other Western powers, our
relations with Japan have been brought into
serious jeopardy, through the perverse opposi-
tion of the hereditary aristocracy of the empire
to the enlightened and liberal policy of the Ty-
coon, designed to bring the country into the so-
ciety of nations. It is hoped, although not with
entire confidence, that these difficulties may be
peacefully overcome. I ask your attention to the
claim of the minister residing there for the dam-
ages he sustained in the destruction by fire of
the residence of the legation at Yeddo.
Satisfactory arrangements have been made
with the Emperor of Russia, which, it is be-
lieved, will result in efifecting a continuous line
of telegraph through that empire from our Pa-
cific coast.
I recommend to your favorable consideration
the subject of an international telegraph across
the Atlantic Ocean ; and also of a telegraph be-
tween this capital and the national forts along,
the Atlantic seaboard and the Gulf of Mexico*
Such communications, established with any rea-
sonable outlay, would be economical as well a^
effective aids to the diplomatic, military, and
naval service.
The consular system of the United States,
under the enactments of the last Congress, be-
gins to be self-sustaining; and there is reason
to hope that it may become entirely so, with the
increase of trade which will ensue whenever peac^
is restored. Our ministers abroad have beeil
faithful in defending American rights. In pro-
tecting commercial interests, our consuls have
ANNUAL MESSAGE, DEC. 8, 1863 87
necessarily had to encounter increased labors and
responsibilities, growing out of the war. These
they have, for the most part, met and discharged
with zeal and efficiency. This acknowledgment
justly includes those consuls who, residing in
Morocco, Egypt, Turkey, Japan, China, and other
Oriental countries, are charged with complex
functions and extraordinary powers.
The condition of the several organized Ter-
ritories is generally satisfactory, although In-
dian disturbances in New Mexico have not been
entirely suppressed. The mineral resources of
Colorado, Nevada, Idaho, New Mexico, and Ari-
zona are proving far richer than has been here-
tofore understood. I lay before you a communi-
cation on this subject from the governor of New
Mexico. I again submit to your consideration
the expediency of establishing a system for the
encouragement of immigration. Although this
source of national wealth and strength is again
flowing with greater freedom than for several
years before the insurrection occurred, there is
still a great deficiency of laborers in every field
of industry, especially in agriculture, and in our
mines, as well of iron and coal as of the precious
metals. While the demand for labor is thus in-
creased here, tens of thousands of persons, desti-
tute of remunerative occupation, are thronging
our foreign consulates, and offering to emigrate
to the United States if essential, but very cheap,
assistance can be afforded them. It is easy to
see that, under the sharp discipline of civil war,
the nation is beginning a new life. This noble
effort demands the aid, and ought to receive the
attention and support of the government.
Injuries, unforeseen by the government and un-
88 STATE PAPERS
intended, may, in some cases, have been inflicted
on the subjects or citizens of foreign countries,
both at sea and on land, by persons in the serv-
ice of the United States. As this government
expects redress from other powers when similar
injuries are inflicted by persons in their service
upon citizens of the United States, we must be
prepared to do justice to foreigners. If the
existing judicial tribunals are inadequate to this
purpose, a special court may be authorized, with
power to hear and decide such claims of the
character referred to as may have arisen under
treaties and the public law. Conventions for ad-
justing the claims by joint commission have been
proposed to some governments, but no definitive
answer to the proposition has yet been received
from any.
In the course of the session I shall probably
have occasion to request you to provide indemni-
fication to claimants where decrees of restitution
have been rendered, and damages awarded by ad-
miralty courts; and in other cases, where this
government may be acknowledged to be liable in
principle, and where the amount of that liability
has been ascertained by an informal arbitration.
The proper officers of the treasury have
deemed themselves required by the law of the
United States upon the subject to demand a tax
upon the incomes of foreign consuls in this coun-
try. While such a demand may not, in strictness,
be in derogation of public law, or perhaps of any
existing treaty between the United States and a
foreign country, the expediency of so far modi-
fying the act as to exempt from tax the income
of such consuls as are not citizens of the United
States, derived from the emoluments of their
'ANNUAL MESSAGE, DEC. 8, 1863 89
office, or from property not situated in the United
States, is submitted to your serious consideration.
I make this suggestion upon the ground that a
comity which ought to be reciprocated exempts
our consuls, in all other countries, from taxation
to the extent thus indicated. The United States,
I think, ought not to be exceptionally illiberal to
international trade and commerce.
The operations of the treasury during the last
year have been successfully conducted. The
enactment by Congress of a national banking: law
has proved a valuable support of the public
credit ; and the general legislation in relation to
loans has fully answered the expectations of its
favorers. Some amendments may be required to
perfect existing laws, but no change in their prin-
ciples or general scope is believed to be needed.
Since these measures have been in operation,
all demands on the treasury, including the pay
of the army and navy, have been promptly met
and fully satisfied. No considerable body of
troops, it is believed, were ever more amply pro-
vided, and more liberally and punctually paid ;
and it may be added, that by no people were the
burdens incident to a great war ever more cheer-
fully borne.
The receipts during the year from all sources,
including loans and the balance in the treasury
at its commencement, were $901,125,674.86, and
the aggregate disbursements $895,796,630.65,
leaving a balance on the ist of July, 1863, of
$5,329,044.21. Of the receipts there were de-
rived from customs $69,059,642.40; from inter-
nal revenue, $37,640,787.95 ; from direct tax,
$1,485,103.61; irom lands, $167,617.17; from
miscellaneous sources, $3,046,615.35; and from
90
STATE PAPERS
loans, $776,682,361.57; making the aggregate,
$901,125,674.8 '). Of the disbursements there
were for the civil service, $23,253,922.08; for
pensions and Indians, $4,216,520.79; for interest
on public debt, $24,729,846.51 ; for the War De-
partment, $599,298,600.83 ; for the Navy Depart-
ment, $63,211,105.27; for payment of funded
and temporary debt, $181,086,635.07; making
the aggregate, $895,796,630.65, and leaving the
balance of $5,329,044.21. But the payments of
funded and temporary debt, having been made
from moneys borrowed during the year, must be
regarded as merely nominal payments, and the
moneys borrowed to make them as merely nomi-
nal receipts; and their amount, $181,086,635.07,
should therefore be deducted both from receipts
and disbursements. This being done, there re-
main as actual receipts, $720,039,039.79, and the
actual disbursements, $714,709,995.58, leaving
the balance as already stated.
The actual receipts and disbursements for the
first quarter, and the estimated receipts and dis-
bursements for the remaining three quarters, of
the current fiscal year, 1864, will be shown in
detail by the report of the Secretary of the Treas-
ury, to which I invite your attention. It is suffi-
cient to say here that it is not believed that actual
results will exhibit a state of the finances less
favorable to the country than the estimates
of that officer heretofore submitted ; while it
is confidently expected that at the close of
the year both disbursements and debt will be
found very considerably less than has been
anticipated.
The report of the Secretary of War is a docu-
ment of great interest. It consists of —
ANNUAL MESSAGE, DEC. 8, 1863 91
1. The military operations of the year, detailed
in the report of the General-in-Chief.
2. The organization of colored persons into
the war service.
3. The exchange of prisoners, fully set forth
in the letter of General Hitchcock.
4. The operations under the act for enroUing
and calling out the national forces, detailed in
the report of the Provost-Marshal-General.
5. The organization of the invalid corps ; and
6. The operation of the several departments
of the Quartermaster-General, Commissary-Gen-
eral, Paymaster-General, Chief of Engineers,
Chief of Ordnance, and Surgeon-General.
It has appeared impossible to make a valuable
summary of this report except such as would
be too extended for this place, and hence I con-
tent myself by asking your careful attention to
the report itself.
The duties devolving on the naval branch of
the service during the year, and throughout the
whole of this unhappy contest, have been dis-
charged with fidelity and eminent success. The
extensive blockade has been constantly increas-
ing in efficiency, as the navy has expanded ; yet
on so long a line it has so far been impossible
to entirely suppress illicit trade. From returns
received at the Navy Department, it appears that
more than one thousand vessels have been cap-
tured since the blockade was instituted, and that
the value of prizes already sent in for adjudica-
tion amounts to over thirteen millions of dollars.
The naval force of the United States consists
at this time of five hundred and eighty-eight
vessels, completed and in the course of comple-
tion, and of these, seventy-five are iron-clad or
92 STATE PAPERS
armored steamers. The events of the war give
an increased interest and importance to the navy
which will probably extend beyond the war itself.
The armored vessels in our navy, completed
and in service, or which are under contract and
approaching completion, are believed to exceed in
number those of any other power. But while
these may be relied upon for harbor defense and
coast service, others of greater strength and ca-
pacity will be necessary for cruising purposes,
and to maintain our rightful position on the
ocean.
The change that has taken place in naval ves-
sels and naval warfare since the introduction of
steam as a motive power for ships of war de-
mands either a corresponding change in some
of our existing navy-yards, or the establishment
of new ones, for the construction and necessary
repair of modern naval vessels. No inconsidera-
ble embarrassment, delay, and public injury have
been experienced from the want of such govern-
mental establishments. The necessity of such a
navy-yard, so furnished, at some suitable place
upon the Atlantic seaboard has on repeated occa-
sions been brought to the attention of Congress
by the Navy Department, and is again presented
in the report of the Secretary which accompa-
nies this communication. I think it my duty to
invite your special attention to this subject, and
also to that of establishing a yard and depot for
naval purposes upon one of the western rivers.
A naval force has been created on those interior
waters, and under many disadvantages, within
little more than two years, exceeding in num-
bers the whole naval force of the country at the
commencement of the present administration.
ANNUAL MESSAGE, DEC. 8, 1863 93
Satisfactory and important as have been the per-
formances of the heroic men of the navy at this
interesting period, they are scarcely more won-
derful than the success of our mechanics and
artisans in the production of war vessels which
has created a new form of naval power.
Our country has advantages superior to any
other nation in our resources of iron and timber,
with inexhaustible quantities of fuel in the imme-
diate vicinity of both, all available, and in close
proximity to navigable waters. Without the ad-
vantage of public works the resources of the
nation have been developed, and its power dis-
played, in the construction of a navy of such
magnitude, which has, at the very period of its
creation, rendered signal service to the Union.
The increase of the number of seamen in the
public service, from seven thousand five hundred
men, in the spring of 1861, to about thirty-four
thousand at the present time, has been accom-
plished without special legislation, or extraor-
dinary bounties to promote that increase. It
has been found, however, that the operation of
the draft, with the high bounties paid for army
recruits, is beginning to affect injuriously the
naval service, and will, if not corrected, be likely
to impair its efficiency, by detaching seamen from
their proper vocation and inducing them to enter
the army. I therefore respectfully suggest that
Congress might aid both the army and naval
services by a definite provision on this subject,
which would at the same time be equitable to
the communities more especially interested.
I commend to your consideration the sugges-
tions of the Secretary of the Navy in regard to
the policy of fostering and training seamen, and
94 STATE PAPERS
also the education of officers and engineers for
tlie naval service. The Naval Academy is ren-
dering signal service in preparing midshipmen
for the highly responsible duties which in after
life they will be required to perform. In order
that the country should not be deprived of the
proper quota of educated officers, for which legal
provision has been made at the naval school, the
vacancies caused by the neglect or omission to
make nominations from the States in insurrection
have been filled by the Secretary of the Navy.
The school is now more full and complete than
at any former period, and in every respect en-
titled to the favorable consideration of Congress.
During the past fiscal year the financial con-
dition of the Post Office Department has been
one of increasing prosperity, and I am gratified
in being able to state that the actual postal rev-
enue has nearly equaled the entire expenditures ;
the latter amounting to $11,314,206.84, and the
former to $11,163,789.59, leaving a deficiency of
but $150,417.25. In i860, the year immediately
preceding the rebellion, the deficiency amounted
to $5,656,705.49, the postal receipts of that year
being $2,645,722.19 less than those of 1863. The
decrease since i860 in the annual amount of
transportation has been only about 25 per cent.,
but the annual expenditure on account of the
same has been reduced 35 per cent. It is mani-
fest, therefore, that the Post Office Department
may become self-sustaining in a few years even
with the restoration of the whole service.
The international conference of postal dele-
gates from the principal countries of Europe
and America, which was called at the sugges-
tion of the Postmaster-General, met at Paris on
-ANNUAL MESSAGE, DEC. 8, 1863 95
the nth of May last, and concluded its delib-
erations on the 8th of June. The principles es-
tablished by the conference as best adapted to
facilitate postal intercourse between nations, and
as the basis of future postal conventions, inau-
gurate a general system of uniform international
charges, at reduced rates of postage, and can-
not fail to produce beneficial results.
I refer you to the report of the Secretary of
the Interior, which is herewith laid before you,
for useful and varied information in relation to
the public lands, Indian affairs, patents, pen-
sions, and other matters of public concern per-
taining to his department.
The quantity of land disposed of during the
last and the first quarter of the present fiscal
years was three million eight hundred and forty-
one thousand five hundred and forty-nine acres,
of which one hundred and sixty-one thousand
nine hundred and eleven acres were sold for
cash, one million four hundred and fifty-six
thousand five hundred and fourteen acres were
taken up under the homestead law, and the resi-
due disposed of under laws granting lands for
military bounties, for railroad and other pur-
poses. It also appears that the sale of the pub-
lic lands is largely on the increase.
It has long been a cherished opinion of some
of our wisest statesmen that the people of the
United States had a higher and more enduring
interest in the early settlement and substantial
cultivation of the public lands than in the amount
of direct revenue to be derived from the sale
of them. This opinion has had a controlHng
influence in shaping legislation upon the subject
of our national domain. I may cite, as evidence
96 STATE PAPERS
of this, the Hberal measures adopted in reference
to actual settlers ; the grant to the States of the
overflowed lands within their limits in order
to their being reclaimed and rendered fit for cul-
tivation ; the grants to railway companies of al-
ternate sections of land upon the contemplated
lines of their roads, which, when completed, will
so largely multiply the facilities for reaching
our distant possessions. This policy has received
its most signal and beneficent illustration in the
recent enactment granting homesteads to actual
settlers. Since the first day of January last the
before-mentioned quantity of one million four
hundred and fifty-six thousand five hundred and
fourteen acres of land have been taken up under
its provisions. This fact, and the amount of
sales, furnish gratifying evidence of increasing
settlement upon the public lands notwithstand-
ing the great struggle in which the energies of
the nation have been engaged, and which has
required so large a withdrawal of our citizens
from their accustomed pursuits. I cordially con-
cur in the recommendation of the Secretary of
the Interior, suggesting a modification of the
act in favor of those engaged in the military
and naval service of the United States. I doubt
not that Congress will cheerfully adopt such
measures as will, without essentially changing
the general features of the system, secure, to
the greatest practicable extent, its benefits to
those who have left their homes in defense of
the country in this arduous crisis.
I invite your attention to the views of the
Secretary as to the propriety of raising, by ap-
propriate legislation, a revenue from the mineral
lands of the United States.
ANNUAL MESSAGE, DEC. 8, 1863 97
The measures provided at your last session
for the removal of certain Indian tribes have
been carried into efifect. Sundry treaties have
been negotiated, which will, in due time, be sub-
mitted for the constitutional action of the Sen-
ate. They contain stipulations for extinguishing
the possessory rights of the Indians to large and
valuable tracts of land. It is hoped that the
effect of these treaties will result in the estab-
lishment of permanent friendly relations with
such of these tribes as have been brought into
frequent and bloody collision with our outlying
settlements and emigrants. Sound policy, and
our imperative duty to these wards of the gov-
ernment, demand our anxious and constant at-
tention to their material well-being, to their prog-
ress in the arts of civilization, and, above all,
to that moral training which, under the blessing
of Divine Providence, will confer upon them
the elevated and sanctifying influences, the hopes
and consolations, of the Christian faith.
I suggested in my last annual message the
propriety of remodeling our Indian system. Sub-
sequent events have satisfied me of its neces-
sity. The details set forth in the report of the
Secretary evince the urgent need for immediate
legislative action.
I commend the benevolent institutions estab-
lished or patronized by the government in this
District to your generous and fostering care.
The attention of Congress, during the last
session, was engaged to some extent with a prop-
osition for enlarging the water communication
between the Mississippi River and the north-
eastern seaboard, which proposition, however,
failed for the time. Since then, upon a call of
98 STATE PAPERS
the greatest respectability, a convention has been
held at Chicago upon the same subject, a sum-
mary of whose views is contained in a memorial
addressed to the President and Congress, and
which I now have the honor to lay before you.
That this interest is one which, ere long, will
force its own way, I do not entertain a doubt,
while it is submitted entirely to your wisdom
as to what can be done now. Augmented in-
terest is given to this subject by the actual com-
mencement of work upon the Pacific railroad;
under auspices so favorable to rapid progress
and completion. The enlarged navigation be-
comes a palpable need to the great road.
I transmit the second annual report of the
Commissioner of the Department of Agriculture,
asking your attention to the developments in
that vital interest of the nation.
When Congress assembled a year ago the war
had already lasted nearly twenty months, and
there had been many conflicts on both land and
sea with varying results. The rebellion had been
pressed back into reduced limits; yet the tone
of public feeling and opinion, at home and
abroad, was not satisfactory. With other signs,
the popular elections, then just past, indicated
uneasiness among ourselves, while, amid much
that was cold and menacing, the kindest words
coming from Europe were uttered in accents of
pity that we were too blind to surrender a hope-
less cause. Our commerce was sufifering greatly
by a few armed vessels built upon, and furnished
from, foreign shores, and we were threatened
with such additions from the same quarter as
would sweep our trade from the sea and raise our
blockade. We had failed to elicit from European
ANNUAL MESSAGE, DEC. 8, 1863 99
governments anything hopeful upon this sub-
ject. The prehminary emancipation proclama-
tion, issued in September, was running its as-
signed period to the beginning of the new year.
A month later the final proclamation came, in-
cluding the announcement that colored men of
suitable condition would be received into the
war service. The policy of emancipation, and
of employing black soldiers, gave to the future
a new aspect, about which hope, and fear, and
doubt contended in uncertain conflict. Accord-
ing to our political system, as a matter of civil
administration, the General Government had no
lawful power to effect emancipation in any State,
and for a long time it had been hoped that the
rebellion could be suppressed w^ithout resorting
to it as a military measure. It was all the while
deemed possible that the necessity for it might
come, and that if it should, the crisis of the
contest would then be presented. It came, and,
as was anticipated, it was followed by dark and
doubtful days. Eleven months having now
passed, we are permitted to take another review.
The rebel borders are pressed still further back,
and, by the complete opening of the Mississippi,
the country dominated by the rebellion is divided
into distinct parts, with no practical communi-
cation between them. Tennessee and Arkansas
have been substantially cleared of insurgent con-
trol, and influential citizens in each, owners of
slaves and advocates of slavery at the begin-
ning of the rebellion, now declare openly for
emancipation in their respective States. Of those
States not included in the Emancipation Proc-
lamation, Maryland and Missouri, neither of
which three years ago would tolerate any re-
lOO STATE PAPERS
straint upon the extension of slavery into new
Territories, only dispute now as to the best mode
of removing it within their own limits.
Of those who were slaves at the beginning
of the rebellion, full one hundred thousand are
now in the United States military service, about
one half of which number actually bear arms
in the ranks ; thus giving the double advantage
of taking so much labor from the insurgent
cause, and supplying the places which other-
wise must be filled with so many white men.
So far as tested, it is difficult to say they are not
as good soldiers as any. No servile insurrec-
tion, or tendency to violence or cruelty, has
marked the measures of emancipation and arm-
ing the blacks. These measures have been much
discussed in foreign countries, and contempo-
rary with such discussion the tone of public senti-
ment there is much improved. At home the
same measures have been fully discussed, sup-
ported, criticised, and denounced, and the an-
nual elections following are highly encouraging
to those whose official duty it is to bear the
country through this great trial. Thus we have
the new reckoning. The crisis which threatened
to divide the friends of the Union is past.
Looking now to the present and future, and
with reference to a resumption of the national
authority within the States wherein that author-
ity has been suspended, I have thought fit to
issue a proclamation, a copy of which is here-
with transmitted. On examination of this proc-
lamation it will appear, as is believed, that noth-
ing is attempted beyond what is amply justified
by the Constitution. True, the form of an oath
is given, but no man is coerced to take it. The
ANNUAL MESSAGE, DEC. 8, 1863 10 1
man is only promised a pardon in case he volun-
tarily takes the oath. The Constitution author-
izes the executive to grant or withhold the par-
don at his own absolute discretion; and this in-
cludes the power to grant on terms, as is fully
established by judicial and other authorities.
It is also proffered that if, in any of the States
named, a State government shall be, in the mode
prescribed, set up, such government shall be rec-
ognized and guaranteed by the United States,
and that under it the State shall, on the constitu-
tional conditions, be protected against invasion
and domestic violence. The constitutional obli-
gation of the United States to guarantee to every
State in the Union a republican form of gov-
ernment, and to protect the State in the cases
stated, is explicit and full. But why tender the
benefits of this provision only to a State govern-
ment set up in this particular way? This sec-
tion of the Constitution contemplates a case
wherein the element within a State favorable
to republican government in the Union may be
too feeble for an opposite and hostile element
external to, or even within, the State ; and such
are precisely the cases with which we are now
dealing.
An attempt to guarantee and protect a re-
vived State government, constructed in whole,
or in preponderating part, from the very element
against whose hostility and violence it is to be
protected, is simply absurd. There must be a
test by which to separate the opposing elements,
so as to build only from the sound ; and that
test is a sufficiently liberal one which accepts
as sound whoever will make a sworn recanta-
tion of his former unsoundness.
I02 STATE PAPERS
But if it be proper to require, as a test of
admission to the political body, an oath of alle-
giance to the Constitution of the United States,
and to the Union under it, why also to the laws
and proclamations in regard to slavery? Those
laws and proclamations were enacted and put
forth for the purpose of aiding in the suppres-
sion of the rebellion. To give them their fullest
effect, there had to be a pledge for their main-
tenance. In my judgment they have aided, and
will further aid, the cause for which they were
intended. To now abandon them would be not
only to relinquish a lever of power, but would
also be a cruel and an astounding breach of
faith. I may add, at this point, that while I
remain in my present position I shall not at-
tempt to retract or modify the Emancipation
Proclamation; nor shall I return to slavery any
person who is free by the terms of that procla-
mation, or by any of the acts of Congress. For
these and other reasons it is thought best that
support of these measures shall be included in
the oath; and it is believed the executive may
lawfully claim it in return for pardon and resto-
ration of forfeited rights, which he has clear con-
stitutional power to withhold altogether, or grant
upon the terms which he shall deem wisest for
the public interest. It should be observed, also,
that this part of the oath is subject to the modi-
fying and abrogating power of legislation and
supreme judicial decision.
The proposed acquiescence of the national ex-
ecutive in any reasonable temporary State ar-
rangement for the freed people is made with
the view of possibly modifying the confusion and
destitution which must at best attend all classes
ANNUAL MESSAGE, DEC. 8, 1863 103
by a total revolution of labor throughout whole
States. It is hoped that the already deeply af-
flicted people in those States may be somewhat
more ready to give up the cause of their af-
fliction, if, to this extent, this vital matter be
left to themselves ; while no power of the national
executive to prevent an abuse is abridged by the
proposition.
The suggestion in the proclamation as to main-
taining the political framework of the States on
what is called reconstruction is made in the hope
that it may do good without danger of harm.
It will save labor, and avoid great confusion.
But why any proclamation now upon this sub-
ject? This question is beset w^ith the conflicting
views that the step might be delayed too long
or be taken too soon. In some States the ele-
ments for resumption seem ready for action, but
remain inactive apparently for want of a rallying-
point — a plan of action. Why shall A adopt the
plan of B, rather than B that of A? And if A
and B should agree, how can they know but that
the General Government here will reject their
plan? By the proclamation a plan is presented
which may be accepted by them as a rallying-
point, and which they are assured in advance will
not be rejected here. This may bring them to
act sooner than they otherwise would.
The objection to a premature presentation of
a plan by the national executive consists in the
danger of committals on points which could be
more safely left to further developments. Care
has been taken to so shape the document as to
avoid embarrassments from this source. Saying
that, on certain terms, certain classes will be
pardoned, with rights restored, it is not said that
104 STATE PAPERS
other classes, or other terms, will never be in-
cluded. Saying that reconstruction will be ac-
cepted if presented in a specified way, it is not
said it will never be accepted in any other way.
The movements, by State action, for emianci-
pation in several of the States not included in
the Emancipation Proclamation, are matters of
profound gratulation. And while I do not re-
peat in detail what I have heretofore so earnestly
urged upon this subject, my general views and
feelings remain unchanged ; and I trust that Con-
gress will omit no fair opportunity of aiding
these important steps to a great consummation.
In the midst of other cares, however impor-
tant, we must not lose sight of the fact that the
war power is still our main reliance. To that
power alone can we look, yet for a time, to give
confidence to the people in the contested regions
that the insurgent power will not again overrun
them. Until that confidence shall be estabhshed,
little can be done anywhere for what is called
reconstruction. Hence our chiefest care must
still be directed to the army and navy, who have
thus far borne their harder part so nobly and well.
And it may be esteemed fortunate that in giving
the greatest efficiency to these indispensable arms,
we do also honorably recognize the gallant men,
from commander to sentinel, who compose them,
and to whom, more than to others, the world
must stand indebted for the home of freedom
disenthralled, regenerated, enlarged, and perpet-
uated.
Abraham Lincoln.
ANNUAL MESSAGE, DEC. 6, 1864 105
Annual Message to Congress.
December 6, 1864.
FeUozv-citisens of the Senate and House of
Representatives: Again the blessings of health
and abundant harvests claim our profoundest
gratitude to almighty God.
The condition of our foreign affairs is rea-
sonably satisfactory.
Mexico continues to be a theater of civil war.
While our political relations with that country
have undergone no change, we have, at the same
time, strictly maintained neutrality between the
belligerents. At the request of the States of
Costa Rica and Nicaragua, a competent engi-
neer has been authorized to make a survey of
the River San Juan and the port of San Juan.
It is a source of much satisfaction that the diffi-
culties which for a moment excited some political
apprehensions and caused a closing of the inter-
oceanic transit route, have been amicably ad-
justed, and that there is a good prospect that
the route will soon be reopened with an increase
of capacity and adaptation. We could not ex-
aggerate either the commercial or the political
importance of that great improvement. It would
be doing injustice to an important South Amer-
ican State not to acknowledge the directness,
frankness, and cordiality with which the United
States of Colombia have entered into intimate
relations w^ith this government. A claims con-
vention has been constituted to complete the un-
finished work of the one which closed its ses-
sion in 1861.
The new liberal constitution of Venezuela hav-
ing gone into effect with the universal acquies-
io6 STATE PAPERS
cence of the people, the government under it has
been recognized, and diplomatic intercourse with
it has been opened in a cordial and friendly spirit.
The long-deferred Aves Island claim has been
satisfactorily paid and discharged.
Mutual payments have been made of the claims
awarded by the late joint commission for the
settlement of claims between the United States
and Peru. An earnest and cordial friendship
continues to exist between the tvv^o countries,
and such efforts as were in my power have been
used to remove misunderstanding, and avert a
threatened war between Peru and Spain.
Our relations are of the most friendly nature
with Chili, the Argentine Republic, Bolivia, Cos-
ta Rica, Paraguay, San Salvador, and Hayti.
During the past year no differences of any
kind have arisen with any of these republics, and
on the other hand, their sympathies with the
United States are constantly expressed with cor-
diality and earnestness.
The claim arising from the seizure of the
cargo of the brig Macedonian in 1821 has been
paid in full by the Government of Chili.
Civil war continues in the Spanish part of
San Domingo, apparently without prospect of
an early close.
Official correspondence has been freely opened
with Liberia, and it gives us a pleasing view of
social and political progress in that republic. It
may be expected to derive new vigor from Amer-
ican influence, improved by the rapid disappear-
ance of slavery in the United States.
I solicit your authority to furnish to the re-
public a gunboat, at moderate cost, to be reim-
bursed to the United States by instalments. Such
ANNUAL MESSAGE, DEC. 6, 1864 107
a vessel is needed for the safety of that State
against the native African races, and in Liberian
hands it would be more effective in arresting
the African slave-trade than a squadron in our
own hands. The possession of the least organ-
ized naval force would stimulate a generous am-
bition in the republic, and the confidence which
we should manifest by furnishing it would win
forbearance and favor toward the colony from
all civilized nations.
The proposed overland telegraph between
America and Europe, by the way of Behring's
Straits and Asiatic Russia, which was sanc-
tioned by Congress at the last session, has been
undertaken, under very favorable circumstances,
by an association of American citizens, with the
cordial good-will and support as well of this
government as of those of Great Britain and
Russia. Assurances have been received from
most of the South Am^erican States of their high
appreciation of the enterprise and their readi-
ness to co-operate in constructing hues tributary
to that world-encircling communication. I learn
with much satisfaction that the noble design
of a telegraphic communication between the east-
ern coast of America and Great Britain has been
renewed, with full expectation of its early ac-
complishment.
Thus it is hoped that with the return of domes-
tic peace the country will be able to resume with
energy and advantage its former high career of
commerce and civilization.
Our very popular and estimable representa-
tive in Egypt died in April last. An unpleas-
ant altercation which arose between the tempo-
rary incumbent of the office and the government
io8 STATE PAPERS
of the Pasha, resulted in a suspension of inter-
course. The evil was promptly corrected on the
arrival of the successor in the consulate, and our
relations with Egypt, as well as our relations
with the Barbary Powers, are entirely satisfac-
tory.
The rebellion which has so long been flagrant
in China has at last been suppressed with
the co-operating good offices of this government
and of the other western commercial States. The
judicial consular establishment there has become
very difficult and onerous, and it will need legis-
lative revision to adapt it to the extension of our
commerce and to the more intimate intercourse
which has been instituted with the government
and people of that vast empire. China seems
to be accepting with hearty good-will the conven-
tional laws which regulate commercial and social
intercourse among the western nations. Owing
to the peculiar situation of Japan and the anoma-
lous form of its government, the action of that
empire in performing treaty stipulations is in-
constant and capricious. Nevertheless, good
progress has been effected by the western pow-
ers moving with enlightened concert. Our own
pecuniary claims have been allowed or put in
course of settlement, and the inland sea has been
reopened to commerce. There is reason also to
believe that these proceedings have increased
rather than diminished the friendship of Japan
toward the United States.
The ports of Norfolk, Fernandina, and Pensa-
cola have been opened by proclamation. It is
hoped that foreign merchants will now consider
whether it is not safer and more profitable to
themselves, as well as just to the United States,
ANNUAL MESSAGE, DEC. 6, 1864 109
to resort to these and, other open ports, than
it is to pursue, through many hazards, and at
vast cost, a contraband trade with other ports
which are closed, if not by actual military occu-
pation, at least by a lawful and effective blockade.
For myself, I have no doubt of the power and
duty of the executive, under the law of nations,
to exclude enemies of the human race from an
asylum in the United States. If Congress should
think that proceedings in such cases lack the
authority of law, or ought to be further regu-
lated by it, I recommend that provision be made
for effectually preventing foreign slave-traders
from acquiring domicile and facilities for their
criminal occupation in our country.
It is possible that if it were a new and open
question, the maritime powers, with the lights
they now enjoy, would not concede the priv-
ileges of a naval belligerent to the insurgents of
the United States, destitute as they are, and al-
ways have been, equally of ships-of-war and of
ports and harbors. Disloyal emissaries have
been neither less assiduous nor more successful
during the last year than they were before that
time in their efforts, under favor of that priv-
ilege, to embroil our country in foreign wars.
The desire and determination of the govern-
ments of the maritime States to defeat that de-
sign are believed to be as sincere as, and can-
not be more earnest than^ our own. Neverthe-
less, unforeseen political difficulties have arisen,
especially in Brazilian and British ports, and
on the northern boundary of the United States,
which have required, and are likely to continue
to require, the practice of constant vigilance and
a just and conciliatory spirit on the part of the
no STATE PAPERS
United States, as well as of the nations con-
cerned and their governments.
Commissioners have been appointed, under
the treaty with Great Britain, on the adjustment
of the claims of the Hudson's Bay and Puget's
Sound Agricultural Companies in Oregon, and
are now proceeding to the execution of the trust
assigned to them.
In view of the insecurity of life and property
in the region adjacent to the Canadian border,
by reason of recent assaults and depredations
committed by inimical and desperate persons who
are harbored there, it has been thought proper
to give notice that after the expiration of six
months, the period conditionally stipulated in
the existing arrangement with Great Britain, the
United States must hold themselves at liberty
to increase their naval armament upon the lakes
if they shall find that proceeding necessary. The
condition of the border will necessarily come
into consideration in connection with the ques-
tion of continuing or modifying the rights of
transit from Canada through the United States,
as well as the regulation of imposts, which
were temporarily established by the Reciprocity
Treaty of the 5th of June, 1854.
I desire, however, to be understood while mak-
ing this statement, that the colonial authorities
of Canada are not deemed to be intentionally
unjust or unfriendly toward the United States;
but, on the contrary, there is every reason to
expect that, with the approval of the Imperial
Government, they will take the necessary meas-
ures to prevent new incursions across the
border.
The act passed at the last session for the en-
ANNUAL MESSAGE, DEC. 6, 1864 in
couragement of immigration has, so far as was
possible, been put in operation. It seems to need
amendm.ent which will enable the officers of the
government to prevent the practice of frauds
against the immigrants while on their way and
on their arrival in the ports, so as to secure
them here a free choice of avocations and places
of settlement. A liberal disposition toward this
great national policy is manifested by most of
the European States, and ought to be recipro-
cated on our part by giving the immigrants ef-
fective national protection. I regard our immi-
grants as one of the principal replenishing
streams which are appointed by Providence to
repair the ravages of internal war, and its wastes
of national strength and health. All that is nec-
essary is to secure the flow of that stream in its
present fullness, and to that end the government
must, in every way, make it manifest that it
neither needs nor designs to impose involuntary
military service upon those who come from other
lands to cast their lot in our country.
The financial affairs of the government have
been successfully administered during the last
year. The legislation of the last session of Con-
gress has beneficially affected the revenues, al-
though sufficient time has not yet elapsed to ex-
perience the full effect of several of the provi-
sions of the acts of Congress imposing increased
taxation.
The receipts during the year, from all sources,
upon the basis of warrants signed by the Secre-
tary of the Treasury, including loans and the
balance in the treasury on the first day of July,
1863, were $1,394,796,007.62, and the aggregate
disbursements, upon the same basis, were $1,298,-
j^2 STATE PAPERS
056,101.89, leaving a balance in the treasury,
as shown by warrants, of $96,739,905.73.
Deduct from these amounts the amount of the
principal of the public debt redeemed, and the
amount of issues in substitution therefor, and the
actual cash operations of the treasury were : Re-
ceipts, $884,076,646.57; disbursements, $865,-
234,087.86, which leaves a cash balance in the
treasury of $18,842,558.71.
Of the receipts, there were derived from cus-
toms, $102,316,152.99; from lands, $588,333.29;
from direct taxes, $475,648.96; from internal rev-
enue, $109,741,134.10; from miscellaneous
sources, $47,511,448.10; and from loans applied
to actual expenditures, including former balance,
$623,443,929.13.
There were disbursed for the civil service,
$27,505,599.46; for pensions and Indians, $7,-
517,930.97; for the War Department, $690,791,-
842.97; for the Navy Department, $85,733,-
292.77; for interest on the public debt, $53,-
685,421.69, — making an aggregate of $865,234,-
087.86, and leaving a balance in the treasury of
$18,842,558.71, as before stated.
For the actual receipts and disbursem.ents for
the first quarter, and the estimated receipts and
disbursements for the three remaining quarters
of the current fiscal year, and the general oper-
ations of the treasury in detail, I refer you to
the report of the Secretary of the Treasury. I
concur with him in the opinion that the pro-
portion of moneys required to meet the expenses
consequent upon the war derived from taxation
should be still further increased ; and I earnestly
invite your attention to this subject, to the end
that there may be such additional legislation as
ANNUAL MESSAGE, DEC. 6, 1864 113
shall be required to meet the just expectations
of the Secretary.
The public debt on the first day of July last,
as appears by the books of the treasury, amounted
to $1,740,690,48049. Probably should the war
continue for another year, that amount may be
increased by not far from $500,000,000. Held
as it is, for the most part, by our own people,
it has become a substantial branch of national
though private property. For obvious reasons,
the more nearly this property can be distributed
among all the people, the better. To favor such
general distribution, greater inducements to be-
come owners might, perhaps, with good effect,
and without injury, be presented to persons of
limited means. With this view, I suggest wheth-
er it might not be both competent and expedient
for Congress to provide that a limited amount
of some future issue of public securities might
be held by any bona-fide purchas r exempt from
taxtion, and from seizure for debt under such
restrictions and limitations as might be neces-
sary to guard against abuse of so important a
privilege. This would enable every prudent per-
son to set aside a small annuity against a possible
day of want.
Privileges like these would render the pos-
session of such securities, to the amount limited,
most desirable to every person of small means
who might be able to save enough for the pur-
pose. The great advantage of citizens being
creditors as well as debtors, with relation to the
public debt, is obvious. Men readily perceive
that they cannot be much oppressed by a debt
which they owe to themselves.
The public debt on the first day of July last, al-
114 STATE PAPERS
though somewhat exceeding the estimate of the
Secretary of the Treasury made to Congress at
the commencement of the last session, falls short
of the estimate of that officer made in the pre-
ceding December, as to its probable amount at
the beginning of this year, by the sum of $3,-
995,097.31. This fact exhibits a satisfactory
condition and conduct of the operations of the
treasury.
The national banking system is proving to be
acceptable to capitalists and to the people. On
the twenty-fifth day of November 584 national
banks had been organized, a considerable num-
ber of which were conversions from State banks.
Changes from State systems to the national sys-
tem are rapidly taking place, and it is hoped
that very soon there will be in the United States
no banks of issue not authorized by Congress,
and no bank-note circulation not secured by the
government. That the government and the peo-
ple will derive great benefit from this change
in the banking systems of the country, can hardly
be questioned. The national system will create
a reliable and permanent influence in support of
the national credit, and protect the people against
losses in the use of paper money. Whether or
not any further legislation is advisable for the
suppression of State bank issues, it will be for
Congress to determine. It seems quite clear
that the treasury cannot be satisfactorily con-
ducted unless the government can exercise a re-
straining power over the bank-note circulation of
the country.
The report of the Secretary of War and the
accompanying documents will detail the cam-
paigns of the armies in the field since the date
ANNUAL MESSAGE, DEC. 6, 1864 115
of the last annual message, and also the opera-
tions of the several administrative bureaus of
the War Department during the last year. It
will also specify the measures deemed essential
for the national defense, and to keep up and sup-
ply the requisite military force.
The report of the Secretary of the Navy pre-
sents a comprehensive and satisfactory exhibit
of the affairs of that department and of the naval
service. It is a subject of congratulation and
laudable pride to our countrymen that a navy
of such vast proportions has been organized in
so brief a period, and conducted with so much
efficiency and success. The general exhibit of
the navy, including vessels under construction
on the I St of December, 1864, shows a total of
671 vessels, carrying 4610 guns, and 510,396
tons, being an actual increase during the year,
over and above all losses by shipwreck or in bat-
tle, of 83 vessels, 167 guns, and 42,427 tons.
The total number of men at this time in the
naval service, including officers, is about 51,000.
There have been captured by the navy during
the year, 324 vessels, and the whole number
of naval captures since hostilities commenced is
1379, of which 267 are steamers.
The gross proceeds arising from the sale of
condemned prize property thus far reported
amounts to $14,396,250.51. A large amount of
such proceeds is still under adjudication and yet
to be reported.
The total expenditure of the Navy Depart-
ment of every description, including the cost of
the immense squadrons that have been called
into existence from the 4th of March, 1861, to'
the 1st of November, 1864, is $238,647,262.35.
ii6 STATE PAPERS
Your favorable consideration is invited to the
various recommendations of the Secretary of the
Navy, especially in regard to a navy-yard and
suitable establishment for the construction and
repair of iron vessels, and the machinery and
armature for our ships, to which reference was
made in my last annual message.
Your attention is also invited to the views ex-
pressed in the report in relation to the legislation
of Congress, at its last session, in respect to prize
on our inland waters.
I cordially concur in the recommendations of
the Secretary as to the propriety of creating
the new rank of vice-admiral in our naval serv-
ice.
Your attention is invited to the report of the
Postmaster-General for a detailed account of the
operations and financial condition of the Post-
office Department.
The postal revenues for the year ending June
30, 1864, amounted to $12,438,253.78, and the
expenditures to $12,644,786.20; the excess of ex-
penditures over receipts being $206,532.42.
The views presented by the Postmaster-Gen-
eral on the subject of special grants by the gov-
ernment, in aid of the establishment of new lines
of ocean mail steamships, and the policy he rec-
ommends for the development of increased com-
mercial intercourse with adjacent and neighbor-
ing countries, should receive the careful consid-
eration of Congress.
It is of noteworthy interest that the steady
expansion of population, improvement, and gov-
ernmental institutions over the new and unoccu-
pied portions of our country have scarcely been
checked, much less impeded or destroyed, by
ANNUAL MESSAGE, DEC. 6, 1864 117
our great civil war, which at first glance would
seem to have absorbed almost the entire ener-
gies of the nation.
The organization and admission of the State
of Nevada has been completed in conformity with
law, and thus our excellent system is firmly es-
tablished in the mountains which once seemed a
barren and uninhabitable waste between the At-
lantic States and those which have grown up
on the coast of the Pacific Ocean.
The Territories of the Union are generally in
a condition of prosperity and rapid growth.
Idaho and Montana, by reason of their great
distance and the interruption of communication
with them by Indian hostilities, have been only
partially organized; but it is understood that
these difficulties are about to disappear, which
will permit their governments, like those of the
others, to go into speedy and full operation.
As intimately connected with and promotive of
this material growth of the nation, I ask the
attention of Congress to the valuable informa-
tion and important recommendations relating to
the public lands, Indian aflfairs, the Pacific Rail-
road, and mineral discoveries contained in the
report of the Secretary of the Interior, which is
herewith transmitted, and which report also em-
braces the subjects of patents, pensions, and other
topics of public interest pertaining to his depart-
ment. The quantity of public land disposed of
during the five quarters ending on the 30th of
September last was 4,221,342 acres, of which
1,538,614 acres were entered under the home-
stead law. The remainder was located with
military land warrants, agricultural scrip certi-
fied to States for railroads, and sold for cash.
ii8 STATE PAPERS
The cash received from sales and location fees
was $1,019,446.
The income from sales during the fiscal year
ending June 30, 1864, was $678,007.21, against
$136,077.95 received during the preceding year.
The aggregate number of acres surveyed during
the year has been equal to the quantity disposed
of, and there is open to settlement about 133,-
000,000 acres of surveyed land.
The great enterprise of connecting the Atlan-
tic with the Pacific States by railways and tele-
graph lines has been entered upon with a vigor
that gives assurance of success, notwithstanding
the embarrassments arising from the prevailing
high prices of materials and labor. The route
of the main line of the road has been definitely
located for one hundred miles vv^estward from
the initial point at Omaha City, Nebraska, and
a preliminary location of the Pacific Railroad of
California has been made from Sacramento, east-
ward to the great bend of Truckee River in Ne-
vada.
Numerous discoveries of gold, silver, and
cinnabar mines have been added to the many
heretofore known, and the country occupied by
the Sierra Nevada and Rocky Mountains and the
subordinate ranges now teems with enterprising
labor which is richly remunerative. It is be-
lieved that the product of the mines of precious
metals in that region has, during the year,
reached, if not exceeded, $100,000,000 in value.
It was recommended in my last annual mes-
sage that our Indian system be remodeled. Con-
gress, at its last session, acting upon the recom-
mendation, did provide for reorganizing the sys-
tem in California, and it is believed that under
ANNUAL MESSAGE, DEC. 6,, 1864 119
the present organization the management of the
Indians there will be attended with reasonable
success. Much yet remains to be done to pro-
vide for the proper government of the Indians
in other parts of the country, to render it secure
for the advancing settler and to provide for
the welfare of the Indian. The Secretary reit-
erates his recommendations, and to them the at-
tention of Congress is invited.
The liberal provisions made by Congress for
paying pensions to invalid soldiers and sailors
of the Republic, and to the widows, orphans, and
dependent mothers of those who have fallen in
battle, or died of disease contracted, or of wounds
received, in the service of their country, have
been diligently administered.
There have been added to the pension-rolls,
during the year ending the thirtieth day of June
last, the names of 16,770 invalid soldiers, and
of 271 disabled seamen ; making the present num-
ber of army invalid pensioners, 22,767, and of
navy invalid pensioners, 712.
Of widows, orphans, and mothers, 22,198 have
been placed on the army pension-rolls, and 248
on the navy-rolls. The present number of army
pensioners of this class is 25,433, and of navy
pensioners, 793. At the beginning of the year,
the number of Revolutionary pensioners was
1430; only twelve of them were soldiers, of whom
seven have since died. The remainder are those
who under the law receive pensions because of
relationship to Revolutionary soldiers. During
the year ending the 30th of June, 1864, $4,504,-
616.92 have been paid to pensioners of all classes.
I cheerfully commend to your continued pa-
tronage the benevolent institutions of the Dis-
I20 STATE PAPERS
trict of Columbia, which have hitherto been
estabHshed or fostered by Congress, and respect-
fully refer for information concerning them, and
in relation to the Washington aqueduct, the Capi-
tol, and other matters of local interest, to the
report of the Secretary.
The Agricultural Department, under the su-
pervision of its present energetic and faithful
head, is rapidly commending itself to the great
and vital interest it was created to advance. It
is peculiarly the people's department, in which
they feel more directly concerned than in any
other. I commend it to the continued attention
and fostering care of Congress.
The war continues. Since the last annual mes-
sage, all the important lines and positions then
occupied by our forces have been maintained,
and our arms have steadily advanced, thus lib-
erating the regions left in rear; so that Mis-
souri, Kentucky, Tennessee, and parts of other
States have again produced reasonably fair crops.
The most remarkable feature in the military
operations of the year is General Sherman's at-
tempted march of three hundred miles, directly
through the insurgent region. It tends to show
a great increase of our relative strength, that
our general-in-chief should feel able to confront
and hold in check every active force of the ene-
my, and yet to detach a well-appointed large
army to move on such an expedition. The re-
sult not yet being known, conjecture in regard
to it is not here indulged.
Important movements have also occurred dur-
ing the year to the effect of molding society for
durability in the Union. Although short of com-
plete success, it is much in the right direction
ANNUAL MESSAGE, DEC. 6, 1864 121
that 12,000 citizens in each of the States of Ar-
kansas and Louisiana have organized loyal State
governments, with free constitutions, and are
earnestly struggling to maintain and administer
them. The movements in the same direction,
more extensive though less definite, in Missouri,
Kentucky, and Tennessee, should not be over-
looked. But Maryland presents the example of
complete success. Maryland is secure to liberty
and Union for all the future. The genius of
rebellion will no more claim Maryland. Like
another foul spirit, being driven out, it may seek
to tear her, but it will woo her no more.
At the last session of Congress a proposed
amendment of the Constitution, abolishing slav-
ery throughout the United States, passed the
Senate, but failed for lack of the requisite two-
thirds vote in the House of Representatives. Al-
though the present is the same Congress, and
nearly the same members, and without ques-
tioning the wisdom or patriotism of those who
stood in opposition, I venture to recommend the
reconsideration and passage of the measure at
the present session. Of course the abstract ques-
tion is not changed, but an intervening election
shows, almost certainly, that the next Congress
will pass the measure if this does not. Hence
there is only a question of time as to when the
proposed amendment will go to the States for
their action. And as it is to so go, at all events,
may we not agree that the sooner the better?
It is not claimed that the election has imposed
a duty on members to change their views or their
votes any further than as an additional element
to be considered, their judgment may be affected
by it It is the voice of the people now for the
122 STATE PAPERS
first time heard upon the question. In a great
national crisis hke ours, unanimity of action
among those seeking a common end is very de-
sirable — almost indispensable. And yet no ap-
proach to such unanimity is attainable unless
some deference shall be paid to the will of the
majority, simply because it is the will of the
majority. In this case the common end is the
maintenance of the Union, and among the means
to secure that end, such will, through the elec-
tion, is most clearly declared in favor of such
constitutional amendment.
The most reliable indication of public purpose
in this country is derived through our popular
elections. Judging by the recent canvass and
its result, the purpose of the people within the
loyal States to maintain the integrity of the Un-
ion, was never more firm nor more nearly unani-
mous than now. The extraordinary calmness
and good order with which the millions of voters
met and mingled at the polls give strong assur-
ance of this. Not only all those who supported
the Union ticket, so called, but a great majority
of the opposing party also, may be fairly claimed
to entertain, and to be actuated by the sarne
purpose. It is an unanswerable argument to this
effect, that no candidate for any office whatever,
high or low, has ventured to seek votes on the
avowal that he was for giving up the Union.
There has been much impugning of motives, and
much heated controversy as to the proper means
and best mode of advancing the Union cause;
but on the distinct issue of Union or no Union
the politicians have shown their instinctive
knowledge that there is no diversity among the
people. In affording the people the fair oppor-
ANNUAL MESSAGE, DEC. 6, 1864 123
tunity of showing one to another and to the
world this firmness and unanimity of purpose,
the election has been of vast value to the national
cause.
The election has exhibited another fact, not
less valuable to be known — the fact that we do
not approach exhaustion in the most important
branch of national resources — that of living men.
While it is melancholy to reflect that the war
has filled so many graves, and carried mourning
to so many hearts, it is some relief to know
that compared with the surviving, the fallen have
been so few. While corps, and divisions, and
brigades, and regiments have formed, and fought,
and dwindled, and gone out of existence, a great
majority of the men who composed them are
still living. The same is true of the naval serv-
ice. The election returns prove this. So many
voters could not else be found. The States regu-
larly holding elections, both now and four years
ago — to wit : California, Connecticut, Delaware,
Illinois, Indiana, Iowa, Kentucky, Maine, Mary-
land, Massachusetts, Michigan, Minnesota, Mis-
souri, New Hampshire, New Jersey, New York,
Ohio, Oregon, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, Ver-
mont, West Virginia, and Wisconsin — cast 3,-
982,011 votes now, against 3,870,222 cast then;
showing an aggregate now of 3,982,011. To this
is to be added 33,762 cast now in the new States
of Kansas and Nevada, which States did not
vote in i860; thus swelling the aggregate to
4,015,773, and the net increase during the three
years and a half of war, to 145,551. A table is
appended, showing particulars. To this again
should be added the number of all soldiers in
the field from Massachusetts, Rhode Island, New
124 STATE PAPERS
Jersey, Delaware, Indiana, Illinois, and Califor-
nia, who by the laws of those States could not
vote away from their homes, and which num-
ber cannot be less than 90,000. Nor yet is this
all. The number in organized Territories is
triple now what it was four years ago, while
thousands, white and black, join us as the na-
tional arms press back the insurgent lines. So
much is shown, affirmatively and negatively, by
the election.
It is not material to inquire how the increase
has been produced, or to show that it would
have been greater but for the war, which is
probably true. The important fact remains dem-
onstrated that we have more men now than we
had when the war began; that we are not ex-
hausted, nor in process of exhaustion; that we
are gaining strength, and may, if need be, main-
tain the contest indefinitely. This as to men.
Material resources are now more complete and
abundant than ever.
The national resources, then, are unexhausted,
and, as we believe, inexhaustible. The public
purpose to re-establish and maintain the national
authority is unchanged, and, as we believe, un-
changeable. The manner of continuing the ef-
fort remains to choose. On careful consideration
of all the evidence accessible, it seems to me that
no attempt at negotiation with the insurgent
leader could result in any good. He would ac-
cept nothing short of severance of the Union —
precisely what we will not and cannot give. His
declarations to this effect are explicit and oft re-
peated. He does not attempt to deceive us. He
affords us no excuse to deceive ourselves. He
cannot voluntarily re-accept the Unio-n; we can-
not voluntarily yield it.
ANNUAL MESSAGE, DEC. 6, 1864 125
Between him and us the issue is distinct, sim-
ple, and inflexible. It is an issue which can only
be tried by war, and decided by victory. If we
yield, we are beaten ; if the Southern people fail
him, he is beaten. Either way it would be the
victory and defeat following war. What is true,
however, of him who heads the insurgent cause,
is not necessarily true of those who follow. Al-
though he cannot re-accept the Union, they can.
Some of them, we know, already desire peace
and reunion. The number of such may increase.
They can at any moment have peace simply
by laying down their arms and submitting to the
national authority under the Constitution. After
so much the government could not, if it would,
maintain war against them. The loyal people
would not sustain or allow it. If questions
should remain, we would adjust them by the
peaceful means of legislation, conference, courts,
and votes, operating only in constitutional and
lawful channels. Some certain, and other possi-
ble, questions are, and would be, beyond the ex-
ecutive power to adjust; as, for instance, the
admission of members into Congress, and what-
ever might require the appropriation of money.
The executive power itself would be greatly di-
minished by the cessation of actual war. Par-
dons and remissions of forfeitures, however,
would still be within executive control. In what
spirit and temper this control would be exer-
cised, can be fairly judged of by the past.
A year ago general pardon and amnesty, upon
specified terms, were offered to all except cer-
tain designated classes, and it was at the same
time made known that the excepted classes were
still within contemplation of special clemency.
During the year many availed themselves of the
126 STATE PAPERS
general provision, and many more would only
that the signs of bad faith in some led to such
precautionary measures as rendered the practi-
cal process less easy and certain. During the
same time, also, special pardons have been
granted to individuals of the excepted classes,
and no voluntary application has been denied.
Thus, practically, the door has been for a full
year open to all, except such as were not in con-
dition to make free choice — that is, such as were
in custody or under constraint. It is still so open
to all; but the time may come — probably will
come — when public duty shall demand that it be
closed ; and that in lieu more rigorous measures
than heretofore shall be adopted.
In presenting the abandonment of armed re-
sistance to the national authority on the part of
the insurgents as the only indispensable condi-
tion to ending the war on the part of the govern-
ment, I retract nothing heretofore said as to
slavery. I repeat the declaration made a year
ago, that ''while I remain in my present posi-
tion I shall not attempt to retract or modify
the Emancipation Proclamation, nor shall I re-
turn to slavery any person who is free by the
terms of that proclamation, or by any of the
acts of Congress."
If the people should, by whatever mode or
means, make it an executive duty to re-enslave
such persons, another, and not I, must be their
instrument to perform it.
In stating a single condition of peace, I mean
simply to say, that the war will cease on the
part of the government whenever it shall have
ceased on the part of those who began it.
Abraham Lincoln.
Proclamations, Messages, etc.. Con-
cerning Slavery
Proclamations, Messages,
ETC., Concerning
Slavery
Message to Congress Recommending Compen-
sated Emancipation.
March 6, 1862.
F ell ozv- citizens of the Senate and House of
Representatives: I recommend the adoption of a
joint resolution by your honorable bodies, which
shall be substantially as follows :
Resolved, That the United States ought to cooperate
with any State which may adopt gradual abolishment of
slavery, giving to such State pecuniary aid, to be used
by such State, in its discretion, to compensate for the
inconveniences, public and private, produced by such
change of system.
If the proposition contained in the resolution
does not meet the approval of Congress and
the country, there is the end ; but if it does
command such approval, I deem it of importance
that the States and people immediately interested
should be at once distinctly notified of the fact,
so that they may begin to consider whether to
accept or reject it. The Federal Government
would find its highest interest in such a measure,
as one of the most efficient means of self-preser-
129
I30 STATE PAPERS
vation. The leaders of the existing insurrection
entertain the hope that this government will ulti-
mately be forced to acknowledge the independ-
ence of some part of the disaffected region, and
that all the slave States north of such part will
then say, "The Union for which we have strug-
gled being already gone, we now choose to go
with the Southern section." To deprive them
of this hope substantially ends the rebellion ; and
the initiation of emancipation completely deprives
them of it as to all the States initiating it. The
point is not that the States tolerating slavery
would very soon, if at all, initiate emancipation;
but that while the oflfer is equally made to all,
the more Northern shall, by such initiation, make
it certain to the more Southern that in no event
will the former ever join the latter in their
proposed confederacy. I say ''initiation" be-
cause, in my judgment, gradual and not sudden
emancipation is better for all. In the mere finan-
cial or pecuniary view, any member of Congress,
with the census tables and treasury reports be-
fore him, can readily see for himself how very
soon the current expenditures of this war would
purchase, at fair valuation, all the slaves in any
named State. Such a proposition on the part
of the General Government sets up no claim of a
right by Federal authority to interfere with
slavery within State limits, referring, as it does,
the absolute control of the subject in each case
to the State and its people immediately inter-
ested. It is proposed as a matter of perfectly
free choice with them.
In the annual message, last December, I
thought fit to say, 'The Union must be pre-
served, and hence all indispensable means must
COMPENSATED EMANCIPATION 131
be employed." I said this not hastily, but de-
liberately. War has been made, and continues
to be, an indispensable means to this end. A
practical reacknowledgment of the national au-
thority would render the war unnecessary, and
it would at once cease. If, however, resistance
continues, the war must also continue; and it
is impossible to foresee all the incidents which
may attend and all the ruin which may follow
it. Such as may seem indispensable, or may
obviously promise great efficiency, toward end-
ing the struggle, must and will come.
The proposition now made, though an offer
only, I hope it may be esteemed no offense to
ask whether the pecuniary consideration tendered
would not be of more value to the States and
private persons concerned than are the institu-
tion and property in it, in the present aspect of
affairs?
While it is true that the adoption of the pro-
posed resolution would be merely initiatory, and
not within itself a practical measure, it is rec-
ommended in the hope that it would soon lead
to important practical results. In full view of
my great responsibility to my God and to my
country, I earnestly beg the attention of Con-
gress and the people to the subject.
Abraham Lincoln.
Message to Congress on Passage of Act to
Abolish Slavery in the District of Columbia.
April 16, 1862,
Fellow-citkens of the Senate and House of
Representatives: The act entitled "An act for the
132 STATE PAPERS
release of certain persons held to service or labor
in the District of Columbia" has this day been
approved and signed.
I have never doubted the constitutional author-
ity of Congress to abolish slavery in this Dis-
trict ; and I have ever desired to see the national
capital freed from the institution in some satis-
factory way. Hence there has never been in my
mind any question upon the subject except the
one of expediency, arising in view of all the
circumstances. If there be matters within and
about this act which might have taken a course
or shape more satisfactory to my judgment, I do
not attempt to specify them. I am gratified that
the two principles of compensation and coloniza-
tion are both recognized and practically applied
in the act.
In the matter of compensation, it is provided
that claims may be presented within ninety days
from the passage of the act, ''but not thereafter" ;
and there is no saving for minors, femmes covert,
insane or absent persons. I presume this is an
omission by mere oversight, and I recommend
that it be supplied by an amendatory or supple-
mental act.
Abraham Lincoln.
Proclamation Revoking General Hunter's
Order of Military Emancipation.
May 19, 1862.
Whereas there appears in the public prints
what purports to be a proclamation of Major-
General Hunter, in the words and figures follow-
ing, to wit :
GEN. HUNTER'S ORDER 133
Headquarters Department of the South,
Hikon Head, Port Royal, S. C, May 9, 1862.
The three States of Georgia, Florida, and South
Carolina, comprising the military department of the
South, having deliberately declared themselves no longer
under the protection of the United States of America,
and having taken up arms against the said United
States, it became a military necessity to declare martial
law. This was accordingly done on the 25th day of
April, 1862. Slavery and martial law in a free country
are altogether incompatible ; the persons in these three
States — Georgia, Florida, and South Carolina — hereto-
fore held as slaves, are therefore declared forever free.
By command of Major-General D. Hunter:
(Official.) Ed. W. Smith, Acting Assistant Adjutant-
General.
And whereas the same is producing some ex-
citement and misunderstanding: therefore,
I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United
States, proclaim and declare that the Government
of the United States had no knowledge, infor-
mation, or belief of an intention on the part of
General Hunter to issue such a proclamation;
nor has it yet any authentic information that the
document is genuine. And further, that neither
General Hunter, nor any other commander or
person, has been authorized by the Government
of the United States to make a proclamation de-
claring the slaves of any State free; and that
the supposed proclamation now in question,
whether genuine or false, is altogether void so
far as respects such a declaration.
I further make known that, whether it be com-
petent for me, as commander-in-chief of the army
and navy, to declare the slaves of any State or
States free, and whether, at any time, in any
case, it shall have become a necessity indispen-
sable to the maintenance of the government to
134 STATE PAPERS
exercise such supposed power, are questions
which, under my responsibihty, I reserve to my-
self, and which I cannot feel justified in leaving
to the decision of commanders in the field. These
are totally different questions from those of po-
lice regulations in armies and camps.
On the sixth day of March last, by special
message, I recommended to Congress the adop-
tion of a joint resolution, to be substantially as
follows :
Resolved, That the United States ought to cooperate
with any State which may adopt gradual abolishment of
slavery, giving to such State pecuniary aid, to be used
by such State, in its discretion, to compensate for the
inconvenience, public and private, produced by such
change of system.
The resolution, in the language above quoted,
was adopted by large majorities in both branches
of Congress, and now stands an authentic, defi-
nite, and solemn proposal of the nation to the
States and people most immediately interested
in the subject-matter. To the people of those
States I now earnestly appeal. I do not argue
■ — I beseech you to make arguments for your-
selves. You cannot, if you would, be blind to
the signs of the tunes. I beg of you a calm and
enlarged consideration of them, ranging, if it
may be, far above personal and partisan politics.
This proposal makes common cause for a com-
mon object, casting no reproaches upon any. It
acts not the Pharisee. The change it contem-
plates would come gently as the dews of heaven,
not rending or wrecking anything. Will you
not embrace it? So much good has not been don 3,
by one effort, in all past time, as in the provi-
COMPENSATED EMANCIPATION 135
dence of God it is now your high privilege to do.
May the vast future not have to lament that you
have neglected it.
In witness, etc.,
Abraham Lincoln.
By the President:
William H. Seward, Secretary of State.
Message to Congress Enclosing Draft of Bill
to Compensate States that Abolish Slavery.
July 14, 1862.
Fellozv-citizens of the Senate mid House of
Representatives: Herewith is a draft of a bill to
compensate any State which may abolish slavery
within its limits, the passage of which, substan-
tially as presented, I respectfully and earnestly
recommend.
Abraham Lincoln.
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representa-
tives of the United States of America, in Congress as-
sembled, That whenever the President of the United
States shall be satisfied that any State shall have law-
fully abolished slavery within and throughout such
State, either immediately or gradually, it shall be the
duty of the President, assisted by the Secretary of the
Treasury, to prepare and deliver to such State an
amount of six per cent, interest-bearing bonds of the
United States equal to the aggregate value, at
dollars per head, of all the slaves within such State as
reported by the census of the year one thousand eight
hundred and sixty ; the whole amount for any one
State to be delivered at once if the abolishment be im-
mediate, or in equal annual instalments if it be gradual,
interest to begin running on each bond at the time of its
delivery, and not before.
And be it further enacted, That if any State, having
136 STATE PAPERS
so received any such bonds, shall at any time afterward
by law reintroduce or tolerate slavery within its limits,
contrary to the act of abolishment upon which such
bonds shall have been received, said bonds so received
by said State shall at once be null and void, in whose-
soever hands they may be, and such State shall refund
to the United States all interest which may have been
paid on such bonds.
Message to Congress on Act to Confiscate
Property of Rebels, etc.
July 17, 1862.
Fellow-citizens of the Senate and House of
Representatives: Considering the bill for "An act
to suppress insurrection, to punish treason and re-
bellion, to seize and confiscate the property of
rebels, and for other purposes," and the joint
resolution explanatory of said act, as being sub-
stantially one, I have approved and signed both.
Before I was informed of the passage of the
resolution, I had prepared the draft of a message
stating objections to the bill becoming a law, a
copy of which draft is herewith transmitted.
Abraham Lincoln.
{Copy.)
F ell otv- citizens of the House of Representa-
tives: I herewith return to yotir honorable body,
in which it originated, the bill for an act en-
titled "An act to suppress treason and rebellion,
to seize and confiscate the property of rebels,
and for other purposes," together with my objec-
tions to its becoming a law.
There is much in the bill to which I perceive
no objection. It is wholly prospective; and it
SLAVE CONFISCATION 137
touches neither person nor property of any loyal
citizen, in which particulars it is just and proper.
The first and second sections provide for the
conviction and punishment of persons who shall
be guilty of treason, and persons who shall ''in-
cite, set on foot, assist, or engage in any rebellion
or insurrection against the authority of the United
States, or the laws thereof, or shall give aid and
comfort thereto, or shall engage in or give aid
and comfort to any such existing rebellion or in-
surrection." By fair construction, persons within-
these sections are not to be punished without
regular trials in duly constituted courts under
the forms and all the substantial provisions of
law and of the Constitution applicable to their
several cases. To this I perceive no objection,
especially as such persons would be within the
general pardoning power, and also the special
provision for pardon and amnesty contained in
this act.
It is also provided that the slaves of persons
convicted under these sections shall be free. I
think there is an unfortunate form of expression,
rather than a substantial objection, in this. It
is startling to say that Congress can free a slave
within a State, and yet if it were said the owner-
ship of the slave had first been transferred to the
nation, and that Congress had then liberated him,
the difficulty would at once vanish. And this
is the real case. The traitor against the Gen-
eral Government forfeits his slave at least as
justly as he does any other property; and he
forfeits both to the government against which he
offends. The government, so far as there can
be ownership, thus owns the forfeited slaves,
and the question for Congress in regard to them
138 STATE PAPERS
is, ''Shall they be made free or be sold to new-
masters?" I perceive no objection to Congress
deciding in advance that they shall be free. To
the high honor of Kentucky, as I am informed,
she has been the owner of some slaves by escheat,
and she sold none, but liberated all. I hope the
same is true of some other States. Indeed, I do
not believe it would be physically possible for
the General Government to return persons so
circumstanced to actual slavery. I believe there
would be physical resistance to it which could
neither be turned aside by argument nor driven
away by force. In this view I have no objection
to this feature of the bill. Another matter in-
volved in these two sections and running through
other parts of the act will be noticed hereafter.
I perceive no objection to the third and fourth
sections.
So far as I wish to notice the fifth and sixth
sections, they may be considered together. That
the enforcement of these sections v/ould do no
injustice to the persons embraced within them is
clear. That those who make a causeless war
should be compelled to pay the cost of it is too
obviously just to be called in question. To give
governmental protection to the property of per-
sons who have abandoned it, and gone on a cru-
sade to overthrow that same government, is
absurd, if considered in the mere light of justice.
The severest justice may not always be the
best policy. The principle of seizing and appro-
priating the property of the persons embraced
within "these sections is certainly not very ob-
jectionable; but a justly discriminating applica-
tion of it would be very difficult, and to a great
extent impossible. And would it not be wise
SLAVE CONFISCATION 139
to place a power of remission somewhere, so
that these persons may know they have some-
thing to lose by persisting, and something to save
by desisting? I am not sure whether such power
of remission is or is not within section thirteen.
Without any special act of Congress, I think
our military commanders, when, in military
phrase, "they are within the enemy's country,"
should, in an orderly manner, seize and use
whatever of real or personal property may be
necessary or convenient for their commands ; at
the same time preserving in some way the evi-
dence of what they do.
What I have said in regard to slaves while
commenting on the first and second sections, is
applicable to the ninth, with the difference that
no provision is made in the whole act for deter-
mining whether a particular individual slave does
or does not fall within the classes defined in
that section. He is to be free upon certain con-
ditions ; but whether those conditions do or do
not pertain to him, no mode of ascertaining is
provided. This could be easily supplied.
To the tenth section I make no objection. The
oath therein required seems to be proper, and
the remainder of the section is substantially iden-
tical with a law already existing.
The eleventh section simply assumes to confer
discretionary powers upon the Executive. With-
out this law I have no hesitation to go as far in
the direction indicated as I may at any time deem
expedient. And I am ready to say now, I think
it is proper for our military commanders to em-
ploy as laborers as many persons of African de-
scent as can be used to advantage.
The twelfth and thirteenth sections are some-
I40 STATE PAPERS
thing better than unobjectionable; and the four-
teenth is entirely proper if all other parts of
the act shall stand.
That to which I chiefly object pervades most
parts of the act, but more distinctly appears
in the first, second, seventh, and eighth sections.
It is the sum of those provisions which results
in the divesting of title forever.
For the causes of treason and the ingredients
of treason not amounting to the full crime, it
declares forfeiture extending beyond the lives of
the guilty parties ; whereas the Constitution of
the United States declares that ''no attainder of
treason shall work corruption of blood, or forfeit-
ure, except during the life of the person at-
tainted." True, there seems to be no formal at-
tainder in this case ; still I think the greater pun-
ishment cannot be constitutionally inflicted in a
different form for the same offense.
With great respect I am constrained to say
I think this feature of the act is unconstitutional.
It would not be difficult to modify it.
I may remark that this provision of the Con-
stitution, put in language borrowed from Great
Britain, applies only in this country, as I under-
stand, to real or landed estate.
Again, this act, by proceedings in rem, for-
feits property for the ingredients of treason, with-
out a conviction of the supposed criminal or a
personal hearing given him in any proceeding.
That we may not touch property lying within
our reach because we cannot give personal no-
tice to an owner who is absent endeavoring to
destroy the government is certainly not very
satisfactory. Still, the owner may not be thus
engaged; and I think a reasonable time should
"CONTRABAND" LABOR 141
be provided for such parties to appear and have
personal hearings. Similar provisions are not
uncommon in connection with proceedings in
rem.
For the reasons stated I return the bill to
the House in which it originated.
Order Authorizing Employment of "Contra-
bands."
July 22, 1862.
First. Ordered that military commanders
within the States of Virginia, North Carolina,
Georgia, Florida, Alabama, Mississippi, Lou-
isiana, Texas, and Arkansas, in an orderly man-
ner seize and use any property, real or personal,
which may be necessary or convenient for their
several commands, for supplies, or for other
military purposes ; and that while property may
be destroyed for proper military objects, none
shall be destroyed in wantonness or malice.
Second. That military and naval commanders
shall employ as laborers, within and from said
States, so many persons of African descent as
can be advantageously used for military or naval
purposes, giving them reasonable wages for their
labor.
Third. That, as to both property and persons
of African descent, accounts shall be kept suffi-
ciently accurate and in detail to show quantities
and amounts, and from whom both property and
such persons shall have come, as a basis iipon
which compensation can be made in proper cases ;
and the several departments of this government
142
STATE PAPERS
shall attend to and perform their appropriate
parts toward the execution of these orders.
By order of the President :
Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War.
Preliminary Emancipation Proclamation.
September 22, 1862.
I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United
States of America, and commander-in-chief of
the army and navy thereof, do hereby proclaim
and declare that hereafter, as heretofore, the war
will be prosecuted for the object of practically
restoring the constitutional relation between the
United States and each of the States, and the
people thereof, in which States that relation is
or may be suspended or disturbed.
That it is my purpose, upon the next meeting
of Congress, to again recommend the adoption of
a practical measure tendering pecuniary aid to
the free acceptance or rejection of all slave States,
so called, the people whereof may not then be
in rebellion against the United States, and which
States may then have voluntarily adopted, or
thereafter may voluntarily adopt, immediate or
gradual abolishment of slavery within their re-
spective limits ; and that the effort to colonize
persons of African descent with their consent
upon this continent or elsewhere, with the pre-
viously obtained consent of the governments ex-
isting there, will be continued.
That on the first day of January, in the year
of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and
sixty-three, all persons held as slaves within any
State or designated part of a State the people
EMANCIPATION PROCLAMATION 143
whereof shall then be in rebellion against the
United States, shall be then, thenceforward, and
forever free ; and the Executive Government of
the United States, including the military and
naval authority thereof, will recognize and main-
tain the freedom of such persons, and will do
no act or acts to repress such persons, or any
of them, in any efforts they may make for their
actual freedom.
That the Executive will, on the first day of
January aforesaid, by proclamation designate the
States and parts of States, if any, in which the
people thereof, respectively, shall then be in re-
bellion against the United States ; and the fact
that any State, or the people thereof, shall on
that day be in good faith represented in the Con-
gress of the United States by members chosen
thereto at elections wherein a majority of the
qualified voters of such State shall have partici-
pated, shall, in the absence of strong counter-
vailing testimony, be deemed conclusive evidence
that such State, and the people thereof, are not
then in rebellion against the United States.
That attention is hereby called to an act of
Congress entitled *'An act to make an additional
article of war," approved March 13, 1862, and
which act is in the words and figure following :
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representa-
tives of the United States of America in Congress as-
sembled, That hereafter the following shall be promul-
gated as an additional article of war, for the govern-
ment of the army of the United States, and shall be
obeyed and observed as such :
Article — , All officers or persons in the military or
naval service of the United States are prohibited from
employing any of the forces under their respective com-
mands for the purpose of returning fugitives from
144 STATE PAPERS
service or labor who may have escaped from any per-
sons to whom such service or labor is claimed to be
due ; and any officer who shall be found guilty by a
court martial of violating this article shall be dismissed
from the service.
Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, That this act shall
take effect from and after its passage.
Also to the ninth and tenth sections of an
act entitled "An act to suppress insurrection, to
punish treason and rebellion, to seize and confis-
cate property of rebels, and for other purposes,"
approved July 17, 1862, and which sections are
in the words and figures following:
Sec. 9. And be it further enacted, That all slaves of
persons who shall hereafter be engaged in rebellion
against the Government of the United States, or who
shall in any way give aid or comfort thereto, escaping
from such persons and taking refuge within the lines
of the army ; and all slaves captured from such persons
or deserted by them, and coming under the control of
the Government of the United States ; and all slaves of
such persons found on [or] being within any place
occupied by rebel forces and afterwards occupied by the
forces of the United States, shall be deemed captives of
war, and shall be forever free of their servitude, and
not again held as slaves.
Sec. 10. And be it further enacted, That no slave
escaping into any State, Territory, or the District of
Columbia, from any other State, shall be delivered up,
or in any way impeded or hindered of his liberty, except
for crime, or some offense against the laws, unless the
person claiming said fugitive shall first make oath that
the person to whom the labor or serice of such fugitive
is alleged to be due is his lawful owner, and has not
borne arms against the United States in the present
rebellion, nor in any way given aid and comfort thereto ;
and no person engaged in the military or naval service
of the United States shall, under any pretense whatever,
assume to decide on the validity of the claim of any
person to the service or labor of any other person, or
EMANCIPATION PROCLAMATION
145
surrender up any such person to the claimant, on pain
of being dismissed from the service.
And I do hereby enjoin upon and order all
persons engaged in the military and naval service
of the United States to observe, obey, and en-
force, within their respective spheres of service,
the act and sections above recited.
And the Executive will in due time recom-
mend ihat all citizens of the United States who
shall have remained loyal thereto throughout the
rebellion shall (upon the restoration of the con-
stitutional relation between the United States and
their respective States and people, if that re-
lation shall have been suspended or disturbed)
be compensated for all losses by acts of the
United States, including the loss of slaves.
In witness, etc.
Abraham Lincoln.
By the President:
William H. Seward, Secretary of State.
Final Emancipation Proclamation.
January i, 1863.
Whereas, on the twenty-second day of Sep-
tember, in the year of our Lord one thousand
eight hundred and sixty-two, a proclamation was
issued by the President of the United States,
containing, among other things, the following,
to wit :
"That on the first day of January, in the year of our
Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, all
persons held as slaves within any State, or designated
146 STATE PAPERS
part of a State, the people whereof shall then be in
rebellion against the United States, shall be then,
thenceforward, and forever free; and the Executive
Government of the United States, including the military
and naval authority thereof, will recognize and main-
tain the freedom of such persons, and will do no act or
acts to repress such persons, or any of them, in any
efforts they may make for their actual freedom.
"That the Executive will, on the first day of January
aforesaid, by proclamation, designate the States and
parts of States, if any, in which the people thereof
respectively shall then be in rebellion against the United
States; and the fact that any State, or the people
thereof, shall on that day be in good faith represented
in the Congress of the United States by members
chosen thereto at elections wherein a majority of the
qualified voters of such State shall have participated,
shall in the absence of strong countervailing testimony
be deemed conclusive evidence that such State and the
people thereof are not then in rebellion against the
United States."
Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President
of the United States, by virtue of the power in
me vested as commander-in-chief of the army
and navy of the United States, in time of actual
armed rebellion against the authority and gov-
ernment of the United States, and as a fit and
necessary war measure for suppressing said rebel-
lion, do, on this first day of January, in the year
of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and
sixty-three, and in accordance with my purpose
so to do, publicly proclaimed for the full period
of 100 days from the day first above mentioned,
order and designate as the States and parts of
States wherein the people thereof, respectively,
are this day in rebellion against the United
States, the following, to wit:
Arkansas, Texas, Louisiana (except the par-
ishes of St. Bernard, Plaquemines, Jefiferson, St.
EMANCIPATION PROCLAMATION 147
John, St. Charles, St. James, Ascension, Assump-
tion, Terre Bonne, Lafourche, St. Mary, St.
Martin, and Orleans, including the city of New
Orleans), Mississippi, Alabama, Florida, Georgia,
South Carolina, North CaroHna, and Virginia
(except the forty-eight counties designated as
West Virginia, and also the counties of Berkeley,
Accomac, Northampton, Elizabeth City, York,
Princess Ann, and Norfolk, including the cities
of Norfolk and Portsmouth), and which excepted
parts are for the present left precisely as if this
proclamation v/ere not issued.
And by virtue of the power and for the pur-
pose aforesaid, I do order and declare that all
persons held as slaves within said designated
States and parts of States are, and henceforward
shall be, free; and that the Executive Gov-
ernment of the United States, including the
military and naval authorities thereof, will
recognize and maintain the freedom of said
persons.
And I hereby enjoin upon the people so
declared to be free to abstain from all vio-
lence, unless in necessary self-defense; and I
recommend to them that, in all cases when
allowed, they labor faithfully for reasonable
wages.
And I further declare and make known that
such persons of suitable condition will be re-
ceived into the armed service of the United States
to garrison forts, positions, stations, and other
places, and to man vessels of all sorts in said
service.
And upon this act, sincerely believed to be
an act of justice, warranted by the Constitu-
tion upon military necessity, I invoke the con-
148 STATE PAPERS
siderate judgment of mankind and the gracious
favor of Almighty God.
In witness, etc.
Abraham Lincoln.
By the President :
William H. Seward, Secretary of State.
Message to Congress on Freedmen's Aid
Societies.
December 17, 1863.
To the Senate and House of Representatives:
Herewith I lay before you a letter addressed to
myself by a committee of gentlemen representing
the Freedmen's Aid Societies in Boston, New
York, Philadelphia, and Cincinnati.
The subject of the letter, as indicated above, is
one of great magnitude and importance, and one
which these gentlemen of known ability and high
character seem to have considered with great
attention and care. Not having the time to form
a mature judgment of my own as to whether the
plan they suggest is the best, I submit the whole
subject to Congress, deeming that their atten-
tion thereto is almost imperatively demanded.
Abraham Lincoln.
Order to Bring Back Negro Colonists from
San Domingo.*
February i, 1864.
Hon. Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War.
Sir: You are directed to have a transport
(either a steam or sailing vessel, as may be
* See page 163, volume five of present edition.
NEGRO COLONISTS 149
deemed proper by the Quartermaster-General)
sent to the colored colony established by the
United States at the Island of Vache, on the coast
of San Domingo, to bring back to this country
such of the colonists there as desire to return.
You will have the transport furnished with suita-
ble supplies for that purpose, and detail an officer
of the Quartermaster's department, who, under
special instructions to be given, shall have charge
of the business. The colonists will be brought
to Washington unless otherwise hereafter di-
rected, and be employed and provided for at the
camps for colored persons around that city.
Those only will be brought from the island
who desire to return, and their effects will be
brought with them.
Abraham Lincoln.
Proclamations of Days of Thanksgiv-
ing, Fasting, and Prayer
Proclamations of Days of
Thanksgiving, Fasting,
AND Prayer
Proclamation of a National Fast Day.
August 12, 1861.
Whereas a joint committee of both houses of
Congress has waited on the President of the
United States and requested him to ''recommend
a day of public prayer, humiliation, and fasting,
to be observed^ by the people of the United
States with religious solemnities, and the offer-
ing of fervent supplications to Almighty God
for the safety and welfare of these States, his
blessings on their arms, and a speedy restora-
tion of peace" :
And whereas it is fit and becoming in all people,
at all times, to acknowledge and revere the su-
preme government of God ; to bow in humble sub-
mission to his chastisements ; to confess and de-
plore their sins and transgressions, in the full
conviction that the fear of the Lord is the be-
ginning of wisdom; and to pray with all fer-
vency and contrition for the pardon of their
past offenses, and for a blessing upon their pres-
ent and prospective action :
And whereas when our own beloved country,
once, by the blessing of God, united, prosperous,
153
154 STATE PAPERS
and happy, is now afflicted with faction and civil
war, it is pecuharly fit for us to recognize the
hand of God in this terrible visitation, and in
sorrowful remembrance of our own faults and
crimes as a nation and as individuals, to humble
ourselves before him and to pray for his mercy —
to pray that we may be spared further punish-
ment, though most justly deserved ; that our arms
may be blessed and made effectual for the rees-
tabiishment of law, order, and peace throughout
the wide extent of our country ; and that the in-
estimable boon of civil and religious liberty,
earned under his guidance and blessing by the
labors and sufferings of our fathers, may be
restored in all its original excellence :
Therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of
the United States, do appoint the last Thursday
in September next as a day of humiliation, prayer,
and fasting for all the people of the nation. And
I do earnestly recommend to all the people, and
especially to all ministers and teachers of religion,
of all denominations, and to all heads of families,
to observe and keep that day, according to their
several creeds and modes of worship, in all hu-
mility and with all religious solemnity, to the
end that the united prayer of the nation may
ascend to the Throne of Grace, and bring down
plentiful blessings upon our country.
In testimony, etc.
Abraham Lincoln.
By the President :
William H. Seward, Secretary of State.
On February 19, 1862, President Lincoln issued aj
proclamation ordering the celebration of the forth-
coming anniversary of Washington's Birthday, by
THANKSGIVING, APRIL lo, 1862 155
the public reading of Washington's "immortal farewell
address."
Proclamation Recommending Thanksgiving
for Victories.
April 10, 1862.
By the President of the United States of
America.
A Proclamation.
It has pleased Almighty God to vouchsafe sig-
nal victories to the land and naval forces engaged
in suppressing an internal rebellion, and at the
same time to avert from our country the dangers
of foreign intervention and invasion :
It is therefore recommended to the people of
the United States that, at their next weekly as-
semblages in their accustomed places of public
worship which shall occur after notice of this
proclamation shall have been received, they es-
pecially acknowledge and render thanks to our
Heavenly Father for these inestimable blessings ;
that they then and there implore spiritual con-
solation in behalf of all who have been brought
into affliction by the casualties and calamities of
sedition and civil war; and that they reverently
invoke the divine guidance for our national coun-
sels, to the end that they may speedily result
in the restoration of peace, harmony, and unity
throughout our borders, and hasten the estab-
lishment of fraternal relations among all the
countries of the earth.
In witness, etc. Abraham Lincoln.
By the President :
William H. Seward, Secretary of State.
156 STATE PAPERS
Proclamation of a National Fast-Day.
March 30, 1863.
Whereas, the Senate of the United States, de-
voutly recognizing the supreme authority and
just government of Almighty God in all the
affairs of men and of nations, has by a resolu-
tion requested the President to designate and set
apart a day for national prayer and humiliation :
And whereas, it is the duty of nations as well
as of men to own their dependence upon the
overruling power of God ; to confess their sins
and transgressions in humble sorrow, yet with
assured hope that genuine repentance will lead
to mercy and pardon; and to recognize the sub-
lime truth, announced in the Holy Scriptures and
proven by all history, that those nations only
are blessed whose God is the Lord:
And insomuch as we know that by his divine
law nations, like individuals, are subjected to
punishments and chastisements in this world, may
we not justly fear that the awful calamity of civil
war which now desolates the land may be but
a punishment inflicted upon us for our presump-
tuous sins, to the needful end of our national ref-
ormation as a whole people? We have been the
recipients of the choicest bounties of Heaven.
We have been preserved, these many years, in
peace and prosperity. We have grown in num-
bers, wealth, and power as no other nation has
ever grown ; but we have forgotten God. We
have forgotten the gracious hand which pre-
served us in peace, and multiplied and enriched
and strengthened us ; and we have vainly imag-
ined, in the deceitfulness of our hearts, that all
these blessings were produced by some superior
FAST-DAY, MARCH 30, 1863 157
wisdom and virtue of our own. Intoxicated with
unbroken success, we have become too self-suffi-
cient to feel the necessity of redeeming and pre-
serving grace, too proud to pray to the God
that made us:
It behooves us, then, to humble ourselves be-
fore the offended Power, to confess our national
sins, and to pray for clemency and forgiveness :
Now, therefore, in compliance with the request,
and fully concurring in the views, of the Senate,
I do by this my proclamation designate and set
apart Thursday, the 30th day of April, 1863, as
a day of national humiliation, fasting, and prayer.
And I do hereby request all the people to abstam
on that day from their ordinary secular pursuits,
and to unite at their several places of public
worship and their respective homes in keeping
the day holy to the Lord, and devoted to the
humble discharge of the religious duties proper
to that solemn occasion. All this being done
in sincerity and truth, let us then rest humbly
in the hope authorized by the divine teachings,
that the united cry of the nation will be heard
on high, and answered with blessings no less
than the pardon of our national sins, and the
restoration of our now divided and suffering
country to its former happy condition of unity
and peace.
In witness, etc.
Abraham Lincoln.
By the President :
William H. Seward, Secretary of State.
158 STATE PAPERS
Announcement of News From Gettysburg.
Washington, July 4, 10.30 a. m.
The President announces to the country that
news from the Army of the Potomac, up to 10
p. m. of the 3d, is such as to cover that army with
the highest honor, to promise a great success to
the cause of the Union, and to claim the condo-
lence of all for the many gallant fallen ; and that
for this he especially desires that on this day
He whose will, not ours, should ever be done be
everywhere remembered and reverenced with
profoundest gratitude.
A. Lincoln.
Proclamation for Thanksgiving.
July 15, 1863.
It has pleased Almighty God to hearken to
the supplications and prayers of an afflicted peo-
ple, and to vouchsafe to the army and navy of the
United States victories on land and on the sea
so signal and so effective as to furnish reason-
able grounds for augmented confidence that the
union of these States will be maintained, their
Constitution preserved, and their peace and
prosperity permanently restored. But these vic-
tories have been accorded not without sacrifices
of life, limb, health, and liberty, incurred by
brave, loyal, and patriotic citizens. Domestic
affliction in every part of the country follows in
the train of these fearful bereavements. It is
meet and right to recognize and confess the pres-
ence of the Almighty Father, and the power of
his hand equally in these triumphs and in these
sorrows.
THANKSGIVING, OCT. 3, 1863 159
Now, therefore, be it known that I do set
apart Thursday, the 6th day of August next, to
be observed as a day for national thanksgiving,
praise, and prayer, and I invite the people of the
United States to assemble on that occasion in
their customary places of worship, and, in the
forms approved by their own consciences, ren-
der the homage due to the Divine Majesty for
the wonderful things he has done in the nation's
behalf, and invoke the influence of his Holy
Spirit to subdue the anger which has produced
and so long sustained a needless and cruel rebel-
lion, to change the hearts of the insurgents, to
guide the counsels of the government with wis-
dom adequate to so great a national emergency,
and to visit with tender care and consolation
throughout the length and breadth of our land
all those who, through the vicissitudes of
marches, voyages, battles, and sieges have been
brought to suffer in mind, body, or estate, and
finally to lead the whole nation through the paths
of repentance and submission to the Divine Will
back to the perfect enjoyment of union and
fraternal peace.
In witness, etc.
Abraham Lincoln.
By the President:
William H. Seward, Secretary of State.
Proclamation for Thanksgiving.
October 3, 1863.
The year that is drawing toward its close has
been filled with the blessings of fruiful fields and
healthful skies. To these bounties, which are
i6o STATE PAPERS
so constantly enjoyed that we are prone to for-
get the source from which they come, others have
been added, which are of so extraordinary a
nature that they cannot fail to penetrate and
soften the heart which is habitually insensible
to the ever-watchful providence of almighty God.
In the midst of a civil war of unequaled
magnitude and severity, which has sometimes
seemed to foreign states to invite and provoke
their aggressions, peace has been preserved with
all nations, order has been maintained, the laws
have been respected and obeyed, and harmony
has prevailed everywhere, except in the theater
of military conflict; while that theater has been
greatly contracted by the advancing armies and
navies of the Union.
Needful diversions of wealth and of strength
from the fields of peaceful industry to the
national defense have not arrested the plow, the
shuttle, or the ship ; the ax has enlarged the
borders of our settlements, and the mines, as
well of iron and coal as of the precious metals,
have yielded even more abundantly than here-
tofore. Population has steadily increased, not-
withstanding the waste that has been made in
the camp, the siege, and the battle-field, and the
country, rejoicing in the consciousness of aug-
mented strength and vigor, is permitted to expect
continuance of years with large increase of
freedom.
No human counsel hath devised, nor hath any
mortal hand worked out these great things.
They are the gracious gifts of the most high
God, who, while dealing with us in anger for
our sins, hath nevertheless remembered mercy.
It has seemed to me fit and proper that they
THANKSGIVING, DEC. 7, 1863 161
should be solemnly, reverently, and gratefully
acknowledged as with one heart and one voice
by the whole American people. I do, therefore,
invite my fellow-citizens in every part of the
United States, and also those who are at sea
and those who are sojourning in foreign lands,
to set apart and observe the last Thursday of
November next as a day of thanksgiving and
praise to our beneficent Father who dwelleth in
the heavens. And I recommend to them that,
while offering up the ascriptions justly due to
him for such singular deliverances and bless-
ings, they do also, with humble penitence for
our national perverseness and disobedience, com-
mend to his tender care all those who have
become widows, orphans, mourners, or sufferers
in the lamentable civil strife in which we are
unavoidably engaged, and fervently implore the
interposition of the almighty hand to heal the
wounds of the nation, and to restore it, as soon
as may be consistent with the Divine purposes,
to the full enjoyment of peace, harmony, tran-
quility, and union.
In testimony, etc.
A. Lincoln.
By the President :
William H. Seward, Secretary of State.
Recommendation of Thanksgiving for Union
Success in East Tennessee.
December 7, 1863.
Reliable information being received that the
insurgent force is retreating from East Tennes-
see, under circumstances rendering it probabl'=
i62 STATE PAPERS
that the Union forces cannot hereafter be dis-
lodged from that important position, and es-
teeming this to be of high national consequence,
I recommend that all loyal people do, on receipt
of this information, assemble at their places of
worship and render special homage and gratitude
to almighty God for this great advancement of
the national cause.
A. Lincoln.
Recommendation of Thanksgiving.
May 9, 1864.
To the Friends of Union and Liberty: Enough
is known of army operations within the last five
days to claim an especial gratitude to God, while
what remains undone demands our most sincere
prayers to, and reliance upon, him without whom
all human effort is vain. I recommend that all
patriots, at their homes, in their places of public
worship, and wherever they may be, unite in
common thanksgiving and prayer to almighty
God.
Abraham Lincoln.
Proclamation for a Day of Prayer.
July 7, 1864.
By the President of the United States of
America.
A Proclamation.
Whereas the Senate and House of Repre-
sentatives, at their last session, adopted a con-
DAY OF PRAYER 163
current resolution, which was approved on the
second day of July instant, and which was in
the words following, namely:
That the President of the United States be requested
to appoint a day for humiliation and prayer by the
people of the United States ; that he request his con-
stitutional advisers at the head of the executive depart-
ments to unite with him as chief magistrate of the
nation, at the city of Washington, and the members of
Congress, and all magistrates, all civil, military, and
naval officers, all soldiers, sailors, and marines, with all
loyal and law-abiding people, to convene at their usual
places of worship, or wherever they may be, to confess
and to repent of their manifold sins ; to implore the
compassion and forgiveness of the Almighty, that, if
consistent with his will, the existing rebellion may be
speedily suppressed, and the supremacy of the Constitu-
tion and laws of the United States may be established
throughout all the States ; to implore him, as the
supreme ruler of the world, not to destroy us as a peo-
ple, nor suffer us to be destroyed by the hostility or the
connivance of other nations, or by obstinate adhesion to
our own counsels which may be in conflict with his
eternal purposes, and to implore him to enlighten the
mind of the nation to know and do his will, humbly
believing that it is in accordance with his will that
our place should be maintained as a united people
among the family of nations ; to implore him to grant
to our armed defenders and the masses of the people
that courage, power of resistance, and endurance neces-
sary to secure that result ; to implore him in his infinite
goodness to soften the hearts, enlighten the minds, and
quicken the consciences of those in rebellion, that they
may lay down their arms and speedily return to their
allegiance to the United States, that they may not be
utterly destroyed, that the effusion of blood may be
stayed, and that unity and fraternity may be restored,
and peace established throughout all our borders :
Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, Presi-
dent of the United States, cordially concurring
with the Congress of the United States in the
i64 STATE PAPERS
penitential and pious sentiments expressed in
tlie aforesaid resolutions, and heartily approving
of the devotional design and purpose thereof,
do hereby appoint the first Thursday of August
next to be observed by the people of the United
States as a day of national humiliation and
prayer.
I do hereby further invite and request the
heads of the executive departments of this gov-
ernment, together with all legislators, all judges
and magistrates, and all other persons exercising
authority in the land, whether civil, military,
or naval, and all soldiers, seamen, and marines
in the national service, and all the other loyal
and law-abiding people of the United States,
to assemble in their preferred places of public
worship on that day, and there and then to
render to the Almighty and merciful Ruler of
the universe such homages and such confessions,
and to offer to him such supplications, as the
Congress of the United States have, in their
aforesaid resolution, so solemnly, so earnestly,
and so reverently recommended.
In testimony, etc.
Abraham Lincoln.
By the President :
William H. Seward, Secretary of State.
Proclamation of Thanksgiving.
September 3, 1864.
The signal success that divine Providence has
recently vouchsafed to the operations of the
United States fleet and army in the harbor of
Mobile, and the reduction of Fort Powell, Fort
THANKSGIVING, OCT. 20, 1864 165
Gaines, and Fort Morgan, and the glorious
achievements of the army under Major-General
Sherman, in the State of Georgia, resulting in
the capture of the city of Atlanta, call for de-
vout acknowledgment to the Supreme Being in
whose hands are the destinies of nations. It is
therefore requested that on next Sunday, in all
places of worship in the United States, thanks-
giving be offered to him for his mercy in
preserving our national existence against the in-
surgent rebels who have been waging a cruel
war against the Government of the United
States for its overthrow ; and also that prayer
be made for divine protection to our brave sol-
diers and their leaders in the field, who have
so often and so gallantly periled their lives in
battling with the enemy; and for blessings and
comfort from the Father of mercies to the sick,
wounded, and prisoners, and to the orphans and
widows of those who have fallen in the service*
of their country, and that he will continue to
uphold the Government of the United States
against all the efforts of public enemies and
secret foes.
Abraham Lincoln.
Proclamation of Thanksgiving.
October 20, 1864.
It has pleased almighty God to prolong our
national life another year, defending us with his
guardian care against unfriendly designs from
abroad, and vouchsafing to us in his mercy many
and signal victories over the enemy, who is of
our own household. It has also pleased our
heavenly Father to favor as well our citizens
i66 STATE PAPERS
in their homes as our soldiers in their camps, and
our sailors on the rivers and seas, with unusual
health. He has largely augmented our free pop-
ulation by emancipation and by immigration,
while he has opened to us new sources of wealth,
and has crowned the labor of our working-men
in every department of industry with abundant
rewards. Moreover, he has been pleased to
animate and inspire our minds and hearts with
fortitude, courage, and resolution sufficient for
the great trial of civil war into which we have
been brought by our adherence as a nation to
the cause of freedom and humanity, and to afford
to us reasonable hopes of an ultimate and happy
deliverance from all our dangers and afflictions.
Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, Presi-
dent of the United States, do hereby appoint
and set apart the last Thursday of November
next as a day which I desire to be observed by all
my fellow-citizens, wherever they may then be,
as a day of thanksgiving and praise to almighty
God, the beneficent Creator and Ruler of the
universe. And I do further recommend to
my fellow-citizens aforesaid, that on that occa-
sion they do reverently humble themselves in
the dust, and from thence offer up penitent and
fervent prayers and supplications to the great
Disposer of events for a return of the inestimable
blessings of peace, union, and harmony through-
out the land which it has pleased him to assign
as a dwelling-place for ourselves and for our
posterity throughout all generations.
In testimony, etc.
Abraham Lincoln.
By the President:
William H. Seward, Secretary of State.
Proclamations, Messages, and General
Military Orders Relating to the
Conduct of the War
Proclamations, Messages,
AND General Military
Orders Relating to the
Conduct of the War
Cabinet Conference on Provisioning Fort
Sumter.
{Sent to each member of the Cabinet.)
March 15, 1861.
My dear Sir : Assuming it to be possible to now
provision Fort Sumter, under all the circum-
stances is it wise to attempt it? Please give me
your opinion in writing on this question.
Your obedient servant,
A. Lincoln.
In response to this note William H. Seward, Secre-
tary of State, renders a negative answer in a long
opinion, the substance of which is summed up in the
cencluding paragraph :
"I may be asked whether I would in no case, and at
no time, advise force — whether I propose to give up
everything? I reply, no. I would not initiate war to
regain a useless and unnecessary position on the soil of
the seceding States. I would not provoke war in any
way now. I would resort to force to protect the collec-
tion of the revenue, because this is a necessary as well
as a legitimate minor object. Even then it should be
only a naval force that I would employ for that neces-
169
lyo STATE PAPERS
sary purpose, while I would defer military action on
land until a case should arise when we would hold the
defense. In that case we should have the spirit of the
country and the approval of mankind on our side. In
the other, we should imperil peace and union, because
we had not the courage to practise prudence and
moderation at the cost of temporary misapprehension.
If this counsel seems to be impassive and even un-
patriotic, I console myself by the reflection that it is
such as Chatham gave to his country under circum-
stances not widely different."
Salmon P. Chase, Secretary of the Treasury, renders
an affirmative answer, which he bases upon the state-
ments of military authorities, that, if the attempt to
provision included an attempt to reenforce, the pos-
sibility of success amounted to a reasonable degree of
probability. The Secretary adds:
"The probable political effects of the measure allow
room for much fair difference of opinion; and I have
not reached my own conclusion without serious dif-
ficulty.
'Tf the attempt will so inflame civil war as to involve
an immediate necessity for the enlistment of armies and
the expenditure of millions, I cannot advise it in the
existing circumstances of the country and in the
present condition of the national finances.
"But it seems to me highly improbable that the at-
tempt, especially if accompanied or immediately fol-
lowed by a proclamation setting forth a liberal and
generous yet firm policy toward the disaffected States,
in harmony with the principles of the inaugural ad-
dress, will produce such consequences ; while it cannot
be doubted that in maintaining a port belonging to the
United States and in supporting the officers and men
engaged in the regular course of service in its defense,
the Federal Government exercises a clear right and,
under all ordinary circumstances, performs a plam
duty."
Simon Cameron, Secretary of War, returns a negative
answer to the query. He recites opinions of military
authorities pro and con as to the feasibility of the proj-
ect, but with the preponderance of opinion in the
negative. He says that all the officers within Fort
Sumter, together with Generals Scott and Totten, have
FORT SUMTER 171
expressed the opinion, that it would be impossible to
succor Fort Sumter substantially, if at all, without
capturing, by means of a large expedition of ships of
war and troops (at least twenty-five thousand men), all
the opposing batteries of South Carolina. A month
before the relief would have been practicable, now Fort
Moultrie is re-armed and strengthened in every way;
many new hand batteries have been constructed, the
principal channel has been obstructed; in short the
difficulty of reenforcement has been increased ten, even
twenty fold. In favor of the proposition he mentions
the project of Gustavus V. Fox, Assistant Secretary of
the navy, formerly connected with the Coast Survey
and familiar with Charleston harbor. ''Mr. Fox," he
says, "has proposed to make the attempt to supply the
fort by aid of cutters of light draught and large dimen-
sions, but he does not suppose, or propose, or profess to
believe that provisions for more than one or two months
could be furnished at a time." Now Sumter could not
now contend against these formidable adversaries if
filled with provisions and men. That fortress was
intended to repel an invading foe. The range of her
guns is too limited to reach the city of Charleston. No
practicable benefit would result to country or govern-
ment by accepting such a proposal.
Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy, returns a
negative answer. He says that the wisdom of the
enterprise in this military aspect has been questioned by
experts. In a political view the relief of the fort was
inexpedient. The public mind has concluded that the
fort is to be evacuated and is becoming reconciled to
this prospect. To provision Fort Sumter would be to
precipitate war, and he is not prepared to advise a plan
that would provoke hostilities in event of success, and
to incur untold disaster in event of failure.
Caleb B. Smith, Secretary of the Interior, gives an
opinion similar to that of Welles. He says: "If the
evacuation of Fort Sumter could be regarded as an
acknowledgment by the government of its inability to
enforce the laws, I should without hesitation advise that
it should be held without regard to the sacrifices which
its retention might impose. I do not believe, however,
that the abandonment of the fort would imply such an
acknowledgment on the part of the government. There
172
STATE PAPERS
are other means by which the power and the honor of
the government may be vindicated, and which would, in
my judgment, be much more effective to compel the
people of South Carolina to render obedience to the
laws, and which would at the same time avoid the sacri-
fice of life which must result from a conflict under the
walls of the fort."
Montgomery Blair, Postmaster-General, renders an
opinion strongly affirmative. He says:
"The evacuation of Fort Sumter, when it is known
that it can be provisioned and manned, will convince
the rebels that the administration lacks firmness, and
will, therefore, tend more than any event that has
happened to embolden them; and so far from tending
to prevent collision, will insure it unless all the other
forts are evacuated, and all attempts are given up to
maintain the authority of the United States.
"Mr. Buchanan's policy has, I think, rendered col-
lision almost inevitable, and a continuance of that policy
will not only bring it about, but will go far to produce
a permanent division of the Union.
"This is manifestly the public judgment, which is
much more to be relied on than that of any individual.
I believe Fort Sumter may be provisioned and relieved
by Captain Fox with little risk ; and General Scott's
opinion, that with its war complement {of 630 men]
there is no force in South Carolina which can take it,
renders it almost certain that it will not then be at-
tempted. This would completely demoralize the rebel-
lion. The impotent rage of the rebels, and the outburst
of patriotic feeling which would follow this achieve-
ment, would initiate a reactionary movement through-
out the South which would speedily overwhelm the
traitors. No expense or care should, therefore, be
spared to achieve this success.
"The appreciation of our stocks will pay for the most
lavish outlay to make it one.
"Nor will the result be materially different to the
nation if the attempt fails, and its gallant leader and
followers are lost. It will in any event vindicate the
hardy courage of the North, and the determination of
the people and their President to maintain the authority
of the government; and this is all that is wanting, in
my judgment, to restore it."
CALL FOR 75,000 MILITL4 173
Edward Bates, Attorney-General, advises against the
project, preferring that South CaroHna have the odium
before the world of beginning a conflict which would
inevitably degenerate into a servile war of unspeakable
horrors. Besides, in such a contest, Charleston was
comparatively insignificant; "the real struggle will be
at the Mississippi, for it is not politically possible for
any foreign power to hold the mouth of that river
against the people of the middle and upper valley."
In a Message to the Senate, sent March 26, 1861,
the President refuses the request of that body, made
March 25, 1861, that he submit to it the Despatches of
Major Anderson from Fort Sumter to the War De-
partment. "At the present moment," he says, "the
publication would be inexpedient."
On March 29, 1861, President Lincoln called a Cabi-
net meeting to determine the question of sending an
Expedition to Relieve Fort Sumter. The Secretary
of War and the Postmaster-General failed to render an
opinion. Of those submitted, that of Mr. Seward,
Secretary of State, was alone in the negative. As a
result Captain Fox's proposition (see page 171, present
volume) was accepted. By April i the President had
sent the proper orders for fitting out the expedition.
Proclamation Calling 75,000 Militia, and Con-
vening Congress in Extra Session.
April 15, 1861.
Whereas the laws of the United States have
been for some time past and now are opposed,
and the execution thereof obstructed, in the
States of South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama,
Florida, Mississippi, Louisiana, and Texas, by
combinations too powerful to be suppressed by
the ordinary course of judicial proceedings, or
by the powers vested in the marshals by law :
Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President
of the United States, in virtue of the power
174 STATE PAPERS
in me vested by the Constitution and the laws *
have thought fit to call forth, and hereby do
call forth the militia of the several States of the
Union, to the aggregate number of seventy-five
thousand, in order to suppress said combinations,
and to cause the laws to be duly executed.
The details for this object will be immediately
commxunicated to the State authorities through
the War Department.
I appeal to all loyal citizens to favor, facilitate,
and aid this effort to maintain the honor,^ the
integrity, and the existence of our National
Union, and the perpetuity of popular govern-
ment ; and to redress wrongs already long enough
endured.
I deem it proper to say that the first service
assigned to the forces hereby called forth will
probably be to repossess the forts, places, and
property which have been seized from the Union ;
and in every event the utmost care will be ob-
served, consistently with the objects aforesaid,
to avoid any devastation, any destruction of or
interference with property, or any disturbance
of peaceful citizens in any part of the country.
And I hereby command the persons composing
the combinations aforesaid to disperse and retire
peacefully to their respective abodes within
twenty days from date.
Deeming that the present condition of public
affairs presents an extraordinary occasion, I do
hereby, in virtue of the power in me vested by
the Constitution, convene both Houses of Con-
gress. Senators and Representatives are there-
*The Act of 179s, which authorized the use of the militia only
"until the expiration of thirty days after the commencement of the
then next session of Congress."
BLOCKADE PROCLAMATION 175
fore summoned to assemble at their respective
chambers at twelve o'clock noon, on Thursday,
the fourth day of July next, then and there to
consider and determine such measures as, in their
wisdom, the public safety and interest may seem
to demand.
In witness, etc.
Abraham Lincoln,
By the President:
William H. Seward, Secretary of State.
Proclamation of Blockade in South Carolina,
Georgia, Alabama, Florida, Mississippi,
Louisiana, and Texas.
April 19, 1861.
Whereas an insurrection against the govern-
ment of the United States has broken out in the
States of South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama,
Florida, Mississippi, Louisiana, and Texas, and
the laws of the United States for the collection
of the revenue cannot be effectually executed
therein conformably to that provision of the
Constitution which requires duties to be uniform
throughout the United States:
And whereas a combination of persons en-
gaged in such insurrection have threatened to
grant pretended letters of marque to authorize
the bearers thereof to commit assaults on the
lives, vessels, and property of good citizens of
the country lawfully engaged in commerce on
the high seas, and in waters of the United
States :*
*On April 17, 1861, Jefferson Davis had issued a proclamation
inviting application for letters of marque and reprisal, permitting
176 STATE PAPERS
And whereas an executive proclamation has
been already issued requiring the persons en-
gaged in these disorderly proceedings to desist
therefrom, calling out a militia force for the
purpose of repressing the same, and convening
Congress in extraordinary session to deliberate
and determine thereon:
Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, Presi-
dent of the United States, with a view to the
same purposes before mentioned, and to the pro-
tection of the public peace, and the lives and
property of quiet and orderly citizens pursuing
their lawful occupations, until Congress shall
have assembled and deliberated on the said un-
lawful proceedings, or until the same shall have
ceased, have further deemed it advisable to set
on foot a blockade of the ports within the
States aforesaid, in pursuance of the laws of
the United States, and of the law of nations in
such case provided. For this purpose a com-
petent force will be posted so as to prevent
entrance and exit of vessels from the ports
aforesaid. If, therefore, with a view to violate
such blockade, a vessel shall approach or shall
attempt to leave either of the said ports, she
will be duly warned by the commander of one
of the blockading vessels, who will indorse on
her register the fact and date of such warning,
and if the same vessel shall again attempt to
enter or leave the blockaded port, she will be
captured and sent to the nearest convenient port,
for such proceedings against her and her cargo,
as prize, as may be deemed advisable.
And I hereby proclaim and declare that i£
depredations on commerce of the United States "under the seal of
these Confederate States."
CALL FOR 42P34 VOLUNTEERS 177
any person, under the pretended authority of
the said States, or under any other pretense,
shall molest a vessel of the United States, or
the persons or cargo on board of her, such
person will be held amenable to the laws of the
United States for the prevention and punishment
of piracy.
In witness, etc.
Abraham Lincoln.
By the President:
William H. Seward, Secretary of State.
On April 27, 1861, President Lincoln made a sup-
plementary proclamation extending the blockade^ to the
ports of Virginia and North Carolina, Virginia hav-
ing passed an ordinance of secession on April 17, 1861,
and Governor Ellis of North Carolina having on April
22, 1861, seized Fayetteville arsenal, and, on April 24,
1861, placed his military force at the disposal of the
Confederacy.
The blockade was raised by proclamation at Beaufort,
N. C, Port Royal, S. C, and New Orleans, La., May
12, 1862; at Alexandria, Va., September 24, 1863; at
Brownsville, Texas, February 18, 1864; at Norfolk, Va,,
Fernandina and Pensacola, Fla., November 19, 1864. It
was reimposed on Brownsville, Texas, April 11, 1865.
Proclamation Calling for 42,034 Volunteers,
and an Increase in Regular Army and Navy
Forces.
May 3, 1861.
Whereas existing exigencies demand immedi-
ate and adequate measures for the protection
of the National Constitution and the preserva-
tion of the National Union by the suppression
of the insurrectionary combinations now exist-
ing in several States for opposing the laws of
178 STATE PAPERS
the Union and obstructing the execution thereof,
to which end a mihtary force, in addition to thai
called forth by my proclamation of the fifteenth
day of April in the present year, appears to be
indispensably necessary :
Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, Pres-
ident of the United States and Commander-in-
Chief of the Army and Navy thereof, and of the
Militia of the several States when called into
actual service, do hereby call into the service
of the United States forty-two thousand and
thirty-four volunteers, to serve for the period oi
three years unless sooner discharged, and to be
mustered into service as infantry and cavalry.
The proportions of each arm and the details oi
enrollment and organization will be made known
through the Department of War.
And I also direct that the regular army of the
United States be increased by the addition of
eight regiments of infantry, one regiment of
cavalry, and one regiment of artillery, making
altogether a maximum aggregate increase of
twenty-two thousand seven hundred and four-
teen officers and enlisted men, the details of
which increase will also be made known through
the Department of War.
And I further direct the enlistment for not
less than one nor more than three years, of eight-
een thousand seamen, in addition to the present
force, for the naval service of the United States.
The details of the enlistment and organization
will be made known through the Department
of the Navy.
The call for volunteers hereby made, and the
direction for the increase in the regular army,
and for the enlistment of seamen, hereby given,
FLORIDA KEYS 179
together with the plan of organization adopted
for the volunteers and for the regular forces
hereby authorized, will be submitted to Congress
as soon as assembled.
In the mean time I earnestly invoke the co-
operation of all good citizens in the measures
hereby adopted for the effectual suppression of
unlawful violence, for the impartial enforcement
of constitutional laws, and for the speediest pos-
sible restoration of peace and order, and, with
these, of happiness and prosperity, throughout
the country.
In testimony, etc.
Abraham Lincoln.
By the President :
William H. Seward, Secretary of State.
Proclamation Concerning the Florida Keys.
On May 10, 1861, President Lincoln issued a Proc-
lamation Suspending the Writ of Habeas Corpus on
THE Florida Keys, and authorizing the commander of
the United States forces there "to remove from the
vicinity of the United States fortresses all dangerous or
suspected persons."
Memoranda of Military Policy Suggested by
the Bull Run Defeat.
July 22,, and 27, 1861.
(July 23, 1861.)
1. Let the plan for making the blockade ef-
fective be pushed forward with all possible
despatch.
2. Let the volunteer forces at Fort Monroe
l8o STATE PAPERS
and vicinity under General Butler be constantly
drilled, disciplined, and instructed without more
for the present.
3. Let Baltimore be held as now, with a gentle
but firm and certain hand.
4. Let the force now under Patterson or
Banks be strengthened and made secure in its
position.
5. Let the forces in Western Virginia act till
further orders according to instructions or
orders from General McClellan.
6. [Let] General Fremont push forward his
organization and operations in the West as rap-
idly as possible, giving rather special attention
to Missouri.
7. Let the forces late before Manassas, except
the three-months men, be reorganized as rapidly
as possible in their camps here and about Ar-
lington.
8. Let the three-months forces who decline to
enter the longer service be discharged as rapidly
as circumstances will permit.
9. Let the new volunteer forces be brought
forward as fast as possible, and especially into
the camps on the two sides of the river here.
(July 27, 1861.)
When the foregoing shall have been substan-
tially attended to :
I. Let Manassas Junction (or some point on
one or other of the railroads near it) and Stras-
burg be seized and permanently held, with an
open line from Washington to Manassas, and
an open line from Harper's Ferry to Strasburg —
the military men to find the way of doing these.
TRADE WITH REBELS i8i
2. This done, a joint movement from Cairo
on Memphis, and from Cincinnati on East Ten-
nessee.
In Re Baltimore Police Commissioners.
In a Message to the House of Representatives,
sent July 27, 1861, the President refuses, on the ground
of incomoatibihty with pubhc interest, to grant the
House's request of July 24, 1861, for information con-
cerning the arrest and imprisonment in Fort McHenry
of the Baltimore Police Commissioners.
Proclamation Forbidding Intercourse with
Rebel States.
August 16, 1861.
Whereas on the fifteenth day of April, eight-
een hundred and sixty-one, the President of
the United States, in view of an insurrection
against the laws. Constitution, and government of
the United States which had broken out within
the States of South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama,
Florida, Mississippi, Louisiana, and Texas, and
in pursuance of the provisions of the act en-
titled ''An act to provide for calling forth the
militia to execute the laws of the Union, sup-
press insurrections, and repel invasions, and to
repeal the act now in force for that purpose,"
approved February twenty-eighth, seventeen
hundred and ninety-five, did call forth the militia
to suppress said insurrection, and to cause the
laws of the Union to be duly executed, and the
insurgents have failed to disperse by the time
directed by the President; and whereas, such
insurrection has since broken out and yet exists
i8a STATE PAPERS
within the States of Virginia, North CaroUna,
Tennessee, and Arkansas; and whereas, the in-
surgents in all the said States claim to act under
the authority thereof, and such claim is not
disclaimed or repudiated by the persons exer-
cising the functions of government in such State
or States, or in the part or parts thereof in which
such combinations exist, nor has such insurrec-
tion been suppressed by said States :
Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, Presi-
dent of the United States, in pursuance of an
act of Congress approved July thirteen, eighteen
hundred and sixty-one, do hereby declare that
the inhabitants of the said States of Georgia,
South Carolina, Virginia, North Carolina, Ten-
nessee, Alabama, Louisiana, Texas, Arkansas,
Mississippi, and Florida (except the inhabitants
of that part of the State of Virginia lying west
of the Alleghany Mountains, and of such other
parts of that State, and the other States hereinbe-
fort named, as may maintain a loyal adhesion to
the Union and the Constitution, or may be from
time to time occupied and controlled by forces
of the United States engaged in the dis-
persion of said insurgents), are in a state of
insurrection against the United States, and that
all commercial intercourse between the same
and the inhabitants thereof, with the exceptions
aforesaid, and the citizens of other States and
other parts of the United States, is unlawful,
and will remain unlawful until such insurrection
shall cease or has been suppressed ; that all goods
and chattels, wares and merchandise, coming
from any of said States, with the exceptions
aforesaid, into other parts of the United States,
without the special license and permission of the
PLAN OF CAMPAIGN 183
President, through the Secretary of the Treas-
ury, or proceeding to any of said States, with
the exceptions aforesaid, by land or water,
together with the vessel or vehicle conveying the
same, or conveying persons to or from said
States, with said exceptions, will be forfeited
to the United States ; and that from and after
fifteen days from the issuing of this proclama-
tion all ships and vessels belonging in whole or
in part to any citizen or inhabitant of any of
said States, with said exceptions, found at sea,
or in any port of the United States, will be
forfeited to the United States ; and I hereby
enjoin upon all district attorneys, marshals, and
officers of the revenue and of the military and
naval forces of the United States to be vigilant
in the execution of said act, and in the enforce-
ment of the penalties and forfeitures imposed
or declared by it; leaving any party who may
think himself aggrieved thereby to his applica-
tion to the Secretary of the Treasury for the
remission of any penalty or forfeiture, which
the said secretary is authorized by law to grant
if, in his judgment, the special circumstances
of any case shall require such remission.
In witness, etc.
Abraham Lincoln.
By the President:
William H. Seward, Secretary of State.
Memorandum for a Plan o£ Campaign.
About October i, 1861.
On or about the 5th of October (the exact
date to be determined hereafter) I wish a move-
1 84 STATE PAPERS
ment made to seize and hold a point on the
railroad connecting Virginia and Tennessee near
the mountain-pass called Cumberland Gap.
That point is now guarded against us by Zol-
licoffer, with 6000 or 8000 rebels at Barbours-
ville, Ky., — say twenty-five miles from the Gap,
toward Lexington. We have a force of 5000 or
6000 under General Thomas, at Camp Dick
Robinson, about twenty-five miles from Lexing-
ton and seventy-five from Zollicoffer's camp,
on the road between the two. There is not a
railroad anywhere between Lexington and the
point to be seized, and along the whole length
of which the Union sentiment among the people
largely predominates. We have military posses-
sion of the railroad from Cincinnati to Lex-
ington, and from Louisville to Lexington, and
some home guards, under General Crittenden,
are on the latter line. We have possession of
the railroad from Louisville to Nashville, Tenn.,
so far as Muldraugh's Hill, about forty miles,
and the rebels have possession of that road all
south of there. At the Hill we have a force
of 8000, under General Sherman, and about an
equal force of rebels is a very short distance
south, under General Buckner.
We have a large force at Paducah, and a
smaller at Fort Holt, both on the Kentucky
side, with some at Bird's Point, Cairo, Mound
City, Evansville, and New Albany, all on the
ether side, and all which, with the gun-boats
on the river, are perhaps sufficient to guard the
Ohio from Louisville to its mouth.
About supplies of troops, my general idea is
that all from Wisconsin, Minnesota, Iowa, Illi-
nois, Missouri, and Kansas, not now elsewhere.
PLAN OF CAMPAIGN 185
be left to Fremont. All from Indiana and Mich-
igan, not now elsewhere, be sent to Anderson
at Louisville. All from Ohio needed in western
Virginia be sent there, and any remainder be
sent to Mitchel at Cincinnati, for Anderson. All
east of the mountains be appropriated to Mc-
Clellan and to the coast.
As to movements, my idea is that the one
for the coast and that on Cumberland Gap be
simultaneous, and that in the mean time prep-
aration, vigilant watching, and the defensive
only be acted upon ; this, however, not to apply
to Fremont's operations in northern and middle
Missouri. That before these movements Thomas
and wSherman shall respectively watch but not
attack Zollicoffer and Buckner. That when the
coast and Gap movements shall be ready Sher-
man is merely to stand fast, while all at
Cincinnati and all at Louisville, with all on the
line, concentrate rapidly at Lexington, and
thence to Thomas's camp, joining him, and the
whole thence upon the Gap. It is for the mili-
tary men to decide whether they can find a pass
through the mountains at or near the Gap which
cannot be defended by the enemy with a greatly
inferior force, and what is to be done in regard
to this.
The coast and Gap movements made, Generals
McClellan and Fremont, in their respective de-
partments, will avail themselves of any advan-
tages the diversions may present.
1 86 STATE PAPERS
President's General War Order No. i,
January 2y, 1862.
Ordered, That the 226. day of February, 1862,
be the day for a general movement of all the
land and naval forces of the United States
against the insurgent forces. That especially the
army at and about Fortress Monroe; the Army
of the Potomac ; the Army of Western Virginia ;
the army near Munfordville, Kentucky; the
army and flotilla at Cairo, and a naval force in
the Gulf of Mexico, be ready to move on
that day.
That all other forces, both land and naval,
with their respective commanders, obey existing
orders for the time, and be ready to obey addi-
tional orders when duly given.
That the heads of departments, and especially
the Secretaries of War and of the Navy, with
all their subordinates, and the general-in-chief,
with all other commanders and subordinates of
land and naval forces, will severally be held to
their strict and full responsibilities for prompt
execution of this order.
Abraham Lincoln.
President's Special War Order No. i.
January 31, 1862.
Ordered, That all the disposable force of the
Army of the Potomac, after providing safely for
the defense of Washington, be formed into an
expedition for the immediate object of seizing
and occupying a point upon the railroad south-
AMNESTY 187
westward of what is known as Manassas Junc-
tion, all details to be in the discretion of the com-
mander-in-chief, and the expedition to move be-
fore or on the 22d day of February next.
Abraham Lincoln.
Amnesty to Political Prisoners.
February 14, 1862.
The breaking out of a formidable insurrection, based
on a conflict of political ideas, being an event without
precedent in the United States, was necessarily attended
by great confusion and perplexity of the public mind.
Disloyalty, before unsuspected, suddenly became bold,
and treason astonished the world by bringing at once
into the field military forces superior in numbers to the
standing army of the United States.
Every department of the government was paralyzed
by treason. Defection appeared in the Senate, in the
House of Representatives, in the Cabinet, in the Federal
courts ; ministers and consuls returned from foreign
countries to enter the insurrectionary councils, or land
or naval forces; commanding and other officers of the
army and in the navy betrayed the councils or deserted
their posts for commands in the insurgent forces.
Treason was flagrant in the revenue and in the post-
office service, as well as in the Territorial governments
and in the Indian reserves.
Not only governors, judges, legislators, and minis-
terial officers in the States, but even whole States,
rushed, one after another, with apparent unanimity, into
rebellion. The capital was besieged, and its connection
with all the States cut off.
Even in the portions of the country which were most
loyal, political combinations and secret societies were
forrned, furthering the work of disunion; while, from
rnotives of disloyalty or cupidity, or from excited pas-
sions or perverted sympathies, individuals were found
furnishing men,^ money, and materials of war and
supplies to the insurgents' military and naval forces.
Armies, ships, fortifications, navy-yards, arsenals,
i88 STATE PAPERS
military posts and garrisons, one after another were
betrayed or abandoned to the insurgents.
Congress had not anticipated and so had not provided
for the emergency. The municipal authorities were
powerless and inactive. The judicial machinery seemed
as if it had been designed not to sustain the govern-
ment, but to embarrass and betray it.
Foreign intervention, openly invited and industriously
instigated by the abettors of the insurrection, became
imminent, and has only been prevented by the practice
of strict and impartial justice, with the most perfect
moderation, in our intercourse with nations.
The public mind was alarmed and apprehensive,
though fortunately not distracted or disheartened. It
seemed to be doubtful whether the Federal Government,
which one year before had been thought a model worthy
of universal acceptance, had indeed the ability to defend
and maintain itself.
Some reverses, which perhaps were unavoidable, suf-
fered by newly levied and inefficient forces, discouraged
the loyal, and gave new hopes to the insurgents.
Voluntary enlistments seemed about to cease, and deser-
tions commenced. Parties speculated upon the question
whether conscription had not become necessary to fill
up the armies of the United States.
In this emergency the President felt it his duty to
employ with energy the extraordinary powers which the
Constitution confides to him in cases of insurrection.
He called into the field such military and naval forces,
unauthorized by the existing laws, as seemed necessary.
He directed measures to prevent the use of the post-
office for treasonable correspondence. He subjected
passengers to and from foreign countries to new pass-
port regulations, and he instituted a blockade, suspended
the writ of habeas corpus in various places, and caused
persons who were represented to him as being or about
to engage in disloyal or treasonable practices to be
arrested by special civil as well as military agencies, and
detained in military custody, when necessary, to pre-
vent them and deter others from such practices. Ex-
aminations of such cases were instituted, and some of
the persons so arrested have been discharged from time
to time, under circumstances or upon conditions com-
patible, as was thought, with the public safety.
WAR ORDER NO. 2 189
Meantime a favorable change of public opinion has
occurred. The line between loyalty and disloyalty is
plainly defined; the whole structure of the government
is firm and stable; apprehensions of public danger and
facilities for treasonable practices have diminished with
the passions which prompted heedless persons to adopt
them. The insurrection is believed to have culminated
and to be declining.
The President, in view of these facts, and anxious to
favor a return to the normal course of the administra-
tion, as far as regard for the public welfare will allow,
directs that all political prisoners or state prisoners
now held in military custody be released on their sub-
scribing to a parole engaging them to render no aid or
comfort to the enemies in hostility to the United States.
The Secretary of War will, however, at his discretion,
except from the effect of this order any persons detained
as spies in the service of the insurgents, or others whose
release at the present moment may be deemed incom-
patible with the public safety.
To all persons who shall be so released, and who shall
keep their parole, the President grants an amnesty for
any past offenses of treason or disloyalty which they
may have committed.
Extraordinary arrests will hereafter be made under
the direction of the military authorities alone.
By order of the President :
Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War.
On February 27, 1862, Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary
of War, signed Executive Order No. 2, in Relation to
State Prisoners. Major-General John A. Dix, of
Baltimore, and Edwards Pierrepont, of New York,
were appointed commissioners to pass upon cases of
persons in military custody.
President's Special War Order No. 2.
March 8, 1862.
Ordered, i. That the major-general command-
ing the Army of the Potomac proceed forthwith
to organize that part of the said army destined
to enter upon active operations (including the
I90 STATE PAPERS
reserve, but excluding the troops to be left in
the fortifications about Washington) into four
army corps, to be commanded, according to sen-
iority of rank, as follows :
First corps to consist of four divisions, and
to be commanded by Major-General I. McDow-
ell. Second corps to consist of three divisions,
and to be commanded by Brigadier-General E.
V. Sumner. Third corps to consist of three di-
visions, and to be commanded by Brigadier-
General S. P. Heintzelman. Fourth corps to
consist of three divisions, and to be commanded
by Brigadier-General E. D. Keyes.
2. That the divisions now commanded by the
officers above assigned to the commands of army
corps shall be embraced in and form part of
their respective corps.
3. The forces left for the defense of Wash-
ington will be placed in command of Brigadier-
General James S. Wadsworth, who shall also
be military governor of the District of Columbia.
4. That this order be executed with such
promptness and despatch as not to delay the
commencement of the operations already directed
to be undertaken by the Army of the Potomac.
5. A fifth army corps, to be commanded by
Major-General N. P. Banks, will be formed from
his own and General Shields's (late General Lan-
der's) divisions. Abraham Lincoln.
President's General War Order No. 3.
March 8, 1862.
Ordered, That no change of the base of opera-
tions of the Army of the Potomac shall be made
WAR ORDER NO. 3 191
without leaving in and about Washington such
a force as in the opinion of the general-in-chief
and the commanders of all the army corps shall
leave said city entirely secure.
That no more than two army corps (about
50,000 troops) of said Army of the Potomac
shall be moved en route for a new base of oper-
ations until the navigation of the Potomac from
Washington to the Chesapeake Bay shall be
freed from enemy's batteries and other obstruc-
tions, or until the President shall hereafter give
express permission.
That any movement as aforesaid en route for
a new base of operations which may be ordered
by the general-in-chief, and which may be in-
tended to move upon the Chesapeake Bay, shall
begin to move upon the bay as early as the i8th
day of March instant, and the general-in-chief
shall be responsible that it so move as early as
that day.
Ordered, That the army and navy co-operate
in an immediate effort to capture the enemy's
batteries upon the Potomac between Washing-
ton and the Chesapeake Bay.
A. Lincoln.
Lorenzo Thomas, Adjutant-General.
President's Special War Order No. 3.
March ii, 1862.
Major-General McClellan having personally
taken the field as the head of the Army of the
Potomac, until otherwise ordered he is relieved
from the command of the other military depart-
192 STATE PAPERS
ments, he retaining command of the Department
of the Potomac.
Ordered further, that the two departments now
under the respective commands of Generals Hal-
leck and Hunter, together with so much of that
under General Buell as Hes west of a north and
south Hne indefinitely drawn through Knoxville,
Tenn., be consolidated and designated the De-
partment of the Mississippi, and that until other-
wise ordered Major-General Halleck have com-
mand of said department.
Ordered also, that the country west of the
Department of the Potomac and east of the De-
partment of the Mississippi be a military depart-
ment to be called the Mountain Department, and
that the same be commanded by Major-General
Fremont.
That all the commanders of departments, after
the receipt of this order by them respectively,
report severally and directly to the Secretary of
War, and that prompt, full, and frequent reports
will be expected of all and each of them.
Abraham Lincoln.
Order Taking Military Possession of Rail-
roads.
On May 25, 1862, the President by authority of
an act of Congress, issued through M. C. Meigs, Quar-
termaster-General, an Order Taking Military Posses-
sion OF All Railroads in the United States, directing"
the railroad companies to be ready to transport troops
and munitions of war to the exclusion of all other
business.
SECRETARY CAMERON 193
Message to Congress Assuming Responsibility
for Acts of Secretary Cameron, for Which
He Had Been Censured by the House.
May 26, 1862.
To the Senate and Honse of Representatives:
The insurrection which is yet existing in the
United States and aims at the overthrow of the
Federal Constitution and the Union, was clandes-
tinely prepared during the winter of i860 and
1861, and assumed an open organization in the
form of a treasonable provisional government at
Montgomery, in Alabama, on the i8th day of
February, 1861. On the 12th day of April, 1861,
the insurgents committed the flagrant act of civil
war by the bombardment and capture of Fort
Sumter, which cut off the hope of immediate con-
ciliation. Immediately afterward all the roads
and avenues to this city were obstructed, and
the capital was put into the condition of a siege.
The mails in every direction were stopped and
the lines of telegraph cut off by the insurgents,
and military and naval forces which had been
called out by the government for the defense of
Washington were prevented from reaching the
city by organized and combined treasonable re-
sistance in the State of Maryland. There was
no adequate and effective organization for the
public defense. Congress had indefinitely ad-
journed. There was no time to convene them.
It became necessary for me to choose whether,
using only the existing means, agencies, and
processes which Congress had provided, I should
let the government fall at once into ruin, or
whether, availing myself of the broader powers
194 STATE PAPERS
conferred by the Constitution in cases of insur-
rection, I would make an effort to save it with
all its blessings for the present age and for
posterity.
I thereupon summoned my constitutional ad-
visers, the heads of all the departments, to meet
on Sunday, the 21st day of April, 1861, at the
office of the Navy Department; and then and
there, with their unanimous concurrence, I di-
rected that an armed revenue cutter should pro-
ceed to sea, to afford protection to the commer-
cial marine and especially the California treas-
ure-ships then on their way to this coast. I also
directed the commandant of the navy-yard at
Boston to purchase, or charter, and arm as quick-
ly as possible, five steamships for purposes of
public defense. I directed the commandant of
the navy-yard at Philadelphia to purchase, or
charter, and arm an equal number for the same
purpose. I directed the commandant at New
York to purchase, or charter, and arm an equal
number. I directed Commander Gillis to pur-
chase, or charter, and arm and put to sea two
other vessels. Similar directions were given to
Commodore Du Pont, with a view to the opening
of passages by water to and from the capital.
I directed the several officers to take the advice
and obtain the aid and efficient services in the
matter of his Excellency Edwin D. Morgan, the
Governor of New York, or, in his absence,
George D. Morgan, William M. Evarts, R. M.
Blatchford, and Moses H. Grinnell, who were,
by my direction, especially empowered by the
Secretary of the Navy to act for his department
in that crisis, in matters pertaining to the for-
SECRETARY CAMERON 195
warding of troops and supplies for the public
defense.
On the same occasion I directed that Governor
Morgan and Alexander Cummings, of the city
of New York, should be authorized by the Sec-
retary of War, Simon Cameron, to make all nec-
essary arrangements for the transportation of
troops and munitions of war, in aid and assist-
ance of the officers of the army of the United
States, until communication by mails and tele-
graph should be completely re-established be-
tween the cities of Washington and New York.
No security was required to be given by them,
and either of them was authorized to act in case
of inability to consult with the other.
On the same occasion I authorized and di-
rected the Secretary of the Treasury to advance,
without requiring security, two millions of dol-
lars of public money to John A. Dix, George
Opdyke, and Richard M. Blatchford, of New
York, to be used by them in meeting such requi-
sitions as should be directly consequent upon the
military and naval measures necessary for the
defense and support of the government, requir-
ing them only to act without compensation, and
to report their transactions when duly called
upon.
The several departments of the government at
that time contained so large a number of dis-
loyal persons that it would have been impos-
sible to provide safely through official agents
only for the performance of the duties thus con-
fided to citizens favorably known for their abil-
ity, loyalty, and patriotism.
The several orders issued upon these occur-
196 STATE PAPERS
rences were transmitted by private messengers,
who pursued a circuitous way to the seaboard
cities, inland, across the States of Pennsylvania
and Ohio and the northern lakes. I believe that
by these and other similar measures taken in that
crisis, some of which were without any authority
of law, the government was saved from over-
throw. I am not aware that a dollar of the
public funds thus confided with authority of law
to unofficial persons was either lost or wasted,
although apprehensions of such misdirection
occurred to me as objections to those extraor-
dinary proceedings, and were necessarily over-
ruled.
I recall these transactions now because my at-
tention has been directed to a resolution which
was passed by the House of Representatives on
the 30th day of last month, which is in these
words :
Resolved, That Simon Cameron, late Secretary of
War, by investing Alexander Cummings with the con-
trol of large sums of the public money, and authority
to purchase military supplies without restriction, with-
out requiring from him any guarantee for the faithful
performance of his duties, when the services of com-
petent public officers were available, and by involving
the government in a vast number of contracts with per-
sons not legitimately engaged in the business pertaining
to the subject-matter of such contracts, especially in the
purchase of arms for future delivery, has adopted a
policy highly injurious to the public service, and
deserves the censure of the House.
Congress will see that I should be wanting
equally in candor and in justice if I should leave
the censure expressed in this resolution to rest
exclusively or chiefly upon Mr. Cameron. The
ARMY OF J'IRGINIA 197
same sentiment is unanimously entertained by
the heads of departments who participated in
the proceedings which the House of Represent-
atives has censured. It is due to Mr. Cameron
to say that, ahhough he fully approved the pro-
ceedings, they were not moved nor suggested
by himself, and that not only the President but
all the other heads of departments were at least
equally responsible with him for whatever
error, wrong, or fault was committed in the
premises.
Abraham Lincoln.
Order Constituting the Army of Virginia.
June 26, 1862.
Ordered — ist. The forces under Major-Gen-
erals Fremont, Banks, and McDowell, including
the troops now under Brigadier-General Stur-
gis at Washington, shall be consolidated and
form one army, to be called the Army of Vir-
ginia.
2d. The command of the army of Virginia is
specially assigned to Major-General John Pope,
as commanding general. The troops of the
Mountain Department, heretofore under com-
mand of General Fremont, shall constitute the
First Army Corps, under the command of Gen-
eral Fremont; the troops of the Shenandoah
Department, now under General Banks, shall
constitute the Second Army Corps, and be com-
manded by him ; the troops under the command
of General McDowell, except those within the
fortifications and city of Washington, shall form
198 STATE PAPERS
the Third Army Corps, and be under his com-
mand.
3d. The Army of Virginia shall operate in
such manner as, while protecting western Vir-
ginia and the national capital from danger or
insult, it shall in the speediest manner attack
and overcome the rebel forces under Jackson and
Ewell, threaten the enemy in the direction of
Charlottesville, and render the most effective aid
to relieve General McClellan and capture Rich-
mond.
4th. When the Army of the Potomac and the
Army of Virginia shall be in position to com-
municate and directly co-operate at or before
Richmond, the chief command, while so oper-
ating together, shall be governed, as in like cases,
by the Rules and Articles of War.
A. Lincoln.
Letter to State Governors Calling for Troops.
New York, June 30, 1862.
To the Governors of the several States : The
capture of New Orleans, Norfolk, and Corinth by
the national forces has enabled the insurgents
to concentrate a large force at and about Rich-
mond, which place we must take with the least
possible delay ; in fact, there will soon be no for-
midable insurgent force except at Richmond.
With so large an army there, the enemy can
threaten us on the Potomac and elsewhere. Un-
til we have re-established the national authority,
all these places must be held, and we must keep
a respectable force in front of Washington. But
this, from the diminished strength of our army
CALL FOR TROOPS 199
by sickness and casualties, renders an addition to
it necessary in order to close the struggle whicii
has been prosecuted for the last three months
with energy and success. Rather than hazard
the misapprehension of our military condition
and of groundless alarm by a call for troops by
proclamation, I have deemed it best to address
you in this form. To accomplish the object
stated, we require, without delay, 150,000 men,
including those recently called for by the Sec-
retary of War. Thus reinforced, our gallant
army will be enabled to realize the hopes and
expectations of the government and the people.
A. Lincoln.
The undersigned, governors of States of the Union,
impressed with the beHef that the citizens of the States
which they respectively represent are of one accord in
the hearty desire that the recent successes of the
Federal arms may be followed up by measures which
must insure the speedy restoration of the Union, and
believing that in view of the present state of the im-
portant mihtary movements now in progress, and the
reduced condition of our ejfifective forces in the field,
resulting from the usual and unavoidable casualties in
the service, the time has arrived for prompt and
vigorous measures to be adopted by the people in sup-
port of the great interests committed to your charge,
respectfully request, if it meets with 3'our entire ap-
proval, that you at once call upon the several States
for such number of men as may be required to fill up
all military organizations now in the field, and add to
the armies heretofore organized such additional number
of men as may, in your judgment, be necessary to gar-
rison and hold all the numerous cities and military
positions that have been captured by our armies, and to
speedily crush the rebellion that still exists in several of
the Southern States, thus practically restoring to the
civilized world our great and good government. All
believe that the decisive moment is near at hand, and to
that end the people of the United States are desirous to
200 STATE PAPERS
aid promptly in furnishing all reinforcements that you
may deem needful to sustain our government.
Israel Washburn, Jr., Governor of Maine.
H. S. Berry, Governor of New Hampshire.
Frederick Holbrook, Governor of Vermont.
William A. Buckingham, Governor of Con-
necticut.
E. D. Morgan, Governor of New York.
Charles S. Olden, Governor of Nev/ Jersey.
A. G. Curtin, Governor of Pennsylvania.
A. W. Bradford, Governor of Maryland.
F. H. Pierpoint, Governor of Virginia.
Austin Blair, Governor of Michigan.
J. B. Temple, President Military Board of
Kentucky.
Andrew Johnson, Governor of Tennessee.
H. R. Gamble, Governor of Missouri.
O. P. Morton. Governor of Indiana.
David Todd, Governor of Ohio.
Alexander Ramsey, Governor of Minnesota.
Richard Yates, Governor of Illinois.
Edward Salomon, Governor of Wisconsin.
The President.
Executive Mansion,
Washington, July i, 1862.
Gentlemen : Fully concurring in the wisdom
Of the views expressed to me in so patriotic a
manner by you, in the communication of the
twenty-eighth day of June, I have decided to
call into the service an additional force of 300,-
000 men. I suggest and recommend that the
troops should be chiefly of infantry. The quota
of your State would be . I trust that they
may be enrolled without delay, so as to bring
this unnecessary and injurious civil war to a
speedy and satisfactory conclusion. An order
fixing the quotas of the respective States will be
issued by the War Department to-morrow.
Abraham Lincoln.
TAXES IN REBEL STATES 201
Proclamation Concerning Taxes in Rebellious
States.
July i, 1862.
Whereas, in and by the second section of an
act of Congress passed on the seventh day of
June, A. D. 1862, entitled "An act for the col-
lection of direct taxes in insurrectionary districts
within the United States, and for other pur-
poses," it is made the duty of the President to
declare, on or before the first day of July then
next following, by his proclamation, in what
States and parts of States insurrection exists :
Now, therefore, be it known that I, Abraham
Lincoln, President of the United States of Amer-
ica, do hereby declare and proclaim that the
States of South Carolina, Florida, Georgia, Ala-
bama, Louisiana, Texas, Mississippi, Arkansas,
Tennessee, North Carolina, and the State of Vir-
ginia (except the following counties: Hancock,
Brooke, Ohio, Marshall, Wetzel, Marion, Mo-
nongalia, Preston, Taylor, Pleasants, Tyler,
Ritchie, Doddridge, Harrison, Wood, Jackson,
Wirt, Roane, Calhoun, Gilmer, Barbour, Tucker,
Lewis, Braxton, Upshur, Randolph, Mason, Put-
nam, Kanawha, Clay, Nicholas, Cabell, Wayne,
Boone, Logan, Wyoming, Webster, Fayette, and
Raleigh ),^= are now in insurrection and re-
bellion, and by reason thereof the civil author-
ity of the United States is obstructed so that the
provisions of the ''Act to provide increased rev-
enue from imports, to pay the interest on the
public debt, and for other purposes," approved
August fifth, eighteen hundred and sixty-one,
* Subsequently organized into the State of West Virginia.
202 STATE PAPERS
cannot be peaceably executed ; and that the taxes
legally chargeable upon real estate, under the act
last aforesaid, lying within the States and parts
of States as aforesaid, together with a penalty
of fifty per centum of said taxes, shall be a lien
upon the tracts or lots of the same, severally
charged, till paid.
Proclamation to Rebels to Return to Their
Allegiance.
July 25, 1862.
In pursuance of the sixth section of the act of
Congress entitled "An act to suppress insurrec-
tion and to punish treason and rebellion, to seize
and confiscate the property of rebels, and for
other purposes," approved July 17, 1862, and
which act, and the joint resolution explanatory
thereof, are herewith published, I, Abraham Lin-
coln, President of the United States, do hereby
proclaim to and warn all persons within the con-
templation of said sixth section to cease partici-
pating in, aiding, countenancing, or abetting the
existing rebellion, or any rebellion, against the
Government of the United States, and to return
to their proper allegiance to the United States,
on pain of the forfeitures and seizures as within
and by said sixth section provided.
In testimony, etc.
Abraham Lincoln.
By the President :
William H. Seward, Secretary of State.
RESISTANCE TO DRAFT 203
Proclamation Suspending the Writ of Habeas
Corpus Because of Resistance to Draft.
September 24, 1862.
Whereas it has become necessary to call into
service not only volunteers, but also portions
of the miUtia of the States by draft, in order
to suppress the insurrection existing in the
United States, and disloyal persons are not ade-
quately restrained by the ordinary processes of
lav/ from hindering this measure, and from giv-
ing aid and comfort in various ways to the in-
surrection :
Now, therefore, be it ordered —
First, That during the existing insurrection,
and as a necessary measure for suppressing the
same, all rebels and insurgents, their aiders and
abettors within the United States, and all per-
sons discouraging volunteer enlistments, resist-
ing militia drafts, or guilty of any disloyal prac-
tice affording aid and comfort to rebels against
the authority of the United States, shall be sub-
ject to martial law, and Hable to trial and pun-
ishment by courts martial or military commis-
sions.
Second, That the writ of habeas corpus is sus-
pended in respect to all persons arrested, or who
are now, or hereafter during the rebellion shall
be, imprisoned in any fort, camp, arsenal, mili-
tary prison, or other place of confinement, by
any military authority, or by the sentence of any
court martial or military commission.
In witness, etc.,
Abraham Lincoln.
By the President :
William H. Seward, Secretary of State.
204 STATE PAPERS
Order Establishing Provisional Court in
Louisiana.
On October 20, 1862, the President, by executive
order, established Charles A. Peabody, of New York to
be judge of a Provisional Court in Louisiana, with
powers "not extending beyond the military occupation
of the city of New Orleans or the restoration of the
civil authority in that city and the State of Louisiana."
Order Concerning Confiscation Act.
On November 13, 1862, President Lincoln through
Edward Bates, Attorney-General, issued an Order Con-
cerning THE Confiscation Act, passed by Congress,
July 17, 1862. This order authorized the Federal
marshals and attorneys to call upon officers of the army
in the event of encountering resistance in the discharge
of their duties.
Order for Sabbath Observance.
November 15, 1862.
The President, commander-in-chief of the
army and navy, desires and enjoins the orderly
observance of the Sabbath by the ofhcers and
men in the military and naval service. The im-
portance for man and beast of the prescribed
weekly rest, the sacred rights of Christian sol-
diers and sailors, a becoming deference to the
best sentiment of a Christian people, and a due
regard for the Divine will, demand that Sunday
labor in the army and navy be reduced to the
measure of strict necessity. The discipline and
character of the national forces should not suffer,
nor the cause they defend be imperiled, by the
profanation of the day or name of the Most
High. ''At this time of public distress" — adopt-
ARMY OF POTOMAC 205
ing the words of Washington in 1776 — "men
may find enough to do in the service of God
and their country without abandoning themselves
to vice and immoraHty." The first general or-
der issued by the Father of his Country after the
Declaration of Independence indicates the spirit
in which our institutions were founded and
should ever be defended. 'The general hopes
and trusts that every ofiicer and man will en-
deavor to live and act as becomes a Christian
soldier, defending the dearest rights and liber-
ties of his country."
Abraham Lincoln.
Official : E. D. Townsend, Assistant Adjutant-
General.
Congratulations to the Army of the Potomac.
December 22, 1862.
To the Army of the Potomac : I have just read
your commanding general'^ report of the battle
of Fredericksburg. Although you were not suc-
cessful, the attempt was not an error, nor the
failure other than accident. The courage with
which you, in an open field, maintained the con-
test against an intrenched foe, and the consum-
mate skill and success with which you crossed
and recrossed the river in the face of the ene-
my, show that you possess all the _ qualities of
a great army, which will yet give victory to the
cause of the country and of popular government.
Condoling with the mourners for the dead, and
sympathizing with the severely wounded, I con-
gratulate you that the number of both is com-
paratively so small.
2o6 STATE PAPERS
I tender to you, officers and soldiers, the thanks
of the nation.
A. Lincoln.
Opinion on the Admission of West Virginia
into the Union.
December 31, 1862.
The consent of the legislature of Virginia is
constitutionally necessary to the bill for the ad-
mission of West Virginia becoming a law. A
body claiming to be such legislature has given
its consent. We cannot well deny that it is such,
unless we do so upon the outside knowledge that
the body was chosen at elections in which a ma-
jority of the qualified voters of Virginia did
not participate. But it is a universal practice
in the popular elections in all these States to
give no legal consideration whatever to those
who do not choose to vote, as against
the effect of the votes of those who do
choose to vote. Hence it is not the qual-
ified voters, but the qualified voters who choose
to vote, that constitute the political power
of the State. Much less than to non-voters
should any consideration be given to those who
did not vote in this case, because it is also mat-
ter of outside knowledge that they were not
merely neglectful of their rights under and duty
to this government, but were also engaged in
open rebellion against it. Doubtless among these
non-voters were some Union men whose voices
were smothered by the more numerous seces-
sionists ; but we know too little of their number
to assign them any appreciable value. Can this
WEST VIRGINIA 207
government stand, if it indulges constitutional
constructions by which men in open rebelhon
against it are to be accounted, man for man, the
equals of those who maintain their loyalty to it?
Are they to be accounted even better citizens,
and more worthy of consideration, than those
who merely neglect to vote? If so, their trea-
son against the Constitution enhances their con-
stitutional value. Without braving these absurd
conclusions, we cannot deny that the body which
consents to the admission of West Virginia is
the legislature of Virginia. I do not think the
plural form of the words "legislatures" and
''States" in the phrase of the Constitution ''with-
out the consent of the legislatures of the States
concerned," etc., has any reference to the new
State concerned. That plural form sprang from
the contemplation of two or more old States
contributing to form a new one. The idea that
the new State was in danger of being admitted
without its own consent was not provided against,
because it was not thought of, as I conceive. It
is said, the devil takes care of his own. Much
more should a good spirit — the spirit of the Con-
stitution and the Union — take care of its own.
I think it cannot do less and live.
But is the admission into the Union of West
Virginia expedient? This, in my general view,
is more a question for Congress than for the
Executive. Still I do not evade it. More than
on anything else, it depends on whether the ad-
mission or rejection of the new State would,
under all the circumstances, tend the more
strongly to the restoration of the national au-
thority throughout the Union. That which helps
most in this direction is the most expedient at
2o8 STATE PAPERS
this time. Doubtless those in remaining Vir-
ginia would return to the Union, so to speak,
less reluctantly without the division of the old
State than with it; but I think we could not
save as much in this quarter by rejecting the
new State, as we should lose by it in West Vir-
ginia. We can scarcely dispense with the aid
of West Virginia in this struggle ; much less can
we afford to have her against us, in Congress
and in the field. Her brave and good men re-
gard her admission into the Union as a matter of
life and death. They have been true to the
Union under very severe trials. We have so
acted as to justify their hopes, and we cannot
fully retain their confidence and co-operation if
we seem to break faith with them. In fact, they
could not do so much for us, if they would.
Again, the admission of the new State turns
that much slave soil to free, and thus is a cer-
tain and irrevocable encroachment upon the
cause of the rebellion. The division of a State
is dreaded as a precedent. But a measure made
expedient by a war is no precedent for times
of peace. It is said that the admission of West
Virginia is secession, and tolerated only because
it is our secession. Well, if we call it by that
name, there is still difference enough between
secession against the Constitution and secession
in favor of the Constitution. I believe the ad-
mission of West Virginia into the Union is ex-
pedient.
Proclamation to Deserters.
On March lo, 1863, the President issued a Proclama-
tion ordering Soldiers Absent without Leave to re-
ALIENS AS SOLDIERS 209
turn to their regiments, promising Amnesty to those
voluntarily returning, and Punishment to the recalci-
trants.
License of Commercial Intercourse.
On March 31, 1863, the President put into force by
Proclamation the act of Congress of July 13, 1861,
which Licensed Commercial Intercourse between the
citizens of loyal States and the inhabitants of insur-
rectionary States, under regulations prescribed by the
Secretary of the Treasury.
On April 2, 1863, this was followed by a Proclama*
tion that all Unlicensed Trade between the citizens of
loyal States and the inhabitants of insurrectionary
States, was Prohibited, and that the goods coming
through such unlawful commerce from the insurrec-
tionary States into the loyal ones would be confiscated.
Proclamation Admitting West Virginia to
Statehood.
The President recites that by act of Congress ap-
proved on December 31, 1862, the State of West
Virginia had been Admitted to the Union on condi-
tion of certain changes in its proposed constitution.
These changes having been made, the President pro-
claims that the aforesaid act shall take effect sixty days
after present date of April 20, 1863.
Proclamation Concerning Liability of Aliens
to Military Service.
May 8, 1863.
Whereas, the Congress of the United States,
at its last session, enacted a law entitled "An
act for enrolling and calling out the national
forces and for other purposes," which was ap-
proved on the third day of March last; and
^lo STATE PAPERS
Whereas, it is recited in the said act that there
now exists in the United States an insurrection
and rebelHon against the authority thereof, and
it is, under the Constitution of the United States,
the duty of the government to suppress insurrec-
tion and rebellion, to guarantee to each State a
republican form of government, and to preserve
the public tranquillity ; and
Whereas, for these high purposes a military
force is indispensable, to raise and support which
all persons ought willingly to contribute ; and
Whereas, no service can be more praiseworthy
and honorable than that which is rendered for
the maintenance of the Constitution and Union,
and the consequent preservation of free govern-
ment; and
Whereas, for the reasons thus recited, it was
enacted by the said statute that all able-bodied
male citizens of the United States, and persons
of foreign birth who shall have declared on oath
their intention to become citizens under and in
pursuance of the laws thereof, between the ages
of twenty and forty-five years (with certain ex-
ceptions not necessary to be here mentioned),
are declared to constitute the national forces, and
shall be Hable to perform military duty in the
service of the United States when called out by
the President for that purpose; and
Whereas, it is claimed by and in behalf of
persons of foreign birth within the ages speci-
fied in said act, who have heretofore declared
on oath their intentions to become citizens under
and in pursuance of the laws of the United States,
and who have not exercised the right of suffrage
or any other political franchise under the laws
of the United States, or of any of the States
ALIENS AS SOLDIERS 211
thereof, that they are not absoKitely conckided
by their aforesaid declaration of intention from
renouncing their purpose to become citizens, and
that, on the contrary, such persons under treaties
or the law of nations retain a right to renounce
that purpose and to forego the privileges of citi-
zenship and residence within the United States
under the obligations imposed by the aforesaid
act of Congress :
Now, therefore, to avoid all misapprehensions
concerning the liability of persons concerned to
perform the service required by such enactment,
and to give it full effect, I do hereby order and
proclaim that no plea of alienage will be received
or allowed to exempt from the obligations im-
posed by the aforesaid act of Congress, any per-
son of foreign birth who shall have declared
on oath his intention to become a citizen of the
United States under the laws thereof, and who
shall be found within the United States at any
time during the continuance of the present insur-
rection and rebellion, at or after the expiration
of the period of sixty-five days from the date
of this proclamation; nor shall any such plea of
alienage be allowed in favor of any such person
who has so, as aforesaid, declared his intention
to become a citizen of the United States, and
shall have exercised at any time the right of
suffrage, or any other political franchise, within
the United States, under the laws thereof, or
under the laws of any of the several States.
In witness, etc.
Abraham Lincoln.
By the President :
William H. Seward, Secretary of State.
212 STATE PAPERS
Call for 100,000 Militia to Serve for Six
Months.
June 15, 1863.
Whereas, the armed insurrectionary combina-
tions now existing in several of the States are
threatening to make inroads into the States
of Maryland, Western Virginia, Pennsylvania,
and Ohio, requiring immediately an additional
military force for the service of the United
States :
Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, Presi-
dent of the United States, and commander-in-
chief of the army and navy thereof, and of the
mihtia of the several States when called into
actual service, do hereby call into the service of
the United States one hundred thousand militia
from the States following, namely : from the
State of Maryland, ten thousand ; from the State
of Pennsylvania, fifty thousand ; from the State
of Ohio, thirty thousand; from the State of
West Virginia, ten thousand — to be mustered
into the service of the United States forthwith,
and to serve for the period of six months from
the date of such muster into said service, unless
sooner discharged ; to be mustered in as infantry,
artillery, and cavalry, in proportions which will
be made known through the War Department,
which department will also designate the several
places of rendezvous. These militia to be organ-
ized according to the rules and regulations of the
volunteer service and such orders as may here-
after be issued. The States aforesaid will be re-
spectively credited, under the enrolment act, for
ORDER OF RETALIATION 213
the militia services rendered under this proc-
lamation.
In testimony, etc.
Abraham Lincoln.
By the President :
William H. Seward, Secretary of State.
Order of Retaliation for Rebel Mistreatment of
Prisoners.
July 30, 1863.
It is the duty of every government to give
protection to its citizens of whatever class, color,
or condition, and especially to those who are
duly organized as soldiers in the public service.
The law of nations, and the usages and customs
of war, as carried on by civilized powers, per-
mit no distinction as to color in the treatment
of prisoners of war as public enemies. To sell
or enslave any captured person on account of
his color, and for no offense against the laws
of war, is a relapse into barbarism and a crime
against the civilization of the age.
The government of the United States will give
the same protection to all its soldiers, and if the
enemy shall sell or enslave any one because of
his color, the offense shall be punished by retal-
iation upon the enemy's prisoners in our pos-
session.
It is therefore ordered that for every soldier
of the United States killed in violation of the
laws of war, a rebel soldier shall be executed;
and for every one enslaved by the enemy or sold
into slavery, a rebel soldier shall be placed at
214 STATE PAPERS
hard labor on the public works, and continued
at such labor until the other shall be released
and receive the treatment due to a prisoner of
war.
Abraham Lincoln.
Order Modifying Prohibition of Export of
Arms, Horses, etc.
September 4, 1863.
Ordered, That the Executive Order, dated No-
vember 21, 1862, prohibiting the exportation from
the United States of arms, ammunition, or muni-
tions of war, under which the commandants of
departments were, by order of the Secretary of
War dated May 13, 1863, directed to prohibit
the purchase and sale for exportation from the
United States of all horses and mules within
their respective commands, and to take and ap-
propriate to the use of the United States any
horses, mules, and live stock designed for expor-
tation, be so far modified as that any arms here-
tofore imported into the United States may be
reexported to the place of original shipment,
and that any live stock raised in any State or
Territory bounded by the Pacific Ocean may be
exported from any port of such State or Terri-
tory.
Abraham Lincoln.
Suspension of Writ of Habeas Corpus
Throughout the United States.
On September 15, 1863, the President gave notice
that the Writ of Habeas Corpus was Suspended
Throughout the United States, and would continue
CALL FOR 300,000 VOLUNTEERS 215
to be s'uspended while the rebellion continued, or until
the present proclamation was modified or revoked by
the President.
Call for 300,000 Volunteers.
October 17, 1863.
Whereas the term of service of a part of the
volunteer forces of the United States will ex-
pire during the coming year, and whereas, in
addition to the men raised by the present draft,
it is deemed expedient to call out three hundred
thousand volunteers to serve for three years or
the war, not, however, exceeding three years :
Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President
of the United States, and commander-in-chief of
the army and navy thereof, and of the militia
of the several States when called into actual serv-
ice, do issue this, my proclamation, calling upon
the governors of the different States to raise and
have enlisted into the United States service, for
the various companies and regiments in the field
from their respective States, their quotas of three
hundred thousand m.en.
I further proclaim that all volunteers thus
called out and duly enlisted shall receive ad-
vance pay, premium, and bounty, as heretofore
communicated to the governors of States by the
War Department, through the Provost-Marshal-
General's office, by special letters.
I further proclaim that all volunteers received
under this call, as well as all others not hereto-
fore credited, shall be duly credited on, and de-
ducted from, the quotas established for the next
draft.
2i6 STATE PAPERS
I further proclaim that if any State shall fail
to raise the quota assigned to it by the War De-
partment under this call, then a draft for the
deficiency in said quota shall be made on said
State, or on the districts of said State, for their
due proportion of said quota ; and the said draft
shall commence on the fifth day of January, 1864.
And I further proclaim that nothing in this
proclamation shall interfere with existing orders,
or those which may be issued, for the present
draft in the States where it is now in progress,
or where it has not yet commenced.
The quotas of the States and districts will be
assigned by the War Department, through the
Provost-Marshal-General's office, due regard be-
ing had for the men heretofore furnished, wheth-
er by volunteering or drafting, and the recruiting
will be conducted in accordance with such in-
structions as have been or may be issued by that
department.
In issuing this proclamation, I address myself
not only to the governors of the several States,,;
but also to the good and loyal people thereof,
invoking them to lend their willing, cheerful, and
effective aid to the measures thus adopted, with
a view to reinforce our victorious armies now
in the field, and bring our needful military oper-j
ations to a prosperous end, thus closing forever
the fountains of sedition and civil war.
In witness, etc.
Abraham Lincoln.
By the President:
William H. Seward, Secretary of State.
DEFEA T AT WINCHESTER 2 1 7
Opinion on the Loss of General R. H. Milroy's
Division.
October 2y, 1863.
In June last a division was substantially lost
at or near Winchester, Va. At the time, it was
under General Milroy as immediate commander
in the field, General Schenck as department com-
mander at Baltimore, and General Halleck as
general-in-chief at Washington.
General Milroy, as immediate commander, was
put in arrest, and subsequently a court of inquiry
examined chiefly with reference to disobedience
of orders, and reported the evidence.
The foregoing is a synoptical statement of
the evidence, together with the judge-advocate-
general's conclusions. The disaster, when it
came, was a surprise to all. It was very well
known to Generals Schenck and Milroy for some
time before, that General Halleck thought the
division was in great danger of a surprise at
Winchester; that it was of no service commen-
surate with the risk it incurred, and that it ought
to be withdrawn; but, although he more than
once advised its withdrawal, he never positively
ordered it. General Schenck, on the contrary,
believed the service of the force at Winchester
was worth the hazard, and so did not positively
order its withdrawal until it was so late that the
enemy cut the wire and prevented the order
reaching General Milroy.
General Milroy seems to have concurred with
General Schenck in the opinion that the force
should be kept at Winchester at least until the
approach of danger, but he disobeyed no order
upon the subject.
2i8 STATE PAPERS
Some question can be made whether some of
General Halleck's despatches to General Schenck
should not have been construed to be orders to
withdraw the force, and obeyed accordingly ; but
no such question can be made against General
Milroy. In fact, the last order he received was
to be prepared to withdraw, but not to actually
withdraw until further order, which further or-
der never reached him.
Serious blame is not necessarily due to any
serious disaster, and I cannot say that in this
case any of the officers are deserving of serious
blame. No court-martial is deemed necessary
or proper in the case.
A. Lincoln.
Proclamation of Amnesty and Reconstruction.
December 8, 1863.
Whereas, in and by the Constitution of the
United States, it is provided that the President
''shall have power to grant reprieves and par-
dons for offenses against the United States, ex-
cept in cases of impeachment"; and
Whereas a rebellion now exists whereby the
loyal State governments of several States have
for a long time been subverted, and many per-
sons have committed, and are now guilty of,
treason against the United States; and
Whereas, with reference to said rebellion and
treason, laws have been enacted by Congress,
declaring forfeitures and confiscation of prop-
erty and liberation of slaves, all upon terms and
conditions therein stated, and also declaring that
the President was thereby authorized at any time
AMNESTY AND RECONSTRUCTION 219
thereafter, by proclamation, to extend to persons
who may have participated in the existing rebel-
Hon, in any State or part thereof, pardon and
amnesty, with such exceptions and at such times
and on such conditions as he may deem expedient
for the pubUc welfare ; and
Whereas the congressional declaration for
limited and conditional pardon accords with well-
established judicial exposition of the pardoning
power; and
Whereas, with reference to said rebellion, the
President of the United States has issued several
proclamations, with provisions in regard to the
liberation of slaves ; and
Whereas it is now desired by some persons
heretofore engaged in said rebellion to resum.e
their allegiance to the United States, and to
reinaugurate loyal State governments within and
for their respective States ; therefore
I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United
States, do proclaim, declare, and make known
to all persons who have, directly or by implica-
tion, participated in the existing rebelHon, except
as hereinafter excepted, that a full pardon is
hereby granted to them and each of them, with
restoration of all rights of property, except as
to slaves, and in property cases where rights of
third parties shall have intervened, and upon the
condition that every such person shall take and
subscribe an oath, and thenceforward keep and
maintain said oath inviolate ; and which oath shall
be registered for permanent preservation, and
shall be of the tenor and effect following, to wit :
I, , do solemnly swear, in presence of Almighty
God, that I will henceforth faithfully support, protect,
2 20 STATE PAPERS
and defend the Constitution of the United States, and
the union of the States thereunder; and that I will, in
like manner, abide by and faithfully support all acts of
Congress passed during the existing rebellion with
reference to slaves, so long and so far as not repealed,
modified, or held void by Congress, or by decision of
the Supreme Court; and that I will, in like manner,
abide by and faithfully support all proclamations of
the President made during the existing rebellion haying
reference to slaves, so long and so far as not modified
or declared void by decision of the Supreme Court.
So help me God.
The persons exempted from the benefits of
the foregoing provisions are all who are, or shall
have been, civil or diplomatic officers or agents
of the so-called Confederate Government; all
w^ho have left judicial stations under the United
States to aid the rebellion; all who are or shall
have been military or naval officers of said so-
called Confederate Government above the rank
of colonel in the army or of lieutenant in the
navy; all who left seats in the United States
Congress to aid the rebellion; all who resigned
commissions in the army or navy of the United
States and afterward aided the rebellion ; and all
who have engaged in any way in treating colored
persons, or white persons in charge of such,
otherwise than lawfully as prisoners of war, and
which persons may have been found in the United
States service as soldiers, seamen, or in any
other capacity.
And I do further proclaim, declare, and make
known that whenever, in any of the States of
Arkansas, Texas, Louisiana, Mississippi, Ten-
nessee, Alabama, Georgia, Florida, South Caro-
lina and North Carolina, a number of persons,
not less than one-tenth in number of the votes
'AMNESTY AND RECONSTRUCTION 221
cast in such State at the presidential election of
the year of our Lord one thousand eight hun-
dred and sixty, each having taken the oath afore-
said and not having since violated it, and being
a qualified voter by the election law of the State
existing immediately before the so-called act of
secession, and excluding all others, shall rees-
tablish a State government which shall be repub-
lican, and in no wise contravening said oath,
such shall be recognized as the true government
of the State, and the State shall receive there-
under the benefits of the constiutional provi-
sion which declares that "The United States shall
guaranty to every State in this Union a republi-
can form of government, and shall protect each
of them against invasion; and, on appHcation of
the legislature, or the executive (when the legis-
lature cannot be convened), against domestic vio-
lence."
And I do further proclaim, declare, and make
known, that any provision which may be adopted
by such State government in relation to the freed
people of such State, which shall recognize and
declare their permanent freedom, provide for
their education, and which may yet be consistent
as a temporary arrangement with their present
condition as a laboring, landless, and homeless
class, will not be objected to by the national ex-
ecutive.
And it is suggested as not improper that, in
constructing a loyal State government in any
State, the name of the State, the boundary, the
subdivisions, the constitution, and the general
code of laws, as before the rebellion, be main-
tained, subject only to the modifications made
necessary by the conditions hereinbefore stated.
22 2 STATE PAPERS
and such others, if any, not contravening said
conditions, and which may be deemed expedient
by those framing the new State government.
To avoid misunderstanding, it may be proper
to say that this proclamation, so far as it re-
lates to State governments, has no reference to
States wherein loyal State governments have all
the while been maintained.
And, for the same reason, it may be proper
to further say, that whether members sent to Con-
gress from any State shall be admitted to seats,
constitutionally rests exclusively with the respec-
tive houses, and not to any extent with the ex-
ecutive. And still further, that this proclamation
is intended to present the people of the States
wherein the national authority has been sus-
pended, and loyal State governments have been
subverted, a mode in and by which the national
authority and loyal State governments may be
reestablished within said States, or in any of
them; and while the mode presented is the best
the executive can suggest, with his present im-
pressions, it must not be understood that no other
possible mode would be acceptable.
Given under my hand, etc.
^ , ^ . , , Abraham Lincoln.
By the President :
William H. Seward, Secretary of State.
Message to Congress on Bounties.
January 5, 1864.
Gentlemen of the Senate and House of Repre-
sentatives: By a joint resolution of your honor-
able bodies, approved December 23, 1863, the
paying of bounties to veteran volunteers, as now
BOUNTIES 223
practised by the War Department, is, to the ex-
tent of three hundred dollars in each case, pro-
hibited after this fifth day of the present month.
I transmit, for your consideration, a communi-
cation from the Secretary of War, accompanied
by one from the Provost-Marshal-General to
him, both relating to the subject above mentioned.
I earnestly recommend that the law be so modi-
fied as to allow bounties to be paid as they now
are, at least until the ensuing first day of Feb-
ruary. I am not without anxiety lest I appear
to be importunate in thus recalling your atten-
tion to a subject upon which you have so re-
cently acted, and nothing but a deep conviction
that the public interest demands it could induce
me to incur the hazard of being misunderstood
on this point. The executive approval was given
by me to the resolution mentioned; and it is
now, by a closer attention and a fuller knowl-
edge of facts, that I feel constrained to recom-
mend a reconsideration of the subject.
Abraham Lincoln.
Order for a Draft of 500,000 Men.
February i, 1864.
Ordered, That a draft of five hundred thou-
sand (500,000) men, to serve for three years or
during the war, be made on the tenth (loth)
day of March next, for the military service of
the United States, crediting and deducting there-
from so many as may have been enlisted or
drafted into the service prior to the first (ist)
day of March, and not before credited.
Abraham Lincoln.
224 STATE PAPERS
Indorsement on the Modifying Order Relating
to Methodist Churches in Rebel States.
February 13, 1864.
As you see within, the Secretary of War modi-
fies his order so as to exempt Missouri from it.
Kentucky was never within it; nor, as I learn
from the Secretary, was it ever intended for any
more than a means for rallying the Methodist
people in favor of the Union, in localities where
the rebellion had disorganized and scattered
them. Even in that view, I fear it is liable to
some abuses, but it is not quite easy to withdraw
it entirely and at once.
A. Lincoln.
Memoranda about Military Control o£
Churches.
March 4, 1864.
I have written before, and now repeat, the
United States Government must not undertake
to run the churches. When an individual in a
church or out of it becomes dangerous to the
public interest he must be checked, but the
churches as such must take care of themselves.
It will not do for the United States to appoint
trustees, supervisors, or other agents for the
churches. I add if the military have military
need of the church building, let them keep it;
otherwise let them get out of it, and leave it and
its owners alone except for causes that justify
the arrest of any one.
A. Lincoln.
AMNESTY 225
Indorsement. March 15, 1864.
While I leave this case to the discretion of
General Banks, my view is that the United
States should not appoint trustees for, or in any-
way take charge of, any church as such. If the
building is needed for military purposes, take it ;
if it is not so needed, let its church people have
it, dealing with any disloyal people among them
as you deal with other disloyal people.
A. Lincoln.
Indorsement. May 13, 1864.
I am now told that the military were not in
possession of the building, and yet that in pre-
tended execution of the above they, the military,
put one set of men out of and another set into
the building. This, if true, is most extraordi-
nary. I say again, if there be no military need
for the building, leave it alone, neither putting
any one in nor out of it, except on finding some
one preaching or practising treason, in which case
lay hands upon him just as if he were doing the
same thing in any other building or in the streets
or highways.
A. Lincoln.
Proclamation about Amnesty.
March 26, 1864.
Whereas it has become necessary to define the
cases in which insurgent enemies are entitled to
the benefits of the proclamation of the President
of the United States, which was made on the
eighth day of December, 1863, and the manner
226 STATE PAPERS
in which they shall proceed to avail themselves
of those benefits :
And whereas the objects of that proclamation
were to suppress the insurrection and to restore
the authority of the United States ; and whereas
the amnesty therein proposed by the President
was offered with reference to these objects alone :
Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President
of the United States of America, do hereby pro-
claim and declare that the said proclamation does
not apply to the cases of persons who, at the time
when they seek to obtain the benefits thereof by
taking the oath thereby prescribed, are in mili-
tary, naval, or civil confinement or custody, or
under bonds, or on parole of the civil, military,
or naval authorities, or agents of the United
States, as prisoners of war, or persons detained
for offenses of any kind, either before or after
conviction; and that, on the contrary, it does
apply only to those persons who, being yet at
large and free from any arrest, confinement, or
duress, shall voluntarily come forward and take
the said oath, with the purpose of restoring peace
and establishing the national authority. Pris-
oners excluded from the amnesty offered in the
said proclamation may apply to the President
for clemency, like all other offenders, and their
applications will receive due consideration.
I do further declare and proclaim that the oath
presented in the aforesaid proclamation of the
eighth of December, 1863, may be taken and
subscribed before any commissioned officer, civil,
military, or naval, in the service of the United
States, or any civil or military officer of a State
or Territory not in insurrection, who, by the laws
thereof, may be qualified for administering oaths.
OFFER OF TROOPS 227
All officers who receive such oaths are hereby
authorized to give certificates thereon to the per-
sons respectively by whom they are made, and
such officers are hereby required to transmit the
original records of such oaths at as early a day
as may be convenient, to the Department of State,
where they will be deposited and remain in the
archives of the government. The Secretary of
State will keep a register thereof, and will, on
application, in proper cases, issue certificates of
such records in the customary form of official
certificates.
In testimony, etc.,
Abraham Lincoln.
By the President :
William H. Seward, Secretary of State.
Offer of Troops by State Governors.
April 23, 1864.
To the President of the United States:
I. The governors of Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Iowa,
and Wisconsin offer to the President infantry troops
for the approaching campaign as follows:
Ohio 30,000
Indiana 20,000
ininois 20,000
Iowa 10,000
Wisconsin 5,ooo
II. The term of service to be one hundred days,
reckoned from the date of muster into the service of
the United States, unless sooner discharged.
III. The troops to be mustered into the service of
the United States by regiments, when the regiments are
filled up, according to regulations, to the minimum
strength — the regiments to be organized according to
228 STATE PAPERS
the regulations of the War Department. The whole
number to be furnished within twenty days from date
of notice of the acceptance of this proposition.
_ IV. The troops to be clothed, armed, equipped, sub-
sisted, transported, and paid as other United States
infantry volunteers, and to serve in fortifications, or
wherever their services may be required, within or
without their respective States.
V. No bounty to be paid the troops, nor the service
charged or credited op any draft.
VI. The draft for three years' service to go on in
any State or district where the quota is not filled up;
but if any officer or soldier in this special service should
be drafted, he shall be credited for the service rendered.
John Brough, Governor of Ohio.
O. P. Morton, Governor of Indiana.
Richard Yates, Governor of Illinois.
William M. Stone, Governor of Iowa.
James T. Lewis, Governor of Wisconsin.
Indorsement.
The foregoing proposition of the governors
is accepted, and the Secretary of War is directed
to carry it into execution.
A. Lincoln.
Message to Congress on Relief of East Ten-
nessee Loyalists.
April 28, 1864.
To the Honorable the Senate and House of
Representatives: I have the honor to transmit
herewith an address to the President of the
United States, and, through him, to both Houses
of Congress, on the condition and wants of the
people of East Tennessee, and asking their at-
tention to the necessity of some action on the
part of the government for their relief, and which
MARTIAL LAW IN KENTUCKY 229
address is presented by a committee of an organ-
ization called "The East Tennessee Relief Asso-
ciation." Deeply commiserating the condition of
these most loyal and suffering people, I am unpre-
pared to make any specific recommendation for
their relief. The military is doing, and will con-
tinue to do, the best for them within its power.
Their address represents that the construction
of direct railroad communication between Knox-
ville and Cincinnati, by way of central Kentucky,
would be of great consequence in the present
emergency. It may be remembered that in the
annual message of December, 1861, such railroad
construction was recommended. I now add that,
with the hearty concurrence of Congress, I would
yet be pleased to construct the road, both for the
relief of these people and for its continuing mili-
tary importance.
Abraham Lincoln.
Suspension of Writ of Habeas Corpus in
Kentucky.
On July 5, 1864, the President proclaimed the sus-
pension of the writ of habeas corpus and the establish-
ment of martial law in Kentucky. The chief reasons
assigned for such action were :
"Whereas many citizens of the State of Ken-
tucky have joined the forces of the insurgents,
and such insurgents have, on several occasions,
entered the State of Kentucky in large force,
and, not without aid and comfort furnished by
disaffected and disloyal citizens of the United
States residing therein, have not only disturbed
the pubUc peace, but have overborne the civil au-
thorities and made flagrant civil war, destroy-
230
STATE PAPERS
ing property and life in various parts of that
State ;
"And whereas it has been made known to the
President of the United States by the officers
commanding the national armies, that combina-
tions have been formed in the said State of Ken-
tucky with a purpose of inciting rebel forces to
renew the said operations of civil war within the
said State, and thereby to embarrass the United
States armies now operating in the said States
of Virginia and Georgia, and even to endanger
their safety : — "
Proclamation Concerning Reconstruction.
July 8, 1864.
Whereas, at the late session, Congress passed
a bill to "guarantee to certain States, whose gov-
ernments have been usurped or overthrown, a
republican form of government," a copy of which
is hereunto annexed;
And whereas the said bill was presented to the
President of the United States for his approval
less than one hour before the sine die adjourn-
ment of said session, and was not signed by him ;
And whereas the said bill contains, among
other things, a plan for restoring the States in re-
bellion to their proper practical relation in the
Union, which plan expresses the sense of Con-
gress upon that subject, and which plan it is
now thought fit to lay before the people for
their consideration:
Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, Presi-
dent of the United States, do proclaim, declare,
and make known, that, while I am (as I was in
RECONSTRUCTION 231
December last, when by proclamation I pro-
pounded a plan for restoration) unprepared, by
a formal approval of this bill, to be inflexibly
committed to any single plan of restoration ; and,
while I am also unprepared to declare that the
free-State constitutions and governments already
adopted and installed in Arkansas and Louisiana
shall be set aside and held for naught, thereby
repelling and discouraging the loyal citizens who
have set up the same as to further effort, or to
declare a constitutional competency in Congress
to abolish slavery in States, but am at the same
time sincerely hoping and expecting that a
constitutional amendment abolishing slavery
throughout the nation may be adopted, never-
theless I am fully satisfied with the system for
restoration contained in the bill as one very
proper plan for the loyal people of any State
choosing to adopt it, and that I am, and at all
times shall be, prepared to give the executive
aid and assistance to any such people, so soon
as the military resistance to the United States
shall have been suppressed in any such State,
and the people thereof shall have sufficiently
returned to their obedience to the Constitution
and the laws of the United States, in which
cases military governors will be appointed, with
directions to proceed according to the bill.
In testimony, etc.
Abraham Lincoln.
By the President:
William H. Seward, Secretary of State.
232 STATE PAPERS
Announcement Concerning Terms of Peace.
July i8, 1864.
For explanation of the issuance of this proclamation,
see the Greeley correspondence in Letters of the present
edition.
To whom if may concern: Any proposition
which embraces the restoration of peace, the in-
tegrity of the whole Union, and the abandon-
ment of slavery, and which comes by and with
an authority that can control the armies now
at war against the United States, will be re-
ceived and considered by the executive govern-
ment of the United States, and will be met by
liberal terms on other substantial and collateral
points, and the bearer or bearers thereof shall
have safe conduct both ways.
Abraham Lincoln.
Proclamation Calling for 500,000 Volunteers.
July 18, 1864.
Whereas, by the act approved July 4, 1864,
entitled ''An act further to regulate and provide
for the enrolling and calling out the national
forces, and for other purposes," it is provided
that the President of the United States may,
"at his discretion, at any time hereafter, call
for any number of men as volunteers, for the
respective terms of one, two, and three years,
for military service," and "that in case the quota,
or any part thereof, of any town, township, ward
of a city, precinct, or election district, or of a
county not so subdivided, shall not be filled with-
CALL FOR 500,000 VOLUNTEERS 233
in the space of fifty days after such call, then
the President shall immediately order a draft
for one year to fill such quota, or any part there-
of, which may be unfilled."
And whereas the new enrolment heretofore
ordered is so far completed as that the afore-
mentioned act of Congress may now be put in
operation for recruiting and keeping up the
strength of the armies in the field, for gar-
risons and such military operations as rnay
be required for the purpose of suppressing
the rebellion and restoring the authority of the
United States Government in the insurgent
States :
Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, Presi-
dent of the United States, do issue this my call
for 5CXD,ooo volunteers for the military service;
provided, nevertheless, that this call shall be re-
duced by all credits which may be established
under Section 8 of the aforesaid act, on account
of persons who have entered the naval service
during the present rebellion, and by credits for
men furnished to the military service in excess
of calls heretofore made. Volunteers will be
accepted under this call for one, two, or three
years, as they may elect, and will be entitled to
the bounty provided by the law for the period
of service for which they enlist.
And I hereby proclaim, order, and direct, that
immediately after the fifth day of September,
1864, being fifty days from the date of this
call, a draft for troops to serve for one year
shall be had in every town, township, ward of
a city, precinct or election district, or county
not so subdivided, to fill the quota which shall
be assigned to it under this call, or any part
234 STATE PAPERS
thereof which may be unfilled by volunteers on
the said fifth day of September, 1864.
In testimony, etc.,
Abraham Lincoln.
By the President :
William H. Seward, Secretary of State.
Orders of Thanks and Rejoicing for Union
Victories.
September 3, i\
The national thanks are tendered by the Presi-
dent to Admiral Farragut and Major-General
Canby for the skill and harmony with which
the recent operations in Mobile Harbor, and
against Fort Powell, Fort Gaines, and Fort Mor-
gan, were planned and carried into execution.
Also to Admiral Farragut and Major-General
Granger, under whose immediate command they
were conducted, and to the gallant commanders
on sea and land, and to the sailors and soldiers
engaged in the operations, for their energy and
courage, which, under the blessing of Providence,
have been crowned with brilliant success, and
have won for them the applause and thanks of
the nation.
Abraham Lincoln.
The national thanks are tendered by the Pres-
ident to Major-General William T. Sherman,
and the gallant officers and soldiers of his com-
mand before Atlanta, for the distinguished
ability, courage, and perseverance displayed in
THANKS FOR VICTORIES 235
the campaign in Georgia, which, under divine
favor, has resulted in the capture of Atlanta.
The marches, battles, sieges, and other military
operations that have signalized the campaign
maist render it famous in the annals of war,
and have entitled those who have participated
therein to the applause and thanks of the
nation.
Abraham Lincoln,
President of the United States.
Ordered: First. That on Monday, the fifth
day of September, commencing at the hour of
twelve o'clock noon, there shall be given a salute
of one hundred guns at the arsenal and navy-
yard, at Washington, and on Tuesday, the 6th
of September, or on the day after the receipt
of this order, at each arsenal and navy-yard in
the United States, for the recent brilliant achieve-
ments of the fleet and the land forces of the
United States in the harbor of Mobile, and in
the reduction of Fort Powell, Fort Gaines, and
Fort Morgan. The Secretary of War and the
Secretary of the Navy will issue the necessary
directions in their respective departments for
the execution of this order.
Second. That on Wednesday, the 7th of Sep-
tember, commencing at the hour of twelve o'clock
noon, there shall be fired a salute of one
hundred guns at the arsenal at Washington, and
at New York, Boston, Philadelphia, Baltimore,
Pittsburg, Newport (Ky.), and St. Louis, and
New Orleans, Mobile, and Pensacola, Hilton
Head, and Newbern, the day after the receipt of
this order, for the brilliant achievements of the
army under command of Major-General Sher-
236 STATE PAPERS
man, in the State of Georgia, and for the capture
of Atlanta. The Secretary of War will issue
directions for the execution of this order.
Abraham Lincoln,
President of the United States.
Order of Thanks to Hundred-Day Troops from
Ohio.
September 10, 1864.
The term of one hundred days, for which the
National Guard of Ohio volunteered, having
expired, the President directs an official ac-
knowledgment of their patriotism and valuable
services during the recent campaign. The term
of service of their enlistment was short, but dis-
tinguished by memorable events in the valley
of the Shenandoah, on the Peninsula, in the
operations of the James River, around Peters-
burg and Richmond, in the battle of Monocacy,
in the intrenchments of Washington, and in other
important service. The National Guard of Ohio
performed with alacrity the duty of patriotic
volunteers, for which they are entitled, and are
hereby tendered, through the governor of their
State, the national thanks.
The Secretary of War is directed to transmit
a copy of this order to the Governor of Ohio,
and to cause a certificate of their honorable serv-
ice to be delivered to the officers and soldiers
of the Ohio National Guard who recently served
in the military force of the United States as vol-
unteers for one hundred days.
Abraham Lincoln.
HUNDRED-DAY TROOPS
237
Order of Thanks to Hundred-Day Troops from
Indiana, Illinois, Iowa, and Wisconsin.
October i, 1864.
Executive Mansion,
Washington, October i, 1864.
The term of one hundred days for which vol-
unteers from the States of Indiana, Ilhnois,
Iowa, and Wisconsin volunteered, under the call
of their respective governors, in the months of
May and June, to aid the recent campaign of
General Sherman, having expired, the President
directs an official acknowledgment to be made
of their patriotic service. It was their good for-
tune to render effective service in the brilliant
operations in the Southwest, and to contribute
to the victories of the national arms over the
rebel forces in Georgia, under command of
Johnston and Hood. On all occasions, and in
every service to which they were assigned, their
duty as patriotic volunteers was performed with
alacrity and courage, for which they are en-
titled to, and are hereby tendered, the national
thanks through the governors of their respective
States.
The Secretary of War is directed to transmit
a copy of this order to the governors of Indiana,
Illinois, Iowa, and Wisconsin, and to cause a
certificate of their honorable services to be deliv-
ered to the officers and soldiers of the States
above named, who recently served in the military
service of the United States as volunteers for one
hundred days
A. Lincoln.
238 STATE PAPERS
Call for 300,000 Volunteers.
December 19, 1864.
Whereas, by the act approved July 4, 1864,
entitled "An act further to regulate and provide
for the enrolling and calling out the national
forces and for other purposes," it is provided
that the President of the United States may,
"at his discretion, at any time hereafter, call
for any number of men as volunteers for the
respective terms of one, two, and three years,
for military service," and "that in case the quota,
or any part thereof, of any town, township, ward
of a city, precinct, or election district, or of
any county not so subdivided, shall not be
filled within the space of fifty days after such
call, then the President shall immediately order
a draft for one year to fill such quota, or any
part thereof which may be unfilled."
And whereas, by the credits allowed in ac-
cordance with the act of Congress, on the call
for 500,000 men, made July 18, 1864, the num-
ber of men to be obtained under that call was
reduced to 280,000; and whereas the operations
of the enemy in certain States have rendered
it impracticable to procure from them their full
quotas of troops under said call; and whereas,
from the foregoing causes but 240,000 men have
been put into the army, navy, and marine corps
under the said call of July 18, 1864, leaving a
deficiency on that call of 260,000;
Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln^ Presi-
dent of the United States of America, in order
to supply the aforesaid deficiency, and to pro-
vide for casualties in the military and naval serv-
ice of the United States, do issue this my call
WEST TENNESSEE 239
for 300,000 volunteers to serve for one, two, or
three years. The quotas of the States, districts,
and subdistricts, under this call, will be assigned
by the War Department, through the Bureau
of the Provost-Marshal-General of the United
States, and *'in case the quota, or any part
thereof, of any town, township, ward of a city,
precinct, or election district, or of any county
not so subdivided, shall not be filled" before
the fifteenth day of February, 1865, then a
draft shall be made to fill such quota, or any
part thereof, under this call, which may be un-
filled on said fifteenth day of February, 1865.
In testimony, etc.
Abraham Lincoln.
By the President :
William H. Seward, Secretary of State.
To Commanding Officers in West Tennessee.
February 13, 1865.
To the Military Officers Commanding in West
Tennessee :
While I cannot order as within requested,
allow me to say that it is my wish for you to
relieve the people from all burdens, harassments,
and oppressions, so far as possible consistently
with your military necessities; that the object
of the war being to restore and maintain the
blessings of peace and good government, I desire
you to help, and not hinder, every advance in
that direction.
Of your military necessities you must judge
and execute, but please do so in the spirit and
with the purpose above indicated.
A. Lincoln.
240 STATE PAPERS
Proclamation Offering Pardon to Deserters.
March ii, 1865.
In accordance with an Act of Congress, approved
March 3, 1865, the President orders all deserters to
return to their proper posts, and offers all such return-
ing within sixty days from date a pardon, on condition
that they "serve the remainder of their original terms
of enlistment, and, in addition thereto, a period equal
to the time lost by desertion."
Proclamation of Blockade.
April ii, 1865.
Whereas, by my proclamations of the nine-
teenth and twenty-seventh days of April, 1861,
the ports of the United States, in the States
of Virginia, North Carohna, South Carolina,
Georgia, Florida, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisi-
ana, and Texas, were declared to be subject
to blockade; but whereas the said blockade has,
in consequence of actual military occupation by
this government, since been conditionally set
aside or relaxed in respect to the ports of Nor-
folk and Alexandria, in the State of Virginia;
Beaufort, in the State of North Carolina; Port
Royal, in the State of South Carolina; Pensa-
cola and Fernandina, in the State of Florida;
and New Orleans, in the State of Louisiana ; .
And whereas, by the fourth section of the act
of Congress, approved on the 13th of July, 1861,
entitled "An act further to provide for the col-
lection of duties on imports, and for other pur-
poses," the President, for the reasons^ therein
set forth, is authorized to close certain ports
of entry;
Now, therefore, be it known that I, Abraham
BLOCKADE 241
Lincoln, President of the United States, do
hereby proclaim that the ports of Richmond,
Tappahannock, Cherrystone, Yorktown, and
Petersburg, in Virginia; of Camden (Elizabeth
City), Edenton, Plymouth, Washington, New-
bern, Ocracoke, and Wilmington, in North Car-
olina; of Charleston, Georgetown, and Beaufort,
in South Carolina; of Savannah, St. Mary's,
and Brunswick (Darien), in Georgia; of Mobile,
in Alabama; of Pearl River (Shieldsborough),
Natchez, and Vicksburg, in Mississippi; of
St. Augustine, Key West,* St. Mark's (Port
Leon), St. John's (Jacksonville), and Appa-
lachicola, in Florida; of Teche (Franklin), in
Louisiana; of Galveston, La Salle, Brazos de
Santiago (Point Isabel), and Brownsville, in
Texas, are hereby closed, and all right of im-
portation, warehousing, and other privileges
shall, in respect to the ports aforesaid, cease
until they shall have again been opened by order
of the President; and if, while said ports are
so closed, any ship or vessel from beyond the
United States, or having on board any articles
subject to duties, shall attempt to enter any such
ports, the same, together with its tackle, apparel,
furniture, and cargo, shall be forfeited to the
United States.
In witness, etc.
Abraham Lincoln.
By the President:
William H. Seward, Secretary of State.
* Inadvertently included. The mistake was corrected by a sup-
plementary proclamation issued the same day as the present one.
Messages, Despatches, etc., on Foreign
Affairs
Messages, Despatches, etc.,
ON Foreign Affairs
Message to the Senate on Canadian Boundary
Dispute.
March i6, i86i.
On February 21, 1861, President Buchanan referred
to the Senate for advice thereon a proposition from the
British Government to submit the Vancouver boundary
dispute to the arbitrament of the King of Sweden and
Norway, or the King of the Netherlands, or the Repub-
lic of the Swiss Confederation. In the present message
President Lincoln endorses the course of President
Buchanan in the matter and resubmits the proposition
to the Senate for its counsel.
Message to Congress upon London Industrial
Exhibition.
July 16, 1861.
The President transmits correspondence between the
Secretary of State and the British Minister relative to
an international industrial exhibition to be held in 1862
at London, and recommends legislation that will give
American exhibitors facilities commensurate with the
country's proficiency in industrial arts,
245
246 STATE PAPERS
Message to Congress on Fisheries Commission.
July 19, 1861.
The President transmits correspondence between the
Secretary of State and the British Minister relative to
the latter's proposition that a joint commission be ap-
pointed to investigate the subject of the preservation
and development of the Newfoundland fisheries ; and he
asks for enabling legislation to provide for the American
member of the commission.
Reply to the Tycoon of Japan on Opening of
Treaty Ports.
August i, 1861.
To His Majesty the Tycoon of Japan.
Great and good Friend : I have received the
letter which you have addressed to me on
the subject of a desired extension of the time
stipulated by treaty for the opening of certain
ports and cities in Japan. The question is sur-
rounded with many difficulties. While it is my
earnest desire to consult the convenience of your
Majesty, and to accede, so far as I can, to your
reasonable wishes, so kindly expressed, the in-
terests of the United States must, nevertheless,
have due consideration. Townsend Harris, min-
ister resident near your Majesty, will be fully
instructed as to the views of this government,
and will make them known to you at large. I
do not permit myself to doubt that these views
will meet with your Majesty's approval, for
they proceed not less from a just regard for the
interest and prosperity of your empire than
from considerations affecting our own welfare
and honor.
VICEROY OF EGYPT 247
Wishing abundant prosperity and length of
years to the great state over which you preside,
I pray God to have your Majesty always in his
safe and holy keeping.
Your good friend,
A. Lincoln.
By the President :
William H. Seward, Secretary of State.
Letter to the Viceroy of Egypt on His Pun-
ishment of Persecutors of a Missionary
Agent.
October ii, 1861.
His Highness Mohammed Said Pacha,
Viceroy of Egypt and its Dependencies, etc.
Great and good Friend : I have received from
Mr. Thayer, consul-general of the United States
at Alexandria, a full account of the liberal, en-
lightened, and energetic proceedings which, on
his complaint, you have adopted in bringing to
speedy and condign punishment the parties, sub-
jects of your highness in Upper Egypt, who were
concerned in an act of criminal persecution
against Paris, an agent of certain Christian mis-
sionaries in Upper Egypt. I pray your high-
ness to be assured that these proceedings, at once
so prompt and so just, will be regarded as a
new and unmistakable proof equally of your
highness's friendship for the United States, and
of the firmness, integrity, and wisdom with which
the government of your highness is conducted.'
Wishing you great prosperity and success,
I am your friend,
Abrahami Lincoln.
By the President :
William H. Seward, Secretary of State.
248 STATE PAPERS
Message to Congress on Treaty with Great
Britain to Suppress Slave Trade.
June io, 1862.
To the Senate and House of Representatives:
I transmit to Congress a copy of a treaty for
the suppression of the African slave-trade, be-
tween the United States and her Britannic Maj-
esty, signed in this city on the 7th of April last,
and the ratifications of which were exchanged at
London on the 20th ultimo.
A copy of the correspondence which preceded
the conclusion of the instrument, between the
Secretary of State and Lord Lyons, her Britan-
nic Majesty's envoy extraordinary and minister
plenipotentiary, is also herewith transmitted.
It is desirable that such legislation as may be
necessary to carry the treaty into effect should
be enacted as soon as may comport with the con-
venience of Congress.
Abraham Lincoln.
Message to the House of Representatives on
Relations with the Rival Governments of
New Granada.
January 14, 1863.
In response to a request from the House for informa-
tion concerning diplomatic relations with the rival Mos-
quera and Ospina governments of New Granada (now
United States of Colombia), the President recites the
acts of continuous recognition by the United States of
the Granadian governments of which the Ospina
government, represented at Washington by General
Pedro Alcantara Herran, is the unchallenged successor.
He goes on to say :
NEW GRANADA 249
Previous to the 4th of March, 1861, a
revolutionary war against the repubhc of New
Granada, which had thus been recognized and
treated with by the United States, broke out in
New Granada, assuming to set up a new govern-
ment under the name of the ''United States of
Cokmibia." This war has had various vicissi-
tudes, sometimes favorable, sometimes adverse, to
the revolutionary movements. The revolutionary
organization has hitherto been simply a mil-
itary provisionary power, and no definitive con-
stitution of government has yet been established
in New Granada in place of that organized by
the constitution of 1858. The minister of the
United States to the Granadian Confederacy
[political title assumed by New Granada in
1858] who was appointed on the twenty-ninth
day of May, 1861, was directed, in view of the
occupation of the capital by the revolutionary
party and of the uncertainty of the civil war,
not to present his credentials to either the gov-
ernment of the Granadian Confederacy or to
the provisional military governmen., but to con-
duct his affairs informally, as is customary in
such cases, and to report the progress of events
and await the instructions of this government.
The advices which have been received from him
have not hitherto been sufficiently conclusive to
determine me to recognize the revolutionary gov-
ernment. General Herran being here, with full
authority from the government of New Granada,
which had been so long recognized by the United
States, I have not received any representative
from the revolutionary government, which has
not yet been recognized, because such a proceed-
ing would in itself be an act of recognition.
25 o STATE PAPERS
Official communications have been had on
various incidental and occasional questions with
General Herran as the minister plenipotentiary
and envoy extraordinary of the Granadian Con-
federacy, but in no other character. No definitive
measure or proceeding has resulted from these
communications, and a communication of them
at present would not, in my judgment, be com-
patible with the public interest.
Abraham Lincoln.
Proclamation of Retaliation for Refusal of
Port Privileges to American War Vessels
Abroad.
April ii, 1865.
Whereas, for some time past, vessels of war
of the United States have been refused, in cer-
tain foreign ports, privileges and immunities to
which they were entitled by treaty, public law,
or the comity of nations, at the same time that
vessels of war of the country wherein the said
privileges and immunities have been withheld,
have enjoyed them fully and uninterruptedly
in ports of the United States, which condition
of things has not alwa3^s been forcibly resisted
by the United States, although, on the other
hand, they have not at any time failed to pro-
test against and declare their dissatisfaction with
the same; [and zvhercas,] in the view of the
United States, no condition any longer exists
which can be claimed to justify the denial to
them, by any one of such nations, of customary
naval rights, as has heretofore been so unneces-
sarily persisted in;
Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, Presi-
MARITIME RETALIATION 251
dent of the United States, do hereby make
known, that if, after a reasonable time shall have
elapsed for intelligence of this proclamation to
have reached any foreign country in whose
ports the said privileges and immunities shall
have been refused, as aforesaid, they shall con-
tinue to be so refused; then and thenceforth
the same privileges and immunities shall be re-
fused to the vessels of war of that country in
the ports of the United States, and this refusal
shall continue until war-vessels of the United
States shall have been placed upon an entire
equality in the foreign ports aforesaid with sim-
ilar vessels of other countries. The United
States, whatever claim or pretense may have ex-
isted heretofore, are now, at least, entitled to
claim and concede an entire and friendly equality
of rights and hospitalities with all maritime
nations.
In witness, etc.
Abraham Lincoln.
By the President :
William H. Seward, Secretary of State.
Messages on Financial, Indian, and
Administrative Affairs
Messages on Financial, In
DiAN, AND Administra-
tive Affairs
Message to the Senate on Act to Permit Cir-
culation of Bank-Notes of Small Denomina-
tions in the District of Columbia.
June 23, 1862.
To the Senate of the United States: The bill
which has passed the House of Representatives
and the Senate, entitled "An act to repeal that
part of an act of Congress which prohibits the
circulation of bank-notes of a less denomination
than five dollars in the District of Columbia,"
has received my attentive consideration, and I
now return it to the Senate, in which it orig-
inated, with the following objections :
I. The bill proposes to repeal the existing
legislation prohibiting the circulation of bank-
notes of a less denomination than five dollars
within the District of Columbia, without per-
mitting the issuing of such bills by banks not
now legally authorized to issue them. In my
judgment, it will be found impracticable, in the
present condition of the currency, to make such
a discrimination. The banks have generally
suspended specie payments; and a legal sanction
255
256 STATE PAPERS
given to the circulation of the irredeemable notes
of one class of them will almost certainly be
so extended, in practical operation, as to in-
clude those of all classes, whether authorized
or unauthorized. If this view be correct, the
currency of the District, should this act become
a law, will certainly and greatly deteriorate, to
the serious injury of honest trade and honest
labor.
2. This bill seems to contemplate no end which
cannot be otherwise more certainly and bene-
ficially attained. During the existing war it is
peculiarly the duty of the National Government
to secure to the people a sound circulating me-
dium. This duty has been, under existing cir-
cumstances, satisfactorily performed, in part at
least, by authorizing the issue of United States
notes, receivable for all government dues except
customs, and made a legal tender for all debts,
public and private, except interest on public
debt. The object of the bill submitted to me —
namely, that of providing a small note currency
during the present suspension — can be fully ac-
complished by authorizing the issue — as part of
any new emission of United States notes made
necessary by the circumstances of the country —
of notes of a similar character, but of less de-
nomination, than five dollars. Such an issue
would answer all the beneficial purposes of the
bill, would save a considerable amount to the
treasury in interest, would greatly facilitate pay-
ments to soldiers and other creditors of small
sums, and would furnish to the people a currency
as safe as their own government.
Entertaining these objections to the bill, I
feel myself constrained to withhold from it my
INDIAN MASSACRE 257
approval, and return It for further considera-
tion and action of Congress.
Abraham Lincoln.
Message to the Senate on the Indian Massacre
in Minnesota.
December ii, 1862.
To the Senate of the United States: In com-
pliance with your resolution of December 5,
1862, requesting the President *'to furnish the
Senate with all information in his possession
touching the late Indian barbarities in the State
of Minnesota, and also the evidence in his pos-
session upon which some of the principal actors
and head men were tried and condemned to
death," I have the honor to state that, on re-
ceipt of said resolution, I transmitted the same
to the Secretary of the Interior, accompanied by
a note, a copy of which is herewith inclosed,
marked A, and in response to which I received,
through that department, a letter of the Com-
missioner of Indian Affairs, a copy of which is
herewith inclosed, marked B.
I further state that on the eighth day of No-
vember last I received a long telegraphic de-
spatch from Major-General Pope, at St. Paul,
Minnesota, simply announcing the names of the
persons sentenced to be hanged. I immediately
telegraphed to have transcripts of the records
in all the cases forwarded to me, which tran-
scripts, however, did not reach me until two or
three days before the present meeting of Con-
gress. Meantime I received, through telegraphic
despatches and otherwise, appeals in behalf of
258 STATE PAPERS
the condemned — appeals for their execution —
and expressions of opinion as to the proper pol-
icy in regard to them and to the Indians generally
in that vicinity, none of which, as I understand,
falls within the scope of your inquiry. After
the arrival of the transcripts of records, but
before I had sufficient opportunity to examine
them, I received a joint letter from one of the
senators and two of the representatives from
Minnesota, which contains some statements of
fact not found in the records of the trials, and
for which reason I herewith transmit a copy,
marked C. I also, for the same reason, inclose
a printed memorial of the citizens of St. Paul,
addressed to me, and forwarded with the letter
aforesaid.
Anxious to not act with so much clemency
as to encourage another outbreak on the one
hand, nor with so much severity as to be real
cruelty on the other, I caused a careful exam-
ination of the records of trials to be made, in
view of first ordering the execution of such as
had been proved guilty of violating females.
Contrary to my expectation, only two of this
class were found. I then directed a further
examination and a classification of all who were
proven to have participated in massacres, as dis-
tinguished from participation in battles. This
class numbered forty, and included the two con-
victed of female violation. One of the number
is strongly recommended by the commission
which tried them, for commutation to ten years'
imprisonment. I have ordered the other thirty-
nine to be executed on Friday, the 19th
instant. The order was despatched from here
on Monday, the 8th instant, by a messenger to '
UNITED STATES NOTES 259
General Sibley, and a copy of which order is
herewith transmitted, marked D.
An abstract of the evidence as to the forty is
herewith inclosed, marked E.
To avoid the immense amount of copying, I
lay before the Senate the original transcripts
of the records of trials, as received by me.
This is as full and complete a response to the
resolution as it is in my power to make.
Abraham Lincoln.
Message to Congress on Issue of United
States Notes.
January 17, 1863.
To the Senate and House of Representatives:
I have signed the joint resolution to provide
for the immediate payment of the army and
navy of the United States, passed by the House
of Representatives on the 14th, and by the Senate
on the 15th instant. The joint resolution is a
simple authority, amounting, however, under
existing circumstances to a direction, to the Sec-
retary of the Treasury to make an additional
issue of one hundred millions of dollars in United
States notes, if so much money is needed, for
the payment of the army and navy. My ap-
proval is given in order that every possible
facility may be afforded for the prompt dis-
charge of all arrears of pay due to our soldiers
and our sailors.
While giving this approval, however, I think
it my duty to express my sincere regret that
it has been found necessary to authorize so large
an additional issue of United States notes, when
this circulation and that of the suspended banks
26o STATE PAPERS
together have become already so redundant as
to increase prices beyond real values, thereby
augmenting the cost of living, to the injury of
labor, and the cost of supplies, to the injury of
the whole country. It seems very plain that
continued issues of United States notes, with-
out any check to the issues of suspended banks,
and without adequate provision for the raising
of money by loans, and for funding the issues,
so as to keep them within due limits, must soon
produce disastrous consequences ; and this mat-
ter appears to me so important that I feel bound
to avail myself of this occasion to ask the special
attention of Congress to it.
That Congress has power to regulate the cur-
rency of the country can hardly admit of a doubt,
and that a judicious measure to prevent the de-
terioration of this currency by a reasonable
taxation of bank circulation or otherwise is
needed, seems equally clear. Independently of
this general consideration, it would be unjust to
the people at large to exempt banks enjoying the
special privilege of circulation from their just
proportion of the public burdens.
In order to raise money by way of loans most
easily and cheaply, it is clearly necessary to give
every possible support to the public credit. To
that end, a uniform currency in which taxes,
subscriptions to loans, and all other ordinary
public dues as well as all private dues may be
paid, is almost if not quite indispensable. Such
a currency can be furnished by banking associa-
tions organized under a general act of Congress,
as suggested in my message at the beginning of
the present session. The securing of this cir-
culation by the pledge of United States bonds,
ELECTORAL COUNT 261
as therein suggested, would still further facilitate
loans, by increasing the present and causing a
future demand for such bonds.
In view of the actual financial embarrassment
of the government, and of the greater embar-
rassment sure to come if the necessary means
of relief be not afforded, I feel that I should
not perform my duty by a simple announcement
of my approval of the joint resolution, which
proposes relief only by increasing circulation,
without expressing my earnest desire that meas-
ures such in substance as those I have just re-
ferred to, may receive the early sanction of
Congress. By such measures, in my opinion,
will payment be most certainly secured, not
only to the army and navy, but to all honest
creditors of the government, and satisfactory
provision made for future demands on the
treasury.
Abraham Lincoln.
Message to Congress on Electoral Count.
February 8, 1865.
To the Honorable the Senate and House of
Representatives: The joint resolution, entitled
''Joint resolution declaring certain States not
entitled to representation in the electoral col-
lege," has been signed by the executive, in def-
erence to the view of Congress implied in its
passage and presentation to him. In his own
view, however, the two Houses of Congress,
convened under the twelfth article of the Con-
stitution, have complete power to exclude from
counting all electoral votes deemed by them to
/
262 STATE PAPERS ^
be illegal ; and it is not competent for the execu-
tive to defeat or obstruct that power by a veto,
as would be the case if his action were at all
essential in the matter. He disclaims all right
of the executive to interfere in any way in
the matter of canvassing or counting electoral
votes; and he also disclaims that, by signing
said resolution, he has expressed any opinion
on the recitals of the preamble, or any judgment
of his own upon the subject of the resolution.
Abraham Lincoln.
Proclamation Concerning Indians.
March 17, 1865.
Whereas reliable information has been receivec
that hostile Indians, within the limits of the
United States, have been furnished with arms
and munitions of war by persons dwelling ir-
conterminous foreign territory, and are thereby:
enabled to prosecute their savage warfare upon
the exposed and sparse settlements of the
frontier ;
Now, therefore, be it known that I, Abraham
Lincoln, President of the United States of
America, do hereby proclaim and direct that all
persons detected in that nefarious traffic shal-
be arrested and tried by court-martial at the
nearest military post, and if convicted, shall re-
ceive the punishment due to their deserts.
In witness whereof, etc.
Abraham Lincoln.
By the President :
William H. Seward, Secretary of State.
