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THE
WORKS
FRANCIS BACON,
BARON OF VERULAM, VISCOUNT ST. ALBANS, AND
LORD HIGH CHANCELLOR OF ENGLAND.
BY '
JAMES SPEDDING, M. A;
OF TRINITY COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE;
ROBERT LESLIE ELLIS, M.A.
LATE FELLOW OF TRIKITY COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE;
AND
DOUGLAS DENON HEATH,
BARRISTER-AT-LAW ; LATE FELLOW OF TRINITY COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE.
VOLUME L
V^
BOSTON:
PUBLISHED BY BROWN AND TAGGARD.
M DCCC LXI.
MICROFORMED BY
PRESERVATION
SERVICES
DATE AUG - 8 1989
RIVEKSIDK, CAMBRIDGE:
STEREOTYPED AND PRINTED BY
H. 0. HOUGHTON.
HISTORY AND PLAN
THIS EDITION.
Bacon's works were all published separately, and
never collected into a body by himself ; and though he
had determined, not long before his death, to distribute
them into consecutive volumes, the order in which they
were to succeed each other was confessedly irregular ;
a volume of moral and political writings being intro-
duced between the first and second parts of the Itv-
stauratio Magna, quite out of place, merely because
he had it ready at the time.^ In arranging the col-
lected works therefore, every editor must use his own
judgment.
Blackbourne, the first editor of an Opera Omnia,^
took the Distributio Operis as his groundwork, and
endeavoured first to place the various unfinished por-
1 " Debuerat sequi Novum Organum : interposui tamen Scripta mea Mo-
ralia et Politica, quia magis erant in promptu. . . . Atque hie tomus (ut
diximus) interjectus est et non ex ordine Instaurationis." — Ep. ad Ful-
gentium, Opuscula, p. 172.
2 Francisci JBaconi, ^c, Opera Omnia, quatuor voluminibus comprehensa.
Londini, mdccxxx.
Vl HISTORY AND PLAN
tions of the Instauratio Magna in the order In which
they would have stood had they been completed ac-
cording to the original design ; and then to marshal
the rest in such a sequence that they might seem to
hang together, each leading by a natural transition
to the next, and so connecting themselves into a kind
of whole. But the several pieces were not written
with a view to any such connexion, which is alto-
gether forced and fanciful ; and the arrangement has
this great inconvenience — it mixes up earlier writ-
ings with later, discarded fragments with completed
works, and pieces printed from loose manuscripts
found after the author's death with those which were
published or prepared for publication by himself.
Birch, the original editor of the quarto edition in
five volumes* which (reprinted in ten volumes oc-
tavo) has since kept the market and is now known
as the *' trade edition," followed Blackboume's ar-
rangement in the main, — though with several varia-
tions which are for the most part not improvements.
The arrangement adopted by Mr. Montagu ^ is in
these respects no better, in all others much worse.
M. Bouillet, in his (Euvres Philomphiques de Fran-
pats Bacon^ does not profess to include all even of
the Philosophical works ; and he too, though the
beat editor by far who has yet handled Bacon, has
» The Works of Francis Bacon, &c., in five volumes. London, 1768.
« The Works of Francis Hacon, Lord Chancellor of England. A new
edition hy Basil Montagu, Esq. London, 1826-34.
• Paris, 1834.
OF THIS EDITION. vii
aimed at a classification of the works more system-
atic, as it seems to me, than the case admits, and has
thus given to some of the smaller pieces a promi-
nence which does not belong to them.
In the edition of which the first volume is here
offered to the public, a new arrangement has been
attempted ; the nature and grounds of which I must
now explain.
When a man publishes a book, or Avrites a letter,
or delivers a speech, it is always with a view to
some particular audience by whom he means to be
understood without the help of a commentator. Giv-
ing them credit for such knowledge and capacity as
they are presumably furnished with, he himself sup-
plies what else is necessary to make his meaning
clear ; so that any additional illustrations would be
to that audience more of a hindrance than a help.
If however his works live into another generation or
travel out of the circle to which they were original-
ly addressed, the conditions are changed. He now
addresses a new set of readers, differently prepared,
knowing much which the others were ignorant of,
ignorant of much which the others knew, and on
hoth accounts requiring explanations and elucidations
of many things which to the original audience were
sufficiently intelligible. These it is the proper busi-
ness of an editor to supply.
This consideration suggested to me, when con-
sulted about a new edition of Bacon, the expediency
viii HISTORY AND PLAN
of arraiiffing his works with reference — not to sub-
ject, size, language, or form — but to the different
classes of readers whose requirements he had in view
when he composed them. So classified, they will be
foimd to fall naturally into three principal divisions.
First, we have his works in philosophy and general
literature; addressed to mankind at large, and meant
to be intelligible to educated men of all generations.
Secondly, we have his works on legal subjects ; ad-
dressed to lawyere, and presuming in the reader such
knowledge as belongs to the profession. Thirdly, we
have letters, speeches, charges, tracts, state-papers,
and other writings of business ; relating to subjects
so various as to defy classification, but agreeing in
this — they were all addressed to particular persons
or bodies, had reference to particular occasions, as-
sumed in the persons addressed a knowledge of the
circumstances of the time, and cannot be rightly
understood except in relation to those circumstances.
In this division every thing will find a place which
does not naturally fall into one of the two former ;
and thus we have the whole body of Bacon's works
arranged in three sufficiently distinguishable classes,
which may be called for shortness, 1st, The Philo-
sophical and Literary ; 2nd, The Professional ;
and 3rd, The Occasional.
In each of these there is work for an editor to do,
but the help he can render differs in the several
cases both in nature and amount, and requires qual-
OF THIS EDITION. IX
ifications differing accordingly. To understand and
illustrate the Philosophical works in their relation to
this age, a man must be not only well read in the
history of science both ancient and modern, but him-
self a man of science, capable of handling scientific
questions. To produce a correct text of the Profes-
sional works and supply w^hat other help may be
necessary for a modern student, a man must be a
lawyer. To explain and interpret the Occasional
works, and set them forth in a shape convenient for
readers of the present generation, a man must have
leisure to make himself acquainted by tedious and
minute researches among the forgotten records of the
time with the circumstances in which they were
written. Now as it would not be easy to find any
one man in whom these several qualifications meet,
it was thought expedient to keep the three divisions
separate, assigning each to a separate editor. It was
agreed accordingly that the Philosophical works should
be undertaken by Mr. Robert Leslie Ellis ; the Pro-
fessional works by Mr. Douglas Denon Heath ; the
Occasional and the Literary works by me ; each di-
vision to be made complete in itself, and each editor
to be solely responsible for his own part of the
work.
Such was our original arrangement. It was con-
cluded in the autumn of 1847; and Mr. Ellis, whose
part was to come first, had already advanced so far
that he expected to have it ready for the press with-
X HISTORY AND PLAN
in another half year, when unhappily about the end
of 1849 lie was seized with a rheumatic fever, which
left him in a condition of body quite incompatible
with a labour of that kind. At which time, though
the greater portion was in fact done, he did not con-
sider any of it fit to be published as it was ; many
blanks having been left to be filled up, and some
doubtful notes to be corrected, in that general re-
vision which the whole was to have undergone be-
fore any part were printed. It was long before he
could finally resolve to abandon his task. As soon
as he had done so, he handed all his papers over
to me, with permission to do with them whatever I
thought best. And hence it is that my name ap-
pears in connexion with the Philosophical works ;
with Inch otherwise I should not have presumed
to meddle.
As soon however as I had arranged and examined
his papers, I felt that, however imperfect they might
be compared with his own ideal and with what he
would himself have made them, they must on no ac-
count be touched by anybody else ; for that if any
other man were allowed to make alterations in them,
without notice, according to his own judgment, the
reader could have no means of knowing when he was
reading the words of Mr. Ellis and when those of his
editor, and so their peculiar value would be lost. Per-
fect or imperfect, it was clear to me that they must be
kept as he left them, clear of all alien infusion ; and
OF THIS EDITION. Xl
not knowing of any one who was likely to take so
much interest or able to spend so much time in the
matter as myself, I proposed to take his part into my
own hands and edit it; provided only that I might
print his notes and prefaces exactly as I found them ;
explaining the circumstances which had prevented him
from completing or revising them, but making no alter-
ation whatever (unless of errors obviously accidental
which I might perhaps meet with in verifying any of
the numerous references and quotations) without his
express sanction. That the text should be carefully
printed from the proper authorities, and all the biblio-
graphical information supplied which was necessary to
make the edition in that respect complete, — this I
thought I might venture to promise. And although
I could not undertake to meddle with purely scientific
questions, for which I have neither the acquirements
nor the faculties requisite, or to bring any stores of
learning, ancient or modern, to bear upon the various
subjects of inquiry, — although I had no means, I say,
of supplying what he had left to be done in those de-
partments, and must therefore be content to leave the
work so far imperfect, — yet in all matters which lay
within my compass I promised to do my best to
complete the illustration and explanation of the text ;
adding where I had anything to add, objecting where
I had anything to object, but always disthiguishing as
my own whatever was not his.
To this proposal he agreed, as the best course that
xii HISTORY AND PLAN
could be taken in the circumstances. Early in 1863
I took the work in hand ; and in the three volumes
which follow, the reader will find the result.
The thinffs then for which in this division I am to
be held responsible are —
1st. All notes and prefaces marked with my initials,
and all words inserted between brackets, or otherwise
distinguished as mine.
2dly. The general distribution of the Philosophical
works into three parts, — whereby all those writings
which were either published or intended for publication
by Bacon himself as parts of the Great Instauration
are (for the first time, I believe) exhibited separately,
and distinguished as well from the independent and
collateral pieces which did not form part of the main
scheme, as from those which, though originally designed
for it, were afterwards superseded or abandoned.
3dly. The particular arrangement of the several
pieces within each part; which is intended to be ac-
cording to the order in which they were composed;
— a point however which is in most cases very dif-
ficult to ascertain.
For the grounds on which I have proceeded in each
case, and for whatever else in my part of the work re-
quires explanation, I refer to the places. But there
are two or three particulars in which this edition differs
fi'om former ones, and which may be more conven-
iently explained here.
OF THIS EDITION. Xiii
In the third and last division of the entire works,
according to the scheme already explained, every au-
thentic writing and every intelligibly reported speech
of Bacon's (not belonging to either of the other divis-
ions) which can be found in print or in manuscript
will be set forth at full length, each in its due chron-
ological place ; with an explanatory narrative running
between, in which the reader will be supplied to the
best of my skill and knowledge with all the informa-
tion necessary to the right understanding of them. In
doing this, — since the pieces in question are very
numerous, and scattered with few and short intervals
over the whole of Bacon's life, — I shall have to enter
very closely into all the particulars of it ; so that this
part when finished will in fact contain a complete biog-
raphy of the man, — a biography the most copious,
the most minute, and by the very necessity of the case
the fairest, that I can produce ; for any material mis-
interpretation in the commentary will be at once con-
fronted and corrected by the text. The new matter
which I shall be able to produce is neither little nor
unimportant ; but more important than the new matter
is the new aspect which (if I may judge of other minds
by my own) will be imparted to the old matter by this
manner of setting it forth. I have generally found
that the history of an obscure transaction becomes
clear as soon as the simple facts are set down in the
order of their true dates ; and most of the difficulties
presented by Bacon's life will be found to disappear
Xiv HISTORY AND PLAN
when these simple records of it are read in their
natural sequence and in their true relation to the
business of the time. By this means a great deal of
controversy which would disturb and encumber the
narrative, and help to keep alive the memory of much
ignorant and superficial criticism which had better be
forgotten, will I hope be avoided. And until this is
done I do not think it desirable to attempt a summary
biography in the ordinary form. Such a biogra2)hy
may be easily added, if necessary, in a supplemental
volume ; but I am persuaded that the best which could
be written now would be condemned afterwards as
altogether unsatisfactory.
It is true however, that a reader, before entering on
the study of an author's works, wants to know some-
thing about himself and his life. Now there exists a
short memoir of Bacon, which was drawn up by Dr.
Rawley in 1657 to satisfy this natural desire, and pre-
fixed to the Resusdtatio^ and is still (next to Bacon's
own writings) the most important and authentic evi-
dence concerning him that we possess. The origin of
Dr. Rawley's connexion with Bacon is not known, but
it must have begun early. It was in special compli-
ment to Bacon that he was presented on the 18th of
January, 1616-17, (being then 28 years old,) to the
rectory of Landbeach ; a living in the gift of Benet's
College, Cambridge.^ Shortly after, Bacon becoming
1 " Ad quam pnesentatus fuit per honorand. virum Franciscum Bacon
mil. Rcgije maj. advocatum generalem, ejusdem vicariaB [rectorioe] pro hac
OF THIS EDITION. XV
Lord-Keeper selected him for his chaplain ; and during
the last five years of his life, which were entirely occu-
pied with literary business, employed him constantly
as a kind of literary secretary. Nor did the connexion
cease with life ; for after Bacon's death Rawley was
intrusted by the executors with the care and publica-
tion of his papers. Rawley's testimony must therefore
be regarded as that of a witness who, however favour-
able and affectionate, has the best right to be heard,
as speaking not from hearsay but from intimate and
familiar knowledge during many years and many
changes of fortune ; and as being moreover the only
man among Bacon's personal acquaintances by whom
any of the particulars of his life have been recorded.
This memoir, which was printed by Blackbourne, with
interpolations from Dugdale and Tenison, and placed
in front of his edition of 1730, but is not to be found
I think in any more modern edition, I have printed
entire in its original shape ; adding some notes of my
own, by help of which it may serve a modern reader
for a sufficient biographical introduction.
The Latin translation of it, published by Rawley
in 1658 as an introduction to a little volume entitled
Opuscula Philosophical and now commonly prefixed to
the Be Augmentis Sdentiarum^ I have thought it super-
fluous to reproduce here ; this edition being of little
unica vice, ratione concessionis magistri et sociorum Coll. C. C (uti assere-
batur) patronus." Collections prefixed, to Blackboume's edition 1730, i.
218. Bacon's father was a member and benefactor of Benet's; which
accomits for this compliment.
XVI HISTORY AND PLAN
use to those who cannot read English, and the transla-
tion being of no use to those who can. And this
brings me to the second innovation which I have
ventured to introduce.
Bacon had no confidence in the permanent vitality
of EngHsh as a classical language. " These modern
languages," he said, " will at one time or other play
the bankrupts with books." Those of his works
therefore which he wished to live and which were
not originally written in Latin, he translated or caused
to be translated into that language — " the universal
language," as he called it. This, for his own time,
was no doubt a judicious precaution. Appearances
however have greatly changed since ; and though it
is not to be feared that Latin will ever become ob-
solete, it is certain that English has been rapidly gain-
ing ground upon it, and that of the audience whom
Bacon would in these days have especially desired to
gather about him, a far greater number would be ex-
cluded by the Latin dress than admitted. Consider-
ing also the universal disuse of Latin as a medium of
oral communication, and the almost universal disuse
of it as a medium of communication in writing, even
among learned men, and the rapid spreading of Eng-
lish over both hemispheres, it is easy to predict which
of the two languages is likely to play the bankrupt
first. At any rate the present edition is for the Eng-
lish market. To those who are not masters of Eng-
lish it offers few attractions; while of those who are,
OF THIS EDITION. XVll
not one I suppose in a hundred would care to read
a translation even in Baconian Latin, when he had
the choice of reading the original in Baconian Eng-
lish. And since the translations in question would
increase the bulk of this work by four or five hundred
pages and the cost in proportion, it has been thought
better to leave them out.
In one respect, it is true, they have a value inde-
pendent of the English originals. Having been made
later and made under Bacon's own eye, the differ-
ences, where they are greater than can be naturally
accounted for by the different idiom and construction
of the languages, must be considered as corrections ;
besides which, when the meaning of the original is
obscure or the reading doubtful, they serve sometimes
as a glossary to decide it. This being an advantage
which we cannot afford to sacrifice, I have thought
it my duty in all instances to compare the translation
carefully with the original, and to quote in foot-notes
those passages in which the variation appeared to be
material ; and as this is a labour which few readers
would take upon themselves, I conceive that by the
course which I have adopted the English student will
be a gainer rather than a loser.
I have also departed from the practice of foimer
editors in not keeping the Latin and English works
separate. Such separation is incompatible with the
chronological arrangement which I hold to be far
preferable. I see no inconvenience in the change
VOL. I. 2
xviii HISTORY AND PLAN
which is at all material; and I only mention it here
lest any future publisher, out of regard to a super-
ficial synmietiy, should go back to the former prac-
tice and so destroy the internal coherency of the
present plan.
It may be thought perhaps that in arranging the
works which were to form parts of the Great Instaura-
tion, I ought to have followed the order laid down in
the Dutributio Operis, marshalling them according to
their place in the scheme rather than the date of com-
position ; and therefore that the De Augmentis Scien-
liar am which was meant to stand for the first part,
should have been placed befoi-e the two books of the
Novum Organum, which were meant for the com-
mencement of the second. But the truth is that not
one of the parts of the Great Instauration was com-
pleted according to the original design. All were more
or less abortive. In every one of them, the De Aug-
mentis and the Novum Organum itself not excepted,
accidental difficulties, and considerations arising out of
the circumstances of the time, interfered more or less
with the first intention and induced alterations either
in form or substance or both. They cannot be made
to fit their places in the ideal scheme. It was the
actual conditions of Bacon's life that really moulded
them into what they are ; and therefore the most nat-
ural order in which they can be presented is that in
which they stand here ; first, the Bistributio Operis^
setting forth the perfect work as he had conceived it in
OF THIS EDITION". xix
his mind, and tlien the series of imperfect and irregular
efforts which he made to execute it, in the order in
which they were made.
The text has been corrected throughout from the
original copies, and no verbal alteration (except in case
of obvious errors of the press) has been introduced into
it without notice. The spelling in the English works
has been altered according to modern usage. I have
endeavoured however to distinguish those variations
which belong merely to the fashion of orthography
from those which appear to involve changes in the
forms of words. Thus in such words as president (the
invariable spelling in Bacon's time of the substantive
which is now invariably written precedent^ and valuable
as showing that the pronunciation of the word has not
changed), prcejudice, fained, mathematiques, chymist^
&c., I adopt the modern form ; but I do not substitute
lose for leese^ politicians for politiques, external for ex-
terne, Solomon for Salomon, accommodated for the past
participle accommodate; and so on; these being changes
in the words themselves and not merely in the manner
of writing them. In the spelling of Latin words there
are but few differences between ancient and modern
usage ; but I have thought it better to preserve the
original form of all words which in the original are
always or almost always spelt in the same way ; as
foelix, author, chymista, chymicus, ^c.
In the matter of punctuation and typography, though
I have followed the example of all modern editors in
XX raSTORY AND PLAN
altering at discretion, I have not attempted to reduce
them entirely to the modern form ; which I could not
have done without sometimes introducing ambiguities
of construction, and sometimes deciding questions of
construction which admit of doubt. But I have
endeavoured to represent the effect of the original
arrangement to a modem eye, with as little departure
as possible from modern fashions. I say endeavoured ;
for I cannot say that I have succeeded in satisfying
even myself. But to all matters of this kind I have
attended personally ; and though I must not suppose
that my mind has observed everything that my eyes
have looked at, I am not without hope that the text
of this edition will be found better and more faithful
than any that has hitherto been produced.
It was part of our original design to append to the
Philosophical works an accurate and readable transla-
tion of those originally written in Latin ; at least of so
much of them as would suffice to give an English
reader a complete view of the Baconian philosophy.
Mr. Ellis made a selection for this purpose. Arrange-
ments were made accordingly ; and a translation of the
Novum Organum was immediately begun. As succes-
sive portions were completed, they were forwarded in
the first instance to myself; were by me carefully ex-
amined ; and then passed on to Mr. Ellis, accompanied
with copious remarks and suggestions of my own in
the way of correction or improvement. Of these cor-
OF THIS EDITION. xxi
rections Mr. Ellis marked the greater part for adop-
tion, improved upon others, added many of his own,
and then returned the manuscript to be put into shape
for the printer. But as he was not able to look over it
again after it had received the last corrections, and as
the translator did not wish to put his own name to it,
and as this edition was to contain nothing; for which
somebody is not personally responsible, I have been
obliged to take charge of it myself. In my final revis-
ion I have been careful to preserve all Mr. Ellis's cor-
rections which affect the substance and sense of the
translation. In matters which concern only the style
and manner of expression, I have thought it better to
follow my own taste ; a mixture of different styles be-
ing commonly less agreeable to the reader, and mine
(as the case now stands) being necessarily the predom-
inating one. For the same reason I have altered at
discretion the translation of the prefaces, &c. which
precede the Novum Organum ; which were done by
another hand, and have not had the advantage of Mr.
Ellis's revision. For those which follow, the translator
(Mr. Francis Headlam, Fellow of University College,
Oxford) will himself be responsible.
Though this volume is already twice as thick as I
would have had it, I must add a few words concern-
ing the portraits of Bacon ; a subject which has not
received the attention which it deserves, and upon
which, if picture-dealers and collectors and inheritors
xxii HISTORY AND PLAN
of family })ortraits would take an interest in it, some
valuable light might probably be thrown.
The portrait in the front of the volume is taken
from an old engraving by Simon Pass ; which came,
(as Mr. Smith of Lisle Street informed me, from
whom I bought it some years ago,) out of a broken-
up copy of Holland's Baziliologia.^ The original has
a border, bearing the words honoratiss : d*. fran-
CISCUS BACON : EQUES AU I MAG : SIGILL : ANGL :
cusTos. Above are his arms, with the motto moniti
MELIORA. Below the chancellor's bag, on which the
left hand rests. These accessories, as being presuma-
bly the device of the engraver and not suitable to the
modern style which has been preferred for the copy,
have been dispensed with ; but the inscription under-
neath has been copied verbatim,^ and enables us to
fix the date of the work. Bacon was created Lord
Chancellor on the 4th of January, 1617-18, and
Baron Verulam on the 12th of the following July ;
and as it is not to be supposed that his newest title
would have been omitted on such an occasion, we
1 This work was published in 1618; and though one would not expect
from the title to find Baron there, Brunet mentions a copy in the Biblioth.
du Roi at Paris "qui, outre les portraits qui composent ordinairenient le
recueil, renferine encore d'autres portraits du meme genre, representants
des reines, des princes du sang, et des seigneurs de la cour des Rois Jacques
Iw et Charles I"," &c. The copy in the British Museum has no portrait
of Bacon ; but as the plates are not numbered, and there is no table of
contents, one cannot be stire that any copy is perfect.
2 The righte Honourable S^ Frauncis Bacon knight, Lorde highe
Chancellour of Englande and one of his l&a!^ most honW« privie Coun-
aell.
OF THIS EDITION. XXIU
may infer with tolerable certainty that the engraving
was published during the first half of the year 1618.
Below this inscription are engraved in small letters
the words " Simon Passceus sculpsit L. Are to he
sould by John Sudbury and Greorge Humble at the signe
of the white horse in Pope^s head Allyy The plate
appears to have been used afterwards for a frontis-
piece to the Syha Sylvarum^ which was published in
1627, the year after Bacon's death. At least I have
a copy of the second edition of that work (1628) in
which the same print is inserted, only with the border
and inscription altered; the title which originally sur-
rounded it, together with the Chancellor's bag and the
names of the engraver and publishers, being erased;
the coat of arms altered ; and the words underneath
being changed to The right Hon'''' Francis Lo. Veridam^
Viscount S' Alban. Mortuus 9° Aprilis^ Anno Dni
1626, Annoq^ Aetat. ^^. It is probable that the rapid
demand for the Syha Sylvarum wore out the plate ;
for none of the later editions which I have seen con-
tain any portrait at all ; and that which was prefixed
to the Resuscitatio in 1657, though undoubtedly meant
to be a fac-simile of Simon Pass's engraving, has been
so much altered in the process of restoration, that I
took it for a fresh copy until Mr. Holl showed me
that it was only the old plate retouched. The lower
part of the face has entirely lost its individuality and
physiognomical character; the outline of the right
cheek has not been truly followed; that of the nose
XXIV HISTORY AND PLAN
has lost its shapeliness and delicacy ; and the first line-
and-half of the inscription underneath has apparent-
ly been erased in order to give the name and titles in
Latin. Nevertheless the adoption by Dr. Rawley of
this print sufficiently authenticates it as a likeness at
that time approved ; only the likeness must of course
be looked for in the plate as Simon Pass left it, — not
in restorations or copies. This Mr. HoU has endeav-
oured faithfully, and in my opinion very successfully,
to reproduce ; it being understood however that his
aim has been to give as exact a resemblance as he
could, not of the old engraving (the style of which
has little to recommend it), but of the man whom
the engraving represents.
I selected this likeness by preference, partly because
original impressions are scarce, and none of the others
which I have seen give a tolerable idea of it ; whereas
the rival portrait by Van Somer is very fairly repre-
sented by the engraving in Lodge's collection; but
chiefly because I have some reason to suspect that it
was made from a painting by Cornelius Janssen, and
some hope that the original is still in existence and
that this notice may lead to the discovery of it. Jans-
sen is said to have come over to England in 1618, the
year in which, as I have said, the engraving must have
been published. Bacon did sit for his portrait to some-
body (but it may no doubt have been to Van Somer)
about that time ; at least 33/, was " paid to the pic-
ture drawer for his Lp's picture," on the 12th of Sep-
OF THIS EDITION. XXV
tember, 1618.^ Now I have in my possession an en-
graving in mezzotinto, purporting to be a portrait of
Bacon, representing him in the same position and at-
titude, and the same dress (only that the figure on
the vest is different), and having a similar oval frame
with the same kind of border. In the left-hand cor-
ner, where the painter's name is usually given, are
the words Cornelius Johnson pinxit. The engraver's
name is not stated ; but there is evidence on the face
of the work that he was a poor performer. In all
points which require accuracy of eye and hand, and
a feeling of the form to be described, it differs much
from Pass's work, and is very inferior ; but in those
which the most unskilful artist need never miss, —
such as the quantity of face shown, the disposition of
the hair, and generally what may be called the com-
position of the picture, — there is no more difference
between the two than may be well accounted for by
the difficulty which is often found in ascertaining the
true outlines of the obscure parts of a dark or dam-
aged picture, or by the alterations which an engraver
will often introduce when the size of his plate obliges
him to cut off the lower part of the figure. The hat,
for instance, which is dark against a dark background,
sits differently on the head ; sits in fact (in the mez-
zotint) as it could not possibly have done in nature ;
and the flap of the brim follows a somewhat different
line, though the irregularity is of the same kind ; also
1 See a book of accounts preserved in the State Paper Office.
xxvl HISTORY AND PLAN
the light and shadow are differently distributed over
the folds of the frill ; the fur hangs differently ; the
figure is cut off too short to admit the hand ; and the
ribbon i*ound the neck, the lower part of which is con-
cealed in Pass's print, is changed into a George and
Garter.^ But such varieties as these are of ordinary
occurrence in copies of the same picture by different
hands ; especially where one copier is attending chiefly
to the outlines of the forms without caring to represent
the effect of the picture (the practice I think of en-
gravel's in Simon Pass's time), and the other is at-
tending to the effect of the picture without caring, or
without being able, to preserve the individual details,
according to the practice of the popular engi'avers of
the eighteenth century ; whereas in two independent
and original portraits of the same face the correspond-
encies which I have mentioned can hardly occur. But
however that may be, this mezzotinto appears at least
to prove that when it was made there was in existence
a portrait which somebody believed to be a portrait of
Bacon by Conielius Johnson, — that is (no doubt) Cor-
nelius Janssen. When it was made becomes therefore
an interesting question ; and I regret to say that it is
a question which I have no data for determining, be-
yond the fact that it is in mezzotinto (an art of com-
paratively modern invention) ; that it was " sold by
J. Cooper in James Street Co vent Garden ; " and
1 If the orif;inal picture really has this badge, we may conclude, I sup-
po8«, that it was not a portrait of Bacon at all. And I should not be very
much surprised if it turned out to be a Charles I.
OF THIS EDITION. XXvil
that there was an English engraver called Richard
Cooper, who flourished about the year 1763, and
among whose engravings a portrait of Francis Bacon
Lord Keeper and Chancellor is mentioned as one.^
With reference to this subject of portraits, I may
add that the various engravings of Bacon are all (with
one exception which I will mention presently) derived
directly or through successive copies from one or other
of two originals. One is Simon Pass's print ; the fea-
tures of which may be traced through many genera-
tions of copies, each less like than its predecessor ;
though always to be identified by the hat with irregu-
lar brim curving upwards towards the sides, and bound
with a scarf. The other is a portrait by Van Somer ;
the same I suppose that Aubrey saw at Gorhambury
in 1656 ; which has become the parent of two separate
families ; one w^earing a hat with a brim describing a
regular curve downwards towards the sides, which suf-
ficiently distinguishes it from Pass's portrait ; the other
without any hat ; the composition being in other re-
spects the same. Of both these the originals are at
Gorhambury ; and they are both ascribed to Van
Somer. But the latter is so very inferior to the
former in every quality of art, that unless there be
some evidence of the fact more to be relied on than
an ordinary family tradition, I shall never be able to
believe that it is by the same hand. It seems to me far
more probable that at some later period when the fash-
1 See Bryan's Painters and Engravers.
XXviii HISTORY AND PLAN
ion of painting people with the head covered had gone
out, some one, wishing to have a portrait of Bacon
without his hat, employed the nearest artist to make
a copy of Van Somer's picture (Van Somer himself
died in 1621, two or three years after it was painted,
about the time when Bacon was in the Tower) with
that alteration ; and that this is the work he produced.
That he was not a skilful artist is sufficiently apparent
from the execution of those parts which were intended
to be copies ; the peculiar character and expression of
eyebrows, eyes, nose and mouth, being entirely missed ;
and the whole handling being weak and poor, and with-
out any sense of form. Moreover the hair is of a dif-
ferent texture; and although we have neither any
description nor any drawing of the upper part of Ba-
con's full-grown head, we know what it was like in
his boyhood from two very admirable representations,
quite independent of each other and yet exactly agree-
ing ; and it is plain that such a head could never have
grown into a shape at all like that which the painter
has invented.
However, they were both called portraits by Van
Somer ; and the first (which is a very good work, as
far as the painting goes) was engraved by Houbraken ;
the last by Vertue. Unfortunately, these two artists,
whose style of execution made them very popular and
gave them almost a monopoly of English historical por-
traiture in the 18th century, were both utterly with-
out conscience in the matter of likeness. And though
OF THIS EDITION. xxix
many of their works are brilliant specimens of effect in
line-engraving, yet regarded as likenesses of the men,
they are all alike worse than worthless. The original
from which Vertue's engraving of Bacon was taken,
being itself destitute of all true physiognomical char-
acter, is indeed represented well enough. But if any
one wishes to form a notion of Bacon's face as in-
terpreted by Van Somer, he must consult the more
modern engraving in Lodge's collection, which is at
least a conscientious attempt to translate it faithfully ;
Houbraken's can only mislead him.
- The other engraving to which I have alluded as not
derived from either of the originals above mentioned,
is the small head engraved for Mr. Montagu's edition
of Bacon's works. This was taken from a miniature
by Hilliard then in the possession of John Adair Haw-
kins, Esq., representing Bacon in his eighteenth year ;
a work of exquisite beauty and delicacy. But here
also, I regret to say, the laudable attempt to bring an
image of it within reach of the general public has been
attended with the same infelicity. The engraver has
so completely failed to catch either expression, feature,
character, or drawing, that I think no one can have
once seen the original without wishing, in justice both
to subject and artist, that no one who has not seen it
may ever see the copy.
Judging from the issue of Mr. Montagu's attempt to
obtain an engraving of this miniature, it is perhaps for-
tunate that he did not fulfil the intention which he
XXX HISTORY AND PLAN OF THIS EDITION.
announced of giving an engraving of a bust in terra
cotta representing Bacon in his twelfth year, which is
at Gorliambury, in the possession of the Earl of Vem-
1am. But tliis also is a work of great merit, and ex-
tremely interesting. It is coloured, and (like Hilliard's
miniature) shows the head. I have been told by artists
that it is probably of Italian workmanship ; and cer-
tainly the work of an accomplished sculptor, who had
a delicate perception of form and character. A faith-
ful representation of it would be one of the most
valuable contributions which could be made to our
collections of the faces of memorable men.
There are other portraits of Bacon in existence, but
I have not myself seen any which can be relied upon
as authentic or which appear to have any independent
value. If the foregoing remarks should be the means
of bringing any such out of their hiding-places, I shall
think them well bestowed ; and I need scarcely add
that I should be most happy to receive any communi-
cation on the subject, and to afford what help I can
towards putting them in their true light.
JAMES SPEDDING.
60. Lincoln's Inn Fields, January, 1857.
CONTENTS
THE FIRST VOLUME.
Life of the Right Honourable Francis Bacon,
Baron of Verulam, by William Rawley, D. D. 33
PHILOSOPHICAL WORKS.
General Preface to the Philosophical Works,
BY Robert Leslie Ellis 61
PART L
WORKS PUBLISHED, OR DESIGNED FOR PUBLICATION, AS
PARTS OF THE INSTAURATIO MAGNA.
NOVUM ORGANUM.
Preface to the Novum Organum, by Robert Les-
lie Ellis 131
Instauratio Magna 195
Prsefatio 199
Distributio Operis .212
Pars Secunda Operis, qu^ dicitur Novum Organum 231
Prgefatio .233
Aphorism! de Interpretatione Naturae et Regno Hom-
inis 241
Liber Secundus Aphorismorum de Interpretatione
Naturae sive de Regno Hominis . . . 341
->
3
THE
LIFE
OF
THE EIGHT HONOUEABLE
FRANCIS BACON,
BARON OF VERULAM, VISCONNT ST. ALBAN.
BY
WILLIAI EAWLEY, D.D.
lordship's first and last chaplain and of late his
majesties chaplain in ordinary.
[This is the title of an edition printed in 1670, after Dr. Rawley's death,
and prefixed to the ninth edition of the Sylva Sylvarum. The text of the
Life itself is taken from the second edition of the Resuscitatio, tlie latest
with which Rawley had anything to do. I have, however, modernised the
spelling ; altered at discretion the typographical arrangement as to capitals,
italics, and punctuation, which is very perplexing to a modern eye and has
nothing to recommend it; and added the notes. — /. S.'\
VOL. I. 3
THE LIFE
THE HONOUKABLE AUTHOR.^
Francis Bacon, the glory of his age and nation, the
adorner and ornament of learning, was born in York
House, or York Place, in the Strand, on the two and
twentieth day of January, in the year of our Lord
1560. His father was that famous counsellor to Queen
Elizabeth, the second prop of the kingdom in his time,
Sir Nicholas Bacon, knight, lord-keeper of the great
seal of England ; a lord of known prudence, sufficiency,
moderation, and integrity. His mother was Anne, one
of the daughters of Sir Anthony Cook ; unto whom
the erudition of King Edward the Sixth had been com-
mitted ; a choice lady, and eminent for piety, virtue,
and learning ; being exquisitely skilled, for a woman.
1 This Life was first published in 1657, as an introduction to the volume
entitled " Resuscitatio ; or bringing into public light several pieces of the
works, civil, historical, philosophical, and theological, hitherto sleeping, of
the Right Honourable Francis Bacon, Baron of Verulam, Viscount St. Al-
ban; according to the best corrected copies." Of this volume a second edi-
tion, or rather a re-issue with fresh titlepage and dedication, and several
sheets of new matter inserted, appeared in 1661 ; the " Life of the Honour-
able Author" being prefixed as before, and not altered otherwise than by
the introduction of three new sentences ; to make room for which two leaves
were cancelled. A third edition was brought out in 1671 by the original
publisher, containing a good deal of new matter ; for which however Dr.
Rawley, who died in 1667, is not answerable.
36 DR. RAW LEY'S LIFE OF BACON.
in the Greek and Latin tongues. These being the
parents, you may easily imagine what the issue was
like to be ; having had whatsoever nature or breeding
could })ut into him.
His first and childish years were not without some
mark of eminency ; at which time he was endued with
that pregnancy and towardness of wit, as they were
presages of that deep and universal apprehension which
was manifest in him afterward ; and caused him to be
taken notice of by several persons of worth and place,
and especially by the queen ; who (as I have been in-
formed) delighted much then to confer with him, and
to prove him with questions ; unto whom he delivered
himself with that gravity and maturity above his years,
that Her Majesty would often term him, The young
Lordrkeeper. Being asked by the queen how old he
was, he answered with much discretion, being then but
a boy. That he was two years younger than Her Majes-
ty^s happy reign; with which answer the queen was
much taken.^
At the ordinary years of ripeness for the university,
or rather something earlier, he was sent by his father
to Trinity College, in Cambridge,^ to be educated and
bred under the tuition of Doctor John White-gift, then
master of the college ; afterwards the renowned arch-
bishop of Canterbury ; a prelate of the first magnitude
1 This last sentence was added in the edition of 1661. The substance of
it had appeared before in the Latin Life prefixed to the Opuscula Philo-
Bophica in 1658, which is only a free translation of this, with a few correc-
tions.
2 He began to reside in April 1673 ; was absent from the latter end of
August 1674 till the beginning of March, while the plague raged; and left
the university finally at Christmas 1575, being then on the point of sixteen.
See Whitgift's accounts, printed in the British Magazine, vol. xxxii. p.
366., and xxxiii. p. 444.
DR. RAWLEY'S LIFE OF BACON. 37
for sanctity, learning, patience, and humility ; under
whom he was observed to have been more than an
ordinary proficient in the several arts and sciences.
Whilst he was commorant in the university, about six-
teen years of age, (as his lordship hath been pleased
to impart unto myself), he first fell into the dislike
of the philosophy of Aristotle ; not for the worth-
lessness of the author, to whom he would ever as-
cribe all high attributes, but for the unfruitfulness of
the way ; being a philosophy (as his lordship used to
say) only strong for disputations and contentions, but
barren of the production of works for the benefit of
the life of man ; in which mind he continued to his
dying day.
After he had passed the circle of the liberal arts, his
father thouo;ht fit to frame and mould him for the arts
of state ; and for that end sent him over into France
with Sir Amyas Paulet then employed ambassador
lieger into France ; ^ by whom he was after awhile
held fit to be entrusted with some message or adver-
tisement to the queen ; which having performed with
great approbation, he returned back into France again,
with intention to continue for some years there. In
his absence in France his father the lord-keeper died,^
having collected (as I have heard of knowing persons)
a considerable sum of money, which he had separated,
with intention to have made a competent purchase of
land for the livelihood of this his youngest son (who
was only unprovided for ; and though he was the
youngest in years, yet he was not the lowest in his
1 Sir Amyas landed at Calais on the 25th of September 1576, and suc-
ceeded Dr. Dale as ambassador in France in the following February. See
Burghley's Diary, Murdin, pp. 778, 779.
2 In February 1578-9.
88 DR. RAWLEY'S LIFE OF BACON.
fether's affection) ; but the said purchase being unac-
complished at his father's death, there came no greater
share to him than his single part and portion of the
money dividable amongst five brethren ; by which
means he lived in some straits and necessities in his
younger years. For as for that pleasant site and man-
or of Gorhambury, he came not to it till many years
after, by the death of his dearest brother, Mr. Anthony
Bacon,^ a gentleman equal to him in height of wit,
though inferior to him in the endo^vments of learning
and knowledge ; unto whom he was most nearly con-
joined in affection, they two being the sole male issue
of a second venter.
Being returned from travel, he apphed himself to
the study of the common law, which he took upon him
to be his profession ;2 in which he obtained to great ex-
cellency, though he made that (as himself said) but as
an accessary, and not his principal study. He wrote
several tractates upon that subject : wherein, though
some great masters of the law did out-go him in bulk,
and particularities of cases, yet in the science of the
grounds and mysteries of the law he was exceeded
by none. In this way he was after awhile sworn of
the queen's council learned, extraordinary ; a grace (if
I err not) scarce known before.^ He seated himself,
1 Anthony Bacon died in the spring of 1601. See a letter from Mr. John
Chamberlain to Sir Dudlev Cailton, in the State Paper Office, dated 27th
May 1601.
2 He had been admitted de societate intrm-um of Gray's Inn on the 27th
of June 1576; commenced his regular career as a student in 1579; became
"utter barrister" on the 27th of June 1582; bencher in 1586; reader in
1688; and double reader in 1600. See Harl. MSS. 1912, and Book of Or-
ders, p. 56.
8 In the Latin version of this memoir, for " after a while" Rawley substi-
tutes nondum ti/rocinium in lege egressm, by which lie seems to assign a
DR. RAWLEY'S LIFE OF BACON. 39
for the commodity of his studies and practice, amongst
the Honourable Society of Gray's-Inn, of which house
he was a member ; where he erected that elegant pile
or structure commonly known by the name of The
Lord Bacon's Lodgings^ which he inhabited by turns
the most part of his life (some few years only ex-
cepted) unto his dying day. In w^hich house he
carried himself with such sweetness, comity, and gen-
erosity, that he was much revered and beloved by the
readers and gentlemen of the house.
Notwithstanding that he professed the law for his
livelihood and subsistence, yet his heart and affection
very early period as the date of this appointment. But I suspect he was
mistaken, both as to the date and the nature of it. The title he got no
doubt from a letter addressed by Bacon to King James, about the end of
January 1620-1. " You found me of the Learned Council, Extraordinary,
without patent or fee, a kind of indimduum vigum. You established me
and brought me into Ordinary." Coupling this probably with an early but
undated letter to Burghley, in which Bacon thanks the queen for " appro-
priating him to her service," he imagined that the thanks were for the ap-
pointment in question. This however is incredible. A copy of this letter
in the Landsdowne Collection gives the date, — 18 October 1580; at which
time Bacon had not been even a student of law for more than a year and a
half, and could not therefore have been qualified for such a place ; still less
could such a distinction have been conferred upon him without being much
talked of at the time and continually referred to afterwards. Moreover, we
have another letter of Bacon's to King James, written in 1606, in Avhich he
speaks of his " nine years' service of the crown." This would give 1597 as
the year in which he began to serve as one of the learned council ; at which
time it was no extraordinary favour, seeing that he had been recommended
for solicitor-general three or four years before, both by Burghley and Eger-
ton. It appears however to have been no regular or formal appointment-
He was not sworn. He had no patent; not even a Avritten warrant. His
tenure was only ratione verbi regii EUzabeihce (see Rymer, A. d. 1604, p.
121.). Elizabeth, who "looked that her word should be a warrant," chose
to employ him in the business which belonged properly to her learned
council, and he was employed accordingly. His first sei-vice of that
nature, — the first at least of which I find any record, — was in 1594. In
1597 he had come to be employed regularly, and so continued till the end
of the reign, and was familiarly spoken of as " Mr. Bacon of the learned
council."
40 DR. RAWLEY'S LIFE OF BACON.
was more carried after the affairs and places of estate ;
for whicli, if the majesty royal then had been pleased,
he was most fit. In his younger years he studied the
service and fortunes (as they call them) of that noble
but unfortunate earl, the Earl of Essex ; unto whom
he was, in a sort, a private and free counsellor, and
gave him safe and honourable advice, till in the end
the earl inclined too much to the violent and precipi-
tate counsel of others his adherents and followers ;
which was his fate and ruin.^
His birth and other capacities qualified him above
others of his profession to have ordinary accesses at
court, and to come frequently into the queen's eye,
who would often grace him with private and free com-
munication, not only about matters of his profession or
business in law, but also about the arduous affairs of
estate ; from whom she received from time to time
great satisfaction. Nevertheless, though she cheered
him much with the bounty of her countenance, yet she
never cheered him with the bounty of her hand ; hav-
ing never conferred upon him any ordinaiy place or
' The connexion between Bacon and Essex appears to have commenced
about the year 1590 or 1591, and furnishes matter for a long story — too long
to be discussed in a note. His conduct was much misunderstood at the
time by persons who had no means of knowing the truth, and has been
much misrepresented since by writers who cannot plead that excuse. The
case is not however one on which a unanimous verdict can be expected.
Always, where choice has to be made between fidelity to the state and fidel-
ity to a party or person, popular sympathy will run in favour of the man
who chooses the narrower duty ; for the narrower duty is not only easier to
comprehend, but, being seen closer, appears the larger of the two. But
though sentiments will continue to be divided, facts may be agreed upon;
and for the correction of all errors in matter of fact, I must refer to the
Occasional Works, where the whole story will necessarily come out in full
detail. In the mean time I may say for myself that I have no fault to find
with Bacon for any part of his conduct towards Essex, and I think many
people will agree with me when they see the case fairly stated.
DR. RAWLEY'S LIFE OF BACON. 41
means of honour or profit, save only one dry reversion
of the Register's Office in the Star Chamber, worth
about 1600^. per annum^ for which he waited in expec-
tation either fully or near twenty years ; ^ of which his
lordship would say in Queen Elizabeth's time. That it
was like another man^s ground huttalling upon his house,
which might mend his prospect, hut it did not fill his
ham; (nevertheless, in the time of King James it fell
unto him) ; which might be imputed, not so much to
Her Majesty's averseness and disaffection towards him,
as to the arts and policy of a great statesman then,
who laboured by all industrious and secret means to
suppress and keep him down ; lest, if he had risen, he
might have obscured his glory .^
But though he stood long at a stay in the days of his
mistress Queen Elizabeth, yet after the change, and
coming in of his new master King James, he made a
great progress ; by whom he was much comforted in
places of trust, honour, and revenue. I have seen a
letter of his lordship's to King James, wherein he
makes acknowledgment. That he was that master to
him, that had raised and advanced him nine times ;
thrice in dignity, and six times in office. His offices (as
I conceive) were Counsel Learned Extraordinary^ to
1 The reversion, for which he considered himself indebted to Burghley,
was granted to him in October 1589. He succeeded to the office in July
1608. In the Latin version Rawley adds that he administered it by deputj'.
2 The person here alluded to is probably his cousin Robert Cecil, who,
though he always professed an anxiety to serve him, was supposed (appar-
ently not without reason ) to have thrown obstacles secretly in the way of
his advancement.
3 See note 3. p. 38. Rawley should rather have said " counsel learned, ru>
longer extraordinary.'" It is true indeed that King James did at his first
entrance confirm Bacon by warrant under the sign manual in the same
office which he had held under Elizabeth by special commandment. But
it was the "establishing him and bringing him into ordinary" with a sal-
42 DR RAWLEY'S LIFE OF BACON.
His Majesty, as lie had been to Queen Elizabeth ;
King's Solicitor-General ; His Majesty's Attorney-
General ; Counsellor of Estate, being yet but Attor-
ney ; Lord-Keeper of the Great Seal of England ;
lastly, Lord Chancellor ; which two last places, tliough
they be the same in authority and power, yet they dif-
fer in patent, height, and favour of the prince ; since
whose time none of his successors, until this present
honourable lord,^ did ever bear the title of Lord Chan-
cellor. His dignities were first Knight, then Baron
of Veinilam ; lastly. Viscount St. Alban ; besides other
good gifts and bounties of the hand which His Majesty
gave him, both out of the Broad Seal and out of the
Alienation Office,^ to the value in both of eighteen
hundred pounds per annum ; which, with his manor
of Gorhambury, and other lands and possessions near
thereunto adjoining, amounting to a third part more,
he retained to his dying day.
Towards his rising years, not before, he entered into
a married estate, and took to wife Alice, one of the
daughters and coheirs of Benedict Barnham, Esquire
and Alderman of London ; with whom he received a
sufficiently ample and libei'al portion in marriage.^
Children he had none ; which, though they be the
ary of 40/., which he reckons as first in the series of advancements. This
was in 1604. He was made solicitor in 1607, attorney in 1613, counsellor
of state in 1616, lord-keeper in 1617, lord chancellor in 1618. His suc-
cessive dignities were conferred respectively in 1603, 1618, and 1620-1.
1 Sir F:dward Hyde, made Lord Chancellor June 1. 1660. This clause
was added in 1661 ; the leaf having been cancelled for the purpose.
2 Here the paragraph ended in the first edition. The rest was added in
1661.
« It appears, ftvm a manuscript preserved in Tenison's Library, that he
had about 220/. a-year with his wife, and upon her mother's death was to
have about 140/. a-year more.
r
DR. RAWLEY'S LIFE OF BACON. 43
means to perpetuate our names after our deaths, yet he
had other issues to perpetuate his name, the issues of
his brain ; in which he was ever happy and admired, as
Jupiter was in the production of Pallas. Neither did
the want of children detract from his good usage of his
consort during the intermarriage, whom he prosecuted
with much conjugal love and respect, with many rich
gifts and endowments, besides a robe of honour which
he invested her withal ; which she wore unto her dying
day, being twenty years and more after his death.^
The last five years of his life, being withdrawn from
civil affairs ^ and from an active life, he employed
1 By the "robe of honour" is meant, I presume, the title of viscountess.
It appears however that a few months before Bacon's death his wife had
given him some cause of grave offence. Special provision is made for her
in the body of his will, but revoked in a codicil, "for just and great causes,"
the nature of which is not specified. Soon after his death she married Sir
John Underwood, her gentleman-usher. She was buried at Eyworth in
Bedfordshire on the 29th of June 1650.
2 On the 3rd of May 1621, Bacon was condemned, upon a charge of cor-
ruption to which he pleaded guilty, to pay a fine of 40,000Z.; to be impris-
oned in the Tower during the king's pleasure; to be for ever incapable of
sitting in parliament or holding office in the state; and to be banished for
life from the verge of the court. From that time his only business was to
find means of subsistence and of satisfying his creditors, and to pursue his
studies.
His offence was the taking of presents from persons who had suits in his
court, in some cases while the suit was still pending; an act which un-
doubtedly amounted to corruption as corruption was defined by the law.
The degree of moral criminality involved in it is not so easily ascertained.
To judge of this, we should know. First, what was the understanding, open
or secret, upon which the presents were given and taken, — for a gift,
though it be given to a judge, is not necessarily in the nature of a bargain
to pervert justice: Secondly, to what extent the practice was prevalent at
the time, — for it is a rare virtue in a man to resist temptations to which all
his neighbours yield : Thirdly, how far it was tolerated, — for a practice
may be universally condemned and yet universally tolerated; people may
be known to be guilty of it and yet received in society all the same :
Fourthly, how it stood with regard to other abuses prevailing at the same
time, — for it is hard to reform all at once, and it is one thing for a man to
leave a single abuse unreformed while he is labouring to remove or resist
44 DR. RAWLEY'S LIFE OF BACON.
wholly in contemplation and studies — a thing where-
of his lordship would often speak during his active life,
as if he affected to die in the shadow and not in the
light ; which also may be found in several passages of
his works. In which time he composed the greatest
part of his books and writings, both in English and
Latin, which I will enumerate (as near as I can) in
the just order wherein they were written : ^ — The Hia-
tory of the Reign of King Henry the Seventh ; Ahceda-
greater ones, and another thing to introduce it anew, or to leave all as it
was, making no effort to remove any. Now all this is from the nature of
the case very difficult to ascertain. But the whole question, as it regards
Bacon's character, must be considered in connexion with the rest of his po-
litical life, and will be fully discussed in its place in the Occasional works ;
where all the evidence I can find shall be faithfully exhibited. In this
place it may be enough to say that he himself always admitted the taking
of presents as he had taken them to be indefensible, the sentence to be just,
and the example salutary; and yet always denied that he had been an un-
just judge, or " had ever had bribe or reward in his eye or thought when
he pronounced any sentence or order; " and that I cannot find any reason
for doubting that this was true. It is stated, indeed, in a manuscript of Sir
Matthew Hale's, published by Hargrave, that the censure of Bacon " for
many decrees made upon most gross bribery and corruption .... gave
such a discredit and brand to the decrees thus obtained that they were
easily set aside;" and it is true that some bills were brought into the
House of Commonsybr the purpose of setting aside such decrees; but I can-
not find that any one of them reached a third reading; and it is clear from
Sir Matthew's own argument that he could not produce an instance of one
reversed by the House of Lords ; and if any had been reversed by a royal
commission appointed for the purpose (which according to his statement
was the only remaining way), it must surely have been heard of; yet
where is the record of any such commission ? Now if of all the decrees so
discredited none were reversed, it is difficult to resist the conclusion that
they had all been made bond fide with regard only to the merits of the
cases, and were in fact unimpeachably just ; and we may believe that
Bacon pronounced a true judgment on his own case when he said to his
friends (as I find it recorded in a commonplace book of Dr. Rawley's in
the Lambeth Library), •* I was the justest judge that was in England these
fifty years; but it was the justest censure in parliament that was these two
hundred years."
1 In the Latin version Rawley adds, quamprouem observavi; which gires
this list a peculiar value.
DR. RAWLEY'S LIFE OF BACON. 45
Hwn Naturce^ or a Metaphysical piece which is lost ; ^
Historia Ventorum ; Historia Vitce et Mortis ; Historia
Densi et Hari, not yet printed ; ^ Historia Gravis et
Levis, which is also lost ; ^ a Discourse of a War with
Spain; a Dialogue touching an Holy War ; the Fable
of the New Atlantis ; a Preface to a Digest of the Laws
of England; the beginning of the History of the Reign
of King Henry the Eighth ; De Augmentis Scientiarum,
or the Advancement of Learning, put into Latin/ with
several enrichments and enlargements ; Counsels Civil
and Moral, or his book of Essays, likewise enriched and
enlarged ; the Conversion of certain Psalms into English
Verse; the Translation into Latin of the History of King
Henry the Seventh, of the Counsels Civil and Moral,^ of
1 A fragment of this piece was recovered and printed by Tenison in the
Baconiana; and will appear in this edition after the Historia Ventorum,
which it was intended to accompany.
2 This was true in 1657 ; but it was printed the next year in the Opuscula
Philosophica ; and, therefore, for "not yet printed," the Latin version sub-
stitutes yamjynmMTW typis mandata. In the edition of 1661 a corresponding
alteration ought to have been made in the English, but was not; and as
the words occur in one of the cancelled leaves they must have been left by
oversight.
3 This was probably the tract which Gruter says he once had in his
hands, and which he describes as merely a skeleton, exhibiting heads of
chapters not filled up. " De Gravi et Levi in manibus hctbui integrum et
grande volumen, sed quod, prceter nudam delineatce fabriece compagem ex
tituUs materiam prout earn conceperat Baconus absolventibiis, nihil descrip-
tionis continebat:' See his letter to Rawley, May 29. 1652, in the Ba-
coniana, p. 223.
4 In this edition I have placed the De Augmentis before the Historia Ven-
torum ; because, though published after, it was prepared and arranged, and
in that sense composed, before. And in this view I am supported by a
slight variation which is introduced here in the Latin version, viz. " Inter-
venerat opus de Augmentis Scientiarum,''- &c.
We learn also from the Latin version that Bacon worked at the transla-
tion of the Advancement of Learning himself : in quo e lingua vernaculd,
proprio Marte, in Latinam transferendo honoratissimus auctor plurimum
desudavit.
5 These were the Essays as they appeared in the third and last edition ;
46 DR. RAWLEY'S LIFE OF BACON.
the Dialogue of the Holy TFar, of the Fable of the New
Atlantis^ for the benefit of other nations ; ^ his revising
of his book De Sapientid Veterum ; Inquiaitio de Mag-
nete ; Topica Inquisitionis de Luce et Lumine ; both
these not yet printed ; ^ lastly, Sylva Sylvarum^ or the
Natural History. These were the fruits and produc-
tions of his last five years. His lordship also designed,
upon the motion and invitation of his late majesty, to
have written the reign of King Henry the Eighth ; but
that work perished in the designation merely, God not
lending him life to proceed farther upon it than only in
one morning's work ; whereof there is extant an ex
ungue leonem^ already printed in his lordship's Mis-
cellany Works.
There is a commemoration due as well to his abili-
ties and virtues as to the course of his life. Those
abilities which commonly go single in other men,
though of prime and observable parts, were all con-
joined and met in him. Those are, sharpness of wit,
memory, judgment, and elocution. For the former
three his books do abundantly speak them ; which ^
with what sufficiency he wrote, let the world judge ;
but with what celerity he wrote them, I can best tes-
tify. But for the fourth, liis elocution, I will only set
down what I heard Sir Walter Raleigh once speak of
but he gave them a weightier title when he had them translated into " the
general language:" eximle dicli, senmmeajideles, sive interiora rerum.
1 The Latin version adds, npwl quoa expeti audiverat.
2 These words are omitted in the Latin version, and must have been left
by oversight in the edition of IfiGl; for they occur in one of the cancelled
leaves; and the works in question had been printed in 1658. The error
is the more worth noticing because it shows that wherever the English
and the Latin differ, the Latin must be regarded as the later and better
authority.
> The Latin version adds, ut de JuUo Cxmre Hirtim.
DR. RAWLEY'S LIFE OF. BACON. 47
him by way of comparison (whose judgment may well
be trusted), That the Earl of Salisbury was an excellent
speaker^ hut no good penman ; that the Earl of North-
ampton (the Lord Senry Howard) was an excellent perv-
man^ hut no good speaker ; hut that Sir Francis Bacon
was emineiit in hath.
I have been induced to think, that if there were a
beam of knowledge derived from God upon any man
in these modern times, it was upon him. For though
he was a great reader of books, yet he had not his
knowledge from books,^ but from some grounds and
notions from within himself; which, notwithstanding,
he vented with great caution and circumspection. His
book of Instauratio Magna^ (which in his own ac-
count was the chiefest of his works) was no slight
imagination or fancy of his brain, but a settled and
concocted notion, the production of many years' labour
and travel. I myself have seen at the least twelve
copies of the Instauration^ revised year by year one
after another, and every year altered and amended in
the frame thereof, till at last it came to that model
in which it was committed to the press ; as many liv-
ing creatures do lick their young ones, till they bring
them to their strength of limbs.
In the composing of his books he did rather drive at
a masculine and clear expression than at any fineness
or affectation of phrases, and would often ask if the
li. e. not from books only: Ex libris tamen solis scientiam suam depromp-
sisse haudquaquam concedere licet.
2 For Instauratio Magna in this place, and also for Instauration a few
lines further on, the Latin version substitutes Novum Organum. Rawley,
when he spoke of the Instauration^ was thinking, no doubt, of the volume
in which the Novum Organum first appeared, and which contains all the
pieces that stand in this edition before the De Augmentis.
48 DR. RAWLEY'S LIFE OF BACON.
meaning were expressed plainly enough, as being one
that accounted words to be but subservient or minis-
terial to matter, and not the principal. And if his
style were polite,^ it was because he would do no
otherwise. Neither was he given to any light con-
ceits, or descanting upon words, but did ever purposely
and industriously avoid them ; for he held such things
to be but digressions or diversions from the scope in-
tended, and to derogate from the weight and dignity
of the style.
He was no plodder upon books ; though he read
much, and that with great judgment, and rejection of
impertinences incident to many authors ; for he would
ever interlace a moderate relaxation of his mind with
his studies, as walking, or taking the air abroad in his
coach,^ or some other befitting recreation ; and yet he
would lose no time, inasmuch as upon his first and im-
mediate return he would fall to reading again, and so
suffer no moment of time to slip from him without
some present improvement.
His meals were refections of the ear as well as of the
stomach, like the Nodes Atticoe, or Convivia Deiprw-
sophistarum, wherein a man might be refreshed in his
mind and understanding no less than in his body.
And I have known some, of no mean parts, that have
professed to make use of their note-books when they
have risen from his table. In which conversations,
and otherwise, he was no dashing man,^ as some men
1 The Latin version adds: Siquidem apud nostrates eloquii Angliatni arti-
ftx habitus est.
2 In the Latin version Ravvley adds gentle exercise on horseback and
playing at bowls : Equitatimem, non citam sed lentam, globorum lusum, et id
gentu exercitia.
« The word dath is used here in the same sense in which Costard uses it
in Love's Labour's Lost: " There, an't please you; a foolish, raild man; an
DR. RAWLEY'S LIFE OF BACON. 49
are, but ever a countenancer and fosterer of another
man's parts. Neither was he one that would appro-
priate the speech wholly to himself, or delight to outvie
others, but leave a liberty to the co-assessors to take
their turns. Wherein he would draw a man on and
allure him to speak upon such a subject, as wherein
he was peculiarly skilful, and would delight to speak.
And for himself, he contemned no man's observations,
but would light his torch at every man's candle.
His opinions and assertions were for the most part
binding; and not contradicted by any ; rather like
oracles than discourses ; which may be imputed either.
to the well weighing of his sentence by the scales of
truth and reason, or else to the reverence and esti-
mation wherein he was commonly had, that no man
would contest with him ; so that there was no argu-
mentation, or pro and con (as they term it), at his
table : or if there chanced to be any, it was carried
with much submission and moderation.
I have often observed, and so have other men of
great account, that if he had occasion to repeat
another man's words after him, he had an use and
faculty to dress them in better vestments and apparel
than they had before ; so that the author should find
his own speech much amended, and yet the substance
of it still retained ; ^ as if it had been natural to him to
honest man, look you, and soon dashed: " Rawley means that Bacon was
not a man who used his wit, as some do, to put his neighbours out of
countenance : Convivantimn neminem aut alios colhquentium pudore sufFun-
dere glorke sibi duxit, sicut nonnulU gestiunt.
1 This is probably the true explanation of a habit of Bacon's which
seems at first sight a fault, and perhaps sometimes is ; and of which a great
many instances have been pointed out by Mr. Ellis; — a habit of inaccurate
quotation. In quoting an author's words, — especially where he quotes
them merely by way of voucher for his own remark, or in acknowledgment
VOL. I. 4
50. DR. RAWLET'S LIFE OF BACON.
use good forms, as Ovid spake of his faculty of vei-sify-
" Et quod tentabam scribere, versus erat."
When his office called him, as he was of the king's
council learned, to charge any offenders, either in crim-
inals or capitals, he was never of an insulting and
domineering nature over them, but always tender-
hearted, and carrying himself decently towards the
parties (though it was his duty to charge them home),
but yet as one that looked upon the example with the
eye of severity, but upon the person with the eye of
pity and compassion. And in civil business, as he
was counsellor of estate, he had the best way of ad-
vising, not engaging his master in any precipitate or
grievous courses, but in moderate and fair proceedings :
the king whom he served giving him this testimony.
That he ever dealt in business suavibus modis; which
was the way that was most according to his otvn heart.
Neither was he in his time less gracious with the
subject than with his sovereign. He was ever accept-
able to the House of Commons ^ when he was a mem-
of the source whence he derived it, or to suggest an allusion which may
give a better effect to it, — he very often quotes inaccurately. Sometimes,
no doubt, this was unintentional, the fault of his memory; but more fre-
quently, I suspect, it was done deliberately, for the sake of presenting the
substance in a better form, or a form better suited to the particular occa-
sion. In citing the evidence of witnesses, on the contrary, in support of a
narrative statement or an argument upon matter of fact, he is always verj'
careful.
1 The Latin version adds, in quo scepe peroravit, non sine magno applattsu ;
a statement of the truth of which abundant evidence may be found in all
the records which remain of the proceedings of the House of Commons.
The first parliament in which he sate was that of 1584: after which he sate
in every parliament that was summoned up to the time of his fall
As an edition of Bacon would hardly be complete unless it contained
Ben Jonson's famous description of his manner of speaking, I shall insert
it here : — '' Yet there happened in my time one noble speaker, who was
DR. RAWLEY'S LIFE OF BACON. 51
ber thereof. Being the king's attorney, and chosen to
a place in parhament, he was allowed and dispensed
with to ^it in the House ; which was not permitted
to other attorneys.
And as he was a good servant to his master, being
never in nineteen years' service (as himself averred)
rebuked by the king for anything relating to His
Majesty, so he was a good master to his servants,
and rewarded their long attendance with good places
freely ^ when they fell into his power ; which was the
cause that so many young gentlemen of blood and
quality sought to list themselves in his retinue. And
if he were abused by any of them in their places, it
was only the error of the goodness of his nature, but
the badges of their indiscretions and intemperances.
This lord was religious : for though the world be
apt to suspect and prejudge great wits and politics to
have somewhat of the atheist, yet he was conversant
with God, as appeareth by several passages through-
out the whole current of his writings. Otherwise he
should have crossed his own principles, which were,
That a little philosophy maheth men apt to forget Grod,
as attributing too much to second causes; but depth of
philosophy bringeth a man back to God again. Now I
full of gravity in his speaking. His language (where he could spare or
pass by a jest) was nobly censorious. No man ever spake more neatly,
more pressly, more weightily, or suffered less emptiness, less idleness, in
what he uttered. No member of his speech but consisted of his own
graces. His hearers could not cough, or look aside from him, without loss.
He commanded where he spoke; and had his judges angry and pleased at
his devotion. No man had their affections more in his power. The fear
of every man that heard him was, lest he should make an end." — Dis-
coveries: under title Dominus Verulamitts.
1 Gratis, in the Latin version ; e. e. without taking any money for them ;
an unusual thing in Bacon's time, when the sale of offices was a principal
source of all great men's incomes.
<52 DR. RAWLEY'S LIFE OF BACON.
am sure there is no man that will deny liim, or
account otherwise of him, but to have him been a
deep j)hilosopher. And not only so ; but he was able
to render a reason of the hope which was in him, which
that writing of his of the Confession of the Faith doth
abundantly testify. He repaired frequently, when his
health would permit him, to the service of the church,
to hear sermons, to the administration of tlie sacrament
of the blessed body and blood of Christ ; and died in
the true faith, established in the church of England.
This is most true — he was free from malice, which
(as he said himself) he never bred norfed.^ He was no
revenger of injuries ; which if he had minded, he had
both opportunity and place high enough to have done
it. He was no heaver of men out of their places, as
delighting in their ruin and undoing. He was no
defamer of any man to his prince. One day, when a
great statesman was newly dead, that had not been his
friend, the king asked him. What he thought of that lord
which was gone? he answered, That he would never
have made His Majesty's estate better, but he was sure
1 " He said he had breeding swans and feeding swans; but for malice, he
neither bred it nor fed it." From a commonplace book of Dr. Rawley's in
the Lambeth Library. " Et posso dir," says Sir Tobie Matthew, in his
dedication to Cosmo de' Medici of an Italian translation of the Kssays and
Sfipientin Veterum, 1618, " et posso dir con veritii (per haver io havute
r honore di pratticarlo molti anni, et quando era in mvioribtis, et hora
quando sta in colmo et fiore della sua grandezza) di non haver mai sco-
perto in lui animo di vendetta, per qualsivoglia aggravio che se gli fosse
fatto; nb manco sentito uscirgli di bocca parola d' ingiuria contra veruno,
che mi paresse venire da passione contra la tal persona; ma solo (et questo
ancora molto scarsamentc) per giudicio fattone in sangue freddo. Non 6
gik la sua grandezza quel che io ammiro, ma la sua virtu; non sono li
favori fattimi da lui (per infiniti che siano) che mi hanno posto il cuore in
quenti ceppi et catene in che mi ritrovo; ma si bene il suo procedere in com-
mune; che »e egli fosse di conditione inferiore, non potrei manro honorarlo,
e 86 mi fosse nemico io dovrei con tutto cib amar et procurar di servirlo."
DR. RAWLEY'S LIFE OF BACON. 53
he would have kept it from being worse ; which was the
worst he would say of him : which I reckon not among
his moral, but his Christian virtues.
His fame is greater and sounds louder in foreign parts
abroad, than at home in his own nation ; thereby veri-
fying that divine sentence, A prophet is not without hon-
our, save in his own country, and in his own house. Con-
cerning which I will give you a taste only, out of a
letter written from Italy (the storehouse of refined
wits) to the late Earl of Devonshire, then the Lord
Candish : I will expect the new essays of my Lord Chan-
cellor Bacon, as also his History, with a great deal of
desire, and whatsoever else he shall compose : hut in par-
ticular of his History I promise myself a thing perfect
and singular, especially in Henry the Seventh, where
he may exercise the talent of his divine understanding.
This lord is more and more known, and his hooks here
more and more delighted in; and those men that have
more than ordinary knowledge in human affairs, esteem
him one of the most capable spirits of this age; and he
is truly such. Now his fame doth not decrease with
days since, but rather increase. Divers of his works
have been anciently and yet lately translated into
other tongues, both learned and modern, by foreign
pens. Several persons* of quality, during his lordship's
life, crossed the seas on purpose to gain an opportu-
nity of seeing him and discoursing with him ; whereof
one carried his lordship's picture from head to foot^
over with him into France, as a thing which he fore-
saw would be much desired there, that so they might
enjoy the image of his person as well as the images
of his brain, his books. Amongst the rest. Marquis
1 This picture was presented to him by Bacon himself, according to the
Latin version.
M DR. RAWLEY'S LIFE OF BACON.
Fiat, a French nobleman, who came ambassador into
England, in the beginning of Queen Mary, wife to
King Charles, was taken with an extraordinary desire
of seeing him ; for which he made way by a friend ;
and when he came to him, being then througli weak-
ness confined to his bed, the marquis saluted him with
tliis high expression. That his lordship had been ever to
him like the angels; of whom he had often heard, and
read much of them in books, but he never saw them. Af-
ter which they contracted an intimate acquaintance,
and the marquis did so much revere liim, that besides
his frequent visits, they wrote letters one to the other,
under the titles and appellations of father and son. As
for his many salutations by letters from foreign wor-
thies devoted to learning, I forbear to mention them,
because that is a thing common to other men of learn-
ing or note, together with him.
But yet, in this matter of his fame, I speak in the
comparative only, and not in the exclusive. For his
reputation is great in his own nation also, especially
amongst those that are of a more acute and sharper
judgment ; which I will exemplify but with two tes-
timonies and no more. The former, when his History
of King Henry the Seventh was to come forth, it was
delivered to the old Lord Brook, to be perused by
him ; who, when he had dispatched it, returned it
to the author with this eulogy. Commend me to my
lord, and bid him take care to get good paper and ink,
for the work is incomparable. The other shall be that
of Doctor Samuel Collins, late provost of King's Col-
lege in Cambridge, a man of no vulgar wit, who af-
firmed unto me,^ That when he had read the book of the
1 In the Latin version Rawley lias thought it worth while to add that
this may have been said p'ayfully : Siveftttive sive scrio.
DR. RAWLEY'S LIFE OF BACON. 65
Advancement of Learning^ he found himself in a case
to heyin his studies a7iew^ and that he had lost all the
time of his studying before.
It hath been desired, that something should be sig-
nified touching his diet, and the regimen of his health,
of which, in regard of his universal insight into nature,
he may perhaps be to some an example. For his diet,
it was rather a plentiful and liberal diet, as his stomach
would bear it, than a restrained ; w hich he also com-
mended in his book of the History of Life and Death,
In his younger years he was much given to the finer
and lighter sort of meats, as of fowls, and such like ;
but afterward, when he grew more judicious,^ he pre-
ferred the stronger meats, such as the shambles af-
forded, as those meats which bred the more firm and
substantial juices of the body, and less dissipable ; upon
which he would often make his meal, though he had
other meats upon the table. You may be sure he
would not neglect that himself, which he so much ex-
tolled in his writings, and that was the use of nitre ;
whereof he took in the quantity of about three grains
in thin warm broth every morning, for thirty years
together next before his death. And for physic, he
did indeed live physically, but not miserably ; for he
took only a maceration of rhubarb,^ infused into a
draught of white wine and beer mingled together for
the space of half an hour, once in six or seven days,
immediately before his meal (whether dinner or sup-
per), that it might dry the body less ; which (as he
said) did carry away frequently the grosser humours
1 More judicious (that is) by experience and observation: experientid
edoctus is the expression in the Latin version.
2 In the Latin version Rawley gives the quantity : Rhabarbari sesqui-
drachmam.
56 DR. RAWLEY'S LIFE OF BACON.
of the body, and not diminish or carry away any of
the spirits, as sweating doth. And this was no griev-
ous thing to take. As for other physic, in an ordi-
nary way (whatsoever hath been vulgarly spoken)
he took not. His receipt for the gout, which did
constantly ease liim of his pain within two hours, is
already set down in the end of the Natural History.
It may seem the moon had some principal place in
the figure of his nativity : for the moon was never in
her passion, or eclipsed,^ but he was surprised with a
sudden fit of fainting ; and that, though he observed
not nor took any previous knowledge of the eclipse
thereof; and as soon as the eclipse ceased, he was
restored to his former strength again.
He died on the ninth day of April in the year 1626,
1 Lord Campbell (who appears to have read Rawley's memoir only in the
Latin, where the words are quoties luna defecit sive ecUpsin passu est), suppos-
ing defecit to mean waned, discredits this statement, on the ground that
" no instance is recorded of Bacon's having fainted in public, or put off the
hearing of any cause on account of the change of the moon, or of any ap-
proaching eclipse, visible or invisible." And it is true that if rfe/ec<MS lunce
meant a change of the moon, or even a dark moon (which it might have
meant well enough if the Romans had not chosen to appropriate the word
to quite another meaning), the accident must have happened in public too
often to pass unnoticed. But Rawley was too good a scholar to misapply
so common a word in that way. He evidently speaks of eclipses only,
and of eclipses visible at the place. Now it is not at all likely that lunar
eclipses visible at Westminster would have coincided with important
business in which Bacon was conspicuously engaged, often enough (even
if he did faint every time) to establish a connexion between the two phe-
nomena. Of course Rawley's statement is not sufficient to prove the
reality of any such connexion ; but there is no reason to suppose it an
invention, and the fact of the fainting-fits may be fairly taken, I think,
as evidence of the extreme delicacy of Bacon's temperament, and its sen-
sibility to the skiey influences. That Bacon himself never alluded to this
relation between himself and the moon is easily accounted for by suppos-
ing that he M'as not satisfied of the fact. He may have obser^'ed the co-
incidence, and mentioned it to Rawley; and Rawley (whose common-
place book proves that he had a taste for astrology) may have believed
in the physical connexion, though Bacon himself did not.
DR. RAWLEY'S LIFE OF BACON. 57
in the early morning of the day then celebrated for
our Saviour's resurrection, in the sixty-sixth year of
his age, at the Earl of Arundel's house in Highgate,
near London, to which place he casually repaired
about a week before ; God so ordaining that he should
die there of a gentle fever, accidentally accompanied
with a great cold, whereby the defluxion of rheum
fell so plentifully upon his breast, that he died by
suffocation ; and was buried in St. Michael's church
at St. Albans ; being the place designed for his burial
by his last will and testament, both because the body
of his mother was interred there, and because it was
the only church then remaining within the precincts
of old Yerulam : where he hath a monument erected
for him in white marble (by the care and gratitude
of Sir Thomas Meautys, knight, formerly his lordship's
secretary, afterwards clerk of the King's Honourable
Privy Council under two kings) ; representing his
full portraiture in the posture of studying, with an
inscription composed by that accomplished gentleman
and rare wit, Sir Henry Wotton.^
FRANCISCUS BACON, BARO DE VERULAM, S\ AJ.BANI VIC""'*,
SEU NOTIOEIBUS TITULIS
SCIENTIAKUM LUMEN FACUNDI^ LEX
SIC SEDEBAT.
QUI rOSTQUAM OMNIA NATUKALIS SAPIENTI^
ET CIVILIS ARCANA EVOLVISSET •
NATURE DECRETUM EXPLEVIT
COMPOSITA SOLVANTUR
AN. DNI M.DC.XXVI.
^TATW LXVI.
TANTI VIRI
MEM.
THOMAS MEAUTUS
SUPERSTITIS CULTOR
DEFUNCTI ADMIRATOR
H. P.
58 DR. RAWLEY'S LIFE OF BACON.
But howsoever his body was mortal, yet no doubt
his memory and works will live, and will in all proba-
bility last as long as the world lasteth. In order to
which I have endeavoured (after my poor ability)
to do this honour to his lordship, by way of conduc-
ing to the same.
PHILOSOPHICAL WORKS
FRANCIS BACON.
GENERAL PREFACE
TO
BACON'S PHILOSOPHICAL WORKS.
BY ROBERT LESLIE ELLIS.
(1.) Our knowledge of Bacon's method is much
less complete than it is commonly supposed to be. Of
the Novum Organum^ which was to contain a complete
statement of its nature and principles, we have only
the first two books ; and although in other parts of
Bacon's writings, as for instance in the Cogitata et Visa
de Interpretatione Naturce^ many of the ideas contained
in these books recur in a less systematic form, we yet
meet with but few indications of the nature of the sub-
jects which were to have been discussed in the others.
It seems not improbable that some parts of Bacon's
system were never perfectly developed even in his own
mind. However this may be, it is certain that an at-
tempt to determine what his method, taken as a whole,
was or would have been, must necessarily involve a
conjectural or hypothetical element ; and it is, I think,
chiefly because this circumstance has not been suffi-
ciently recognised, that the idea of Bacon's philosophy
has generally speaking been but imperfectly appre-
hended.
62 GENERAL PREFACE TO
(2.) Of the subjects which were to have occupied
the remainder of the Novum Organum we learn some-
thing from a passage at the end of the second book.
" Nunc vero," it is said at the conclusion of the doc-
trine of prerogative instances, " ad adminicula et rectifi-
cationes inductionis, et deinceps ad concreta, et latentes
processus, et latentes schematismos, et reliqua qua' aph-
orismo xxi ordine proposuimus, pergendum." On re-
ferring to the twenty-first aphorism we find a sort of
table of contents of the whole work. *' Dicemus ita-
que primo loco, de praerogativis instantiarum ; secundo,
de adminiculis inductionis ; tertio, de rectificatione in-
ductionis ; quarto, de variatione inquisitionis pro natura
subjecti ; quinto, de praerogativis naturarum quatenus
ad inquisitionem, sive de eo quod inquirendum est prius
et posterius ; sexto, de terminis inquisitionis, sive de
synopsi omnium naturarum in universo ; septimo, de
deductione ad praxin, sive de eo quod est in ordine ad
hominem ; octavo, de parascevis ad inquisitionem ; pos-
tremo autem, de scala ascensoria et descensoria axioma-
tum." Of these nine subjects the first is the only one
with which we are at all accurately acquainted.
(3.) Bacon's method was essentially inductive. He
rejected the use of syllogistic or deductive reasoning,
except when practical applications were to be made of
the conclusions, axiomata, to which the inquirer had
been led by a systematic process of induction. " Log-
ica quaB nunc habetur inutilis est ad inventionem sci-
entiarum Spes est una in inductione vera."^
It is to be observed that wherever Bacon speaks of an
" ascending " process, he is to be understood to mean
induction, of which it is the character to proceed from
1 Nov. Org. i. U. and 14.
THE PHILOSOPHICAL WORKS. 63
that which is fiohis notius to that which is notius simpli-
citer. Contrariwise when he speaks of a descent, he
always refers to the correlative process of deduction.
Thus when in the Partis secuncke Delineatio he says,
. . . " meminerint homines in inquisitione activ^ ne-
cesse esse rem per scalam descensoriam (cujus usum in
contemplativa sustulimus) confici : omnis enim operatio
in individuis versatur quae infimo loco sunt," — we are
to understand that in Bacon's system deduction is only
admissible in the inquisitio activa ; that is, in practical
applications of the results of induction. Similarly in
the Distributio Operis he says, " Rejicimus syllogis-
mum ; neque id solum quoad principia (ad quae nee
illi eam adhibent) sed etiam quoad propositiones me-
dias." Everything was to be established by induction.
" In constituendo autem axiomate forma inductionis
alia quam adhuc in usu fuit excogitanda est, eaque
non ad principia tantum (quae vocant) probanda et
invenienda, sed etiam ad axiomata minora, et media,
denique omnia." ^
(4.) It is necessary to determine the relation in
which Bacon conceived his method to stand to ordinary
induction. Both methods set out " a sensu et particu-
laribus," and acquiesce "in maxime generalibus ; " ^
but while ordinary induction proceeds " per enum-
erationem simplicem," by a mere enumeration of
particular cases, " et precario concludit et periculo
exponitur ab instantia contradictori^," the new
method " naturam separare debet, per rejectiones et
exclusiones debitas; et deinde post negativas tot quot
sufficiunt super affirmativas concludere."^ A form of
induction was to be introduced, " quae ex aliquibus
generaliter concludat ita ut instantiam contradictoriam
1 Nov. Org. i. 105. 2 Nov. Org. i. 22. a Nov. Org. i. 105.
64 GENERAL PREFACE TO
inveniri non posse demonstretur."^ In strong contrast
with this method stands " the induction which the logi-
cians speak of," wliich " is utterly vicious and incom-
petent." . . . *' For to conclude upon an enumeration
of particulars, without instance contradictory, is no
conclusion, but a conjecture." ..." And this form,
to say truth, is so gross, as it had not been possible for
wits so subtile as have managed these things to have
offered it to the world, but that they trusted to their
theories and dogmaticals, and were imperious and scorn-
ful towards particulars." ^ We thus see what is meant
by the phrase " quot sufficiunt" in the passage which
has been cited from the Novum Organum ; it means
" as many as may suffice in order to the attainment of
certainty," it being necessary to have a method of in-
duction, " quae experientiam solvat et separet, et per
exclusiones et rejectiones debitas necessario concludat."^
Absolute certainty is therefore one of the distinguishing
characters of the Baconian induction. Another is that
it renders all men equally capable, or nearly so, of at-
taining to the truth. " Nostra vero inveniendi scientias
ea est ratio ut non multum ingeniorum acumini et ro-
bori relinquatur ; sed qua? ingenia et intellectus fere
exa^quet;"* and this is illustrated by the difficulty of
describing a circle libera manu, whereas every one can
do it with a pair of compasses. " Omnino similis est
nostra ratio." The cause to which this peculiarity is
owing, is sufficiently indicated by the illustration : the
1 Cogitata et Visa, § 18.
2 Advancement of Learning. The corresponding passage in the De Augm.
is in the 2nd chap, of tiie 5th book.
8 Distrib. Operi.s, § 10.
■* Nov. Org. i. 61., and comp. i. 122. Also the Inquisitio legitima de
Motu, and Valerius Terminus, c. 19.
THE PHILOSOPHICAL WORKS. Q^
method " exagquat ingenia," " cum omnia per certis-
simas regulas et demonstrationes transigat."
(5.) Absolute certainty, and a mechanical mode
of procedure such that all men should be capable of
employing it, are thus two great features of the Ba-
conian method. His system can never be rightly
understood if they are neglected, and any explanation
of it which passes them over in silence leaves unex-
plained the principal difficulty which that system pre-
sents to us. But another difficulty takes the place of
the one which is thus set aside. It becomes impossible
to justify or to understand Bacon's assertion that his
method was essentially new. " Nam nos," he says in
the preface to the Novum Organum^ " si profiteamur
nos meliora afferre quam antiqui, eandem quam illi
viam ingressi, nulla verborum arte efficere possimus,
quin inducatur qusedam ingenii, vel excellentiee, vel
facultatis comparatio, sive contentio. . . . Verum cum
per nos illud agatur, ut alia omnino via intellectui ape-
riatur illis intentata et incognita, commutata tota jam
ratio est," &c. He elsewhere speaks of himself as
being " in hac re plane protopirus, et vestigia nullius
sequutus." ^ Surely this language would be out of
place, if the difference between him and those who had
gone before him related merely to matters of detail ;
as, for instance, that his way of arranging the facts of
observation was more convenient than theirs, and his
way of applying an inductive process to them more
systematic. And it need not be remarked that induc-
tion in itself was no novelty at all. The nature of the
act of induction is as clearly stated by Aristotle as by
any later writer. Bacon's design was surely much larger
1 Nov. Org. i. 113.
vol.. I. 6
66 GENERAL PREFACE TO
than it would thus appear to have been. Whoever
considers his writings without reference to their place
in the histoiy of philosophy will I think be convinced
that he aimed at giving a wholly new method, — a
method universally applicable, and in all cases infal-
lible. By this method, all the knowledge which the
human mind is capable of receiving might be attained,
and attained without unnecessary labour. Men were
no longer to wander from the truth in helpless uncer-
tainty. The publication of this new doctrine was the
Temporis Partus Mascuhis ; it was as the rising of a
new sun, before which " the borrowed beams of moon
and stars" were to fade away and disappear.^
(6.) That the wide distinction which Bacon con-
ceived to exist between his own method and any which
had previously been known has often been but slightly
noticed by those who have spoken of his philosophy,
arises probably from a wish to recognise in the history
of the scientific discoveries of the last two centuries
the fulfilment of his hopes and prophecies. One of his
early disciples however, who wrote before the scientific
movement which commenced about Bacon's time had
assumed a definite form and character — I mean Dr.
Hooke — has explicitly adopted those portions of Ba-
con's doctrine which have seemingly been as a stum-
bling-block to his later followers. In Hooke's General
Scheme or Idea of the Present State of Natural PhUos-
ophy? which is in many respects the best commentary
on Bacon, we find it asserted that in the pursuit of
1 See, for instance, the Pra-fatio Generalis, where Bacon compares his
method to the mariner's compass, until the discovery of which no wide sea
could be crossed; an image probably connected with his favourite device
of a ship passing through the pillars of Hercules, with the motto " Plus
ultra."
2 Published posthumously in 1705.
THE PHILOSOPHICAL WORKS. 67
knowledge, the intellect " is continually to be assisted
by some method or engine which shall be as a guide to
regulate its actions, so as that it shall not be able to act
amiss. Of this engine no man except the incompar-
able Verulam hath had any thoughts, and he indeed
hath promoted it to a .very good pitch." Something
however still remained to be added to this engine or
art of invention, to which Hooke gives the name of
philosophical algebra. He goes on to say, " I cannot
doubt but that if this art be well prosecuted and made
use of, an ordinary capacity with industry will be able
to do very much more than has yet been done, and to
show that even physical and natural inquiries as well
as mathematical and geometrical will be capable also
of demonstration ; so that henceforward the business
of invention will not be so much the effect of acute
wit, as of a serious and industrious prosecution."^
Here the absolute novelty of Bacon's method, its de-
monstrative character, and its power of reducing all
minds to nearly the same level, are distinctly recog-
nised.
(7.) Before we examine the method of which iBacon
proposed to make use, it is necessary to determine the
nature of the problems to which it was, for the most
part at least, to be applied. In other words, we must
endeavour to determine the idea which he had formed
of the nature of science.
Throughout his writings, science and power are
spoken of as correlative — " in idem coincidunt ; " and
the reason of this is that Bacon always assumed that
the knowledge of the cause would in almost all cases
enable us to produce the observed effect. We shall see
1 Present State of Nat. PhiL pp. 6, 7.
68 GENERAL PREFACE TO
hereafter how this assumption connected itself with the
whole spirit of his philosophy. I mention it now be-
cause it presents itself in the passage in which Bacon's
idea of the nature of science is most distinctly stated.
" Super datum corpus novam naturam, sive novas na-
turas, generare et superinducefe, opus et intentio est
humanae potentise. Datae autem naturae formam, sive
differentiam veram, sive naturam naturantem, sive fon-
tem emanationis, (ista enim vocabula habemus quae ad
indicationem rei proxime accedunt) invenire, opus et
intentio est humanae scientiae." This passage, with
which the second book of the Novum Organum com-
mences, requires to be considered in detail.
In the first place it is to be remarked, that natura
signifies "abstract quality," — it is used by Bacon in
antithesis with corpus or " concrete body." Thus the
passage we have quoted amounts to this, that the scope
and end of human power is to give new qualities to
bodies, while the scope and end of human knowledge
is to ascertain the formal cause of all the qualities of
which bodies are possessed.
Throughout Bacon's philosophy, the necessity of
making abstract qualities (naturae) the principal object
of our inquiries is frequently insisted on. He who
studies the concrete and neglects the abstract cannot
be called an interpreter of nature. Such was Bacon's
judgment when, apparently at an early period of his
life, he wrote the Temporis Partus Masculm ; ^ and in
the Novum Organum he has expressed an equivalent
1 Mr. Ellis alludes, I think, to the De Intei'pretatione Naturce SententicB
XII., which M. Bouillet prints as part of the Tempotis Partus Mmcultia.
My reasons for differing with M. Bouillet on this point, and placing it by
itself, and assigning it a later date, will be found in a note to Mr. Ellis's
Preface to the Novum Organum. — J. 8.
THE PHILOSOPHICAL WORKS. 69
opinion : " quod iste modus operandi, (qui naturas in-
tuetur simplices licet in corpore concreto) procedat ex
iis quae in natura sunt constantia et seterna et catholica,
et latas praebeat potentise humanae vias." ^ Quite in
accordance wdth this passage is a longer one in the Adr
vancement of Learning^ which I shall quote in extenso,
as it is exceedingly important. " The forms of sub-
stances, I say, as they are now by compounding and
transplanting multiplied, are so perplexed as they are
not to be inquired ; no more than it were either possi-
ble or to purpose to seek in gross the forms of those
sounds which make words, which by composition and
transposition of letters are infinite. But on the other
side to inquire the form of those sounds or voices which
make simple letters is easily comprehensible, and being
known induceth and manifesteth the forms of all words
which consist and are compounded of them. In the
same manner, to inquire the form of a lion, of an oak,
of gold — nay of water, of air — is a vain pursuit ;
but to inquire the forms of sense, of voluntary mo-
tion, of vegetation, of colours, of gravity and levity,
of density, of tenuity, of heat, of cold, and all other
natures and qualities which like an alphabet are not
many, and of which the essences upheld by matter of
all creatures do consist, — to inquire, I say, the true
forms of these, is that part of metaphysique which we
now define of." And a little farther on we are told
that it is the prerogative of metaphysique to consider
" the simple forms or difference of things " (that is to
say, the forms of simple natures), " which are few in
number, and the degrees and co-ordinations whereof
make all this variety."
1 Nov. Org. ii. 5.
70 GENERAL PREFACE TO
We see from these passages why the study of sim-
ple natures is so important — namely because they are
com j)a rati vely speaking few in number, and because,
notwithstanding this, a knowledge of their essence
would enable us, at least in theory, to solve every
problem which the universe can present to us.
As an illustration of the doctrine of simple natures,
we may take a passage which occurs in the Silva Sil-
varum. " Gold," it is there said, " has these natures :
greatness of weight, closeness of parts, fixation, pliant-
ness or softness, immunity from rust, colour or tinc-
ture of yellow. Therefore the sure way, though most
about, to make gold, is to know the causes of the sev-
eral natures before rehearsed, and the axioms concern-
ing the same. For if a man can make a metal that
hath all these properties, let men dispute whether it be
gold or no." ^
Of these simple natures Bacon has given a list in the
third book of the De Augmentis. They are divided
into two classes : schematisms of matter, and simple
motions. To the former belong the abstract qualities,
dense, rare, heavy, light, &c., of which thirty-nine are
enumerated, the list being concluded with a remark
that it need not be carried farther, " neque ultra rem
extendimus." The simple motions — and it will be
observed that the word " motion " is used in a wide
and vague sense — are the motus antitypiae, which se-
cures the impenetrability of matter ; the motus nexus,
commonly called the motus ex fuga vacui, &c. ; and of
these motions fourteen are mentioned. Tliis list how-
ever does not profess to be complete, and accordingly
in the Novum Organum (ii. 48.) another list of sim-
1 Compare Nov. Org. ii. 6.
THE PHILOSOPHICAL WORKS. 71
pie motions is given, in which nineteen species are
recognised.
The view of which we have now been speaking —
namely, that it is possible to reduce all the phenomena
of the universe to combinations of a limited number
of simple elements — is the central point of Bacon's
whole system. It serves, as we shall see, to explain
the peculiarities of the method which he proposed.
(8.) In what sense did Bacon use the word
" Form ? " This is the next question which, in con-
sidering the account which he has given of the nature
of science, it is necessary to examine. I am, for rea-
sons which will be hereafter mentioned, much disposed
to believe that the doctrine of Forms is in some sort
an extraneous part of Bacon's system. His peculiar
method may be stated independently of this doctrine,
and he has himself so stated it in one of his earlier
tracts, namely the Valerius Terminus. It is at any
rate certain, that in using the word " Form " he did
not intend to adopt the scholastic mode of employing
it. He was much in the habit of giving to words
already in use a new signification. " To me," he re-
marks in the Advancement of Learning, *' it seemeth
best to keep way with antiquity usque ad aras, and
therefore to retain the ancient terms, though I some-
times alter the uses and definitions." And thus though
he has spoken of the scholastic forms as figments of the
human mind,^ he was nevertheless willing to employ
the word " Form " in a modified sense, " praesertim
quum hoc vocabulum invaluerit, et familiariter oc-
currat." ^ He has however distinctly stated that in
speaking of Forms, he is not to be understood to speak
1 Nov. Org. i. 51. 2 Nov. Org. ii. 2.
72 GENERAL PREFACE TO
of tlie Forms " quibus hominum contemplationes et
cogitationes hactenus assueverunt." ^
As Bacon uses the word in his own sense, we must
endeavour to interpret the passages in wliich it occurs
by means of wliat he lias liimself said of it ; and tliis
may I think be satisfactorily accomplished.
We may begin by remarking that in Bacon's sys-
tem, as in those of many others, the relation of sub-
stance and attribute is virtually the same as the relation
of cause and effect. The substance is conceived of as
the causa immanens of its attributes,^ or in other words
it is the formal cause of the qualities which are re-
ferred to it. As there is a difference between the
properties of different substances, there must be a cor-
responding difference between , the substances them-
selves. But in the first state of the views of which
we are speaking this latter difference is altogether
unimaginable : " distincte quidem intelligi potest, sed
non explicari imaginabiliter." ^ It belongs not to nat-
ural philosophy, but to metaphysics.
These views however admit of an essential modifi-
cation. If we divide the qualities of bodies into two
classes, and ascribe those of the former class to sub-
stance as its essential attributes, while we look on those
of the latter as connected with substance by the rela-
tion of cause and effect — that is, if we recognise the
distinction of primary and secondary qualities — the
state of the question is changed. It now becomes pos-
sible to give a definite answer to the question. Wherein
1 Nov. Org. ii. 17.
2 See Zimmerman's Essay on the Monadology of Leibnitz, p. 86. (Vien-
na, 1807).
» Leibnitz, De ipsa Natura.
THE PHILOSOPHICAL WORKS. 73
does the diflPerence between different substances, corre-
sponding to the difference between their sensible quah-
ties, consist?
The answer to this question of course involves a ref-
erence to the qualities which have been recognised as
primary ; and we are thus led to the principle that in
the sciences which relate to the secondary qualities of
bodies the primary ones are to be regarded as the causes
of the secondary.^
This division of the qualities of bodies into two
classes is the point of transition from the metaphysical^^
view from which we set out to that of ordinary phys-
ical science. And this transition Bacon had made,
though not perhaps with a perfect consciousness of
having done so. Thus he has repeatedly denied the
truth of the scholastic doctrine that Forms are incog-
noscible because supra-sensible ; ^ and the reason of this
is clearly that his conception of the nature of Forms
relates merely to the primary qualities of bodies. For
instance, the Form of heat is a kind of local motion
of the particles of which bodies are composed,^ and
that of whiteness a mode of arrano;ement amono- those
particles.* This peculiar motion or arrangement cor-
responds to and engenders heat or whiteness, and this
in every case in which those qualities exist. The state-
ment of the distinguishing character of the motion or
arrangement, or of whatever else may be the Form of
a given phenomenon, takes the shape of a law ; it is
the law in fldfilling which any substance determines
the existence of the quality in question. It is for this
1 Whewell, Phil. Ind. Science, [book iv. ch. i.]
2 See Scaliger, Exercit. in Cardan.
8 [Nov. Org. ii. 20.] 4 [Valerius Terminus, ii. 1.]
74 GENERAL PREFACE TO
reason that Bacon sometimes calls the Form a law ; he
has done this particularly in a passage which will be
mentioned a little farther on.
With the view which has now been stated, we shall
I think be able to understand every passage in which
Bacon speaks of Forms ; — remembering however that
as he has not traced a boundary line between primary
and secondar}' qualities, we can only say in general
terms tliat his doctrine of Forms is founded upon the
theoiy that certain qualities of bodies are merely sub-
jective and phenomenal, and are to be regarded as
necessarily resulting from others which belong to sub-
stance as its essential attributes. In the passage from
which we set out,^ the Form is spoken of as vera dif-
ferentia, the true or essential difference, — as natura
naturans — and as the fons emanationis. The first of
these expressions refers to the theory of definition by
genus and difference. The difference is that which
gives the thing defined its specific character. If it be
founded on an accidental circumstance, the definition,
thougli not incorrect if the accident be an inseparable
one, will nevertheless not express the true and es-
sential character of its subject ; contrariwise, if it
involve a statement of the formal cause of the thing
defined.
The second of these phrases is now scarcely used,
except in connexion with the philosophy of Spinoza. It
had however been employed by some of the scholastic
writers.2 It is always antithetical to natura naturata,
and in the passage before us serves not inaptly to ex-
1 [Nov. Org. ii. 1,]
2 See Vossius, De Vitiis Serm. in voce Naturare; and Castanaeus, Distinc-
tiones in voc. Natura.
THE PHILOSOPHICAL WORKS. 75
press the relation in which the Form stands to the phe-
nomenal nature which results from it.
The phrase fons emanationis does not seem to require
any explanation. It belongs to the kind of philosophi-
cal language which attempts, more or less successfully,
to give clearness of conception by means of metaphor.
It is unnecessary to remark how much this is the case
in the later development of scholasticism.
A little farther on in the second book of the Novum
Organum than the passage we have been considering,
— namely in the thirteenth aphorism, — Bacon asserts
that the " forma rei " is " ipsissima res," and that the
thing and its Form differ only as " apparens et existens,
aut exterius et interius, aut in ordine ad hominem et in
ordine ad universum." Here the subjective and phe-
nomenal character of the qualities whose form is to be
determined is distinctly and strongly indicated.
The principal passage in which the Form is spoken
of as a law occurs in the second aphorism of the same
book. It is there said that, although in xiature noth-
ing really exists (vere existat) except " corpora indi-
vidua edentia actus puros individuos ex lege," yet that
in doctrine this law is of fundamental importance, and
that it and its clauses (paragraphi) are what he means
when he speaks of Forms.
In denying the real existence of anything beside
individual substances. Bacon opposes himself to the
scholastic realism ; in speaking of these substances as
" edentia actus," he asserts the doctrine of the essential
activity of substance ; by adding the epithet " puros "
he separates what Aristotle termed IvT^Xix^tat from mere
motions or kivt^o-ci?, thereby by implication denying the
objective reality of the latter ; and, lastly, by using the
76 GENERAL PREFACE TO
word " individuos," he implies that though in contem-
plation and doctrine the form law of the substance
(that is, the substantial form) is resoluble into the
forms of the simple natures which belong to it, as
into clauses, yet that this analysis is conceptual only,
and not real.
It will be observed that the two modes in which
Bacon speaks of the Form, namely as ipsissima res and
as a law, differ only, though they cannot be reconciled,
as two aspects of the same object.
Thus much of the character of the Baconian Form.
That it is after all only a physical conception appears
sufficiently from the examples already mentioned, and
from the fact of its being made the most important
part of the subject-matter of the natural sciences.
The investigation of the Forms of natures or ab-
stract qualities is the principal object of the Baconian
method of induction. It is true that Bacon, although
he gives the first place to investigations of this nature,
does not altogether omit to mention as a subordinate
part of science, the study of concrete substances. The
first aphorism of the second book of the Novum Orga-
num sufficiently explains the relation in which, as he
conceived, the abstract and the concrete, considered as
objects of science, ought to stand to one another. This
relation corresponds to that which in the De Angmentis
[iii. 4.], he had sought to establish between Physique
and Metaphysique, and which he has there expressed
by saying that the latter was to be conversant with the
formal and final causes, while the former was to be
confined to the efficient cause and to the material. It
may be asked, and the- question is not easily answered.
Of what use the study of concrete bodies was in Ba-
THE PHILOSOPHICAL WORKS. 77
con's system to be, seeing that the knowledge of the
Forms of simple natures would, in effect, include all
that can be known of the outward world ? I believe
that, if Bacon's recognition of physique as a distinct
branch of science which was to be studied apart from
metaphysique or the doctrine of Forms, can be ex-
plained except on historical grounds, — that is, except
by saying that it was derived from the quadripartite
division of causes given by Aristotle,^ — the explana-
tion is merely this, that he believed that the study of
concrete bodies would at least at first be pursued more
hopefully and more successfully than the abstract in-
vestigations to which he gave the first rank.^
However this may be, it seems certain that Bacon's
method, as it is stated in the Novum Organiim., is pri-
marily applicable to the investigation of Forms, and that
when other applications were made of it, it was to be
modified in a manner which is nowhere distinctly ex-
plained. All in fact that we know of these modifica-
tions results from comparing two passages which have
been already quoted ; ^ namely the two lists in which
Bacon enumerates the subjects to be treated of in the
latter books of the Novum Organum.
It will be observed that in one of these lists the sub-
ject of concrete bodies corresponds to the " variation
of the investigation according to the nature of the sub-
ject " in the other, and from this it seems to follow that
Bacon looked on his method of investigatino; Forms as
the fundamental type of the inductive process, from
which in its other applications it deviated more or less
1 For an explanation of which, see note on De Augmentis, iii. 4. — J. 8.
'^ See, in illustration of this, Nov. Org. ii. 5.
8 Vide supra, ^ 2.
78 GENERAL PREFACE TO
according to the necessity of the case. This being un-
derstood, we may proceed to speak of the inductive
method itself.
(9.) The practical criterium of a Form by means of
which it is to be investigated and recognised, reduces
itself to this, — that the form nature and the phenome-
nal nature (so to modify, for the sake of distinctness,
Bacon's phraseology) must constantly be either both
present or both absent ; and moreover that when either
increases or decreases, the other must do so too.^ Set-
ting aside the vagueness of the second condition, it is
to be observed that there is nothing in this criterium to
decide which of two concomitant natures is the Form
of the other. It is true that in one place Bacon re-
quires the form nature, beside being convertible with
the given one, to be also a limitation of a more general
nature. His words are " natura alia quae sit cum na-
tura data convertibilis et tamen sit limitatio naturae
notioris instar generis veri."^ Of this the meaning
will easily be apprehended if we refer to the case of
heat, of which the form is said to be a kind of motion
— motion being here the natura notior, the more gen-
eral natura, of which heat is a specific limitation ; for
wherever heat is present there also is motion, but not
vice vers^. Still the difficulty recurs, that there is
nothing in the practical operation of Bacon's method
which can serve to determine whether this subsidiary
condition is fulfilled ; nor is the condition itself alto-
gether free from vagueness.
To each of the three points of that which I have
called the practical criterium of the Form corresponds
one of the three tables with which the investigation
1 Nov. Org. ii. 4, 13, 16. 2 Nov. Org. ii. 4.
THE PHILOSOPHICAL WORKS. 79
commences. The first is the table " essentige et pras-
sentiae," and contains all known instances in which the
given nature is present. The second is the table of
declination or absence in like case (declinationis sive
absentise in proximo), and contains instances which re-
spectively correspond to those of the first table, but in
which, notwithstanding this correspondence, the given
nature is absent. The third is the table of degrees or
comparison (tabula graduum sive tabula comparativae),
in which the instances of the given nature are arranged
according to the degree in which it is manifested in
each.
It is easy to see the connexion between these ta-
bles, which are collectively called tables of appearance,
" comparentiae," and the criterium. For, let any in-
stance in which the given nature is present (as the sun
in the case of heat, or froth in the case of whiteness)
be resolved into the natures by the aggregation of
which our idea of it is constituted ; one of these na-
tures is necessarily the form nature, since this is always
to be present when the given nature is. Similarly,
the second table corresponds to the condition that the
Form and the given nature are to be absent together,
and the third to that of their increasing or decreasing
together.
After the formation of these tables, how is the pro-
cess of induction to be carried into effect ? By a
method of exclusion. This method is the essential
point of the whole matter, and it will be well to show
how much importance Bacon attached to it.
In the first place, wherever he speaks of ordinary
induction and of his own method he always remarks
that the former proceeds " per enumerationem sim-
80 GENERAL PREFACE TO
plicem," that is, by a mere enumeration of particular
cases, while the latter makes use of exclusions and
rejections. This is the fundamental character of his
method, and it is from this that the circumstances
which distinguish it from ordinary induction neces-
sarily follow. Moreover we are told that whatever
may be the privileges of higher intelligences, man can
only in one way advance to a knowledge of Forms :
he is absolutely obliged to proceed at first by negatives,
and then only can arrive at an affirmative when the
process of exclusion has been completed (post omnim-
odam exclusionem).^ The same doctrine is taught
in the exposition of the fable of Cupid. For according
to some of the mythographi Cupid comes forth from an
egg whereon Night had brooded. Now Cupid is the
type of the primal nature of things ; and what is said
of the egg hatched by Night refers, Bacon affirms, most
aptly to the demonstrations whereby our knowledge of
him is obtained ; for knowledge obtained by exclusions
and negatives results, so to speak, from darkness and
from night. We see, I think, from this allegorical
fancy, as clearly as from any single passage in his
writings, how firmly fixed in his mind was the idea
of the importance, or rather of the necessity, of using
a method of exclusion.
It is not difficult, on Bacon's fundamental hypoth-
esis, to perceive why this method is of paramount im-
portance. For assuming that each instance in which
the given nature is presented to us can be resolved into
(and mentally replaced by) a congeries of elementary
natures, and that this analysis is not merely subjective
or logical, but deals, so to speak, with the very essence
1 Nov. Org. ii. 15.
THE PHILOSOPHICAL WORKS. 81
of its subject-matter, it follows that to determine the
form nature among the aggregate of simple natures
which we thus obtain, nothing more is requisite than
the rejection of all foreign and unessential elements.
We reject every nature which is not present in every
affirmative instance, or which is present in any nega-
tive one, or which manifests itself in a greater degree
when the given nature manifests itself in a less, or
vice vers&. And this process when carried far enough
will of necessity lead us to the truth ; and meanwhile
every step we take is known to be an approximation
towards it. Ordinary induction is a tentative process,
because we chase our quarry over an open country ;
here it is confined within definite limits, and these
limits become as we advance continually narrower and
narrower.
From the point of view at which we have now ar-
rived, we perceive why Bacon ascribed to his method
the characters by which, as we have seen, he conceived
that it was distinguished from any which had previ-
ously been proposed. When the process of exclusion
has been completely performed, only the form nature
will remain ; it will be, so to speak, the sole survivor
of all the natures combined with which the given na-
ture was at first presented to us. There can therefore
be no doubt as to our result, nor any possibility of con-
founding the Form with any other of these natures.
This is what Bacon expresses, when he says that the
first part of the true inductive process is the exclusion
of every nature which is not found in each instance
where the given one is present, or is found where it is
not present, or is found to increase where the given
nature decreases, or vice vers^i. And then, he goes
82 GENERAL PREFACE TO
Oil to say, when this exclusion has been duly per-
formed, there will in the second part of the process
remain, as at the bottom, all mere opinions having
been dissipated (abeuntibus in fumum opinionibus vola-
tilibus), the affirmative Form, which will be solid and
true and well defined.^ The exclusion of error will
necessarily lead to truth.
Again, this method of exclusion requires only an
attentive consideration of each *' instantia," in order
first to analyse it into its simple natures, and secondly
to see which of the latter are to be excluded — pro-
cesses which require no higher faculties than ordinary
acuteness and patient diligence. There is clearly no
room in this mechanical procedure for the display of
subtlety or of inventive genius.
Bacon's method therefore leads to certainty, and
may be employed with nearly equal success by all men
who are equally diligent.
In considering the only example which we have of
its practical operation, namely the investigation of the
form of heat,^ it is well to remark a circumstance which
tends to conceal its real nature. After the three tables
of Comparentia, Bacon proceeds to the Exclusiva, and
concludes by saying that the process of exclusion can-
not at the outset (sub initiis) be perfectly performed.
He therefore proposes to go on to provide additional
assistance for the mind of man. These are manifestly
to be subsidiary to the method of exclusions ; they are
to remove the obstacles which make the Exclusiva de-
fective and inconclusive. But in the meanwhile, and
as it were provisionally, the intellect may be permitted
to attempt an affirmative determination on the subject
I Nov. Org. ii. 16. a Nov. Org. ii. 11—20.
THE PHILOSOPHICAL WORKS. 83
before it : " Quod genus tentamenti Permissionem
Intellectus, sive Interpretationem inchoatam, sive Vin-
demiationem primam, appellare consuevimus." The
phrase Permissio Intellectus sufficiently indicates that
in this process the mind is suffered to follow the course
most natural to it ; it is relieved from the restraints
hitherto imposed on it, and reverts to its usual state.
In this Vindemiatio we accordingly find no reference
to the method of exclusion : it rests immediately on the
three tables of Comparentia ; and though of course it
does not contradict the results of the Exclusiva, yet on
the other hand it is not derived from them. If we lose
sight of the real nature of this part of the investigation,
which is merely introduced by the way " because truth
is more easily extricated from error than from confu-
sion," we also lose sight of the scope and purport of the
whole method. All that Bacon proposes henceforth to
do is to perfect the Exclusiva ; the Vindemiatio prima,
though it is the closing member of the example which
Bacon makes use of, is not to be taken as the type
of the final conclusion of any investigation which he
would recognise as just and legitimate. It is only a
parenthesis in the general method, whereas the Ex-
clusiva, given in the eighteenth aphorism of the second
book, is a type or paradigm of the process on which
every true induction (inductio vera) must in all cases
depend.
It may be well to remark that in this example of the
process of exclusion, the table of degrees is not made
use of.
Bacon, as we have seen, admits that the Exclusiva
must at first be in some measure imperfect ; for the
Exclusiva, being the rejection of simple natures, cannot
84 GENERAL PREFACE TO
be satisfactory unless our notions of these natures are
just and accurate, whereas some of those which occur
in his example of the process of rejection are ill-defined
and vague.^ In order to the completion of his method,
it is necessary to remove this defect. A subsidiary
method is required, of which the object is the formation
of scientific conceptions. To this method also Bacon
gives the name of induction ; and it is remarkable that
induction is mentioned for the first time in the Novum
Organum in a passage which relates not to axioms but
to conceptions.''^ Bacon's induction therefore is not a
mere liraymyrf, it is also a method of definition ; but
of the manner in which systematic induction is to be
employed in the formation of conceptions we learn
nothing from any part of his writings. And by this
circumstance our knowledge of his method is rendered
imperfect and unsatisfactory. We may perhaps be per-
mitted to believe that so far as relates to the subject of
which we are now speaking, Bacon never, even in idea,
completed the method which he proposed. For of all
parts of the process of scientific discovery, the for-
mation of conceptions is the one with respect to which
it is the most difficult to lay down general rules. The
process of establishing axioms Bacon had succeeded, at
least apparently, in reducing to the semblance of a
mechanical operation ; that of the formation of concep-
tions does not admit of any similar reduction. Yet
these two processes are in Bacon's system of co-or-
dinate importance. All commonly received general
scientific conceptions Bacon condemns as utterly worth-
1 Nov. Org. ii. 19. ; and compare i. 16., which shows the necessity of a
complete reform.
* Nov. Org. i. 14., and comp. i. 18.
THE PHILOSOPHICAL WORKS. 85
less.^ A complete change is, therefore, required; yet
of the way in which induction is to be employed in
order to produce this change he has said nothing.
This omission is doubtless connected with the kind
of realism which runs through Bacon's system, and
which renders it practically useless. For that his
method is impracticable cannot I think be denied, if
we reflect not only that it never has produced any re-
sult, but also that the process by which scientific truths
have been established cannot be so presented as even
to appear to be in accordance with it. In all cases
this process involves an element to which nothing cor-
responds in the tables of comparence and exclusion ;
namely the application to the facts of observation of a
principle of arrangement, an idea, existing in the mind
of the discoverer antecedently to the act of induction.
It may be said that this idea is precisely one of the
naturae into which the facts of observation ought in
Bacon's system to be analysed. And this is in one
sense true ; but it must be added that this analysis, if
it be thought right so to call it, is of the essence of the
discovery which results from it. To take for granted
that it has already been effected is simply a petitio prin-
cipii. In most cases the mere act of induction follows
as a matter of course as soon as the appropriate idea
has been introduced. If, for instance, we resolve Kep-
ler's discovery that Mars moves in an ellipse into its
constituent elements, we perceive that the whole diffi-
culty is antecedent to the act of induction. It con-
sists in bringing the idea of motion in an ellipse into
connexion with the facts of observation ; that is, in
showing that an ellipse may be drawn through all the
1 Nov. Org. i. 15, 16.
bb GENERAL TREFACE TO
observed places of tlie planet. The mere act of induc-
tion, the eVaycoyj;, is perfectly obvious. If all the ob-
served places lie on an ellipse of which the sun is the
focus, then every position which the planet successively
occupies does so too. This inference, which is so ob-
vious that it must have passed through the mind of the
discoverer almost unconsciously, is an instance of in-
duction '' per enumeratjonem sjmplicem ; " of which
kind of induction Bacon, as we have seen, has said
that it is utterly vicious and incompetent.
The word realism may perhaps require some ex-
planation. I mean by it the opinion, which Bacon
undoubtedly entertained, that for the purposes of in-
vestigation, the objects of our thoughts may be re-
garded as an assemblage of abstract conceptions, so
that these conceptions not only correspond to realities,
which is of course necessary in order to their having
any value, but may also be said adequately to represent
them. In his view of the subject, ideas or conceptions
(notiones) reside in some sort in the objects from which
we derive them ; and it is necessary, in order that the
work of induction may be successfully accomplished,
that the process by which they are derived should be
carefully and systematically performed. But he had
not perceived that which now at least can scarcely be
doubted of, that the progress of science continually re-
quires the formation of new conceptions whereby new
principles of arrangement are introduced among the
results which had previously been obtained, and that
from the necessary imperfection of human knowledge
our conceptions never, so to speak, exhaust the essence
of the realities by which they are suggested. The
notion of an alphabet of the universe, of which Bacon
THE PHILOSOPHICAL WORKS.
87
has spoken more than once, must therefore be given
up ; it could at best be only an alphabet of the present
state of knowledge. And similarly of the analysis into
abstract natures on which the process of exclusion, as
we have seen, depends. No such analysis can be used
in the manner which Bacon prescribes to us ; for every
advance in knowledge presupposes the introduction of
a new conception, by which the previously existing
analysis is rendered incomplete, and therefore erroneous.
We have now, I think, succeeded in tracing the
cause both of the peculiarities of Bacon's method, and
of its practical inutility. Some additional information
may be derived from an examination of the variations
with which it is presented in different parts of his writ-
ings ; — less however than if we could arrange his
smaller works in chronological order. Nevertheless
two results, not without their value, may be thus ob-
tained ; the one, that it appears probable that Bacon
came gradually to see more of the difficulties which
beset the practical application of his method ; and the
other, that the doctrine of Forms is in reality an ex-
traneous part of his philosophy.
(10.) In the earliest work in which the new method
of induction is proposed, namely, the English tract en-
titled Valerius Terminus^ no mention is made of the
necessity of correcting commonly received notions of
simple natures. The inductive method is therefore
presented in its simplest form, unembarrassed with that
which constitutes its principal difficulty. But when
we advance from Valerius Terminus to the Partis
seeundce Delineatio et Argumentum^ which is clearly of
a later date, we find that Bacon has become aware of
the necessity of having some scientific method for the
88 GENERAL PREFACE TO
due construction of abstract conceptions. It is there
said that the " pars informans," that is, the descriptions
of the new method, will be divided into three parts —
the ministration to the senses, the ministration to the
memory, and the ministration to the reason. In the first
of these, three things are to be taught ; and of these
three the first is how to construct and elicit from facts a
duly formed abstract conception (bona notio) ; tlie sec-
ond is how the senses may be assisted ; and the third,
how to form a satisfactory collection of facts. He
then proposes to go on to the other two ministrations.
Thus the construction of conceptions would have
formed the first part of the then designed Novum Or-
ganum ; and it w^ould seem that this arrangement was
not followed when the Novum Organum was actually
written, because in the meantime Bacon had seen that
this part of the work involved greater difficulties than
he had at first supposed. For the general division into
" ministrationes " is preserved in the Novum Organum^
though it has there become less prominent than in the
tract of which we have been speaking. In the minis-
tration to the senses, as it is mentioned in the later
work, nothing is expressly included but a good and
sufficient natural and experimental historia ; the theory
of the formation of conceptions has altogether disap-
peared, and both this ministration and that to the
memory are postponed to the last of the three, which
contains the theory of the inductive process itself.
We must set out, Bacon says, from the conclusion,
and proceed in a retrograde order to the other parts
of the subject. He now seems to have perceived that
the theory of the formation of conceptions and that
1 Nov. Org. ii. 10.
THE PHILOSOPHICAL WORKS. 89
of the establishment of axioms are so intertwined to-
gether, that the one cannot be presented independently
of the other, although in practice his method abso-
lutely requires these two processes to be carried on
separately. His view now is, that at first axioms must
be established by means of the commonly received
conceptions, and that subsequently these conceptions
must themselves be rectified by means of the ulterior
aids to the mind, the fortiora auxilia in usum intellectus,
of which he has spoken in the nineteenth aphorism of
the second book. But these fortiora auxilia were never
given, so that the difficulty which Bacon had once pro-
posed to overcome at the outset of his undertaking
remained to the last unconquered. The doctrine of
the Novum Organum (that we must first employ com-
monly received notions, and afterwards correct them)
is expressly laid down in the De Interpretatione Naturoe
Sententice Duodecim?- Of this however the date is
uncertain.
It is clear that while any uncertainty remains as to
the value of the conceptions (notiones) employed in
the process of exclusion, the claim to absolute immu-
nity from error which Bacon has made on behalf of
his general method, must be more or less modified ;
and of this he seems to have been aware when he
wrote the second book of the Novum Organum?
(11.) Thus much of the theory of the formation of
conceptions. With regard to the doctrine of Forms,
it is in the first place to be observed that it is not men-
tioned as a part of Bacon's system, either in Valerius
Terminus or in the Partis secundce Delineatio, or in the
Be Interpretatione Naturoe Sententice Duodecim, although
1 Vide § viii. of this tract. 2 Nov. Org. ii. 19.
90 GENERAL PREFACE TO
in the two last-named tracts the definition of science
which is found at the outset of the second book of the
Novum Organum is in substance repeated. Tliis defi-
nition, as we have seen, makes the discovery of Forms
the aim and end of science ; but in both cases the word
form is replaced by causes. It is however to be ad-
mitted that in the Advancement of Learning^ published
in 1605, Forms are spoken of as one of the subjects of
Metaphysique. Their not being mentioned except ex
obliquo in Valerius Terminus is more remarkable, be-
cause Bacon has there given a distinct name to the
process which he afterwards called the discovery of the
Form. He calls it the freeing of a direction, and re-
marks that it is not much other matter than that which
in the received philosophies is termed the Form or
formal cause. Forms are thus mentioned historically,
but in the dogmatic statement of his own view they
are not introduced at all.^
The essential character of Bacon's philosophy, name-
ly the analysis of the concrete into the abstract, is
nowhere more prominent than in Valerius Terminus.
It is there said " that every particular that worketh
any effect is a thing compounded more or less of di-
verse single natures, more manifest and more obscure,
and that it appeareth not to whether (which) of the
natures the effect is to be ascribed." ^ Of course
the great problem is to decide this question, and the
method of solving it is called " the freeing of a direc-
tion." In explanation of this name, it is to be ob-
served that in Valerius Terminus the practical point
1 I refer to my preface to Valerius Terminus for an illustration of some
of the difficultien of this very obscure tract.
2 Val. Ter. c. 17.
THE PHILOSOPHICAL WORKS. ^X
of view predominates. Every instance in which a
given nature is produced is regarded as a direction for
its artificial production. If air and water are mingled
together, as in snow, foam, &c., whiteness is the result.
This then is a direction for the production of white-
ness, since we have only to mingle air and water to-
gether in order to produce it. But whiteness may be
produced in other ways, and the direction is therefore
not free. We proceed gradually to free it by rejecting,
by means of other instances, the circumstances of this
which are unessential : a process which is the exact
counterpart of the Exclusiva of the Novum Organum,
The instance I have given is Bacon's, who developes it
at some length.
Here then we have Bacon's method treated entirely
from a practical point of view. This circumstance is
worthy of notice because it serves to explain why
Bacon always assumes that the knowledge of Forms
would greatly increase our command over nature, that
it " would enfranchise the power of man unto the
greatest possibility of works and effects." It has been
asked what reason Bacon had for this assumption.
" Whosoever knoweth any Form," he has said in the
Advancement^ " knoweth the utmost possibility of su-
perinducing that nature upon any variety of nature."
Beyond question, the problem of superinducing the
nature is reduced to the problem of superinducing the
Form ; but what reason have we for supposing that the
one is more easy of solution than the other ? If we
knew the Form of malleability, that is, the conditions
which the intimate constitution of a body must fulfil
in order that it may be malleable, does it follow that
we could make glass so ? So far as these questions
92 GENERAL PREFACE TO
admit of an answer, Valerius Terminus appears to sug-
gest it. Bacon connected the doctrine of Forms with
practical operations, because this doctrine, so to speak,
represented to him his original notion of the freeing of
a direction, which, as the phrase itself implies, had alto-
gether a practical significance.
Even in the Novum Organum the definition of the
Form is made to correspond with the praeceptum ope-
randi, or practical direction.^ The latter is to be " cer-
tum, liberum, et disponens sive in ordine ad actionem."
Now a direction to produce the Form as a means of
producing the given nature is certain, because the pres-
ence of the Form necessarily determines that of the
nature. It is free, because it requires only that to be
done which is necessary, since the nature can never be
present unless its Form is so too. Thus far the agree-
ment between the practical and the scientific view is
satisfactory. But to the third property which the
practical direction is to possess, namely its being in
ordine ad actionem, or such as to facilitate the pro-
duction of the proposed result, corresponds the condi-
tion that the Form is to be " the limitation of a more
general nature ; " that is to say, the Form presents it-
self as a limitation of something more general than the
given nature, and as determining, not merely logically
but ^ also causatively, the existence of the latter. At
this point the divergence between the practical and the
scientific view becomes manifest ; practical operations
do not, generally speaking, present to us anything anal-
ogous to the limitation here spoken of, and there is no
reason to suppose that it is easier to see how this limi-
1 Nov. Org. ii. 4., which is the best comment on the dictum, Knowledge
is power.
THE PHILOSOPHICAL WORKS. 93
tation is to be introduced than to see how the original
problem, the H apx% TrpoKct/xevor, may be solved. But
this divergence seems to show that the two views are in
their origin heterogeneous ; that the one contains the
fundamental idea of Bacon's method, while the other
represents the historical element of his philosophy. We
shall however hereafter have occasion to suggest con-
siderations which may seem to modify this conclusion.
(12.) In a survey of Bacon's method it is not ne-
cessary to say much of the doctrine of prerogative
instances, though it occupies the greater part of the
second book of the Novum Organum. It belongs to
the unfinished part of that work ; at least it is prob-
able that its practical utility would have been explained
when Bacon came to speak of the Adminicula Induc-
tionis.
Twenty-seven kinds of instances are enumerated,
which are said to excel ordinary instances either in
their practical or their theoretical usefulness. To the
word instance Bacon gives a wide range of signification.
It corresponds more nearly to observation than to any
other which is used in modern scientific language.
Of some classes of these instances collections are to
be made for their own sake, and independently of any
investigation into particular natures. Such, for in-
stance, are the instantiae conformes ; Bacon's exam-
ples of which are mostly taken from comparative
anatomy. One of them is the analogy between the
fins of fishes, the feet of quadrupeds, and the feet
and wings of birds ; another, the analogy of the beak
of birds and the teeth of other animals, &c.-^
1 Nov. Org. ii. 27. It does not seem that Bacon added much to what he
found in Aristotle on the subject of these analogies.
94 GENERAL PREFACE TO
The other classes of prerogative instances have es-
pecial reference to particular investigation, and are to
be collected when individual tables of comparence are
formed.
It would seem from this that the theory of preroga-
tive instances is intended to guide us in the formation
of these tables. But it is difficult to see how the cir-
cumstances which give any instance its prerogative
could have been appreciated a priori. An instantia
crucis,^ to take the most celebrated of all, has its dis-
tinguishing character only in so far as it is viewed with
reference to two contending hypotheses. In forming
at the outset of an inquiry the appropriate tables, noth-
ing would have led the interpreter to perceive its pecu-
liar value.
This theory, whatever may be its practical utility,
may supply us with new illustrations of the importance
in Bacon's method of the process of exclusions.
At the head of the list — and placed there, we may
presume, from the importance of the end which they
promote — stand the instantiae solitariae, whose prerog-
ative it is to accelerate the Exclusiva.^ These are
instances which exhibit the given nature in subjects
which have nothing in common, except that nature
itself, with the other subjects which present it to us.
Thus the colours shown by the prism or by crystals
are a solitary instance of colour, because they have
nothing in common with the fixed colours of flowers,
gems, &c. Whatever therefore is not independent of
the particular constitution of these bodies must be ex-
cluded from the form of colour.
Next to the instantiae solitariae are placed the instan-
1 Nov. Org. ii. 36. 9 Nov. Org. ii. 22.
THE PHILOSOPHICAL WORKS. 96
tiae migrantes, which show the given nature in the act
of appearing or of disappearing ; as when glass, being
pounded, becomes white. Of these it is said that they
not only accelerate and strengthen the Exclusiva, but
also confine within narrow limits the Affirmative, or
Form itself, by showing that it is something which is
given or taken away by the observed change. A little
farther on Bacon notices the danger in these cases of
confounding the efficient cause with the Form, and
concludes by saying " But this is easily remedied by
a legitimately performed Exclusiva."
Other remarks to the same effect might be made
with reference to other classes of instances ; but these
are probably sufficient.
I shall now endeavour to give an account of Ba-
con's views on some questions of philosophy, which are
not immediately connected with the reforms he pro-
posed to introduce.
(13.) It has sometimes, I believe, been supposed that
Bacon had adopted the atomic theory of Democritus.
This however is by no means true ; but certainly he /^
often speaks much more favourably of the systems of
the earlier physicists, and especially of that of Democ-
ritus, than of the philosophy of Plato and Aristotle.
In doing this he may, perhaps, have been more or less
influenced by a wish to find in antiquity something
with which the doctrines he condemned might be con-
trasted. But setting this aside, it is certain that these
systems were more akin to his own views than the doc-
trine of the schools of which Socrates may be called
the founder. The problems which they proposed were
essentially physical, — given certain material first prin-
96 GENERAL PREFACE TO
dples, to determine the origin and causes of all phe-
nomena. They were concerned, for the most part, with
that which is accessible to the senses, or which would
be so if the senses were sufficiently acute. In this they
altogether agree with Bacon, who, though he often
speaks of the errors and shortcomings of the senses,
yet had never been led to consider the question which
stands at the entrance of metaphysical philosophy,
namely whether the subjective character of sensation
does not necessarily lead to scepticism, if no higher
grounds of truth can be discovered. The scepticism
of Protagoras, and Plato's refutation of it, seemed to
him to be both but idle subtleties. Plato, Aristotle,
and their followers, were in his opinion but a better
kind of sophists. What Dionysius said to Plato, that
his discourse was but dotage, might fitly be applied to
them all.^
It cannot be denied, that to Bacon all sound philos-
ophy seemed to be included in what we now call the
natural sciences ; and with this view he was naturally
led to prefer the atomic doctrine of Democritus to any
metaphysical speculation. Every atomic theory is an
attempt to explain some of the phenomena of matter
by means of others ; to explain secondary qualities by
means of the primary. And this was what Bacon
himself proposed to do in investigating the Forms of
simple natures. Nevertheless he did not adopt the
peculiar opinions of Democritus and his followers. In
the Novum Organum he rejects altogether the notion of
a vacuum and that of the unchangeableness of matter .^
His theory of the intimate constitution of bodies does
1 Redargut. Phil, et Nov. Org. i. 71.
2 Nov. Org. ii. 8. Compare Cogit. De Nat. Rerum.
THE PHILOSOPHICAL WORKS. 97
not, lie remarks, relate to atoms properly so called, but
only to the actually existing ultimate particles. Bacon
cannot therefore be said to be a follower of Democri-
tus, though he has spoken of him as being, of all the
Greek philosophers, the one who had the deepest in-
sight into nature.^
But though Bacon was not an atomist, he was what
has been called a mechanical physiologist. Leibnitz's
remark that the restorers of philosophy ^ all held the
principle that the properties of bodies are to be ex-
plained by means of magnitude, figure, and motion
(a statement which envelopes every such theory of
matter as that of Descartes, together with the old
atomic doctrine), is certainly true of Bacon.
(14.) The opinion which Bacon had formed as to
the class of subjects which ought to be included in
Summary Philosophy (the English phrase by which
he renders the expression he sometimes uses, namely
prima philosophia), is worthy of attention.
In the writings of Aristotle, the first philosophy
denotes the science which since his time has been
called metaphysics. It is the science of first princi-
ples, or as he has himself defined it, the science of
that which is, as such. In the first book of the Meta-
physics we find a proof of the necessity of having such
a science, distinct from and in a manner superior to
all others.
Bacon, adopting Aristotle's name, applied it differ-
ently. With him, the first philosophy is divided into
two parts. Of these the first is to be a receptacle of
1 Nov. Org. i. 51. ; also Parm. Teles, and Dem. Phil.
2 Namely, the Cartesians, Verulam, Hobbes, &c. See his letter to Tho-
masius, p. 48. of the edition of his philosophical works by Erdmann.
VOL. I. 7
9S GENERAL PREFACE TO
the axioms which do not belong exclusively to particu-
lar sciences, but are common to more than one ; wliile
the second is to inquire into the external or adventi-
tious conditions of existences — such as the much and
the little, the like and the unlike, the possible and im-
possible, &c.
In illustration of the contents of the first part,
Bacon quotes several axioms which are applicable in
more than one science. Of these the first is, " If to
unequals are added equals, the sums are unequal,"
which is a mathematical principle, but which. Bacon
says, refeiTing to the distinction laid down by Aris-
totle between commutative and distributive justice,
obtains also in moral science ; inasmuch as it is the
rule by which distributive justice must be guided.
The next is, " Things which agree with a third, agree
with one another," — which is also a mathematical
principle, but yet, differently stated, forms the foun-
dation of the theory of syllogism. Thus far Bacon's
doctrine does not materially dissent from Aristotle's,
who has taught the necessity of recognising in all
sciences two kinds of principles, those which are
proper to the subject of each science, and those which,
connecting themselves with the doctrine of the cate-
gories, are common to all. The last are in his nomen-
clature axioms, though Bacon, following probably Ra-
mus, who in his turn followed Cicero and the Stoics,
gives a much more general sense to this word ; and
it is to be remarked that Aristotle has given as an
instance of an axiom the first of the two which I have
quoted from Bacon, or at any rate another which is
in effect equivalent to it. But most of the instances
which Bacon goes on to give are of a different na-
THE PHILOSOPHICAL WORKS. 99
ture. They are not derived from the laws of thought,
but on the contrary involve an empirical element, and
therefore are neither self evident, nor capable of an k
priori proof. Thus the axiom that " a discord resolved,
into a concord improves the harmony," is, Bacon says,
not only true in music, but also in ethics and the doc-
trine of the affections. But this axiom is in its literal
sense merely a result of observation, and its application
to moral subjects is clearly only analogical or tropical.
Again, that " the organs of the senses are analogous
to instruments which produce reflection," is. Bacon
says, true in perspective, and also in acoustics ; being
true both of the eye and ear. Here we have a result
of observation which is made to enter into two differ-
ent sciences simply in virtue of the classification em-
ployed. For this axiom, if true, properly belongs to
physiology, and neither to perspective nor to acoustics ;
though in a secondary and derivative manner a portion
of the truth it includes may be introduced into these
sciences. And so on. There is however one of these
axioms which is of higher authority : " Quantum na-
turae nee minuitur nee augetur : " which. Bacon says,
is true not only in physics, but also in natural theology,
if it be stated in a modified form ; viz. if it be said that
it belongs to Omnipotence to make something out of
nothing, or vice versa. Of this axiom it may be re-
marked, that it is common to physics and natural
theology simply because the subjects of these sciences
are, in some measure, common to both ; wherein it
differs from the Aristotelian conception of an axiom.
But it is of more interest to observe, that this axiom
of which the truth is derived from our notion of sub-
stance, and which can never be established by an
100 GENERAL PREFACE TO
empirical demonstration, is constantly quoted by Ba-
con as a principle of incontestable truth ; of which his
theory of specific gravities is in some sort only an
application.
The question arises both with regard to this axiom
and to the others, In wliat manner Bacon supposed
that they ought to be demonstrated ; or, if he thouglit
they required no demonstration, in what manner he
conceived that the mind apprehended their truth ?
He has certainly affirmed in express terms that there
can be only two ways of arriving at truth, namely
syllogism and induction ; both of which are manifestly
inapplicable to some at least of the principles which he
includes in the philosophia prima. But whether he
•would have admitted that this dictum admits of ex-
ception in relation to these cases, or on the other
hand had not been led to consider the nature of the
difficulty which they present, we have, I think, no
means of deciding. It is to be observed that the
philosophia prima is spoken of as a collection (recep-
taculum) of axioms — a phrase which implies that it is
not a science in itself, having its own principles and
an independent development, but that, contrariwise,
it derives from the contributions of other sciences the
elements of which it is composed. Of the second part
we are unable to speak more definitely than of the
first. It is obviously a reflexion of the Aristotelian
doctrine of the categories,^ from which, however.
Bacon intended to contrast it by requiring that the
^' conditiones entium," which he has doubtless called
transcendent from their applicability to all classes of
1 Trendelenberg has accordinglj' quoted the passages in the De Augmtntis
which relate to it, in the historical part of his work on the categories.
I
THE PHILOSOPHICAL WORKS. 101
objects, should be treated not logically but physi-
cally.^
But then what are the questions to be resolved in
this mode of treating them? Bacon gives some ex-
amples of the discussions which ought to occupy this
part of philosophy. The first is, why there is so much
of one kind of substance, and so little of another —
why, for instance, so much more iron in the world
than gold, &c. This belongs to the inquiry " de multo
et parvo." Again, in treating " de simili et diverso,"
it ought to be explained why between dissimilar species
are almost always interposed others which partake of
the nature of both, and form, as it were, ambiguous
species — for instance, bats between birds and quadru-
peds, or moss between corruption and plants, &c.
The difficulty however which I have already men-
tioned in speaking of the other part of the philosophia
prima recurs with reference to this, namely by what
method were the questions here proposed to be an-
swered? If by induction, by induction on what
data ? and if not, by what other way of arriving at
truth ?
The illustrations which Bacon has given, and per-
haps his way of looking at the whole subject, connect
themselves with what has recently been called palae-
tiology. The questions which Bacon proposes are
questions as to how that which actually exists, and
which in the present order of things will continue to
exist, came into being — whether abruptly or by slow
transitions, and under what agency. He seems to
point, though from a distance, to discussions as to
the formation of strata and the succession of species..
1 De Augmeiitis iii. 4.
102 GENERAL PREFACE TO
Yet on the other hand the discussion on Like and
Unhke was to include at least one portion of a differ-
ent character, namely why, in despite of the maxim
" similia similibus gaudent," iron does not attract iron
but the magnet, nor gold gold, but quicksilver.
(15.) Another subject, sufficiently interesting to be
here mentioned, though less connected with Bacon's
general views, is the doctrine which he entertained
touching the nature of the soul. He distinguishes in
several parts of his writings between the animal soul,
common, at least in kind, to man and to the brutes,
and the immortal principle infused by the divine favour
into man only.^ To the latter he gave the name of
spiraculum, which was of course suggested by the text,
" Spiravit in faciem ejus spiraculum vitai." M. Bouil-
let, in his edition of Bacon's philosophical works,^ con-
demns this doctrine of man's having two souls, and
goes on to remark that Bacon was led to adopt it in
deference to the opinions of the schoolmen, and that it
is also sanctioned by S. Augustine. In these remarks
he is much less accurate than usual ; the truth being
that the doctrine of the duality of the soul is con-
demned very strongly by S. Augustine and by the
schoolmen, and that there is no doubt as to the source
from which Bacon derived it, namely from the writ-
ings of Telesius. The notion of a lower soul, distinct
in essence from the higher principle of man's nature,
is in reality much older than Telesius. We find it for
instance among the Manichees — a circumstance which
makes it singular that S. Augustine should have been
supposed to countenance it. Both in his work De
1 De Augmentis iv. 3.
'i CEuvres Philosophiques de Bacon. Paris, 1834. —J. 8.
THE PHILOSOPHICAL WORKS. 103
^ L
Ecclesice Dogmatihus^ and nearly in the same words
in that De Animd^ he rejects in the most precise and
accurate manner the doctrine of two distinct souls,
affirming that there is but one, which is at once the
principle of nutrition, of sensation, and of reason. In
opposing the tenets of the Manicheeans, he has more
than once condemned the same doctrine, though less at
length than in the works just mentioned. The school-
men also peremptorily rejected the doctrine which M.
Bouillet has affirmed that Bacon derived from them.
Thus S. Thomas Aquinas says, " Impossibile est in
uno homine esse plures animas per essentiam differen-
tes, sed una tantum est anima intellectiva quae vege-
tativaB et sensitivag et intellectivae officiis fungitur." ^
And this follows at once from the received opinion,
that the soul is joined to the body as its form (ut fornia
unitur corpori). It would be easy to multiply cita-
tions to the same effect ; but as no schoolman could
venture to contradict an emphatically expressed opin-
ion of S. Augustine, it appears unnecessary to do so.^
Telesius of Cozensa, whom Bacon has commended
as " the best of the novellists," w^as one of the Italian
reformers of philosophy. Tennemann's remark that
the reform which he attempted to introduce was but
1 S. Thorn. Prim. Q. 76. a. 3. Cond.
2 With what bold ignorance the schoolmen are sometimes spoken of is
well seen in Dr. Gutwauer's preface to his edition of Leibnitz De Prin-
cipio Jndividui. The sixth proposition in the Corollarium attached to this
disputation is as follows : — " Hominis solum una est anima quae vegetati-
vam et sensitlvam virtualiter includat." The learned Doctor declares that
in this statement Leibnitz set himself in direct opposition to the schoolmen,
and that it contains the germ of Leibnitz's own psychology; the statement
being almost a literal transcript of that of St. Thomas Aquinas. Sum. i.
Q. 76. a. 3., to which I have already referred. Leibnitz scarcely thought
that in following the Angelic Doctor, he was protesting against scholas-
ticism.
104 GENERAL PREFACE TO
partial, as having reference only to the natural sciences,
is not altogether accurate, but it describes with suffi-
cient correctness the general character of his writings.
They contain an attempt to explain all phenomena,
including those of animal life, on the hypothesis of the
continuous conflict and reciprocal action of two formal
principles, heat and cold. His other doctrines are
either subordinated to this kind of dualism, or are
merely the necessary complements of a system of phi-
losophy. In proposing to inquire into the nature and
origin of the soul, he had no other end in view than to
arrive at an explanation of the phenomena of sensa-
tion, voluntary motion, &c., which should be in accord-
ance with his fundamental hypothesis. He therefore
sets out from the physiological point of view ; and in
order to explain the phenomena of animal and vegeta-
ble life, refers them to an indwelling spiritus, or animal
soul, which in plants resides in the bark and fibres, and
in animals in the white and exsanguine parts of the
body, the bones being however excepted.^ The ani-
mal and vegetable souls are in essence alike, but the
latter is " paulo quam qui in animalibus inest crassior."
In both cases the origin of this anima is the same ; it
is educed from the seed (educta ex semine), and is to
all intents as truly material as any other part' of the
body.
In the application of these views to the soul of man,
Telesius was met by considerations of another order.
The soul educed ex semine, was (like the body which
it animated, and of which it was only the subtlest por-
tion) propagated by generation ; whereas it was decided
by orthodox theology that souls are not ex traduce, do
1 De Rerum Nat. v. 1. et vi. 26.
THE PHILOSOPHICAL WORKS. 105
not pass from parent to child in the way Telesius must
have supposed. The soul is a gift, which after death
is to return to Him who gave it. I do not conceive
that Telesius's attempt to co-ordinate this doctrine with
his own views arose merely from a wish to avoid the
imputation of heresy. His writings are, I think, free
from that tone of mocking deference to authority by
which those of many of his contemporaries are disfig-
ured. They have, on the contrary, much of the mel-
ancholy earnestness which characterises those of his
disciple Campanella. The difference between the fac-
ulties of men and brutes appeared to him to be such
that merely a subtler organisation of the spiritus would
be insufficient to account for it. Man's higher faculties
are to be ascribed to a higher principle, and this can
only be conceived of as a divinely formed soul. The
question as to the relation between the two souls may
be presented under two aspects, namely what are the
faculties in man which ought to be ascribed to each of
them ? and again are these two souls wholly indepen-
dent, and if not, how are they connected ? The crite-
rion by which Telesius would decide what ought to be
reserved as the peculiar appanage of the divinely cre-
ated soul, appears to be this — that which in man is
analogous to the faculties we recognise in brutes ought
to be ascribed to the principle by which they are ani-
mated and which we possess in common with them.
Whatever, on the contrary, seems peculiar to man,
more especially the sense of right and wrong, which
is the foundation of all morality, ought to be ascribed
to the principle which it is our prerogative to possess.^
As to the connexion between the two, Telesius
1 De Rerum Natura, v. 2.
106 GENERAL PREFACE TO
decides " both on grounds of human reason and from
the authority of Scripture " that they cannot be wliolly
independent of each other, and he accordingly affirms
that the divinely created soul is the Form of the whole
body, and especially of the spiritus itself. That the
soul is the Form of the body he could not without heresy
deny,^ although he condemns Aristotle for saying so ;
asserting that Aristotle refers to the spiritus, and not
to the true soul, with which probably he was unac-
quainted.'^ The tendency of these views is towards
materialism; the immaterial principle being annexed
to the system, as it were, ab extra. Accordingly Te-
lesius's disciple Donius, whom Bacon has more than
once referred to, omits it altogether.^
Comparing the views of Telesius with those of
Bacon, we see that in both the duality of the soul is
distinctly asserted, and that in both the animal soul
is merely material.* Our knowledge of the divinely
derived principle must rest principally on revelation.
Let this knowledge be drawn, he counsels us, from the
same fountain of inspiration from whence the substance
of the soul itself proceeded.
Bacon rejects or at least omits Telesius's formula,
that this higher soul is the Form of the body — a for-
mula to which either in his system or that of Telesius
no definite sense could be attached. He differs from
1 The collection known as the Clementines contains an authoritative de-
cision on this point. " Ut quisque deinceps asserere defendere aut tenere
pertinaciter prsesumpserit, quod anima rationalis non sit forma corporis hu-
mani per se et esaentialiter tanquam hajreticus sit censendus." I quote
from Vulpes on Duns Scotus, Disp. 46. a. 5. To this decision Telesius
seems to allude, De Rer. Nat. v. 40. Campanella has expressly mentioned it
2 De Rer. Nat. v. 3.
* See his De Nat. Hominis.
* Proceeding e matricibus elementorum, De Augm. iv. 8.
THE PHILOSOPHICAL WORKS. 107
his predecessor in this also, that with him the spiritus
is more a physiological and less a psychological hypoth-
esis than with Telesius — it is at least less enwrapped
in a psychological system than we find it in the De
JRerum Naturd.
On the other hand, he has not, I think, recognised
so distinctly as Telesius or Campanella the prmciple
that to the rational soul alone is to be referred the idea
of moral responsibility ; and the fine passage on the
contrast of public and private good in the seventh book
of the De Augmentis seems to show (if Bacon meant
that the analogy on which it is based should be accepted
as anj'-thing more than an illustration) that he con-
ceived that something akin to the distinction of right
and wrong is to be traced in the workings, conscious
or unconscious, of all nature.
(16.) We are here led to mention another subject,
on which again the views of Telesius appear to have in-
fluenced those of Bacon. That all bodies are animated,
that a principle of life pervades the whole universe,
and that each portion, beside its participation in the life
of the world, has also its proper vital principle, are doc-
trines to which in the time of Bacon the majority of
philosophical reformers were at least strongly inclined.
The most celebrated work in which they are set forth
is perhaps the De Sensu Rerum of Campanella. The
share which it had in producing the misfortunes of his
life is well known, and need not here be noticed.
In one of his letters to Thomasius,^ Leibnitz points
out how easy the transition is from the language which
the schoolmen held touching substantial forms and the
workings of nature to that of Campanella: " Ita reditur
1 P. 48. of Erdmann's edition of his philosophical works.
108 GENERAL PREFACE TO
•
ad tot deunculos quot formas sabstantiales et Gentilem
prope polytheismum. Et certe omnes qui de siib-
stantiis illis incorporalibus corporum loquuntur non
possunt mentem suam explicare nisi translatione a Men-
tibus sumpta. Hinc enim attributus illis appetitus vel
instinctiis ille naturalis ex quo et sequitur cognitio nat-
uralis, hinc illud axioma; Natura nihil facit frustra,
omnis res fugit sui destructionem, similia similibus
gaudent, materia appetit formam nobiliorem, et alia id
genus. Quum tamen revera in natura nulla sit sapi-
entia, nullus appetitus, ordo vero pulcher ex eo oriatur,
quia est horologium Dei." To the censure implied in
these remarks Aristotle is himself in some measure
liable, seeing that he ascribed the various changes
which go on around us to the half-conscious or uncon-
scious workings of an indwelling power which pervades
all things, and to which he gives the name of Nature.
Nature does nothing in vain and of things possible
realises the best, but she does not act with conscious
prevision. She is, so to speak, the instinct of the uni-
verse.
It is on account of these views that Bacon charges
Aristotle with having set aside the doctrine of a prov-
idence, by putting Nature in the place of God.^ Nev-
ertheless Bacon himself thought it possible to explain
large classes of phenomena by referring them, not cer-
tainly to the workings of Nature, but to the instincts
and appetites of individual bodies. His whole doctrine
of simple motions is full of expressions which it is very
difficult to understand without supposing that Bacon
had for the time adopted the notion of universally dif-
fused sensation. Th
1 De Aug. iii. 4.
THE PHILOSOPHICAL WORKS. ^ 109
virtue of which bodies, as delighting in mutual contact,
will not suffer themselves to be separated. All bodies,
we are told, abhor a solution of continuity, and the
rising of cream is to be explained by the desire of homo-
geneous elements for one another.
The distinction which Bacon has elsewhere taken
between sensation and perception, which corresponds
to Leibnitz's distinction between apperception and per-
ception, does not appear to accord with these expres-
sions. He there asserts that inanimate bodies have
perception without sensation. But such words as dedre
and horror imply not only a change worked in the body
to which they are applied in virtue of the presence of
another, but also a sense of that presence, — that is, in
Bacon's language, not only perception but sensation.
The contrast between the expressions I have quoted
and those of which he made use in other parts of
his writings, is remarkable. In stating the doctrine of
simple motions, he speaks as if all phenomena were to
be explained by means of the desires and instincts of
matter, every portion of which is more or less conscious-
ly sentient. But in other passages we find what at
first appears to be a wholly different view, namely that
phenomena are to be explained by the site, form, and
configuration of atoms or ultimate particles, capable
neither of desire nor fear, and in all their motions
simply fulfilling the primary law impressed on them
by Providence.
Nevertheless there is here no real inconsistency. For
Bacon, following Telesius, ascribed all the phenomena
of animal life to the spiritus, which, though it is the
subtlest portion of the body which it animates, is not-
withstanding as truly material as any other part. In
110 GENERAL PREFACE TO
every body, whether animated or not, dwells a portion
of spirit, and it was natural therefore to ascribe to it
some share of the powers which the more finely consti-
tuted spirits of animals were supposed to possess. How
far however this analogy between animate and inani-
mate bodies ought to be carried, was a doubtful ques-
tion ; and we need not be surprised to find that Bacon
sometimes denies and sometimes appears to admit that
the latter as well as the former are, to a certain extent
at least, consciously sentient. But in all cases he pro-
posed to explain the phenomena of animal life by means
of the ultimate constitution of matter. Thus such
phenomena as the rising of cream, the subsidence of
the lees of wine, the clinging of gold leaf round the
finger, &c., were to be explained in the first instance
by the instincts and appetites of portions of matter,
and afterwards to receive a deeper and more funda-
mental explanation when these instincts and appetites
were themselves shown to result from the site, form,
and configuration of the ultimate particles of which all
bodies are composed.
To the doctrine of universally diffused sensation, so
far as he adopted it, Bacon was led by the writings of
many of his contemporaries, and in particular by those
of Telesius. Brucker has remarked, and with perfect
truth, that this doctrine is stated as distinctly, though
not so conspicuously, by Telesius as by Campanella.
Added to which this doctrine serves to explain phenom-
ena of which, without it, no explanation could readily
be given. Thus Bacon is much disposed to ridicule
Gilbert for the pains he had bestowed on the subject
of electrical attraction, affirming that it is merely the
result of the power which friction possesses to excite
THE PHILOSOPHICAL WORKS. Ill
the appetite of bodies for contact. This appetite " ae-
rem non bene tolerat, sed aliud tangibile mavult."
(17.) Bacon's opinion as to Final Causes has often
been discussed. It seems however scarcely necessary
to refute the interpretation which on no just grounds
has been given to the phrase, " causarum finaliura
inquisitio tanquam virgo Deo consecrata nihil parit." ^
Nihil parit, as the context plainly shows, [means simply
7wn parit opera] ? Bacon is speaking of the classifica-
tion of physics and metaphysics — the one being the
science of the material and efficient cause, and the
other containing two parts, namely the doctrine of
forms and the doctrine of final causes. To physics
corresponds in practical application mechanica or me-
chanics— to metaphysics, magia or natural magic.
But magia corresponds to metaphysique because the
latter contains the doctrine of Forms ; that of final
causes admitting from its nature of no practical appli-
cation. It is this idea which Bacon has expressed by
saying that the doctrine in question is, as it were, a
consecrated virgin.
It is not sufficiently remarked that final causes have
often been spoken of without any reference to a benev-
olent intention. When it is said that the final cause of
a stone's falling is " locus deorsum," the remark is at
least but remotely connected with the doctrine of an
intelligent providence. We are to remember that Ba-
con has expressly censured Aristotle for having made
use of final causes without referring to the fountain
1 De Augm. iii. 5. See note on the place. — J. 8.
2 I have supplied these words to complete the sentence, which ends ab-
ruptly at the bottom of a page, a fresh page having apparently been substi-
tuted for that which originally followed. — /. S.
112 GENERAL PREFACE TO
from which they flow^, namely the providence of the
Creator. And in this censure he has found many to
concur.
Again, in any case in which the benevolent intention
can be perceived, we are at liberty to ask by what
means and according to what laws this benevolent
intention is manifested and made efficient. If this
question is not to be asked, there is in the first place an
end of physical science, so far as relates to every case
in which a benevolent intention has been or can be
recognised ; and in the second, the argument a posteri-
ori founded on the contrivance displayed in the w^orks
of creation is entirely taken away.
This is, in effiict, what Bacon says in the passage of
the De Augmentis in which he complains of the abuse
of final causes. If, he affirms, the physical cause of
any phenomenon can be assigned as well as the final,
so far is this from derogatino; from our idea of the di-
vine wisdom, that on the contrary it does but confirm
and exalt it. " Dei sapientia effulget mirabilius cum
natura aliud agit, providentia aliud elicit, quam si sin-
gulis schematibus et motibus naturalibus providentiae
characteres essent impressi." ^ And a little farther on
he expresses an opinion which we shall do well always
to remember, namely that so far is the study of phys-
ical causes from withdrawing men from God and provi-
dence, that on the contrary those who have occupied
themselves in searching them out have never been able
to find the end of the matter without having recourse
at length to the doctrine of divine providence.
In one respect Bacon seems to have overlooked the
advantage which is to be derived from the study of
1 De Aug. iii. 4.
THE PHILOSOPHICAL WORKS. 113
final causes. In the sciences which relate to animal
and vegetable life, the conviction that every part of the
organisation has its appropriate function which con-
duces to the well-being of the whole, serves not only to
direct our thoughts to the wisdom of the Creator, but
also to guide our investigation into the nature of the
organisation itself.
(18.) It will now, I think, be well to attempt to
arrange the fundamental ideas of Bacon's system in the
order in which, as we may conceive, they presented
themselves to his mind. To do this will necessarily
involve some degree of repetition ; but it will enable
us to form a better idea of the scope and spirit of his
philosophy.
When, at the outset of his philosophical life, he
looked round on the visible universe, it would seem
that to him the starry heavens, notwithstanding the
grandeur of the spectacle they present to us, were of
less interest than things on earth. The stars in their
courses declare the glory of God ; but, excepting the
great lights which rule the day and night, they exert
no conspicuous influence on the welfare of mankind.
And on the other hand it is certain that we can in no-
wise affect the causes by which these phenomena are
produced. But on the earth beneath, and in the
waters under the earth. Nature is perpetually working
in ways which it is conceivable that we may be able to
imitate, and in which the beneficence of the Creator,
wherein His glory is to us chiefly visible, is everywhere
to be traced. Wherever we turn, we see the same
spectacle of unceasing and benevolent activity. From
the seed of corn Nature developes the stalk, the blade,
VOL. I. 8
114 GENERAL PREFACE TO
and the ear, and superinduces on the yet immature
produce the qualities which make it fit for the suste-
nance of man. And so, too, animal life is developed
from its first rudiments to all the perfection which it is
capable of attaining. And though this perfection is
necessarily transitory, yet Nature, though she cannot
perpetuate the individual, yet continues the species by
unceasing reproduction.
But the contemplation of God's works, glorious as
they are, is not the whole of man's business here on
earth. For in losing his first estate he lost the domin-
ion over the creatures which was its highest privilege,
and ever since has worn out few and evil days, exposed
to want, sickness, and death. His works have all been
vanity and vexation of spirit, his labour nearly profit-
less, his knowledge for the most part useless. Is his
condition altogether hopeless, or may it not be possible
to soften, though not to set aside, the effects of the
primal curse ? To this question Bacon unhesitatingly
made answer, that of His great mercy God would bless
our humble endeavours to restore to suffering human-
ity some part at least of what it had lost ; and thus he
has more than once described the instauration of the
sciences as an attempt to regain, so far as may be, that
of which the Fall deprived us.
A deep sense of the misery of mankind is visible
throughout his writings. The principal speaker in the
Redargutio Philosophiarum, and the son [father] of
Solomon's House in the New Atlantis^ both express
Bacon's idea of what the philosopher ought to be ; and
of both it is said that their countenance was as the
countenance of one who pities men. Herein we see
the reason why Bacon has oflen been called an utili-
THE PHILOSOPHICAL WORKS. 115
tarian ; not because lie loved truth less than others, but
because he loved men more.
The philosopher is therefore not merely to contem-
plate the works of the Creator, but also to employ the
knowledge thus obtained for the rehef of man's estate.
If we ask how this is to be done, we find. Bacon tells
us (and here he still seems to recur to the idea that the
new philosophy is to be in some sort a restoration to
man of his original condition), that as no one can enter
into the kingdom of heaven "nisi sub persona infantis,"
so, too, in order to obtain a real and fruitful insight
into Nature, it is necessary to become as a little child,
to abnegate received dogmas and the idols by which
the mind is most easily beset, and then to follow with
childlike singleness of purpose the indications which
Nature gives us as to how her operations are per-
formed. For we can command Nature only by
obeying her ; nor can Art avail anything except as
Nature's handmaiden. We can affect the conditions
under which Nature works ; but things artificial as
well as things natural are in reality produced not by
Art but Nature. Our power is merely based upon
our knowledge of the procedure which Nature follows.
She is never really thwarted or controlled by our oper-
ations, though she may be induced to depart from her
usual course, and under new and artificial conditions to
produce new phenomena and new substances.
Natural philosophy, considered from this point of
view, is therefore only an answer to the question. How
does Nature work in the production of phenomena ?
When, to take a trivial instance, she superinduces yel-
lowness on the green leaf, or silently and gradually
transforms ice into crystal, we ask how are these
116 GENERAL PREFACE TO
changes brought about ? — what conditions are neces-
sary and sufficient in order that the phenomena we
observe may be engendered ? If we knew what these
conditions are, we might ourselves be able to determine
their existence, and then the corresponding phenomena
would necessarily follow, since the course of Nature is
absolutely uniform.
At this point of the development of Bacon's system,
the question of method would naturally present itself
to him. Having determined what the object of our
inquiries is to be, we must endeavour to find a way of
attaining it.
For this end Bacon, as we have seen, proposes to
examine all the cases in which the phenomenon to be
reproduced has been observed, and to note all the con-
ditions which in each case accompany its production.
Of all these those only can be necessary which are uni-
versally concomitant. Again he proposes to observe
all the cognate cases in which, though certain of the
conditions before mentioned are present, they are not
accompanied by the required phenomenon. By these
two classes of observations all the superfluous condi-
tions may be rejected, and those which remain are
what we seek. Wherever we can determine their ex-
istence we can produce the phenomenon in question.
This process is what Bacon calls, in Valerius Termi-
nus^ the freeing of a direction, and in his later writings
the investigation of the Form.
His thinking that this process would in all cases, or
even generally, be successful, arose from his not hav-
ing sufficiently appreciated the infinite variety and com-
plexity of Nature. Thus he strongly condemns as most
false and pernicious the common opinion that the num-
THE PHILOSOPHICAL WORKS. 117
ber of individual phenomena to be observed is sensibly
infinite, and commends Democritus (a commendation
which seems rather to belong to Lucretius) for having
perceived that the appearance of limitless variety which
the first aspect of Nature presents to us disappears on a
closer inspection.
The transition from this view of Nature to the idea
that it was possible to form an alphabet of the uni-
verse, and to analyse all phenomena into their real
elements, is manifestly easy.
By the new method of induction it would be possible
to ascertain the conditions requisite and sufficient for
the production of any phenomenon ; and as this de-
termination was meant chiefly to enable us to imitate
Nature, or rather to direct her operations, Bacon was
naturally led to assume that the conditions in question
would be such that it would in all cases be possible to
produce them artificially. Now the power of man is
limited to the relations of space. He brings bodies
together, he separates them ; but Nature must do the
rest. On the other hand the conditions of the exist-
ence of any phenomenon must be something which in-
heres more closely in the essence of the substance by
which that phenomenon is exhibited than the phenome-
non itself. And this something is clearly the inward
configuration of the substance ; that is, the form and
arrangement &c. of its ultimate particles. Whiteness,
for instance, depends on an even arrangement of these
particles in space ; and herein we perceive a perfect
analogy between what man can do and what Nature
requires to be done. The familiar processes of the arts
consist simply in giving particular forms to portions of
matter, in arranging them and setting them in motion
(
118 GENERAL PREFACE TO
according to certain rules. Between arranging stones
80 as to form a house, and arranging particles so as to
produce whiteness, there is no difference but that of
scale. So in other cases. The difference of scale once
set aside, it seemed to follow that the knowledge of the
Form would in all cases lead to great practical results.
Thus far of the end which the new philosophy
proposes to itself, and of the method which it must
employ. The next question relates to the mode of
procuring and arranging the materials on which this
method is to work. In this part of the subject we
again perceive the influence of Bacon's opinion touch-
ing the limitedness of Nature. No one acquainted
with the history of natural philosophy would think it
possible to form a collection of all the facts which are
to be the materials on which any science is to operate,
antecedently to the formation of the science itself.
In the first place, the observations necessary in order
to the recognition of these facts would never have
been made except under the guidance of some precon-
ceived idea as to the subject of observation ; and in the
second, the statement which embodies the result of ob-
servation always involves some portion of theory. Ac-
cording to the common use of language, it is a fact and
not a theory that in ordinary refraction the sine of the
angle of incidence is to the sine of the angle of refrac-
tion in a given ratio. But the observations on which
this statement is based, and the statement itself, presup-
pose the recognition of a portion of the theory of light,
namely that light is propagated in straight lines — in
other words, they presuppose the conception of a ray.
Nor would these observations have been made but for
the idea in the mind of the observers that the magni-
THE PHILOSOPHICAL WORKS.
119
tude of the angle of refraction depends on that of the
angle of incidence.
As we advance farther in any science, what we call
facts involve more and more of theory. Thus it is
a fact that the tangent of the angle of polarisation is
equal to the index of refraction. But no one could
have made the observations which prove it, or have
stated their result in words, without a distinct concep-
tion, first of the law of refraction, and secondly of the
distinguishing character of polarised light.
The history of science and the nature of the case
concur in showing that observation and theory must go
on together; — it is impossible that the one can be
completed before the other begins. Now although
Bacon did not think that observation and experiments
might altogether be laid aside when once the process
of interpretation had begun (we see on the contrary
that one of the works of Solomon's House was the
trying of experiments suggested by previously obtained
conclusions), he certainly thought it possible so to
sever observation from theory that the process of col-
lecting facts and that of deriving consequences from
them might be carried on independently and by differ-
ent persons. This opinion was based on an imperfect
apprehension of the connexion between facts and the-
ories ; the connexion appearing to him to be merely
an external one, namely that the former are the ma-
terials of the latter. With these views that which has
been already noticed touching the finiteness of Nature,
namely that there are but a finite and not very large
number of things which for scientific purposes require
to be observed,^ is altogether in accordance.
1 See the Phaenomena Universi, and the Partis secundas Del., &c.
120 GENERAL PREFACE TO
The facts on which the new philosophy was to be
based, being conceivable apart from any portion of
theory, and moreover not excessively numerous, they
might be observed and recorded within a moderate
length of time by persons of ordinary diligence.
If this registering of facts were made a royal work,
it might. Bacon seems to have thought, be completed
in a few years : he has at least remarked that unless
this were done, the foundation of the new philosophy
could not be laid in the lifetime of a single generation.
The instauration, he has said in the general preface, is
not to be thought of as something infinite and beyond
the power of man to accomplish ; nor does he believe
that its mission can be fully completed (rem omnino
perfici posse) within the limits of a single life. Some-
thing was therefore left for posterity to do ; and prob-
ably the more Bacon meditated on the work he had in
hand, the more was he convinced of its extent and
difficulty. But the Distributio Operis sufficiently shows
that he believed, when he wrote it, that the instaura^
tion of the sciences might speedily become an opus
operatum. Of the ffistoria Naturalis on which it was
to be based be there speaks, not less than of the Novum
Organum^ as of a work which he had himself accom-
plished, — " Tertia pars operis complectitur Phaenom-
ena Universi," — not " complecti debet." Doubtless
the preface was written before the work itself was
commenced ; still if he had not thought it possible to
make good what he here proposes to do, he would have
expressly said so.^
1 The sixth part, containing the new philosophy itself, is spoken of at tho
end of the Distributio as at least an inchoate work, which others naust finish,
but to which he hopes to give " initia non coutemueudo."
THE PHILOSOPHICAL WOKKS. 121
In a letter to Fulgenzio, written probably when Ba-
con was "dagli anni e da fortuna oppresso," he remarks
that " these things " (the instauration of the sciences)
require some ages for the ripening of them. But
though he despaired of completing his design himself,
and even thought that some generations- must pass be-
fore it received its consummation, yet he always re-
garded it as a thing which sooner or later would be
effectually accomphshed, and which would thenceforth
remain as a KTrjixa es dct. His instauration of the sciences
had a definite end, in which when it was once attained
it would finally acquiesce ; nor is there anything in his
writings to countenance the assumption which has been
often made, that in his opinion the onward progress of
knowledge was to continue throughout all time. On
the contrary, the knowledge which man is capable of
might, he thought, be attained, not certainly at once,
but within the compass of no very long period. In
this doubtless he erred ; for knowledge must always
continue to be imperfect, and therefore in its best es-
tate progressive.
Bacon has been likened to the prophet who from
Mount Pisgah surveyed the Promised Land, but left it
for others to take possession of. Of this happy image
perhaps part of the felicity was not perceived by its
author. For though Pisgah was a place of large pros-
pect, yet still the Promised Land was a land of defi-
nite extent and known boundaries, and moreover it was
certain that after no long time the chosen people would
be in possession of it all. And this agrees with what
Bacon promised to himself and to mankind from the
instauration of the sciences.
A truer image of the progress of knowledge may
122 GENERAL PREFACE TO
be derived from the symbol which, though on other
grounds, Bacon himself adopted. Those who strive
to increase our knowledge of the outward universe
may be said to put out upon an apparently boundless
sea : they dedicate themselves
'' To impathed waters — undreamed shores ; "
and though they have a good hope of success, yet they
know they can subdue but a small part of the new
world which lies before them.
(19.) In this respect then, as in others, the hopes
of Francis Bacon were not destined to be fulfilled.
It is neither to the technical part of his method nor
to the details of his view of the nature and prog-
ress of science that his great fame is justly owing.
His merits are of another kind. They belong to the
spirit rather than to the positive precepts of his phi-
losophy.
He did good service when he declared with all the
weight of his authority and of his eloquence that the
true end of knowledge is the glory of the Creator and
the relief of man's estate. The spirit of this declara-
tion runs throughout his writings, and we trust has
worked for good upon the generations by which they
have been studied. And as he showed his wisdom in
coupling together things divine and human, so has he
shown it also in tracing the demarcation between them,
and in rebuking those who by confounding religion
and philosophy were in danger of making the one
heretical and the other superstitious.
When, not long before Bacon's time, philosophy
freed itself from the tutelage of dogmatic theology,
it became a grave question how their respective claims
THE PHILOSOPHICAL WORKS. 123
P
^m to authority might be most fitly co-ordinated. It was
H to meet, perhaps rather to evade, this question, that
H the distinction between that which is true in philos-
ophy and that which is true in religion was proposed
and adopted. But it is difficult to believe that the
mind of any sincere and truth-loving man was sat-
isfied by this distinction. Bacon has emphatically
condemned it. " There is," he affirms, " no such
opposition between God's word and his works." Both
come from Him who is the father of lights, the foun-
tain of all truth, the author of all good ; and both are
therefore to be studied with diligence and humility.
To those who wish to discourage philosophy in order
that ignorance of second causes may lead men to refer
all things to the immediate agency of the first. Bacon
puts Job's question, "An oportet mentiri pro Deo," —
will you offer to the God of truth the unclean sacrifice
of a lie ?
The religious earnestness of Bacon's writings be-
comes more remarkable when we contrast it with the
tone of the most illustrious of his contemporaries.
Galileo's works are full of insincere deference to au-
thority and of an affected disbelief in his own discov-
eries. Surely he who loves truth earnestly will be
slow to believe that the cause of truth is to be served
by irony. But we must not forget the difference be-
tween the circumstances in which the two men were
placed.
Next to his determination of the true end of natural
philosophy and of the relation in which it stands to nat-
ural and to revealed theology, we may place among
Bacon's merits his clear view of the essential unity of
science. He often insists on the importance of this
124 GENERAL PREFACE TO
idea, and has especially commended Plato and Par-
menides for affirming " that all things do by scale
ascend to unity." The Creator is holy in the multi-
tude of his works, holy in their disposition, holy in
their unity : it is the prerogative of the doctrine of
Forms to approach as nearly as possible towards the
unity of Nature, and the subordinate science of
Physics ought to contain two divisions relating to
the same subject. One of these ought to treat of
the first principles which govern all phenomena, and
the other of the fabric of the universe.^ All classifi-
cations of the sciences ought to be as veins or mark-
ings, and not as sections or divisions ; nor can any
object of scientific inquiry be satisfactorily studied
apart from the analogies which connect it with other
similar objects.
But the greatest of all the services which Bacon
rendered to natural philosophy was, that he perpetu-
ally enforced the necessity of laying aside all pre-
conceived opinions and learning to be a follower of
Nature. These counsels could not to their full extent
be followed, nor has he himself attempted to do so.
But they contain a great share of truth, and of truth
never more needful than in Bacon's age. Before his
time doubtless the authority of Aristotle, or rather
that of the scholastic interpretation of his philosophy,
was shaken, if not overthrown. Nevertheless the sys-
tematising spirit of the schoolmen still survived, and
of the reformers of philosophy not a few attempted
to substitute a dogmatic system of their own for that
from which they dissented.
Nor were these attempts unsuccessful. For men
i The latter is in effect what ia now called Kosmos.
THE PHILOSOPHICAL WORKS. 125
still leaned upon authority, and accepted as a test
of truth the appearance of completeness and scien-
tific consistency. This state of things was one of
transition ; and probably no one did more towards
putting an end to it than Bacon. To the dealers
in systems and to their adherents he opposed the
solemn declaration, that they only who come in their
own name will be received of men. He constantly
exhorted the seeker after truth to seek it in intercourse
with Nature, and has repeatedly professed that he was
no founder of a sect or school. He condemned the
arrogance of those who thought it beneath the dignity
of the philosopher to dwell on matters of observation
and experiment, and reminded them that the sun
" aeque palatia et cloacas ingreditur ; nee tamen pol-
luitur." We do not, he continues, erect or dedicate
to human pride a capitol or a pyramid; we lay the
foundations in the mind of man of a holy temple,
whereof the exemplar is the universe. Throughout
his writings the rejection of systems and authority is
coupled with the assertion, that it is beyond all things
necessary that the philosopher should be an humble fol-
lower of Nature. One of the most remarkable parts
of the Novum Organum is the doctrine of Idola. It
is an attempt to classify according to their origin the
false and ill-defined notions by which the mind is
commonly beset. They come, he tells us, from the
nature of the human mind in general, from the pecu-
liarities of each man's individual mind, from his inter-
course with other men, from the formal teaching of
the received philosophies. All these must be re-
nounced and put away, else no man can enter into
the kingdom which is to be founded on the knowl-
126 GENERAL PREFACE TO
edge of Nature.^ Of the four kinds of idols Mersenne
has spoken in his VSritS des Sciences, published in
1625, as of the four buttresses of the Organum of
Verulam. This expression, though certainly inaccu-
rate, serves to show the attention which in Bacon's
time was paid to his doctrine of idola.'^
His rejection of syllogistic reasoning in the proposed
process for the establishment of axioms, was not without
utility. In the middle ages and at the reform of phi-
losophy the value of the syllogistic method was unduly
exalted. Bacon was right in denying that it was possi-
ble to establish by a summary process and a priori the
first principles of any science, and thence to deduce by
syllogism all the propositions which that science could
contain ; and though he erred in rejecting deductive
reasoning altogether, this error could never have ex-
erted any practical influence on the progress of science,
while the truth with which it was associated was a
truth of which his contemporaries required at least to
be reminded. The reason of his error seems to have
been that he formed an incorrect idea of the nature
of syllogism, regarding it rather as an entirely artificial
process than as merely a formal statement of the steps
necessarily involved in every act of reasoning. How-
ever this may be, it is certain that whenever men
attempted to set aside every process for the discovery
of truth except induction, they must always have been
led to recognise the impossibility of doing so.
Lastly, the tone in which Bacon spoke of the future
destiny of mankind fitted him to be a leader of the age
1 Nov. Org. i. 68. The word idolon is used by Bacon in antithesis to
idea. He does not mean by it an idol or false object of worship.
2 Comoare Gassendi, Inst. Log.
THE PHILOSOPHICAL WORKS. 127
in which he lived. It was an age of change and of
hope. Men went forth to seek in new-found worlds
for the land of gold and for the fountain of youth ;
they were told that yet greater wonders lay within
their reach. They had burst the bands of old au-
thority ; they were told to go forth from the cave
where they had dwelt so long, and look on the light
of heaven. It was also for the most part an age of
faith; and the new philosophy upset no creed, and
pulled down no altar. It did not put the notion of
human perfectibility in the place of religion, nor de-
prive mankind of hopes beyond the grave. On the
contrary, it told its followers that the instauration of
the sciences was the free gift of the God in whom their
fethers had trusted — that it was only another proof
of the mercy of Him whose mercy is over all his
works.
PHILOSOPHICAL WOKKS
PAET L
WORKS PUBLISHED, OR DESIGNED FOR PUBLICATION, AS PARTS
OF THE INSTAURATIO MAGNA ;
AKRANGED
ACCORDING TO THE ORDER IN WHICH THEY WERE WRITTEN.
Consilium est universum opus Instaurationis potius promovere in multis quam
perficere in paucis ; iioc perpetuo maximo cum ardore (qualem Deus mentibus ut
plane confidimus addere solet) appetentes ; ut quod adhuc nunquam tentatum sit
id ne jam frustra tentetur. — Auctoris Monitum, 1622.
NOVUM ORGANUM.
NOTE.
Mr. Ellis's preface to the Novum Organum was written when
he was travelling abroad and had not his books of reference about
him. He was at work upon it the night he was taken ill at Men-
tone, and was not afterwards able either to finish or to revise it.
I have added a page or two at the end, by which the analysis of
the first book is completed. Of the second book it was not neces-
sary to say anything ; the subject of it being Bacon's method^
which has been fully discussed in the General Preface. A few
bibliographical inaccuracies of little consequence in themselves I
have corrected, either in notes or by the insertion of words within
brackets. These were merely oversights, hardly avoidable in the
first draft of a work written in such circumstances. But there
are also a few opinions expressed incidentally in which I cannot
altogether concur, though they have evidently been adopted de-
liberately. With regard to these (Mr. Ellis not being in a con-
dition to enter into a discussion of them) I had no course but to
explain the grounds of my dissent, and leave every man to decide
for himself upon the questions at issue. To avoid inconvenient
interruptions however, I have thrown my arguments into an ap-
pendix, and contented myself in the foot notes with marking the
particular expressions which I hold to be questionable. — /. .S.
PREFACE TO THE NOVUM ORGANUM.
BY ROBERT LESLIE ELLIS.
The Novum Organum was published in 1620. Cer-
tain prolegomena to the whole of the Instanratio were
prefixed to it, namely a Prooemium beginning " Fran-
ciscus de Verulamio sic cogitavit," a dedication to King
James, a general preface, and an account, entitled Dis-
tributio Operis, of the parts of which the Instauratio
was to consist. Of these the Novum Organum is the
second ; the De Augmentis, which was not then pub-
lished, occupying the place of the first. Accordingly
in most editions of Bacon's works the prolegomena are
prefixed, not to the Novum Organum, but to the De
Augmentis ; and this is doubtless their natural place.
Nevertheless as Bacon's general design was not com-
pleted, it seems better to allow them to remain in their
original position, especially as in the Prooemium Bacon
explains why he publishes one portion of the Instaura-
tio apart from the rest. " Decrevit," he there says,
speaking of himself, " prima quaeque quae perficere
licuit in publicum edere. Neque hsec festinatio am-
bitiosa fuit, sed soUicita, ut si quid illi humanitus accid-
eret, exstaret tarn en design atio quaedam ac destinatio
rei quam animo complexus est," &c.
After the Prooemium and the dedication we come to
132 PREFACE TO
the Praefatio Generalis, in which Bacon speaks of the
unprosperous state of knowledge and of the necessity
of a new method ; and then follows the Distributio
Operis. The Instauratio is to be divided into six por-
tions, of which the first is to contain a general survey
of the present state of knowledge. In the second men
are to be taught how to use their understanding aright
in the investigation of Nature. In the third all the
phenomena of the universe are to be stored up as in
a treasure-house, as the materials on which the new
method is to be employed. In the fourth examples are
to be given of its operation and of the results to which
it leads. The fifth is to contain what Bacon had ac-
complished in natural philosophy without the aid of his
own method, but merely " ex eodem intellectus usu
quem alii in inquirendo et inveniendo adhibere consue-
verunt." It is therefore less important than the rest,
and Bacon declares that he will not bind himself to the
conclusions it contains. Moreover its value will alto-
gether cease when the sixth part can be completed,
wherein will be set forth the new philosophy — the
result of the* application of the new method to all the
phenomena of the universe. But to complete this, the
last part of the Instauratio, Bacon does not hope : he
speaks of it as a thing "et supra vires et ultra spes
nostras collocata."
The greater part of the plan traced in the Distri-
butio remained unfulfilled. Not to speak of the last
division of the Instauratio, no part of Bacon's writings
can properly be referred either to the fourth or fifth,
except two prefaces which are found among the frag-
ments published by Gruter.^ To the fifth division
1 Francisci Baconi de Verulamio Scripta in naturali et universali Phil-
THE NOVUM ORGANUM. 133
however M. Bouillet^ is disposed to refer several of
Bacon's philosophical writings ; as, for instance, the
tracts entitled De Fluxu et Refluxu Maris, and Thema
Ooeli. But though they correspond with the descrip-
tion which Bacon gives of the contents of the fifth part
of the Instauratio, there is no reason to suppose that
they would have been comprised in it. They were
written a considerable time before the publication of
the Novum Organum ; the Thema Cceli being clearly
of the same date as the Descriptio Globi intellectuaUs,
written in 1612,^ and the De Fluxu et Refluxu Maris
being probably written before Bacon had become ac-
quainted with Galileo's theory of the tides. This
theory was published in 1616 ; and it is reasonable to
suppose that Bacon, who speaks of it in the Novum
Organum, would have mentioned it in the Be Muxu,
if the latter had not been written either before it was
published, or but a short time afterwards.^ These
tracts, and the others which M. Bouillet mentions, are
clearly occasional writings not belonging to the circuit
of the Instauratio.
osophia. Amst. 1653. For a particular account of this volume, see my
preface to Part III. — J. S.
1 (Euvres Philosophiques de Bacon, publi^es d'apr^s les textes originaux,
avec notice, sommaires et ^claircissemens, par M. N. Bouillet. Paris, 1834.
— /. S.
2 See the Preface to the Descriptio Globi inttUectualis. — J. S.
8 That the De Fluxu was written before the Thema Cceli is almost proved
by the allusion to it in the following passage: " Verum hujusce rei demon-
strationes et evidentias in anticipatione nostra de fluxu et refluxu maris
plene tractavimus." I say almost proved, because Bacon in writing a piece
which was designed to come after another which was not yet written, would
sometimes refer to that other as if it were already done. But it is not likely
that he should have done so here ; for in any general scheme the Thema
Cceli would have come before the De Fluxu. In a letter to Bacon, dated
14th April 1619, Tobie Matthew speaks of Galileo's having answered Ba-
con's discourse touching the flux and reflux of the sea: but he alludes ap-
parently to a discourse of Galileo's on that subject which had never been
printed. — J. S.
134 PREFACE TO
To the fourth part have been referred the Historia
Ventorum^ the Historia Vitce et Mortis, &c. This
however is contrary to Bacon's description of them
in the dedication to Prince Charles prefixed to the
Historia Ventorum. They are there spoken of as
the "primitiae Historise nostras naturaHs." Even the
general title with which the Historia Ventorum and
the titles of five other Historiae were published, shows
that they belong not to the fourth but to the third part
of the Instauratio. It is as follows : — Historia Nat-
uraHs ad condendam Philosophiam, sive Phcenomena
Universi, quce est Instaurationis Magnoe pars tertia.
It is moreover manifest that as the fourth part was
to contain applications to certain subjects of Bacon's
method of induction, these treatises, in which the
method is nowhere employed, cannot belong to it.
M. Bouillet, though he justly dissents from Shaw's^
arrangement, by whom they are referred to the fourth
part, nevertheless commits an error of the same kind
by introducing into this division of the Instauratio a
fragment on Motion, published by Gruter with the
title Filum LabyrintJd, sive Inquisitio legitima de
Motu. This fragment, which is doubtless anterior
to the Novum Organum, contains many thoughts and
expressions which are found more perfectly developed
either in the Novum Organum itself, or in the Dis-
tributio Operis. It is not to be supposed that Bacon,
after thus expressing himself in the Distributio —
" Neque enim hoc siverit Deus ut phantasiui nostras
somnium pro exemplari mundi edamus ; sed potius
1 The Philosophical Works of Francis Bacon, Baron of Verulam, &c.;
methodised and made English from the Originals, by Peter Shaw, M.D.
London, 1733. — J. S.
r
THE NOVUM ORGANUM. 135
benigne faveat ut apocalypsim ac veram visionem
vestigiorum et sigilloruin Creatoris super creaturas
scribamus " — would have repeated this remarkable
sentence with scarcely any alteration in another part
of the Instauratio ; ^ nor that he would have repeated
in a somewhat less finished form the whole substance
of the hundred and twenty-fifth aphorism of the first
book of the Novum Organum. Yet we must admit
this improbable supposition, if we decide on giving to
the Inquisitio legitima the place which M. Bouillet
has assigned to it. The truth is, that many of Ba-
con's shorter tracts preserved by Gruter and others
are merely, so to speak, experimental fragments, of
which the substance is embodied in his more finished
writings.
Of the fourth and fifth parts of the Instauratio
nothing, as I have already remarked, has been pre-
served except the prefaces, if indeed any other por-
tion of them ever existed. But of the third, though
it is altogether incomplete, we have nevertheless large
fragments. Two years after the publication of the
Novum Organum Bacon published the Historia Natu-
ralis ad condendam Philosophiam, which has been al-
1 I doubt whether this argument can be safely relied upon. Among the
works which were certainly meant to stand as part of the Instauratio sev-
eral remarkable passages occur twice and more than twice. But there are
other grounds for concluding that the Inquisitio de Mohi was written soon
after the Cogitata et Visa (1607). In the Commentanus solufus, a kind of
diary which will be printed among the Occasional Works, I find the fol-
lowing entry under the date July 26. 1608: — " The finishing the 3 tables
J)e Motu, De Calore et Frigore, De Sono.''^ After which follow (Juh'- 27.)
several pages of notes for an Inquisitio legitima de Motu. It would seem
that this Inquisitio was designed originally to be the example in which the
new method was to be set forth (see last section of Cogitata et Visa), but
that the Inquisitio de Calore et Frigore was afterwards preferred ; probably
as more manageable. — /. S.
136 PREFACE TO
ready mentioned. In this however only the Historia
Ventoriim is contained in extenso; and of the five
other Historise of which Bacon speaks in the dedica-
tion, and of which he proposed to pubhsh one every
month, only two are now in existence, namely the
Historia Vitce et Mortis^ published in 1623, and the
Historia Densi et Rari which is contained in Rawley's
Opuscula varia posthuma, published in 1658. Of the
other three, namely the Historia? Gravis et Levis, Sym-
pathice et Antipathice Rerum, and Sidphuris Mercurii et
Salis, we have only the prefaces, which were published
in the same volume as the Historia Ventorum.
These Historiae, and the Sylva Sylvaram, published
soon after Bacon's death by Rawley, are the only
works which we are entitled to refer to the third
part of the Instauratio. With respect to the fonner
we have the authority of Bacon's own title page and
dedication ; and Rawley's dedication of the latter to
King Charles shows that it is included under the
general designation of Historia Naturalis ad conden-
dam Philosophiam}
Other tracts however, of more or less importance,
have been placed in the third part of the Instauratio,
as for instance a fragment, published by Rawley in
1658, entitled Historia et Inquisitio prima de Sono et
Auditu et de Formd Soni et latente processu Soni, sive
Sylva Soni Auditus. But the substance of this frag-
ment occurs also in the Sylva Sylvarum, and therefore
1 " The wliole body of the Natural History, either designed or written
by the late lord Viscount St. Albans, was dedicated to Your Majesty in
the book De Ventis, about four years past, when Your Majesty was prince,
80 as there needed no new dedication of this work, but only in all humble-
ness to let Your Majesty know that is yours." — Dedication to the King of
the Sylva Sylvarum.
THE NOVUM ORGANUM. 137
it cannot have been Bacon's intention to publish both
as portions of his Historia Naturalis. It is probable
that the Historia de Sono et Auditu was originally
written as a portion of the general scheme of natural
history^ which was to form the third part of the
Instauratio ; but it is certainly superseded by the
Sylva Sylvarum^ and is therefore not entitled to the
position which has generally been assigned to it. So,
too, the HistoricB Naturalis ad condendam Philosophiam
Prcefatio destinata^^ published by Gruter, is clearly
irreconcilable with the plan laid down in the dedica-
tion to Prince Charles of the Historia Naturalis. For
Bacon's intention when he wrote the preface which
Gruter has published was plainly to commence his
Natural History by treating of density and rarity,
and not of the natural history of the winds. Subse-
quently he changed his plan ; and the first published
portion of the third part of the Instauratio is, as we
have seen, the Historia Ventorum. But this change
of plan plainly shows that he had determined to
cancel the fragment preserved by Gruter. When-
ever what an author publishes or prepares for publi-
cation supersedes or contradicts unpublished and un-
finished papers, these ought beyond all question to
be set aside, and if published at all to be published
1 It was probably the table De Sono referred to in the Commentariw
solutus, July 26. 1608 (see note 1. p. 135.), and designed, like the tables
De Motu and De Calore et Frigore^ for an example of the new method. —
/. S.
2 See Bouillet, vol. ii. p. 264. The preface in question is the introduc-
tion to the Tabula Exporrectionis et Expansionis Materice, a rudiment of
the Histona Densi et Eari. It was published by Gruter, before the His-
tmHa Densi et Ran appeared, among the Impetus Philosqphici: with the
title, Phcenomena Universi ; sive Historia Naturalis ad condendam Philoso-
phiam. Prcefatio. M. Bouillet gives the preface only. The whole tract as
given by Gruter will be found in Part III. of this edition. — /. S.
138 PREFACE TO
apart from his other writings. Against some of the
other fragments included in the third part of the
Instauratio there is no such direct evidence as there
is against those of which we have been speaking ; but
it only gives rise to needless confusion to mix up with
what we know it was Bacon's intention to publish
as portions of his Historia Naturalis, loose fragments
touching which we have no information whatever.
From what has been said it is manifest that what
we possess of the third part of the Instauratio is
merely a fragment — for the St/lva Sylvarum^ a mis-
cellaneous collection of observations gathered for the
most part out of books, nowise completes Bacon's
general design. In truth it is a design which cannot
be completed, there being no limit to the number of
the " Phaenomena universi " which are potentially if
not actually cognisable; and it is to be observed that
even if all the facts actually known at any instant
could be collected and systematised (and even this is
plainly impossible), yet still Bacon's aim would not
be attained. For these facts alone would be insuffi-
cient as materials for the sixth part of the Instauratio,
in which was to be contained all the knowledge of Na-
ture man is capable of. Every day brings new facts
to light not less entitled than those previously known
to find a place in a complete description of the phe-
nomena of the universe.^ From many places in Ba-
1 This would be true, I think, of all new facts which were not obviously
reconcilable with laws previously known. But is it not conceivable that so
complete a knowledge might be attained of the Inws of Nature, that it could
not be increased or affected by the discovery of any n^y/ fact in Nature?
If we had as complete a knowledge of other laws of Nature as we have of
gravitation, for instance, new facts would still come to light, but with re-
spect to the laws themselves they would all say the same thing, and there-
THE NOVUM ORGANUM. 139
con's writings it appears, as I have elsewhere re-
marked, that he had formed no adequate conception
of the extent and variety of Nature. In a letter to
R. P. Baranzan, who had apparently remarked by
way of objection to Bacon's scheme of philosophy
that a complete natural history would be a work
of great extent and labour, Bacon observes that it
would perhaps be sixfold as voluminous as that of
Pliny. We have here therefore a sort of estimate
of the limits which, in his judgment, the third part
of the Instauratio would not exceed. What now
exists of it is perhaps one twentieth in magnitude of
this estimate.
Even the second part of the Instauratio, the Novum
Organum itself, is incomplete. The second book con-
cludes with the doctrine -of prerogative instances. But
in its twenty-first aphorism a number of subjects are
mentioned of which this doctrine is the first, the
last being the " Scala ascensoria et descensoria axiom-
atum." Neither this, nor any of these subjects after
the first, except the last but one, is anywhere discussed
in Bacon's writings ; and our knowledge of his method
is therefore incomplete. Even the penultimate divis-
ion of the Novum Organum which was published along
with the first two books, and which treats " de par-
ascevis ad inquisitionem," has all the appearance of
being a fragment, or at least of being less developed
than Bacon had intended it to be.
fore bring no new knowledge. Every new application of mechanical
power contains some new fact more or less connected with gravitation ;
yet unless a machine can be made which shall produce results not only
new (i. e. such as had never "been produced before) but inexplicable by
the received theory of gravitation, are we not entitled to say that we know
all that can be known about gravitation? — J. S.
140 PREFACE TO
The first part of the Instaiiratio is represented, not
inadequately, by the De Augmentis, published about
three years after the Distributio Operis and the Novum
Organum. It is a translation with large additions of
the Advancement of Learning, published in 1605 ; and
if we regard the latter as a development of the ninth
chapter of Valerius Terminus, which is an early frag-
ment containing the germ of the whole of the Instau-
ratio,^ the De Augmentis will appear to belong naturally
to the great work of which it now forms the first and
only complete portion. In the preface prefixed to it by
Rawley it is said that Bacon, finding " the part relat-
ing to the Partitions of the Sciences already executed,
though less solidly than the dignity of the argument
demanded, . . . thought the best thing he could do
would be to go over again what he had written, and to
bring it to the state of a satisfactory and completed
work. And in this way he considers that he fulfils the
promise which he has given respecting the first part of
the Instauration." 2
From this general view of the different parts of the
Instauratio, as described in the Distributio Operis, we
proceed to consider more particularly the Novum Or-
ganum. Although it was left incomplete, it is never-
theless of all Bacon's works that upon which he be-
stowed the most pains. In the first book especially
every word seems to have been carefully weighed ; and
1 I should rather say, the germ of all that part of the Instauratio which
treated of the Interpretation of Nature. For I cannot find in the Vnleritts
Terminus any traces of the ^rst part, of which the Advancement of Learn-
ing was the germ. See Note A. at the end. — J. S.
2 My own reasons for thinking that the De Augmentis did not form part
of the original design, together with the circumstances which, as I suppose,
determined Bacon to enlarge that design so as to take it in, will be explained
in the preface to the De Augmentis. — J. 8.
THE NOVUM ORGANUM. 141
it would be hard to omit or to change anything without
injuring the meaning which Bacon intended to convey.
His meaning is not always obvious, but it is always ex-
pressed with singular precision and felicity. His chap-
lain, Rawley, says that he had seen among his papers
at least twelve yearly revisions of the Novum Orga-
num.^ Assuming, which there is no reason to doubt,
that this statement may be relied upon, it would seem
to follow that the composition of the Novum Organum
commenced in 1608. And this agrees tolerably well
with the circumstance that the Oogitata et Visa was
sent to Bodley in 1607, as we learn from the date of
Bodley's reply to it. If we suppose that the tract pub-
lished with this title by Gruter is the same as that which
was sent to Bodley, a passage near the end acquires a
significance which has not I think been remarked. In
the Cogitata et Visa Bacon speaks of the considerations
whereby he had been led to perceive the necessity of a
reform in philosophy, and goes on to say that the ques-
tion as to how his new method might be most fitly given
to the world had been much in his thoughts. " Atque
diu," he proceeds, " et acriter rem cogitanti et perpen-
denti ante omnia visum est ei tabulas inveniendi, sive
legitimae inquisitionis formulas ... in aliquibus subjectis
1 " Ipse reperi m archivis Dominationis suae a utographa plusminus du-
odecim Organi novi, de anno in annum elaborati et ad incudem revocati ; et
singulis annis ulteriore lima subinde politi et castigati." In the preceding
sentence, he calls it " multorum annorum et laboris improbi proles." — Auc-
toris Vita, prefixed to the Opuscula varia posthuma, 1658. In the English
Life prefixed to the Resuscitatio, which was published the year before, he
says " I myself have seen at the least twelve copies of the Instauration ; re-
vised year by year, one after another; and every year altered and amended
in the frame thereof." I doubt whether we can fairly infer from these ex-
pressions that these twelve several copies were made in twelve several
years; but substantially they bear out the inference drawn from them.
— J. S.
142 PREFACE TO
propoiii tanquam ad exomplum et opens descriptionem
fere visibilem.^ . . . Visum est ^utem, nimis abruptum
esse ut a tabulis ipsis docendi initium sumatur. Itaque
idonea quaedara praefari oportuisse, quod et jam se fecisse
arbitratur." It was Bacon's intention therefore when
he wrote the Oogitata et Visa, and when apparently
some years later ^ he communicated it to Bodley, to
publish an example of the application of his method to
some particular subject — an intention which remained
unfulfilled until the publication of the Novum Orga-
num. We may therefore conjecture that it was about
this time that Bacon addressed himself to the great
work of composing the Novum Organum;^ and this
agrees with what Rawley says of its having been twelve
years in hand. This view also explains M'hy the whole
1 In the Commentarius solutits, under date July 26, 1608, I Hnd the follow-
ing memorandum : — " Seeing and trying whether the B. of Canterb. may
not be affected in it, being single and glorious, and believing the sense.
" Not desisting to draw in the Bp. Awnd. [Bishop Andrews, probably]
being single, rich, sickly, and professor to some experiments : this after the
table of motion or some other in part set in forwardness.''*
Some other memoranda in the same place relate to the gaining of phy-
sicians, and learning from them experiments of surgery and physic ; which
explains the epithet "sickly " in the above extract. — J. S.
2 Bodley's answer is dated Feb. 19. 1607; i. e. 1607-8; in which he says,
"I must tell you, to be plain, that you have very much wronged yourself
and the world, to smother such a treasure so long in your coffer." But I
do not think we can infer from this that the Cogitata et Visa had been
vrritten " some years " before. Bodley may only allude to his having kept
such thoughts so long to himself. — J. S.
8 In the Commentarius solutus, under date July 26. 1608, 1 find the fol-
lowing memorandum: — " The finishing the Aphorisms, Claris interpreta-
tionis, and then setting forth the book," and in the same page, a little afler,
" Imparting my Cogitata et Visa, with choice, ut videbitur." The aphorisms
here spoken of may have been the " Aphorismi et Consiliade auxiliis mentis
etaccensione luminis naturalis;" a friigment containing the substance of the
first, second, and third aphorisms of the first book of the Novum Orgnnum,
and the first, third, and sixteenth of the second. Cinvis interpretationis
was probably the name which was afterwards exchanged for Novum Or-
ganum. — J, S.
^^^^ THE NOVUM ORGANUM. 143
substance of the Cogitata et Visa is reproduced in the
first book of the Novum Organum ; for this tract w<is
designed to be an introduction to a particular example
of the new method of induction, such as that which we
find near the beginning of the second book. Bacon's
purpose in writing it was therefore tlie same as that
which he had in view in the first book of the Novum
Organum^ — namely to procure a favourable reception
for an example and illustration of his method. What
has been said may be in some measure confirmed by
comparing the Cogitata et Visa with an earlier tract, —
namely the Partis secundce Delineatio et Argumentum.
When he wrote this tract Bacon did not propose to set
forth his method merely by means of an example ; on
the contrary, the three ministrations to the sense, to the
memory, and to the reason, of which the last is the new
method of induction, were to be set forth in order and
didactically. Whereas in the Novum Organum Bacon
remarks, " incipiendum est a fine " (that is, the method
of induction must be set forth before the method of
collecting facts and that of arranging them so as best to
assist the memory) ; and having said this, he goes on
at once to his example, — namely, the investigation of
the Form of heat. Thus it appears that after Bacon
had not only decided on writing a great work on the
reform of philosophy, but had also determined on divid-
ing it into parts of which the second was to contain
the exposition of his new method, he in some measure
changed his plan, and resolved to set forth the essential
and operative part of his system chiefly by means of
an example. This change of plan appears to be marked
by the Cogitata et Visa^ — a circumstance which makes
this tract one of the most interesting of the precursors
of the Novum Organum.
144 PREFACE TO
That the Partis secundce Delineatio is earlier than
the Cogitata et Visa appears plainly from several con-
siderations which M. Bouillet, who expresses a contrary
opinion, seems to have overlooked. In the first place,
whole sentences and even paragraphs of the Cogitata et
Visa are reproduced with scarcely any alteration in the
Novum Organum ; whereas this is by no means the case
with any passage of the Partis secundce Delineatio. But
as it may be said that this difference arises from the
different character of the two tracts, of which the one
is simply a summary of a larger work, whereas the more
developed style of the other resembles that of the No-
vum Organum^ it may be well to compare them some-
what in detail.
In speaking of the prospects which the reform of
philosophy was to open to mankind. Bacon thus ex-
presses himself in the Novum Organum: — "Quinetiam
prudentia civilis ad consilium vocanda est et adhibenda,
quse ex prasscripto diffidit, et de rebus human is in dete-
rius conjicit." The corresponding sentence in the Cog-
itata et Visa is, " Consentaneum enim esse, prudentiam
civilem in hac parte adhibere, quae ex praescripto diffidit
et de humanis in deterius conjicit." Again, in the
Partis secundce Delineatio the same idea is thus ex-
pressed, "Si quis sobrius (ut sibi videri possit), et civi-
lis prudentiae diffidentiam ad haac transferens, existimet
haec quae dicimus votis similia videri," &c. Here the
somewhat obscure phrase " civilis prudentiae diffiden-
tiam " is clearly the germ of that by which it is re-
placed in the other two passages, namely, "prudentia
civilis quae ex prsescripto diffidit." Again, in the Partis
secundce Delineatio Bacon affirms that ordinary induc-
tion " puerile quiddam est et precario concludit, perio-
THE NOVUM ORGANUM. 145
ulo ab instantia contradictori^ exposita : " in the Cogi-
tata et Visa, that the logicians have devised a form of
induction " admodum simplicem et plane puerilem, quae
per enumerationem tantum procedat, atque propterea
precario non necessario concludat." The clause " quae
per enumerationem tantum procedat," which adds
greatly to the distinctness of the whole sentence, is
retained in the Distributio Operis, in which it is said
that the induction of the logicians, " quas procedit per
enumerationem simplicem, puerile quiddam est, preca-
rio concludit, et periculo ab instantia contradictori^ ex-
ponitur." To take another case : in the Partis seeundce
Delineatio, Bacon, speaking of those who might object
to his frequent mention of practical results as a thing
unworthy of the dignity of philosophy, affirms that
they hinder the accomplishment of their own wishes.
" Quin etiam illis, quibus in contemplationis amorem
effusis frequens apud nos operum mentio asperum quid-
dam atque ingratum et mechanicum sonat, monstrabi-
mus quantum illi desideriis suis propriis adversentur,
quum puritas contemplationum atque substructio et in-
ventio operum prorsus eisdem rebus nitantur, ac simul
perficiantur." In the Cogitata et Visa, this sentence
recurs in a modified and much neater form : — "Si quis
autem sit cui in contemplationis amorem et veneratio-
nem effuso ista operum frequens et cum tanto honore
mentio quiddam asperum et ingratum sonet, is pro
certo sciat se propriis desideriis adversari ; etenim in
natura, opera non tantum vitse beneficia, sed et veritatis
pignora esse." On comparing these two sentences, it
is difficult to believe that Bacon would have omitted
the antithesis with which the latter ends in order to
introduce the somewhat cumbrous expressions which
VOL. I. 10
146 PREFACE TO
correspond to it in the former, especially as we find this
antithesis reproduced, though with another context, in
the Novum Organum. " Opera ipsa," it is there said,
" pluris facienda sunt quatenus sunt veritatis pignora
quam propter vitae commoda." ^
These instances will probably be thought sufficient to
justify us in concluding that the Partis secundce De-
lineation in which no mention is made of the plan of
setting forth the new method of induction by means
of an example, is of earlier date than the Cogitata et
Visa, in which this plan, actually employed in the No-
vum Organum, is spoken of as that which Bacon had
decided on adopting. This question of priority is not
without interest ; for if the Partis secundce Delineatio
is anterior to the Cogitata et Visa, the general plan of
the Instauratio must have been formed a considerable
time before 1607, about which time Bacon probably
commenced the composition of the Novmn Organum.
If we could determine the date of Valerius Tertninus,
we should be able to assign limits within which the
formation of this plan, so far as relates to the division
of the work into six portions, may be supposed to lie.
For the first book of Valerius Terminus was to include
all that was to precede the exposition of the new
method of induction, which was to be the subject of
the second ; that is, it was to comprehend, along with
the first part of the Instauratio,^ the general reflexions
and precepts which form the subject of the first book
1 Nov. Org. i. 124. It is well to mention that some of the expressions in
this aphorism which do not occur in the Cogitata et Visa will be found in the
Partis secuudoB Delineatio. But it will be observed that I am only compar-
ing passages which occur in all three works. Of the greater general resem-
blance of the Cogitata ct Visa to the Novum Organum there can be no
question.
2 Querjr. See Note A. at the end, § 1. — J. 8.
THE NOVUM ORGANUM. 147
of the Novum Organum. Nor does it appear that Va-
lerius Terminus was to contain anything corresponding
to the last four parts of the Instauratio ; ^ it was a
work, as its title ^ shows, on the Interpretation of
Nature ; that is, it was to be a statement of Bacon's
method, without professing either to give the collection
of facts to which the method was to be applied, or the
results thereby obtained. Unfortunately, there appears
to be no evidence tending to enable us to assign the
time at which (or not long after it) Valerius Terminus
was written. That it is earlier than the Advancement
of Learning seems to follow from the circumstance that
Bacon, when he wrote it, designed to include in a
single chapter the general survey of human knowledge
which in the Advancement is developed into two books.^
Bacon has on all occasions condemned epitomes, and it
is therefore altogether improbable that after writing the
Advayicement of Learning he w^ould have endeavoured
to compress its contents, or even those of the second
book, within the limits proposed in Valerius Terminus.
On the other hand, we may suppose that before writing
the Advancement he had not seen how much he had to
say on the subject to which it relates. We may con-
clude therefore, on these and other grounds, that Vale-
rius Terminus w^as written some time before 1605 :
how much before cannot be known; but as by com-
paring the Partis secundce Delineatio and the Cogitata
et Visa with the Novum Organum we have seen reason
to conclude that the general plan of the Instauratio
was formed before Bacon had decided on propounding
1 Query. See Note A. at the end, § 2. — J. S.
2 " Valerius Terminus of the Interpretation of Nature ; with the Anno-
tations of Hermes Stella. A few fragments of the first book, viz.," &c.
8 Query. See Note A. at the end, § 1. — J. S.
148 PREFACE TO
his method by means of an example, so by comparing
the first-named of these three works with Valerius Ter-
minus^ we perceive that the idea of the work on the
Intei-pretation of Nature, that is, on the new method
of induction, was anterior in Bacon's mind to that of
the Instauratio.
And this conclusion is confirmed by all we know of
Bacon's early writings. In the earliest of all, (if we
assume that the Temporis Partus Masculus, published
by Gruter,^ is the same as the Temporis Partus Maxi-
mus mentioned by Bacon in his letter to Fulgenzio,)
the most prominent notion is that true science consists
in the interpretation of Nature — a phrase by which
Bacon always designates a just method of induction.
But nothing is said either there or in any early frag-
ment whereby we are led to suppose that Bacon then
thought of producing a great work like the Instauratio.
On the contrary, in the De Interpretatione Naturce
Prooemium he proposes to communicate his peculiar
method and the results to which it was to lead, only
to chosen followers ; giving to the world merely an
exoteric doctrine, namely the general views of science
which afterwards formed the substance of the Cogitata
et Visa and ultimately of the first book of the Novum
Organum?
From what has been said it follows that we should
form an inadequate conception of the Novum Organum
if we were to regard it merely as a portion of the In-
stauratio. For it contains the central ideas of Bacon's
system, of which the whole of the Instauratio is only
the developement. In his early youth Bacon formed
1 Say rather, " the several tracts collected by M. Bouillet under the title
Temporis Partus Masculus.'''' See Note A. at the end, § 3. — J. 8.
2 See Note A. at the end, (ii. — J. 8.
THE NOVUM ORGANUM. ^ 149
the notion of a new method of induction, and from that
time forth this notion determined the character of all
his speculations. Later in life he laid the plan of a
great work, within the limits of which the materials to
which his method was to be applied and the results
thereby to be obtained might be stored up, together
with a statement of the method itself. But of this
great plan the interpretation of Nature was, so to speak,
the soul, — the formative and vivifying principle ; not
only because Bacon conceived that the new method
only could lead to the attainment of the great ends
which he had in view, but also because it was the pos-
session of this method which had suggested to him the
hopes which he entertained.^ There seems some rea-
son to believe that his confidence in his peculiar method
of induction did not increase as he grew older ; that is
to say, he admits in the Novum Organum that the in-
terpretation of Nature is not so much an artificial pro-
cess as the way in which the mind would naturally
work if the obstacles whereby it is hindered in the
pursuit of truth were once set aside.^ So that his pre-
1 1 quite agree in this, but not quite on the same grounds. In Note A. at
the end of this preface, the reader will find a statement, too long for a foot-
note, of such points in the foregoing argument as I consider disputable. It
was the more necessary to point them out, because the arrangement of the
pieces in this edition, for which I am responsible, will otherwise create a
difficulty ; being in some respects inconsistent with the opinions here ex-
pressed. — J. S.
2 Nov. Org. i. 130. " Est enim Interpretatio verum et naturale opus men-
tis, demptis iis quae obstant." But compare the following passage in Vale-
rius Terminus, c. 22. " that it is true that intei-pretation is the very natural
and direct intention, action, and progression of the understanding, de-
livered from impediments. And that all anticipation is but a reflexion
or declination by accident." So that if we may infer from the passage in
the Novum Organum that his confidence had abated, we must suppose that
when he -wrote the Valerius Terminus it had not risen to its height. But for
my own part I doubt whether his opinion on this point ever changed. — J. S.
150 PREFACE TO
cepts are, he says, not of absolute necessity : " necessi-
tatem ei (arti interpretationis scilicet) ac si absque ek
nil agi possit, aut etiam perfectionem non attribuimus,"
— an admission not altogether in the spirit of the
earlier writings in which the art of interpretation is
spoken of as a secret of too much value to be lightly
revealed.^
If it be asked why Bacon determined on propound-
ing his method by means of an example, the answer is
to be sought for in the last paragraphs of the Cogitata
et Visa. He seems to have thought that it would thus
obtain a favourable reception, because its value would
be to a certain extent made manifest by the example
itself. Likewise he hoped in this way to avoid all
occasion of dispute and controversy, and thought that
an example would be enough to make his meaning un-
derstood by all who were capable of understanding it.
" Fere enim se in ea esse opinione, nempe (quod quis-
piam dixit) prudentibus hsec satis fore, imprudentibus
autem ne plura quidem."
His expectations have not been fulfilled, for very
few of those who have spoken of Bacon have under-
stood his method, or have even attempted to explain
its distinguishing characteristics, namely the certainty
of its results, and its power of reducing all men to one
common level.
Another reason for the course which he followed
may not improbably have been that he was more or
less conscious tliat he could not demonstrate the valid-
1 Not, I think, as a secret of too much value to be revealed, but as an
argument too abstruse to be made popular. See Note B. at the end, where
I have endeavoured to bring together all the evidence upon which the pre-
sumption in the text is founded, and to show that it proves either too much
or too little. — J. S.
THE NOVUM ORGANUM. 151
itj, or at least the practicability, of that which he
proposed. The fundamental principle in virtue of
which alone a method of exclusions can necessarily
lead to a positive result, namely that the subject matter
to which it is applied consists of a finite number of
elements, each of which the mind can recognise and
distinguish from the rest, cannot, it is manifest, be for
any particular case demonstrated a priori. Bacon's
method in effect assumes that substances can always be
resolved into an aggregation of a certain number of
abstract qualities, and that their essence is adequately
represented by the result of this analysis. Now this
assumption or postulate cannot be made the subject of
a direct demonstration, and probably Bacon came grad-
ually to perceive more or less the difficulties which it
involves. But these difficulties are less obvious in
special cases than when the question is considered
generally, and on this account Bacon may have de-
cided to give instead of a demonstration of his method
an example of its use. He admits at the close of the
example that the operation of the method is imperfect,
saying that at first it could not but be so, and implying
that its defects would be removed when the process of
induction had been applied to rectify our notions of
simple natures. He thus seems to be aware of the in-
herent defect of his method, namely that it gives no
assistance in the formation of conceptions, and at the
same time to hope that this would be corrected by
some modification of the inductive process. But of
what nature this modification is to be he has nowhere
stated ; and it is to be remarked that in his earliest
writings the difficulty here recognised is not even men-
tioned. In Valerius Terminus nothing is said of the
152 PREFACE TO
necessity of forming correct notions of simple natures,
— the method of exclusions then doubtless appearing
to contain all that is necessary for the investigation of
Nature.
Bacon may also have been influenced by other con-
siderations. We have seen that he was at first unwil-
ling that his peculiar method should become generally
known. In the De Interpretatione Naturoe Prooemium
he speaks of its being a thing not to be published, but
to be communicated orally to certain persons.^ In
Valerius Terminus his doctrine was to be veiled in an
abrupt and obscure style,^ such as, to use his own ex-
pression, would choose its reader, — that is, would re-
main unread except by worthy recipients of its hidden
meaning. This affected obscurity appears also in the
Temporis Partus Masculus. In this unwillingness
openly to reveal his method Bacon coincided with
the common feeling of his own and earlier times. In
the middle ages no new discovery was freely published.
All the secrets, real or pretended, of the alchemists
were concealed in obscure and enigmatic language ;
and to mention a well-known instance, the anagram
in which Roger Bacon is supposed to have recorded
his knowledge of the art of making gunpowder is so
obscure, that its meaning is even now more or less
doubtful. In Bacon's own time one of the most re-
markable discoveries of Galileo — that of the phases
of Venus — was similarly hidden in an anagram,
1 See Note B. at the end, extract 4th, and the concluding remarks in
which I have explained my own view of the kind of reserve which Bacon
at this time meditated. — ./. S.
2 See the same note, extract 1st. I cannot think it was by " abruptness
and obscurity" that he proposed to effect the desired separation of readers
either in Valerius Terminus or in the Temporis Partus Masculus. — J. 8.
THE NOVUM ORGANUM. 153
though the veil in this case was more easily seen
through. This disposition to conceal scientific dis-
coveries and methods is connected with the views
which in the middle ages were formed of the nature
of science. To know that which had previously been
unknown was then regarded as the result not so much
of greater industry or acuteness as of some fortunate
accident, or of access to some hidden source of infor-
mation: it was like finding a concealed treasure, of
which the value would be decreased if others were
allowed to share in it. Moreover the love of the mar-
vellous inclined men to believe in the existence of
wonderful secrets handed down by tradition from for-
mer ages, and any new discovery acquired something
of the same mysterious interest by being kept back
from the knowledge of the vulgar. Other causes,
which need not here be detailed, increased this kind
of reserve ; such as the dread of the imputation of un-
lawful knowledge, the facility which it gave to decep-
tion and imposture, and the like.
The manner in which Bacon proposed at one time
to perpetuate the knowledge of his method is also in
accordance with the spirit of the middle ages. In the
writings of the alchemists we meet continually with
stories of secrets transmitted by their possessor to one
or more disciples. Thus Artefius records the conver-
sation wherein his master, Boemund, transmitted to
him the first principles of all knowledge; and it is
remarkable that in this and similar cases the disciple
is called "mi fili " by his instructor — a circumstance
which shows from what source Bacon derived the
phrase " ad filios," which appears in the titles of sev-
eral of his early pieces. Even in the De Augmentis
164 PREFACE TO
the highest and most effectual form of scientific teach-
ing is called the " methodiis ad filios." ^
When he wrote the Cogitata et Visa, Bacon seems
to have perceived ^ how much of vanity and imposture
had always been mixed up with this affectation of con-
cealment and reserve. " Reperit autem," he there
says, " homines in rerum scientia quam sibi videntur
adepti, interdum proferenda interdum occultanda, famai
1 Lib. vi. c. 2. I cannot think however that the merit of this method had
anything to do with secresy. For the distinctive object of it is stated to be
the "continuatio et ulterior progressus " of knowledge; and its distinctive
characteristic, the being " solito apertio7\" Its aim was to transfer knowl-
edge into the mind of the disciple in the same form in which it grew in
the teacher's mind, like a plant with its roots on, that it might continue to
grow. Its other name is "traditio lampadis," alluding to the Greek torch-
race; which was run, as I understand it, not between individuals, but be-
tween what we call sides. Each side had a lighted torch; they were so
arranged that each bearer, as he began to slacken, handed it to another who
was fresh; and the side whose torch first reached the goal, still a-light, was
the winner. The term "filii," therefore, alludes, I think, to the successive
generations, not who should inherit the secret, but who should carry on the
work. Compare the remarks in the Sapientia Veterum (Fab. xxvi. near
the end,) upon the torch-races in honour of Prometheus. " Atque continet
in se monitum, idque prudentissimum, ut perfectio scientiarum a successi-
one, non ab unius alicujus pernicitate aut facultate, expectetur Atque
optandum esset ut isti ludi in honorem Promethei, sive humanae naturae,
instaurarentur, atque res certamen, et cemulatwnem, et bonarn fortunam re-
ciperet; neque ex unius cujuspiam face tremula atque agitata penderet."
To me, I must confess, the explanation above given of Bacon's motives for
desiring a select audience seems irreconcilable both with the objects which
he certainly had in view and with the spirit in which he appears to have
pursued them. "Fit audience, though few," he no doubt desired; and I
can easily believe that he wislied not only to find the fit, but also to ex-
clude the unfit. But the question is, whether his motive in so selecting
and so limiting his audience was unwillingness to part with his treasure, or
solicitude for the fnrtlierance of his work. To decide this question I have
brought together all the passages in which he speaks of the "singling and
adopting " of the " fit and legitimate reader." But the collection, with the
remarks which it suggests, being too long for a foot-note, I have placed
them at the end of this preface. See Note B. — ./. S.
2 See Note B., extract 7th. But observe that in the 1st, 3rd, and 4th, he
shows himself quite as sensible of the vanity and imposture which such
secresy had been made to subserve. — J. S.
THE NOVUM ORGANUM. 155
et ostentationi servire ; quin et eos potissimum qui
minus solida proponunt, solere ea quae afFerunt obscura
et ambigua luce venditare, ut facilius vanitati suae veliti-
care possint." The matter which he has in hand, he
goes on to say, is one which it were nowise fitting to
defile by affectation or vain glory ; but yet it cannot
be forgotten that inveterate errors, like the delusions
of madmen, are to be overcome by art and subtlety,
and are always exasperated by violence and opposition.
The result of this kind of dilemma is that the method
is to be propounded in an example, — a decision in
which it is probable that he was still more or less in-
fiuenced by the example of those whom he here con-
demns.
Thus much of the connexion between the plan of
the Novum Organum and that which Bacon laid down
in the Cogitata et Visa. That there is no didactic ex-
position of his method in the whole of his writings has
not been sufficiently remarked by those who have
spoken of his philosophy ; probably because what he
himself regarded as a sort of exoteric doctrine, namely
the views of science contained in the first book of the
Novu7n Organum., have received much more attention
than the method itself, which is nevertheless the car-
dinal point of his whole system. Bacon is to be re-
garded, not as the founder of a new philosophy, but as
the discoverer of a new method ; at least we must
remember that this was his own view of himself and
of his writings.
I proceed to give some account of the structure of
the Novum Organum and of the parts into which it
may be most conveniently divided.
After the preface, in which Bacon professes that it is
156 PREFACE TO
not liis intention to destroy the received philosophy,
but rather that from henceforth there should be two
coexisting and allied systems, — the one sufficient for
the ordinary purposes of Hfe, and such as would satisfy
those who are content with probable opinions and com-
monly received notions ; the other for the sons of sci-
ence, who desire to attain to certainty and to an in-
sight into the hidden things of Nature, — we come
to the Novum Organum itself; which commences with
some weighty sentences concerning the relation of
Man to Nature. The first aphorism, perhaps the most
often quoted sentence in the Novum Organurrt^ occurs
twice in the fragments published by Gruter ; namely
in the Aphorismi et Oonsilia de Auxiliis Mentis^ and
again in a less perfect form in the De Interpretatione
Naturce Sententice XII., both which fragments are in-
cluded [by M. Bouillet] ^ under the title Temporis
Partus Masculus^ though they are clearly of different
dates. The wording of the aphorism in the former is
almost precisely the same as in the Novum Organum,
In all three places man is styled " naturas minister et
interpres." He is naturae interpres, because in every
object which is presented to him there are two things
to be considered, or rather two aspects of the same
thing, — one the phenomenon which Nature presents
to the senses — the other the inward mechanism and
action, of which the phenomenon in question is not
only the result but also the outward sign. To pass
therefore from the phenomencm to its hidden cause is
to interpret the signs which enable us to become ac-
quainted with the operations of Nature. Again, he is
the minister natur;©, because in all his works he can
1 Not 80 included by Gruter. See note A. at the end, ^3. — J. 8.
THE NOVUM ORGANUM. 157
only arrange the things with which he deals in the
order and form which Nature requires. All the rest
comes from her only ; the conditions she requires hav-
ing been fulfilled, she produces new phenomena accord-
ing to the laws of her own action. Thus the two
words minister and interpres refer respectively to works
and contemplation — to power and knowledge — the
substance of Bacon's theory of both being compressed
into a single phrase. The third and fourth aphorisms
are developments of the first ; the second relating not
to the theory of knowledge, but to the necessity of
providing helps for the understanding.
Then follow (5 — 10.) reflections on the sterility of
the existing sciences, and (11 — 17.) remarks on the
inutility of logic. In (14.) Bacon asserts that every-
thing must depend on a just method of induction.
From (18.) to (37.) he contrasts the only two ways
in which knowledge can be sought for; namely anti-
cipations of Nature and the interpretation of Nature.
In the former method men pass at once fi'om partic-
ulars to the highest generalities, and thence deduce
all intermediate propositions ; in the latter they rise
by gradual induction and successively, from particu-
lars to axioms of the lowest generality, then to in-
termediate axioms, and so ultimately to the highest.
And this is the true way, but as yet untried.
Then from (38.) to (68.) Bacon developes the doc-
trine of idols. It is to be remarked that he uses the
word idolon in antithesis to idea, the first place where
it occurs being the twenty-third aphorism. "Non
leve quiddam interest," it is there said, "inter hu-
mange mentis idola et divinge mentis ideas." He no-
where refers to the common meaning of the word,
158 PEEFACE TO
namely the image of a false god. Idols are with him
" placita quaidam inania," or more generally, the false
notions which have taken possession of men's minds.
The doctrine of idols stands [he says] in the same
relation to the interpretation of Nature, as the doc-
trine of fallacies to ordinary logic.
Of idols Bacon enumerates four kinds, — the idols
of the tribe, of the cave, of the market-place, and of
the theatre ; and it has been supposed that this classi-
fication is borrowed from Roger Bacon, who in the be-
ginning of the Opus Majus speaks of four hindrances
whereby men are kept back from the attainment of
tnie knowledge. But this supposition is for several
reasons improbable. The Opus Majus was not printed
until the eighteenth century, and it is unlikely that
Francis Bacon would have taken the trouble of read-
ing it, or any part of it, in manuscript.^ In the first
place there is no evidence in any part of his works
of this kind of research, and in the second he had no
high opinion of his namesake, of whom he has spoken
with far less respect than he deserves. The only
work of Roger Bacon's which there is any good rea-
son for believing that he was acquainted with is a
tract on the art of prolonging life, which was pub-
lished at Paris in 1542, and of which an English
translation appeared in 1617. The general resem-
1 1 can hardly think that he would have omitted to look into a work like
the Ojnis Majus, if he had had the opportunity. But it is very probable
that no copy of it was procurable; possible that he did not even know of
its existence. The manner in which he speaks of Roger Bacon in the
Temporis Partm Masculus, as belonging to the " utile genus " of experi-
mentalists, " qui de theoriis non admodum solicit! mechnnicd quddam sub-
tilitnle rerum inrtntnrum exlensionea prehendunf,^^ seems rather to imply
that he knew of him at that time chiefly by his reputation for mechanical
inventions. — J. S.
THE NOVUM ORGAN UM, 159
blance between the spirit in which the two Bacons
speak of science and of its improvement is, notwith-
standing what has sometimes been said, but sHght.
Both no doubt complain that sufficient attention has
not been paid to observation and experiment, but that
is all ; and these complaints may be found in the writ-
ings of many other men, especially in the time of
Francis Bacon. Nothing is more clear than that the
essential doctrines of his philosophy — among which
that of idols is to be reckoned — are, so far as he
was aware, altogether his own. There is moreover
but little analogy between his idols and his namesake's
hindrances to knowledge. The principle of classifi-
cation is altogether different, and the notion of a real
connexion between the two was probably suggested
simply by there being the same number of idols as of
hindrances.^ It is therefore well to remark that in
the early form of the doctrine of idols there were
only three. In the Partis seeundce Delineatio the idols
wherewith the mind is beset are said to be of three
kinds : they either are inherent and innate or adsci-
titious ; and if the latter, arise either from received
opinions in philosophy or from wrong principles of
demonstration. This classification occurs also in Fo-
lerius Terminus.^
1 That the two may be the more conveniently compared, I have quoted
Roger Bacon's exposition of his " ofFendicula," in a note upon the 39th
aphorism, in which the names of the four " Idols " first occur. How slight
the resemblance is between the two may be ascertained by a very simple
test. If you are already acquainted with Francis Bacon's classification,
try to assign each of the " offendicula " to its proper class. If not, try by
the help of Roger's classification to find out Francis's. — J. S.
2 Not in Valerius Terminus. It occurs in the Distributio Operis, and
ma}'^ be traced though less distinctly in the Advancement and the Dc Aug-
mentis. See Note C. at the end. — /. S.
160 PREFACE TO
The first of these three classes corresponds to the
first and second of those spoken of in the Novum Or-
ganum. The idols of the tribe are those which be-
long, as Aristotle might have said, to the humftn
mind as it is human, — the erroneous tendencies com-
mon more or less to all mankind. The idols of the
cave arise from each man's mental constitution : the
metaphor being suggested by a passage in the [open-
ing of the seventh book of Plato's Republic.'] ^ Both
classes of extraneous idols mentioned in the Partis
secundce Delineatio are included in the idola theatri,
and the idola fori correspond to nothing in the earlier
classification.^ They also are extraneous idols, but
result neither from received opinions nor erroneous
forms of demonstration, but from the influence which
words of necessity exert. They are called idols of
the market-place because they are caused by the daily
intercourse of common life. "Verba," remarks Ba-
con, " ex captu vulgi imponuntur."
It is only when we compare the later with the ear-
lier form of the doctrine of idols that we perceive the
principle of classification which Bacon was guided by,
namely the division of idols according as they come
from the mind itself or from without.^ In the Novum
Organum two belong to the former class and two to
1 Mr. Ellis had written " in the of Aristotle." But the words
of the De Augmentts (v. 4.) (" de specu Platonis ") prove that it was the
passage in Plato which suggested the metaphor. — J. S.
2 i. e. in the classification adopted in the Partis sectindce Delineatio; for
they correspond exactly with the third kind of fallacies or false appear-
ances mentioned in the Advancement, and with the idols of the palace in
Valerius Terminus. And I think they were meant to be included among
the " Inhaerentia et Innata " of the Delineatio. See Note C. — /. 8.
8 Rather, I think, as they are separable or inseparable from our nature
and condition in life. See Note C — /. S.
(
THE NOVUM ORGANUM. 161
the latter, so that the members of the classification
are better balanced^ than in the previous arrange-
ment : in both perhaps we perceive a trace of the
dichotomizing principle of Ramus, one of the seem-
ing novelties which he succeeded in making popular.^
After enumerating the four kinds of idols. Bacon
gives instances of each (45 — 67.) ; and speaking in
(62.) of idols of the theatre, introduces a triple clas-
sification of false philosophies, to which he seems to
have attached much importance, as we find it referred
to in many parts of his writings. False philosophy is
sophistical, empirical, or superstitious ; sophistical, when
it consists of dialectic subtleties built upon no better
foundation than common notions and every-day ob-
servation ; empirical, when it is educed out of a few
experiments, however accurately examined ; and su-
perstitious, when theological traditions are made its
basis. In the Cogitata et Visa he compares the ra-
tional philosophers (that is, those whose system is
sophistical, — the name implying that they trust too
much to reason and despise observation) to spiders
whose webs are spun out of their own bodies, and the
empirics to the ant which simply lays up its store and
uses it. Whereas the true way is that of the bee,
which gathers its materials from the flowers of the
field and of the garden, and then, ex propria facultate,
elaborates and transforms them.^ The third kind of
1 Compare the Distributio Operis, where the classification is retained,
with the Novum Organum, where it is not alluded to, and I think it will
be seen that Bacon did not intend to balance the members in this way.
See Note C at the end. — J. S.
2 Bacon alludes to Ramus in the De Augmentis vi. 2., " De unica methodo
et dichotomiis perpetuis nil attinet dicere. Fuit enim nubecula qusedam
doctrinse quae; cito transiit: res certe simul et scientiis damnosissima," &c.
8 In the Advancement of Learning and the De Augmentis, the schoolmen
VOL. I. 11
162 PREFACE TO
false philosophy is not here mentioned. In the Novum
Organum Bacon perhaps intended particularly to refer
to the Mosaical philosophy of Fludd, who is one of
the most learned of the Cabalistic writers.^
In (69.) Bacon speaks of faulty demonstrations as
the defences and bulwarks of idols, and divides the
common process for the establishment of axioms and
conclusions into four parts, each of which is defective.
He here describes in general terms the new method
of induction. In the next aphorism, which concludes
this part of his subject, he condemns the way in
which experimental researches have commonly been
carried on.
The doctrine of idols seems, when the Novum Or-
ganum was published, to have been esteemed one of
its most important portions. Mersenne at least, the
earliest critic on Bacon's writings, his Certitude des
Sciences having been published in 1625,^^ speaks of
the four idols, or rather of Bacon's remarks upon
them, as the four buttresses of his philosophy. In
Bacon's own opinion this doctrine was of much im-
portance. Thus in the De Interpretatione NaturcB
Sententioe Duodecim he says, in the abrupt style of
his earlier philosophical writings, " Qui primum et
in particular are compared to the spider; a passage which has been mis-
understood by a distinguished writer, whose judgments seem not unfre-
quently to be as hastily formed as they are fluently expressed, and who
conceives that Bacon intended to condemn the study of psychology.
In speaking of the field and the garden, Bacon refers respectively to ob-
servations of Nature and artificial experiment; an instance of the "curiosa
felicitas" of his metaphors.
1 Fludd's work, entitled Phihsophia Moysnica, was puWished in 1638.
2 In the Biographie Unirerselle (Mersenne) it is incorrectly said that this
work was published in 1636, and an idle story is mentioned that it was in
reality written, not by Mersenne, but by Lord Herbert of Cherbury, — a
story sufiiciently refuted by its scrupulous and submissive orthodoxy.
THE NOVUM ORGANUM. 163
ante alia omnia animi motus humani penitus non ex-
plorarit, ibique scientiye meatus et errorum sedes ac-
curatissime descriptas non liabuerit, is omnia larvata
et veluti incantata reperiet ; fascinum ni solvent in-
terpretari non poterit.^
From (71.) to (78.) he speaks of the signs and
tokens whereby the defects and worthlessness of the
received sciences are made manifest. The origin of
these sciences, the scanty fruits they have borne, the
little progress they have made, all testify against them ;
as likewise the confessions of the authors who have
treated of them, and even the general consent with
which they have been received. " Pessimum," says
Bacon, " omnium est augurium, quod ex consensu cap-
itur in rebus intellectualibus." ^
From (78.) to (92.) Bacon speaks of the causes of
the errors which have hindered the progress of science ;
intending thereby to show that there is no reason to
doubt the value of the reform which he is about to
propose, because though in itself seemingly plain and
obvious it has nevertheless remained so long unthought
of. On the contrary, there is, he affirms, good reason
for being surprised that even now any one should have
thought of it.
The first of these causes is the comparative shortness
of the periods which, out of the twenty-five centuries
which intervene between Thales and Bacon's own
1 So also in the Valerius Terminus, c. 17. : " That if any have had or shall
have the power and resolution to fortify and inclose his mind against all
anticipations, yet if he have not been or shall not be cautioned by the
full understanding of the nature of the mind and spirit of man, and therein
of the seats, pores, and passages both of knowledge and error, he hath not
been, nor shall not be, possibly able to guide or keep on his course aright."
— J. 8.
2 He however excepts matters political and religious.
164 PREFACE TO
time, have been really favourable to the progress of
science. The second, that even during the more fa-
vourable times natural philosophy, the great mother
of the sciences, has been for the most part neglected ;
men having of late chiefly busied themselves with the-
ology, and among the Greeks and Romans with moral
philosophy, "quae ethnicis vice theologias erat." More-
over, even when men occupied themselves the most
with natural philosophy (Bacon refers to the age of
the early Greek physicists), much time was wasted
through controversies and vain glory. Again, even
those who have bestowed pains upon natural philos-
ophy have seldom, especially in these latter times,
given themselves wholly up to it. Thus, natural phi-
losophy having been neglected and the sciences there-
by severed from their root, it is no wonder that their
growth has been stopped.
Another cause of their scanty progress is, that their
true end, the benefit and relief of man's estate, has not
been had in remembrance. This error Bacon speaks
of in the Advancement as the greatest of all, coupling
however there with the relief of man's estate the glory
of the Creator. Again, the right path for the advance-
ment of knowledge has not only been neglected but
blocked up, men having come not only to neglect expe-
rience but also to despise it. Also the reverence for
antiquity has hindered progress ; and here Bacon re-
peats the remark he had made in the Advancement,
that antiquity was the world's youth, and the latter
times its age.^
1 Thia remark is in itself not new; we read, for instance, in the book of
Esdras, that the world has lost its youth, and that the times begin to wax
old. Nor is it new in the application here made of it. Probably several
writers in the age which preceded Bacon's had already made it, for in that
THE NOVUM ORGANUM. 165
Again, the progress of science has been hindered
by too much respect for what has been already accom-
phshed. And this has been increased by the ap-
pearance of completeness which systematic writers on
science have given to their works, and also by the vain
and boastful promises of some who have pretended to
reform philosophy. Another reason why more has not
been accomplished, is that so little has been attempted.
To these hindrances Bacon adds three others, — su-
perstitious bigotry, the constitution of schools, univer-
sities, and colleges, and the lack of encouragement ;
and then concludes this part of the subject with that
which he affirms to have been the greatest obstacle of
all, namely despair of the possibility of progress. To
remove this, he goes on to state the grounds of hope
for the future, — a discussion which extends from (93.)
to (115.).
" Principium autem," he begins, " sumendum a
Deo ; " that is to say, the excellence of the end pro-
posed is in itself an indication that the matter in hand
is from God, nor is the prophecy of Daniel concern-
ing the latter times to be omitted, namely that many
shall go to and fro and knowledge shall be increased.
Again, the errors committed in time past are a reason
age men were no longer willing to submit to the authority of antiquity, and
still felt bound to justify their dissent. Two writers may at any rate be
mentioned by whom the thought is as distinctly expressed as by Bacon,
namely Giordano Bruno and Otto Casmann; the former in the Cena di
Centre, the latter in the preface to his Problemata Marina, which was pub-
lished in 1596, and therefore a few years later than the Cena, with which
however it is not likely that Casmann was acquainted. Few writers of
celebrity comparable to Bruno's appear to have been so little read.
I have quoted both passages in a note on the corresponding passage in
[the first book of] the De Augmentis : that in the Cena di Cenere was first
noticed by Dr. Whewell. See his Philosophy of the Inductive Sciences, ii.
198.
166 PREFACE TO
for hoping better things in the time to come. He
therefore sets forth these errors at some length (95 —
107.)- This enumeration begins with the passage al-
ready mentioned [as occurring in the Cogitata et Visa],
in which the true method is spoken of as intermediate
to those of the dogmatici or rationales, and of the em-
pirici. There will be, he concludes, good ground for
hope when the experimental and reasoning faculties are
more intimately united than they have ever yet been.
So likewise when natural philosophy ceases to be al-
loyed with matter extraneous to it, and when any one
can be found content to begin at the, beginning and,
putting aside all popularly received notions and opin-
ions, to apply himself afresh to experience and par-
ticulars. And here Bacon introduces an illustration
which he has also em})loyed elsewhere, comparing the
regeneration of the sciences to the exploits of Alexan-
der, which were at first esteemed portentous and more
than human, and yet afterwards it was Livy's judg-
ment that he had done no more than despise a vain
show of difficulty. Bacon then resumes his enumera-
tion of the improvements which are to be made, each
of which will be a ground of hope. The first is a bet-
ter natural history than has yet been composed ; and it
is to be observed that a natural history which is de-
signed to contain the materials for the instauration
of philosophy differs essentially from a natural history
which has no such ulterior end : the chief difference is,
that an ordinary natural history does not contain the
experimental results furnished by the arts. In the sec-
ond place, among these results themselves there is a
great lack of experimenta lucifera, that is of experi-
ments which, though not practically useful, yet serve
THE NOVUM ORGANUM. 167
to give light for the discovery of causes and axioms :
hitherto men have busied themselves for the most part
with experimenta fructifera, that is experiments of use
and profit. Thirdly, experimental researches must be
conducted orderly and according to rule and law, and
not as hitherto in a desultory and irregular manner.
Again, when the materials required have been col-
lected, the mind will not be able to deal with them
.without assistance and memoriter : all discoveries ought
to be based upon written records — " nulla nisi de
scripto inventio probanda est." This is what Bacon
calls experientia litterata,^ his meaning apparently be-
ing that out of the storehouse of natural history all the
facts connected with any proposed subject of investiga-
tion should be extracted and reduced to writing before
anything else is done. Furthermore, all these facts
must not only be reduced to writing, but arranged
tabularly. In dealing with facts thus collected and
arranged, we are to regard them chiefly as the mate-
rials for the construction of axioms, our path leading us
upwards from particulars to axioms, and then down-
M^ards from axioms to works ; and the ascent from par-
ticulars to axioms must be gradual, that is axioms of
a less degree of generality must always be established
before axioms of a higher. Again a new form of in-
duction is to be introduced ; for induction by simple
1 " Ilia vero in usum veniente, ab experientia facta demum literatd, me-
lius sperandum." In Montagu's edition literatd is printed incorrectly with
a capital letter; which makes it seem as if the experientia facta literata
here spoken of were the same as the experientia quam vocamus literatam in
Aph. 103. But they are, in fact, two different things ; the one being op-
posed to experience which proceeds without any written record of its re-
sults ; the other to vaga experientia et se tantum sequens — experience which
proceeds without any method in its inquiries. See my note on Aph. 101.
— J. S.
168 PREFACE TO
enumeration is childish and precarious. But true in-
duction analyses nature by rejections and exclusions,
and concludes affirmatively after a sufficient number of
negatives. And our greatest hope rests upon this w^ay
of induction. Also the axioms thus established are to
be examined whether they are of wider generality than
the particulars employed in their construction, and if
so, to be verified by comparing them with other facts,
" per novorura particularium designationem,^ quasi fide-
jussione quadam."* Lastly, the sciences must be kept
in connexion with natural philosophy.
Bacon then goes on (108 — 114.) to state divers
grounds of hope derived from other sources than those
of which he has been speaking, namely, the errors
hitherto committed. The first is that without any
method of invention men have made certain notable
discoveries ; how many more, then, and greater, by
the method now to be proposed. Again, of discoveries
already made, there are many which before they were
made would never have been conceived of as possible,
which is a reason for thinking that many other things
still remain to be found out of a nature wholly unlike
any hitherto known. In the course of ages these too
would doubtless some time or other come to light ; but
by a regular method of discovery they will be made
known far more certainly and in far less time, —
propere et subito et simul. Bacon mentions particularly,
as discoveries not likely to have been thought of be-
forehand, gunpowder, silk, and the mariner's compass ;
remarking that if the conditions to be fulfilled had been
1 1 understand designatio here to mean discovery. The test of the truth
of the axiom was to be the discovery by its light of new particulars. See
VaUritu Terminus, ch. xii., quoted in note on Aph. 106. — J. S.
THE NOVUM ORGANUM. 169
stated, men would have sought for something far more
akin than the reality to things previously known : in
the case of gunpowder, if its effects only had been de-
scribed, they would have thought of some modification
of the battering-ram or the catapult, and not of an ex-
pansive vapour ; and so in the other cases. He also
mentions the art of printing as an invention perfectly
simple when once made, and which nevertheless was
only made after a long course of ages. Again, we may
gain hope from seeing what an infinity of pains and
labour men have bestowed on far less matters than that
now in hand, of which if only a portion were given to
the advancement of sound and real knowledge, all diffi-
culties might be overcome. This remark Bacon makes
with reference to his natural and experimental history,
which he admits will be a great and royal work, and
of much labour and cost. But the number of partic-
ulars to be observed ought not to deter us ; on the con-
trary, if we consider how much smaller it is than that
of the figments of the understanding, we shall find
even in this grounds for hope. To these figments,
commenta ingenii, the phsenomena of Nature and the
arts are but a mere handful. Some hope too, Bacon
thinks, may be derived from his own example ; for if,
though of weak health, and greatly hindered by other
occupations, and moreover in this matter altogether
" protopirus " and following no man's track nor even
communicating these things with any, he has been able
somewhat to advance therein, how much may not be
hoped for from the conjoined and successive labours of
men at leisure from all other business ? Lastly, though
the breeze of hope from that new world were fainter
than it is, still it were worth while to follow the ad-
170 PREFACE TO
venture, seeing how great a reward success would
bring.
And here (115), Bacon says, conckides the pulling-
down part, pars destruens, of the Instauration. It
consists of three confutations ; namely, of the nat-
ural working of the mind, of received methods of
demonstration, and of received theories or philoso-
phies. In this division we perceive the influence of
the first form of the doctrine of Idols. As the Novum
Organum now stands, the pars destruens cannot be
divided into three portions, each containing one of
the confutations just mentioned. Thus, for instance,
the doctrine of Idols, which undoubtedly forms a dis-
tinct section of the whole work, relates to all three.
Errors natural to the mind, errors of demonstration,
errors of theory, are all therein treated of; and Bacon
then goes on to another part of the subject, in which,
though from a different point of view, they are all
again considered. The sort of cross division here
introduced is explained by a passage in the Partis
secundce Delineation in which the doctrine of Idols is
introduced by the remark, "Pars destruens triplex
est secundum triplieem naturam idolorum quas men-
tem obsident." And then, after dividing idols into the
three classes already mentioned, he proceeds thus : —
" Itaque pars ista quam destruentem appellamus tribus
redargutionibus absolvitur, redargutione philosophia-
rum, redargutione demonstrationum, et redargutione
rationis humana? nativae." When the doctrine of
Idols was thrown into its present form it ceased to
afford a convenient basis for the pars destruens ; and
accordingly the substance of the three redargutiones
is in the Novum Orgamim less systematically set forth
THE NOVUM ORGANUM. 171
than Bacon purposed that it should be when he wrote
the Partis secundce Delineatio} It is to be remarked
that Redargutio Philosophiarum is the title of one of
the chapters in the third and last of the tracts pub-
lished bj Gruter with the title Temporis Partus Mas-
culus^ and that it is also the title of a tract published
[by Stephens in 1734, and reprinted] by Mallet [in
1760 3], and evidently of a later date than the other
of the same name.
From (116) to (128) Bacon endeavours to obviate
objections and unfavourable opinions of his design.
In the. first place he plainly declares that he is no
founder of a sect or school, — therein differing from the
ancient Greeks, and from certain new men, namely
Telesius, Patricius, and Severinus. Abstract opinions
1 I think this apparent discrepanc}' may be better explained. It appears
to me that the number of idols was originally three, — the Tribe, the Cave,
and the Market-place ; all belonging to the ratio humana nativa ; fallacies
innate or inherent in the human understanding, — to be guarded against,
but not to be got rid of; and that a fourth was added afterwards, but of
quite a different kind; consisting of fallacies which have no natural affin-
ity to the understanding, but come from without and may be turned out
again; impressions derived from the systems which men have been taught
to accept as true, or from the methods of demonstration which they have
been taught to rely upon as conclusive. These are the Idols of the Thea-
tre, and the sole objects of the two Redargutiones which stand first in the
Delineaiio, and last in the Novum Organum. If this be true, the Eedargiir-
tio rationis humance nativce (or I should rather say, the part of the Novum
Organum, which belongs to it) extends from the 40th to the 60th aphorism ;
and the Redargutio Philosophiarum and Demonstrationum from the 61st to
the 115th. For a fuller explanation and justification of this view, see
NoteC — J. S.
2 Say rather, " is the title prefixed by M. Bouillet to the second chapter
of the fragment printed by Gruter with the heading Tradendi modus legitir-
mus." I cannot find that M. Bouillet had any authority for giving it this
title, more than the tenor of the chapter itself, which shows that it fits. —
J. S.
3 A small portion of it was printed by Gruter at the end of the Partis
secundce Delineatio [and it seems to have been the beginning of the Pars
secunda itself].
172 PREFACE TO
on nature and first principles are in his judgment of
no great moment. Nor again does he promise to
mankind the power of accomplishing any particular
or special works — for with him works are not de-
rived from works nor experiments from experiments,
but causes and axioms are derived from both, and
from these new works and experiments are ulti-
mately deduced ; and at present the natural history
of which he is in possession is not sufficient for the
purposes of legitimate interpretation, that is, for the
establishment of axioms. Again, that his Natural
History and . Tables of Invention are n^t free from
errors, which at first they cannot be, is not a matter
of much importance. These errors, if not too numer-
ous, will readily be corrected when causes and axioms
have been discovered, just as errors in a manuscript
or printed book are easily corrected by the meaning
of the passage in which they occur. Again, it may
be said that the Natural History contains many com-
monplace things ; also many things mean and sordid ;
and lastly many things too subtle to be of any use.
To this a threefold answer is to be given. In the first
place, rare and notable things cannot be understood,
much less new things brought to light, unless the
causes of common things and their causes' causes be
duly examined and searched out. Secondly, what-
ever is worthy of existence is also worthy to be
known ; for knowledge represents and is the image
of existence. Lastly, things apparently useless are
in truth of the greatest use. No one will deny that
light is useful, though it is not tangible or material.
And the accurate knowledge of simple natures is as
light, and gives access to all the secrets on which
THE NOVUM ORGANUM. 173
works depend, though in itself it is of no great
use.
Again it may be thought a hard saying that all sci-
ences and authors are at once to be set aside together.
But in reality this is both a more modest censure
and one that carries with it a greater show of reason
than any partial condemnation. It implies only that
the errors hitherto committed are fundamental, and
that they have not been corrected because as yet
they have not been sufficiently examined. It is no
presumption if any man asserts that he can draw a
circle more truly with a pair of compasses than an-
other can without ; and the new method puts men's
understandings nearly on the same level, because
everything is to be done by definite rules and dem-
onstrations. Bacon anticipates also anotlier objection,
that he has not assigned to the sciences their true and
highest aim ; which is the contemplation of truth, —
not works, however great or useful. He affirms that
he values works more inasmuch as they are signs and
evidences of truth than for their practical utility. It
may also, he continues, be alleged that the method of
the ancients was in reality the same as ours, only that
after they had constructed the edifice of the sciences
they took away the scaffolding. But this is refuted
both by what they themselves say of their method,^
and by what is seen of it in their writings. Again
he affirms that he does not inculcate, as some might
suppose, a 2 [final suspension of judgment, as if the
1 I have adopted here the correction introduced into the text of the pres-
ent edition.
2 Mr. Ellis had written thus far when the fever seized him. The remain-
ing pages which complete the analysis of the first book, are mine. — J. S.
174 PREFACE TO
mind were incapable of knowing anything ; that if he
enjoins caution and suspense it is not as doubting the
competency of the senses and understanding, but for
their better information and guidance ; that the method
of induction which he proposes is applicable not only
to what is called natural philosophy, as distinguished
from logic, ethics, and politics, but to every depart-
ment of knowledge ; the aim being to obtain an insight
into the nature of things by processes varied according
to the conditions of the subject ; and that in declaring
that no great progress can be expected either in knowl-
edge of trutli or in power of operation by the methods
of inquiry hitherto employed, he means no disrespect
to the received arts and sciences, but fully recognises
them as excellent in their proper place and use, and
would have them honoured and cultivated accord-
ingly.
These explanations, — together with some remarks
(129), by way of encouragement to folio wei-s and fel-
low-labourers, on the dignity, importance, and grandeur
of the end in view, — bring the preliminary consider-
ations to a close, and clear the way for the exposition
of the art of interpretation itself; which is commenced,
but not completed, in the second book. What this art
was, has been fully discussed in the general preface,
and it is not necessary therefore to follow the subject
further here. Only it is important to remark that
whatever value Bacon may have attached to it, he cer-
tainly did not at this time profess to consider it either
as a thing absolutely necessary, or even as the thing
most necessary, for any real progress in science. In
the concluding aphorism of the first book he distinctly
warns the reader that the precepts which he is about
THE NOVUM ORGANUM. 175
to give, though he beheves them to be very useful and
sound, and hkely to prove a great help, are not offered
either as perfect in themselves or as so indispensable that
nothing can be done without them. Three things only-
he represents as indispensable : 1st, ut " justam naturae et
experientise historiam prassto haberent homines atque in
ea sedulo versarentur ; " 2nd, " ut receptas opiniones et
notiones deponerent : " 3rd, " ut mentem a generalissi-
mis et proximis ab illis ad tempus cohiberent." These
three conditions being secured, the art of interpretation
(being indeed the true and natural operation of the
mind when freed from impediments) might, he thinks,
suggest itself without a teacher : " fore ut etiam vi pro-
pria et genuina mentis, absque alia arte, in formam nos-
tram interpretandi incidere possent ; est enim interpre-
tatio verura et naturale opus mentis, demptis iis quae
obstant : " an admission which helps to account for the
fact that during the five years which he afterwards de-
voted to the developement of his philosophy, he applied
himself almost exclusively to the natural history ; leav-
ing the exposition of his method of interpretation still
incomplete. For it cannot be denied that, among the
many things which remained to be done, the setting
forward of the Natural History was, according to this
view, the one which stood next in order of importance.
In furtherance of the two other principal requisites, he
had already done what he could. Every motive by
which men could be encouraged to lay prejudices aside,
and refrain from premature generalisations, and apply
themselves to the sincere study of Nature, had already
been laid before them. It remained to be seen whether
his exhortations would bring other labourers into the
field ; but in the mean time the question lay between
176 PREFACE TO
the completion of the Novum Organum^ which was not
indispensable, and the commencement of the collection
of a Natural History^ which was ; and when he found
that other labourers did not come forward to help, he
naturally applied himself to the latter.]
THE NOVUM ORGANUM. 177
NOTES
Note A.
I THOUGHT it better not to interrupt the reader with notes
during the progress of the foregoing argument, but as some points
are assumed in it upon which I shall have to express a different
opinion hereafter, it may be well to notice them here ; the rather
because I fully concur in the conclusion notwithstanding.
1. It is assumed that the first book of Valerius Terminus was
designed to comprehend a general survey of knowledge, such as
forms the subject of the second book of the Advancement of Learn-
ing and of the last eight books of the De Augmentis Scientiarum^
as well as the general reflexions and precepts, which form the
subject of the first book of the Novum Organum ; — to compre-
hend in short the whole first part of the Instauratio, together
with the introductory portion of the second.
This is inferred from the description of the " Inventary " which
was to be contained in the tenth chapter of Valerius Terminus,
as compared with the contents of the second book of the Ad-
vancement of Learning.
Now my impression is that this Inventary would have corre-
sponded, not to the second book of the Advancement^ but only
to a certain Inventarium opum humanarum which is there, and
also in the De Augmentis (iii. 5), set down as a desideratum ;
and which was to be, not a general survey of all the departments
of knowledge, but merely an appendix to one particular depart-
ment ; that, namely, which is called in the Advancement Naturalis
Magia, sive Physica operativa major ; i and in the Catalogue De-
1 See margin. It is to be observed that in Montagu's edition of the
Advancement the titles in the margin are by some strange negligence omit-
ted ; so that the correspondence between the two Inventaries was the more
easily overlooked.
VOL. I. 12
178 NOTES TO PREFACE TO
sideralorum at the end of the De Augmentis^ Magia Naturalis^
sive Deductio formarxim ad opera.
The grounds of this conclusion will be explained fully in their
proper place, i It is enough at present to mark the point as
disputable ; and to observe that if this argument fails, there seems
to be no reason for thinking that anything corresponding to the
first part of the Instauratio entered into the design of ValerixiS
Terminus; also that the principal ground here alleged for con-
cluding that Valeinus Terminus was written some time before the
Advancement — a conclusion which involves one considerable dif-
ficulty— is taken away.
2. It is assumed also that Valerius Terminus was not to con-
tain anything corresponding to the last four parts of the Instau-
ratio, but was to be merely " a statement of Bacon's method,
without professing to give either the collection of facts to which
the method was to be applied, or the results thereby obtained."
This appears to be inferred chiefly from the title — viz. "Of
the Interpretation of Nature."
Now it seems to me that this argument proves too much. For
I find the same title given to another unfinished work — the
Temporit Partus Masculus — of which we happen to know that
it was meant to be in three books; the first to be entitled Per-
politio et applicatio 7nentis ; the second, Lumen Natura;, seu for-
mula Interpretationis ; the third, Natura illuminata, sive Veritas
Rerum. The first would have corresponded therefore to the
first book of the Novum Organum ; the second, being a state-
ment of the new method, to the second and remaining books; the
third, being a statement of the application of the new method, to
the sixth and last part of the Instauratio. It would seem from
this that when Bacon designed the Temporis Partus Masculus, he
had conceived the idea of a work embracing the entire field of the
Instauratio, (the first part only excepted), though less fully de-
veloped and differently distributed. And I see no sufficient reason
for supposing that the design of the Valerius Terminus was less ex-
tensive.
3. " The Temporis Partus Masculus published by Gruter " is
spoken of as probably or possibly " the same as the Temporis
Partus Maximus mentioned by Bacon in his letter to Fulgen-
zio," and if so, the earliest of all his writings.
1 See my note at the end of Mr. Ellis's preface to Valerius TemUntu.
THE NOVUM ORGANUM. 179
Now the writing or rather collection of writings here alluded
to is that published not by Gruter but by M. Bouillet ; in whose
edition of the " OEuvres Philosophiques " the title Temporis Par-
tus Masculus is prefixed to four distinct pieces. 1. A short
prayer. 2. A fragment headed Aphorismi et Consilia de auxiliis
mentis et accensione luminis naturalis. 3. A short piece entitled
De Interpretatione Naturce sententice duodecim. 4. A fragment
in two chapters headed Tradendi modus legitimus. It is true
that from the manner in which M. Bouillet has printed them,
any one would suppose that he had Gruter's authority for col-
lecting them all under the same general title. But it is not so.
In Gruter's Scripta philosophica the title Temporis Partus Mas-
culus appears in connexion with the first, and the first only. The
last has indeed an undoubted claim to it upon other and better
authority. But I can find no authority whatever for giving it to
the other two. If therefore the resemblance of the names be
thought a sufficient reason for identifying the Partus Masculus
with the Partus Maximus, that identity must be understood as
belonging to the first and fourth only. The grounds of that
opinion and of my own dissent from it will be discussed in the
proper place. With regard to the argument now in hand, —
(viz. whether Bacon, when he wrote the Temporis Partus Mas-
culus, had yet thought of producing a great work like the In-
stauratio) — it is enough perhaps to observe that at whatever
period or periods of his life these four pieces were composed,
they all belong to the second part of the Instauratio ; not as pref-
aces or prospectuses, but as portions of the work itself; and that
if none of them contain any allusion to the other parts, the same
may be said of the first book of the Novum Organum itself; and
therefore that we cannot be warranted in concluding from that
fact that the plan of the Instauratio had not yet been conceived.
4. It is assumed that the work which Bacon contemplated when
he wrote the De Interpretatione Naturce Procemium would not have
contained the new method and its results (these being, according
to his then intention, to be communicated only to chosen follow-
ers), but merely the general views of science which form the sub-
ject of the first book of the Novum Organum.
This seems to be gathered from what he says in the Prooemium
concerning the manner in which the several parts of the work
were to be published : " Publicandi autem ista ratio ea est, ut quaa
180 NOTES TO PREFACE TO
ad ingeniorum correspondentias eaptandas et mentium areas pur-
gandas pertinent, edantur in vulgus et per ora volitent: reliqua
per manus tradantur cum eleclione et judicio:" the "reliqua"
being, as appears a little further on, " ipsa Interpretationis for-
mula et inventa per eandem : " from which it seems to be inferred
that the exposition of the new method was not only not to be pub-
lished along with the rest of the work, but to be excluded from it
altogether ; — to be kept as a secret, and transmitted orally. The
grounds of this opinion I shall examine more particularly in a
subsequent note with reference to another question. The ques-
tion with which we are now dealing is only whether at that time
Bacon can be supposed to have " thought of producing a great
work like the Instauratio : " upon which I will only say that as
an intention not to publish does not imply an intention not to
tm-ite, so neither does an intention to write imply an intention to
publish. And since there is nothing in the Partvi secundce De-
lineaiio from which we can infer that even then he intended to
publish the whole, I do not see how we can infer that the design
of composing a great work like the Instauratio had been conceived
in the interval between the writing of these two pieces. For as
in the one case he may not have intended to publish what we
know he did intend to write, so in the other he may have intended
to write what we know he did not intend to publish. And indeed
though the Prooemium stands in Gruter's volume by itself and we
cannot know to which of Bacon's projected works on the Inter-
pretation of Nature it was meant to be prefixed, there is none
which it seems to fit so well as the Temporif Partus Masculus.
Now the Temporis Partus Masculus, as we know from the titles
of the three books above quoted, was to contain both the formula
Interpretationis and the inventa per eandem.
All these points will be considered more at large when I come
to state the grounds upon which I have assigned to each tract its
place in this edition. In the meantime I am unwilling to let any
conclusion of importance appear to rest upon them ; and in the
present case all inferences which are in any way dependent upon
the assumptions which I have noticed as questionable may I think
be freely dispensed with. That to bring in a new method of In-
duction was Bacon's central idea and original design, and that the
idea of an Instauratio Magna came after, may in the absence of
THE NOVUM ORGANUM. 181
all evidence to the contrary be safely enough inferred from his
own words in the Advancement of Learning ; where after report-
ing a deficiency of the first magnitude in that department of
knowledge which concerns the invention of sciences, — a de-
ficiency proved by the barrenness and accounted for by the
viciousness and incompetency of the method of induction then in
use, — he adds, " This part of Invention, concerning the Inven-
tion of Sciences, I purpose, if God give me leave, hereafter to
propound ; having digested into two parts ; whereof the one I
term Experientia Literata, and the other Interprctatio Natures ; ^
the former being but a degree and rudiment of the latter. But
I will not dwell too long nor speak too great upon a promise."
This " Interprctatio Naturje " can have been nothing else there-
fore than a new method of induction to supply the place of the
vicious and incompetent method then in use ; and since among all
the reported " deficiencies " this is the only one which he himself
proposes to supply, — for of the others he merely gives specimens
to make his meaning clear, — we may, I think, safely conclude that
this and no other was the great work which he was meditating
when he wrote the Adoancement of Learning. His expressions
moreover seem to imply that this work was already begun and
in progress; and seeing that the Valerius Terminus answers the
description both in title and (so far as the first book goes, which
is all we know of it) in contents also, why may we not suppose
that it was a commencement or a sketch of the very work he
speaks of, and that of the fragment which has been preserved
part was written before and part after? a supposition probable
enough in itself, and by which at least one difficulty, which I shall
mention hereafter,'-^ is effectually removed.
As an additional reason for thinking that the idea of the In-
stauratio Magna was of later date than that of a work on the Inter-
pretation of Nature, I may observe that the name Instauratio does
not occur in any of Bacon's letters earlier than 1609. The earli-
est of his compositions in which it appears was probably the Partis
Instaurationis secundce Delineatio et Argumentum ; but of this the
date cannot be fixed with any certainty; and as Gruter is our
only authority for it, and the word Instauratio appears in the
1 The corresponding passage in the De Augmentis calls it "Interprctatio
Naturae sive Novum Organum.^''
2 See my note at the end of Mr. Ellis's Preface to the Valerius Terminus.
182 NOTES TO PREFACE TO
. title only, not in the body of the work, we cannot even be sure
that it was originally there. If Gruter found a manuscript headed
" Partis secundae Delineatio, &c.," and evidently referring to the
parts of the Instauratio Magna, he was likely enough to insert the
word silently by way of explanation.
Note B.
The question is, how far, by what means, and with what motive^
Bacon at one time wished to keep his system secret.
Let us first compare all the passages in which such an intention
appears to be intimated, or such a practice alluded to; taking them
in chronological order, as far as our knowledge of the dates of his
various writings enables us to do so. These which follow are all
that I have been able to find.
1. Valerius Terminus. Ch. 18.
" That the discretion anciently observed, though by the prece-
dent of many vain persons and deceivers abused, of publishing
part and reserving part to a private succession, and of publish-
ing in such a manner whereby it may not be to the taste or capac-
ity of all, but shall as it were single and adopt his reader, is not to
be laid aside ; both for the avoiding of abuse in the excluded, and
the strengthening of affection in the admitted."
And again (Ch. 11.), " To ascend further by scale I do forbear,
partly because it would draw on the example to an over-great
length, but chiefly because it would open that which in this work I
determine to reserve."
2. Advancement of Learning.
" And as Alexander Borgia was wont to say of the expedition
of the French for Naples, that they came with chalk in their
hands to mark up their lodgings, and not with weapons to fight;
so I like better that entry of truth which cometh peaceably with
chalk to mark up those minds which are capable to lodge and
harbour it, than that which cometh with pugnacity and conten-
tion."
THE NOVUM ORGANUM. 183
3. Advancement of Learning.
" Another diversity of method there is, [he is speaking of the
different methods of " tradition," i. e. of communicating and trans-
mitting knowledge] which hath some affinity with the former, used
in some eases by the discretion of the ancients, but disgraced since
by the impostures of many vain persons, who have made it as a
false light for their counterfeit merchandises ; and that is, enigmat-
ical and disclosed. The pretence whereof [that is, of the enigmat-
ical method] is to remove the vulgar capacities from being admit-
ted to the secrets of knowledges, and to reserve them to selected
auditors, or wits of such sharpness as can pierce the veil."
4. Procemium de Interpretation e Naturce.
" Publicandi autem ista ratio ea est, ut quse ad ingeniorum cor-
respondentias captandas et mentium areas purgandas pertinent,
edantur in vulgus et per ora volitent; reliqua per manus tra-
dantur cum electione etjudicio. Nee me latet usitatum et tritum
esse impostorum artificium, ut quaedam a vulgo secernant nihilo lis
ineptiis quas vulgo propinant meliora. Sed ego sine omni impos-
tura, ex providentia sana prospicio, ipsam interpretationis formu-
1am et inventa per eandem, intra legitima et optata ingenia clausa,
vegetiora et munitiora futura."
5. De Inter pretatione Natures Sentential XII.
De moribus Interprelis.
" Sit etiam in scientia quam adeptus est nee occultanda nee
proferenda vanus, sed ingenuus et prudens : tradatcjue inrventa
non ambitiose aut maligne, sed modo primum maxime vivaci et
vegeto, id est ad injurias temporis munitissimo, et ad seientiam
propagandam fortissimo, deinde ad errores pariendos innocen-
tissimo, et ante omnia qui sihi legitimum lectorem seponat."
6, Temporis Partus Masculus. C. 1.
" An tu censes cum omnes omnium mentium aditus ac meatus
obscurissimis idolis, iisdemque alte haerentibus et inustis, obsessi et
obstructi sint, veris Rerum et nativis radiis sinceras et politas areas
adesse ? Nova invenienda est ratio qua mentibus obductissimis
illabi possimus. Ut enim phreneticorum deliramenta arte et in-
genio subvertuntur, vi et contentione efferantur, omnino ita in
184 NOTES TO PREFACE TO
hac uuiversali insania mos gerendus est. Quid ? leviores illsB
conditiones, quae ad legitlmum scientiae tradend* modum perti-
nent, an tibi tarn expedite et faciles videntur ? ut modus innocens
sit; id est nulli prorsus errori ansam et occasionem prajbeat? ut
vim quandam insitam et innatam habeat turn ad fidem coneilian-
dam, turn ad pellendas injurias temporis, adeo ut scientia ita trad-
ita, veluti planta vivax et vegeta, quotidie serpat et adolescat?
ut idoneum et legitimum sibi lectorem seponat et quasi adoptetf"
7. Cogitata et visa.
" Itaque de re non modo perficienda sed et communicanda et
tradenda (quS par est cura) cogitationem suscipiendam esse.
Reperit autem homines in rerum scientia quam sibi videntur
adepti, interdum proferenda interdum occultanda, famae et osten-
tationi servire : quin et eos potissimum qui minus solida propo-
nunt solere ea quae adf'erunt obscura et ambigua luce venditare,
ut facilius vanitati suje velificare possint. Putare autem se id
tractare quod ambitione aliqua aut affectatione polluere minime
dignum sit ; sed tamen neccssario eo decurrendum esse (nisi forte
rerum et aniraorum valde imperitus esset, et prorsus inexplorato
viam inire vellet) ut satis meminerit, inveteratos semper errores,
tanquam phreneticorum deliramenta, arte et ingenio subverti, vi
et contentione efferari. Itaque prudentia et morigeratione qufi-
dam utendum (quanta cum simplicitate et candore conjungi
potest) ut contradictlones ante extinguentur quam excitentur.
. . . . Venit el itacjue in mentem posse aliquid simplicius
proponi, quod in vulgus non editum, saltem tamen ad rei tam salu-
taris iibortum arcendum satis fortasse esse possit. Ad hunc finem
parare se de natura opus quod errores minima asperitate des-
truere, et ad hominum mentes non turbide accedere possit ; quod
et facilius fore, quod non se pro duce gesturus, sed ex natur&
lucem prsebiturus et sparsurus sit, ut duce postea non sit opus."
8. Redargutio Philosophiarum (the beginning of the Pars secunda^
following the Delineatio.)
'^ Omnem violentiam (ut jam ab initio professi sumus) abesse
volumus : atque quod Borgia facetd de Caroli octavi expeditione
in Italiam dixit ; Gallos venisse in manibus cretam tenentes (ju&
diversoria notarent, non arma quibus perrumperent ; similem quo-
que inventorum nostrorum et rationem et successum animo prae-
THE NOVUM ORGANUM. 185
cipimus; nimirum ut potius animos hominum capaces et idoneos
seponere et subire possint, quam contra sentientibus molesta sint."
9. Novum Organum. I. 35.
" Dixit Borgia de expeditione Gallorum in Italiam, eos venisse
cum creta in manibus, ut diversoria notarent, non cum armis, ut
perrumperent : Itidem et nostra ratio est ; ut doctrina nostra ani-
mos idoneos el capaces suhintret ; confutationum enim nullus est
usus, ubi de principiis et ipsis notionibus atque etiam de formis
demonstrationum dissentimus."
10. De Augmentis Scientiarum. VI. 2.
" Sequitur aliud methodi discrimen, priori [methodo ad filios,
etc.], intentione affine, reipsS fere contrarium. Hoc enim habet
utraque methodus commune, ut vulgus auditorum a selectis separet;
illud oppositum, quod prior introducit modum tradendi solito aper-
tiorem ; altera, de qua jam dicemus, occultiorem. Sit igitur dis-
crimen tale, ut altera methodus sit exoterica, altera acroamatica.
Etenim quam antiqui adhibuerunt praecipue in edendis libris dif-
ferentiam, eam nos transferimus ad ipsum modum tradendi. Quin
etiam acroamatica ipsa apud veteres in usu fuit, atque prudenter et
cum judicio adhibita. At acroamaticum sive senigmaticum istud
dicendi genus posterioribus temporibus dehonestatum est a plurimis,
qui eo tanquam lumine ambiguo et fallaci abusi sunt ad merces
suas adulterinas extrudendas. Intentio autem ejus ea esse videtur,
ut traditionis involucris vulgus (^profanwn scilicet) a secretis scien-
tiarum summoveatur ; atque illi tantum admittantur qui aut per ma-
nus magistrorum paraholarum interpretationem nacti sunt, aut pro-
prio ingenii acumine et suhtilitate intra velum penetrare possint."
These are all the passages I have been able to find, in which
the advantage of keeping certain parts of knowledge reserved to
a select audience is alluded to. And the question is whether the
reserve which Bacon contemplated can be justly compared with
that practised by the alchemists and others, who concealed their
discoveries as " treasures of which the value would be decreased
if others Avere allowed to share in it."
Now I would observe in the first place that though the expres-
sion " single and adopt his reader," or its equivalent, occurs in all
these passages, and that too in immediate reference to the method
186 NOTES TO PREFACE TO
of delivery or transmission, yet in many of them the object of so
singling and adopting the reader was certainly not to keep the
knowledge secret ; for many, indeed most, of them relate to that
part of the subject which Bacon never proposed to reserve, but
which was designed " edi in vulgus et per ora volitare." The part
which he proposed to reserve is distinctly defined in the fourth
extract as " ipsa interpretationis formula et inventa per eandem ; "
the part to be published is " ea quae ad ingeniorum correspon-
dentias captandas et mentium areas purgandas pertinent." Now
it is unquestionably to this latter part that the second, the eighth,
and the ninth extracts refer. " Primo enim," he says, in the
Partis secundcB Delineation " mentis area aequanda et libei*anda
ab eis quae hactenus recepta sunt." This he calls Pars destruens ;
and proposes to begin with the Redargutio Philosophiarum, from
the introduction to which the eighth extract is taken. And the
other two must of course be classed with it. Thus the " animi
capaces et idonei " which he wishes " seponere et subire," are
clearly identified with the minds marked up with chalk as capa-
ble of lodging and harbouring the truth, which are spoken of in
the Advancement.
Next to the Pars destruens came the Pars prceparans, the ob-
ject of which was to prepare men's expectations for what was
coming, and by dislodging erroneous preconceptions to make their
minds ready for the reception of the truth. To this part belongs
the seventh extract ; and if the seventh, then the sixth, which evi-
dently corresponds to it ; and if the sixth, then the fifth, which is
but the sixth condensed. Or if there be any doubt about the cor-
respondence between the seventh and sixth, it will I think be re-
moved by comparing them both with the following passage which
winds up the description of the Paj's prceparans in the Partis se-
cundce Delineatio.
" Quod si cui supervacua videatur accurata ista nostra quam
adhibemus ad mentes praeparandas diligentia, atque cogitet hoc
quiddam esse ex pomp3, et in ostentationem compositum ; itaque
cupiat rem ipsam missis ambagibus et praestructionibus simpliciter
exhiberi ; certe optabilis nobis foret (si vera esset) hujusmodi in-
simulatio. Utinam enim tam proclive nobis esset difficultates et
impedimenta vincere quam fastum inanem et falsum apparatum
deponere. Verum hoc velimus homines existiment, nos baud
inexplorato viam in tantd solitudine inire, praesertim cum argu-
THE NOVUM ORGANUM. 187
mentum hujusmodi pras manibus habeamus quod tractandi impe-
ritia perdere et veluti exponere nefas sit. Itaque ex perpenso et
perspecto tarn rerum quam animorum statu, duriores fere aditus
ad hominum mentes quam ad res ipsas invenimus, ac tradendi
labores inveniendi laboribus baud multo leviores experimur, atque,
quod in intellectualibus res nova fere est, morem gerimus, et tam
nostras eogitationes quam aliorum simul bajulamus. Onine enim
idolum vanum arte atque obsequio ae debito accessu subvertitur,
vi et contentione atque incursione subita et abrupta efFeratur.
. . . . Qua in re accedit et alia quaedam diffieultas ex mor-
ibus nostris non parva, quod constantissimo decreto nobis ipsi san-
civimus, ut candorem nostrum et simplicitatein perpetuo retinea-
mus, nee per vana ad vera aditum qugeramus ; sed ita obsequio
nostro moderemur ut tamen non per artificium aliquod vafrum
aut imposturam aut aliquld simile imposturae, sed tantummodo per
ordinis lumen et novorum super saniorem partem veterum soUer-
tem insitionem, nos nostrorum votorum compotes fore speremus."
Now all this was to precede and prepare for the exposition of
the method of induction itself — the " formula ipsa interpretationis "
— which alone it was proposed to reserve ; and therefore we must
understand the hgitimus lector of the fifth and sixth extract, as
corresponding with the " animus capax et icloneus " of the eighth
and ninth ; and with the mind " chalked and marked up " by truth
as " capable to lodge and harbour it," of the second ; and we must
not suppose that the process of singling and adopting the fit reader
was to be effected by any restraint in communication, or any ob-
scurity in style, which should exclude others ; but by presenting
the truth in such a shape as should be least likely to shock preju-
dice or awaken contradiction, and most likely to win its way into
those minds which were best disposed to receive it The object
was to propagate knowledge so that it should grow and spread :
the difficulty anticipated was not in excluding auditors, but in
finding them.'
1 It may be worth while perhaps to compare with these passages an ex-
pression which Bacon uses in his letter to Dr. Playfere, — proposing to him
to translate the Advancement of Learning into Latin; where a similar mean-
ing is conveyed under another image. " Wherefore since I have only
taken upon me to ring a bell to call other wits together, which is the mean-
est office, it cannot but be consonant to my desire to have that bell heard
as far as can be. And since they are but sparks which can work but upon
matter prepared, I have the more reason to wish that those sparks may
188 NOTES TO PREFACE TO
Thus I conceive that six out of the ten passages under con-
sideration must be set aside as not bearing at all upon the question
at issue. Of the four that remain, two must be set aside in like
manner, because though they directly allude to the practice of
transmitting knowledge as a secret from hand to hand, they con-
tain no evidence that Bacon approved of it. These are the third
and the last, and come respectively from the Advancement of Learn-
ing, one of his earliest works, and from the De Augmentis Scien-
tiarum, one of his latest. In both these works the object being
to show in what departments the stock of knowledge then exist-
ing was defective, the various methods which have been or may
be adopted for the transmission of knowledge are pointed out as
a fit subject of inquiry, and the secret or enigmatical or acroa-
matic method is described among the rest ; but it is described only,
not recommended.
There remain therefore only the first and the fourth extracts to
be considered : and it is true that in both of these Bacon intimates
an intention to reserve the communication of one part of his
philosophy — the " formula ipsa interpretationis et inventa per
eandem" — to certain fit and chosen persons. May we infer
from the expressions which he there uses, that his object was to
prevent it from becoming generally known, as being a treasure
which would lose its value by being divulged ? Such a supposi-
tion seems to me inconsistent not only with all we know of his
proceedings, purposes, and aspirations, but with the very expla-
nation with which he himself accompanies the suggestion. The
fruits which he anticipated from his philosophy were not only in-
tended for the benefit of all mankind, but were to be gathered in
another generation. Is it conceivable that at any time of his life
he would have willingly foregone the aid of any single fellow
labourer, or that anything could have been more welcome than
the prospect of a rapid and indefinite increase of those " legitima
et optata ingenia" in whose hands it might be expected to thrive
and spread ? But setting general probabilities aside, let us look
at the reasons which he himself assigns for the precaution which
he meditates. Ask why in Valerius Terminus he proposes to re-
serve part of his discovery to " a private succession ? " His an-
swer is, first " for the prevention of abuse in the excluded ; " that
fly abroad, that they may the better find and light upon those minds and sjnrits
that ore apt to be kiiulled.'^
THE NOVUM ORGANUM. 189
is, because if it should fall into incapable and unfit hands it will
be misused and mismanaged : secondly, " for the strengthening of
affection in the admitted ; " that is, because the fit and capable
will take more interest in the work when they feel that it is com-
mitted to their charge. Ask again why in the Procemium he pro-
poses to keep the Formula of interpretation private, — "intra
legitima et optata ingenia clausa ? " The answer is to the same
effect — it will be " vegetior et munitior;" it will flourish better
and be kept safer. And certainly if we refer to any of the many
passages in which he has either enumerated the obstructions which
had hitherto hindered the progress of knowledge, or described the
qualifications, moral and intellectual, and the order of proceeding,
which he considered necessary for the successful prosecution of
the new philosophy, we may easily understand why he anticipated
moie hindrance than help from a popular audience.
Upon a review of the evidence therefore I see no reason to sus-
pect that he had any other motive for his proposed reserve than
that which he himself assigns ; and I think we may conclude that
he meant to withhold the publication of his Formula, not " as a
secret of too much value to be lightly revealed," but as a subject
too abstruse to be handled successfully except by the fit and few.
Note C.
On some changes in Bacon's treatment of his doctrine of Idols.
" When the doctrine of Idols " (says Mr. Ellis) " was thrown
into its present form " [i. e. the form in which it appears in the
Novum Orgatium, as contrasted with that in which it appears in
the Partis secundce Delineatio'], " it ceased to afford a convenient
basis for the pars destruens, and accordingly the substance of the
three Redargutiones is in the Novum Organum less systetpatically
set forth than Bacon purposed that it should be when he wrote the
Partis secundce Delineatio."
That the argument is set forth in the Novum Organum less sys-
tematically than Bacon originally intended, is no doubt true ; for
when he wrote the " Partis secundae Delineatio et Argumentum"
190 NOTES TO PREFACE TO
he meant to handle the subject regularly and completely, or (as he
would lumself have expressed it) "in Corpore tractatus justi;"
and this in the entrance of the Novum Organum, which is the
" Pai-s secunda " itself, we are expressly warned not to expect.
" Se(juitur secunda pars Instaurationis, qua? artem ipsam inter-
pretandi Naturam et verioris adoperationis Intellectus exhibet :
neque earn ipsam tamen in Corpore tractatus justi ; sed tantum di-
gestam per sumrnas, in Aphoris7no!<." A succession of aphorisms,
not formally connected with each other, was probably the most
convenient form for setting forth all that was most important in
those parts of his work which he had ready ; for Avithout binding
him to exhibit them in regular and apparent connexion, it left him
at liberty to make the connexion as perfect and apparent as
he pleased. But it has one disadvantage : the divisions between
aphorism and aphorism tend to conceal from the eye the larger di-
visions between subject and subject. And hence arises the appear-
ance (for I think it is only an appearance) of a deviation from the
plan originally marked out for the treatment of the pars destruens.
Between the publication of the Advancement of Learning and the
composition of the Novum Organum, the doctrine of Idols under-
went one considerable modification ; but not, I think, the one here
supposed. That modification was introduced before the Partis
secundce Delineatio was drawn up ; and after that I cannot find
evidence of any substantial change.
I will first exhibit the successive aspects which the doctrine
assumes, and then give what I suppose to be the true history of
them.
In the Advancement of Learning, the Idols, native and adven-
titious, of the human mind are distributed into three kinds ; not
distinguished as yet by names, but corresponding respectively to
those of the Tribe, the Cave, and the Market-place. In Valerius
Terminus, they are distributed into four kinds: the Tribe, the
Palace (corresponding with the Market-place), the Cave, and the
Theatre. In the Partis secunda Delineatio they are distributed
again into three, but classified quite differently. The two great
divisions of Adventitious and Native are retained : " aut adscititia
sunt . . . nimirum quae immigr&runt in mentem, &c., aut ea quae
menti ipsi et substantias ejus inhajrentia sunt et innata ; " but the
subdivisions are entirely changed ; — the Adventitious being here
divided into two kinds, neither of which is recognised at all in the
THE NOVUM ORGANUM. 191
Advancement ; the Native, which are divided into two kinds in the
Advancement^ not being divided at all here, but classed together
as one. In the Advancement we find nothing corresponding to the
Idols of the Theatre, to which belong hoth the kinds of adventitious
Idols mentioned in the Delineatio — those derived ex pliilosopho-
rum placitis, and those derived ex perversis legihus demonstra-
tionum ; — in the Delineatio we find nothing corresponding to the
Idols of the Market-place, which among those mentioned in the
Advancement are alone entitled to be classed as adventitious. Thus
the difference between the two appears at first to be total and rad-
ical, amounting to an entire rearrangement of all the classes. In-
stead of Idols of the Tribe, the Cave, and the Market-place, we
find Idols of the Philosophies, the Demonstrations, and the Human
Mind.
But the truth is that Bacon, being now engaged in laying out
the large outlines of his subject, omits the minor distinctions which
belong to the development of it in detail, and leaves the particular
distribution and description of those " fallacies and false appear-
ances " which are *' inseparable from our nature and condition in
life" — those namely which he had spoken of in the Advancement
— to be handled in the work itself. Having however, as he came
into closer contact with his subject, foreseen the opposition which
he must expect from prejudices and false appearances of another
kind — prejudices which had no root in the mind itself, which were
not " inseparable from our nature and condition in life," — mere
immigrants and strangers that had come in and might be turned
out, — namely, the belief in received systems and attachment to
received methods of demonstration, — he had resolved to deal with
these first ; and therefore introduces them as a separate class, di-
viding them into two parts and assigning to each what we may
call a separate chapter. These he afterwards called Idols of the
Theatre, and treated them in the manner proposed ; with this dif-
ference only — that he placed them last instead of first, and ran
the two chapters into one.
This being allowed, it will be found that the one substantial
change which the doctrine of Idols underwent was the admission
of these Idola Theatri into the company, and that there is no real
difference between the form of that doctrine as indicated in the
Delineatio and as developed in the Novum Organum.
The only difficulty which this view of the subject presents is one
192 NOTES TO PREFACE TO
which may be probabl}' enough accounted for as an oversight of
Bacon's own. I mean the classification of the Idola Fori, the
source of which is no doubt extraneous, among the natives.
Bacon was never very careful about subtle logical distinctions,
and in this case his attention had not as yet been specially called
to the point. For in the Advancement of Learning, though the
great division between Native and Adventitious appears to be
recognised in the margin, there is no hint of it in the text, — the
particular Idols not being arranged with any reference to those
two general heads ; while in Valerius Terminus the larger division
is not alluded to at all, and the order in which the four Idols are
there enumerated, — the first and third being of one class, the sec-
ond and fourth of the other, — seems to prove that no such classi-
fication was then in his mind. Besides, it is to be remembered that
the Idola Fori, however distinct in their origin, are in their nature
and qualities much nearer akin to the other two than to the Idola
Theatri. For though they come from without, yet when they are
once in they naturalise themselves and take up their abode along
with the natives, produce as much confusion, and can as hardly be
expelled. Philosophical systems may be exploded, false methods
of demonstration may be discarded, but intercourse of words is
" inseparable from our condition in life."
At any rate, let the logical error implied be as lai^e as it may, it
is certain that Bacon did in fact always class these three together.
Wherever he mentions the Idols of the Market-place with any
reference to classification, they are grouped with those of the
Tribe and the Cave, and distinguished from those of the Theatre.
In the Temporis Partus Alasculus, c. 2. (which is I think the earli-
est form of the Redargutio Philosophiarum though probably of later
date than the Delineatio) we find " Nam Idola quisque sua {non
jam scencB dico, sed praecipue fori et specus "), &c. In the De
Augmentis Scientiarum where the four kinds of Idols are enumer-
ated by name and in order, the line of separation is drawn not
between the two first and the two last (as it would have been if
Bacon had meant to balance the members of his classification on
the "dichotomising principle," as suggested by Mr. Ellis, p. 161.),
but between the three first and the fourth ; the Idola Fori being
classed along with the Idola Tribiis and Specus, as " quse plane
obsident mentem, neque evelli possunt," the Idola Theatri being
broadly distinguished from them, as " quae abnegari possunt et
THE NOVUM ORGANUM. 193
deponi," and which may therefore for the present be set aside. In
the Novum Organum itself, though the divisions between aphorism
and aphorism tend, as I have said, to obscure the divisions of sub-
ject, yet if we look carefully we shall see that the line of demarca-
tion is drawn exactly in the same place, and almost as distinctly.
For after speaking of the three first kinds of Idol, Bacon proceeds
(Aph. 61.), "At Idola Theatri innata non sunt [like those of the
Tribe and Cave] nee occulto insinuata in Iniellectum [like those
of the Market-place], sed ex fabulis theoriarum et perversis legibus
demonstrationum plane indita et recepta." Lastly, in the Dktri-
biilio Operis, where the particular Idols are not mentioned by
name, but the more general classification of the Delineatio is
retained, it is plain that under the class Adscititia he meant to
include the Idols of the Theatre only — (" adscititia vero immi-
gr&runt in mentes hominum, vel ex philosophorum placitis et sec-
tis, vel ex perversis legibus demonstrationum ") — and therefore
he must still have meant to include the Idols of the Market-place,
along with the two first, under the class Innata.
It is worthy of remark however that, in the Novum Organum
itself, the distinction between Adscititia and Innata disappears.
And the fact probably is that when he came to describe the several
Idols one by one, he became aware both of the logical incon-
sistency of classing the Idola Fori among the Innata, and of the
practical inconvenience of classing them among the Adscititia,
and therefore resolved to drop the dichotomy altogether and
range them in four co-ordinate classes. And it is the removal
of this boundary line which makes it seem at first sight as if the
arrangement were quite changed, whereas it is in fact only in-
verted. According to the plan of the Partis secundce Delineatio
and also of the Distributio Operis, the confutation of the Immi-
grants, — that is, the Redargutio PhilosopMarum and Redargutio
Demonstrationum, — was to have the precedence, and the confu-
tation of the Natives, — that is, the Redargutio Rationis humance
nativcB, — was to follow. As it is, he begins with the last and
ends with the first. And the reason of this change of plan is
not difficult to divine. The Redargutio PhilosopMarum, as he
handles it, traverses a wider and more various field, and rises
gradually into a strain of prophetic anticipation, after which the
Redargutio Rationis would have sounded flat.
VOL. I. 13
FEANCISCUS DE YEEULAIIO
SIC COGITAVIT;
TALEMQUE APUD SE RATIONEM INSTITUIT,
QUAM VIVENTIBUS ET POSTERIS NOTAM PIEEl
EPSORUM INTEBESSE PUTATIT.
Cum illi pro comperto esset intellectum Jiumanum sibi ipsi ne-
gotium facessere^ neqite auxiliis veris {quae in hominis potestate
sunt) uti sobrie et commode; unde multiplex rerum ignoratio et
ex ignoratione rerum detrimenta innumera : omni ope conniten-
dum existimavit, si quo modo commercium istud Mentis et Rerum
(cui vix aliquid in tejTis, aut saltern in terrenis, se ostendit simile)
restitui posset in integrum, aut saltem in melius deduci. Ut vera
errores qui invaluerunt, quique in ceternum invalituri sunt, alii
post alios (si mens sibi permittatur) ipsi se corrigerent, vel ex vi
intellectus propria vel ex auxiliis atque adminiculis dialeciicce,
nulla prorsus suberat spes ; propterea quod notiones rerum primce,
quas mens Tiaustu faclli et supino excipit recondit atque accumu-
lat (unde reliqua omnia Jluunt), vitiosce sint et confusce et temere
a rebus abstractce ; neque minor sit in secundis et reliquis libido
et inconstanfia ; ex quo Jit, ut universa ista ratio humana, qua
utimur quoad inquisitionem naturce non bene congesta et cedijicata
sit, sed tanquam moles aliqua magnijica sine fundamento. Dum
enim falsas mentis vires mirantur homines et celebrant, veras
ejusdem quce esse possint (si debita ei adhibeantur auxilia, atque
ipsa rebus morigera sit, nee impotenter rebus insultet) prcetereunt
et perdunt. Restabat illud unum ut res de integro tentetur me-
lioribus prcesidiis, utque fiat scientiarum et artium atque omnis
humance doctrince in universum Instauratio, a debitis excitata fun-
damentis. Hoc vera licet aggressu infinitum quiddam videri possit
ac supi-a vires mortales, tamen idem tractatu sanum invenietur ac
sobrium, magis quam ea quce adhuc facta sunt. Exitus enim
196
hujus ret est nonnullus. In lis vero quce jam Jiunt circa scien-
tias, est vertigo qumdam et agitatio perpetua et circulus. Neque
eum fugit quanta in soliludine versetur hoc experimentum^ et
quam durum et incredibile sit ad faciendam Jidem. Nihilominus^
nee rem nee seipsum deserendum putavit, quin viam quce una hu-
mance menti pervia est tentaret at que iniret. Prcestat enim prin-
cipium dare rei quce exitum habere possit, quam in iis quce exi-
tum nullum hahent perpetua contentione et studio implicari. Vice
autem contemplaticce viis illis activis decantatis fere respondent;
ut altera, ah initio ardua et difficilis, desinat in apertum; altera,
primo intuitu expedita et procliois, ducat in avia et prcecipitia.
Quum autem incertus esset quando hcec alicui posthac in mentem
Ventura sint ; eo potissimum usus argumento, quod neminem
hactenus invenit qui ad similes cogitationes animum applicuerit ;
decrevit prima quceque quce perjicere licuit in publicum edere.
Neque hcec festinatio ambitiosa fuit, sed sollicita; ut si quid illi
humanitus accideret, extaret tamen designatio qucsdam ac desti-
natio rei quam animo complexus est; utque extaret simul
signum aliquod honestce suce et propensce in generis
humani commoda voluntatis. Certe aliam quam-
cunque ambitionem inferiorem duxit re quam
proe manibus habuit. Aut enim hoc quod
agitur nihil est, aut tantum, ut
merito ipso contentum esse
debeat nee fructum
extra qucerere.
SEREKISSIHO
POTENTIS8IMOQUE PRINCIPI AC DOMINO N08TRO,
J ACOB 0,
DEI GRATIA
MAGN^ BRITANNIiE, FRANCIS, ET HIBERNI^ REGI,
FIDEI DEFENSORI, ETC.
Serenissime Potentissimeque Rex,
PoTERiT fortasse Majestas tua me furti incusare, quod tan-
tum temporis quantum ad haec sufficiat negotiis tuis suffuratus sim.
Non habeo quod dicam. Temporis enim non fit restitutio ; nisi
forte quod detractum fuerit temporis rebus tuis, id memoriae nomi-
nis tui et honori saeculi tui reponi possit ; si modo haee alicujus sint
pretii. Sunt certe prorsus nova ; etiam toto genere : sed descripta
ex veteri admodum exemplari, mundo scilicet ipso, et natura re-
rum et mentis. Ipse certe (ut ingenue fatear) soleo aestimare hoc
opus magis pro partu temporis quam ingenii. lUud enim in eo
solummodo mirabile est, initia rei et tantas de iis quae invaluerunt
suspiciones alicui in mentem venire potuisse. Caetera non illiben-
ter sequuntur. At versatur proculdubio casus (ut loquimur) et
quiddam quasi fortuitum non minus in iis quae cogitant homines
quam in iis quae agunt aut loquuntur. Verum hunc casum (de
quo loquor) ita inteiHgi volo, ut si quid in his quae affero sit
boni, id immensae misericordiae et bonitati divinae et foelicitati
temporum tuorum tribuatur: cui et vivus integerrimo affectu
servivi, et mortuus fortasse id effecero, ut ilia posteritati, nova
198 EPISTOLA DEDICATORIA.
hac accensa face in philosophlae tenebris, praelucere possint
Merito autem temporibus regis omnium sapientissimi et doctis-
simi Regeneratio ista et Instauratio scientiarum debetur. Su-
perest petitio, Majestate tua non indigna, et maxime omnium
faeiens ad id quod agitur. £a est, ut quando Salomonem in plu-
rimis referas, judieiorum gravitate, regno paeifico, cordis latitu-
dine, librorum denique quos composuisti nobiii varietate, etiam hoc
ad ejusdem regis exemplum addas, ut cures Historiam Naturalem
et Experimentalem, veram et severam (missis philologicis), et quae
sit in ordine ad condendam philosophiam, denique qualem suo loco
describemus, congeri et perfici : ut tandem post tot mundi aetates
pbilosophia et scientise non sint amplius pensiles et aereae, sed
solidb experientiae omnigenae, ejusdemque bene pensitatae,
nitantur fundamentis. Equidem Organum praebui ;
verum materies a rebus ipsis petenda est.
Deus Opt. Max. Majestatem tuam
diu servet incolumem.
SerenissimcB Majestati tuce
Serous devinctifsimus,
et devotissimus,
FRANCISCUS VERULAM,
Cancellarius.
FRANCISCI DE VERULAMIO
INSTAURATIO MAGNA.
PRiEFATIO,
De statu scientiarum, quod non sit fodvx aut majorem in modum
auctus ; quodque alia omnino quam prioribus cognita
fuerit via aperienda sit intellectui humano, et .
alia comparanda auxilia, ut mens
sua jure in rerum naturam
uti possit.
YiDENTUR nobis homines nee opes nee vires suas
bene nosse ; verum de illis majora quam par est, de his
minora credere. Ita fit, ut aut artes receptas insanis
pretiis sestimantes nil amplius quaerant, aut seipsos plus
aequo contemnentes vires suas in levioribus consumant,
in iis quae ad summam rei faciant non experiantur.
Quare sunt et suae scientiis columnae tanquam fatales ;
cum ad ulterius penetrandum homines nee desiderio
nee spe excitentur. Atque cum opinio copiae inter
maximas causas inopiae sit; quumque ex fiducia prae-
sehtium vera auxilia negligantur in posterum ; ex usu
est, et plane ex necessitate, ut ab illis quae adhuc in-
venta sunt in ipso operis nostri limine (idque relictis
ambagibus et non dissimulanter) honoris et admira-
tionis excessus tollatur ; utili monito, ne homines eorum
200 PRiEFATIO.
aut copiam aut utilltatem in majus accipiant^ aut
celebrent. Nam si quis in omnem illam librorum
varietatem qua artes et scientiae exultant diligentius
introspiciat, ubique inveniet ejusdera rei repetitiones
infinitas, tractandi modis diversas, inventione praeoc-
cupatas ; '^ ut omnia primo intuitu numerosa, facto
examine pauca reperiantur. Et de utilitate aperte
dicendum est, sapientiam istam quam a Grsecis potis-
simum hausimus pueritiam quandam scientiae videri,
atque habere quod proprium est puerorum, ut ad gar-
riendum prompta, ad generandum invalida et immatura
sit. Controversiarum enim ferax, operum efFoeta est.
Adeo ut fabula ilia de Scylla in literarum statum,
qualis habetur, ad vivum quadrare videatur ; quae vir-
ginis OS et vultum extulit, ad uterum vero monstra
latrantia succingebantur et adliaerebant. Ita habent
et scientiae quibus insuevimus generalia quaedam blan-
dientia et speciosa, sed cum ad particularia ventum sit,
veluti ad partes generationis, ut fructum et opera ex se
edant, tum contentiones et oblatrantes disputationes ex-
oriuntur, in quas desinunt, et quae partus locum obti-
nent. Praeterea, si hujusmodi scientiae plane res mortua
non essent, id minime videtur eventunim fuisse quod
per multa jam saecula usu venit, ut illae suis immotae
fere haereant vestigiis, nee incrementa genere humano
digna sumant : eo usque, ut saepenumero non solum as-
sertio maneat assertio sed etiam quaestio maneat quaes-
tio, et per disputationes non solvatur sed figatur et
alatur, omnisque traditio et successio disciplinarum rep-
raesentet et exhibeat personas magistri et auditoris, non
1 Exaggerate.
2 Anticipated, so far as relates to originality of invention. (One of Ba-
con's antitheses between " inventione " and " modis tractandi." )
PRJEFATIO. 201
inventoris et ejus qui inventis aliquid eximium adjiciat.
In artibus autem mechanicis contrarium evenire vide-
mus ; quae, ac si aurae cujusdam vitalis forent participes,
quotidie crescunt et perficiuntur, et in primis authori-
bus rudes plerunque et fere onerosae et informes ap-
parent, postea vero novas virtutes et commoditatem
quandam adipiscuntur, eo usque, ut citius studia homi-
num et cupiditates deficiant et mutentur, quam illae ad
culmen et perfectionem suam pervenerint. Pliilosophia
contra et scientiae intellectuales, statuarum more, ado-
rantur et celebrantur, sed non promoventur. Quin
etiam in primo nonnunquam autliore maxime vigent,
et deinceps degenerant. Nam postquam homines dedi-
titii facti sint et in unius sententiam (tanquam pedarii
senatores) coierint, scientiis ipsis amplitudinem non ad-
dunt, sed in certis authoribus ornandis et stipandis servili
officio funguntur. Neque illud afFerat quispiam, scien-
tias paullatim succrescentes tandem ad statum quendam
pervenisse, et tum demum (quasi confectis spatiis legiti-
mis) in operibus paucorum sedes fixas posuisse ; atque
postquam nil melius inveniri potuerit, restare scilicet ut
quae inventa sint exornentur et colantur. Atque optan-
dum quidem esset haec ita se habuisse. Rectius illud et
verius, istas scientiarum mancipationes nil aliud esse
quam rem ex paucorum hominum confidentia et reliquo-
rum socordia et inertia natam. Postquam enim scientiae
per partes diligenter fortasse excultse et tractatae fuerint,
tum forte exortus est aliquis, ingenio audax et propter
methodi compendia acceptus et celebratus, qui specie te-
nus artem constituent, re vera veterum labores corrupe-
rit. Id tamen posteris gratum esse solet, propter usum
operis expeditum et inquisitionis novae taedium et impa-
tientiam. Quod si quis consensu jam inveterato tan-
202 PRiEFATIO.
quam temporis judicio moveatur, sciat se rati one admo-
dum fallaci et infirma niti. Neque enira nobis magna
ex parte notum est, quid in scientiis et artibus, variis
saBculis et locis, innotuerit et in publicum emanarit;
multo minus, quid a singulis tentatum sit et secreto
agitatum. Itaque nee temporis partus nee abortus ex-
tant in fastis. Neque ipse consensus ejusque diutur-
nitas magni prorsus aestimandus est. Utcunque enim
varia sint genera politiarum, unicus est status scien-
tiarum, isque semper fliit et mansurus est popularis.
Atque apud populum plurimum vigent doctrinae aut
contentiosae et pugnaces aut speciosae et inanes, quales
videlicet assensum aut illaqueant aut demulcent. Ita-
que maxima ingenia proculdubio per singulas aetates
vim passa sunt ; dum viri captu et intellectu non
vulgares, niliilo secius existimationi suas consulentes,
temporis et multitudinis judicio se submiserint. Qua-
mobrem altiores contemplationes si forte usquam emicu-
erint, opinionum vulgarium ventis subinde agitataB sunt
et extinctaB. Adeo ut Tempus, tanquam fluvius, levia
et inflata ad nos devexerit, gravia et solida demerserit.
Quin et illi ipsi authores qui dictaturam quandam in
scientiis invaserunt et tanta confidentia de rebus pro-
nuntiant, cum tamen per intervalla ad se redeunt, ad
querimonias de subtilitate naturae, veritatis recessibus,
rerum obscuritate, causarum implicatione, ingenii hu-
mani infirmitate, se convertunt ; in hoc nihilo tamen
modestiores, cum malint communem hominum et rerum
conditionem causari quam de seipsis confiteri. Quin
illis hoc fere solenne est, ut quicquid ars aliqua non
attingat id ipsum ex eadem arte impossibile esse statu-
ant. Neque vero damnari potest ars, quum ipsa dis-
ceptet et judicet. Itaque id agitur, ut ignorantia etiam
PR^FATIO. 203
ab ignominia liberetur. Atque quas tradita et recepta
sunt ad hunc fere modum se habent : quoad opera
sterilia, quaestionum plena ; incrementis suis tarda et
languida ; perfectionem in toto simulantia, sed per
partes male impleta ; delectu autem popularia et au-
thoribus ipsis suspecta, ideoque artificiis quibusdam
munita et ostentata.^ Qui autem et ipsi experiri et se
scientiis addere earumque fines proferre statuerunt, nee
illi a receptis prorsus desciscere ausi sunt, nee fontes re-
rum petere. Verum se magnum quiddam consequutos
putant si aliquid ex proprio inserant et adjiciant ; pru-
dcnter secum reputantes, se in assentiendo modestiam,
in adjiciendo libertatem tueri posse. Verum dum opi-
nionibus et moribus consulitur, mediocritates istae lau-
datae in magnum scientiarum detrimentum cedunt. Vix
enim datur autliores simul et admirari et superare. Sed
fit aquarum more, quse non altius ascendunt quam ex
quo descenderunt. Itaque hujusmodi homines emen-
dant nonnulla sed parum promovent, et proficiunt in
melius non in majus. Neque tamen defuerunt, qui ausu
majore omnia integra sibi duxerunt, et ingenii impetu
usi, priora prosternendo et destruendo aditum sibi et
placitis suis fecerunt ; quorum tumultu non magno-
pere profectum est ; quum philosophiam et artes non re
ac opere amplificare, sed placita tantum permutare at-
que regnum opinionum in se transferre contenderint ;
exiguo sane fructu, quum inter errores oppositos er-
randi causae sint fere communes. Si qui autem nee
alienis nee propriis placitis obnoxii, sed libertati faven-
tes, ita animati fuere ut alios secum simul quaerere
1 So selected as to favour popular notions, while at the same time their
truth is doubted even by those who propound them, on which account they
are fenced round and set forth with sundry artifices.
204 PRiEFATIO.
ouperent ; illi sane afFectu honesti, sed conatu invalidi
fuerunt. Probabiles enim tantum rationes secuti vi-
dentur, et argumentorum vertigine circnmagiintiir, et
promiscua quserendi licentia severitatem inquisitionis
enervarunt. Nemo autem reperitur, qui in rebus ipsis
et experientia moram fecerit legitiinam. Atque non-
nulli rursus qui experientiae undis se commisere et fere
mechanici facti sunt, tamen in ipsa experientia errat-
icam quandam inquisitionem exercent, nee ei ^ certi
lege militant. Quin et plerique pusilla quondam pensa
sibi proposuere, pro magno ducentes si unum aliquod
inventum eruere possint ; instituto non minus tenui,
quam imperito. Nemo enim rei alicujus naturam in
ipsa re recte aut foeliciter perscrutatur ; verum post
l^boriosam experimentorum variationem non acquiescit,
sed invenit quod ulterius quaerat. Neque illud imprimis
omittendum est, quod omnis in experiendo industria
statim ab initio opei-a quandam destinata praepropero et
intempestivo studio captavit ; fructifera (inquam) ex-
perimenta, non lucifera, quaesivit ; nee ordinem divinum
imitata est, qui pnmo die lucem^ tantum creavit, eique
unuin diem integnim attribuit ; neque illo die quic-
quam materiati operis produxit, verum sequentibus
diebus ad ea descendit. At qui summas dialecticas
partes tribuerunt atque inde fidissima scientiis praesidia
comparari putarunt, verissime et optime viderunt in-
tellectum humanum sibi permissum merito suspectum
esse debere. Verum infirmior omnino est malo medi-
1 In its service.
2 The light created on the first day is by many divines supposed to be
not a corporeal but a spiritual light. This is the doctrine of S. Augustine;
■who however does not say that those who adopt a contrary opinion are
necessarily wrong. Tiiis idea of a spiritual light was developed at great
length in connexion with the theory of the nature and cognition of angels.
PR^FATIO. 205
cina ; iiec ipsa mali expers. Siquidem dialectica quae
recepta est, licet ad civilia et artes quae in sermone
et opinione positae sunt rectissime adliibeatur, naturae
tamen subtilitatem longo intervallo non attingit ; et
prensando quod non capit, ad errores potius stabiliendos
et quasi iigendos quam ad viam veritati aperiendam
valuit.
Quare, ut quae dicta sunt complectamur, non videtur
hominibus aut aliena fides aut industria propria circa
scientias hactenus foeliciter illuxisse ; prsesertim quum et
in demonstrationibus et in experimentis adhuc cognitis
parum sit praesidii. ^dificium autem hujus universi
structura sua, intellectui humano contemplanti, instar
labyrintlii est ; ubi tot ambigua viarum, tarn fallaces
rerum et signorum similitudines, tam obliquae et im-
plexae naturarum spirae et nodi, undequaque se osten-
dunt. Iter autem sub incerto sensus lumine, interdum
afFulgente interdum se condente, per experientiae et
rerum particularium sylvas perpetuo faciendum est.
Quin etiam duces itineris (ut dictum est) qui se ofFe-
runt, et ipsi implicantur, atque errorum et errantium
numerum augent. In rebus tam duris, de judicio
hominum ex vi propria, aut etiam de foelicitate fortuita,
desperandum est. Neque enim ingeniorum quanta-
cunque excellentia, neque experiendi alea saepius repe-
tita, ista vincere queat. Vestigia filo regenda sunt :
omnisque via, usque a primis ipsis sensuum percep-
tionibus, certa ratione munienda. Neque haec ita
accipienda sunt, ac si nihil omnino tot saeculis, tantis
laboribus, actum sit. Neque enim eorum quae inventa
sunt nos poenitet. Atque antiqui certe, in iis quae in
ingenio et meditatione abstracta posita sunt, mirabiles
se viros praestitere. Verum quemadmodum saeculis
206 PRiEFATIO.
prioribus, cum homines in navigando per stellarum
tantmn observationes cursum dirigebant, veteris sane
continentis oras legere potuerunt, aut maria aliqua
minora et mediterranea trajicere ; priusquam autem
oceanus trajiceretur et novi orbis regiones detegeren-
tiir, necesse fuit usum acus nauticae, ut ducem viaB
magis fidum et certum, innotuisse : simili prorsus ra-
tione, quae hucusque in artibus et scientiis inventa
sunt, ea hujusmodi sunt ut usu, meditatione, obser-
vando, argumentando, reperiri potuerint ; utpote quae
sensibus propiora sint et communibus notionibus fere
subjaceant ; antequam vero ad remotiora et occul-
tiora naturae liceat appellere, necessario requiritur ut
melior et perfectior mentis et intellectus humani usus
et adoperatio introducatur.
Nos certe, aeterno veritatis amore devicti, viarum
incertis et arduis et solitudinibus nos commisimus ; et
divino auxilio freti et innixi, mentem nostram et contra
opinionum violentias et quasi instructas acies, et contra
proprias et internas haesitationes et scrupulos, et con-
tra rerum caligines et nubes et undequaque volantes
phantasias, sustinuimus ; ut tandem magis fida et se-
cura indicia viventibus et posteris comparare possemus.
Qua in re si quid profecerimus, non alia sane ratio
nobis viam aperuit quam vera et legitima sj)iritus hu-
mani humiliatio. Omnes enim ante nos, qui ad art6s
inveniendas se applicuerunt, conjectis paulisper in res
et exempla ct experientiam ocuHs, statim, quasi inven-
tio nil aliud esset quam quacdam excogitatio, spiritus
proprios ut sibi oracula exhiberent quodammodo invo-
carunt. Nos vero inter res caste et perpetuo versantes,
intellectum longius a rebus non abstrahimus quam ut
rerum imagines et radii (ut in sensu fit) coire pos-
PR^FATIO. 207
sint ; ^ unde fit, ut ingenii viribus et excellentiae non
multum relinquatur. Atque quam in invenieiido ad-
hibemus humilitatem, eandem et in docendo sequuti
sumus. Neque enim aut confutationum triumphis, aut
antiquitatis advocationibus, aut authoritatis usurpatione
quadam, aut etiam obscuritatis velo, aliquam his nos-
tris inventis majestatem imponere aut conciliare cona-
mur ; qualia reperire non difficile esset ei, qui nomini
suo non animis aliorum lumen afFundere conaretur.
Non (inquam) ullam aut vim aut insidias hominum
judiciis fecimus aut paramus ; verum eos ad res ipsas
et I'erum foedera adducimus ; ut ipsi videant quid habe-
ant, quid arguant, quid addant atque in commune con-
ferant. Nos autem si qua in re vel male credidimus,
vel obdormivimus et minus attendimus, vel defecimus
in via et inquisitionem abrupimus, nihilominus iis mo-
dis res nudas et apertas exhibemus, ut errores nostri,
antequam scientise massam altius inficiant, notari et
1 To explain the illustration of which Bacon here makes use, it is in the
first place to be remarked that radius is not to be rendered by ray, but by
visual cone, "Radium visualem speciem rei visibilis dicimus: non ut lineam
aut superficiem mathematicam profundo carentem, sed corporalem et py-
ramidalem, cujus basis in re visa et conus in oculo videntis est." — Marg.
Phil. X. 2. c. 11. Again Telesius, whose theory of vision was adopted by
Bacon, says, " quaj a re qu(B spectatur rehicet lux universa quidem unum
in pupilla coit in punctum," thus forming the "radius" just mentioned.
Lastly Telesius goes on to say, " ab illarum [rerum sc] puncto quovis ilia
[lux sc] relucet, et vel ubi in unum coit punctum universa ibi fit, itaque
et rerum a quibus relucet imagines et ipsae [sic enim legendum] in eodem
fiunt puncto." These "imagines" then are therefore in some unexplained
manner borne along by the light which constitutes the visual cone, and ex-
ist virtually if not formally at the apex from which the light dispersing in
an inverse cone falls ultimately (still bearing them with it) on the vitreous
humour, which is in this system the sphere of vision. Bacon's expressions
therefore amount simply to this, that the eye must be at a certain distance
from the object in order that an effectual visual cone may be formed. He
does not speak either of optical images or of rays, in the senses which we
attach to those words. See Telesius, De Rerum Naturd, vi. c. 23 and 24.
208 PRiEFATIO.
separari possint ; atque etiam ut facilis et expedita sit
laborum nostrorum continuatio. Atque hoc modo inter
empiricam et rationalem facultatem (quarum morosa et
inauspicata divortia et repudia omnia in liumana familia
turbavere) conjugium verum et legitimum in perpet-
uum nos firmasse existimamus.^
Quamobrem, quum haec arbitrii nostri non sint, in
))rincipio operis, ad Deum Patrem, Deum Verbum,
Deum Spiritum, preces fundimus humillimas et arden-
tissimas, ut humani generis aerumnarum memorcs et
peregrination is istius vitaa in qua dies paucos et malos
terimus, novis suis eleemosynis, per manus nostras,
familiam humanam dotare dignentur. Atque illud
insuper supplices rogamus, ne humana divinis offici-
ant, neve ex reseratione viarum sensus et accensione
majore luminis naturalis aliquid incredulitatis et noctis
animis nostris erga divina mysteria oboriatur ; sed
potius, ut ab intellectu puro, a pliantasiis et vanitate
repurgato et divinis oraculis nihiloniinus subdito et
prorsus dedititio, fidei dentur quae fidei sunt. Pos-
tremo, ut scientisB veneno a serpente infuso, quo ani-
mus humanus tumet et inflatur, deposito, nee altum
sapiamus nee ultra sobrium, sed veritatem in chari-
tate colamus.
Peractis autem votis, ad homines conversi, quaedam
et salutaria monemus et a^qua postulamus. Monemus
primum (quod etiam precati sumus) ut homines sen-
sum in officio, quoad divina, contineant. Sensus enim
(instar sobs) globi terrestris faciem aperit, coelestis
claudit et obsignat.^ Rursus, ne hujusce mali fuga
1 This is one of the passages which show that Bacon did not imagine
that the empirical faculty was the onl}- thing to be considered in the phi-
losophy of science, but that he recognised another coordinate element.
3 This image, which in the Advancement of Learning and in the De Aug-
PR^FATIO. 209
in contrarium peccent; quod certe fiet, si naturae in-
quisitionem ulla ex parte veluti interdicto separatam
putant. Neque enim pura ilia et immaculata scientia
naturalis, per quam Adam nomina ex proprietate rebus
imposuit, principium aut occasionem lapsui dedit. Sed
ambitiosa ilia et imperativa scientise moralis, de bono
et malo dijudicantis, cupiditas, ad hoc ut Homo a
Deo deficeret et sibi ipsi leges daret, ea demum ratio
atque modus tentationis fuit. De scientiis autem quae
naturam contemplantur sanctus ille philosophus pro-
nuntiat, Grloriam Dei esse celare rem; gloriam regis
autem rem invenire : non aliter ac si divina natura
innocenti et benevolo puerorum ludo delectaretur, qui
ideo se abscondunt ut inveniantur ; atque animam hu-
manam sibi coUusorem in hoc ludo pro sua in homines
indulgentia et bonitate cooptaverit. Postremo omnes
in universum monitos volumus, ut scientiai veros fines
cogitent ; nee eam aut animi causa petant, aut ad
mentis Bacon quotes from "one of Plato's school," is taken from Philo
Judaeus, perhaps the most poetical of the Neo-Platonists. " Post exortum
ejus [solis scilicet] illustrantur in terris omnia, in coelo vero celantur; e
diverso, post ejus occasum sidera quidem promicant, terrestria vero cuncta
obteguntur umbris supervenientibus : ad eundem modum res nostrae se
habent; quoties sensuum splendor tanquam sol oritur, tunc scientiae revera
coelestes occultantur: quoties autem ad occasum accedit, tunc fulgentissimae
virtutum stellae se proferunt, quando etiam mens ipsa re nulla velante fit
sensibilis." — Philo. Jud., Quod somnia mittantur a Deo. (I quote from the
version of Gelenius.)
Nearly the same idea appears to be expressed in the Bhagavad Gita,
ii. 69. :
Welche jedem Geschbpf Nacht ist, in der wacht der Gesammelte ;
In der jeglich Geschbpf wachet, ist des schauenden Weisen Nacht.
S. W. V. Humboldt's Works, i. 34
Which might be thus rendered in the Latin of the middle ages : —
In nocte creaturae vigilat internus homo ;
Cum autem Tigilat creatura, contemplatiyo nox est.
VOL. I. 14
210 PR^FATIO.
contcntionem, aut ut alios despiciant, aut ad commo-
duin, aut ad famum, aut ad potentiam, aut hujusmodi
inferiora ; sed ad meritum et usus vitse ; eamque in
charitate perficiant et regant. Ex appetitu enim
potentiae angeli lapsi sunt ; ex appetitu scientiae,
homines ; sed charitatis non est excessus ; neque an-
gelus aut homo per earn unquam in periculum
venit.
Postulata autem nostra quae afFerimus talia sunt.
De nobis ipsis silemus : de re autem quae agitur pet-
imus, ut homines earn non opinioncm sed opus esse
cogitent ; ac pro certo habeant, non sectae nos alicu-
jus aut placiti, sed utilitatis et ampHtudinis humanae
fundamenta moHri. Deinde ut suis commodis aequi,
exutis opinionum zelis et pniyudiciis, in commune
consulant ; ac ab erroribus viarum atque impedimen-
tis, nostris praesidiis et auxihis, liberati et muniti, la-
borum qui restant et ipsi in partem veniant. Prae-
terea, ut bene sperent ; neque Instaurationem nostram,
ut quiddam infinitum et ultra mortale, fingant et animo
concipiant ; quum revera sit infiniti erroris finis et ter-
minus legitimus ; mortalitatis autem et humanitatis non
sit immemor ; quum rem non intra unius aetatis cur-
riculum omnino perfici posse confidat, sed succession!
destinet ; denique scientias, non per arrogantiam in
humani ingenii cellulis, sed submisse in mundo ma-
jore quaerat. Vasta vero ut plurimum solent esse,
quae inania : solida contrahuntur maxime, et in parvo
sita sunt. Postremo etiam petendum videtur (ne forte
quis rei ipsius periculo nobis iniquus esse velit) ut
videant homines, quatenus ex eo quod nobis asserere
necesse sit (si modo nobis ipsi constare velimus) de
his nostris opinandi aut sententiam ferendi sibi jus
PR^FATIO. 211
permissum patent: quum nos omnem istam rationem
humanam praematuram, anticipantem, et a rebus tern-
ere et citius quam oportuit abstractam, (quat-
enus ad inquisitionem naturae) ut rem
variam et perturbatam et male ex-
tructam rejiciamus. Neque po&-
tulandum est ut ejus judicio
stetur, quae ipsa in ju-
dicium vocatur.
DISTRIBUTIO OPERIS,
Ejus constituuntur Partes sex.
Prima.; Partitiones Scientiarum.
Secunda ; Novum Organum^ sive Indicia de Interpret
tatione Natures.
Tertia ; Phcenomena Universi^ sive IRstoria Naturalis
et Experimentalis ad condendam Philoso-
phiam.
Quarta ; Scala Intellectus.
Quinta ; Prodromi, sive Anticipationes Philosophice Se-
cundce.
Sexta ; Philosophia Secunda^ sive Scientia Aetiva,
Singularum Arguments.
Pars autem instituti nostri est, ut omnia, quantum
fieri potest, aperte et perspicue proponantur. Nuditas
enim animi, ut olim corporis, innocentiae et simplicita-
tis comes est. Pateat itaque primo, ordo operis atque
ratio ejus. Partes operis a nobis constituuntur sex.
Prima pars exhibet scientiic ejus sive doctrinas in
cujus possessione humanum genus hactenus versatur,
Summam, sive descriptionem universalem. Visum
enim est nobis etiam in iis qua? recepta sunt non-
nullam facere moram ; eo nimirum consilio, ut facilius
et verteribus perfectio et novis aditus detur. Pari enim
, DISTRIBUTIO OPERIS. 213
fere studio ferimur et ad vetera excolenda et ad ulte-
riora assequenda. Pertinet etiam hoc ad faciendam
fidem ; juxta illud, JVon accipit indoctus verba seientice,
nisi prius ea dixeris quce versantur in corde ejus. Ita-
que scientiarum atque artium receptarum oras legere,
necnon utilia quaedam in illas importare, tanquam in
transitu, non negligemus.
Partitiones tamen Scientiarum adhibemus eas, quae
non tantum jam inventa et nota, sed liactenus omissa
et debita, complectantur. Etenim inveniuntur in globo
intellectuali, quemadmodum in terrestri, et culta pariter
et deserta. Itaque nil mirum videri debet, si a divisioni-
bus usitatis quandoque recedamus. Adjectio enim, dum
totum variat, etiam partes earumque sectiones neces-
sario variat : receptee autem divisiones receptse summse
scientiarum, qualis nunc est, tantum competunt.
Circa ea vero quae ceu omissa notabimus, ita nos
geremus, ut non leves tantum titulos et argumenta
concisa eorum quae desiderantur proponamus. Nam
siquid inter omissa retulerimus (modo sit dignioris
subj^cti) cujus ratio paulo videatur obscurior, adeo
ut merito suspicari possimus homines non facile intel-
lecturos quid nobis velimus aut quale sit illud opus
quod animo et cogitatione complectimur, perpetuo
nobis curae erit aut praecepta hujusmodi operis confici-
endi aut etiam partem operis ipsius jam a nobis con-
fectam ad exemplum totius subjungere ; ut in singulis
aut opera aut consilio juvemus. Etenim etiam ad nos-
tram existimationem, non solum aliorum utilitatem,
pertinere putavimus, ne quis arbitretur levem aliquam
de istiusmodi rebus notionem mentem nostram per-
strinxisse, atque esse ilia quae desideramus ac prensa-
mus tanquam votis similia. Ea vero talia sunt, quorum
214 DISTRIBUTIO OPERIS.
et penes homines (nisi sibi ipsi desint) potestas plane
sit, et nos apud nosmet rationem quandam certam et
explicatam habeamus. Neque enim regiones metiri
animo, ut augures, auspiciorum causa : sed intrare, ut
duces, proinerendi studio,^ suscepimus. Atque hcec jprir
ma opeiis pars est.
Porro praetervecti artes veteres, intellectum huma-
num ad trajiciendum instruemus. Destinatur itaque
parti secundas, doctrina de meliore et perfectiore usu
rationis in rerum inquisitione, et de auxiliis veris intel-
lectus : ut per hoc (quantum conditio humanitatis ac
mortalitatis patitur) exaltetur intellectus, et facultate
amphficetur ad naturae ardua et obscura superanda.
Atque est ea quam adducimus ars (quam Interpretatio-
nem Naturoi appellare consuevimus) ex genere logicae;
licet phirimum, atque adeo immensum quiddam, inter-
sit. Nam et ipsa ilia logica vulgaris auxilia et praesidia
intellectui moliri ac parare profitetur: et in hoc uno
consentiunt. DifFert autem plane a vulgari rebus prae-
cipue tribus : viz. ipso fine, ordine demonstrandi, et in-
quirendi initiis.
Nam huic nostrae scientiae finis proponitur, ut inveni-
antur non argumenta sed artes, nee principiis consenta-
nea sed ipsa principia, nee rationes probabiles sed desig-
nationes et indicationes Operum. Itaque ex intentione
diversa diversus sequitur effectus. Illic enim adversa-
rius disputatione vincitur et constringitur, hie natura
opere.
Atque cum hujusmodi fine conveniunt demonstrati-
onum ipsarum natura et ordo. In logica enim vulga-
ri opera fere universa circa Syllogismum consumitur.
1 Purposing to deserve well o^ their country.
DISTRIBUTIO OPERIS. 215
De Inductlone vero Dialectic! vix serio cogitasse viden-
tur ; levi mentione earn transmittentes, et ad disputan-
di formulas properantes. At nos demonstrationem per
syllogismum rejicimus, quod confusius agat, et naturam
emittat e manibus. Tametsi enim nemini dubium
esse possit quin, quas in medio termino conveniunt, ea
et inter se conveniant (quod est mathematicjB cujusdam
certitudinis) : nihilominus hoc subest fraudis, quod syl-
logismus ex propositionibus constet, propositiones ex
verbis, verba autem notionum tesserae et signa sint.
Itaque si notion es ipsae mentis (quae verborum quasi
anima sunt, et totius hujusmodi structurae ac fabricae
basis) male ac temere a rebus abstractae, et vagae, nee
satis definitae et circumscriptas, denique multis modis
vitiosas fuerint, omnia ruunt. Rejicimus igitur syllo-
gismum ; neque id solum quoad principia (ad quae nee
illi eam adhibent) sed etiam quoad propositiones me-
dias, quas educit sane atque parturit utcunque syllo-
gismus, sed operum steriles et a practica remotas et
plane quoad partem activam scientiarum incompetentes.
Quamvis igitur relinquamus syllogismo et hujusmodi
demonstrationibus famosis ac jactatis jurisdictionem in
artes populares et opinabiles (nil enim in hac parte mo-
vemus), tamen ad naturam rerum Inductione per omnia,
et tam ad minores propositiones quam ad majores, uti-
mur. Inductionem enim censemus eam esse demon-
strandi formam, quse sensum tuetur et naturam premit
et operibus imminet ac fere immiscetur.
Itaque ordo quoque demonstrandi plane invertitur.
Adhuc enim res ita geri censuevit ; ut a sensu et par-
ticularibus primo loco ad maxime generalia advoletur;
tanquam ad polos fixos circa quos disputationes vertan-
tur; ab illis caetera per media deriventur: via certe
216 DISTRIBUTIO OPERIS.
compendiaria, sed praecipiti, et ad naturara impervia,
ad disputationes vero proclivi et accommodata. At
secundum nos, axiomata^ continenter et gradatim ex-
citantur, ut non nisi postremo loco ad generalissima ve-
niatur : ea vero generalissima evadunt non notionalia,
sed bene terminita, et talia quae natura ut revera sibi
notiora agnoscat,^ quieque rebus hasreant in medullis.
At in forma ipsa quoque inductionis, et judicio quod
per earn fit, opus longe maximum movemus. Ea enim
de qua dialectici loquuntur, qua? procedit per enumera-
tionem simplicem, puerile quiddam est, et precario con-
cludit, et periculo ab instantia contradictoria exponitur,
et consueta tantum intuetur, nee exitum reperit.
Atqui opus est ad scientias inductionis forma tali,
quae experientiam sol vat et separet, et per exclusiones
ac rejectiones debitas necessario concludat. Quod si
1 Bacon's way of using the word " axioma " as if it were equivalent to
"enuntiatum" or "propositio" he derived from Peter Ramus. Hasse, an
early commentator on Ramus, remarks that tlie word is used in the same
way by Cicero, who probably took it from the Stoics.
2 Aristotle everywhere distinguishes between that which is prior and
more known in the order of nature, and that which is prior and more known
with respect to ourselves. Thus in-the Postevwr AimlyticSyX. 2., he says:
"Priora autem et notiora dupliciter dicuntur: neque enim idem est prius
natura et prius quantum ad nos pertinet; neque idem quod notius natur&
et quod nobis notius. Dico enim, quantum ad nos, et priora et notiora esse
quae a sensu propius; per se vero ac simpliciter, et priora et notiora quos lon-
gius absunt; quo quid autem magis universale eo est remotius, ac singula
quaeque sunt proxima." The schoolmen, misled by the ambiguity of the
Greek dative, substitute for "notius natura," rj? (^vaec yvuptfiurepov, "no-
tius naturoj," as if Aristotle had spoken of Nature's knowledge in oppo-
sition to ours. The phrase in the text involves the same metaphor. It
may be translated " Such as Nature would recognise as being really her
first principles." "Notius natura" is equivalent to St. Thomas's expres-
sion " prius per viam perfectionis." See with respect to the subject of this
note, and especially to the origin and meaning of the phrases a priori and
A posteriori, Trendelenburg Kkmenta Log. AruM. 81.
Bartholdy's rendering is merely founded in error: "dass es die Natur fur
einen wirklichen Beweis eiuer innigern Bekanntschafl mit ihr anerkennen
muss."
DISTRIBUTIO OPERIS- ;217
judicium illud vulgatum dialecticorum tarn operosum
fuerit, et tanta ingenia exercuerit ; quanto magis labo-
randum est in hoc altero, quod non tantum ex mentis
penetralibus, sed etiam ex naturae visceribus extrahitur ?
Neque tamen hie finis. Nam fundamenta quoque
scientiarum fortius deprimimus et solidamus, atque
initia inquirendi altius sumimus, quam adhuc homines
fecerunt : ea subjiciendo examini, quae logica vulgaris
tanquam fide aliena recipit. Etenim dialectici princi-
pia scientiarum a scientiis singulis tanquam mutuo
sumunt : rursus, notiones mentis primas venerantur :
postremo, informationibus immediatis sensus bene dis-
positi acquiescunt. At nos logicam veram singulas
scientiarum provincias majore cum imperio quam penes
ipsarum principia sit debere ingredi decrevimus, atque
ilia ipsa principia putativa ad rationes reddendas com-
pellere quousque plane constent.^ Quod vero attinet
ad notiones primas intellectus ; nihil est eorum quae
intellectus sibi permissus congessit, quin nobis pro sus-
pecto sit, nee uUo modo ratum, nisi novo judicio se
stiterit et secundum illud pronuntiatum fuerit. Qui-
netiam sensus ipsius informationes multis modis excu-
timus. Sensus enim fallunt utique, sed et errores suos
indicant : verum errores praesto, indicia eorum longe
petita sunt.
Duplex autem est sensus culpa: aut enim destituit
nos aut decipit. Nam primo, plurimae sunt res quae
sensum etiam recte dispositum nee ullo modo impedi-
tum effugiunt; aut subtilitate totius corporis, aut par-
tium minutiis, aut loci distantia, aut tarditate atque
etiam velocitate motus, aut familiaritate objecti, aut alias
1 On the relation of philosophy to the sciences, I may refer to an interest-
ing essay by Ritter in the Berlin Transactions.
218 DISTRIBUTIO OPERIS.
ob causas. Neque rursus, ubi sensus rem tenet, prehen-
siones ejus admodum firmae sunt. Nam testimonium
et informatio sensus semper est ex analogia hominis,
non ex analogia universi : ^ atque magno prorsus errore
asseritur, sensum esse mensuram rerum.
Itaque ut his occurratur, nos multo et fido ministe-
rio auxilia sensui undique conquisivimus et contraxi-
mus, ut destitutionibus substitutiones, variationibus rec-
tificationes suppeditentur. Neque id molimur tam
instrumentis quam experimentis. Etenim experimen-
torum longe major est subtilitas quam sensus ipsius,
licet instrumentis exquisitis adjuti; (de iis loquimur
experimentis, quae ad intentionem ejus quod quaeritur
perite et secundum artem excogitata et apposita sunt.) ^
Itaque perceptioni sensus immediatae ac proprias non
multum tribuimus : sed eo rem deducimus, ut sensus
tan turn de experimento, experimentum de re judicet.
Quare existimamus nos sensus (a quo omnia in natu-
1 The phrase " est ex analogia" is to be rendered (giving to " analogia"
a wider signification than that which it ordinarily has) by " has reference
to: " just as in the dictum, " materia non est cognoscibilis nisi ex analogia
(or per analogiam) forma;; " — "except by reference to form." It seems
not improbable that this way of using the word was suggested by the pas-
sage in the Physics which gave rise to the dictum I have quoted. Aristotle
says, Phys. i. 7., " 'H de vnoKeifitvij ^vfftf , tmaTTjry Kard, uva?Mycav — in
which however the word is really used in its usual sense, since Aristotle goes
on to say that this v~0KeifiKV7] (pvaic stands in the same relation to ovaio
that bronze does to a statue, or wood to a couch ; thus illustrating the nature
of matter by referring to the subject-matter of an artificial form. Bacon
elsewhere uses the phrase "in ordine ad" just as he here uses " ex analo-
gia; " and on the other hand S. Thomas says, referring to the passage just
cited, " Materia non est scibilis nisi in ordine ad formam, ut dicit Philoso-
phus primo Physicorum; " so that the two phrases seem equivalent. See
S. Thomas, De Naturd Materia, c. 2., compared with the tract De prindpio
individuationii.
That the meaning of the word Analogy was misconceived by S. Thomas,
by Duns Scotus, and by the schoolmen in general, is pointed out by Zaba-
rella, De prim, rerum mnterid, i. 4.
2 [Compare Nov. Org. ii. 36.— J. 5.]
DISTRIBUTIO OPERIS. 219
ralibus petenda sunt, nisi forte libeat insanire) antistites
religiosos, et oraculorum ejus non imperitos interpretes,
nos prsBstitisse : ut alii professione quadam, nos re ipsa,
sensum tueri ac colere videamur. Atque hujusmodi sunt
ea quae ad lumen ipsum naturae ejusque accensionem et
immissionem paramus : quae per se sufficere possent, si
intellectus human us aequs et instar tabulae abrasae esset.
Sed cum mentes hominum miris modis adeo obsessae
sint ut ad veros rerum radios excipiendos sincera et
polita area prorsus desit, necessitas quaedam incumbit
ut etiam huic rei remedium quaerendum esse pute-
mus.
lobla autem a quibus occupatur mens, vel Adscititia
sunt vel Innata. Adscititia vero immigrarunt in men-
tes hominum, vel ex philosophorum placitis et sectis vel
ex perversis legibus demonstrationum. At Innata in-
haerent naturae ipsius intellectus, qui ad errorem longe
proclivior esse deprehenditur quam sensus. Utcunque
enim homines sibi placeant et in admirationem mentis
humanae ac fere adorationem ruant, illud certissimum
est: sicut speculum inaequale rerum radios ex figura
et sectione propria immutat, ita et mentem, cum a
rebus per sensum patitur, in notionibus suis expedi-
endis et comminiscendis baud optima fide rerum na-
turae suam naturam inserere et immiscere.
Atque priora ilia duo Idolorum genera aegre, pos-
trema vero haec nullo modo, evelli possunt.^ Id tan-
tum relinquitur, ut indicentur, atque ut vis ista mentis
insidiatrix notetur et convincatur ; ne forte a destruc-
tione veterum novi subinde errorum sarculi ex ipsa
mala complexione mentis puUulent, eoque res recidat,
1 The priora duo are the Idols of the Theatre, which include both kinds.
The postrema hcec are the Idols of the Tribe, the Cave, and the Market-
place. Compare De Aug. Sci. v. 4. ; and see Note C. at the end of the
Preface. — J. S.
220 DISTRIBUTIO OPERIS.
ut errores non extinguantur sed permutentur ; veriim
e contra nt illiid tandem in aiternum ratum et fixum
sit, intellectum nisi per inductionem ej usque formam
legitimam judicare non posse. Itaque doctrina ista de
expurgatione intellectus ut ipse ad veritatem habilis sit,
tribus redargutionibus absolvitur: redargutione philo-
sophiarum, redargutione demonstrationum, et redargu-
tione rationis liumanie nativae.^ His vero explicatis,
ac postquam demum patuerit quid reinim natura, quid
mentis natura ferat, existimamus nos tlialamum Men-
tis et Universi, pronuba divina bonitate, stravisse et
ornasse. Epithalamii autem votum sit, ut ex eo con-
nubio auxilia humana et stirps inventorum quas neces-
sitates ac miserias hominum aliqua ex parte doment
et subigant, suscipiatur.^ Hcec vero est operia pars se-
eunda.
•
At vias non solum monstrare et munire, sed inire
1 Compare Aph. 115, where these three Redargutiones are enumerated in
the inverse order; in which order they are treated. This shows that the
Dlstribulio Opens was written before Bacon had decided upon tlie arrange-
ment of the Novum Organum. See Note C. at the end of the Preface. —
J. S.
2 The received reading is stiscipiatur, which seems erroneous, but may
perhaps be defended. [I have myself verj' little doubt that Bacon wrote
suscipiatnr, not smdpiantur. If it be ever allowable to make a verb which
depends upon two nominatives agree with the last only (which I think it
sometimes is), there was a reason for doing so in this case; an ambiguity
as well as a jingle being thereby avoided. In an earlier form of this pas-
sage (which will be found in the Partis Instaurationis secundoi Delineatio),
the verb is in the singular, as here; though in that place it depends directly
upon the plural nominative "auxilia humana," and therefore cannot be de-
fended. In the Redargutio Philosophiarum it appears again in still another
shape. There we have two nommatives, one singular and one plural, as
here; but the plural coming last, the verb is in the plural, " ut ex illo
connubio, non phantasioe monstra, sed stirps heroum, quae monstra domet
et extinguat, — hoc est inventa salutaria et utilia ad necessitates humanas
^quantum fieri datur) debellandos et relevandos, suscipiantur. Hoc epitha-
lamii votum sit." — J. S.'\
DISTKIBUTIO OPERIS. 221
quoque consilium est. Itaque tertia pars operis com-
plectitur Phcenomena Universi ; hoc est, omnigenam
experientiam, atque historiam naturalem ejus generis
quse possit esse ad condendam philosophiam funda-
mentalis. Neque enim excellens aliqua demonstrandi
via sive naturam interpretandi forma, ut mentem ab
errore et lapsu defendere ac sustinere, ita ei materiam
ad sciendum prsebere et subministrare possit. Verum
iis quibus non conjicere et hariolari, sed invenire et
scire propositum est, quique non simiolas et fabulas
mundorum comminisci, sed hujus ipsius veri mundi
naturam introspicere et velut dissecare in animo lia-
bent, omnia a rebus ipsis petenda sunt. Neque huic
labori et inquisitioni ac mundanae perambulationi, ulla
ingenii aut meditationis aut argumentationis substitutio
aut compensatio sufficere potest ; non si omnia omnium
ingenia coierint. Itaque aut hoc prorsus habendum,
aut negotium in perpetuum deserendum. Ad hunc
vero usque diem ita cum hominibus actum est, ut
minime mirum sit si natura sui copiam non faciat.
Nam primo, sensus ipsius informatio, et deserens et
fallens ; observatio, indiligens et insequalis et tanquam
fortuita ; traditio, vana et ex rumore ; practica, operi
intenta et servilis ; vis experimentalis, caeca, stupida,
vaga, et praerupta ; denique historia naturalis, levis et
inops, vitiosissimam materiam intellectui ad philoso-
phiam et scientias congesserunt.
Delude, praepostera argumentandi subtilitas et ven-
tilatio serum rebus plane desperatis tentatur reme-
dium, nee negotium ullo modo restituit aut errores
separat. Itaque nulla spes majoris augmenti ac pro-
gressus sita est, nisi in restauratione quadam scien*-
tiarum.
222 DISTRIBUTIO OPERIS.
Hujus autem exordia omnino a natural! historia
sumenda sunt, eaque ipsa novi cujusdam generis et
apparatus. Frustra enim fuerit speculum expolire, si
desiiit imagines ; et plane materia idonea pra^paranda
est intellectui, non solum praesidia fida comparanda.
DifFert vero rursus historia nostra (quemadniodum
logica nostra) ab ea quas habetur, multis rebus: fine
sive officio, ipsa mole et congerie, dein subtilitate,
etiam delectu et constitutions in ordine ad ea quae
sequuntur.
Primo enim eam proponimus historiam naturalem,
qua3 non tam aut rerum varietate delectet aut prae-
senti experimentorum fructu juvet, quam lucem in-
ventioni causarum afFundat, et pliilosophia) enutri-
candae primam mammam praebeat. Licet enim opera
atque activam scientiarum partem prascipue sequamur,
tamen messis tempus expectamus, nee museum et sege-
tem herbidam demetere conamur. Satis enim scimus,
axiomata recte inventa tota agmina operum secum tra-
here, atque opera non sparsim sed confertim exhibere.
Intempestivum autem ilium et puerilem affectum, ut
pignora aliqua novorum operum propere captentur,
prorsus damnamus et amovemus, ceu pomum AtalantaB
quod cursum retardat. Atque Historiae nostrte Natu-
ralis officium tale est.
Quoad congeriem vero, conficimus historiam non so-
lum naturaa libera} ac solutse (cum scilicet ilia sponte
fluit et opus suum peragit), qualis est historia coeles-
tium, meteororum, terrae et maris, mineralium, plan-
tarum, animalium ; sed multo magis natunc constrictae
et vexatae ; nempe, cum per artem et ministerium hu-
manum de statu suo detruditur, atque premitur et fin-
gitur. Itaque omnia artium mechanicarum, omnia
DISTRIBUTIO OPERIS. 223
operativse partis liberalium, omnia practicanim com-
pluriuin quae in artem propriam non coaliierunt, ex-
perimenta (quantum inquirere licuit et quantum ad
finem nostrum faciunt) perscribimus. Quin etiam
(ut quod res est eloquamur) fastum hominum et spe-
ciosa nil morati, multo plus et operse et praesidii in
hac parte quam in ilia altera ponimus; quandoquidem
natura rerum inagis se prodit per vexationes artis quam
in libertate propria.
Neque Corporum tantum historiam exhibemus ; sed
diligentiae insuper nostras esse putavimus, etiam Virtu-
tum ipsarum (illarum dicimus quae tanquam cardinales
in natura censeri possint, et in quibus naturae primor-
dia plane constituuntur, utpote materiae primis passion-
ibus ac desideriis, viz. Denso, Raro^ Calido, Frigido^
Consistently Fluido, Gravis Levi, aliisque baud paucis)
historiam seorsum comparare.^
Enimvero ut de subtilitate dicamus, plane conquiri-
mus genus experimentorum longe subtilius et simplicius
quam sunt ea quae occurrunt. Complura enim a tene-
bris educimus et eruimus, quae nulli in mentem venis-
set investigare, nisi qui certo et constanti tramite ad
inventionem causarum pergeret ; cum in se nuUius
magnopere sint usus ; ut liquido appareat, ea non
propter se quaesita esse ; sed ita prorsus se habeant
ilia ad res et opera quemadmodum literae alphabet!
se habeant ad orationem et verba ; quae licet per se
inutiles eaedem tamen omnis sermonis elementa sunt.
In delectu autem narrationum et experimentorum
1 The whole tendency of Bacon's method led him to give the first place
to inquiries relating to abstract qualities of the nature of those which he
here mentions. We shall have occasion to remark on this point in connex-
ion with several passages in the second book of the Novum Organum,
224 DISTRIBUTIO OPERIS.
melius hominibus cavisse nos arbitramur quam qui
adhuc in historia natural i versati sunt. Nam omnia
fide oculata aut saltern perspecta, et summa quadam
cum severitate, recipimus ; ita ut nil referatur auctum
mirac'uli causa, sed quae narramus a fabulis et vani-
tate casta et intemerata sint. Quinetiam et recepta
qurcque ac jactata mendacia (quae mirabili quodam
neglectu per saecula multa obtinuerunt et inveterata
sunt) nominatim proscribimus et notamus ; ne scien-
tiis amj)lius molesta sint. Quod enim prudenter anim-
advertit quidam, fabulas et superstitiones et nugas quas
nutriculye pueris instillant, mentes eorum etiam serio
depravare : ita eadem nos movit ratio ut solliciti atque
etiam anxii simus ne ab initio, cum veluti infantiam
j)hilos()])liiae sub historia naturali tractemus et curemus,
ilia alicui vanitati assuescat. At in onmi experimento
novo et paulo subtiliore, licet (ut nobis videtur) certo
ac probato, modum tamen experimenti quo usi sumus
aperte subjungimus ; ut, postquam patefactum sit quom-
odo singula nobis constiterint, videant homines quid
erroris subesse et adhaerere possit, atque ad probationes
magis fidas et magis exquisitas (si quae sint) expergis-
cantur : denique ubique monita et scrupulos et cau-
tiones aspergimus, religione quadam et tanquam exor-
cismo omnia phantasinata ejicientes ac cohibentes.
Postremo, cum nobis exploratum sit quantopere ex-
perientia et historia aciem mentis humanae disgreget,
et quara difficile sit (praesertim animis vel teneris vel
praeoccupatis) a principio cum natura consuescere, ad-
jungimus saepius observationes nostras, tanquam primas
quasdam conversiones et inclinationes ac veluti aspectus
historiae ad philosophiam ; ut et pignoris loco homini-
bus sint eos in historiae fluctibus perpetuo non detentos
DISTRIBUTIO OPERIS. 225
iri, utque cum ad opus intellectus deveniatur omnia
sint magis in procinctu. Atque per hujusmodi (qualem
describimus) Historiam Naturalem, aditum quendam
fieri posse ad naturam tutum et commodum, atque
materiam intellectui praeberi probam et praeparatam,
censemus.
Postquam vero et intellectum fidissimis auxiliis ac
praesidiis stipavimus, et justum divinorum operum exer-
citum severissimo delectu comparavimus ; nil amplius
superesse videtur, nisi ut philosophiam ipsam aggre-
diamur. Attamen in re tarn ardua et suspensa, sunt
quaedam quae necessario videntur interponenda ; partim
docendi gratia, partim in usum praesentem.
Horum primum est, ut exempla proponantur in-
quirendi et inveniendi secundum nostram rationem ac
viam, in aliquibus subjectis repraesentata : sumendo ea
potissimum subjecta quae et inter ea quae quaeruntur
sunt nobilissima et inter se maxime diversa; ut in
unoquoque genere exemplum non desit. Neque de iis
exemplis loquimur quae singulis praeceptis ac regulis
illustrandi gratia adjiciuntur (hoc enim in secunda
parte operis abunde praestitimus) ; sed plane typos in-
telligimus et plasmata, quae universum mentis proces-
sum atque inveniendi continuatam fabricam et ordinem,
in certis subjectis, iisque variis et insignibus, tanquam
sub oculos ponant. Etenim nobis in mentem venit, in
mathematicis, astante machina, sequi demonstrationem
facilem et perspicuam ; contra absque hac commoditate,
omnia videri involuta et quam revera sunt subtiliora.
Itaque hujusmodi exemplis quartam partem nostri operis
attribuimus : quae revera nil aliud est, quam secundae
partis applicatio particularis et explicata.
VOL. I. 15
226 DISTRIBUTIO OPERIS.
At quinta pars ad tempus tantiim, donee reliqua per-
ficiantur, adhibetur ; et tanquam foenus redditur, usque
dum sors haberi possit. Neque enim finem nostinim ita
petimus occaecati, ut quae occurrunt in via utilia negli-
gamus. Quamobrem quintam partem operis ex iis con-
ficimus quae a nobis aut inventa aut probata aut addita
sunt ; neque id tamen ex rationibus atque praescriptis
interpretandi, sed ex eodem intellectus usu quem alii
in inquirendo et inveniendo adhibere consueverunt.
Etenim cum, ex perpetua nostra cum natura consue-
tudine, majora de meditationibus nostris quam pro
ingenii viribus speramus ; tum poterunt ista veluti
tabernaculorum in via positorum vice fungi, ut mens
ad certiora contendens in iis paulisper acquiescat. At-
tamen testamur interim, nos illis ipsis, quod ex vera
interpretandi forma non sint inventa aut probata, teneri
minime velle. Istam vero judicii suspensionem non est
quod exhorreat quispiam, in doctrina quae non simplici-
ter nil sciri posse, sed nil nisi certo ordine et certa via
sciri posse, asserit; atque interea tamen certos certi-
tudinis gradus ad usum et levamen constituit, donee
mens in causarum explicatione consistat. Neque enim
illae ipsae scholae philosophorum qui Acatalepsiam sim-
pliciter tenuerunt inferiores fuere istis quae pronun-
tiandi licentiam usurparunt. Illse tamen sensui et
intellectui auxilia non paraverunt, quod nos fecimus,
sed fidem et authoritatem plane sustulerunt ; quod
longe alia res est, et fere opposita.
Sexta tandem pars operis nostri (cui reliquae inservi-
unt ac ministrant) eam demum recludit et proponit
philosophiam, quae ex hujusmodi (qualem ante doeui-
mus et paravimus) inquisitione legitima et casta et
DISTRIBUTIO OPERIS. 227
severa educitur et constituitur. Hanc vero postremam
partem perficere et ad exitum perducere, res est et su-
pra vires et ultra spes nostras collocata. Nos ei initia
(ut speramus) non contemnenda, exitum generis hu-
mani fortuna dabit, qualem forte homines in hoc rerum
et animorum statu haud facile animo capere aut metiri
queant. Neque enim agitur solum foelicitas contem-
plativa, sed vere res humanaa et fortunae, atque omnis
operum potentia. Homo enim naturae minister et
interpres tantum facit et intelligit, quantum de naturae
ordine, opere vel mente, observaverit : nee araplius
scit, aut potest. Neque enim ullae vires causarum
catenam solvere aut perfringere possint, neque natura
aliter quam parendo vincitur. Itaque intentiones gem-
inae illae, humanae scilicet Scientice et Potentice^ vere
in idem coincidunt ; et frustratio operum maxime fit ex
ignoratione causarum.
Atque in eo sunt omnia, siquis oculos mentis a rebus
ipsis nunquam dejiciens, earum imagines plane ut sunt
excipiat. Neque enim hoc siverit Deus, ut phantasiae
nostras somnium pro exemplari mundi edamus : sed po-
tius benigne faveat, ut apocalypsim ac veram visionem
vestigiorum ^ et sigillorum creatoris super creaturas
scribamus.
Itaque Tu Pater, qui lucem visibilem primitias crea-
turae dedisti, et lucem intellectualem ad fastigium ope-
rum tuorum in faciem hominis inspirasti ; opus hoc, quod
a tua bonitate profectum tuam gloriam repetit, tuere et
rege. Tu postquam conversus es ad spectandum opera
1 This application of the word " vestigia " is constantly made by the
schoolmen. Thus St. Thomas Aquinas : " In rationalibus creaturis est
imago Trinitatis, in caeteris vero creaturis est vestigium Trinitatis, in quan-
tum in eis inveniuntur aliqua quae reducuntur in divinas personas." —
Summa Theolog. l^a pars, q. 45. art. 7.
228 DISTRIBUTIO OPERIS.
qusB fecerunt manus tuae, vidisti quod omnia essent
bona valde ; et requievisti. At homo conversus ad op-
era quaB fecerunt manus suae, vidit quod omnia essent
vanitas et vexatio spiritus ; nee ullo modo requievit,
Quare si in operibus tuis sudabimus, facies nos visionis
tuaB et sabbati tui participes.^ Supplices petimus, ut
haec mens nobis constet ; utque novis elee^
mosynis, per manus nostras et aliorum
quibus eandem mentem largi-^
eris, familiam humanam
dotatam velis.
1 Compare this with St. Augustine's prayer at the close of the On/e»-
sions, *' Domine Deus pacem da nobis (omnia enim praestitisti nobis),
pacem quietis, pacem Sabbati, Sabbati sine vespera. Omnis quippe iste
ordo pulcherrimus rerum valde bonarura modis suis peractis transiturus est,
«t mane quippe in eis factum est et vespera. Dies autem septiraus sine
yespera est, nee habet occasum, quia sanctificasti eum ad permansionen\
sempitemam, ut id quod tu post opera tua bona valde, quamvis ea quietus
feceris, requievisti septimo die, hoc praeloquatur nobis vox libri tui, quod et
nos post opera nostra, ideo bona valde quia tu nobis ea donasti, sabbato
vitse aeternae requiescamus in te." — Conf. xiii. 35—6.
Compare also the line with which the Faerie Queene breaks off: —
» 0 that [q. thou?] great Sabbaoth God graunt me that Sabbaoth sight."
DEEST
PARS PRIMA INSTAURATIONIS,
QU^ COMPLECTITUR
PARTITIONES SCIENTIARUM.
nice tamen ex Secundo Libro de Progressibus faciendis in Doctrina
Divina et Humana, nonnulla ex parte
petipossuntA
SEQUITUR
SECUNDA PARS INSTAURATIONIS,
qUM ARTEM IPSAM
Interpretandi Naturam, et verioris adoperationis Intellectus exhibet :
neque earn ipsam tamen in Corpore tractatus justi,
sed tantum digestam per summas, in
Aphorismos.^
1 This is omitted in the common editions of Bacon's collected works (in
all, I believe, except Montagu's); the De Augmeniis Scientiarum, with the
title " Instaurationis Magnce pars prima''^ prefixed on a separate leaf, being
2 This explains a certain discrepancy between the design of the second
part, as set forth in the Distributio Operis, and the execution of it in the
Novum Organum. The Distributio, like the Delineatio, was probably writ-
ten when Bacon intended to work it out in a regular and consecutive trea-
tise, and represents the idea of the work more perfectly than the work
itself. See note on Distr. Op. p. 220.—/. S.
230
substituted for it. And it is true that Bacon did afterwards decide upon
supplying this deficiency by a translation of the Advancement of Learning
enlarged ; that he produced the De Augmentis Scientiarum with that inten-
tion and understanding; and that though the original edition does not bear
'■'■ In$taurationis Magnce pars pnma'"' on the titlepage, yet in Dr. Rawley's
reprint of it in 1638 those words were inserted. Nevertheless this notice is
of importance, as showing that when Bacon published the Novum Orgnnum
he did not look to a mere enlargement of the Advancement of Leaiming as
satisfying the intention of the pars prima ; for if he had, he would have
referred to the work itself, not to the second book only. He meant, no
doubt, to reproduce the substance of it in a different form. And my own
impression is that the Descriptio Ghbi InteUectualis was originally designed
for this place, and that he had not yet abandoned the hope of completing
it; but that soon after, — fortune gone, health shaken, assistance not to be
commanded, and things of more importance remaining to be done, — he
found he had not time to finish it on so large a scale, and therefore resolved
to enlarge the old house instead of building a new one. — J. S.
->
PARS SECUNDA OPERIS,
QU^ DICITUR
NOVUM ORGANUM,
INDICIA VERA
DE INTERPRETATIONE NATURE.
PR^FATIO.
Qui de natura tanquam de re explorata pronuntiare
ausi sunt, sive hoc ex animi fiducia fecerint sive ambi-
tiose et more professorio, maximis illi philosophiam et
scientias detrimentis affecere. Ut enim ad fidem faci-
endam validi, ita etiam ad inquisitionem extinguendam
et abrumpendam efficaces fuerunt. Neque virtute pro-
pria tantum profuerunt, quantum ^ in hoc nocuerunt,
quod aliorum virtu tern corruperint et perdiderint. Qui
autem contrariam huic viam ingressi sunt atque nihil
prorsus sciri posse asserueinint, sive ex sophistarum
veterum odio sive ex animi fluctuatione aut etiam ex
quadam doctrinae copia in hanc opinionem delapsi sint,
certe non contemnendas ejus rationes adduxerunt ;
veruntamen nee a veris initiis sententiam suam deri-
varunt, et studio quodam atque affectatione provecti,
prorsus modum excesserunt. At antiquiores ex Graecis
(quorum scripta perierunt) inter pronuntiandi jactan-
tiam et Acatalepsice desperationem prudentius se sus-
tinuerunt: atque de inquisitionis difficultate et rerum
obscuritate ssepius querimonias et indignationes mis-
centes, et veluti frsenum mordentes, tamen propositum
urgere atque naturae se immiscere non destiterunt ;
consentaneum (ut videtur) existimantes, hoc ipsura
(videlicet utrum aliquid sciri possit) non disputare,
234 PR^FATIO.
sed experiri. Et tamen illi ipsi, impetu tan turn in-
tellectus usi, regulam non adhibuerunt, sed omnia in
acri meditatione et mentis volutatione et agitatione
perpetua posuerunt.
Nostra autem ratio, ut opere ardua, ita dictu facilis
est. Ea enim est, ut certitudinis gradus constituamus,
sensum per reductionem quandam tueamur,^ sed mentis
opus quod sensum subsequitur plerunque rejiciamus ;
novam autem et certam viam, ab ipsis sensuum percep-
tionibus, menti aperiamus et muniamus. Atque hoc
proculdubio viderunt et illi qui tantas dialecticae partes
tribuerunt. Ex quo liquet, illos intellectui adminicula
quaesivisse, mentis autem processum nativum et spon-
te moventem, suspectum habuisse. Sed serum plane
rebus perditis hoc adhibetur remedium ; postquam
mens ex quotidiana vitae consuetudine, et auditionibus
et doctrinis inquinatis occupata, et vanissimis idolis
obsessa fuerit. Itaque ars ilia dialecticae, sero (ut
diximus) cavens neque rem ullo modo restituens, ad
errores potius figendos quam ad veritatem aperiendam
valuit. Restat unica salus ac sanitas, ut opus mentis
universum de integro resumatur ; ac mens, jam ab ipso
principio, nullo modo sibi permittatur, sed perpetuo
regatur ; ac res veluti per machinas conficiatur. Sane
si homines opera mechanica nudis manibus, absque in-
strumentorum vi et ope, aggressi essent, quemadmodum
opera intellectualia nudis fere mentis viribus tractare
1 The word " reductio " appears to be used much as in modern scientific
language; that is, as nearly equivalent to correction; — as when we speak
of reducing observations, &c., by which is meant the applying to them of
certain principles of correction : I should translate the clause in which it
occurs by " we guard the sense from error by a certain method of correc-
tion;"— a translation which accords with what is said infra, 1.69., with
respect to the short-comings and errors of the senses.
PR^FATIO. 235
non dubitarunt, parvae admodum fuissent res quas
movere et vincere potuissent, licet operas enixas atque
etiam conjunctas prasstitissent. Atque si paulisper mo-
rari, atque in hoc ipsum exemplum, veluti in speculum,
intueri velimus ; exquiramus (si placet) si forte obelis-
cus aliquis magnitudine insignis ad triumphi vel hujus-
rnodi magnificentiae decus transferendus esset, atque
id homines nudis manibus aggrederentur, annon hoc
magnae cujusdam esse dementias spectator quispiam rei
sobrius fateretur ? Quod si numerum augerent opera-
riorum, atque hoc modo se valere posse confiderent,
annon tanto magis ? Sin autem delectum quendam
adhibere vellent, atque imbecilliores separare, et robus-
tis tantum et vigentibus uti, atque hinc saltem se voti
compotes fore sperarent, annon adhuc eos impensius
delirare diceret ? Quin etiam si hoc ipso non contenti,
artem tandem athleticam consulere statuerent, ac om-
nes deinceps manibus et lacertis et nervis ex arte bene
unctis et medicatis adesse juberent, annon prorsus eos
dare operam ut cum ratione quadam et prudentia
insanirent, clamaret? Atque homines tamen simili
malesano impetu et conspiratione inutili feruntur in
intellectualibus ; dum ab ingeniorum vel multitudine
et consensu vel excellentia et acumine magna sperant,
aut etiam dialectica (quas quaedam athletica censeri
possit) mentis nervos roborant ; sed interim, licet tanto
studio et conatu, (si quis vere judicaverit) intellectum
nudum applicare non desinunt. Manifestissimum au-
tem est, in omni opere magno, quod manus hominis
praestat, sine instrumentis et machinis, vires nee singu-
lorum intendi nee omnium coire posse.
Itaque ex his quae diximus prasmissis, statuimus duas
esse res de quibus homines plane monitos volumus, ne
236 PR^FATIO.
forte ilUi3 eos fugiant aut praetereant. Quarum prima
hujusinodi est ; fieri fato qiiodam (ut existimamus)
bono, ad extinguendas et depellendas contradiction es
et tumores animorum, ut et veteribus honor et reve-
rentia intacta et imminuta maneant, et nos destinata
perficere et tamen modestiae nostrae fructum percipere
possimus. Nam nos, si profiteamur nos meliora afFerre
quam antiqui, eandem quam illi viam ingressi, nulla
verborum arte efficere possimus, quin inducatur quae-
dam ingenii vei excellentiae vel facultatis comparatio
sive contentio; non ea quidem illicita aut nova; — quid-
ni enim possimus pro jure nostro (neque eo ipso alio,
quam omnium) si quid apud eos non recte inventum
aut positum sit, reprehendere aut notare ? — sed tamen
utcunque justa aut permissa, nihilominus impar fortasse
fuisset ea ipsa contentio, ob virium nostrarum modum.
Verum quum per nos illud agatur, ut alia omnino via
intellectui aperiatur illis intentata et incognita, com-
mutata jam ratio est ; cessant studium et partes ; nos-
que indicis tantummodo personam sustinemus, quod
mediocris certe est authoritatis, et fortunaB cujusdam
potius quam facultatis et excellentias. Atque haec
moniti species ad personas pertinet ; altera ad res
ipsas.
Nos siquidem de deturbanda ea quaB nunc floret
philosophia, aut si quae alia sit aut erit hac emendatior
aut auctior, minime laboramus. Neque enim officimus,
quin philosophia ista recepta, et aliae id genus, disputa-
tiones alant, sermones ornent, ad professoria munera et
vitae civilis compendia adjiibeantur et valeant. Quin
etiam aperte significamus et declaramus, eam quam nos
adducimus philosophiam ad istas res admodum utilem
non futuram. Non praBsto est, neque in transitu
PRJEFATIO. 237
capitur, neque ex prsenotionibus intellectm blanditur,
neque ad vulgi captum nisi per ntilitatem et efFecta
descendet.
Sint itaque (quod foelix faustumque sit utrique parti)
duse doctrinarum emanationes, ac duae dispensation es ;
duae similiter contemplantium sive philosophantium tri-
bus ac veluti cognationes ; atque illse neutiquam inter
se inimicae aut alienae, sed foederatae et mutuis auxiliis
devinctae : sit denique alia scientias colendi, alia inve-
niendi ratio. Atque quibus prima potior et acceptior
est, ob festinationem, vel vitae civilis rationes, vel quod
illam alteram ob mentis infirmitatem capere et com-
plecti non possint (id quod longe plurimis accidere
necesse est), optamus ut iis fceliciter et ex voto succe-
dat quod agunt, atque ut quod sequuntur teneant.
Quod si cui mortalium cordi et curae sit, non tantum
inventis haerere atque iis uti, sed ad ulteriora pene-
trare ; atque non disputando adversarium, sed opere
naturam vincere ; denique, non belle et probabiliter
opinari, sed certo et ostensive scire ; tales, tanquam
veri scientiarum filii, nobis (si videbitur) se adjungant;
ut omissis naturae atriis, quae infiniti contriverunt, adi-
tus aliquando ad interiora patefiat. Atque ut melius
intelligamur, utque illud ipsum quod volumus ex nomin-
ibus impositis magis familiariter occurrat, altera ratio
sive via Antidpatio Mentis^ altera Interpretatio Naturce^
a nobis appellari consuevit.
Est etiam quod petendum videtur. Nos certe cogi-
tationem suscepimus et curam adhibuimus, ut quae a
nobis proponentur non tantum vera essent, sed etiam
ad animos hominum (licet miris modis occupatos et
interclusos) non incommode aut aspere accederent.
Veruntamen aequum est, ut ab hominibus impetremus
238 PR^FATIO.
(in tanta praesertim doctrinarura et scientiarum restau-
ratione) ut qui de hisce nostris aliquid, sive ex sensu
proprio, sive ex authoritatum turba, sive ex demonstra-
tionum formis (quas nunc tanquam leges quaedam judi-
ciales invaluerunt), statuere aut existimare velit, ne id
in transitu et velut aliud agendo facere se posse speret ;
sed ut rem pernoscat ; nostram, quam describimus et
munimus, viam ipse pauUatim tentet ; subtilitati rerum
quae in experientia signata est assuescat ; pravos denique
atque alte haerentes mentis habitus tempestiva et
quasi legitima mora corrigat ; atque turn
demum (si placuerit) postquam
in potestate sua esse coeperit,
judicio suo utatur.
SEQUITUR
PARTIS SECUND^ SUMMA,
DIGESTA
IN APHORISMOS.
PAKTIS SECUNDiE SUMMA,
DIGESTA IN
APHOKISMOS.
APHORISMI
DE INTERPRETATIONE NATURE
ET REGNO HOMINIS.
Aphorismus
I.
Homo, Naturae minister^ et interpres, tantum facit
et intelUgIt quantum de Naturae ordine re vel mente
observaverit, nee amplius scit aut potest.
n.
Nee manus nuda nee intellectus sibi permissus mul-
tum valet ; instrumentis et auxiliis res perficitur ; qui-
bus opus est non minus ad intellectum quam ad manum.
Atque ut instrumenta manus motum aut cient aut re-
gunt, ita et instrumenta mentis intellectui aut sugge-
runt aut cavent.
III.
Scientia et potentia humana in idem coincidunt, quia
ignoratio causae destituit efFectum. Natura enim non
nisi parendo vincitur ; ^ et quod in contemplatione in-
star causae est, id in operatione instar regulae est.
1 That the physician is "naturae minister," (j>vaeo)g VTnjpeTrjc, is quoted
more than once from Hippocrates by Galen, xv. 369. xvi. 35. (Kuhn): the
first passage in his commentary on Hippoc. Be Aliment, iii., the second
in his do. De Humor, i.
2 This antithesis was probably suggested by Publius Syrus's gnome : —
" Casta ad virum matrona parendo imperat."
VOL. I. 16
SA2 NOVUM ORGANUM.
IV.
Ad opera nil aliud potest homo, quam ut corpora
naturalia admoveat et araoveat; reliqua Natura intus
transigit.^
V.
Solent se immiscere naturae (quoad opem) mechan-
icus, mathematicus, medicus, alchymista, et magus ;
sed omnes (ut nunc sunt res) conatu levi, successu
tenui.
VI.
Insanum quiddam esset, et in se contrarium, existi-
mare ea qua3 adhuc nunquam facta sunt fieri posse, nisi
per modes adhuc nunquam tentatos.
vn.
Generationes mentis et manus numerosas admodum
videntur in libris et opificiis. Sed omnis ista varie-
tas sita est in subtilitate eximia, et derivationibus pau-
carum rerum quae innotuerunt ; non in numero Axi-
omatum.
VIII.
Etiam opera, quae jam inventa sunt, casui debentur
et experientiae magis quam scientiis : scientiae enim,
quas nunc habemus, nihil aliud sunt quam quaedam
concinnationes rerum antea inventarum ; non modi
inveniendi, aut designationes novorum operum.
IX.
Causa vero et radix fere omnium malorum in scien-
tiis ea una est ; quod dum mentis humanae vires falso
1 For some remarks upon the first four Aphorisms, see the Preface, p.
166.— y. S.
NOVUM ORGANUM. 243
miramur et extollimus, vera ejus auxilia non quae-
ramus.
X.
Subtilitas naturae subtilitatem sensus et intellectus
multis partibus superat; ut pulcbrae illae meditationes
et speculationes humanae et causationes res male-sana
sint, nisi quod non adsit qui advertat.^
XI.
Sicut scientiae quae nunc liabentur inutiles sunt ad
inventionem operum ; ita et logica quae nunc habetur
inutilis est ad inventionem scientiarum.
XII.
Logica quae in usu est ad errores (qui in notionibus
vulgaribus fundantur) stabiliendos et figendos valet,
potius quam ad inquisitionem veritatis ; ut magis dam-
nosa sit quam utilis.
XIII.
Syllogismus ad principia scientiarum non adhibetur,
ad media axiomata frustra adhibetur, cum sit subtili-
tati naturae longe impar. Assensum itaque constringit,
non res.
XIV.
Syllogismus ex propositionibus constat, propositiones
ex verbis, verba notion um tesserae sunt. Itaque si
notiones ipsae (id quod basis rei est) confusae sint et
temere a rebus abstractae, nihil in iis quae superstruun-
tur est firmitudinis. Itaque spes est una in induetione
vera.
1 That is, they must from the nature of the case be so far from the truth,
that, if we could but compare them with the reality, they would seem like
the work of men not in their senses. — /. 8.
244 NOVUM ORGANUM.
XV.
In notionibus nil sani est, nee in logicis nee in phys-
icis ; non Substantia^ non Qualitas, Agere, Pati, ipsum
Esse, bonae notiones sunt ; multo minus Grave, Leve^
Densum, Tenue, Humidum, Siccum, Greneratio, Corrup-
tio, Attrahere, Fugare, Elementum, Materia, Forma, et
id genus ; sed omnes phantasticae et male terminatas.
XVI.
Notiones infimarum speqierum, Rominis, Canis, Oo-
lumhce, et prehensionum immediatarum sensus, Calidi,
Frigidi, Albi, Nigri, non fallunt magnopere ; quae
tamen ipsae a fluxu materiae et commistione^ rerum
quandoque confunduntur ; reliquas omnes (quibus hom-
ines hactenus usi sunt) aberrationes sunt, nee debitis
modis a rebus abstractae et excitatas.
XVII.
Nee minor est libido et aberratio in constituendis
axiomatibus, quam in notionibus abstrahendis ; idque
in ipsis principiis, quae ab inductione vulgari pendent.
At multo major est in axiomatibus et propositionibus
inferioribus, quae educit syllogismus.
xvin.
Quae adhuc inventa sunt in scientiis, ea hujusmodi
sunt ut notionibus vulgaribus fere subjaceant ; ut vero
1 [ Commissione in the original edition. — J. S.] From the context it is
clear that Bacon means that the union of bodies of different kinds, by giv-
ing rise to new qualities and species intermediate to those for which we
have recognised names, tends to confuse our ideas of the latter. I think
therefore we ought to read " commistione " for " commissione." [The
word commistio is used elsewhere by Bacon ; see for instance II. 13. ^ 84,
-J.S.]
NOVUM ORGANUM. 245
ad interiora et remotiora naturae penetretur, necesse
est ut tam notiones quam axiomata magis certa et
munita via a rebus abstrahantur ; atque omnino melior
et certior intellectus adoperatio in usum veniat.
XIX.
Duae viae sunt, atque esse possunt, ad inquirendam
et inveniendam veritatem. Altera a sensu et partic-
ularibus advolat ad axiomata maxime generalia, atque
ex iis principiis eorumque immota veritate judicat et
invenit axiomata media ; atque haec via in usu est :
altera a sensu et particularibus excitat axiomata, as-
cendendo continenter et gradatim, ut ultimo loco per-
veniatur ad maxime generalia ; quae via vera est, sed
intentata.
XX.
Eandem ingreditur viam (priorem scilicet) intellec-
tus sibi permissus, quam facit ex ordine dialecticae.
Gestit enim mens exilire ad magis generalia, ut ac-
quiescat ; et post parvam moram fastidit experien-
tiam. Sed hsec mala demum aucta sunt a dialec-
tica, ob pompas disputationum.
XXI.
Intellectus sibi permissus, in ingenio sobrio et pa-
tiente et gravi (praesertim si a doctrinis receptis non
impediatur), ten tat nonnihil illam alteram viam, quae
recta est, sed exiguo profectu ; cum intellectus, nisi
regatur et juvetur, res inaequalis sit, et omnino inhab-
ilis ad superandam rerum obscuritatem.^
1 1 should be inclined to translate this clause, " since the intellect, if it
be not guided and assisted, acts irreffularly (res inaequalis sit), and is al-
together unequal to overcoming the obscurity of nature." Thus in § 60.
we meet with a similar use of the adverb ^'' incequaliter : ''^ — "temere et
246 NOVUM ORGANUM.
XXII.
Utraqiie via orditur a sensu et particularibus, et ac-
quiescit in maxime generalibus; sed immensum quid-
dam discrepant ; cum altera perstringat tantum ex-
perientiam et particularia cursim, altera in iis rite et
ordine versetur ; altera rursus jam a principio con-
stituat generalia quaedam abstracta et inutilia, altera
gradatim exurgat ad ea quae revera naturae sunt no-
tiora.^
XXIII.
Non leve quiddam interest inter humanae mentis
idola et divinae mentis ideas; hoc est, inter placita
quaedam inania et veras signaturas ^ atque impressiones
factas in creaturis, prout inveniuntur.
XXIV.
Nullo modo fieri potest, ut axiomata per argumen-
inaequaliter a rebus abstracta" — "rashly and irregularly abstracted from
their objects." Or perhaps, though this translation would not be free from
objection, inaequalis might be rendered " inadequate " or unequal to the
matter in hand.
1 This phrase is a scholastic mistranslation of the Aristotelian phrase
Ty (piiaei yvupi/j.uTepov • i. e. naturally better known, or naturally better
fitted to be the object of knowledge. It is difficult to render the phrase
accurately either into Latin or into English, because in neither language is
there an adjective corresponding to the Greek yvwpt/zof ; " notus " and
" known " being of course participles, and immediately suggesting the
question, "known to whom?" [See note on Distrib. Operis, p. 216. In
his English writings. Bacon seems to use the word " original " as equiva-
lent to "naturae notius." Compare the instruction for "freeing a direc-
tion," in the Valerius Terminus, with the " prajceptum verum et perfectum
operandi," in the Nov. Org. ii. 4.; where the rule that "the nature dis-
covered be more (yriyinal than the nature supposed and not more secondary
or of the like degree," in the one, corresponds with the precept "Forma
vera talis sit ut naturam datam ex fonte aliquo essentiae deducat, qua; inest
pluribus et notior est naturce (ut loquuntur) quam ipsa forma," in the
other. — J. 8.]
2 See note on Distr. Op. p. 227. — J.S.
NOVUM ORGANUM. 247
tationem constituta ad inventionem novorum operum
valeant ; quia subtilitas naturae subtilitatem argumen-
tandi multis partibus superat. Sed axiomata a par-
ticularibus rite et ordine abstracta nova particularia
rursus facile indicant et designant ; itaque scientias
reddunt activas.
XXV.
Axiomata quag in usu sunt ex tenui et manipulari
experientia et paucis particularibus, quae ut plurimum
occurrunt, fluxere ; et sunt fere ad mensuram eorum
facta et extensa : ut nil mirum sit, si ad nova particu-
laria non ducant. Quod si forte instantia aliqua non
prius animadversa aut cognita se oiFerat, axioma dis-
tinctione aliqua frivola salvatur, ubi emendari ipsum
verius foret.
XXVI.
Rationem humanam qua utimur ad naturam, Antici-
pationes Naturce (quia res temeraria est et prsematura),
at illam rationem quae debitis modis elicitur a rebus,
Interpretationem Naturce, docendi gratia vocare con-
suevimus.
XXVII.
Anticipationes satis firmse sunt ad consensum ; quan-
doquidem si homines etiam insanirent ad unum modum
et conformiter, illi satis bene inter se congruere possent.
XXVIII.
Quin longe validiores sunt ad subeundum assensum
Anticipationes quam Interpretationes ; quia ex paucis
collectae, iisque maxime quae familiariter occurrunt,
intellectum statim perstringunt et phantasiam implent :
ubi contra Interpretationes, ex rebus admodum variis et
multum di stantibus sparsim collectae, intellectum subito
248 NOVUM ORGANUM.
percutere non possunt ; ut necesse sit eas, quoad opin-
iones, duras et absonas, fere instar raysteriorum fidei,
videri.
XXIX.
In scientiis quas in opinionibus et placitis fdndatae
sunt, bonus est usus Anticipationum et Dialecticae;
quando opus est assensum subjugare, non res.
XXX.
Non, si omnia omnium aetatum ingenia coierint et
labores contulerint et transmiserint, progressus mag-
nus fieri poterit in scientiis per Anticipationes ; quia
errores radicales, et in prima digestione mentis, ab
excellentia functionum et remediorum sequentium non
curantur.
XXXI.
Frustra magnum expectatur augmentum in scientiis
ex superinductione et insitione novorum super vetera ;
sed instauratio facienda est ab imis fundamentis, nisi
libeat perpetuo circumvolvi in orbem, cum exili et
quasi contemnendo progressu.
XXXII.
Antiquis authoribus suus constat honos, atque adeo
omnibus ; quia non ingeniorum aut facultatum indu-
citur comparatio, sed viae; nosque non judicis sed
indicis personam sustinemus.
XXXIII.
Nullum (dicendum enim est aperte) recte fieri po-
test judicium nee de via nostra, nee de iis quae secun-
dum eam inventa sunt, per Anticipationes (rationem
scilicet quae in usu est) ; quia non postulandum est
NOVUM ORGANUM. 249
ut ejus rei judicio stetur, quae ipsa in judicium vo-
catur.
XXXIV.
Neque etiam tradendi aut explicandi ea quae adduci-
mus facilis est ratio ; quia quae in se nova sunt intelli-
gentur tamen ex analogia veteruin.^
XXXV.
Dixit Borgia de expeditione Gallorum in Italiam,
eos venisse cum creta in manibus ut diversoria nota-
rent, non cum armis ut perrumperent : ^ itidem et
nostra ratio est, ut doctrina nostra animos idoneos
et capaces subintret ; confutationum enim nullus est
usus, ubi de principiis et ipsis notionibus, atque etiam
de formis demonstrationum, dissentimus.
XXXVI.
Restat vero nobis modus tradendi unus et simplex,
ut homines ad ipsa particularia et eorum series et
ordines adducamus ; et ut illi rursus imperent sibi ad
tempus abnegationem Notionum, et cum rebus ipsis
consuescere incipiant.
1 For the meaning of "analogia" see note on the Distr. Op. p. 218. —
J. S.
2 " Diceva in quei tempi Papa Alessandro sesto che i Francesi havevano
corso r Italia con gli speroni di legno et presola col gesso: dicendo cosi
perche pigliando essi gli alloggiamenti nelle citta loro furieri segnavano
le povte delle case col gesso; et cavalcando per loro diporto i gentil' hu-
omini per le terre a sollazzo usavano di portare nelle scarpette a calcagni
certi stecchi di legno appuntati, delli quali in vece di speroni si servivano
per andare le cavalcature." — Nardi, Vita di Malespini, [1597,] p. 18.
In an epitome of the history of Charles the Eighth, which will be found
in the "Archives curieuses" of Cember, vol. i. p. 197., and which was ap-
parently written about the beginning of the seventeenth century, the re-
mark ascribed to Alexander the Sixth by Nardi and Bacon is mentioned
as a popular saying.
250 NOVUM ORGANUM.
xxxvn.
Ratio eorum qui acatalepsiam tenuerunt, et via nos-
tra, initiis suis quodammodo consentiunt ; exitu im-
mensum disjunguntur et opponuntur. Illi enim nihil
sciri posse simpliciter assenint ; nos non multum sciri
posse in natura, ea quae nunc in usu est via : verum
illi exinde authoritatem sensus et intellectus destruunt ;
nos auxilia iisdem excogitamus et subministramus.
XXXVIII.
Idola et notiones falsae quae intellectum humanum
jam occuparunt atque in eo alte haerent, non solum
mentes hominum ita obsident ut veritati aditus diffi-
cilis pateat ; sed etiam dato et concesso aditu, ilia
nirsus in ipsa instauratione scientiarum occurrent et
molesta erunt, nisi homines praemoniti adversus ea se
quantum fieri potest muniant.
XXXIX.
Quatuor sunt genera Idolorum quae mentes huraa-
nas obsident. lis (docendi gratia) nomina imposu-
imus ; ut primum genus, Idola Tribus ; secundum,
Idola Specus ; tertium, Idola Fori ; quartum, Idola
Theatri vocentur.^
1 These four idols have been compared to the four hindrances to truth
enumerated by Roger Bacon. These are, the use of insuiiicient authority,
custom, popular opinions, and the concealment of ignorance and display
of apparent knowledge. The last two may be likened to the idols of the
market-place and the theatre. But the principle of the classification is
different. [See on this subject the Preface, p. 159. Roger Bacon's words
are as follows: —
" Quatuor vero maxima sunt comprehendendss veritatis offendicula, quae
omnem quemcunque sapientem impediunt, et vix aliquem permittunt ad
verum titulum sapientiae pervenire: viz. fragilis et indigna? auctoritatis ex-
NOVUM ORGANUM. 251
XL.
Excitatio Notionum et Axiomatum per Inductionem
veram, est certe proprmm remedium ad Idola arcenda
et siimmovenda ; sed tamen indicatio Idolorum magni
est usus. Doctrina enim de Idolis similiter se habet ad
Interpretationem Naturse, sicut doctrina de Sophisticis
Elenchis ad Dialecticam vulgarem.
XLI.
Idola Tribus sunt fundata in ipsa natura humana,
atque in ipsa tribu seu gente hominum. Falso enim
asseritur, sensum humanum esse mensuram rerum ; ^
quin contra, omnes perceptiones tarn sensus quam
mentis sunt ex analogia hominis, non ex analogia uni-
versi. Estque intellectus humanus instar speculi in-
sequalis ad radios rerum, qui suam naturam naturae
rerum immiscet, eamque distorquet et inficit.
XLII.
Idola Specus sunt idola hominis individui. Habet
enim unusquisque (prseter aberrationes naturae hu-
man93 in genere) specum sive cavernam quandam
individuam, quae lumen naturae frangit et corrumpit ;
emplum, consuetudinis diutumitas, vulgi sensus imperiti, et propriae ig-
norantiae occultatio cum ostentatione sapientiae apparentis. His omnis
homo involvitur, omnis status occupatur. Nam quilibet singulis artibus
vitse et studii et omnis negotii tribus pessimis ad eandem conclusionem
utitur argumentis: scil. hoc exemplificatum est per majores, hoc consue-
tum est, hoc vulgatum est, ergo tenendum Si vero hsec tria
refellantur aliquando magnifica rationis potentia, quartum semper in
promptu est et in ore cujuslibet, ut quilibet ignorantiara suam excuset, et
licet nihil dignum sciat illud tamen magnificet imprudenter [impuden-
ter?] et sic saltem suae stultitiae infelici solatio veritatem opprimat et eli-
dat." — Opus Majus^ 1. i. — J. S.'\
1 Protagoras. See Hippias Major.
252 NOVUM ORGANUM.
vel propter naturam cuj usque propriam et singula-
rem ; vel propter educationeiu et conversationem cum
aliis ; vel propter lectionem librorum, et authoritates
eorum quos quisque colit et miratur ; vel propter difFe-
rentias impressionum, prout occurrunt in animo prae-
occupato et prasdisposito aut in animo asquo et sedate,
vel ejusmodi ; ut plane spiritus humanus (prout dis-
ponitur in hominibus singulis) sit res varia, et omnino
perturbata, et quasi fortuita : unde bene Heraclitus,
homines scientias quaerere in minoribus mundis, et
non in majore sive communi.^
XLIII.
Sunt etiam Idola tanquam ex contractu et societate
humani generis ad invicem, quas Idola Fori, propter
hominum commercium et consortium, appellamus.
Homines enim per sermones sociantur; at verba ex
captu vulgi imponuntur. Itaque mala et inepta ver-
borum impositio miris modis intellectum obsidet.
Neque definitiones aut explicationes, quibus homines
docti se munire et vindicare in nonnullis consueve-
runt, rem ullo modo restituunt. Sed verba plane
vim faciunt intellectui, et omnia turbant; et homines
ad inanes et innumeras controversias et commenta
deducuut.
XLIV.
Sunt denique Idola quae immigrarunt in animos
hominum ex diversis dogmatibus philosophiarum, ac
etiam ex perversis legibus demonstrationum ; quae
Idola Theatri nominamus ; quia quot philosopliiae
receptae aut inventae sunt, tot fabulas productas et
1 See Sextus Empiricus, Adverstu Logicos, i. ^ 133.; and compare ii. ^
186. of the same treatise.
NOVUM ORGANUM. 253
actas censemus, quae mundos efFecenint fictitios et
scenicos. Neque de his quse jam habentur, aut etiam
de veteribus philosophiis et sectis, tantum loquimur;
cum complures alias ejusmodi fabulae componi et con-
cinnari possint ; quandoquidem errorum prorsus diver-
sorum causae sint nihilominus fere communes. Neque
rursus de philosophiis universalibus tantum hoc intellig-
imus, sed etiam de principiis et axiomatibus compluri-
bus scientiarum, quae ex traditione et fide et neglectu
invaluerunt. Verum de singulis istis generibus idolo-
rum fusius et distinctius dicendum est, ut intellectui
humano cautum sit.
XLV.l
Intellectus humanus ex proprietate sua^ facile sup-
ponit majorem ordinem et aequalitatem in rebus quam
invenit; et cum multa sint in natura monodica'^ et
plena imparitatis, tamen aftingit parallela et corre-
spondentia et relativa quae non sunt. Hinc commenta
ilia, in coelestibus omnia moveri per circulos perfectos,
lineis spiralibus et draconibus^ (nisi nomine tenus)
1 Here, according to the tripartite distribution of the "Pars Destruens"
mentioned in the 115th aphorism, begins the first Redargutio — Redargutio
Rationis Humanse Nativae. — J. S.
2 That is " in accordance with the homogeneity of its own substance,"
or as Bacon expresses it in § 52., "ex aequalitate substantiae spiritus hu-
mani."
3 The Avord which Bacon intends to use is, of course, "monadica; " but
throughout his writings he has fallen into the error of which the text affords
an instance.
4 It does not appear in what sense Bacon uses the word " draco." In its
ordinary acceptation in old astronomy, it denoted the great circle which is
approximately the projection on the sphere of the moon's orbit. The as-
cending node was called the caput draconis, and the descending the cauda
draconis. The same terms were occasionally applied to the nodes of the
planetary orbits. It is not improbable that Bacon intended to complain of
the rejection of spirals of double curvature, or helices, which traced on the
254
NOVUM ORGANUM.
prorsus rejectis. Hinc elementum ignis cum orbe suo
introductum est, ad constituendam quaternionem cum
reliquis tribus, quas subjiciuntur sensui.^ Etiam ele-
mentis (quae vocant) imponitur ad placitum decupla
proportio excessus in raritate ad invicem -^ et hujus-
modi somnia. Neque vanitas ista tantum valet in dog-
matibus, verum etiam in notionibus simplicibus.
IgaW
XLVI.
Intellectus humanus, in iis quae semel placuenint
(aut quia recepta sunt et credita, aut quia delectant),
alia etiam omnia traliit ad sufFragationem et consen-
sum cum illis ; et licet major sit instantiarum vis et
copia quae occurrunt in contrarium, tamen eas aut non
observat aut contemnit aut distinguendo summovet et
rejicit, non sine magno et pernicioso praejudicio, quo
surface of the sphere might represent inequalities in latitude. Compare
(Nov. Org. II. 48.) what is said of the variations of which the " motus rota-
tionis spontaneus " admits.
1 The orb of the element of fire was sup-
posed to lie above that of the element of air,
and therefore might be said " non subjici
sensui." The quaternion of elements fol-
lows directly from the quaternion of ele-
mentary qualities ; namely, hot, cold, moist,
dry. For these may be combined two and
two in six different ways ; two of these
combinations are rejected as simply con-
tradictory (viz. hot and cold, moist and
dry); and to each of the other combinations corresponds one of the four ele-
ments. The diagram will illustrate.
2 This doctrine of the decupla ratio of density of the elements was sug-
gested by a passage in Aristotle [De Gen. et Cor. ii. 6.]. It is found in all
books of mediaeval physics. Cf. the Margarita Philosophias, ix. c. 4., or
Alsted's Encychpcedia^ where it is thus expressed: " Proportio elementorum
ad se invicem ratione transmutation is est decupla, ratione magnitudinis non
satis explorata." The transmutability of one element into another is an
essential part of the Peripatetic doctrine of elements. It is found also in
the TirruBus.
Terra
Priglduni
Aqua
NOVUM ORGANUM. 255
prioribus illis syllepsibus authoritas maneat Inviolata.
Itaque recte respondit ille, qui, cum suspensa tabula in
templo ei monstraretur eorum qui vota solverant quod
naufragii periculo elapsi sint, atque interrogando prem-
eretur anne turn quidem deorum numen agnosceret,
quaesivit denuo, At uhi sint illi depicti qui post vota
nuneupata perierint?^ Eadem ratio est fere omnis
superstitionis, ut in astrologicis, in somniis, omnibus,
nemesibus, et hujusmodi ; in quibus homines delectati
hujusmodi vanitatibus advertunt eventus ubi implentur,
ast ubi fallunt (licet multo frequentius) tamen negli-
gunt et praetereunt. At longe subtilius serpit hoc ma-
lum in philosophiis et scientiis ; in quibus quod semel
placuit reliqua (licet multo firmiora et potiora) inficit
et in ordinem redigit. Quinetiam licet abfuerit ea
quam diximus delectatio et vanitas, is tamen humano
intellectui error est proprius et perpetuus, ut magis mo-
veatur et excitetur affirmativis quam negatiVis ; cum
rite et ordine aequum se utrique praebere debeat ; quin
contra, in omni axiomate vero constituendo, major est
vis instantiae negativae.
XLvn.
Intellectus humanus illis quae simul et subito mentem
ferire et subire possunt maxime movetur ; a quibus
phantasia irapleri et inflari consuevit ; reliqua vero
modo quodam, licet imperceptibili, ita se habere fingit
et supponit, quomodo se liabent pauca ilia quibus mens
obsidetur ; ad ilium vero transcursum ad instantias
remotas et heterogeneas, per quas axiomata tanquam
igne probantur, tardus omnino intellectus est et inhab-
1 This story is told of Diagoras by Cicero, De Nat. Deor. iii., and of Di-
ogenes tlie Cynic by Diogenes Laertius.
256 NOVUM ORGANUM.
ilis, nisi hoc illi per duras leges et violentum imperium
imponatur.
XLVIII.
Gliscit intellectus Immanus, neque consistere aut
acqiiiescere potis est, sed ulterius petit ; at frustra.
Itaque incogitabile est ut sit aliquid extremum aut
extimum mundi, sed semper quasi necessario occurrit
ut sit aliquid ulterius : ^ neque rursus cogitari potest
quomodo seternitas defluxerit ad hunc diem ; cum dis-
tinctio ilia quae recipi consuevit, quod sit infinitum a
parte ante et a parte post, nullo modo constare possit ;
quia inde sequeretur, quod sit unum infinitum alio infi-
nito majus, atque ut consumatur infinitum, et vergat
ad finitum. Similis est subtilitas de lineis semper divis-
ibilibus,^ ex impotentia cogitationis. At majore cum
pernicie intervenit haec impotentia mentis in invcntione
causarum : nam cum maxime universalia in natura
positiva esse debeant, quemadmodum inveniuntur, ne-
que sunt revera causabilia; tamen intellectus humanus,
nescius acquiescere, adlmc appetit notiora. Tum vero
ad ulteriora tendens ad proximiora recidit, videlicet ad
causas finales, quae sunt plane ex natura hominis potius
quam universi;^ atque ex hoc fonte philosophiam miris
1 Thus Leibnitz derived from the principle of sufficient reason a proof of
the infinite extent of the universe, alleging that if it were of finite dimen-
sions no reason could be given for its occupying any one region of space
rather than any other.
2 In the phrase " subtilitas de lineis semper divisibilibus," reference is
made to Aristotle, who in several places in his writings (particularly in the
tract nept uTOfiuv ypafifiuTuv) maintains that in theory every magnitude is
divisible sine limite.
8 This censure appears to be expressed without sufficient limitation ; for
it is difficult to assent to the assertion that the notion of the final cause,
considered generally, is more ex natura hominis than that of the efficient.
The subject is one of which it is difficult to speak accurately; but it may
be said that wherever we think that we recognise a tendency towards a
NOVUM ORGANUM. 257
modis corruperunt. Est autem seque imperiti et lev-
iter philosophantis, in maxime universalibus causam
requirere, ac in subordinatis et subalternis causam non
desiderare.i
XLIX.
Intellectus humanus luminis sicci non est ; ^ sed re-
cipit infusionem a voluntate et affectibus, id quod gen-
erat Ad quod vult scientias. Quod enim mavult homo
verum esse, id potius credit. Rejicit itaque difficilia,
ob inquirendi impatientiam ; sobria, quia coarctant
spem ; altiora naturae, propter superstitionem ; lumen
experientiae, propter arrogantiam et fastum, ne videa-
tur mens versari in vilibus et fluxis ; paradoxa, propter
opinionem vulgi ; denique innumeris modis, iisque in-
fulfilment or realisation of an idea, there the notion of the final cause comes
in. It can only be from inadvertence that Professor Owen has set the doc-
trine of the final cause as it were in antithesis to that of the unit}' of type :
by the former he means the doctrine that the suitability of an animal to its
mode of life is the one thing aimed at or intended in its structure. It can-
not be doubted that Aristotle would have recognised the preservation of the
type as not less truly a final cause than the preservation of the species or
than the well-being of the individual. The final cause connects itself with
what in the language of modern German philosophy is expressed by the
phrase "the Idea in Nature."
1 ean jup aTrmSevaia to fifj yiyvuoKscv rlvuv del ^r/Telv aTcodei^tv Kal
Tivoiv oil del, o/iug fiev yap dnavTuv udivarov unodei^iv elvui. • elg anetpov
yap av ^adiCpL • ioare (lijS' ovTug elvai uirodei^iv. — Metaph., iii. 4.
2 Heraclitus apud Plut., De Esu Camium. This doctrine of Idols is
spoken of with great disrespect by Spinoza. He asserts that neither Des
Cartes nor Bacon ever perceived the true source of error, and adds : " De
Bacone parum dicam, qui de hac re admodum confuse loquitur, et fere nihil
probat, sed tantum narrat: " and concludes by saying, " quas adhuc alias
causas adsignat (he has just enumerated three of the Idols of the Tribe)
facile omnes ad unicam Cartesii reduci possunt; scilicet quia voluntas hu-
mana est libera et latior intellectu ; sive, ut ipse Verulamius magis confuse
loquitur, quia intellectus luminis sicci non est, sed recipit infusionem a
voluntate." See Spinoza to Oldenburg, ep. 2. vol. ii. p. 146. of Bruder's
edition.
VOL. I. 17
258 NOVUM ORGANUM.
terdum imperceptibilibus, affectus intellectum imbuit et
inficit.
L.
At longe maximnm impedimentum et aberratio in-
tellectus liumani provenit a stupore et incompetentia
et fallaciis sensuum ; ut ea quae sensum feriant, illis
quse sensum immediate non feriunt, licet potioribus,
praepondereut. Itaque contemplatio fere desinit cum
aspectu ; adeo ut rerum invisibilium exigua aut nulla
sit observatio. Itaque omnis operatic spirituum in cor-
poribus tangibilibus inclusorum latet, et homines fugit.
Omnis etiam subtilior meta-scliematismus in partibus
rerum crassiorum (quem vulgo alterationem vocant,
cum sit revera latio per minima) latet similiter: et
tamen nisi duo ista quae diximus explorata fuerint et
in lucem producta, nihil magni fieri potest in natura
quoad opera. Rursus ipsa natura aeris communis et
corporum omnium quae aerem tenuitate superant (quae
plurima sunt) fere incognita est. Sensus enim per se
res infirma est et aberrans ; neque organa ad amplifican-
dos sensus aut acuendos multum valent ; sed omnis
verior interpretatio naturae conficitur per instantias, et
experimenta idonea et apposita ; ubi sensus de exper-
imento tantum, experimentum de natura et re ipsa
judicat.
LI.
Intellectus humanus fertur ad abstracta propter na-
turam propriam, atque ea quae fluxa sunt fingit esse
constantia. Melius autem est naturam secare, quam
abstrahere ; ^ id quod Democriti schola fecit, quae
magis penetravit in naturam quam reliquae. Materia
1 "Naturam secare," to dissect nature into her constituent parts; " Natu-
ram abstrahere,'' to resolve nature into abstractions.
NOVUM ORGANUM. 259
potius considerari debet, et ejus schematismi et meta-
scliematismi, atque actus purus, et lex actus sive mo-
tus ; Formge enim commenta animi humani sunt, nisi
libeat leges illas actus Formas appellare.
Ln.
Hujusmodi itaque sunt Idola, quae vocamus Idola
Tribus ; quae ortum habent aut ex asqualitate sub-
stantise spiritus humani ; ^ aut ex praeoccupatione ejus ;
aut ab angustiis ejus ; aut ab inquieto motu ejus ; aut
ab infusione afFectuum ; aut ab incompetentia sen-
suum ; aut ab impressionis modo.
LIIT.
Idola Specus ortum liabent ex propria cujusque
natura et animi et corporis ; atque etiam ex educa-
tione, et consuetudine, et fortuitis. Quod genus licet
sit varium et multiplex, tamen ea proponemus in qui-
bus maxima cautio est, quaeque plurimum valent ad
polluendum intellectum ne sit purus.
LIV.
I
Adamant homines scientias et comtemplationes par-
ticulares ; aut quia authores et inventores se earum
credunt ; aut quia plurimum in illis opera3 posue-
runt, iisque maxime assueverunt. Hujusmodi vero
homines, si ad philosophiam et contemplationes uni-
versales se contulerint, illas ex prioribus phantasiis
detorquent et corrumpunt ; id quod maxime con-
spicuum cernitur in Aristotele, qui naturalem suam
1 Compare Advanc. of Learning : " That the spirit of man being of an
equal and uniform substance doth usually suppose and feign in nature a
greater equality and uniformity than is in truth." — J. S.
260 NOVUM ORGANUM.
philosophiam logicas suae prorsus mancipavit, ut earn
fere inutilem et contentiosam reddiderit. Chymico-
rum autem genus, ex paucis experimentis fornacis,
philosophiam constituerunt phantasticam et ad pauca
spectantem. Quinetiam Gilbertus, postquam in con-
templationibus magnetis se laboriosissime exercuisset,
confinxit statim philosophiam consentaneam rei apud
ipsum praepollenti.
LV.
Maximum et velut radicale discrimen ingeniorum,
quoad philosophiam et scientias, illud est; quod alia
ingenia sint fortiora et aptiora ad notandas rerum
differentias, alia ad notandas rerum similitudines. In-
genia enim constantia et acuta figere contemplationes
et morari et haerere in omni subtilitate difFerentiarum
possunt : ingenia autem sublimia et discursiva etiam
tenuissimas et catholicas rerum similitudines et agnos-
cunt et componunt. Utrumque autem ingenium facile
labitur in excessum, prensando aut gradus rerum aut
umbras.
LVI.
Reperiuntur ingenia alia in admirationem antiqui-
tatis, alia in amorem' et amplexum novitatis eflPusa ;
pauca vero ejus temperamenti sunt ut modum tenere
possint, quin aut quae recte posita sunt ab antiquis
convellant, aut ea contemnant quae recte afferuntur
a novis. Hoc vero magno scientiarum et philosophise
detrimento fit ; quum studia potius sint antiquitatis
et novitatis, quam judicia; Veritas autem non a felici-
tate temporis alicujus, quae res varia est, sed a lumine
naturae et experientiae, quod a3ternum est, petenda est.
Itaque abneganda sunt ista studia, et videndum ne
intellectus ab illis ad consensum abripiatur.
NOVUM ORGANUM. 261
LVII.
Contemplation es naturae et corporum in simplici-
tate sua, intellectum frangunt et comminuunt : ^ con-
templationes vero naturae et corporum in compositione
et configuratione sua, intellectum stupefaciunt et sol-
vunt.2 Id optime cernitur in scliola Leucippi et Demo-
criti,^ collata cum reliquis philosophiis. Ilia enim ita
versatur in particulis rerum, ut fabricas fere negligat :
reliquse autem ita fabricas intuentur attonitae, ut ad
simplicitatem naturae non penetrent. Itaque alter-
nandee sunt contemplationes istae et vicissim sumendse ;
ut intellectus reddatur simul penetrans et capax, et
evitentur ea quse diximus incommoda atque Idola ex
iis provenientia.
LVIII.
Talis itaque esto prudentia contemplativa in arcendis
et summovendis Idolis Specus ; quae aut ex prjedom-
inantia, aut ex excessu compositionis et divisionis, aut
ex studiis erga tempora, aut ex objectis largis et mi-
nutis, maxime ortum habent. Generaliter autem pro
suspecto habendum unicuique rerum naturam contem-
planti, quicquid intellectum suum potissimum capit et
detinet ; tantoque major adhibenda in hujusmodi placi-
tis est cautio, ut intellectus servetur sequus et punis.
LIX.
At Idola Fori omnium molestissima sunt ; quae ex
foedere verborum et nominum se insinuarunt in intel-
1 i. e. Break up the understanding and distract it in minute observation
of the parts. — J. S.
2 i. e. Astonish and dissolve it in a vain endeavour to take in the whole.
— J.S.
3 That is, in the Atomists.
262 NOVUM ORGANUM.
lectum. Credunt enim homines rationem suam ver-
bis imperare ; sed fit etiam ut verba vim suam super
intellectum retorqueant et reflectant ; quod philoso-
phiam et scientias reddidit sophisticas et inactivas.
Verba autem plerunque ex captu vulgi induntur,
atque per lineas vulgari intellectui maxime conspic-
uas res secant. Quum autem intellectus acutior aut
observatio diligentior eas lineas transferre velit, ut
illis sint raagis secundum naturam, verba obstrepunt.
Unde fit ut magnae et solennes disputationes hominum
doctorum saepe in controversias circa verba et nomina
desinant ; a quibus (ex more et pnidentia mathemati-
corum) incipere consultius foret, easque per defini-
tiones in ordinem redigere. Qua? tamen definitiones,
in naturalibus et materiatis, huic malo mederi non
possunt ; quoniam et ipsas definitiones ex verbis con-
stant, et verba gignunt verba : adeo ut necesse sit ad
instantias particulares earumque series et ordines re-
currere ; ut mox dicemus, quum ad modum et ra-
tionem constituendi notiones et axiomata deventum
fuerit.
LX.
Idola quse per verba intellectui imponuntur duorum
generum sunt. Aut enim sunt rerum nomina quas
non sunt (quemadmodum enim sunt res quae nomine
carent per inobservationem, ita sunt et nomina quae
carent rebus per suppositionem phantasticam) ; aut
sunt nomina rerum quae sunt, sed conftisa et male
terminata, et temere et inaequaliter a rebus abstracta.
Prions generis sunt Fortuna, Primum Mobile, Plan-
etarum Orbes, Elementum Ignis, et liujusmodi cora-
menta, quae a vanis et falsis theoriis ortum habent.
NOVUM ORGANUM. 263
Atque hoc genus Idolorum facilius ejicitur, quia per
constantem abnegationem et antiquationem tlieoriarum
exterminari possunt.
At alterum genus perplexum est et alte haerens ;
quod ex mala et imperita abstractione excitatur. Ex-
empli gratia, accipiatur aliquod verbum (^Sumidum^
si placet), et videamus quomodo sibi constent quae per
hoc verbum significantur ; et invenietur verbum istud
Humidum nihil aliud quam nota confusa diversarum
action um, quae null am constantiam aut reductionem
patiuntur. Significat enim et quod circa aliud corpus
facile se circumfundit ; et quod in se est indetermi-
nabile, nee consistere potest ; et quod facile cedit un-
dique ; et quod facile se di^ idit et dispergit ; et quod
facile se unit et colligit ; et quod facile fluit et in motu
ponitur ; et quod alteri corpori facile adhaeret, idque
madefacit ; et quod facile reducitur in liquidum, sive
colliquatur, cum antea consisteret. Itaque cum ad
hujus nominis praedicationem et impositionem ventum
sit, si alia accipias, flamma humida est ; si alia accip-
ias, aer humidus non est ; si alia, pulvis minutus hu-
midus est ; si alia, vitrum humidum est ; ut facile
appareat istam notionem ex aqua tantum et commu-
nibus et vulgaribus liquoribus, absque ulla debita veri-
ficatione, temere abstractam esse.
In verbis autem gradus sunt quidam pravitatis et
erroris. Minus vitiosum genus est nominum substan-
tias alicujus, praBsertim specierum infimarum et bene
deductarum (nam notio Cretae, Luti, bona ; Terras
mala) ; vitiosius genus est actionum, ut Generare,
Corrumpere, Alterare : vitiosissimum qualitatum (ex-
ceptis objectis sensus immediatis), ut Gravis, Levis,
Tenuis, Densi, etc. ; et tamen in omnibus istis fieri
264 NOVUM ORGANUM.
non potest, quin sint aliaB notiones aliis paulo meliores,
prout in sensum humanuin incidit rerum copia.^
LXI.
At Idola Theatri innata non sunt, nee occulto in-
sinuata in intellectum ; sed ex fabulis theoriarum et
perversis legibus demonstrationum plane indita et re-
cepta. In his autem confutationes tentare et suscip-
ere consentaneuin prorsus non est illis quae a nobis
dicta sunt. Quum enim nee de principiis consentia-
mus nee de demonstrationibus, tollitur omnis argu-
mentatio. Id vero bono fit f'ato, ut antiquis suus con-
stet lionos. Nihil enim illis detrahitur, quuni de via
omnino quaestio sit. Claudus enim (ut dicitur) in via
antevertit cursorem extra viam. Etiam illud mani-
festo liquet, currenti extra viani, quo habilior sit et
velocior, eo majorem contingere aberrationem.
Nostra vero inveniendi scientias ea est ratio, ut non
multum ingeniorum acumini et robori relinquatur ;
sed qua3 ingenia et intellectus fere exaequet. Quemad-
modum enim ad hoc, ut linea recta fiat aut circulus
perfectus describatur, multum est in constantia et ex-
ercitatione manus, si fiat ex vi manus propria ; sin
autem adhibeatur regula aut circinus, parum aut nihil ;
omnino similis est nostra ratio. Licet autem confuta-
tionum particularium nullus sit usus, de sectis tamen
et generibus hujusmodi theoriarum nonnihil dicendum
est ; atque etiam paulo post de signis exterioribus,
quod se male habeant ; et postremo de causis tantas
1 Here, according to the tripartite distribution of the subject mentioned
in aphorism 115, the first of the three Redarj^utiones ends. The following
aphorisms from 61 to 115 contain the two others, Kedargutio Philosophia-
rum and Kedargutio Demonstrationum, which are not kept quite separate.
The 69th and 70th aphorisms belong especially to the last. — J. S.
NOVUM ORGANUM. 265
infelicitatis et tarn diuturni et generalis In errore con-
sensus ; ut ad vera minus difficilis sit aditus, et in-
tellectus liumanus volentius expurgetur et Idola di-
mittat.
LXII.
Idola Theatri, sive theoriarum, multa sunt, et multo
plura esse possunt, et aliquando fortasse erunt. Nisi
enim per multa jam saecula hominum ingenia circa re-
ligionem et theologiam occupata fuissent, atque etiam
polltiae civiles (praesertim monarchise) ab istiusmodi
novitatibus, etiam in contemplationibus, essent aversae ;
ut cum periculo et detrimento fortunarum suarum in
illas homines incumbant, non solum prsemio destituti,
sed etiam contemptui et invidiae expositi ; complures
alias proculdubio philosophiarum et theoriarum sectae,
similes illis quae magna varietate olim apud Graecos
floruerunt, introductae fuissent. Quemadmodum enim
super phaenomena aetheris plura themata cceli confingi
possunt ; similiter, et multo magis, super phaenomena
philosophise fundari possunt et constitui varia dogmata.
Atque hujusmodi theatri fabulae habent etiam illud
quod in theatro poetarum usu venit, ut narrationes
fictae ad scenam narrationibus ex historia veris concin-
niores sint et elegantiores, et quales quis magis vellet.
In genere autem, in materiam philosophise sumitur
aut multum ex paucis aut parum ex multis ; ut utrin-
que philosophia super experientiae et naturalis historiae
nimis angustam basin fundata sit, atque ex paucioribus
quam par est pronunciet. Rationale enim genus phi-
losophantium ex experientia arripiunt varia et vulgaria,
eaque neque certo comperta nee diligenter examinata et
pensitata ; reliqua in meditatione atque ingenii agita-
tione ponunt.
266 NOVUM ORGANUM.
Est et aliud genus philosophantium, qui in paucis
experiraentis sedulo et accurate elaborarunt, atque inde
philosophias educere et confingere ausi sunt ; reliqua
miris modis ad ea detorquentes.
Est et tertium genus eorum, qui theologiam et tra-
ditiones ex fide et veneratione immiscent ; inter quos
vanitas nonnuUorum ad petendas et derivandas scien-
tias a Spiritibus scilicet et Geniis deflexit ; ita ut stirps
errorum, et philosophia falsa, genere triplex sit : So-
phistica, Empirica, et Superstitiosa.
LXIII.
Primi generis exemplum in Aristotele maxima con-
spicuum est, qui philosophiam naturalem dialectica sua
corrupit ; quum mundum ex categoriis efFecerit ; ani-
mse human*, nobilissimae substantijB, genus ex voci-
bus secundas intentionis tribuerit ; ^ negotium Densi et
Rari, per quod corpora subeunt majores et minores di-
mensiones sive spatia, per frigidam distinctionem Actus
et Potential ^ transegerit ; motum singulis corporibus
unicum et proprium,^ et si .participent ex alio motu id
aliunde moveri, assenierit ; et innumera alia, pro arbit-
rio suo, naturs9 rerum imposuerit : magis ubique sollic-
1 This censure refers to Aristotle's definition of the soul, De Anima, ii.
1., — 7] Trponri IvreMxeia aufuiTog (pvaiKov bpyaviKov, — in which the word
Entelecheia is, as the scholastic commentators remark, assigned as the
genus to which the soul is referred.
2 The " frigida distinctio actus et potcntioe" refers apparently to the Phys.
Ausc. iv. c. 5. ; where it is said that water is air in potentifi,, and vice versfi.
The possibility of their reciprocal transmutation Bacon does not appear to
have doubted of. [With reference to this censure of Aristotle, see the pref-
ace to the Hiitorid Densi et Rari. — J. /S.]
8 " Simplicis corporis simplicem esse motum " is an important principle in
Aristotelian ph3'sics, as one of the bases on which the system of the uni-
verse was made to depend. See, for instance, Melanchthon's Jnitin Doctr.
Physicce, p. 41.
NOVUM ORGANUM. 267
itus quomodo quis respondendo se explicet, et aliquid
reddatur in verbis positivum, quam de interna rerum
veritate ; quod etiam optime se ostendit in compara-
tione philosophise ejus ad ahas philosophias quae apud
Graecos celebrabantur. Habent enim Homoiomera An-
axagorse, Atomi Leucippi et Democriti, Coelum et Ter-
ra Parmenidis, Lis et Amicitia Empedoclis, Resolutio
corporum in adiaphoram naturam ignis et Replicatio
eorundem ad densum Heracliti, aliquid ex philosopho
naturali, et rerum naturam et experientiam et corpora
sapiunt ; ubi Aristotelis Physica nihil aliud quam dia-
lecticas voces plerunque sonet ; quam etiam in Meta-
physicis sub solenniore nomine, et ut magis scilicet
realis, non nominalis, retractavit. Neque illud quen-
quam moveat, quod in libris ejus de animalibus, et in
problematibus, et in aliis suis tractatibus, versatio fre-
quens sit in experimentis. Ille enim prius decreverat,
neque experientiam ad constituenda decreta et axiomata
rite consuluit ; sed postquam pro arbitrio suo decrevis-
set, experientiam ad sua placita tortam circumducit et
captivam ; ut hoc etiam nomine magis accusandus sit,
quam sectatores ejus moderni (scholasticorum philoso-
phorum genus) qui experientiam omnino deseruerunt.
LXIV.
At philosophise genus Empiricum placita magis de-
formia et monstrosa educit, quam Sophisticum aut ra-
tionale genus ; quia non in luce notionum vulgarium
(quae licet tenuis sit et superficialis, tamen est quodam-
modo universalis et ad multa pertinens) sed in pauco-
rum experimentornm angustiis et obscuritate fundatum
est. Itaque talis philosophia iliis qui in hujusmodi ex-
perimentis quotidie versantur atque ex ipsis phantasiam
268 NOVUM ORGANUM.
contaminarunt probabilis videtur, et quasi certa ; caste-
ris, incredibilis et vana. Cujus exemplum iiotabile est
in chymicis, eonimque dogmatibus ; alibi autem vix
hoc tempore invenitur, nisi forte in philosopliia Gil-
bert!. Sed tamen circa liujusmodi philosophias cautio
nullo mbdo pra3termittenda erat ; quia mente jam prajv-
idemus et auguramur, si quando homines, nostris mon-
itis excitati, ad experientiam se serio contulerint (va-
lere jussis doctrinis sophisticis), turn demum propter
praematuram et praeproperam intellectus festinationem,
et saltum sive volatum ad generalia et rerum prin-
cipia, fore ut magnum ab hujusmodi philosophiis peric-
ulum immineat ; cui malo etiam nunc obviam ire
debemus.
LXV.
At corruptio philosophias ex Superstitione et theolo-
gia admista, latins omnino patet, et plurimum mali in-
fert, aut in philosophias integras aut in earum partes.
Humanus enim intellectus non minus impressionibus
phantasiae est obnoxius, quam impressionibus vulgarium
notionum. Pugnax enim genus philosophiae et Sophisti-
cum illaqueat intellectum : at illud alteram phantasti-
cum et tumidum, et quasi Poeticum, magis blanditur
intellectui. Inest enim homini qutedam intellectus am-
bitio, non minor quam voluntatis ; praesertim in inge-
niis altis et elevatis.
Hujus autem generis exemplum inter Grsecos illuces-
cit, praicipue in Pytliagora, sed cum superstitione ma-
gis crassa et onerosa conjunctum ; at periculosius et
subtilius in Platone, atque ejus schola. Invenitur eti-
am hoc genus mali in partibus philosophiamm reliqua-
rum, introducendo formas abstractas, et causas finales,
et causas primas ; omittendo saepissime medias, et hu-
NOVUM ORGANUM. 269
jusmodi. Huic autem rei summa adhibenda est cautio.
Pessima enim res est errorum Apotheosis, et pro peste
intellectus habenda est, si vanis accedat veneratio.
Huic autem vanitati nonnuUi ex modernis summa
levitate ita indulserunt, ut in primo capitulo Geneseos
et in libro Job et aliis scripturis sacris, pliilosophiam
naturalem fundare conati sint; inter viva qucerentes
mortua. Tantoque magis haec vanitas inhibenda venit
et coercenda, quia ex divinorum et humanorum male-
sana admistione non solum educitur pliilosophia pban-
tastica, sed etiam religio hasretica. Itaque salutare
admodum est, si mente sobria fidei tantum dentur quae
fidei sunt.^
LXVI.
Et de malis authoritatibus philosophiarum, quae aut
in vulgaribus notionibus, aut in paucis experimentis,
aut in superstition e fundatae sunt, jam dictum est.
Dicendum porro est et de vitiosa materia contempla-
tionum, prassertim in philosophia naturali. Inficitur
autem intellectus humanus ex intuitu eorum quae in
artibus mechanicis fiunt, in quibus corpora per com-
positiones aut separationes ut plurimum alterantur ;
ut cogitet simile quiddam etiam in natura rerum uni-
versali fieri. Unde fluxit commentum illud Elemen-
torum, atque illorum concursu, ad constituenda corpora
naturalia. Rursus, quum homo naturae libertatem ^
contempletur, incidit in species rerum, animalium,
plantarum, mineralium ; unde facile in eam labitur
cogitationem, ut existimet esse in natura quasdam
1 Compare Kepler's phrase: "Missum faciat Spiritum Sanctum, neque
ilium in scholas physicas cum ludibrio pertrahat." — i)e Stella Mortis
Prcefat.
2 That is, nature acting freely, in opposition to nature constrained by the
conditions of our experiments.
270 NOVUM ORGANUM.
formas rerum primarias, quas natura educere molitur,
atque reliquam varietatem ex impedimentis et aberra-
tionibus naturie in opere suo conficiendo, aut ex diver-
sarum specierum conflictu et transplantatione alterius
in alteram, provenire. Atque prima cogitatio quali-
tates primas elementares, secunda proprietates occultas
et virtutes specificas, nobis peperit ; ^ quarmn utraque
pertinet ad inania contemplationum compendia, in qui-
bus acquiescit animus et a solidioribus avertitur. At
medici, in secundis rerum qualitatibus et operationibus,
attraliendi, repellendi, attenuandi, inspissandi, dilatandi,
astringendi, discutiendi, maturandi, et hujusmodi, ope-
ram praistant meliorem ; atque nisi ex illis duobus
(quae dixi) compendiis (qualitatibus scilicet elemen-
taribus, et virtutibus specificis) ilia altera (quae recte
notata sunt) corrumperent, reducendo ilia ad primas
qualitates earumque mixturas subtiles et incommensu-
rabiles, aut ea non producendo cum majore et diligen-
tiore observatione ad qualitates tertias et quartas, sed
contemplationem intempestive abrumpendo, illi multo
melius profecissent. Neque hujusmodi virtutes (non
dico eaedem, sed similes) in humani corporis medicinis
tantum exquirendae sunt ; sed etiam in caeteronim cor-
porum naturalium mutationibus.
Sed multo adhuc majore cum malo fit, quod quies-
centia rerum principia, ex quibus, et non moventia, jt?er
quce, res fiunt, contemplentur et inquirant. Ilia enim
ad sermones, ista ad opera spectant. Neque enim vul-
1 The elementan- qualities are four in number, — hot, cold, dry, moist;
and it is by combining them two and two tliat the Peripatetic conception
of the nature of each element is formed. Thus fire is hot and dry, water
cold and moist, &c. All the other qualities of bodies, which result from
the combination and mutual modification of the elementary and primary
qualities, were called secondary qualities.
NOVUM ORGANUM. 271
gares illae differentiae Motus, quae in naturali philo
sophia recepta notantur, Generationis, Corruptionis,
Augmentationis, Diminutionis, Alterationis, et Latio-
nis, ullius sunt pretii.^ Quippe hoc sibi volunt ; si
corpus, alias non mutatum, loco tamen moveatur, hoc
Lationem esse ; si manente et loco et specie, qualitate
mutetur, hoc Alterationem esse ; si vero ex ilia muta-
tion e moles ipsa et quantitas corporis non eadem ma-
neat, hoc Augmentationis et Diminutionis motum esse ;
si eatenus mutentur ut speciem ipsam et substantiam
mutent et in alia migrent, hoc Generationem et Cor-
ruptionem esse. At ista mere popularia sunt, et nullo
mode in naturam penetrant ; suntque mensurse et pe-
riodi tantum, non species motus. Inuunt enim illud
hucusque, et non quomodo vel ex quo fonte. Neque
enim de corporum appetitu, aut de partium eorum pro-
cessu, aliquid significant ; sed tantum quum motus ille
rem alitor ac prius, crasso modo, sensui exhibeat, inde
divisionem suam auspicantur. Etiam quum de causis
motuum aliquid significare volunt, atque divisionem
ex illis instituere, ditFerentiam motus naturalis et vio-
lenti, maxima cum socordia, introducunt ; quae et ipsa
omnino ex notione vulgari est ; cum omnis motus vio-
lentus etiam naturalis revera sit, scilicet cum externum
eflficiens naturam alio modo in opere ponet quam quo
prius.
At hisce omissis ; si quis (exempli gratia) observav-
erit, inesse corporibus appetitum contactus ad invicem,
ut non patiantur unitatem naturae prorsus dirimi aut
abscindi, ut vacuum detur ; aut si quis dicat, inesse
corporibus appetitum se recipiendi in naturalem suam
1 In the Physics, Aristotle does not reckon Generation and Corruption as
kinds of motion. Bacon's enumeration is that given in the Categories.
272 NOVUM ORGANUM.
dimensionem vel tensuram, ut si ultra earn aut citra
earn comprimantur aut distrahantur, statim in veterem
spha^ram et exporrectioiiem suam se recuperare et re-
mittere moliantur ; aut si quis dicat, inesse corporibus
appetitum congregationis ad massas connaturalium suo-
rum, densorum videlicet versus orbem terras, tenuiorum
et rariorum versus ambitum coeli ; haec et hujusmodi
vere physica sunt genera motuum ; at ilia altera plane
logica sunt et scholastica, ut ex hac collatione eorum
manifesto liquet.
Neque minus etiam malum est, quod in pliilosophiis
et contemplationibus suis, in principiis rerum atque
ultimitatibus naturae investigandis et tractandis opera
insumatur ; cum omnis utilitas et facultas operandi in
mediis consistat. Hinc fit, ut abstrahere naturam
homines non desinant, donee ad materiam potentialem
et informem ventum fuerit ; nee rursus secare naturam
desinant, donee perventum fuerit ad atomum ; quse,
etiamsi vera essent, tamen ad juvandas hominum for-
tunas parum possunt.^
LXVII.
Danda est etiam cautio intellectui de intemperantiis
pliilosophiarum, quoad assensum praebendum aut cohi-
bendum ; quia hujusmodi intemperantiae videntur Idola
figere, et quodammodo perpetuare, ne detur aditus ad
ea summovenda.
Duplex autem est excessus : alter eorum qui facile
pronunciant, et scientias reddunt positivas et magis-
trales ; alter eorum qui Acatalepsiam introduxeinint, et
1 The construction of this sentence is somewhat abrupt. The relative
quoR must be referred to some such antecedent as " doctrines of this char-
acter;" and for possunt we ought to read possent. For the antithesis be-
tween abstrahere and secare, see § 51. The first part of Bacon's censure
refers to Aristotle.
NOVUM ORGAN UM. 273
inquisitionem vagam sine termino ; quorum primus in-
tellectum deprimit, alter enervat. Nam Aristotelis
philosophia, postquam ceteras philosophias (more Otto-
manorum erga fratres suos) pugnacibus confutationibus
contrucidasset, de singulis pronunciavit ; et ipse rursus
quaestiones ex arbitrio suo subornat, deinde conficit ; ut
omnia certa sint et decreta ; quod etiam apud succes-
siones suas valet, et in usu est.
At Platonis schola Acatalepsiam introduxit, primo
tanquam per jocura et ironiam, in odium veterum soph-
istarum, Protagorae, Hippiae, et reliquorum, qui nihil
tarn verebantur quam ne dubitare de re aliqua videren-
tur.^ At Nova Academia Acatalepsiam dogmatizavit,
et ex professo tenuit. Quae licet honestior ratio sit
quam pronunciandi licentia, quum ipsi pro se dicant se
minime confundere inquisitionem, ut Pyrrho fecit et
Ephectici, sed habere quod sequantur ut probabile,
licet non habeant quod teneant ut verum ; tamen post-
quam animus humanus de veritate invenienda semel
desperaverit, omnino omnia fiunt languidiora : ex quo
fit, ut deflectant homines potius ad amoenas disputa-
tiones et discursus, et rerum quasdam peragrationes,
quam in severitate inquisitionis se sustineant. Verum
quod a principio diximus, et perpetuo agimus, sensui et
intellectui humane eorumque infirmitati authoritas non
est deroganda, sed auxilia praebenda.
LXVIII.
Atque de Idolorum singulis generibus, eorumque
apparatu jam diximus ; quae omnia constanti et solenni
1 " Turn Velleius, fidenter sane, ut solent isti, nihil tarn verens quam ne
dubitare aliqua de re videretur; tanquam modo ex Deorum concilio et ex
Epicuri intermundiis descendisset; Audite, in quit," &c. — Cic. De NaL
Deor. i. c. 8.
VOL. I. 18
274 NOVUM ORGANUM.
decreto sunt abneganda et renuncianda, et intellectus
ab iis omniiio liberandus est et expurgandus ; ut non
alius fere sit aditus ad regnum hominis, quod f'unda-
tur in scientiis, quam ad regnum coelorum, in quod^
nisi sub perso7ia infantis, intrare non datur.
LXIX.
At pravae demonstrationes, Idolorum veluti muniti-
ones qujedam sunt et praesidia ; eseque quas in dialec-
ticis habemus id fere agunt, ut mundum plane cogita-
tionibus humanis, cogitationes autem verbis, addicant
et mancipent. Demonstrationes vero potentia quadam
philosophise ipsae sunt et sciential. Quales enim ese
sunt, ac prout rite aut male institutae, tales sequuntur
philosophiae et contemplationes. Fallunt autem et in-
competentes sunt eae quibus utimur in universo illo
processu qui a sensu et rebus ducit ad axioniata et
conelusiones. Qui quidem processus quadruplex est,
et vitia ejus totidem. Prime, impressiones sensus
ipsius vitiosae sunt ; sensus enim et destituit et fallit.
At destitution ibus substitutiones, fallaciis rectificationes
debentur. Seeundo, notiones ab impressionibus sen-
suum male abstrahuntur, et intcrminatae et confusa3
sunt, quas terminatas et bene finitas esse oportuit.
Tertio, inductio mala est, quae per enumerationem
simplicem principia concludit scientiarum, non adhib-
itis exclusionibus et solutionibus, sive se[)arationibus
natune debitis. Postremo, modus ille inveniendi et
probandi, ut primo principia maxime generalia constit-
uantur, deinde media axiomata ad ea applicentur et
probentur, errorum mater est et scientiarum omnium
calamitas. Verum de istis, quae jam obiter perstringi-
mus, fusius dicemus, cum veram interpretanda; naturse
NOVUM ORGANUM. 275
vlani, absolutis istis expiationibus et expurgationibus
mentis, proponemus.
LXX.
Sed demonstratio longe optima est experientia ; modo
hagreat in ipso experimento. Nam si traducatur ad
alia quae similia existimantur, nisi rite et ordine fiat
ilia traductio, res fallax est. At modus experiendi
quo homines nunc utuntur csecus est et stupidus. Ita-
que cum errant et vagantur nulla via certa, sed ex
occui'su rerum tantum consilium capiunt, circumferun-
tur ad multa sed parum promovenf ; et quandoque
gestiunt quandoque distrahuntur ; et semper inveniunt
quod ulterius quaerant. Fere autem ita fit, ut homi-
nes leviter et tanquam per ludum experiantur, vari-
ando paululum experimenta jam cognita ; et si res non
succedat, fastidiendo et conatum deserendo. Quod si
magis serio et constanter ac laboriose ad experimenta
se accingant, tamen in uno aliquo experimento eruendo
operam collocant ; quemadmodum Gilbertus in mag-
nete, chymici in auro. Hoc autem faciunt homines
instituto non minus imperito quam tenui. Nemo enim
alicujus rei naturam in ipsa re foeliciter perscrutatur,
sed ampHanda est inquisitio ad magis communia.
Quod si etiam scientiam quandam et dogmata ex
experimentis moliantur, tamen semper fere studio prae-
propero et intempestivo deflectunt ad praxin ; non tan-
tum propter usum et fructum ejusmodi praxeos, sed ut
in opere aliquo novo veluti pignus sibi arripiant, se non
inutihter in reliquis versaturos ; atque etiam aliis se
venditent, ad existimationem meliorem comparandam
de iis in quibus occupati sunt. Ita fit ut, more Ata-
lantae, de via decedant ad tollendum aureum pomum ;
interim vero cursum interrumpant, et victoriam emit-
276 NOVUM ORGANUM.
tant e manibus. Verum in experientiae vero curriculo,
eoque ad nova opera producendo, Divina Sapientia
omnino et ordo pro exemplar! sumenda sunt. Deus
autem primo die creationis lucem tantum creavit, eique
operi diem integrum attribuit ; nee aliquid materiati
operis eo die creavit. Similiter et ex omnimoda ex-
perientia, primum inventio causarum et axiomatum
verorum elicienda est ; et lucifera experimenta, non
fructifera quasrenda. Axiomata autem recte inventa
et constituta praxin non strictim sed confertim in-
struunt, et operum agmina ac turmas post se trahunt.
Verum de experiendi viis, quae non minus quam viae
judicandi obsessae sunt et interclusae, postea dicemus;
impraesentiarum de experientia vulgari, tanquam de
mala demonstratione, tantum loquuti. Jam vero pos-
tulat ordo rerum, ut de iis quorum paulo ante men-
tionem fecimus signis, quod philosophiae et contem-
plationes in usu male se habeant, et de causis rei
primo intuitu tam mirabilis et incredibilis, quaedam
subjungamus. Signorum enim notio prieparat assen-
sum : causarum vero explicatio toUit miraculum. Quae
duo ad extirpationem Idolorum ex intellectu faciliorem
et clementiorem multum juvant.
LXXI.
Scientiae quas habemus fere a Grsecis fluxerunt.
Quae enim scriptores Romani aut Arabes aut recen-
tiores addiderunt, non multa aut magni momenti sunt ;
et qualiacunque sint, fundata sunt super basin eorum
quae inventa sunt a Graecis.^ Erat autem sapientia
1 M. Chasles appears to have shown this with respect to the principle of
position in arithmetic. We derive it, according to him, not from the Hin-
doos or Arabs, but from the Greeks. It is remarkable that the Chinese
have from the earliest times known how to express any number by means
of a few characters.
NOVUM ORGANUM. 277
Graecorum professoria, et in disputationes effusa : quod
genus inquisitioni veritatis adversissimum est. Itaque
nomen illud Sophistarum, quod per contemptum ab
iis qui se philosophos haberi voluerunt in antiquos rhet-
ores rejectum et traductum est, Gorgiam, Protagoram,
Hippiam, Polum, etiam universo generi competit Pla-
toni, Aristoteli, Zenoni, Epicuro, Theophrasto, et eorum
successoribus, Chrysippo, Carneadi, reliquis. Hoc tan-
tum intererat ; quod prius genus vagum fuerit et mer-
cenarium, civitates circumcursando, et sapientiam suam
ostentando, et mercedem exigendo ; alteram vero solen-
nius et generosius, quippe eorum qui sedes fixas hab-
uerunt, et scholas aperuerunt, et gratis philosophati
sunt. Sed taraen utrumque genus (licet csetera dis-
par) professorium erat, et ad disputationes rem de-
ducebat, et sectas quasdam atque haereses philosophisB
instituebat et propugnabat: ut essent fere doctrinae
eorum (quod non male cavillatus est Dionysius in
Platonem) Verba otioso')'um senum ad imperitos juvenes}
At antiquiores illi ex GrsBcis, Empedocles, Anaxagoras,
Leucippus, Democritus, Parmenides, Heraclitus, Xe-
nophanes, Philolaus, reliqui, (nam Pythagoram, ut su-
perstitiosum, omittimus,) scholas (quod novimus) non
aperuerunt ; sed majore silentio, et severius, et sim-
plicius, id est, minore cum afFectatione et ostentatione,
ad inquisitionem veritatis se contulerunt. Itaque et
melius, ut arbitramur, se gesserunt; nisi quod opera
eorum a levioribus istis, qui vulgari captui et affectui
magis respondent ac placent, tractu temporis extincta
sint : tempore (ut fluvio) leviora et magis inflata ad
nos devehente, graviora et solida mergente. Neque
tamen isti a nationis vitio prorsus immunes erant : sed
1 oi "Xbyoi aov yepovnibai. — Diog. Laert. in Platon. c. 18.
278 NOVUM ORGANUM.
in ambitionem et vanitatem sectos condendaB et aurse
popularis captandte nimium propendebant. Pro des-
perata autem habenda est veritatis inquisitio, cum ad
hujusmodi inaniu deflectat. Etiam non omittendum
videtur judicium illud, sive vaticinium potius, sacerdo-
tis ^gyptii de Grjecis : quod semper puen essent, neque
haberent antiquitatem scientice, aut scientiam antiquitOr
tis.^ Et certe habent id quod puerorum est ; ut ad
garriendum prompti sint, generare autem non possint :
nam verbosa videtur sapientia eoniin, et operum ster-
ilis. Itaque ex ortu et gente philosophia} quae in usu
est, quai capiuntur signa bona non sunt.
LXXII.
Neque multo meliora sunt signa quae ex natura tem-
poris et aetatis capi possunt, quam quae ex natura loci
et nationis. Augusta enim erat et tenuis notitia per
illam aetatem, vel temporis vel orbis : quod longe pes-
simum est, praesertim iis qui omnia in experientia
ponunt. Neque enim mille annorum historiam, quae
digna erat nomine historiae, habebant ; sed fabulas et ru-
rnores antiquitatis. Regionum vcro tractuumque mundi
exiguam partem noverant ; cum omnes hyperboreos,
Scythas, omnes occidentales, Celtas, indistincte appel-
larent: nil in Africa ultra citimam iEtliiopise partem,
nil in Asia ultra Gangem, multo minus Novi Orbis
provincias, ne per auditum sane aut famam aliquam
certam et constantem, nossent ; imo et plurima climata
et zonae, in quibus populi infiniti spirant et degunt, tan-
quam inhabitabiles ab illis pronuntiata sint : quinetiam
peregrination es Democriti, Platonis, Pytbagorae, non
longinquse profecto sed potius suburbanas, ut magnum
1 Timrous, p. 22. b. "EXXrjveg uel naldii kare, yipuv 6e ''ETChjv oiK lart.
NOVUM ORGANUM. 279
aliquid celebrarentur. Nostris autem temporibus et
Novi Orbis partes complures et veteris orbis extrema
undique innotescunt ; et in infinitum experimentorum
cumulus excrevit. Quare si ex nativitatis aut geniturae
tempore (astrologorum more) signa capienda sint, nil
magni de istis philosophiis significari videtur.
LXXIII.
Inter signa nullum magis certum aut nobile est,
quam quod ex fructibus. Fructus enim, et opera in-
venta, pro veritate philosophiarum velut sponsores et
fidejussores sunt. Atque ex philosophiis istis Grseco-
rum, et derivationibus earum per particulares scientias,
jam per tot annorum spatia vix unum experimentum
adduci potest, quod ad hominum statum levandum et
juvandum spectet, et philosophiae speculationibus ac
dogmatibus vere acceptum referri possit. Idque Celsus
ingenue ac prudenter fatetur ; nimirum experimenta
medicinae primo inventa fuisse, ac postea homines circa
ea philosophatos esse et causas indagasse et assignasse ;
non ordine inverso evenisse, ut ex philosophia et causa-
i-um cognitione ipsa experimenta inventa aut deprompta
essent.i Itaque mirum non erat, apud ^Egyptios (qui
rerum inventoribus divinitatem et consecrationem at-
tribuerunt) plures fiiisse brutorum animalium imagines
quam hominum : quia bruta animalia, per instinctus
naturales, multa inventa pepererunt ; ubi homines ex
1 " Repertis deinde medicinae remediis homines de rationibus eorum dis-
serere coepisse : nee post rationem medicinara esse inventam, sed post in-
ventam medicinam rationem esse quajsitam." — Cekus, Prafatio.
But this remark is not made b}' Celsus as the expression of his own opin-
ion ; on the contrary it occurs in his statement of the views entertained by
the empirical school of medicine, to which he is decidedly opposed. The
error of citing Celsus as an authority for it is repeated in several parts of
Bacon's works. [See among others De Augmentis, v. 2. — J. S.]
280 NOVUM ORGANUM.
semionibus et conclusionibus rationalibus pauca aut
nulla exhibuerint.
At chymicorum industria nonnuUa peperit ; sed tan-
quam fortuito et obiter, aut per experimentoinim quan-
daiii vanationem (ut mechanici solent,) non ex arte
aut tlieoria aliqua ; nam ea quam confinxerunt, ex-
perimenta inagis perturbat quam juvat. Eorum etiam
qui in magia (quam vocant) naturali versati sunt, pauca
reperiuntur inventa ; eaque levia et imposturae propiora.
Quocirca quemadmodum in religione cavetur, ut fides
ex operibus monstretur ; idem etiam ad philosophiam
uptime traducitur, ut ex fructibus judicetur et vana
habeatur qu9B sterilis sit ; atque eo magis si, loco fruc-
tuimi uvae et oliva3, producat disputationum et conten-
tionum carduos et spinas.
LXXIV.
Capienda etiam sunt signa ex incrementis et pro-
gressibus philosopliiarum et scientiarum. QuaB enim
in natura fundata sunt crescunt et augentur : qua? au-
tem in opinione, variantur non augentur. Itaque si
istae doctrinae plane instar plantas a stirpibus suis re-
vulsae non essent, sed utero naturae adhaererent atque
ab eadem alerentur, id minime eventuinim fuisset, quod
per annos bis mille jam fieri videmus, nempe ut scien-
tiae suis haereant vestigiis et in eodem fere statu mane-
ant, neque augmentum aliquod memorabile sumpse-
rint ; quin potius in primo authore maxime floruerint
et deinceps declinaverint. In artibus autem median
icis, quae in natura et experientiae luce fxmdatse sunt
contra evenire videmus : quae (quamdiu placent) veluti
spiritu quodam repletae continue vegetant et crescunt
primo rudes, deinde commodae, postea excultae, et per-
petuo auctae.
NOVUM ORGANUM. 281
LXXV.
Etiam aliud signum capiendum est (si modo signi
appellatio huic competat ; cum potius testimonium sit
atque adeo testimoniorum omnium validissimum) ; hoc
est propria confessio authorum, quos homines nunc
sequuntur. Nam et illi qui tanta fiducia de rebus pro-
nuntiant, tamen per intervalla cum ad se redeant, ad
querimonias de naturae subtilitate, rerum obscuritate,
humani ingenii infirmitate, se convertunt. Hoc vero
si simphciter fieret, alios fortasse qui sunt timidiores
ab ulteriori inquisitione deterrere, ahos vero qui sunt
ingenio alacriori et magis fidenti ad ulteriorem pro-
gressum acuere et incitare possit. Verum non satis
illis est de se confiteri, sed quicquid sibi ipsis aut ma-
gistris suis incognitum aut intactum fuerit id extra ter-
minos Possibilis ponunt, et, tanquam ex arte, cognitu
aut factu impossibile pronuntiant : summa superbia et
invidia, suorum inventorum infirmitatem in naturae
ipsius calumniam et aliorum omnium desperationem
vertentes. Hinc schola Academiae Novae, quae Acat-
alepsiam ex professo tenuit, et homines ad sempiter-
nas tenebras damnavit. Hinc opinio, quod Formae
sive verse remm differentiae (quae revera sunt leges
actus puri ^) inventu impossibiles sint, et ultra homi-
nem.2 Hinc opiniones illae in activa et operativa
parte ; calorem solis et ignis toto genere difFerre ; ne
1 Compare II. § 2. " Licet enim in natura nihil vere existat praeter cor-
pora individua edentia actus puros ex lege. &c. Earn autem legem ej usque
paragraphos Formarum nomine intelligimus." And for an explanation
of the meaning of " actus /jwrws " see the General Preface, p. 75. — J. S.
2 The doctrine of the incognoscibility of forms is quoted by Boyle and
Sennert. See the " Quid sint qualitates occultse" of the latter, from Scali-
ger's Exercitationes in Cardanum, — a work which seems to have been
very generally read.
282 NOVUM ORGANUM.
scilicet liomines putent, se per opera ignis aliqiiid simile
lis quie in natura fiunt educere et formare posse. Hinc
illud : compositionem tantum opus hominis, mistionem
vero opus solius naturae esse : ^ ne scilicet homines
sperent aliquam ex arte corporum naturalium gene-
rationem aut transformationem. Itaque ex hoc signo
homines sibi persuaderi facile patientur, ne cum dog-
matibus non solum desperatis sed etiam desperationi
devotis fortunas suas et labores misceant.
LXXVI.
Neque illud signum praetermittendum est ; quod
tanta fuerit inter philosophos olim dissensio et schola-
rum ipsarum varietas : quod satis ostendit viam a sensu
ad intellectum non bene munitam fiiisse, cum eadem
materia philosophiae (natura scilicet rerum) in tam
vagos et multiplices errores abrepta fuerit et distracta.
Atque licet hisce temporibus dissensiones et dogma-
tum diversitates circa principia ipsa et philosophias in-
tegras ut plurimum extinctfie sint ; tamen circa partes
philosophise innumerse manent quaestiones et contro-
versiae; ut plane appareat, neque in philosophiis ii)sis
neque in modis demonstrationum aliquid certi aut
sani esse.
LXXVII.
Quod vero putant homines in philosophia Aristotelis
magnum utique consensum esse ; cum post illam edi-
tam antiquorum philosophiae cessaverint et exoleverint,
ast apud tempora quae sequuta sunt nil melius inven-
tum fuerit; adeo ut ilia tam bene posita et fundata
1 The reference is to Galen, who in his treatise De Natural. FacuUaiibm
contrasts the inwardly formative power of nature with the external opera-
tions of art. See note on Temjmis Partus Mnsculm. — J. 8.
NOVUM ORGANUM. 283
videatur, ut utrumque tempus ad se traxerit : primo,
quod de cessatione antiquarura philosophiarum post
Aristotelis opera edita homines cogitant, id falsum
est; diu enim postea, usque ad tempora Ciceronis et
saecula sequentia, manserunt opera veterum philoso-
phorum. Sed temporibus insequentibus, ex inunda-
tione barbarorum in imperium Romanum postquam
doctrina humana velut naufragium perpessa esset, turn
demum philosophise Aristotelis et Platonis, tanquam
tabular ex materia leviore et minus solida, per fluctus
temporum servatse sunt. Illud etiam de consensu
fallit homines, si acutius rem introspiciant. Verus
enim consensus is est, qui ex libertate judicii (re
prius explorata) in idem conveniente consistit. At
numerus longe maximus eorum qui in Aristotelis phil-
osophiam consenserunt, ex praejudicio et authoritate
aliorum se illi mancipavit ; ut sequacitas sit potius et
coitio, quam consensus. Quod si fuisset ille verus
consensus et late patens, tantum abest ut consensus
pro vera et solida authoritate haberi debeat, ut eti-
am violentam prsesumptionem inducat in contrarium.
Pessimum enim omnium est augurium quod ex con-
sensu capitur in rebus intellectualibus ; exceptis di-
vinis et politicis, in quibus suffragiorum jus est.^
Nihil enim multis placet, nisi imaginationem feriat,
aut intellectum vulgarium notionum nodis astringat,
ut supra dictum est. Itaque optime traducitur illud
Phocionis a moribus ad intellectualia ; ut statim se
examinare debeant homines, quid erraverint aut pee-
1 Bacon does not mean that the votes of a majority are necessarily valid
in matters of divinity or politics, but merely that, from the nature of the
case, the argument ex consensu has more weight in these than in purely
scientific questions.
284 NOVUM ORGANUM.
caverint^ si muUitudo consentiat et complaudat} Hoc
signum igitur ex aversissimis est. Itaque quod signa
veritatis et sanitatis philosophiarum et scientiarum quas
in usu sunt, male se habeant ; sive capiantur ex origin-
ibus ipsarum, sive ex fructibus, sive ex progressibus,
sive ex confessionibus authorum, sive ex consensu ;
jam dictum est.
LXXVIII.
Jam vero veniendum ad causas errorum, et tam
diuturnge in illis per tot ssecula morse ; quae plurimae
sunt et potentissimae : ut tollatur omnis admiratio, haec
quae adducimus homines hucusque latuisse et fugisse;
et maneat tantum admiratio, ilia nunc tandem alicui
mortalium in mentem venire potuisse, aut cogitationem
cujuspiam subiisse : quod etiam (ut nos existimamus)
felicitatis magis est cujusdam, quam excellentis alicujus
facultatis ; ut potius pro temporis partu haberi debeat,
quam pro partu ingenii.
Primo autem tot saeculorum numerus, vere rem
reputanti, ad magnas angustias recidit. Nam ex
viginti quinque annorum centuriis, in quibus me-
moria et doctrina hominum fere versatur, vix sex
centuriae seponi et excerpi possunt, quae scientiarum
feraces earumve proventui utiles fuerunt. Sunt enim
non minus temporum quam regionum eremi et vasti-
tates. Tres enim tantum doctrinanim revoltitiones
et periodi recte numerari possunt : una, apud Grae-
cos ; altera, apud Romanos ; ultima, apud nos, occi-
dentals scilicet Europae nationes : quibus singulis xix
duae centuriae annorum merito attribui possunt. Media
mundi tempora, quoad scientiainim segetem uberem aut
lajtam, infcelicia fuerunt. Neque enim causa est, ut vel
1 Plutarch in Phocion, c. 8.
NOVUM ORGANUM. 285
Arabum vel Scholasticorum mentio fiat : qui per inter-;
media tempora scientias potius contriverunt numerosis
tractatibus, quam pondus earum auxerunt. Itaque
prima causa tam pusilli in scientiis profectus ad an-
gustias temporis erga illas propitii rite et ordine re-
fertur.
LXXIX.
At secundo loco se oflPert causa illamagni certe per
omnia momenti : ea videlicet, quod per illas ipsas setates
quibus hominum ingenia et literae maxime vel etiam
mediocriter floruerint, Naturalis Philosophia minimam
partem humange operae sortia sit. Atque haec ipsa
nihilominus pro magna scientiarum matre haberi de-
bet. Omnes enim artes et scientise ab hac stripe re-
vulsae, poliuntur fortasse et in usum effinguntur, sed
nil admodum crescunt. At manifestum est, postquam
Christiana fides recepta fuisset et adolevisset, longe
maximam ingeniorum praestantissimorum partem ad
Theologiam se contulisse ; atque huic rei et amplis-
sima praemia proposita, et omnis generis adjumenta
copiosissime subministrata fuisse : atque hoc Theolo-
giae studium praecipue occupasse tertiam illam partem
sive periodum temporis apud nos Europaeos occiden-
tals; eo magis, quod sub ideni. fere tempus et literae
florere et controversiae circa religionem pullulare coep-
erint. At sevo superiori, durante periodo ilia secunda
apud Romanes, potissimas philosophorum meditationes
et industrise in Morali Philosophia (quse Ethnicis vice
Theologiae erat) occupatse et consumpt^e fiierunt : etiam
summa ingenia illis temporibus ut plurimum ad res civ-
iles se applicuerunt, propter magnitudinem imperii Ro-
mani, quod plurimorum hominum opera indigebat. At
ilia aetas, qua Naturalis Philosophia apud Graecos max-
286 NOVUM ORGANUM.
ime florere visa est, particula fuit temporis minime
diuturiia; cum et antiquioribus temporibus septem illi
qui sapientes nominabantur, omnes (praeter Thaleteni)
ad Moralem Philosophiam et civilia se applicuerint ;
et posterioribus temporibus postquam Socrates philoso-
phiam de coelo in terras deduxisset, adhuc magis in-
valuerit MoraHs Pliilosophia, et ingenia hominum a
Naturali averterit.
At ipsissima ilia periodus temporis in qua inquisi-
tiones de natura viguerunt, contradictionibus et novo-
rum placitorum ambitione corrupta est, et inutilis red-
dita. Itaque quandoquidem per tres istas periodos
Naturalis Pliilosophia majorem in modum neglecta aut
impedita fuerit, nil minim si homines parum in ea re
profecerint, cum omnino aliud egerint.
LXXX.
Accedit et illud, quod Naturalis Philosophia, in iis
ipsis viris qui ei incubuerint, vacantem et integrum
hominem, praesertim his recentioribus temporibus, vix
nacta sit ; nisi forte quis monachi alicujus in cellula,
aut nobilis in villula lucubrantis, exemplum adduxerit :
sed facta est demum Naturalis Philosophia instar tran-
situs cujusdam et ponti-sternii ad alia.
Atque magna ista scientiarum mater mira indignitate
ad officia ancillae detrusa est ; quae medicinae aut mathe-
maticis operibus ministret, et rursus qua; adolescentium
immatura ingenia lavet et imbuat velut tinctura qua-
dam prima, ut aliam postea foelicius et commodius ex-
cipiant. Interim nemo expectet magnum progressum
in scientiis (praesertim in parte earum operativa), nisi
Philosophia Naturalis ad scientias })articulares produc^a
ftierit, et scientiae particulares rursus ad Naturalem
NOVUM ORGANUM. 287
Philosoplilam reductae. Hinc enim fit, ut astronomia,
optica, musica, plurimse artes mechanicae, atque ipsa
medic in a, atque (quod qui8 magis miretur) philoso-
phia moralis et civilis, et scientiae logicae, nil fere ha-
beant altitudinis in profiindo ; sed per superfieiem et
varietatem rerum tantum labantur : quia postquam
particulares istse scientiae dispertitse et constitutae fue-
rint, a Philosophia Naturali non amplius alantur ; quae
ex fontibus et veris contemplationibus motuum, radi-
orum, sonorum, texturae et scliematismi corporum, af-
fectuum, et preliensionum intellectualium, novas vires
et augmenta illis impertiri potuerit. Itaque minime
minim est si scientiae non crescant, cum a radicibus
suis sint separatee.
LXXXI.
Rursus se ostendit alia causa potens et magna, cur
scientiae parum promoverint. Ea vero haec est ; quod
fieri non possit, ut recte procedatur in curriculo, ubi
ipsa meta non recte posita sit et defixa. Meta autem
scientiainim vera et legitima non alia est, quam ut do-
tetur vita humana novis inventis et copiis. At turba
longe maxima nihil ex hoc sapit, sed meritoria plane est
et professoria ; nisi forte quandoque eveniat, ut artifex
aliquis acrioris ingenii et gloriae cupidus novo alicui in-
vento det operam ; quod fere fit cum facultatum dispen-
dio. At apud plerosque tantum abest ut homines id
sibi proponant, ut scientiarum et artium massa augmen-
tum obtineat, ut ex ea quas praesto est massa nil amplius
sumant aut quaerant, quam quantum ad usum profes-
sorium aut lucrum aut existimationem aut hujusmodi
compendia convertere possint. Quod si quis ex tanta
multitudine scientiam affectu ingenuo et propter se
expetat ; invenietur tamen ille ipse, potius contempla-
288 NOVUM ORGANUM.
tionum et doctrinarum varietatem, quam veritatis seve-
ram et rigidam inquisitionem sequi. Rursus, si alius
quispiam fortasse veritatis inquisitor sit severior; tamen
et ille ipse talem sibi proponet veritatis conditionem,
quae menti et intellectui satisfaciat in redditione cau-
sarum rerum quae jampridem sunt cognitae ; non earn
quae nova operum pignora et novam axiomatum lucem
assequatur. Itaque, si finis scientiarum a nemine ad-
huc bene positus sit, non minim est si in iis quae sunt
subordinata ad finem, sequatur aberratio.
LXXXII.
Quemadmodum autem finis et meta scientiarum male
posita sunit apud homines ; ita rursus etiamsi ilia recte
posita fuissent, viam tamen sibi delegerunt omnino er-
roneam et imperviam. Quod stupore quodam animum
rite rem reputanti perculserit ; non ulli mortalium curae
aut cordi fuisse, ut intellectui human o, ab ij)so sensu et
experientia ordinatalet bene condita, via aperiretur et
muniretur ; sed omnia vel traditionum caligini, vel argu-
mentorum vertigini et turbini, vel casus et experientiae
vagas et inconditae undis et ambagibus permissa esse.
Atque cogitet quis sobrieet diligenter, qualis sit ea via
quam in inquisitione et inventione alicujus rei homines
adhibere consueverunt ; et primo notabit proculdubio in-
veniendi modum simplicem et inartificiosum, qui homin-
ibus maxime est familiaris. Hie autem non alius est,
quam ut is qui se ad inveniendum aliquid comparat et
accingit, primo quae ab aliis circa ilia dicta sint inquirat
et evolvat ; deinde propriam meditationem addat, atque
per mentis multam agitation em spiritum suum pro-
prium soUicitet, et quasi invocet, ut sibi oracula pan-
dat ; quae res omnino sine fundamento est, et in opin-
ionibus tantum volvitur.
NOVUM ORGANUM. 289
At alius qiilspiam dialecticam ad inveniendum ad-
vocet, quae nomine tenus tantum ad id quod agitur
pertinet. Inventio enim dialecticse non est principio-
rum et axiomatum praecipuorum, ex quibus artes con-
stant, sed eorum tantum quae illis consentanea videntur.
Dialectica enim magis curiosos et importunos, et sibi
negotium facessentes, eamque interpell antes de proba-
tionibus et inventionibus principiorum sive axiomatum
primorum, ad fidem, et veluti sacramentum cuilibet arti
praestandum, notissimo responso rejicit.
Restat experientia mera, quae, si occurrat, casus ; si
quaesita sit, experimentum nominatur. Hoc autem
experientiae genus nihil aliud est, quam (quod aiunt)
scopae dissolutae,^ et mera palpatio, quali homines noctu
utuntur, omnia pertentando, si forte in rectam viam
incidere detur ; quibus multo satius et consultius foret
diem praestolari, aut lumen accendere, et deinceps viam
inire. At contra, verus experientiae ordo primo lumen
accendit, deinde per lumen iter demonstrat, incipiendo
ab experientia ordinata et digesta, et minime praepostera
aut erratica, atque ex ea educendo axiomata, atque ex
axiomatibus constitutis rursus experimenta nova ; quum
nee verbum divinum in rerum massam absque ordine
operatum sit.
Itaque desinant homines mirari si spatium scientia-
rum non confectum sit, cum a via omnino aberraverint ;
relicta prorsus et deserta experientia, aut in ipsa (tan-
1 i. e. a besom without a band. " Scopas dissolvere proverbio dicitur,
rem aliquam prorsus inutilem reddere; nam scopae solutse nullse sunt." —
Facciolati. I do not remember any proverbial expression which answers
to this in English; but the allusion is to the want of combination and co-
herency in these experiments. They are the "Experimenta omnigena
absque ul la serie aut methodo tentata." {De Augm. v. 2.), and are op-
posed to the " Experientia Literata," or " Experientia certa lege procedens
seriatim et continenter," spoken of in aphorisms 100 and 103. — J. S.
VOL. I. 19
290 NOVUM ORGANUM.
quam in labyrintho) se intricando et circnmciirsando ;
cum rite institutus ordo per experientiae sylvas ad aperta
axiomatum tramite constanti ducat.
LXXXIII.
Excrevit autem mirum in modum istud malum, ex
opinione quadam sive a3stimatione inveterata, vemra
tumida et damnosa ; minui nempe mentis humanaB
majestatem, si expcrimentis, et rebus particularibus
sensui subjectis et in materia determinatis, diu ac mul-
tum versetur : praesertim quum hujusmodi res ad in-
quirendum laboriosaB, ad meditandum ignobiles, ad
dicendum asperae, ad practicam illiberales, numero
infinitaa, et subtilitate tenues esse soleant. Itaque jam
tandem hue res rediit, ut via vera non tantum deserta,
sed etiam interclusa et obstructa sit ; fastidita experi-
entia, nedum relicta, aut male administrata.
LXXXIV.
Rursus vero homines a progressu in scientiis detinuit
et fere incantavit reverentia antiquitatis, et virorura
qui in philosophia magni habiti sunt authoritas, at^ue
deinde consensus. Atque de consensu superius dic-
tum est.
De antiquitate autem, opinio quam homines de ipsa
fovent negligens omnino est, et vix verbo ipsi congrua.
Mundi enim senium et grandasvitas pro antiquitate
vere habenda sunt ; quae temporibus nostris tribui de-
bent, non juniori aetati mundi, qualis apud antiquos
fuit. Ilia enim aetas, respectu nostri antiqua et major,^
respectu mundi ipsius nova et minor fuit. Atque re-
vera quemadmodum majorem rerum humanarum noti-
1 See note on De Augm. lib. i. near the middle.
NOVUM ORGANUM. 291
tiam et maturius judicium ab homine sene exspectamus
quam a juvene, propter experientiam et rerum quas
vidit et audivit et cogitavit varietatem et copiam ;
eodem modo et a nostra aetate (si vires suas nosset, et
experiri et intendere vellet) majora multo quam a
priscis temporibus expectari par est ; utpote aetate
mundi grandiore, et infinitis experimentis et observii-
tionibus aucta et cumulata.
Neque pro nibilo aestimandum, quod per longinquas
navigationes et peregrinationes (quae saecubs nostris
increbuerunt) plurima in natura patuerint et reperta
sint, quae novam pbilosophiae lucem immittere possint.
Quia et turpe hominibus foret, si globi materiabs trac-
tus, terrarum videlicet, marium, astrorum, nostris tem-
poribus immensum aperti et illustrati sint ; globi autem
intellectualis fines inter veterum inventa et angustias
cohibeantur.^
Autbores vero quod attinet, summae pusillanimitatis
est autboribus infinita tribuere, authori autem autborum
atque adeo omnis autboritatis, Tempori, jus suum dene-
gare. Recte enim Veritas Temporis filia dicitur, non
Autboritatis. Itaque mirum non est si fascina ista
antiquitatis et autborum et consensus, hominum vir-
tutem ita ligaverint, ut cum rebus ipsis consuescere
(tanquam maleficiati) non potuerint.
1 Compare Campanella: '' Quapropter invidi sunt aut ingenio et fide in
Deum exigui qui putant in Aristotele et aliis philosophis antiquis quiescen-
dum, nee ultra quserendum: praesertim post evangelii lucem, et novi orbis
ac stellarum inventionera, qua prisci caruerunt, sicut et luce fidei quae per-
ficit in nobis naturam supra ethnicos non deprimit sub eorum jugo; cum
eorum philosophia sit catechismus et nostra sit perfecta doctrina, teste Cy-
rillo : unde in mundo qui est liber Dei et sapientia [q. sapientiaa ?] melius
legere poteriraus, si gratiam quae est in nobis non negligamus." — ApoJog.
pro Galileo.
292 NOVUM ORGANUM.
LXXXV.
Neque solum admiratio antiquitatis, authoritatis, et
consensus, hominum industriam in iis quae jam inventa
sunt acquiescere compulit ; verum etiam operum ipso-
rum admiratio, quorum copia jampridem facta est
humano generi. Etenim quum quis rerum varieta-
tem, et pulcherrimum apparatum qui per artes me-
chanicas ad cultum humanum congestus et introductus
est, oculis subjecerit, eo certe inclinabit, ut potius ad
opulentiae humanae admirationem quam ad inopia? sen-
sum accedat ; minime advertens primitivas hominis
observation es ^ atque naturae operationes (quae ad om-
nem illam varietatem instar animae sunt, et primi
motus) nee multas nee alte petitas esse ; caetera ad
patientiam hominum tantum, et subtilem et ordinatum
manus vel instrumentorum motum, pertinere. Res
enim (exempli gratia) subtilis est certe et accurata
confectio horologiorum, talis scilicet, quae coelestia in
rotis, pulsum animalium in motu successivo et ordi-
nato, videatur imitari ; quae tamen res ex uno aut al-
ter© naturae axiomate pendet.
Quod si quis rursus subtilitatem illam intueatur quae
ad artes liberales pertinet ; aut etiam eam qute ad cor-
porum naturalium praeparationem per artes mechanicas
spectat, et hujusmodi res suspiciat ; veluti inventionem
motuum coelestium in astronomia, concentuum in mu-
sica, literarum alphabeti (quae etiam adhuc in regno
Synarum in usu non sunt) in grammatica ; aut rursus
in mechanicis, factorum Bacchi et Cereris, hoc est, prae-
1 "Primitivas hominis observationes " maybe rendered "primary re-
sults of ob8er>'ation." The word hominis is merely used in antithesis to
natures in the next clause.
NOVUM ORGANUM. 293
parationum vini et cervisias, panificiorum, aut etiain
mensae delitiarum, et distillationum et similium ; ille
quoque si secuin cogitet, et animum advertat, per qnan-
tos temporum circuitus (cum liasc omnia, prseter distil-
lationes,^ antiqua fuerint) haec ad earn quam nunc
haberaus culturam perducta sint, et (ut jam de horo-
logiis dictum est) quam parum habeant ex observa-
tionibus et axiomatibus naturae, atque quam facile, et
tanquam per occasiones obvias et contemplationes in-
currentes, ista inveniri potuerint ; ille (inquam) ab
omni admiratione se facile liberabit, et potius humanae
conditionis miserebitur, quod per tot saecula tanta fuerit
rerum et inventorum penuria et sterilitas. Atque haec
ipsa tamen quorum nunc mentionem fecimus inventa,
philosophia et artibus intellectus antiquiora fuerunt.
Adeo ut (si verum dicendum sit) cum hujusmodi
scientiae rationales et dogmaticae inceperint, inventio
operum utilium desierit.^
Quod si quis ab officinis ad bibliothecas se conver-
terit, et immensam quam videmus llbrorum varietatem
in admiratione habuerit, is examinatis et diligentius
introspectis ipsorum librorum materiis et contentis, ob-
stupescet certe in contrarium ; et postquam nullum
dari finem repetitionibus observaverit, quamque hom-
ines eadem agant et loquantur, ab admiratione varie-
1 It has been said that Porson affirmed that distillation was known to the
ancients. Dutens of course maintains that it was; but the passage he
quotes from Dioscorides merely refers to sublimation. The word alembic
is, as he remarks, a compound of the Arabic article with the Greek word
dfi0i^, operculum; thus resembling in formation the word "almagest"
and some others. But no valid conclusion can be drawn from hence. See
Dutens, Origine des Decouveries, &c., p. 187. of the London edition. See
a very interesting account of the history of distillation in Humboldt's Ex-
amen critique de V Histoire de la Geographic, &c., vol. ii. p. 306.
2 Thus we find Aristotle speaks of philosophy as having sprung up after
all the wants of life were satisfied. See the beginning of the Metaphysics.
294 NOVUM ORGANUM.
tatis transibit ad miraculum indigenti;i3 et paucitatis
earum rerum quae hominum mentes adliuc teiuierunt
et occuj^arunt.
Quod si quis ad intuendum ea quse magis curiosa
habentur quam sana animum submiserit, et Alcliymis-
tarum aut Magorum opera penitius introspexerit, is
dubitabit forsitan utrum risu an lachrymis potius ilia
digna sint. Alchymista enim spem alit a^ternain, atque
ubi res non succedit errores proprios reos substi-tuit ;
secum accusatorie reputando, se aut artis aut anthorum
vocabula non satis intellexisse, unde ad traditiones et
auriculares susurros animum applicat ; aut in practica)
suae scrupulis et momentis aliquid titubatum esse,^
unde experimenta in infinitum repetit ; ac interim quum
inter experimentorum sortes in quaedam incidat aut ipsa
facie nova aut utilitate non contemnenda, hujusmodi
pignoribus animum pascit, eaque in majus ostentat et
celebrat ; reliqua spe sustentat. Neque tamen negan-
dum est, Alchymistas non pauca invenisse et inventis
utilibus homines donasse. Verum fabula ilia non male
in illos quadrat, de sene qui filiis aurum in vinea de-
fossum (sed locum se nescire simulans) legaverit ; unde
illi vineas fodiendas diligenter incubuerunt, et auinim
quidem nullum repertum, sed vindemia ex ea cultura
facta est uberior.
At naturalis Magiae cultores, qui per rerum Sym-
patliias et Antipatliias omnia expediunt, ex conjecturis
otiosis et supinissimis, rebus virtutes et operationes
admirabiles affinxerunt ; atque si quando opera ex-
hibuerint, ea illius sunt generis, ut ad admirationem et
1 That is, that something has gone wrong in his manipulations, cithfr
in weighing his materials, or because the moment of projection lia~ lum
missed.
NOVUM ORGANUM. 295
novitatem, non ad fructum et utilitatem, accommodata
sint.
In superstitiosa autem Magia (si et de hac dicendum
sit) illud imprimis animadvertendum est, esse tantum-
modo certi cujusdam et definiti generis subjecta, in qui-
bus artes curiosse et superstitiosae, per omnes nationes
atque setates atque etiam religion es, aliquid potuerint
aut luserint. Itaque ista missa faciamns : interim nil
mirum est si opinio copise causam inopiae dederit.
LXXXVI.
Atque hominum admirationi quoad doctrinas et artes,
per se satis simplici et prope puerili, incrementum ac-
cessit ab eorum astu et artificio qui scientias tractave-
runt et tradiderunt. Illi enim ea ambitione et afFec-
tatione eas proponunt, atque in eum modum efFormatas
ac veluti personatas in hominum conspectum producunt,
ac si illse omni ex parte perfectai essent et ad exitum
perductae. Si enim methodum aspicias et partitiones,
illae prorsus omnia complecti et concludere videntur
quas in illud subjectum cadere possunt. Atque licet
membra ilia male impleta et veluti capsulae inanes sint,
tamen apud intellectum vulgarem scientias formam et
rationem integrae prae se ferunt.
At primi et antiquissimi veritatis inquisitores, meliore
fide et fato, cognitionem illam, quam ex rerum contem-
platione decerpere et in usum recondere statuebant, in
apTiorismos^ sive breves easdemque sparsas nee metliodo
revinctas sententias, conjicere solebant ; neque se artem
universam complecti simulabant aut profitebantur. At
eo quo nunc res agitur modo, minime mirum est si
homines in iis ulteriora non quaerant, quae pro perfectis
et numeris suis jampridem absolutis traduntur.
296 NOVUM ORGANUM.
LXXXVII.
Etiam antiqua magnum existimationis et fidei iiicre-
mentum acceperunt, ex eorum vanitate et levitate qui
nova proposuerunt ; praesertim in Philosophiae Naturalis
parte activa et operativa. Neque enim defuerunt hom-
ines vaniloqui et pliantastici, qui partim ex credulitate,
partim ex impostura, genus humanum promissis onera-
runt : vitas prolongationem, senectutis retardationem,
dolorum levationem, naturalium defectuum reparatio-
nem, sensuum deceptiones, afFectuum ligation es et in-
citationes, intellectualium facultatum illuminationes et
exaltationes, substantiarum transmutationes, et motuum
ad libitum roborationes et multiplicationes, aeris impres-
siones et alterationes, coelestium influentiarum deduc-
tiones et procurationes, rerum futurarum divinationes,
remotarum reprassentationes, occultarum revelationes,
et alia complura pollicitando et ostentando. Verum de
istis largitoribus non multum aberraverit qui istiusmodi
judicium fecerit, tantum nimirum in doctrinis philoso-
phiae inter horum vanitates et veras artes interesse,
quantum inter res gestas Julii Caesaris aut Alexandri
Magni et res gestas Amadicii ex Gallia aut Arthuri ex
Britannia in historiae narrationibus intersit. Inveniun-
tur enim clarissimi illi imperatores revera majora ges-
sisse quam umbratiles isti heroes etiam fecisse fingantur ;
sed modis et viis scilicet actionum minime fabulosis et
prodigiosis. Neque propterea aequum est verae memo-
riae fidem derogari, quod a fabulis ilia quandoque laesa
sit et violata. Sed interim minime mirum est si prop-
ositionibus novis (praesertim cum mentione operum)
magnum sit factum praejudicium per istos impostores
qui similia tentaverunt ; cum vanitatis excessus et fas-
NOVUM ORGANUM. 297
tidium etiam nunc omnem in ejusmodi conatibus mag-
nanimitatem destruxerit.
LXXXVIII.
At longe majora a pusillanimitate, et pensorum quae
humana industria sibi proposuit parvitate et tenuitate,
detrimenta in scientias invecta sunt. Et tamen (quod
pessimum est) pusillanimitas ista non sine arrogantia et
fastidio se offert.
Primum enim, omnium artium ilia reperitur cautela
jam facta familiaris, ut in qualibet arte autliores artis
suae infirmitatem in naturae calmnniam vertant ; et
quod ars ipsorum non assequitur id ex eadem arte im-
possibile in natura pronunciant. Neque certe damnari
potest ars, si ipsa judicet. Etiam philosophia quae nunc
in manibus est, in sinu suo posita quaedam fovet, aut
placita, quibus (si diligentius inquiratur) hoc homini-
bus omnino persuaderi volunt ; nil ab arte vel hominis
opere arduum, aut in naturam imperiosum et validum,
expectari debere ; ut de heterogenia caloris astri et ig-
nis, et mistione, superius dictum est. Quae si notentur
accuratius, omnino pertinent ad humanee potestatis cir-
cumscriptionem malitiosam, et ad quaesitam et artificio-
sam desperationem, quae non solum spei auguria turbet,
sed etiam omnes industriae stimulos et nervos incidat
atque ipsius experientiae aleas abjiciat ; dum de hoc
tantum solliciti sint, ut ars eorum perfecta censeatur ;
gloriae vanissimae et perditissimae dantes operam, scilicet
ut quicquid adhuc inventum et comprehensum non sit,
id omnino nee inveniri nee comprehendi posse in futu-
rum credatur. At si quis rebus addere se^ et novum
1 Compare Eedargutio Philosophiarum, — "Quare missis istis philoso-
phiis abstractis, vos et ego, filii, rebus ipsis nos adjungamus; " and Prsefatio,
298 NOVUM ORGANUM.
aliquod reperire conetur, ille tamen omnino sibi pro-
ponet et destinabit iinum aliquod inventum (nee ultra)
perscrutari et eruere ; ut magnetis naturam, maris flux-
um et refluxum, tliema coeli, et hujusmodi, quai secreti
aliquid habere videntur et hactenus parum foeliciter
tractata sint : quum summa} sit imperitiaB, rei alicujus
naturam in se ipsa perscrutari ; quandoquidem eadem
natura, quae in aliis videtur latens et occulta, in aliis
manifesta sit et quasi palpabilis, atque in illis admira-
tion em, in his ne attentionem quidem moveat ; ut fit in
natura consistentiae, quie in ligno vol lapide non nota-
tur, sed solidi appellatione transmittitur, neque amplius
de; fuga separationis aut solutionis continuitatis inquiri-
tur : at in aquarum bullis eadem res videtur subtilis et
ingeniosa ; qute huWiv. se conjiciunt in pelliculas quas-
dam in hemisphaerii formam curiose effictas, ut ad mo-
mentum temporis evitetur solutio continuitatis.
Atque prorsus ilia ipsa quii3 habentur })ro secretis, in
aliis habent naturam manifestam et communem ; qujL'
nunquam se dabit conspiciendam, si hominum experi-
menta aut contemplationes in illis ipsis tantum versen-
tur. Generaliter autem et vulgo, in operibus mechanicis
habentur pro novis inventis, si quis jampridem inventa
subtilius poliat, vel ornet elegantius, vel shnul uniat et
componat, vel cum usu commodius copulet, aut opus
majore aut etiam minore quam fieri consuevit mole vel
volumine exhibeat, et similia.
Itaque minime mirum est si nobilia et genere hu-
mano digna inventa in lucem extracta non sint, quum
pr203. of this volume, — " Qui autem et ipsi experiri et se scientiig addere,
earunique fines proferre, statuerunt, nee iili a receptis prorsus desciscerc
ausi sunt," &c. '■'^Adtlcre «e" (says Heyne, Virg. Georg. i. 513.) " vuljrari
usu est adjungere se, accedere. . . . Inde si idem fit cum impetu, irriiere,
instare, Inixeiv." — •/• S.
NOVUM ORGANUM. 299
homines hujusmodi exiguis pensis et puerilibus contenti
et delectati fuerint ; quinetiam in iisdem se magnum
aliquod sequutos aut assequutos putaverint.
LXXXIX.
Neque illud praetermittendum est, quod nacta sit
Philosophia Naturalis per omnes setates adversarium
molestum et difficilem ; superstitionem nimirum, et ze-
lum relio-ionis caecum et immoderatum. Etenim videre
est apud Grsecos, eos qui primum causas naturales ful-
minis et tempestatum insuetis adlmc hominum auribus
proposuerunt, impietatis in deos eo nomine damnatos :
nee multo melius a nonnullis antiquorum patrum re-
ligionis christiange exceptos fuisse eos, qui ex certissimis
demonstrationibus (quibus nemo hodie sanus contra-
dixerit) terram rotundam esse posuerunt, atque ex con-
sequenti antipodas esse asseruerunt.
Quinetiam ut nunc sunt res, conditio sermonum de
natura facta est durior et magis cum periculo, propter
theologorum scliolasticorum summas et methodos ; qui
cum theologian! (satis pro potestate) in ordinem re-
degerint et in artis formam effinxerint, hoc insuper
efFecerunt, ut pugnax et spinosa Aristotelis philosophia
corpori religionis plus quam par erat immisceretur.^
Eodem etiam spectant (licet diverso modo) eorum
commentationes, qui veritatem christiange religionis ex
1 Compare Kepler in the introduction to his great work De Stella Martis:
— " In theologia quidem authoritatum, in Philosophia vero rationum esse
momenta ponderanda. Sanctus igitur Lactantius qui terram negavit esse
rotundam : Sanctus Augustinus qui rotunditate concessa negavit tamen An-
tipodas: Sanctum Officium hodiernorum qui exilitate terrte concessa negant
tamen ejus motum: at magis mihi sancta Veritas qui terram et rotundam et
Antipodibus cn-cumhabitam et contemptissimae parvitatis esse et denique per
sidera ferri, salvo Doctorum ecclesise respectu, ex philosophia demonstro."'
See for a defence of St. Boniface, touching the story of the Antipodes and
Virgilius Bishop of Saltzburg, Fromondus De Orbe Terrce Immobili, c. 4.
300 NOVUM ORGANUM.
principiis et authoritatibus philosophorum deducere et
coiifirmare hand veriti sunt ; fidei et sensus conjugium
tanquam legitimum niulta pompa et solonnitate cele-
brantes, et grata rerum varietate animos hominum
permulcentes ; sed interim divina humanis impari con-
ditione permiscentes. At in Imjusmodi niisturis theo-
logiae cum philosophia, ea tantum quae nunc in philoso-
phia recepta sunt comprehenduntur ; sed nova, licet in
melius mutata, tantum non summoventur et extermi-
nantur.
Denique invenias ex quorundam theologorum im-
peritia aditum alicui philosophiae, quamvis emendatae,
pene interclusum esse. Alii siquidem simplicius sub-
verentur ne forte altior in naturam inquisitio ultra
concessum sobrietatis terminum penetret ; traducentes
et perperam torquentes ea quae de divinis mysteriis
in scripturis sacris adversus rimantes secreta divina
dicuntur, ad occulta naturae quae nullo interdict© pro-
hibentur. Alii callidius conjiciunt et animo versant,
si media ignorentur, singula ad manum et virgulam
divinam (quod religionis ut putant maxime intersit)
facilius posse referri : quod nihil aliud est quam Deo
per mendadum gratificari vclle. Alii ab exemplo met-
uunt, ne motus et mutationes circa philosophiam in
religionem incurrant ac desinant. Alii denique sol-
liciti videntur, ne in naturae inquisitione aliquid in-
veniri possit quod religionem (praesertim apud indoc-
tos) subvertat, aut saltem labefactet. At isti duo
posteriores metus nobis videntur omnino sapientiam
animalem sapere ; ac si homines, in mentis suae re-
cessibus et secretis cogitationibus, de firmitudine relig-
ionis et fidei in sensum imperio diffiderent ac dubita-
rent ; et propterea ab inquisitione veritatis in natural-
NOVUM ORGANUM. 301
ibus periculum illis impendere metuerent. At vere
rem reputanti Philosophia Naturalis, post verbum Dei,
certissima superstitionis medicina est ; eademque prob-
atissimuni fidei alimentum. Itaque merito religion!
donatur tanquam fidissima ancilla : cum altera volun-
tatem Dei, altera potestatem manifestet. Neque enim
erravit ille qui dixit, Urratis, neseientes scripturas et
'potestatem Dei :^ informationem de voluntate et med-
itationem de potestate nexu individuo commiscens
et copulans. Interim minus mirum est si Naturalis
Philosophise incrementa cohibita sint, cum religio, quae
plurimum apud animos hominum pollet, per quorun-
dam imperitiam et zelum incautum in partem contra-
riam transient et abrepta fuerit.
xc.
Rursus in moribus et institutis scholarum, academi-
arum, collegiorum, et similium conventuum, quae doc-
torum hominum sedibus et eruditionis culturae destinata
sunt, omnia progressui scientiarum adversa inveniun-
tur. Lectiones enim et exercitia ita sunt disposita, ut
aliud a consuetis haud facile cuiquam in men tern
veniat cogitare aut contemplari. Si vero unus aut
alter fortasse judicii libertate uti sustinuerit, is sibi
soli hanc operam imponere possit ; ab aliorum autem
censor tio nihil capiet utilitatis. Sin et hoc toleraverit,
tamen in capessenda fortuna industriam hanc et mag-
nanimitatem sibi non levi impedimento fore experietur.
Studia enim hominum in ejusmodi locis in quorundam
authorum scripta, veluti in carceres, conclusa sunt ;
a quibus si quis dissentiat, continue ut homo turbidus
et rerum novarum cupidus corripitur. At magnum
1 Matt. xxii. 29.
302 NOVUM OEGANUM.
certe discrimen inter res civiles et artes ; non eiiim
idem periculum a novo motu et a nova luce. Vcrum
m rebus civilibus mutatio etiam in melius suspecta est
ob perturbationem ; cum civilia auctoritate, consensu,
fama, et opinione, non dcmonstratione, nitantur. In
artibus autem et scientiis, tanquam in metalli-fodinis,
omnia novis operibus et ulterioribus progressibus cir-
cumstrepere debent. Atque secundum rectam ratio-
nem res ita se habet, sed interim non ita vivitur ; sed
ista, quam diximus, doctrinarum administratio et poli-
tia scientiarum augmenta durius premere consuevit.
xci.
Atque insuper licet ista invidia cessaverit; tamen satis
est ad cohibendum augmentum Scientiarum, quod hu-
jusmodi conatus et industriai prajmiis careant. Non
enim penes eosdem est cultura scientiarum et pra>
mium. Scientiarum enim augmenta a magnis utique
ingeniis proveniunt ; at pretia et praemia scientiarum
sunt penes vulgus aut principes viros, qui (nisi rare
admodum) vix mediocriter docti sunt. Quinetiam hu-
jusmodi progressus non solum praemiis et beneficentia
hominum, verum etiam ipsa populari laude, destituti
sunt. Sunt enim illi supra captum maximae partis
hominum, et ab opinionum vulgarium ventis facile
obruuntur et extinguuntur. Itaque nil minim si res
ilia non foeliciter successerit, qua) in honore non fuit.
XCII.
Sed longe maximum progressibus scientiarum et no-
vis pensis ac provinces in iisdem suscipiendis obstacu-
lum deprehenditur in desperatione hominum, et sup-
positione Impossibilis. Solent enim viri prudcntes et
I
NOVUM ORGANUM. 303
severi in Imjusmodi rebus plane diffidere: naturae ob-
scuritatem, vitas brevitatem, sensuum fallacias, judicii
infirmitatem, experimentorum difficultates, et similia
secum reputantes. Itaque existimant esse quosdam
scientiarum, per temporum et ^etatum mundi revolu-
tiones, fluxus et refluxus ; cum aliis temporibus cres-
cant et floreant, aliis deelinent et jaceant : ita tamen,
ut cum ad certura quendam gradum et statum per-
venerint, nil ulterius possint.
Itaque si quis majora credat aut spondeat, id putant
esse cujusdam impotentis et immaturi animi ; atque
hujusmodi conatus, initia scilicet laeta, media ardua,
extrema confusa habere. Atque cum liujusmodi cogi-
tationes ese sint quae in viros graves et judicio pra^stan-
tes facile cadant, curandum revera est ne rei optimae et
pulclierrimaB amore capti severitatem judicii relaxemus
aut minuamus ; et sedulo videndum quid spei affulgeat,
et ex qua parte se ostendat ; atque auris levioribus spei
rejectis, eae quae plus firmitudinis habere videntur om-
nino discutiendae sunt et pensitandae. Quinetiam pru-
dentia civilis ad consilium vocanda est et adhibenda,
quae ex praescripto diffidit, et de rebus humanis in de-
terius conjicit. Itaque jam et de spe dicendum est ;
praesertim cum nos promissores non simus, nee vim aut
insidias hominum judiciis faciamus aut struamus, sed
homines manu et sponte ducamus. Atque licet longe
potentissimum futurum sit remedium ad spem impri-
mendam, quando homines ad particularia, prsesertim
in Tabulis nostris Inveniendi digesta et disposita (quae
partim ad secundam, sed multo magis ad quartam In-
staurationis nostrae partem pertinent), adducemus; cum
hoc ipsum sit non spes tantum, sed tanquam res ipsa :
tamen ut omnia clementius fiant, pergendum est in
304 NOVUM ORGANUM.
institute nostro de praeparandis hominum mentibus ;
cujiis praeparationis ista ostensio spei pars est iion ex-
igua. Nam absque ea, reliqua faciunt magis ad con-
tristationem hominum (scilicet ut deteriorem et vili-
orem habeant de iis quae jam in usu sunt opinionem
quam nunc habent, et suae conditionis infortunium
plus sentiant et pernoscant), quam ad alacritatem ali-
quam inducendam, aut industriam experiendi acuen-
dam. Itaque conjecturae nostras, quae spem in hac
i-e faciunt probabilem, aperiendae sunt et prajponendae :
sicut Columbus fecit, ante navigationem illam suam
mirabilem maris Atlantici, cum rationes adduxerit cur
ipse novas terras et continentes, praeter eas quae ante
cognita^ fuermit, inveniri posse confideret: quae ra-
tiones, licet primo rejectae, postea tamen experimento
probatse sunt et rerum maximarum causae et initia
fuerunt.
XCIII.
Principium autum sumendum a Deo : ^ hoc nimirum
quod agitur, propter excellentem in ipso boni naturam,
manifeste a Deo esse, qui author boni et pater luminum
est. In operationibus autem divinis, initia quaeque
tenuissima exitum certo trahunt. Atque quod de
spiritualibus dictum est, regnum Dei non venit cum
observatione, id etiam in omni majore opere provi-
dential divinae evenire reperitur ; ut omnia sine strep-
itu et sonitu placide labantur, atque res plane aga-
tur priusquam homines eam agi putent aut advertant.
Neque omittenda est prophetia Danielis de ultimis
mundi temporibus: Multi pertransibunt et multiplex
erit scientia: manifeste innuens et significans esse in
fatis, id est in providentia, ut pertransitus mundi (qui
1 'E/c Aidg dpxufiea&a. — Aratus, Phaenom. 1. 1.
NOVUM ORGANUM. 305
per tot longinqiias navigationes impletus plane aut jam
in opere esse videtur) et augmenta scientiarum in ean-
dem setatem incidant.
XCIV.
Sequitur ratio omnium maxima ad faciendam spem ;
nempe ex erroribus temporis prseteriti et viarum ad-
huc tentatarum. Optima enim est ea reprehensio,
quam de statu civili hand prudenter administrato quis-
piam his verbis complexus est : Quod ad prceterita pes-
simum est, id ad futura optimum videri debet. Si enim
vos omnia quce ad officium vestrum spectant prcestitissetis,
neque tamen res vestrce in meliore loco essent^ ne spes
quidem ulla reliqua foret eas in melius p)rovehi posse,
Sed cum rerum vestrarum status nan a vi ipsa rerum
sed ah erroribus vestris male se Jiabeat, spei^andum est,
illis erroribus missis aut correctis, magnam rerum in
melius mutationem fieri posse} Simili modo, si homi-
nes per tanta annorum spatia viam inveniendi et co-
lendi scientias tenuissent, nee tamen ulterius progredi
potuissent, audax proculdubio et temeraria foret opinio,
posse rem in ulterius provehi. Quod si in via ipsa
erratum sit, atque hominum opera in iis consumpta
in quibus minime oportebat, sequitur ex eo, non in
rebus ipsis difficultatem oriri, quae potestatis nostrse
non sunt, sed in intellectu human o ejusque usu et
applicatione, quae res remedium et medicinam suscipit.
Itaque optimum fuerit illos ipsos errores proponere :
quot enim fuerint errorum impedimenta in praeterito,
tot sunt spei argumenta in futurum. Ea vero licet
in his quae superius dicta sunt non intacta omnino
1 Demosthenes : see the first Philippic, p. 40. ; and the third, p. 112. Ed.
Reisk.
VOL. I. 20
306 NOVUM ORGANUM.
fueriiit, tamen ea etiam nunc breviter verbis nudis
ac simplicibus repraisentare visum est.
xcv.
Qui tractaverunt scientias aut Empirici aut Dog-
matici fuerunt. Empirici, formicae more, congerunt
tantum et utuntur ; Rationales, aranearum more, telas
ex se conficiunt : ^ apis vero ratio media est, quae ma-
tej'iam ex floribus horti et agri elicit, sed tamen earn
propria facultate vertit et digerit. Neque absimile
pliilosophiaj verum ojnficium est ; quod nee mentis
viiibus tantum aut pnecipue nititur, neque ex liistoria
naturali et meclianicis experimentis praibitam mate-
riam, in memoria integram, sed in intellectu mutatam
et subactam, reponit. Itaque ex harum facultatum
(experimentalis scilicet et rationalis) arctiore et sanc-
tiore foedere (quod adhuc factum non est) bene speran-
dum est.
xcvi.
Naturalis Philosopliia adhuc sincera non invenitur,
sed infecta et corrupta : in Aristotelis schola per logi-
cam, in Platonis schola per theologiam naturalem ; in
secunda schola Platonis, Procli et aliorum, per mathe-
maticam ; quae philosophiam naturalem terminare, non
generare aut procreare debet. At ex philosophia nat-
urali pura et impermista meliora speranda sunt.
XCVII.
Nemo adhuc tanta mentis constantia et rigore in-
ventus est, ut decreverit et sibi imposuerit, theorias
^ 'Apiaruv Toi)g ^oyovg rdv SiaTi^KUKuv rolq Tdv apaxviuv ifdafioaiv
eUa^v, ovdhf fiiv xpvollMvg, Xiav de Tfjfvi/couf (perhaps xpvoifioii and
TtX^'-i^O''^)- — Stobaeup, Floril. § 82. Compare De Augmentis, v. 2.
NOVUM ORGANUM. 307
et notiones communes penitns abolere, et intellectum
abrasum et a3quum ad particularia de integro applicare.
Itaque ratio ilia humana quam habemus, ex multa fide
et miilto etiam casu, nee non ex puerilibus quas primo
hausimus notionibus, farrago quasdam est et congeries.
Quod si quis aetate matura et sensibus integris et
mente repurgata se ad experientiam et ad particularia
de integro applicet, de eo melius sperandum est. At-
que liac in parte nobis spondemus fortunam Alexandri
Magni : neque quis nos vanitatis arguat, antequam ex-
itum rei audiat, quae ad exuendam omnem vanitatera
spectat.
Etenim de Alexandro et ejus rebus gestis ^scbines
ita loquutus est : JSfos certe vitam mortalem non vivimus ;
sed in hoc nati sumus, ut posteritas de nobis portenta
narret et prcedicet : perinde ac si Alexandri res gestas
pro miraculo habuisset.^
At gevis sequentibus Titus Livius melius rem advertit
et introspexit, atque de Alexandro hujusmodi quippiam
dixit : ^um non aliud quam bene ausum vana con-
temnere? Atque simile etiam de nobis judicium fu-
turis temporibus factum iri existimamus : nos nil magni
fecisse, sed tantum ea quce pro magnis habentur mi-
nons fecisse. Sed interim (quod jam diximus) non est
spes nisi in regeneratione scientiarum ; ut eae scilicet ab
Experientia certo ordine excitentur et rursus condan-
tur : quod adhuc factum esse aut cogitatum nemo (ut
arbitramur) affirmaverit.
XCVIIl.
Atque Experientiae ftmdamenta (quando ad banc
1 ^schines, De Corona, p. 72. Ed. H. St^phan.
2 Lib. ix. c. 17.
308 NOVUM ORGANUM.
omnino deveniendum est) aut nulla aut admodum in-
firma adhuc fuerunt ; nee particularium sylva et mate-
ries, vel numero vel gen ere vel certitudine, informando
intellectui competens aut ullo modo sufficiens, adhuc
quaesita est et congesta. Sed contra homines docti
(supini sane et faciles) rumores quosdam Experientiae,
et quasi famas et auras ejus, ad philosophiam suam
vel constituendam vel confirraandam exceperunt, atque
illis nihilominus pondus legitimi testimonii attribnerunt.
Ac veluti si regnum aliquod aut status non ex literis et
relationibus a legatis et nuntiis fide-dignis missis, sed ex
urbanorum sermunculis et ex triviis, consilia sua et ne-
gotia gubernaret ; omnino talis in philosophiam admin-
istratio, quatenus ad Experientiam, introducta est. Nil
debitis modis exquisitum, nil vcrificatum, nil numera-
tum, nil appensum, nil dimensum in Naturali Historia
reperitur. At quod in observatione indefinitum et
vagum, id in informatione fallax et infidum est. Quod
si cui haec mira dictu videantur et querehe minus justae
propiora, cum Aristoteles, tantus ipse vir et tanti regis
opibus subnixus, tam accuratam de Animalibus histo-
riam confecerit, atque alii nonnulli majore diligentia
(licet strepitu minore) multa adjecerint, et rursus alii
de plantis, de metallis, et fossilibus, historias et narra-
tiones copiosas conscripserint ; is sane non satis atten-
dere et perspicere videtur quid agatur in praesentia.
Alia enim est ratio Naturalis Historias qua} propter se
confecta est; alia ejus quae collecta est ad informan-
dum intellectum in ordine ad condendam philosophiam.
Atque hae duae historiae tum aliis rebus, tum praBcipue
in hoc differunt ; quod prima ex illis specierum natu-
ralium varietatem, non artium mechanicarum exj)eri-
menta, contineat. Quemadmodum enim in civilibus
NOVUM ORGANUM. 309
ingenium cujusque et occultus animi aff'ectuumque sen-
sus melius elicitur cum quis in perturbatione ponitur,
quam alias: simili modo, et occulta naturae magis se
produnt per vexationes artium, quam cum cursu suo
meant. Itaque tum demum bene sperandum est
de Naturali Philosophia, postquam Historia Naturalis
(quae ejus basis est et fundamentum) melius instructa
fuerit ; antea vero minime.
XCIX.
Atque rursus in ipsa experimentorum mechanicorum
copia, summa eorum quae ad intellectus informationem
maxime faciunt et juvant detegitur inopia. Mechanicus
enim, de veritatis inquisitione nullo modo sollicitus, non
ad alia quam quae operi suo subserviunt aut animum
erigit aut manum porrigit. Tum vero de scientiarum
ulteriore progressu spes bene fundabitur, quum in His-
toriam Naturalem recipientur et aggregabuntur com-
plura experimenta, quae in se nullius sunt usus, sed ad
inventionem causarum et axiomatum tantum faciunt ;
quae nos liicifera experimenta, ad difFerentiam fructif-
erorum^ appellare consuevimus. Ilia autem miram
habent in se virtutem et conditionem ; banc videlicet,
quod nunquam fallant aut frustrentur. Cum enim ad
hoc adhibeantur, non ut opus aliquod efficiant sed ut
causam naturalem in aliquo revelent, quaquaversum
cadunt, intentioni aequo satisfaciunt ; cum quaestionem
terminent.
c.
At non solum copia major experimentorum quaerenda
est et procuranda, atque etiam alterius generis, quam
adbuc factum est ; sed etiam methodus plane alia et
ordo et processus continuandae et provehendae Experi-
310 NOVUM ORGANUM.
entiae introducenda. Vaga enim Experientia et se tan-
tum sequens (ut superius dictum est) mera palpatio est,
et homines potius stupefacit quam informat. At cum
Experientia lege certa procedet, seriatim et continen-
ter, de scientiis aliquid melius sperari potent.
CI.
Postquam vero copia et materies Historiae Naturalis
et Experientiae, talis qualis ad opus intellectus sive ad
opus philosophicum requiritur, praesto jam sit et parata ;
tamen nullo modo sufficit intellectus, ut in illam mate-
riem agat sponte et memoriter; non magis, quam si
quis computationem alicujus ephemeridis memoriter se
tenere et superare posse speret. Atque hactenus tamen
potiores meditationis partes quam scriptionis in inveni-
endo fuerunt ; neque adhuc Experientia literata ^ facta
est : atqui nulla nisi de scripto inventio probanda est.
Ilia vero in usum inveniente, ab Experientia facta
demum literata melius sperandum.
CII.
Atque insuper cum tantus sit particularium numenis
et quasi exercitus, isque ita sparsus et diffusus, ut intel-
lectum disgreget et confundat, de velitationibus et levi-
bus motibus et transcursibus intellectus non bene speran-
dum est ; nisi fiat instructio et coordinatio, per tabulas
1 " Experientia literata " does not appear to be used here in the same
sense as in Aph. 103., or in the De Aur/menfis, v. 2. : " Cum quis experi-
menta oranigena absque ulla serie aut methodo tentet, ea demum mera est
palpatio: cum vero nonnulla utatur in experimentando directione et or-
dine, perinde est ac si manu ducatur. Atque hoc ipsum est quod per Ex-
perientiam Literatam intelligimus." Here it is used merely for a mode of
experimenting in which the results are recorded in writing. The " experi-
entia literata" of the De Augmentis answers to the " experientia certa lege
procedens" of the last aphorism. — J. 8.
NOVUM ORGANUM. 311
inveniendi idoneas et bene dispositas et tanquam vivas,
eorum quse pertinent ad subjectum in quo versatur in-
quisitio, atque ad liarum tabularum auxilia praeparata
et digesta mens applicetur.
cm.
Verum post copiam particularium rite et ordine vel-
uti sub oculos positorum, non statim transeundum est
ad inquisitionem et inventionem novorum particularium
aut operum ; aut saltern, si hoc fiat, in eo non acqui-
escendum. Neque enim negamus, postquam omnia
omnium artium experimenta collecta et digesta fuerint
atque ad unius liominis notitiam et judicium pervene-
rint, quin ex ipsa traductione exp crimen torn m unius
artis in alias multa nova inveniri possint ad humanam
vitam et statum utilia, per istam Experientiam quam
vocamus Literatam ; ^ sed tamen minora de ea speranda
sunt ; majora vero a nova luce Axiomatum ex particu-
laribus illis certa via et regula eductorum, qua? rursus
nova particularia indicent et designent. Neque enim
in piano via sita est, sed ascendendo et descendendo ;
ascendendo primo ad Axiomata, descendendo ad Opera.
CIV.
Neque tamen permittendum est, ut intellectus a par-
ticularibus ad axiomata remota et quasi generalissima
(qualia sunt principia, quae vocant, artium et rerum)
saliat et volet ; et ad eorum immotam veritatem axiom-
ata media probet et expediat : quod adhuc factum est,
prono ad hoc impetu naturali intellectus, atque etiam
ad hoc ipsum, per demonstrationes quae fiunt per syllo-
1 Here "experientia literata" is the same as in the De Augmentis. See
the last note. — J. S.
312 NOVUM ORGANUM.
gismum, jampridem edocto et assuefacto. Sed de sci-
entiis turn deinuin bene sperandum est, quando per
scalam veram, et per gradus continues et non intermis-
SQs aut hiulcos, a particularibus ascendetur ad axiom-
ata minora, et deinde ad media, alia aliis superiora, et
postremo demum ad generalissima. Etenim axiomata
infima non multum ab experientia nuda discrepant.
Suprema vero ilia et generalissima (quae habentur)
notionalia smit et abstracta, et nil habent solidi. At
media sunt axiomata ilia vera et solida et viva, in
quibus liumanaj res et fortunae sitae sunt ; et supra
haec quoque, tandem ipsa ilia generalissima ; talia scil-
icet qua3 non abstracta sint, sed per h;BC media vere
limitantur.^
Itaque liominum intellectui non pluma3 addendae, sed
plumbum potius et pondera ; ut cohibeant omnem sal-
tum et volatum. Atque hoc adhuc factum non est;
quum vero factum fuerit, melius de scientiis sperare
licebit.
cv.
In constituendo autem axiomate, forma Inductionis
alia quam adhuc in usu fuit excogitanda est; eaque
non ad principia tantum (quas vocant) probanda et
invenienda, sed etiam ad axiomata minora et media,
denique omnia. Inductio enim quae procedit per enu-
merationem simplicem res puerilis est, et precario con-
cludit, et periculo exponitur ab instantia contradictoria,
et plerumque secundum pauciora quam par est, et ex
his tantummodo quae prassto sunt, pronunciat. At In-
ductio quaB ad inventionem et demonstrationem scien-
tiarum et artium erit utilis naturam separare debet, per
1 That is, of which these intermediate axioms are really limitations, t. e.
particular cases.
NOVUM ORGANUM. 313
rejectiones et exclusiones debitas ; ac deinde, post neg-
ativas tot quot sufficiunt, super affirmativas concludere ;
quod adhuc factum non est, nee tentatum certe, nisi
tantummodo a Platone, qui ad excutiendas definitiones
et ideas, hac certe forma inductionis aliquatenus utitur.^
Verum ad hujus inductionis, sive demonstrationis, in-
structionem bonam et legitimam, quamplurima adhi-
benda sunt quae adhuc nullius * mortalium cogitationem
subiere; adeo ut in ea major sit consumenda opera,
quam adhuc consumpta est in syllogismo. Atque hujus
inductionis auxilio, non solum ad axiomata invenienda,
verum etiam ad notion es terminandas, utendum est.^
Atque in hac certe Inductione spes maxima sita est.
cvi.
At in axiomatibus constituendis per banc induc-
tionem, examinatio et probatio etiam facienda est,
utrum quod constituitur axioma aptatum sit tantum
et ad mensuram factum eorum particularium ex qui-
bus extrahitur ; an vero sit amplius et latius. Quod
si sit ampHus aut latius, videndum an eam suam am-
plitudinem et latitudinem per novorum particularium
designationem, quasi fide-jussione quadam, firmet ; ^ ne
1 This is one of many passages which show that Bacon was very far from
asserting that he was the first to propose an inductive method. It is re-
markable that M. de St. Hilaire in his translation of the treatise De Animd
of Aristotle has repeated the popular assertion that Bacon claimed to be the
first discoverer of induction.
2 "Ad notiones terminandas " may be rendered " in order to the forma-
tion of conceptions " This passage, especially when compared with the
14th Aphorism, shows that Bacon contemplated a twofold application of
induction, though he has left nothing on the subject of the formation of
conceptions.
3 The meaning of this will be made clearer by comparing it with the
following passage in Valerius Terminus : —
" That the discovery of new works or active directions not known before
314 NOVUM ORGANUM.
vel in jam notis tantura haereamas, vcl laxiore fortasse
complexu umbras et formas abstractas, non solida et
determinata in materia, prensemus. Haec vero cum
in usum venerint, solida tum demum spes merito afFul-
serit.
CVII.
Atque hie etiam resumendum est, quod superius
dictum est de Naturali Philosophia producta, et scien-
tiis particularibus ad eam reductis, ut non fiat scissio
et truncatio scientiarum ; nam etiam absque hoc minus
de progressu sperandum est.
CVIII.
Atque de desperatione tollenda et spe facienda, ex
praBteriti temporis erroribus valere jussis aut rt'ctifi-
catis, jam dictum est. Videndum autem et si quae
aha sint quae spem faciant. Ilhul vero occurrit ; si
hominibus non qujerentibus, et ahud agentibus, multa
utiha, tanquam casu quodam aut per occasionem, in-
venta sint ; nemini diibium esse posse, quin iisdem
quaerentibus et hoc agentibus, idque via et ordine, non
impetu et desuhorie, longe plura detegi necesse sit.
Licet enim semel aut iterum accidere possit, ut quis-
piam in id forte fortuna incidat, quod magno conatu
et de industria scrutantem antea fugit; tamen in sum-
is the only trial to be accepted of; and yet not that neither in case where
one particular giveth light to another, but where particulars induce an
axiom or observation, which axiom found out discoveretli and designeth
new particulars. That the nature of thia trial is not only on the point
whether the knowledge be profitable or no, but even upon the point
whether the knowledge be true or no. Not because you may always con-
clude that the axiom which discovereth new instances is true; but con-
trariwise you may safely conclude that, if you discover not any new in-
stance, it is vain and untrue. That by new instances are not always to
be understood new recipes, but new assignations; and of the diversity be-
tween these two." — Vul. Ter., abridgment of the 12th chapter of the first
book. J. S.
NOVUM ORGANUM. 315
ma rerum proculdubio contrarium invenitur. Itaque
longe plura et meliora, atque per minora intervalla, a
ratione et industria et directione et intentione hominum
speranda sunt, quam a casu et instinctu animalium et
hujusmodi, quae hactenus principium inventis dedeiiint.
cix.
Etiam illud ad spem tralii possit, quod nonnulla ex
his quae jam inventa sunt ejus sint generis ut antequam
invenirentur haud facile cuiquam in mentem venisset
de iis aliquid suspicari ; sed plane quis ilia ut impos-
sibilia contempsisset. Solent enim homines de rebus
novis ad exemplum veterum, et secundum phantasiam
ex iis praeceptam et inquinatam, hariolari ; quod genus
opinandi fallacissimum est, quandoquidem multa ex his
quae ex fontibus rerum petuntur per rivulos consuetos
non fluant.
Veluti si quis, ante tormentorum igneorum inven-
tionem, rem per eflfectus descripsisset, atque in hunc
modum dixisset : inventum quoddam detectum esse,
per quod muri et munitiones quaeque maximae ex longo
intervallo concuti et dejici possint ; homines sane de
viribus tormentorum et machinarum per pondera et
rotas et hujusmodi arietationes et impulsus multipli-
candis, multa et varia secum cogitaturi fuissent ; de
vento autem igneo, tam subito et violenter se ex-
pandente et exsufflante, vix unquam aliquid alicujus
imaginationi aut phantasiae occursurum fuisset; utpote
cujus exemplum in proximo non vidisset,^ nisi forte
in terrae motu aut fulmine, quae, ut magnalia naturae
et non imitabilia ab homine, homines statim rejecturi
fuissent.
1 As a thing to which he had seen nothing immediately analogous.
316 NOVUM ORGANUM.
Eodem modo si, ante fili bombycini inventioncm,
quispiam hujusmodi sermonem injecisset ; esse quod-
dam fili genus inventum ad vestium et supellectilis
usum, quod filum linteum aut laneum tenuitate et ni-
hilomiuus tenacitate, ac etiam splendore et mollitie,
longe superaret; homines statim aut de serico aliquo
vegetabili, aut de animalis alicujus pilis delicatioribus,
aut de avium plumis et lanugine, aliquid opinaturi fuis-
sent ; verum de vermis pusilli textura, eaque tam co-
piosa et se renovante et anniversaria, nil fuissent certe
commenturi. Quod si quis etiam de vermi verbum
aliquod injecisset, ludibrio certe futurus fuisset, ut qui
novas aranearum operas somniaret.
Similiter, si ante inventionem acus nauticas quispiam
hujusmodi sermonem intulisset: inventum esse quoddam
instrumentum, per quod cardines et puncta coeli exacte
capi et dignosci possint ; homines statim de magis exqui-
sita fabricatione instrumentorum astronomicorum, ad
mulfa et varia, per agitationem phantasiaB, discursuri
fiiissent ; quod vero aliquid inveniri possit, cujus motus
cum coelestibus tam bene conveniret, atque ipsum tamen
ex coelestibus non esset, sed tantum substantia lapidea
aut metallica, omnino incredibile visum fuisset. At-
que haec tamen et similia per tot mundi astates homines
latuerunt, nee per philosophiam aut artes rationales
inventa sunt, sed casu et per occasionem; suntque
illius (ut diximus) generis, ut ab iis quae antea cognita
fuerunt plane heterogenea et remotissima sint, ut prae-
notio aliqua nihil prorsus ad ilia conducere potuisset.
Itaque sperandum omnino est, esse adhuc in naturae
sinu multa excellentis usus recondita, quae nullam cum
jam inventis cognationem habent aut parallclismum,
sed omnino sita sunt extra vias phantasiaj ; quaj tamen
NOVUM ORGANUM. 317
adhuc inventa non sunt; quse proculclubio per multos
saeculorum circuitus et ambages et ipsa quandoque
prodibmit, sicut ilia siiperiora prodierunt ; sed per
viam quam nunc tractamus, propere et subito et simul
repraesentari ^ et anticipari possunt.
ex.
Attamen conspiciuntur et alia inventa ejus generis
quae iidem faciant, posse genus liumanum nobilia in-
venta, etiam ante pedes posita, prseterire et transilire.
Utcunque enim pulveris tormentarii vel fili bombycini
vel acus nauticse vel sacchari vel papyri vel similium
inventa quibusdam rerum et naturae proprietatibus niti
videantur, at certe Imprimendi artificium nil habet
quod non sit apertum et fere obvium. Et nihilominus
homines, non advertentes literarum modulos difficilius
scilicet collocari quam literae per motum man us scri-
bantur, sed hoc interesse, quod literarum moduli semel
collocati infinitis impressionibus, literae autem per ma-
num exaratffi unicae tantum scriptioni, sufficiant ; aut
fortasse iterum non advertentes atramentum ita in-
spissari posse, ut tingat, non fluat ; praesertim literis
resupinatis et impressione facta desuper; hoc pulcher-
rimo invento (quod ad doctrinarum propagationem
tantum facit) per tot saecula caruerunt.
Solet autem mens humana, in hoc inventionis cur-
riculo, tam lasva saepenumero et male composita esse,
1 I. e. to be presented at once, before the regular time. Thus Pliny,
31.2., "Thespiarum fons conceptus mulieribus reprcesentat ; ^^ i. e. makes
them conceive at once. And Cicero, Ep. ad Fam. v. 16., "neque debemus
expectare temporis medicinam, quam reprcesentare ratione possimus."
And again Phil. 2., " Corpus libenter obtulerim, si reprcesentaH morte mea
libertas civitatis potest; '' i. e. to be recovered at once; or at least the re-
covery hastened. Many other examples are given by Facciolati, showing
that this was a very common use of the word. — J. S.
318 NOVUM ORGANUM.
ut primo diffidat, et paulo post se contemnat ; atque
primo incretlibile ei videatur aliquid tale inveniri posse,
postqiiam autem inventum sit, incredibile rursus vide-
atur id homines tamdiu fugere potuisse. Atque hoc
ipsum ad spem rite trahitur ; superesse nimirum ad-
huc magnum inventorum cumulum, qui non solum
ex operationibus incognitis einiendis, sed et ex jam
cognitis transferendis et componendis et applicandis,
•per eam quam diximus Experientiam literatam de-
duci possit.
CXI.
Neque illud omittendum ad faciendam spem: repu-
tent (si placet) homines infinitas ingenii, temporis,
facultatum expensas, quas homines in rebus et studiis
longe minoiis usus et pretii collocant ; quorum pars
quota si ad sana et solida verteretur, nulla non diffi-
cultas superari possit. Quod idcirco adjungere visum
est, quia plane fatemur Historiai Naturalis et Experi-
mentalis collectionem, qualem animo metimur et qua-
lis esse debet, opus esse magnum, et quasi regium, et
multae operas atque impensae.
CXII.
Interim particularium multitudinem nemo reformi-
det, quin potius hoc ipsum ad spem revocet. Sunt
enim artium et naturas particularia Phasnomena ma-
nipuli instar ad ingenii commenta, postquam ab ev-
identia rerum disjuncta et abstracta fuerint. Atque
hujus viae exitus in aperto est, et fere in propinquo;
alterius exitus nullus, sed implicatio infinita. Homi-
nes enim adhuc parvam in Experientia moram fece-
runt, et eam leviter perstrinxerunt, sed in meditati-
onibus et commentationibus ingenii infinitum tempus
NOVUM ORGANUM. 319
contriverunt. Apud nos vero si esset prgesto quis-
piam qui. de facto naturae ad interrogata responderet,^
paucorum annorum esset inventio causarum et scienti-
arum omnium.
CXIII.
Etiara nonuiliil hominibus spei fieri posse putamus
ab exemplo nostro proprio ; neque jactanti^e causa
hoc dicimus sed quod utile dictu sit. Si qui diffi-
dant, me videant, liominem inter homines setatis mesB
civihbus negotiis occupatissimum, nee firma admodum
valetudine (quod magnum habet temporis dispendium),
atque in hftc re plane protopirum, et vestigia nullius
sequutum, neque haec ipsa cum ullo mortalium com-
municantem, et tamen veram viam constanter ingres-
sum et ingenium rebus submittentem, hsec ipsa ali-
quatenus (ut existimamus) provexisse ; et deinceps
videant, quid ab hominibus otio abundantibus, atque
a laboribus consociatis, atque a temporum successione,
post haec indicia nostra expectandum sit ; prsesertim
in via quae non singulis solummodo pervia est (ut fit
in via ilia rationali), sed ubi hominum labores et operae
(prsesertim quantum ad experiential collectam) optime
distribui et deinde componi possint. Tum enim homi-
nes vires suas nosse incipient, cum non eadem infiniti,
sed alia alii praestabunt.
cxiv.
Postremo, etiamsi multo infirmior et obscurior aura
spei ab ista Nova Continente spiraverit,^ tamen omnino
1 The alhxsion is to judicial examination on interrogatories. Naturae is
to be construed with de facto, and not with interrogata. "Interrogata
naturse" cannot be rendered our " interrogations of nature," which is Mr.
Wood's translation.
2 Bacon refers to what Peter Martyr Anghiera has related, that Colum-
320 NOVUM ORGANUM.
experiendum esse (nisi velimus animi esse plane ab-
jecti) statuimus. Non eniin res pari periculo non
tentatur, et non succedit ; cum in illo ingentis boni,
in hoc exigusB Immanai operas, jactura vertatur. Ve-
rum ex dictis, atque etiam ex non dictis, visum est
nobis spei abunde subesse, non tantum homini strenuo
ad experiendum, sed etiam prudenti et sobrio ad cre-
dendum.
cxv.
Atque de desperatione tollenda, quse inter causas
potentissimas ad progressum scientiarum remorandum
et inhibendum fuit, jam dictum est. A^que simul
sermo de signis et causis errorum, et inertise et igno-
rantias quae invaluit, absolutus est ; praesertim cum
subtiliores causae, et quae in judicium populare aut ob-
servationem non incurrunt, ad ea quae de Idolis animi
humani dicta sunt referri debeant.
Atque hie simul pars destruens Instaurationis nos-
tras claudi debet, quae perficitur tribus redargutioni-
bus; redargutione nimirum Humance Itatmiis Nativce
et sibi permisste ; ^ redargutione Demonstrationum ; et
redargutione Theoriarum, sive philosophiarum et doc-
trinarum quae receptae sunt. Redargutio vero earum
talis fuit qualis esse potuit ; videlicet per signa, et
evidentiam causarum ; cum confutatio alia nulla a no-
bus observing the west-winds which blow at certain times of the year on
the coast of Portugal, came to the conclusion that there must be land to
generate them.
1 For an explanation of this passage, as connected with the first form of
the doctrine of Idols when they were divided into three kinds to each of
which one of these confutations corresponded, see the preface. In compar-
ing it with the corresponding passages in the Partis secundce delineatio, and
the Distributto qperis, it will be observed that the order of the confutations
is inverted. The first of these redargutions extends from the 40th to tlie
60th aphorism; the other two, which are not kept distinct, end here. —
J. 8.
NOVUM ORGANUM. 321
bis (qui et de principiis et de demonstrationibus ab
aliis dissentimus) adhiberi potuerit.
Quocirca tempus est, ut ad ipsam artem et normam
Interpretandi Naturam veniamus ; et tamen nonnihil
restat quod praBvertendum est. Quum enim in hoc
primo Aphorismorum libro illud nobis propositum sit,
ut tarn ad intelligendum quam ad recipiendum ea quae
sequuntur mentes hominum praeparentur ; expurgata
jam et abrasa et aequata mentis area, sequitur ut
mens sistatur in positione bona, et tanquam aspectu
benevolo, ad ea quae proponemus. Valet enim in re
nova ad praejudicium, non solum praeoccupatio fortis
opinionis veteris, sed et praeceptio sive praefiguratio
falsa rei quae afFertur. Itaque conabimur efficere ut
habeantur bonae et verse de iis quae adducimus opin-
iones, licet ad tempus tantummodo, et tanquam usura-
riae,^ donee res ipsa pernoscatur.
ex VI.
Primo itaque postulandum videtur, ne existiment
homines nos, more antiquorum Graecorum, aut quo-
rundam novorum hominum, Telesii, Patricii, Seve-
rini,2 sectam aliquam in philosophia condere velle.
Neque enim hoc agimus; neque etiam multum inter-
esse putamus ad hominum fortunas quales quis opin-
iones abstractas de natura et rerum principiis habeat ;
neque dubium est, quin multa hujusmodi et Vetera
1 Compare Distr. Op., p. 226. : " At quinta pars ad tempus tantum,
donee reliqua perfieiantur, adhibetur; et tanquam foenus redditur usque
dum sors haberi possit." See also the next aphorism, in which the same
expression occurs.
2 See De Aug. iv. 3. for a rather fuller mention of these philosophers, and
the note upon the passage. See also, for Telesius, the preface to Fabula
CobH et Cupidinis ; for Patricius, the Descriptio Globi intellectualis ; for Sev-
erinus, the Temporis Partus Masculus. — /. S.
VOL. I. 21
322 NOVUM ORGANUM.
revocari et nova introduci possint; quemadmodum et
complura themata coeli snpponi possunt, quae cum
phaenomenis sat bene conveniunt, inter se tamen dis-
sentiunt.
At nos de hujusmodi rebus opinabilibus, et simul
inutilibus, non laboramus. At contra nobis consti-
tutum est experiri, an revera potentiae et amplitu-
dinis humanae firmiora fundamenta jacere ac fines in
latins proferre possimus. Atque licet sparsim et in
aliquibus subjectis specialibus, longe veriora habea-
mus et certiora (ut arbitramur) atque etiam magis
fructuosa quam quibus homines adhuc utuntur, (quae
in quintam Instaurationis nostrae partem congessi-
mus,) tamen theoriam nullam universalem aut inte-
gram proponimus. Neque enim huic rei tempus ad-
huc adesse videtur. Quin nee spem habemus vitae
producendae ad sextam Instaurationis partem (quae
philosophiae per legitimam Naturae Interpretationem
inventa3 destinata est) absolvendam ; sed satis habe-
mus si in mediis sobrie et utiliter nos geramus, atque
interim semina veritatis sincerioris in posteros sparga-
mus, atque initiis rerum magnainim non desimus.
CXVII.
Atque quemadmodum sectae conditores non sumus,
ita nee operum particularium largitores aut promis-
sores. Attamen possit aliquis hoc modo occurrere ;
quod nos, qui tarn saepe operum mentionem faciamus
et omnia eo trahamus, etiam operum aliquorum pig-
nora exhibeamus. Verum via nostra et ratio (ut saspe
perspicue diximus et adhuc dicere juvat) ea est; ut
non opera ex operibus sive experimenta ex experi-
mentis (ut empirici), sed ex operibus et experimentis
NOVUM ORGANUM. 323
causas et axiomata, atque ex causis et axiomatibus
rursus nova opera et experimenta (ut legitimi Naturse
Interpretes), extrahamus.
Atque licet in tabulis nostris inveniendi (ex quibus
quarta pars Instaurationis consistit), atque etiam ex-
emplis particularium (quae in secunda parte addux-
imus), atque insuper in observationibus nostris super
historiam (quae in tertia parte operis descripta est),
qui vis vel mediocris perspicaciae et solertise complurium
operum nobilium indicationes et designationes ubique
notabit ; ingenue tamen fatemur, historiam naturalem
quam adhuc habemus, aut ex libris aut ex inquisitione
propria, non tarn copiosam esse et verificatam, ut legit-
imaj Interpretationi satisfacere aut ministrare possit.
Itaque si quis ad mechanica sit magis aptus et paratus,
atque sagax ad venanda opera ^ ex conversatione sola
cum experimentis, ei permittimus et relinquimus illam
industriam, ut ex historia nostra et tabulis multa tan-
quam in via decerpat et applicet ad opera, ac veluti
foenus recipiat ad tempus, donee sors haberi possit.
Nos vero, cum ad majora contendamus, moram omnem
prseproperam et praematuram in istiusmodi rebus tan-
quam Atalantae pilas (ut saepius solemus dicere) dam-
namus. Neque enim aurea poma pueriliter afFectamus,
sed omnia in victoria cursus artis super naturam poni-
mus ; neque museum aut segetem lierbidam demetere
festinamus, sed messem tempestivam expectamus.
CXVIIT.
Occurret etiam alicui proculdubio, postquam ipsam
1 Compare Temporis Partus Mascuius : — " Siquidem utile genus eorum
est qui de theoriis non admodum solicit!, mechanica quadara subtilitate
rerum inventarum extensiones prehendunt; qualis est Bacon." — J. S. .
324 NOVUM ORGANUM.
historiam nostram et inventionis tabulas perlegerit, ali-
quid in ipsis experimentis minus certum, vel omnino
falsum ; atque propterea secum fortasse reputabit, fun-
damentis et principiis falsis et dubiis inventa nostra niti.
Verurn hoc nihil est ; necesse enim est talia sub initiis
evenire. Simile enim est ac si in scriptione aut impres-
sione una forte litera aut altera perperam posita aut
collocata sit ; id enim legentem non multum impedire
solet, quandoquidem errata ab ipso sensu facile corri-
guntur. Ita etiam cogitent homines multa in historia
naturali experimenta falso credi et recipi posse, quas
paulo post a causis et axiomatibus inventis facile ex-
punguntur et rejiciuntur. Sed tamen verum est, si in
historia naturali et experimentis magna et crebra et
continua fuerint errata, ilia nulla ingenii aut artis fcelic-
itate corrigi aut emendari posse. Itaque si in historia
nostra naturali, quae tanta diligcntia et severitate et fere
religione probata et collecta est, aliquid in particulari-
bus quandoque subsit falsitatis aut erroris, quid tandem
de naturali historia vulgari, quae prae nostra tam negli-
gens est et facilis, dicendum erit ? aut de philosophia et
scientiis super hujusmodi arenas (vel syrtes potius)
aedificatis? Itaque hoc quod diximus neminem mo-
v.^at.
cxix.
Occurrent etiam in historia nostra et experimentis
plurimae res, primo leves et vulgatae, deinde viles et illi-
berales, postremo nimis subtilcs ac mere speculativn^, et
quasi nullius usus : quod genus rerum, hominum studia
avertere et alienare possit.
Atque de istis rebus quae videntur vulgatae, illud
homines cogitent ; solere sane eos adhuc nihil aliud
agere, quam ut eorum quae rara sunt causas ad ea qu»
NOVUM ORGAN UM. 325
frequenter fiunt referant et accommodent, at ipsorum
quae frequenter eveniunt nullas causas inquirant, sed ea
ipsa recipiant tanquam concessa et admissa.
Itaque non ponderis, non rotationis coelestium, non
caloris, non frigoris, non luminis, non duri, non mollis,
non tenuis, non densi, non liquidi, non consistentis, non
animati, non inanimati, non similaris, non dissimilaris,
nee demum organici, causas quaerunt ; sed illis, tan-
quam pro evidentibus et manifestis, receptis, de ceteris
rebus qua^ non tam frequenter et familiariter occurrunt
disputant et judicant.
Nos vero, qui satis scimus nullum de rebus raris aut
notabilibus judicium fieri posse, multo minus res novas
in lucem protrabi, absque vulgarium rerum causis et
causarum causis rite examinatis et repertis, necessario
ad res vulgarissimas in historiam nostram recipiendas
compellimur. Quinetiam nil magis philosophiae offe-
cisse deprehendimus quam quod res qu£e familiares sunt
et frequenter occurrunt contemplationem liominum non
morentur et detineant, sed recipiantur obiter, neque
earum causae quaeri soleant : ut non saepius requiratur
informatio de rebus ignotis, quam attentio in notis.
cxx.
Quod vero ad rerum vilitatem attinet, vel etiam tur-
pitudinem, quibus (ut ait Plinius) honos praefandus
est ; ^ eae res, non minus quam lautissimae et pretiosissi-
mae, in historiam naturalem recipiendae sunt. Neque
propterea polluitur naturalis historia : sol enim aeque
palatia et cloacas ingreditur, neque tamen polluitur.
1 " Rerum natura, hoc est, vita narratur, et hsec sordidissima sui parte, ut
plurimarum rerum aut rusticis vocabulis aut externis, imo barbaris, etiam
cum honoris praefatione ponendis." — Plin. Hist. Nat. i. ad init. Compare
also Aristot. De Part. Animal, i. 5.
326 NOVUM ORGANUM.
Nos autem non Capitolium aliquod aut Pyramidem
hominum superbiae dedicamus aut condimus, sed tem-
plum sanctum ad exemplar mundi in intellectu humano
fundamus. Itaque exemplar sequimur. Nam quicquid
essentia dignum est, id etiam scientia dignum, quas est
essentiae imago. At vilia aeque subsistunt ac lauta.
Quinetiam, ut e quibusdam putridis materiis, veluti
musco et zibetlio, aliquando optimi odores generantur ;
ita et ab instantiis vilibus et sordidis quandoque eximia
lux et informatio emanat. Verum de hoc nimis multa ;
cum hoc genus fastidii sit plane puerile et effoemina-
tum.
cxxi.
At de illo omnino magis accurate dispiciendum ;
quod plurima in historia nostra captui vulgari, aut
etiam cuivis intellectui (rebus praesentibus assuefacto),
videbuntur curiosae cujusdam et inutilis subtilitatis.
Itaque de hoc ante omnia et dictum et dicendum est ;
hoc scilicet ; nos jam sub initiis et ad tempus, tantum
ludfera experimenta, non fructifera quaerere ; ad ex-
emplum creationis divinae, quod sa^pius diximus, quae
primo die lucem tantum produxit, eique soli unum
integrum diem attribuit, neque illo die quicquam ma-
teriati operis immiscuit.
Itaque si quis istiusmodi res nullius esse usus putet,
idem cogitat ac si nullum etiam lucis esse usum censeat,
quia res scilicet solida aut materiata non sit. Atque
revera dicendum est, simplicium naturarum cogni-
tionem bene examinatam et definitam instar lucis esse ;
quai ad universa operuni penetralia aditum prsebet,
atque tota agmina operum et turmas, et axiomatum
nobilissimorum fontes, potestate quadam complectitur
et post se trahit ; in se tamen non ita magni usus est.
NOVUM ORGANUiM. 327
Quin et literarum elementa per se et separatim nihil
significant nee alicujus usus sunt, sed tamen ad omnis
sermonis compositionem et apparatum instar materiae
primas sunt. Etiam semina rerum potestate valida, usu
(nisi in processu suo) nihili sunt. Atque lucis ipsius
radii dispersi, nisi coeant, beneficium suum non imper-
tiuntur.
Quod si quis subtilitatibus speculativis ofFendatur,
quid de scholasticis viris dicendum erit, qui subtilitati-
bus immensum indulserunt ? qua? tamen subtilitates in
verbis, aut saltern vulgaribus notionibus (quod tantun-
dem valet}, non in rebus aut natura consumpta; fue-
runt, atque utilitatis expertes erant, non tantum in
origine, sed etiam in consequentiis ; tales autem non
fuerunt, ut haberent in praesens utilitatem nullam, sed
per consequens infinitam ; quales sunt eae de quibus
loquimur. Hoc vero sciant homines pro certo, omnem
subtilitatem disputationum et discursuum mentis, si ad-
hibeatur tantum post axiomata inventa, seram esse et
prseposteram ; et subtilitatis tempus verum ac propri-
um, aut saltem praicipuum, versari in pensitanda ex-
perientia et inde constituendis axiomatibus ; nam ilia
altera subtilitas naturam prensat et captat, sed nun-
quam apprehendit aut capit. Et verissimum certe est
quod de occasion e sive fortuna dici solet, si transfe-
ratur ad naturam : videlicet, earn a f route comatam^ ah
ocdpitio calvam esse.
Denique de contemptu in natural! historia rerum aut
vulgarium, aut vilium, aut nimis subtilium et in origin-
ibus suis inutilium, ilia vox mulierculae ad tumidum
principem, qui petitionem ejus ut rem indignam et
majestate sua inferiorem abjecisset, pro oraculo sit;
Desine ergo rex esse : quia certissimum est, impe-
328 NOVUM ORGANUM.
rium in naturam, si quis hujusmodi rebns ut nimis
exilibus et minutis vacare nolit, nee obtineri nee geri
posse.
CXXII.
Oecurrit ^ etiam et illud ; mirabile quiddam esse et
durum, quod nos omnes scientias atque omnes authores
simul ac veluti uno ictu et impetu summoveamus :
idque non assumpto aliquo ex antiquis in auxilium et
pl'aesidinin nostrum, sed quasi viribus propriis.
Nos autem scimus, si minus sincera fide agere voluis-
semus, non difficile ftiisse nobis, ista quae afferuntur vel
ad antiqua saecula ante Graeeonim tempora ((rum sci-
entia? de natura magis fortasse sed tamen majore cum
silentio floruerint, neque in Graeeonim tubas et fistulas
adhuc incidissent), vel etiam (per partes certe) ad ali-
quos ex Graecis ipsis referre, atque astipulationem et
honorem inde petere : more novorum hominum, qui
nobilitatem sibi ex antiqua aliqua prosapia, per genealo-
giarum favores, astruunt et affingunt. Nos vero rerum
evidentia freti, omnem commenti et imposturae condi-
tionem rejicimus ; neque ad id quod agitur plus inter-
esse putamus, utrum quae jam invenientur antiquis olim
cognita, et per rerum vicissitudines et saecula oeciden-
tia et orientia sint, quam hominibus curae esse debere,
utrum Novus Orbis fuerit insula ilia Atlantis et veteri
mundo cognita, an nunc primum reperta. Renim
enim inventio a naturae luce petenda, non ab antiqui-
tatis tenebris repetenda est.
Quod vero ad universalem istam reprehensionem at-
tinet, certissimum est vere rem reputanti, earn et magis
probabilem esse et magis modestam, quam si facta fuis-
set ex parte. Si enim in primis notionibus errorcs radi-
1 So in the original edition. I think it should be occurret. — J. S.
NOVUM ORGANUiM. 329
cati non fuissent, fieri non potuisset quin nonnulla recte
inventa alia perperam inventa correxissent. Sed cum
errores fundamentales fuerint, atque ejusmodi ut homi-
nes potius res neglexerint ac praeterierint, quam de illis
pravum aut falsum judicium fecerint ; minime mirum
est, si homines id non obtinuerint quod non egerint,
nee ad metam pervenerint quam non posuerint aut col-
locarint, neque viam emensi sint quam non ingressi sint
aut tenuerint.
Atque insolentiam rei quod attinet ; certe si quis
manus constantia atque oculi vigore lineam magis rec-
tam aut circulum magis perfectum se describere posse
quam alium quempiam sibi assumat, inducitur scilicet
facultatis comparatio : quod si quis asserat se adhibita
regula aut circumducto circino lineam magis rectam
aut circulum magis perfectum posse describere, quam
aliquem alium vi sola oculi et manus, is certe non ad-
modum jactator fuerit. Quin hoc quod dicimus non
solum in hoc nostro conatu primo et incoeptivo locum
habet ; sed etiam pertinet ad eos qui huic rei posthac
incumbent. Nostra enim via inveniendi scientias ex-
aequat fere ingenia, et non multum excellentiae eorum
relinquit: cum omnia per certissimas regulas et de-
monstrationes transigat. Itaque haec nostra (ut saepe
diximus) foelicitatis cujusdam sunt potius quam facul-
tatis, et potius temporis partus quam ingenii. Est
enim certe casus aliquis non minus in cogitationibus
humanis, quam in operibus et factis.
CXXIIl.
Itaque dicendum de nobis ipsis quod ille per jocum
dixit, praesertim cum tam bene rem secet : fieri non po-
test ut idem sentiant^ qui aquam et qui vinum hibant
330 NOVUM ORGANUM.
At cajteri homines, tarn veteres quam novi, liquorem
biberunt crudem in scientiis, tanquam aquam vel sponte
ex intellectu manantem, vel per dialecticam, tanquam
per rotas ex puteo, haustam. At nos liquorem bibimus
et propinamus ex infinitis confectam uvis, iisque ma-
turis et tempestivis, et per racemos quosdam collectis
ac decerptis, et subinde in torculari pressis, ac postremo
in vase repurgatis et clarificatis. Itaque nil mirum si
nobis cum aliis non conveniat.
cxxiv.
Occurret proculdubio et illud : nee metam aut sco-
pum scientiarum a nobis ipsis (id quod in aliis repre-
hendimus) verum et oj:)timum prsefixum esse. Esse
enim contemplationem veritatis omni operum utilitate
et magnitudine digniorem et celsiorem : longam vero
istam et sollicitam moram in experientia et materia
et rerum particularium fluctibus, mentem veluti humo
affigere, vel potius in Tartarum quoddam confusionis et
perturbationis dejicere ; atque ab abstracta} sapientiae
serenitate et tranquillitate (tanquam a statu multo di-
viniore) arcere et summovere. Nos vero huic rationi
libenter assentimur ; et hoc ipsum, quod innuunt ac
praeoptant, pra^cipue atque ante omnia agimus. Ete-
nim verum exemplar mundi in intellectu luimano
fundamus ; quale invenitur, non quale cuipiam sua
propria ratio dictaverit. Hoc autem perfici non potest,
nisi facta mundi dissectione atque anatomia diligentis-
sima. Modulos vero ineptos mundorum et tanquam
simiolas, quas in philosophiis phantasiae hominum ex-
truxerunt, omnino dissipandas edicimus. Sciant itaque
homines (id quod superius diximus) quantum intersit
inter humanas mentis Idola, et divinas mentis Ideas.
NOVUM ORGANUM. 331
Ilia enim nihil aliud sunt quam abstractiones ad placi-
tum : hfe autem sunt vera signacula Creatoris super
creaturas, prout in materia per lineas veras et exquisi-
tas imprimuntur et terminantur. Itaque ipsissimae res
sunt (in hoc genere) Veritas et utilitas : ^ atque opera
ipsa pluris facienda sunt, quatenus sunt veritatis pig-
nora, quam propter vitas commoda.
cxxv.
Occurret fortasse et illud : nos tanquam actum agere,
atque antiquos ipsos eandem quam nos viam tenuisse.
Itaque verisimile putabit quispiam etiam nos, post tan-
tum motum et molitionem, deventuros tandem ad ali-
quam ex illis philosophiis quae apud antiquos valuerunt.
Nam et illos in meditationum suarum principiis vim
et copiam magnam exemplorum et particularium para-
1 Compare Partis Instaurationis Secundoe Delineatio : — " Quinetiam illis
quibus in conteraplationis amorem eflfusis frequens apud nos operum mentio
asperum quiddam et ingratum et mechanicum sonat, monstrabimus quan-
tum illi desideriis suis propriis adversentur, cum jmritas conteniplationum
atque substructio et inventio operum prorsus eisdem rebus nitantur et simul
perfruantur." In a corresponding passage in the Cogitata et Visa we find,
instead of the last clause, " etenim in natura Opera non tantum vitse bene-
ficia sed et veritatis pignora esse. . . Veritatem enim per Operum indica-
tionem magis quam ex argumentatione aut etiam ex sensu et patefieri et
probari. Quare unam eandemque rationem et conditionis humame et mentis
dotandce esse."
Compare also Nov. Org. ii. 4. : " Ista autem duo pronuntiata, Activum
et Contemplativum, res eadem sunt ; et quod in operando utilissimum id in
sciendo verissimura."
I do not think that the use of ipsissinice here can be justified: if the mean-
ing be (as I think it must) that truth and utility are (in this kind) "the
verj' same things." If ijysissimce be used correctly, the meaning must be
that things themselves, the very facts of nature, are truth and utiHty both.
But in that case we should expect "e< Veritas et utilitas." Mr. Ellis pro-
poses to render the phrase thus: "Truth and utility are in this kind the
very things we seek for." But to me it seems less probable that Bacon
would have expressed such a meaning by such a phrase than that he used
the word ipsissimce incorrectly in the sense I have attributed to it. — J. 8.
332 NOVUM ORGANDM.
visse, atque in commentarios per locos et titulos diges-
sisse, atque inde philosophias suas et artes confecisse, et
postea, re comperta, pronuntiasse, et exempla ad fidem
et docendi lumen sparsim addidisse ; sed particularium
notas et codicillos ac commentarios suos in lucem edere
supervacuum et molestum putasse ; ideoque fecisse quod
in aedificando fieri solet, nempe post sedificii structuram
machinas et scalas a conspectu amovisse. Neque aliter
factum esse credere certe oportet. Verum nisi quis
omnino oblitus fuerit eorum quas superius dicta sunt,
huic objectioni (aut scrupulo potius) facile respondebit.
Formam enim inquirendi et inveniendi apud antiques
et ipsi profitentur,^ et scripta eorum prae se ferunt. Ea
autem non alia fuit, quam ut ab exemplis quibusdam et
particularibus (additis notionibus communibus, et for-
tasse portione nonnulla ex opinionibus receptis quas
maxime placuerunt) ad conclusiones maxime generales
sive principia scientiarum advolarent, ad quorum veri-
tatera immotam et fixam conclusiones inferiores per
media educerent ac probarent ; ex quibus artem con-
stituebant. Turn demum si nova particularia et exem-
pla mota essent et adducta quae placitis suis refragaren-
tur, ilia aut per distinctiones aut per regularum suarum
explanationes in ordinem subtiliter redigebant, aut de-
mum per exceptiones grosso modo summovebant : at
rerum particularium non refragantium causas ad ilia
principia sua laboriose et pertinaciter accommodabant.
Verum nee historia naturalis et experientia ilia erat,
quam fuisse oportebat, (longe certe abest,) et ista advo-
latio ad generalissima omnia perdidit.
1 " Profitemur" in the original edition; obviously a misprint. Compare
the corresponding passage in Inquisitio legitima de Motu.
NOVUM ORGANUM. 833
CXXVI.
Occurret et illud: nos, propter inhibitionem quan-
dam pronuntiandi et principia certa ponendi donee per
medios gradus ad generalissima rite perventum sit, sus-
pensionem quandam judicii tueri, atque ad Acatalep-
siam rem deducere. Nos vero non Acatale-psiam, sed
Eucatalepsiam meditamur et proponimus : sensui enim
non derogamus, sed ministramus ; et intellectum non
contemnimus, sed regimus. Atque melius est scire
quantum opus sit, et tamen nos non penitus scire
putare, quam penitus scire nos putare, et tamen nil
eorum quae opus est scire.
CXXVII.
Etiam dubitabit quispiam, potius quam objiciet, utrum
nos de Natural i tantum Philosophia, an etiam de scien-
tiis reliquis, Logicis, Ethicis, Politicis, secundum viam
nostram perficiendis loquamur. At nos certe de uni-
versis hasc quae dicta sunt intelligimus : atque quemad-
modum vulgaris logica, quae regit res per Syllogismum,
non tantum ad naturales, sed ad omnes scientias per-
tinet ; ita et nostra, quae procedit per Inductionem,
omnia complectitur. Tam enim historiam et tabulas
inveniendi conficimus de Ira, Metu, et Verecundia,
et similibus ; ac etiam de exemplis rerum Civilium :
nee minus de motibus mentalibus Memoriae, Compo-
sitionis et Divisionis,^ Judicii, et reliquorum : quam de
Calido et Frigido, aut Luce, aut Vegetatione, aut si-
milibus.^ Sed tamen cum nostra ratio Interpretandi,
^ Synthesis and analysis ?
2 This passage is important because it shows that Bacon proposed to ap-
ply his method to mental phenomena ; which is in itself a sufficient refuta-
tion of M. Cousin's interpretation of the passage in which, when censuring
834 NOVUM ORGANUM.
post historiam praeparatam et ordinatam, non mentis
tantum motus et discursus (ut logica vulgaris), sed et
rerum natumm intueatur ; ita mentem regimus, ut ad
reinira naturam se, aptis per omnia modis, applicare
possit. Atque propterea multa et diversa in doctrina
Interpretationis prascipimus, quae ad subjecti de quo
inquirimus qualitatem et conditionem, modum inveni-
endi nonnulla ex parte applicent.
CXXVIII.
At illud de nobis ne dubitare quidem fas sit ; utrum
nos philosopliiam et artes et scientias quibus utimur
destruere et demoliri cupiamus : contra enim, earum
et usum et cultum et honores libenter amplectimur.
Neque enim ullo modo officimus, quin istae quae inval-
uerunt et disputationes alant, et sermones ornent, et
ad professoria munera ac vitae civilis compendia adhib-
eantur et valeant ; denique, tanquam numismata quae-
dam, consensu inter homines recipiantur. Quinetiam
significamus aperte, ea quae nos adducimus ad istas res
non multum idonea futura; cum ad vulgi captum de-
duci omnino non possint, nisi per efFecta et opera tan-
tum. At hoc ipsum quod de afFectu nostro et bona
voluntate erga scientias receptas dicimus quam vera
profiteamur, scripta nostra in pubHcum edita (praeser-
tim Hbri de Progressu Scientiarum) fidem faciant. Ita-
que id verbis ampHus vincere non conabimur. Illud
interim constanter et diserte monemus ; his modis qui
in usu sunt nee magnos in scientiarum doctrinis et con-
templatione progressus fieri, nee illas ad amplitudinem
operum deduci posse.
the writings of the schoohnen, he compares them to the self-evolved web
of the spider. I have elsewhere spoken more at length of this passage.
[See p. 161.J
NOVUM ORGANUM. 335
CXXIX.
Superest ut de Finis excellentia pauca dicamus. Ea
si prius dicta fuissent, votis similia videri potuissent :
sed spe jam facta, et iniquis praejudiciis sublatis, plus
fortasse ponderis habebunt. Quod si nos omnia per-
fecissemus et plane absolvissemus, nee alios in partem
et consortium laborum subinde vocaremus, etiam ab
hujusmodi verbis abstinuissemus, ne acciperentur in
prasdicationem meriti nostri. Cum vero aliorum in-
dustria acuenda sit et animi excitandi atque accen-
dendi, consentaneum est ut qusedam hominibus in
mentem redigamus.
Primo itaque videtur inventorum nobilium introduc-
tio inter actiones humanas longe primas partes tenere :
id quod antiqua saecula judicaverunt. Ea enim rerum
inventoribus divinos honores tribuerunt ; iis autem qui
in rebus civilibus merebantur (quales erant urbium
et imperiorum conditores, legislatores, patriarum a diu-
turnis malis liberatores, tyrannidum debellatores, et his
similes), heroum tantum honores decreverunt. Atque
certe si quis ea recte conferat, justum hoc prisci sasculi
judicium reperiet. Etenim inventorum beneficia ad
universum genus humanum pertinere possunt, civilia
ad certas tantummodo hominum sedes : hsec etiam non
ultra paucas eetates durant, ilia quasi perpetuis tem-
poribus. Atque status emendatio in civilibus non sine
vi et perturbatione plerumque procedit : at inventa
beant, et beneficium deferunt absque alicujus injuria
aut tristitia.
Etiam inventa quasi novse creationes sunt, et divi*
norum operum imitamenta ; ut bene cecinit ille :
336 NOVUM ORGANUM.
" Primum frugiferos foetus mortalibus aegris
Dididerant quondam pra?stanti nomine Athense;
Et Recreavekunt vitam, legesque rogarunt." i
Atque videtur notatu dignum in Solomone ; quod
cum imperio, auro, magnificentia operum, satellitio,
famulitio, classe insuper, et uominis claritate, ac sum-
ma hominum admiratione floreret, tamen nihil horum
delegerit sibi ad gloriam, sed ita pronuntiaverit : Glo-
riam Dei esse, celare rem ; gloriam regis, investigare
rem?
Rursus (si placet) reputet quispiam, quantum inter-
sit inter hominum vitam in excultissima quapiam Eu-
ropae provincia, et in regione aliqua Novae Indiie max-
ime fera et barbara : ea^ tantum difFerre existimabit,
ut merito hominem homini Deum esse, non solum prop-
ter auxilium et beneficium, sed etiam per status com-
parationem, recte dici possit. Atque hoc non solum,
non coelum, non corpora, sed artes prsestant.
Rursus, vim et virtutem et consequentias rerum in-
ventarum notare juvat : qu9B non in aliis manifestius
occurrunt, quam in illis tribus quae antiquis incognitas,
et quarum primordia, licet recentia, obscura et ingloria
sunt : Artis nimirum Imprimendi, Pulveris Tormen-
tarii, et Acus Nauticae. Haec enim tria rerum faciem
et statum in orbe terrarum mutaverunt : primum, in
re literaria ; secundum, in re bellica ; tertium, in navi-
gationibus: unde innumerae rerum mutationes sequu-
taB sunt ; ut non imperium aliquod, non secta, non
Stella, majorem cfficaciam et quasi influxum super res
humanas exercuisse videatur, quam ista mechanica
exercuerunt.
Praeterea non abs re fuerit, tria hominum ambitionis
1 Lucretius, vi. 1-8. 2 Prov. xxv. 2. 8 go in the original edition.
NOVUM ORGANUM. 337
genera et quasi gradus distinguere. Primum eorum,
qui propriam potentiam in patria sua amplificare cupi-
unt ; quod genus vulgare est et degener. Secundum
eorum, qui patriae potentiam et imperium inter hu-
manum genus amplificare nituntur; illud plus certe
habet dignitatis, cupiditatis baud minus. Quod si quis
humani generis ipsius potentiam et imperium in rerum
universitatem instaurare et amplificare conetur, ea pro-
culdubio ambitio (si modo ita vocanda sit) reliquis et
sanior est et augustior. Hominis autem imperium in
res, in solis artibus et scientiis ponitur. Naturae enim
non imperatur, nisi parendo.
Praeterea, si unius alicujus particularis inventi util-
itas ita homines afFecerit, ut eum qui genus humanum
universum beneficio aliquo devincire potuerit homine
majorem putaverint ; quanto Celsius videbitur tale ali-
quid invenire, per quod alia omnia expedite inveniri
possint ? Et tamen (ut verum omnino dicamus) quem-
admodum luci magnam habemus gratiam, quod per
eam vias inire, artes exercere, legere, nos invicem dig-
noscere possimus ; et nihilominus ipsa visio lucis res
praestantior est et pulchrior, quam multiplex ejus usus :
ita certe ipsa contemplatio rerum prout sunt, sine super-
stitione aut impostura, errore aut confusione, in seipsa
magis digna est, quam universus inventorum fructus.^
Postremo siquis depravationem scientiarum et artium
ad malitiam et luxuriam et similia objecerit ; id nem-
inem moveat. Illud enim de omnibus mundanis bonis
dici potest, ingenio, fortitudine, viribus, forma, divitiis,
luce ipsa, et reliquis. Recuperet modo genus humanum
jus suum in naturam quod ei ex dotatione divina com-
1 This is one of the passages which show how far Bacon was from what
is now called a utilitarian.
338 NOVUM ORGANUM.
petit, et detur ei copia : usum vero recta ratio et sana
religio gubernabit.
cxxx.
Jam vero tempus est ut artem ipsam Interpretandi
Naturam proponamus : in qua licet nos utilissima et
verissima praecepisse arbitremur, tamen necessitatem
ei absolutam (ac si absque ea nil agi possit) aut etiam
perfectionem non attribuimus. Etenim in ea opinione
sumus; si justam Naturae et ExperientiaB Historiam
praesto haberent homines, atque in ea sedulo versa-
rentur, sibique duas res imperare possent; unam, ut
receptas opiniones et notiones deponerent; alteram,
ut mentem a generalissimis et proximis ab illis ad
tempus cobiberent ; fore ut etiam vi propria et gen-
uina mentis, absque alia arte, in formam nostram In-
terpretandi incidere possent. Est enim Interpretatio
verum et naturale opus mentis, demptis iis quae ob-
stant : ^ sed tamen omnia certe per nostra praecepta
erunt magis in procinctu, et multo firmiora.
Neque tamen illis nihil addi posse affirmamus : sed
contra, nos, qui mentem respicimus non tan-
tum in facultate propria, sed quatenus
copulatur cum rebus, Artem in-
veniendi cum Inventis ad-
olescere posse, stat-
uere debemus.
1 Compare Valeritis Terminus, ch. 22. : — " That it is true that interpreta-
tion is the very natural and direct intention, action, and progression of the
understanding, delivered from impediments; and that all anticipation is
but a deflexion or declination by accident." Also Adv. of Ijeam. (2d
book): — " For he that shall attentively observe how the mind doth gather
this excellent dew of knowledge, like unto that which the poet speaketh of,
Aerii mellis ccelestia dona, distilling and contriving it out of particulars nat-
ural and artificial, as the flowers of the field and garden, shall find that
the mind of herself by nature doth manage and act an induction much
better than they describe it." — /. 8.
IIBEE SECUNDrS
APHORISMORUM
LIBEE SECUNDUS
APHOEISMORUM
DE
OTERPEETATIONE NATUEJl
8IVE DE
REGNO HOMINIS.
Aphorismus
I.
Super datum corpus novam naturam sive novas
naturas generare et superinducere, opus et intentio
est humanae Potentiae. Datae autem naturae For-
mam, sive difFerentiam veram, sive naturam naturan-
tem/ sive fontem emanationis (ista enim vocabula
1 This is the only passage in which I have met with the phrase natura
naturans used as it is here. With the later schoolmen, as with Spinoza, it
denotes God considered as the causa immanens of the universe, and there-
fore, according to the latter at least, not hypostatically distinct from it. (On
the Pantheistic tendency occasionally perceptible among the schoolmen,
see Neander's Essay on Scotus Erigena in the Berlin Memoirs.) Bacon
applies it to the Form, considered as the causa immanens of the properties
of the body. I regret not having been able to trace the history of this
remarkable phrase. It does not occur, I think, in St. Thomas Aquinas,
though I have met with it in an index to his Summa ; the passage referred
to containing a quotation froiu St. Augustine, in which the latter speaks
of " ea natura quae creavit omnes cseteras instituitque naturas." ( V. St.
Aug., De Trin. xiv. 9.) Neither does it occur, so far as I am aware, where
we might have expected it, in the De Divisions Natures of Scotus Erigena.
Vossius, De Vitiis Latini Sermonis, notices its use among the schoolmen,
but gives no particular reference.
342 NOVUM ORGANUM.
habemus quae ad indicationem rei proxime accedunt)
invenire, opus et intentio est humanize ScientiaB.^ At-
que his operibus primariis subordinantiir alia opera
duo secundaria et inferioris notae ; priori, transforma-
tio corporum concretorum de alio in aliud, intra ter-
minos Possibilis ; ^ posteriori, inventio in omni genera-
tione et motu latentis processus^ continuati ab Efficiente
manifesto et materia manifesta usque ad Formam indi-
tam ; et inventio similiter latentis schematismi corpo-
rum quiescentium et non in motu.^
n.
Quam infoeliciter se habeat scientia humana quae in
usu est, etiam ex illis liquet quae vulgo asseruntur.
Recte ponitur; Vere scire, esse per Causas scire.
Etiam non male constituuntur causae quatuor; Ma-
teria, Forma, Efficiens, et Finis. At ex his. Causa
Finalis tantum abest ut prosit, ut etiam scientias cor-
rumpat, nisi in hominis actionibus; Formae inventio
habetur pro desperata ; Efficiens vero et Materia
(quales quaeruntur et recipiuntur, remotae scilicet,
absque latenti processu ad Formam) res perfunctoriae
1 See General Preface, ^ 7. p. 67.
2 The possibility of transmiitation, long and strenuously denied, though
certainly on no sufficient grounds, is now generally admitted. "There
was a time when this fundamental doctrine of the alchemists was opposed
to known analogies. It is now no longer so opposed to them, only some
stages beyond their present development." — Faraday, Lectures on Non-
Metallic Elements, p. 106.
8 In this aphorism Bacon combines the antithesis of corpus and natura,
the concrete and the abstract, with the antithesis of power and science, and
thus arrives at a quadripartite classification. To translate, as Mr. Craik
has done, "natura" by " natural substance" involves the whole subject
in confusion.
In the last sentence continuati may be translated " continuously carried
on." The word is often thus used: as in the dictum "mutatio nil aliud
est quam successiva et continuata formae adquisitio."
NOVUM ORGANUM. 343
sunt et superficiales, et nihili fere ad scientiam veram
et activam. Neque tamen obliti sumus nos superius
notasse et correxisse errorem mentis humanae, in def-
erendo Formis primas essentiae.^ Licet enim in na-
tura nihil vere existat praeter corpora individua eden-
tia actus puros individuos ex lege ; in doctrinis tamen,
ilia ipsa lex, ej usque inquisitio et inventio atque expli-
catio, pro fundamento est tam ad sciendum quam ad
operandum. Eam autem legem, ejusque paragraphos,
Formarum nomine intelligimus ; ^ praesertim cum hoc
vocabulum invaluerit et familiariter occurrat.
Qui causam alicujus naturas (veluti albedinis aut
caloris) in certis tantum subjectis novit, ejus Scientia
imperfecta est ; et qui effectum super certas tantum
materias (inter eas quae sunt susceptibiles) inducere
potest, ejus Potentia pariter imperfecta est. At qui
Efficientem et Materialem causam tantummodo novit
(quse causse flux^ sunt, et nihil aliud quam vehicula
et causae Formam deferentes in aliquibus),^ is ad nova
inventa, in materia aliquatenus simili et praaparata,
pervenire potest, sed rerum terminos altius fixos non
movet. At qui Formas novit, is naturae unitatem in
materiis dissimillimis complectitur. Itaque quae ad-
huc facta non sunt, qual^ nee naturse vicissitudines
1 [I. § 51. " Formse enim commenta animi hnmani sunt, nisi libeat
leges illas actus Formas appellare."] Translate, — " We have noted and
corrected as an error of the human mind the opinion that forms give ex-
istence." Bacon alludes to the maxim "forma dat esse."
2 See General Preface, p. 75. The paragraphs of a law are its sections
or clauses. It is difficult to attach any definite meaning to Mr. Wood's
translation of paragraphos, " its parallels in each science."
3 L e. " which are unstable causes, and merely vehicles and causes
which convey the form in certain cases."
344 NOVUM ORGANUM.
neque experimentales industrias neque casus ipse in
actum unquam perduxissent, neque cogitationem hu-
manam subitura fuissent, detegere et producere potest.
Quare ex Formarum inventione sequitur Contempla-
tio vera et Operatic libera.
IV.
Licet viae ad potentiam atque ad scientiam huma-
liam conjunctissimae sint et fere eaedem, tamen propter
perniciosam et inveteratam consuetudinem versandi in
abstractis, tutius omnino est ordiri et excitare scientias
ab iis fundamentis quae in ordine sunt ad partem ac-
tivam, atque ut ilia ipsa partem contemplativam signet
et determinet. Videndum itaque est, ad aliquam natu-
ram super corpus datum generandam et superinducen-
dam, quale quis praeceptum aut qualem quis directio-
nem aut deductionem* maxime optaret ; idque serraone
simplici et minime abstruso.
Exempli gratia ; si quis argento cupiat superinducere
flavum colorem auri aut augmentum ponderis (servatis
legibus materiae^), aut lapidi alicui non diaphano dia-
phaneitatem, aut vitro tenacitatem, aut corpori alicui
non vegetabili vegetationem ; videndum (inquam) est,
quale quis praeceptum aut deductionem potissimum sibi
dari exoptet. Atque primo, exoptabit aliquis procul-
dubio sibi monstrari aliquid hujusmodi, quod opere non
frustret neque experimento fallat. Secundo, exoptabit
quis aliquid sibi praescribi, quod ipsum non astringat et
coerceat ad media quaedam et modos quosdam operandi
particulares. Fortasse enim destituetur, nee habebit
facultatem et commoditatem talia media comparandi et
procurandi. Quod si sint et alia media et alii modi
1 That is, with a corresponding decrease of volume.
NOVUM ORGANUM. 345
(praster illud prseceptum) progignendae talis naturae, ea
fortasse ex iis erunt quae sunt in operantis potestate ; a
quibus nihilominus per angustias prascepti excludetur,
nee fructum capiet. Tertio, optabit aliquid sibi mons-
trari, quod non sit aeque difficile ac ilia ipsa operatic de
qua inquiritur, sed propius accedat ad praxin.
Itaque de praecepto vero et perfecto operandi, pro-
nun tiatum erit tale ; ut sit certum, liberum, et disponens
sive in ordine ad actionem. Atque hoc ipsum idem est
cum inventione Formae verae. Etenim Forma naturae
alicujus talis est ut, ea posita, natura data infallibiliter
sequatur. Itaque adest perpetuo quando natura ilia
adest, atque eam universaliter affirmat, atque inest
omni. Eadem Forma talis est ut, ea amota, natura
data infallibiliter fugiat. Itaque abest perpetuo quando
natura ilia abest, eamque perpetuo abnegat, atque inest
soli. Postremo, Forma vera talis est, ut naturam da-
tam ex fonte aliquo essentiae deducat quae inest pluri-
bus, et notior est naturae^ (ut loquuntur) quam ipsa
Forma. Itaque de axiomate vero et perfecto sciendi,
pronuntiatum et praeceptum tale est ; ut inveniatur na-
tura alia, quce sit cum natura data convertibilis, et tamen
sit limitatio naturce notioris, instar generis veri? Ista
1 See note on Distrib. Operis, p. 216.
2 Let us adopt, for distinctness of expression, the theory commonly
known as Boscovich's, — a theory which forms the basis of the ordinary
mathematical theories of light, of heat, and of electricity. This theory
supposes all bodies to be constituted of inextended atoms or centres of
force, each of which attracts or repels and is attracted or repelled by all the
rest. All the phenomena of nature are thus ascribed to mechanical forces,
and all the differences which can be conceived to exist between two bodies,
— gold, say, and silver, — can only arise either from the different configu-
ration of the centres of force, or from the different law by which they act on
one another.
Assuming the truth of this theory, the question, why are some bod-
ies transparent and others not so — in other words, what is the essential
cause of transparency which is precisely what Bacon would call the form
346 NOVUM ORGANUM.
autem duo pronuntiata, activum et contemplativum, res
eadem sunt ; et quod in Operando utilissimum, id in
Sciendo verissimum.
V.
At praeceptum sive axioma de transformatione cor-
porum, duplicis est generis. Primum intuetur corpus,
ut turmam sive conjugationem naturarum simplicium :
ut in auro haec conveniunt ; quod sit flavum ; quod sit
ponderosum, ad pondus tale ; quod sit malleabile aut
ductile, ad extensionem talem ; quod non fiat volatile,
nee deperdat de quanto suo per ignem ; quod fluat
fluore tali ; quod separetur et solvatur modis talibus ;
et similiter de caeteris naturis, quae in auro concurrunt.
Itaque hujusmodi axioma rem deducit ex Formis natu-
rarum simplicium. Nam qui Formas et modes novit
superinducendi flavi, ponderis, ductilis, fixi, fluoris, so-
lutionum, et sic de reliquis, et eorum graduationes et
modes, videbit et curabit ut ista conjungi possint in
aliquo corpore, unde sequatur transformatio in aurum.^
of transparency, — is to be answered by saying that a certain configuration
of the centres of force, combined with the existence of a certain law of
force, constitutes such a system that the vibrations of the luminiferous
ether pass through it. What this configuration or this law may be, is a
question which the present state of mathematical physics does not enable
us to answer ; but there is no reason a priori why in time to come it may
not receive a complete solution. If it does, we shall then have arrived at a
knowledge, on Boscovich's theory, of the form of transparency. Those
who are acquainted with the recent progress of physical science know that
questions of this kind, so far from being rejected as the questions of a mere
dreamer, are thought to be of the highest interest and im]K)rtance, and that
no inconsiderable advance has already been made towards the solution of
some at least among them.
I " On pourroit trouver le moyen de contrefaire I'or en sorte qu'il satisfc-
roit a toutes les ^preuves qu'on en a jusqu'ici; mais on pourroit aussi
d^couvrir alors une nouvelle mani6re d'essai, qui donneroit le moyen de
distinguer Tor naturel de cet or fait par artifice .... nous pourrions avoir
une definition plus parfaite de Tor que nous n'en avons pr^sentement." —
Leibnitz, Nouv. Ess. sur r Entendement, c. 2.
NOVUM ORGANUM. 347
Atque hoc genus operandi pertinet ad actionem prima-
riam. Eadem enim est ratio generandi naturam unam
aliquam simplicem, et plures ; nisi quod arctetur magis
et restringatur homo in operando, si plures requirantur,
propter difficultatem tot naturas coadunandi ; quae non
facile conveniunt, nisi per vias naturse tritas et ordina-
rias. Utcunque tamen dicendum est, quod iste modus
operandi (qui naturas intuetur simplices, licet in cor-
pore concreto) procedat ex iis quae in natura sunt con-
stantia et aeterna et catholica, et latas praebeat potentise
humanae vias, quales (ut nunc sunt res) cogitatio hu-
man a vix capere aut repraesentare possit.
At secundum genus axiomatis (quod a latentis pro-
cessus inventione pendet) non per naturas simplices
procedit, sed per concreta corpora, quemadmodum in
natura inveniuntur, cursu ordinario. Exempli gratia ;
in casu ubi fit inquisitio, ex quibus initiis, et quo modo,
et quo processu, aurum aut aliud quodvis metallum aut
lapis generetur, a primis menstruis aut rudimentis suis
usque ad mineram perfectam ; aut similiter, quo pro-
cessu herbse generentur, a primis concretionibus succo-
rum in terra, aut a seminibus, usque ad plantam forma-
tam, cum universa ilia successione motus, et diversis et
continuatis naturae nixibus ; similiter, de generatione
ordinatim explicata animalium, ab initu ad partum ; et
similiter de corporibus aliis.
Enimvero neque ad generationes corporum tantum
spectat hsec inquisitio, sed etiam ad alios motus et opi-
ficia naturae. Exempli gratia ; in casu ubi fit inquisitio,
de universa serie et continuatis actionibus alimentandi,
a prima receptione ahmenti ad assimilationem perfec-
tam ; aut similiter de motu voluntario in animalibus, a
prima impressione imaginationis et continuatis nixibus
348 NOVUM ORGANUM.
spiritus usque ad flexiones et raotus artuum ; aut de
explicate motu linguae et labiorum et instrumentorum
reliquorura usque ad editionem vocum articulatarum.
Nam haec quoque spectant ad naturas concretas, sive
collegiatas et in fabiica ; et intuentur veluti consuetu-
dines naturae parti culares et speciales, non leges fun-
damentales et communes, quae constituunt Formas.
Veruntamen omnino fatendum est, rationem istam vi-
deri expeditiorem et magis sitam in propinquo, et spem
injicere magis, quam illam primariam.
At pars Operativa similiter, quae huic parti Contem-
plativse respondet, operationem extendit et promovet ab
iis quae ordinario in natura inveniuntur ad qusedam
proxima, aut a proximis non admodum remota ; sed
altiores et radicales operationes super naturam pendent
utique ab axiomatibus primariis. Quinetiam ubi non
datur liomini facultas operandi, sed tantum sciendi, ut
in coelestibus (neque enim ceditur homini operari in
coelestia, aut ea immutare aut transformare), tamen
inquisitio facti ipsius sive veritatis rei, non minus quam
cognitio causarum et consensuum, ad primaria ilia et
catholica axiomata de naturis simplicibus (veluti de
natura rotationis spontaneae, attractionis sive virtutis
magneticae, et aliorum complurium quae magis com-
munia sunt quam ipsa coelestia) refertur. Neque enim
speret aliquis terminare quaestionem utrum in motu
diurno revera terra aut coelum rotet, nisi naturam
rotationis spontaneae prius comprehenderit.
VI.
Latens autem Processus, de quo loquimur, longe alia
res est quam animis hominum (qualiter nunc obsiden-
tur) facile possit occurrare. Neque enim intelligimus
NOVUM ORGANUM. 349
mensuras quasdam aut signa aut scalas processus in
corporibus spectabiles ; sed plane processum continua-
tum, qui maxima ex parte sensum fugit.
Exempli gratia ; in omni generatione et transforma-
tione corporum, inquirendum quid deperdatur et evolet,
quid maneat, quid accedat ; quid dilatetur, quid con-
trahatur ; quid uniatur, quid separetur ; quid continue-
tur, quid abscindatur ; quid impellat, quid impediat ;
quid dominetur, quid succumbat ; et alia complura.
Neque hie rursus, haec tantum in generatione aut
transformatione corporum quaerenda sunt ; sed et in
omnibus aliis alterationibus et motibus similiter inqui-
rendum quid antecedat, quid succedat ; quid sit incita-
tius, quid remissius ; quid motum prasbeat, quid regat ;
et hujusmodi. Ista vero omnia scientiis (quae nunc
pinguissima Minerva et prorsus inhabili contexuntur)
incognita sunt et intacta. Cum enim omnis actio nat-
uralis per minima transigatur, aut saltem per ilia quae
sunt minora quam ut sensum feriant,^ nemo se naturam
regere aut vertere posse speret, nisi ilia debito modo
comprehenderit et notaverit.
f
VII.
Similiter, inquisitio et inventio latentis sehematismi
in corporibus res nova est, non minus quam inventio
latentis processus et Formae.^ Versamur enim plane
1 i. e. Every natural action depends on the ultimate particles of bodies,
or at least on parts too small to strike the sense.
2 The distinction between the Latent Process and Latent Schematism
in the absolute way in which it is here stated, involves an assumption which
the progress of science will probably show to be unfounded; namely, that
bodies apparently at rest are so molecularly. Whereas all analogy and
the fact that they act on the senses by acting mechanically on certain def-
erent media combine to show that we ought to consider bodies even at
rest as dynamical and not as statical entities. On this view there is no
350 NOVUM ORGANUM.
adhuc in atriis naturaB, neque ad interiora paramus
aditum. At nemo corpus datum nova natura dotare
vel in novum corpus foeliciter et apposite transmutare
potest, nisi corporis alterandi aut transformandi bonam
habuerit notitiam. In modos enim vanos incurret, aut
saltem difficiles et perversos, nee pro corporis natura in
quod operatur. Itaque ad hoc etiam via plane est ape-
rienda et munienda.
Atque in anatomia corporum organicorum (qualia
sunt hominis et animalium) opera sane recte et utiliter
insumitur, et videtur res subtilis et scrutinium naturae
bonum. At hoc genus anatomias spectabile est, et
sensui subjectum, et in corporibus tantum organicis
locum habet. Verum hoc ipsum obvium quiddam est
et in promptu situm, prae anatomia vera schematismi
latentis in corporibus quae habentur pro similaribus : ^
praesertim in rebus specificatis ^ et earum partibus, ut
ferri, lapidis ; et partibus similaribus plantae, anima-
lis ; veluti radicis, folii, floris, carnis, sanguinis, ossis,
etc. At etiam in hoc genere non prorsus cessavit
industria hum ana ; hoc ipsum enim innuit separatio
difficulty in understanding the nature of what appear to be spontaneous
changes, because everj' dynamical system carries within itself the seeds of
its own decay, except in particular cases ; that is, the type of motion so
alters, with greater or less rapidity, that the sensible qualities associated
with it pass away. The introduction of the idea of unstable equilibrium in
connexion with organic chemistry, was a step in the direction which molec-
ular Physics will probably soon take.
1 i. e. that are thought to be of uniform structure — made up of parts
similar to one another.
2 i. e. in things that have a specific character. In Bacon's time only
certain things were supposed to belong to natural species, all others being
merely elemtntary. A ruby has a specific character, is specijicatum ; com-
mon stone or rock non ita ; — they are mere modifications of the element
earth, &c. A " specific virtue " is a virtue given by a thing's specific
character, transcending the qualities of the elements it consists of. [See
note on Be Augm. ii. 3.]
NOVUM ORGANUM. 351
corporum similarium per distillationes et alios solu-
tionum modos, ut dissimilaritas compositi per congre-
gationem partium homogenearum appareat.^ Quod
etiam ex usu est, et facit ad id quod quaerimus ; licet
saspius res fallax sit ; quia complures naturae separa-
tioni imputantur et attribuuntur, ac si prius substitis-
sent in composito, quas revera ignis et calor et alii
modi apertionum de novo indunt et superinducunt.
Sed et haec quoque parva pars est operis ad invenien-
dum Schematismum verum in composito ; qui Schema-
tismus res est longe subtilior et accuratior, et ab operi-
bus ignis potius confunditur quam eruitur et elucescit.
Itaque facienda est corporum separatio et solutio,
non per ignem certe, sed per rationem et Inductionem
veram, cum experiments auxiliaribus ; et per compara-
tionem ad alia corpora, et reductionem ad naturas sim-
plices et earum Formas quse in composito conveniunt
et complicantur ; et transeundum plane a Vulcano ad
Minervam, si in animo sit veras corporum texturas et
Schematismos (unde omnis occulta atque, ut vocant,
specifica proprietas et virtus in rebus pendet; unde
etiam omnis potentis alterationis et transformationis
norma educitm^) in lucem protrahere.
Exempli gratia ; inquirendum, quid sit in omni cor-
pore spiritus, quid Sssentiae tangibilis ; atque ille ipse
spiritus, utrum sit copiosus et turgeat, an jejunus et
paucus ; tenuis, aut crassior ; magis aereus, aut igneus ;
acris, aut deses ; exilis, aut robustus ; in progressu, aut
in regressu ; abscissus, aut continuatus ; consentiens
cum externis et ambientibus, aut dissentiens ; etc. Et
similiter essentia tangibilis (qua3 non pauciores recipit
1 That the complex structure of the compound may be made apparent
by bringing together its several homogeneous parts.
852 NOVUM ORGANUM.
difterentias quam spiritus) atque ejus villi et fibrae et
omnimoda textura, rursus autem collocatio spiritus per
corpoream molem, ejusque pori, meatus, venas et cel-
lulsB, et rudimenta sive tentamenta corporis organici,
sub eandem inquisitionem cadunt. Sed et in his quo-
que, atque adeo in omni latentis schematismi inventione,
lux vera et clara ab Axiomatibus primariis immittitur,
quae certe caliginem omnem et subtilitatem discutit.
VITI.
Neque propterea res deducetur ad Atomum, qui
prassupponit Vacuum et materiam non fluxam (quorum
utrumque falsum est), sed ad particular veras, quales
inveniuntur. Neque rursus est quod exhorreat quis-
piam istam subtilitatem, ut inexplicabilem ; sed contra,
quo magis vergit inquisitio ad naturas simplices, eo
magis omnia erunt sita in piano et perspicuo; trans-
lato negotio a multiplici in simplex, et ab incommen-
surabili ad commensurabile, et a surdo ad computabile,
et ab infinito et vago ad definitum et certum ; ut fit
in elementis literarum et tonis concentuum. Optime
autem cedit inquisitio naturalis, quando physicum ter-
minatur in mathematico. At rursus multitudinem aut
fractiones nemo reformidet. In rebus enim quaa per
numeros transiguntur, tam facile quis posuerit aut cogi-
taverit millenarium quam unum, aut millesimam par-
tem unius quam unum integrum.
IX.
Ex duobus generibus axiomatum quas superius posita
sunt, oritur vera divisio philosophiaB et scientiarura ;
translatis vocabulis receptis (quae ad indicationem rei
proximo accedunt) ad sensum nostrum. Videlicet, ut
NOVUM ORGANUM. 353
inqiiisitio Formarum^ quae sunt (ratione certe, et sua
lege ^) aeternae et immobiles, constituat Metaphydcam ;
inquisitio vero FJfficientis, et Materice^ et Latentis Pro-
cessus^ et Latentis Schematismi (quae omnia cursum
naturae communem et ordinarium, non leges funda-
mentales et aeternas respiciunt) constituat Fhysicam :
atque his subordinentur similiter practicae duae ; Phys-
icae Mechanica ; Metaphysicae (perpurgato nomine)
Magia, propter latas ejus vias et majus imperium in
naturam.
X.
Posito itaque doctrinae scopo, pergendum ad prascepta ;
idque ordine minime perverso aut perturbato. Atque
indicia de Interpretatione Naturae complectuntur partes
in genere duas ; primam de educendis aut excitandis
axiomatibus ab experientia ; secundam de deducendis
aut derivandis experimentis novis ab axiomatibus. Prior
autem trifariam dividitur ; in tres nempe ministrationes ;
ministration em ad Sensum, ministrationem g,d Memo-
riam, et ministrationem ad Mentem sive Rationem.^
1 " In principle at least and in their essential law:" meaning that God
could change them, but that this change would be above reason and a
change of the law of the form, otherwise unchangeable. The phrase is a
saving clause. Perhaps we should read " ratione sua et lege" — in their
principle and law.
2 Compare Partis secundce Delineatio; and for an explanation of the dis-
crepancy see General Preface, § 10. According to the order proposed in
the Delineatio, the ministraiio ad sensum was to contain three parts, of which
the first two are not mentioned here: namely, 1st, " Quomodo bona notio
constituatur et eliciatur, ac quomodo testatio sensus, quae semper est ex
analogia hominis, ad analogiam mundi reducatur et rectificetur; " 2dly,
" Quomodo ea quae sensum efFugiunt aut subtilitate totius corporis, aut
partium minutiis, aut loci distantia, aut tarditate vel etiam velocitate
motus, aut familiaritate objecti, aut aliis, in ordinem sensus redigantur; ac
insuper in casu quo adduci non possunt, quid faciendum, atque quomodo
huic destitutioni vel per instrumenta, vel per graduum observationem pe-
ritam, vel per corporum proportionatorum ex sensibilibus ad insensibilia
VOL. I. 23
864 NOVUM ORGANUM.
Primo enim paranda est Historia Naturalis et Ex-
perimentalis, sufficiens et bona ; quod fundamentum
rei est ; neque enim fingendum aut excogitandum, sed
inveniendum, quid natura faciat aut ferat.
Historia vero Naturalis et Experimentalis tam varia
est et sparsa, ut intellectum confiindat et disgi^eget, nisi
sistatur et compareat ordine idoneo. Itaque formandae
sunt Tabulae et Coordinationes Instantiarum, tali modo
et instructione ut in eas agere possit intellectus.
Id quoque licet fiat, tamen intellectus sibi permissus
et sponte movens incompetens est et inliabilis ad opi-
ficium axiomatum, nisi regatur et muniatur. Itaque
tertio, adhibenda est Inductio legitima et vera, quae
ipsa Clavis est Interpretationis. Incipiendum autem
est a fine, et retro pergendum ad reliqua.^
XI.
Inquisitio Formarum sic procedit ; super naturam
datam primo facienda est comparentia^ ad Intellectum
omnium Instantiainim notarum, quae in eadem natura
conveniunt, per materias licet dissimillimas. Atque
hujusmodi collectio facienda est liistorice, absque con-
indicationes, vel per alias vias ac substitutiones, sit siibveniendum." I
suppose Bacon had. now determined to transfer these to the third minis-
tration— the ministratio ad Rationem; and to treat of tliem under the heads
adminicula et rectijicationes inductionis. See infra, § 21 . ; and observe that
the full exposition of the Jnstantue supplementi, and Instnniice persecantes
(both of which belong to the second of the two parts above mentioned) was
reserved for the section relating to the adminicula Jnductionis. See §§ 42,
43. — J. S.
1 i. e. Of this, which is the last (namely the method of interpretation by
induction based on exclusions), we must speak first, and then go back to
the other ministrations.
2 This is properly a law term, and is equivalent to "appearance " in such
phrases as " to enter an appearance," &c. It is also said to be used for
the vadimonium given to secure an appearance on an appointed day. See
Ducange in voc.
NOVUM ORGANUM. 355
templatione prsefestina, aut subtilitate aliqua majore.
Exempli gratia ; in inquisitione de Forma Calidi.
Instaiitice eonvenientes in natura Calidi.
1. Radii solis, prsesertim aestate et meridie.
2. Radii solis reflexi et constipati, ut inter montes,
aut per parietes, et maxime omnium in speculis com-
burentibus.
3. Meteora ignita.
4. Fulmina comburentia.
5. Eructationes flammarum ex cavis montium, etc.
6. Flamma omnis.
7. Ignita solida.
8. Balnea calida naturalia.
9. Liquida ferventia, aut calefacta.
10. Vapores et fumi ferventes, atque aer ipse, qui
fortissimum et furentem suscipit calorem, si concluda-
tur; ut in reverberatoriis.^
11. Tempestates aliquae sudae per ipsam constituti-
onem aeris, non habita ratione temporis anni.
12. Aer conclusus et subterraneus in eavernis non-
nullis, praesertim hyeme.
13. Omnia villosa, ut lana, pelles animalium, et plu-
magines, habent nonnihil teporis.
14. Corpora omnia, tam solida quam liquida et tarn
densa quam tenuia (qualis est ipse aer), igni ad tempus
approximata.
15. Scintillae ex silice et chalybe per fortem percus-
sionem.
16. Omne corpus fortiter attritum, ut lapis, lignum,
pannus, etc. ; adeo ut temones et axes rotarum aliquan-
1 That is, furnaces in which the flame is made to return on itself by im-
peding its direct course.
356 NOVUM ORGANUM.
do flaramam concipiant ; et mos excitandi ignis apud
Indos Occidentales fuerit per attritionem.
17. Herbse virides et humidae simul conclusae et con-
trusae, ut rosae, pinsae^ in corbibus ; adeo ut foenum,
si repositum fiierit madidum, saepe concipiat flammam.^
18. Calx viva, aqua aspersa.
19. Ferrum, cum primo dissolvitur per aquas fortes
in vitro, idque absque ulla admotione ad ignem : et
stannum similiter, etc., sed non adeo intense.
20. Animalia, praesertim et perpetuo per interiora ;
licet in insectis calor ob par vita tern corporis non depre-
hendatur ad tactum.
21. Fimus equinus, et hujusmodi excrementa anima-
lium recentia.
^ Pisse in the original edition.
2 " That seeds when germinating, as they lie heaped in large masses,
evolve a considerable depjree of heat, is a fact long known from the malting
of grain; but the cause of it was incorrectly sought for in a process of fer-
mentation. To Goppert( Ueber Wdmieentwickelung inder lebenden Pflanze)
is due the merit of having demonstrated that such is not the case, but that
the evolution of heat is connected with the process of germination. Seeds
of very different chemical composition (of different grains, of Hemp, Clover,
Sperguia, Brassica, &c.), made to germinate in quantities of about a pound,
became heated, at a temperature of the air of 48°— 66°, to 59°— 120° Fahr.
" It was liltewise shown by Goppert that full-grown plants also, such as
Oats, Maize, Cypertis esculentus, Hyoscynmus, Sedum acre, &c., laid together
in heaps and covered with bad conductors of heat, cause a thermometer
placed among thera to rise about 2° — 7° (Spergula as much as 22°) above
the temperature of the air. . . .
" A very great evolution of heat occurs in the blossom of the Aroidea.
This is considerable even in our Arum maculatum, and according to Dutro-
chet's researches {Comptes rendus, 1839, 695.) rises to 25° — 27° above the
temperature of the air. But this phenomenon is seen in afar higher degree
in Colocasia odora, in which plant it has been investigated by Brongniart
{Nouv. Ann. d. Museum, iii.). Vrolik and Vriese (Ann. des Sc. Nat., sec.
ser. v. 134.), and Van Beek and Bersgma ( 6>6s. Oiermo-ekct. «. felev. de
temperat. des Fleurs d. Cohens, odor. 1838). These last observers found the
maximum of heat 129°, when the temperature of the air was 79°." — Mohl
On the Vegetable Cell, translated by Arthur Henfrey, Lond. 1852, pp. 101.
and 102.
NOVUM ORGANUM. 357
22. Oleum forte sulphuris et vitrioli exequitur opera
caloris, in linteo adurendo.
23. Oleum origani, et hujusmodi, exequitur opera
caloris, in adurendis ossibus dentium.
24. Spiritus vini fortis et bene rectificatus exequitur
opera caloris ; adeo ut, si albumen ovi in eum injiciatur,
concrescat et albescat, fere in modum albuminis cocti ;
et panis injectus torrefiat et incnistetur, ad modum
panis tosti.^
25. Aromata et herbae calidae, ut dracunculus, nastur-
tium vetus, etc. licet ad manum non sint calida (nee
integra, nee pulveres eorum), tamen ad linguam et
palatum parum masticata percipiuntur calida, et quasi
adurentia.
26. Acetum forte, et omnia acida, in membro ubi
non sit epidermis, ut in oculo, lingua, aut aliqua alia
parte vulnerata, et cute detecta, dolorem cient, non
multum discrepantem ab eo qui inducitur a calido.
27. Etiam frigora acria et intensa inducunt sensum
quendam ustionis ;
1 The analogy which Bacon here remarks, arises probabl}'', in the second
instance, from the desiccative power due to the strong affinity of alcohol for
water. The French chemist Lassaigne found, I believe, that alcohol ex-
tracted a red colouring matter from unboiled lobster shells ; but I am not
aware that the modus operandi has in this case been explained. But by far
the most remarkable case of what may be called simulated heat, is furnished
by the action of carbonic acid gas on the skin. Of late years baths of this
gas have been used medicinally ; but M. Boussingault long since remarked
the sensation of heat which it produces. He states that at Quindiu in New
Granada there are sulphur works, and that at various points nearly pure
carbonic acid gas escapes from shallow excavations in the surface, contain-
ing, however, a trace of hydro-sulphuric acid ; that the temperature of this
issuing stream of gas is lower than the external air, but that the sensation
is the same as that produced by a hot-air bath of perhaps from 40° to 45° or
48° centigrade (104° to 118° Fahr.). As this effect has not been noticed in
carbonic acid gas prepared artificial!}', it is probable that it requires for its
production the gas to be in motion ; so that the necessary conditions are not
present when the hand is inserted into a jar of the gas.
368 NOVUM ORGANUM.
" Nee Borese peaetrabile frigus adurit"!
28. Alia.
Hanc Tahulam JEJssentice et Prcesentice appellare con-
sue vimus.
XII.
Secundo, facienda est comparentia ad Intellectum
Instantiarum quae natura data privantur: quia Forma
(ut dictum est) non minus abesse debet ubi natura
abest, quam adesse ubi adest. Hoc nero infinitum esset
in omnibus.
Itaque subjungenda sunt negativa affirmativis, et pri-
vationes inspiciendae tantum in illis subjectis quaB sunt
maxime cognata illis alteris in quibus natura data inest
et comparet. Hanc Tahulam Declinationis^ sive Ab-
sentlce in proximo^ appellare consuevimus.
Instantice in proximo, quce privantur natura Calidi.
Adinstantiam 1. LuusB ct stellarum ct comctarum radii
primam af- . , f f ^ n • •
Armativam, nou mveumntur calidi ad tactum : ^ qumetiam
Instantia pri- , . . p . .,.,..
ma negativa observaii solcut accmma ingora in plenilunns.
vel subjunc- . ,, ^ . , , , .
ti?a. At stellae iixae majores, quando sol eas subit
aut iis approximatur, existimantur fervores solis augere
et intendere ; ut fit cum sol sistitur in Leone, et diebus
canicularibus.
Ad 2am 2». 2. Radii solis in media (quam vocant) re-
gione aeris non calefaciunt ; cujus ratio vulgo non male
redditur ; quia regio ilia nee satis appropinquat ad cor-
pus solis, unde radii emanant, nee etiam ad terram,
unde reflectuntur. Atque hoc liquet ex fastigiis monti-
1 Virg. Georg. I. 93.
2 M. Melloni has recently succeeded in making sensible the moon's cal-
orific rays.
NOVUM ORGANUM. 359
um (nisi sint prajalti), ubi nives perpetuo durant. Sed
contra notatum est a nonnullis, quod in cacumine Picus
de Tenariph, atque etiam in Andis Peruviae, ipsa fas-
tigia montium nive destituta sint ; nivibus jacentibus
tantum inferius in ascensu. Atque insuper aer illis
ipsis verticibus montium deprehenditur minime frigidus,
sed tenuis tantum et acer ; adeo ut in Andis pungat et
vulneret oculos per nimiam acrimoniam, atque etiam
pungat OS ventriculi, et inducat vomitum. Atque ab
antiquis notatum est, in vertice Olympi tantam fuisse
aeris tenuitatem, ut necesse fuerit illis qui eo ascende-
rant secum deferre spongias aceto et aqua madefactas,
easque ad os et nares subinde apponere, quia aer ob
tenuitatem non sufficiebat respirationi : ^ in quo vertice
etiam relatum est, tantam fuisse serenitatem et tranquil-
litatem a pluviis et nivibus et ventis, ut sacrificantibus
literae descriptge digito in cineribus sacrificiorum super
aram Jovis, manerent in annum proximum absque ulla
perturbatione.^ Atque etiam hodie ascendentes ad ver-
1 i. e. It was insufficient for the cooling of the blood, which according to
Aristotle was the end of respiration.
2 Aristotle seems to be the first person who mentions this notion. See
the Problems xxvi. 36. ; where however he speaks of Athos and ol toiovtoi,
and not of Ol^'mpus. The passages on the subject are to be found in Ide-
ler's Meteorologia veterum Grcecorum et Romanorum (Berlin, 1832), at p. 81.
Compare his edition of the Meteorologies of Aristotle, where he has given
in extenso the passage in which Geminus speaks in the same manner of
Mount Cyllene in Arcadia, and also a similar statement made by Philopo-
nus with respect to Olympus. The whole class of stories seem (as Ideler
following Lobeck remarks) to have somewhat of a mythical character. G.
Bruno apparently confounded Philoponus with Alexander Aphrodisiensis,
when in the Cena di Cenere he asserted that the latter mentions the sacri-
fices on the top of Olympus. In the passage on the subject in which we
might expect to find him doing so, namely in his Commentary on the Me-
teorologies, i. c. 3., he does not specify any particular mountain.
That there is no wind nor rain on Olympus is mentioned as a common
opinion by St. Augustin, De Civ. Dei, xvi. 27. Compare Dante, Purg.
xxviii. 112.
360 NOVUM ORGANUM.
ticem Picus de Tenariph eo vadunt noctu et non inter-
diu ; et paulo post ortum solis monentur et excitantur
a ducibus suis ut festinent descendere, propter pericu-
lum (ut videtur) a tenuitate aeris, ne solvat spiritus et
sufFocet.^
Ad 2«'n 3». Reflexio radiorum solis, in regionibus prope
circulos polares, admodum debilis et inefficax invenitur
in calore : adeo ut Belgas, qui hybernarunt in Nova
Zembla,^ cum expectarent navis suae liberationem et de-
obstructionem a glaciali mole (quae eam obsederat) per
initia mensis Julii spe sua frustrati sint, et coacti sca-
phae se committere. Itaque radii solis directi videntur
parum posse, etiam super terram planam ; nee reflexi
etiam, nisi multiplicentur et uniantur ; quod fit cum sol
magis vergit ad perpendiculum ; quia tum incidentia
radiorum facit angulos acutiores, ut linea? radiorum sinl
magis in propinquo : ubi contra in magnis obliquitati-
1 Lest the animal spirits should swoon and be suffocated by the tenuity
of the air.
2 This of course refers to Barentz's expedition in search of a North-East
passage. He passed the winter 1596-7 at Nova Zenibla. [In Barentz's
first voyage, 1594, he was stopped by the ice on the 13th of July, and
obliged to return. In his third voyage, 1596, his first considerable check
was on the 19th of July; after which he only succeeded in coasting round
the northern point of Nova Zembla till the 26th of August, where the ship
stuck fast and they were forced to leave her and winter on the island, and
return in their boats in the beginning of June 1597. See the letter signed
by the company : " Three "Voyages by the North-East, &c.," Hackluyt
Society, 1853, p. 191. This letter was begun on the 1st of June: " Having
till this day stayed for the time and opportunity in hope to get our ship
loose, and now are clean out of hope thereof, for that it lieth shut up and
enclosed in the ice," &c. : and ended on the 13th, "notwithstanding that
while we were making ready to be gone, we had great wind out of the west
and north-west, and yet find no alteration nor bettering in the weather, and
therefore in the last extremity we left it." This narrative, written by Ger-
rit de Veer, one of the party, was first published in Dutch in 1598; trans-
lated into Latin and French the same year; into Italian in 1599; into
English in 1609. See Introduction, p. cxviii. " Per initia mensis Junii"
would have been more accurate. — J. S.]
NOVUM ORGANUM. 361
bus solis anguli sint valde obtusi, et proinde linese radi-
orum magis distantes. Sed interim notandum est, mul-
tas esse posse oper,ationes radiorum solis, atque etiam ex
natura Calidi, quag non sunt proportionatse ad tactum
nostrum : adeo ut respectu nostri non operentur usque
ad calefactionem, sed respectu aliorum nonnullorum
corporum exequantur opera Calidi.
Ad 2am 4a. Y'lSit hujusmodl experimentum. Accipiatur
speculum^ fabricatum contra ac fit in speculis combu-
rentibus, et interponatur inter manum et radios solis ;
et fiat observatio, utrum minuat calorem solis, quemad-
modum speculum comburens eundem auget et intendit.
Manifestum est enim, quoad radios opticos, prout fab-
ricatur speculum in densitate insequali respectu medii
et laterum, ita apparere simulachra magis diffusa aut
magis contracta. Itaque idem videndum in calore.
Ad 2am 5a. pi^t expcrimcntum diligenter, utrum per
specula comburentia fortissima et optime fabricata radii
lunse possint excipi et colligi in aliquem vel minimum
gradum teporis. Is vero gradus teporis si fortasse nimis
subtilis et debilis fuerit, ut ad tactum percipi et depre-
hendi non possit, confugiendum erit ad vitra ilia qusB
indicant constitutionem aeris calidam aut frigidam ; ita
ut radii lunae per speculum comburens incidant et ja-
ciantur in summitatem vitri hujusmodi ; atque turn
notetur si fiat depressio aquae per teporem.
Ad 2am 6a. Practlcctur etiam vitrum comburens super
calidum ^ quod non sit radiosum aut luminosum ; ^ ut
1 " Speculum," used for lens. Read " specillum," the common word. *7
passes very easily into u ; and probably the transition was more facile in
the cursive hand.
2 So in the original ; qy. corpus calidum. — J. S.
8 Mersenne says the greater number of the experiments mentioned in the
second book of the Novum Organum had already been made, and mentions
362 NOVUM ORGANUM.
ferri et lapidis calefacti sed non igniti, aut aqua^ ferven-
tis, aut similium ; et notetur utrum fiat augmentum et
intentio calidi, ut in radiis solis.
Ad2'v'n7a. Practicetur etiam speculum comburens in
flamma communi.
Ad 2«m 8a. Cometarum (si et illos numerare inter me-
teora libuerit) ^ non deprebenditur constans aut mani-
festus efFectus in augendis ardoribus anni, licet siccitates
ssepius inde sequi notatae sint. Quinetiam trabes et
columnoB lucida3 et chasmata et similia apparent saepius
temporibus hybernis quam a^stivis ; et maxime per in-
tensissima frigora, sed conjuncta cum siccitatibus. Ful-
mina tamen et coruscationes et tonitrua raro eveniunt
hyeme, sed sub tempus magnorum fervorum. At stellag
(quas vocant) cadentes existimantur vulgo magis con-
stare ex viscosa aliqua materia splendida et accensa,
quam esse naturaa igneae fortioris. Sed de hoc inquira-
tur ulterius.
Ad4ara9a. Suut qusgdam coruscationes quae praebent
lumen sed non urunt ; eae vero semper fiunt sine
tonitru.
Ads^mioi. Eructationes et einiptiones flammarum in-
veniuntur non minus in regionibus frigidis quam cali-
dis ; ut in Islandia et Groenlandia ; quemadmodum et
arbores per regiones frigidas magis sunt quandoque
inflammabiles et magis piceae ac resinosie quam per
regiones calidas ; ut fit in abietc, pinu, et reliquis ; ve-
partlcularly, as if he had himself tried it, the reflexion of all kinds of heat
by a burning mirror. He also asserts that light is always accompanied by
heat. De la Verite des Sciences (1625), p. 210.
1 That there was no reason for supposing comets to be more than merely
meteoric exhalations is the thesis maintained, and doubtless with great
ability, by Galileo in his Saggiatore, — the true view, or at least a nearer
approach to it, having been propounded by the Jesuit Grossi. Bacon per-
haps alludes to this controversy.
NOVUM ORGANUM. 363
rum in quali situ et natura soli hujusmodi eruptiones
fieri soleant, ut possimus Affirmativse subjungere Nega-
tivam, non satis quEesitum est.
AdGamiia. Omnis flamma perpetuo est calida magis
aut minus, neque omnino subjungitur Negativa ; et ta-
men referunt ignem fatuum (quem vocant), qui etiam
aliquando impingitur in parietem,^ non multum habere
caloris ; fortasse instar flammse spiritus vini, quae cle-
mens et lenis est. Sed adhue lenior videtur ea flamma
quae in nonnullis historiis fidis et gravibus invenitur ap-
paruisse circa capita et comas puerorum et virgin um ;
qu£e nullo modo comas adurebat, sed molliter circum
eas trepidabat. Atque certissimum est, circa equum
in itinere sudantem noctu et suda tempestate apparuisse
quandoque coruscationem quandam absque manifesto
calore. Atque paucis abhinc annis, notissimum est et
pro miraculo quasi habitum gremiale cujusdam puellae
paulo motum aut fricatum coruscasse ; quod fortasse
factum est ob alumen aut sales quibus gremiale tinctum
erat paulo crassius haerentia et incrustata, et ex frica-
tione fracta. Atque certissimum est saccharum omne,
sive conditum (ut vocant) sive simplex, modo sit du-
rius, in tenebris fractum aut cultello scalptum corus-
care. Similiter aqua marina et salsa noctu interdum
invenitur remis fortiter percussa coruscare. Atque
etiam in tempestatibus spuma maris fortiter agitata
noctu coruscat ; quam coruscationem Hispani pulmonem
marinum vocant.^ De ilia flamma autem quam anti-
i i. e. Which sometimes eveu settles on a wall.
2 The phrase "pulmo marino" is as much Italian as Spanish, — except
of course, that in Italian "pulmo" is replaced by ''polmo," — and is merely
a translation of irvevfiuv -^aTuiaaiog, which is used by Dioscorides, De Ma-
teria Medicd, ii. 39. The lummous appearance arises apparently from ser-
pent medusae, which in texture are like the substance of the lungs, from
364 NOVUM ORGANUM.
qui nautaB vocabant Castor em et Pollucem, et moderni
Focum Sancti Ermi} qualem calorem habeat non satis
quaesitum est.
Ad I'm 12*. Onine ignitum ita ut vertatur in ruborem
igneum etiam sine flamma perpetuo calidum est, neque
huic Affirmativas subjungitur Negativa ; sed quod in
proximo est videtur esse lignum putre, quod splendet
npctu neque tamen deprehenditur calidum ; et squamae
piscium putrescentes, quae etiam splendent noctu, nee
inveniuntur ad tactum calidse ; neque etiam corpus
cicindelae aut muscae (quam vocant Luciolam) cali-
dum ad tactum deprehenditur.
Ad 8»m i3». De balneis calidis, in quo situ et natura soli
emanare soleant non satis quaesitum est ; itaque non
subjungitur Negativa.
Ad 9am 14a. Liquidis ferventibus subjungitur Negativa
ipsius liquidi in natura sua. Nullum enim invenitur
liquidum tangibile quod sit in natura sua et maneat
constanter calidum, sed superinducitur ad tempus tan-
tum calor, ut natura ascititia : ^ adeo ut quae potestate
et operatione sunt maxime calida, ut spiritus vini, olea
aromatum chymica, etiam olea vitrioli et sulpluiris, et
similia, qu^e paulo post adurunt, ad primum tactum
sint frigida. Aqua autem balneorum naturalium ex-
cepta in vas aliquod et separata a fontibus suis defer-
which circumstance they derive the name which Dioscorides gives them.
Cf. De Aug. iv. 3.
1 " 0 lume vivo, que a maritima pente
Tem por santo em tempo de tormenta."
Oa Lusiadas de Camoes, canto v. est. 18.
I take this quotation from Humboldt's Kosmos, ii. p. 122.
♦ 2 E converso, calor is not a natura adscititia to solids. In modern phys-
ics this distinction would be altogether without a meaning. That a hot
liquid returns after a while to a cold state, was adduced as an argument for
the existence of substantial forms.
NOVUM ORGANUM. 365
vescit perinde ac aqua igne calefacta. At verum
est corpora oleosa ad tactum paulo minus esse fiigida
quam aquea ; ut oleum minus quam aqua, sericum mi-
nus quam linteum. Verum hoc pertinet ad Tabulam
Graduum de Frigido,
Ad lOam IS''. Similiter vapori fervido subjungitur Nega-
tiva naturae ipsius vaporis, qualis apud nos invenitur.
Etenim exhalationes ex oleosis, licet facile inflammab-
iles, tamen non inveniuntur calidae, nisi a corpore
calido recenter exlialaverint.
Ad lOam 16a. Similiter aeri ipsi ferventi subjungitur Neg-
ativa naturae aeris ipsius. Neque enim invenitur apud
nos aer calidus ; nisi fiierit aut conclusus, aut attritus,
aut manifeste calefactus a sole, igne, aut aliquo alio
corpore calido.
Adii«mi7a. Subjungitur Negativa tempestatum frigi-
darum magis quam pro ratione temporis anni, quae
eveniunt apud nos flante Euro et Borea ; quemadmo-
dum et contrariae tempestates eveniunt flante Austro
et Zephyro. Etiam inclinatio ad pluviam (prseser-
tim temporibus hyemalibus) comitatur tempestatem
tepidam ; at gelu contra frigidam.
Ad I2'"n 18a. Subjungitur Negativa aeris conclusi in ca-
vernis tempore aestivo. At de aere concluso omnino dil-
igentius inquirendum. Primo enim non absque causa
in dubitationem venit qualis sit natura aeris quatenus
ad calidum et frigidum in natura sua propria. Recipit
enim aer calidum manifesto ex impressione coelestium ;
frigidum autem fortasse ab expiration e terrae ; et rursus
in media (quam vocant) regione aeris a vaporibus frig-
idis et nivibus ; ut nullum judicium fieri possit de aeris
natura per aerem qui foras est et sub dio, sed verius
foret judicium per aerem conclusum. Atqui opus est
366 NOVUM ORGANUM.
etiani ut aer concludatur in tali vasi et materia quae
nee ipsa imbuat aerom calido vel frigido ex vi propria
nee facile admittat vim aeris extranei. Fiat itaque ex-
perimentum per ollam figularem multiplici corio obduc-
tam ad muniendam ipsam ab acre extraneo, facta mora
per tres aut quatuor dies in vase bene occluso; depre-
hensio autem fit post apertionem vasis vel per manum
v.el per vitrum graduum ordine applicatum.
Ad 13am 19a. Subest similiter dubitatio, iitrum tepor in
lana et pellibus et pliimis et hujusmodi fiat ex quodam
exili calore inhaerente, quatenus excernuntur ab ani-
malibus ; aut etiam ob pinguedinem quandam et oleosi-
tatem, quae sit naturae congruae cum tepore ; vel plane
ob conclusionem et fractionem aeris; ut in articulo prae-
cedente dictum est. Videtur enim omnis aer abscissus
a continuitate aeris forinseci habere nonnihil teporis.
Itaque fiat experimentum in fibrosis quae fiunt ex lino ;
non ex lana aut pluniis aut serico, quae excernuntur ab
animatis. Notandum est etiam, omnes pulveres (ubi
manifesto includitur aer) minus esse frigidos quam
corpora Integra ipsorum ; quemadmodum etiam ex-
istimamus omnem spumam (utpote quae aerem contin-
eat) minus esse frigidam quam liquorem ipsum.
Ad 14am 20". Huic non subjungitur Negativa. Nihil
enim reperitur apud nos sive tangibile sive spiritale
quod admotum igni non excipiat calorem. In eo ta-
men differunt, quod alia excipiant calorem citius, ut
aer, oleum, et aqua ; alia tardius, ut lapis et metalla.
Verum hoc pertinet ad Tabulam Q-radaum.
Adi5«m2ia. Huic Instantiae n(m subjungitur Negativa
alia, quam ut bene notetur non excitari scintillas ex
silice et chalybe aut alia aliqua substantia dura nisi ubi
excutiuntur minutiae aliquaj ex ipsa substantia lapidis
NOVUM ORGANUM. 367
vel metalli, neque aerem attritum unquam per se gen-
erare scintillas, ut vulgo putant ; quin et ipsae illae
scintillae ex pondere corporis igniti magis vergunt deor-
sum quam sursum, et in extinctione redeunt in quan-
dam fuliginem corpoream.
Ad 16am 22a. Existimamus huic instantise non snbjungi
Negativam. Nullum enim invenitur apud nos corpus
tangibile quod non ex attritione manifesto calescat;
adeo ut veteres somniarent non inesse ccelestibus
aliam viam aut virtutem calefaciendi nisi ex attri-
tione aeris per rotationem rapidam et incitatam.^
Verum in hoc genere ulterius inquirendum est utram
corpora quae emittuntur ex machinis (qualia sunt
pilae ex tormentis) non ex ipsa percussione contra-
hant aliquem gradum caloris ; adeo ut post quam de-
ciderint inveniantur nonnihil calida. At aer motus
magis infrigidat quam calefacit; ut in ventis et folli-
bus et flatu oris contracti. Verum hujusmodi motus
non est tam rapidus ut excitet calorem, et fit secun-
dum totum, non per particulas ; ut mirum non sit,
si non generet calorem.
Adi7»"'23a. Circa banc instantiam facienda est inqui-
sitio diligentior. Videntur enim herbse et vegetabilia
viridia et humida aliquid habere in se occulti caloris.
Ille vero calor tam tenuis est ut in singulis non per-
cipiatur ad tactum, verum postquam ilia adunata sint
1 See Arist. Meteorol. i. c. 2. sub finem; or De Coelo, ii. c. 7. It seems
probable that Aristotle was influenced by a wish to secure the doctrine of
the eternity of the universe, which he saw would be put in peril if celestial
heat were ascribed to anything akin to combustion. "We now know that
the generation of heat, whether by friction, combustion, or otherwise,
involves a loss of vis viva, and it is difficult to avoid the conclusion that
the material universe sprang, at a finite distance of time ago, out of some-
thing wholly and inconceivably different from itself. Nothing is more
remarkable than the way in which ontology here forces itself into physics.
368 NOVUM ORGANUM.
et conclusa, ut spiritus ipsorum non expiret in aerem
sed se invicem foveat, turn vero oritur calor mani-
festus, et nonnunquam flamma in materia congrua.
Ad 18am 24a. Etiam circa banc instantiam diligentior
facienda est inquisitio. Videtur enim calx viva aqua
aspersa concipere calorem vel propter unionem caloris
qui antea distrahebatur (ut ante dictum est de herbis
conclusis), vel ob irritationem et exasperationem spiri-
tus ignei ab aqua, ut fiat quidam conflictus et antipe-
ristasis. U tra vero res sit in causa facilius apparebit
si loco aquae immittatur oleum ; oleum enim a^que ac
aqua valebit ad unionem spiritus inclusi, sed non ad
irritationem. Etiam faciendum est experimentum la-
tins tam in cineribus et calcibus diversorum corporum,
quam per immissionem diversorum liquorum.
Ad 19am 26a. Huic instantiae subjungitur Negativa ali-
orum metallorum quae sunt magis moUia et fluxa.
Etenim bracteolai auri solutas in liquorem per aquara
regis nullum dant calorem ad tactum in dissolutions ;
neque similiter plumbum in aqua forti ; neque etiam
argentum vivum (ut memini) ; sed argentum ipsum
parum excitat caloris, atque etiam cuprum (ut mem-
ini), sed magis manifesto stannum, atque omnium
maxime ferrum et chalybs, quaa non solum fortem
excitant calorem in dissolutione, sed etiam violentam
ebullitionem.^ Itaque videtur calor fieri per conflic-
tum, cum aquae fortes penetrant et fodiunt et divel-
lunt partes corporis, et corpora ipsa resistunt. Ubi
vero corpora facilius cedunt vix excitatur calor.
Ad20a'n26«. Calon animalium nulla subjungitur Neg-
ativa, nisi insectorum (ut dictum est) ob parvitatem
1 This ebullition is of course not the result of the heat, but arises from
the disengagement of gas during the action of the acid on the metal.
NOVUM ORGANUM. 369
corporis. Etenim in piscibus collatis ad animalia ter-
restria magis notatur gradus caloris quam privatio.
In vegetabilibus autem et plantis nullus percipitur
gradus caloris ad tactum, neque in laclirymis ipso-
rum, neque in medullis recenter apertis. At in ani-
malibus magna reperitur diversitas caloris, turn in
partibus ipsorum (alius est enim calor circa cor, alius
in cerebro, alius circa externa), turn in accidentibus
eorum, ut in exercitatione vebementi et febribus.
Ad2iam27'i. Huic instantife vix subjungitur Negativa.
Quinetiam excrcmenta animalium non recentia raani-
feste habent calorem potentialem, ut cernitur in im-
pinguatione soli.
Ad 22ara et 23am 28a. Liquores (sive aquae vocentur sive
olea) qui habent magnam et intensam acrimoniam
exequuntur opera caloris in divulsione corporum,
atque adustione post aliquam moram ; sed tainen ad
ipsum tactum manus non sunt calidi ab initio. Ope-
rantur autem secundum analogiam^ et poros corpo-
ris cui adjunguntur. Aqua enim regis aurum solvit,
argentum minime ; at contra aqua fortis argentum
solvit, aurum minime ; neutrum autem solvit vitrum ;
et sic de cjBteris.
Ad24'»m29v. Fiat experimentum spiritus vini in lignis,
ac etiam in butyro aut cera aut pice ; si forte per
calorem suum ea aliquatenus liquefaciat. Etenim
instantia 24* ostendit potestatem ejus imitativam ca-
loris in incrustationibus. Itaque fiat similiter exper-
imentum in liquefactionibus. Fiat etiam experimen-
1 This is another instance of the large sense given to the word analogia.
Aqua regia is a mixture of nitric and hydrochloric acids. Its power of
dissolving gold is ascribed by Davy to the liberation of chlorine by the
mutual action of the two acids. The different result in the case of silver
arises from the insolubility of chloride of silver.
VOL. I. 24
370 NOVUM ORGANUM.
turn per vitnim graduum sive calendare quod conca-
viim sit in summitate sua per exterius ; et immittatur
in illud concavum exterius spiritus vini bene rectifica-
tus, cum operculo ut melius contineat calorem suum ;
et notetur utrum per calorem suum faciat aquam des-
cendere.
Ad25>n'30a. Aromata, et herbae acres ad palatum, mul-
to magis sumptas interius, perci[)iuntur calida. Viden-
dum itaque in quibus aliis materiis exequantur opera
calons. Atque refei-unt nauta?, cum cumuli et massae
aromatum diu conclusae subito aperiuntur, periculum
instare illis qui eas primo agitant et extraliunt a febri-
bus et inflammationibus spiritus.^ Similiter fieri pote-
rit experimentum, utrum pulveres hujusmodi aroma-
tum aut herbarum non arefaciant laridum et carnem
suspcnsam super ipsos, veluti fumus ignis.
Ad26u'n8i«. Acrimonia sive penetratio inest tam frigi-
dis, qualia sunt acetum et oleum vitrioli, quam calidis,
qualia sunt oleum origani et similia. Itaqnc similiter
et in animatis cient dolorem, et in non animatis divel-
lunt partes et consumunt. Neque huic instantise sub-
jungitur Negativa. Atque in animatis nuUus reperi-
tur dolor nisi cum quodam sensu caloris.
Ad27'"i32v Communes sunt complures actiones et
calidi et frigidi, licet di versa admodum ration e. Nam
et nives puerorum manus videntur paulo post urere ;
et frigora tuentur carnes a putrefactione, non minus
quam ignis ; et calores contralmnt corpora in minus,
quod faciunt et frigida. Verum base et similia oppor-
tunius est referre ad Inquisitionem de Frigido.
1 In the Annals of Philosophy a case is mentioned in which the effluvia
arising on the opening of a large bark-store at Guayra were sufficiently
powerful to cure a bad fever.
NOVUM ORGANUM. 371
XIII.
Tertio facienda est Comparentia ad Intellectum in-
stantiarum in quibus natura de qua fit inquisitio inest
secundum magis et minus ; sive facta comparatione
incrementi et decrementi in eodem subjecto, sive facta
comparatione ad invicem in subjectis diversis. Cum
enim Forma rei sit ipsissima res ; neque differat res
a Forma, allter quam difFerunt apparens et existens,
aut exterius et interius, aut in ordine ad hominem et
in ordine ad universum ; ^ omnino sequitur ut non
recipiatur aliqua natura pro vera Forma, nisi per-
petuo decrescat quando natura ipsa decrescit, et simil-
iter perpetuo augeatur quando natura ipsa augetur.
Hanc itaque tabulam Tabulam Graduum sive Tabulam
Comparativce appellare consuevimus.
Tabula Graduum sive Comparativce in Calido.
Primo itaque dicemus de iis quae nullum prorsus
gradum caloris habent ad tactum, sed videntur ha-
bere potentialem tantum quendam calorem, sive dis-
positionem et prjeparationem ad calidum. Postea de-
mum descendemus ad ea quae sunt actu sive ad tactum
calida, eorumque fortitudines et gradus.
1. In corporibus solidis et tangibilibus non inve-
nitur aliquid quod in natura sua calidum sit originali-
ter. Non enim lapis aliquis, non metallum, non sul-
phur, non fossile aliquod, non lignum, non aqua, non
cadaver animalis, inveniuntur calida. Aquae autem
1 " Res " is to be taken in a general sense, so as to include not only sub-
stances, but also what Bacon calls naturae. It is therefore not to be trans-
lated as if it were synonymous with corpus ; and in fact in a subsequent
passage (II. § 50.) "res" and "corpus'" are, so to speak, placed in opposi-
tion to each other. " Rerura formae et Corporum schematismi."
372 NOVmi ORGANUM.
calidae in balneis videntur calefieri per accidens, sive
per flammam aiit ignem subteiTaneum, quails ex
^tna et montibus aliis compluribus evomitur, sive
ex conflictu corporum, quemadmodum calor fit in
ferri et stanni dissolutionibus. Itaque gradus caloris
in inanimatis, quatenus ad tactum humanum, nullus
est ; veruntamen ilia gradu frigoris diffenint ; non
enim seque frigidum est lignum ac metallum. Sed
hoc pertinct ad Tabulam Graduum in Frigido.
2. Attamen quoad potentiates calores et praepara-
tiones ad flammam, complura inveniuntur inanimata
admodum disposita, ut sulphur, naphtha, petrelaeum.^
3. Quae antea incaluerunt, ut fimus equinus ex an-
imali, aut calx aut fortasse cinis aut fuligo ex igne,
reliquias latentes quasdam caloris prioris retinent. Ita-
que iiunt quaedam distillationes et separationes corpo-
rum per sepulturam in limo equino, atque excitatur
calor in calce per aspersionem aquae ; ut jam dictum
est.
4. Inter vegetabilia non invenitur aliqua planta sive
pars plantae (veluti lachryma aut medulla) quae sit ad
tactum humanum calida. Sed tamen (ut superius dic-
tum est) herbae virides conclusae calescunt ; atque ad
interiorem tactum, veluti ad palatum aut ad stomachum
aut etiam ad exteriores partes, post aliquam moram (ut
in emplastris et unguentis) alia vegetabilia inveniuntur
calida, alia frigida.
5. Non invenitur in partibus animalium, postquam
fiierint mortuae aut separatae, aliquid calidum ad tac-
tum humanum. Nam neque firaus equinus ipse, nisi
fuerit conclusus et sepultus, calorem retinet. Sed
tamen omnis fimus habere videtur calorem potentialem,
1 The Latin form of the word w petrcieum.
NOVUM ORGANUM. 373
ut in afjrrorum impinguatione. Et similiter, cadavera
animalium hujusmodi habent latentem et poteiitialem
calorem ; adeo ut in coemeteriis ubi quotidie fiunt sepul-
turaB terra calorem quendam occultum colligat, qui
cadaver aliquod recenter impositum consumit longe
citius quam terra pura. Atque apud orientales tradi-
tur inveniri textile quoddam tenue et molle, factum ex
avium plumagine, quod vi innata butyrum solvat et
liquefaciat in ipso leviter involutum.
6. QuaB impinguant agros, ut fimi omnis generis,
creta, arena maris, sal, et similia, dispositionem non-
nullam habent ad calidum.
7. Omnis putrefactio in se rudimenta quaedam exilis
caloris habet,^ licet non hucusque ut ad tactum percip-
iatur. Nam nee ea ipsa quae putrefacta solvuntur in
animalcula, ut caro, caseus, ad tactum percipiuntur
calida ; neque lignum putre, quod noctu splendet,
deprehenditur ad tactum calidum. Calor autem
in putridis quandoque se prodit per odores tetros et
fortes.
8. Primus itaque caloris gradus, ex iis qaae ad tac-
tum humanum percipiuntur calida, videtur esse calor
animalium, qui bene magnam liabet graduum latitudi-
nem. Nam infimus gradus (ut in insectis) vix ad tac-
tum deprenditur; summus autem gradus vix attingit ad
gradum caloris radiorum solis in regionibus et tempor-
ibus maxime ferventibus, neque ita acris est quin tole-
rari possit a manu. Et tamen referunt de Constantio,^
aliisque nonnullis qui constitutionis et habitus corporis
1 This is true of eremacausis rather than of real putrefaction. But the
distinction belongs to the recent history of chemistry.
2 The person here referred to is Constantius II., the son of Constantine
the Great. The burning heat of the fever of which he died is mentioned
by Ammianus Marcellinus, 1. xxi. c. 15.
374 NOVUM ORGANUM.
adniotlum sicci fuerunt, quod acutissimis febribus cor-
repti ita incaluerint ut manum admotam aliquantulum
urcre visi sint.
9. Animalia, ex motu et exercitatione, ex vino et
epulis, ex venere, ex febribus ardentibus, et ex dolore,
augentur calore.
10. Animalia in accessibus febrium intennittentium
a principio fi-igore et horrore corripiuntur, sed paulo
post majorem in modum incalescunt ; quod etiam
faciunt a principio in causonibus et febribus pestilen-
tialibus.
11. Inquiratur ulterius de calore comparato in di-
versis aninialibus, veluti piscibus, quadrupedibus, ser-
pentibus, avibus; atque etiam secundum species ip-
sorum, ut in leone, milvio, homine; nam ex vulgari
opinione, pisces per interiora minus calidi sunt, aves
autem maxime calida; ; praesertim columbae, accipitres,
struthiones.^
12. Inquiratur ulterius de calore comparato in eo-
dem animali, secundum partes et membra ejus diversa.
Nam lac, sanguis, sperina, ova, inveniuntur gradu mod-
ico tej)ida, et minus calida quam ipsa caro exterior in
animali quando movetur aut agitatur. Qualis vero
gradus sit caloris in cerebro, stomacho, corde, et reli-
quis, similiter adhuc non est quiesitum.
13. Animalia omnia, per hyemem et tempestates
frigidas, secundum exterius frigent; sed per interiora
etiam magis esse calida existimantur.
14. Calor coelestium, etiam in regione calidissima at-
que temporibus anni et diei calidissimis, non eum gra-
dum caloris obtinet qui vel lignum aridissimum vel
I Struthio commonly means an ostrich, but it seems here to be used for a
sparrow. — J. S.
NOVUM ORGANUM. 375
stramen vel etiam linteum ustum incendat aut adurat,
nisi per specula comburentia roboretur ; sed tamen e
rebus humidis vaporem excitare potest.
15. Ex traditione astronomorum ponuntur stellae
alia? magis, alias minus calidae. Inter planetas enim
post solem ponitur Mars calidissimus, deinde Jupiter,
deinde Venus ; ^ ponuntur autem tanquam frigidi Luna
et deinde omnium maxime Saturnus. Inter fixas au-
tem ponitur calidissimus Sirius, deinde Cor Leonis, sive
Regulus, deinde Canicula, etc.
16. Sol magis calefacit, quo magis vergit ad perpen-
diculum sive Zenith, quod etiam credendum est de aliis
planetis, pro modulo suo caloris ; exempli gratia, Jovem
magis apud nos calefacere cum positus sit sub Cancro
aut Leone quam sub Capricorno aut Aquario.
17. Credendum est solem ipsum et planetas reliquos
magis calefacere in perigajis suis, propter propinquita-
tem ad terram, quam in apogoeis. Quod si eveniat ut
in aliqua regione sol sit simul in perigaeo et propius ad
perpendiculum, necesse est ut magis calefaciat quam in
regione ubi sol sit similiter in perigaeo sed magis ad ob-
liquum. Adeo ut comparatio exaltationis planetarum
notari debeat, prout ex perpendiculo aut obliquitate
participet, secundum regionum varietatem.
18. Sol etiam, et similiter reliqui planetae, calefaceri?
magis existimantur cum sint in proximo ad stellas fixas
majores ; veluti cum sol ponitur in Leone, magis vici-
nus fit Cordi Leonis, Caudae Leonis, et Spicae Virginis,
et Sirio, et Caniculse, quam cum ponitur in Cancro,
ubi tamen magis sistitur ad perpendiculum.^ Atque
1 B^v some Venus was accounted cold and moist. Vide Marganta Phil.
p. 627. Ptolemy, however, confirms what Bacon says of her.
2 This astrological fancy was probably suggested by a wish to explain
376 NOVUM ORGANUM.
credendum est partes coeli majorem infundere calorem
(licet ad tactum minime perceptibilem) quo magis
ornate sint stellis, praesertim majoribus.
19. Omnino calor coelestium augetur tribus modis ;
videlicet ex perpendiculo, ex propinquitate sive peri-
gaeo, et ex conjunctione sive consortio stellariim.
20. Magnum omnino invenitur intervallum inter ca-
lorem animalium ac etiam radiorum coelestium (prout
ad nos deferuntur), atque flammam, licet lenissimam,
atque etiam ignita omnia, atque insuper liquores, aut
aerem ipsum majorem in modum ab igne calefactum.
Etenim flamma spiritus vini, praesertim rara nee consti-
pata, tamen potis est stramen aut linteum aut papyrum
incendere ; quod nunquam faciet calor animal is vel
solis, absque speculis comburentibus.
21. Flammai autem et ignitorum plurimi sunt gra-
dus in fortitudine et debilitate caloris. Verum de his
nulla est facta diligens inquisitio ; ut necesse sit ista
leviter transmittere. Videtur autem ex flammis ilia
ex spiritu vini esse mollissima ; nisi forte ignis fatuus,
aut flammae seu coruscationes ex sudoribus animalium,
sint molliores. Hanc sequi opinanmr flammam ex veg-
etabilibus levibus et porosis, ut stramine, scirpis, et
foliis arefactis, a quibus non multum differre flammam
ex pilis aut plumis. Hanc sequitur fortasse flamma ex
lignis, praesertim iis quae non multum habent ex resina
aut pice ; ita tamen ut flamma ex lignis quae parva
sunt mole (quae vulgo colligantur in lasciculos) lenior
sit quam quae flt ex truncis arborum et radicibus. Id
quod vulgo expenri licet in fornacibus quaB ferrum ex-
why July is hotter than June. In the division of the Zodiac into trigone
each of which corresponds to one of the elements, Leo forms one of the
comers of the fiery trigon ; and it is moreover the sun's proper sign.
NOVUM ORGANUM. 377
coquunt, in quibus ignis ex fasciculis et ramis arborum
non est admodum utilis. Hanc sequitur (ut arbitra-
mur) flamma ex oleo et sevo et cera, et hujusmodi
oleosis et pinguibus, quae sunt sine magna acrimonia.
Fortissimus autem calor reperitur in pice et resina ; at-
que adliuc magis in sulphure et caphura,^ et naphtha
et petrelaeo et sahbus (postquam materia cruda eru-
perit), et in horum compositionibus, veluti pulvere
tormentario, igne Graeco (quem vulgo ignem feinira
vocant), et diversis ejus generibus, quae tam obsti-
natum habent calorem ut ab aquis non facile extin-
guantur.
22. Existiraamus etiara flammam quae resultat ex
nonnullis metallis imperfectis esse valde robustam et
acrem. Verum de istis omnibus inquiratur ulterius.
23. Videtur autem flamma fuhninum potentiorum
has omnes flammas superare ; adeo ut ferrnm ipsum
perfectum aliquando coUiquaverit in guttas, quod flam-
mae illae alterae facere non possunt.
24. In ignitis autem diversi sunt etiam gradus calo-
ris, de quibus etiam non facta est diligens inquisitio.
Calorem maxime debilem existimamus esse ex linteo
usto, quali ad flammae excitationem uti solemus ; et
similiter ex ligno illo spongioso aut funiculis arefactis
qui ad tormentorum accensionem adhibentur. Post
hunc sequitur carbo ignitus ex lignis et anthracibus at-
que etiam ex lateribus ignitis, et similibus. Ignitorum
autem vehementissime calida existimamus esse metalla
ignita, ut ferrum et cuprum et caetera. Verum de his
etiam facienda est ulterior inquisitio.
25. Inveniuntur ex ignitis nonnulla longe calidiora
quam nonnullaj ex flammis. Multo enim calidius est
1 Camphor.
378 NOVUM ORGANUM.
et magis adurens ferrum ignitum quam flamma spiritus
vini.
26. Inveniuntur etiam ex illis qu83 ignita non sunt
sed tantum ab igne calefacta, sicut aquas ferventes et
aer conclusus in revei'beratoriis, noniiulla quae superant
calore multa ex flamniis ipsis et ignitis.
27. Motus auget calorem ; ut videre est in foUibus
et flatu ; adeo ut duriora ex metallis non solvantur aut
liquefiant per ignem mortuum ant quietum, nisi flatu
excitetur.
28. Fiat experimentum per specula comburentia, in
quibns (ut meinini)^ hoc fit, ut si speculum ponatur
(exempli gratia) ad distantiam spithamae ab objecto
combustibili, non tantopere incendat aut adurat quam
si positum fuerit speculum (exempli gratia) ad dis-
tantiam semi-spithamae, et gradatim et lente trahatur
ad distantiam spithamcB. Conus tamen et unio radi-
orura eadem sunt, sed ipse motus auget opcrationem
caloris.2
29. Existimantur incendia ilia quas fiunt flante vento
forti majores progressus facere adversus ventum quam
secundum ventum ; quia scilicet flamma resilit motu
perniciore, vento remittente, quam procedit vento im-
pellente.
30. Flamma non emicat aut generatur, nisi detur
aliquid concavi in quo flamma movere possit et ludere ;
prajterquam in flammis flatuosis pulveris tormentarii,
et siuiilibus, ubi compressio et incarceratio flammae
auget ejus furorem.
1 Compare De Calore et Fiigore : — "And the operation of thcin [ burn-
ing-glasses] is, as I remember, first to place them," &c., which seems to
prove, not only that Bacon had no burning-glass at hand, but also that
he WHS not familiar with the use of them. — J. S.
2 The only explanation of this is, that the focal length of the lens lay
between a span and half a span.
NOVUM ORGANUM. 379
31. Incus per malleiim calefit admodnm ; adeo ut si
incus fuerit laminae tenuioris, existimemus illam per
fortes et continuos ictus mallei posse rubescere, ut fer-
rum ignitum ; sed de hoc fiat experimentum.
32. At in ignitis quie sunt porosa, ita ut detur
spatium ad exercendum motum ignis, si coliibeatur
hujusmodi motus per compressionem fortem, statim ex-
tinguitur ignis ; veluti cum linteum ustum aut filum
ardens candelae aut lanipadis aut etiam carbo aut pruna
ardens comprimitur per pressorium aut pedis concul-
cationem aut hujusmodi, statim cessant operationes
ignis.
33. Approximatio ad corpus calidum auget calorem,
pro gradu approximationis ; quod etiam fit in lumine ;
nam quo propius collocatur objectum ad lumen eo
magis est visibile.
34. Unio calorum diversorum auget calorem, nisi facta
sit commistio corporum. Nam focus magnus et focus
parvus in eodem loco nonnihil invicem augent calorem ;
at aqua tepida immissa in aquam ferventem refrigerat.
35. Mora corporis calidi auget calorem. Etenim
calor perpetuo transiens et emanans commiscetur cum
calore prseinexistente, adeo ut multiplicet calorem.
Nam focus non aequo calefacit cubiculum per moram
semihorae ac si idem focus dnret per horam integram.
At hoc non facit lumen ; etenim lampas aut candela
in aliquo loco posita non magis illuminat per moram
diuturnam quam statim ab initio.
36. Irritatio per frigidum ambiens auget calorem ;
ut in focis videre est per gelu acre. Quod existima-
mus fieri non tantum per conclusionem et contrac-
tionem caloris, quae est species unionis, sed per exas-
perationem ; veluti cum aer aut baculum violenter
380 NOVUM ORGANUM.
comprimitur aut flectitur, iion ad punctum loci prioris
resilit, sed ulterius in contrarium. Itaque fiat diligens
expcrimentum per baculum vel simile aliquid immissum
in flammam, utrum ad latera flaminae non uratur citius
quam in medio flammae.
37. Gradus autem in susceptione caloris sunt com-
plures. Atque primo omnium notandum est, quam
parvus et exilis calor etiam ea corpora quce caloris
minime omnium sunt susceptiva immutet tamen et
nonnihil calefaciat. Nam ipse calor manus globu-
lum plumbi aut alicujus metalli paulisper detentum
nonnihil calefacit. Adeo facile et in omnibus trans-
mittitur et excitatur calor, corpore nullo modo ad
apparentiam immutato.
38. Facillime omnium corporum apud nos et ex-
cipit et remittit calorem aer ; quod oj)time cernitur in
vitris calendaribus. Eorum confectio est talis : ^ ac-
cipiatur vitrum ventre concavo, collo tenui et oblon-
go; resupinetur et demittatur hujusmodi vitrum ore
deorsum verso, ventre sursum, in aliud vasculum vit-
reum ubi sit aqua, tangendo fundum vasculi illius re-
cipientis extremo ore vitri immissi, et incumbat paul-
lulum vitri immissi collum ad os vitri recipientis, ita
ut stare possit ; quod ut commodius fiat, apponatur
parum cerae ad os vitri recipientis ; ita tamen ut non
penitus obturetur os ejus, ne ob defectum aiiris suc-
cedentis impediatur motus de quo jam dicetur, qui est
admodum facilis et delicatus.
Oportet autem ut vitrum demissum, antequam in-
1 1 am very much inclined to think that Bacon heard of the vitrum cal-
endare from Fludde, or a Fluctibus, as he is called in Latin, who returned
from Italy in [lGOo],atul in whose philosophy, built upon certain abstract
notions of rarefaction and condensation, perpetual reference is made to the
air-thenuometer, to which he gives the same name.
NOVUM ORGANUM. 381
seratur in alterum, calefiat ad ignem a parte superiori,
ventre scilicet. Postquam autem fuerit vitrum illud
collocatum ut diximus, recipiet et contrahet se aer
(qui dilatatus erat per calefactionem), post moram
sufficientem pro extinctione illius ascititii caloris, ad
talem extensionem sive dimensionem qualis erit aeris
ambientis aut communis tunc temporis quando im-
mittitur vitrum, atque attrahet aquam in sursum ad
hujusmodi mensuram. Debet autem appendi cliarta
angusta et oblonga, et gradibus (quot libuerit) in-
terstincta. Videbis autem, prout tempestas diei in-
calescit aut frio-escit, aerem se contrahere in anmistius
per frigidum et extendere se in latius per calidum ; id
quod conspicietur per aquam ascendentem quando con-
trahitur aer, et descendentem sive depressum quando
dilatatur aer. Sensus autem aeris, quatenus ad cali-
dum et frigidum, tam subtilis est et exquisitus ut facul-
tatem tactus liumani multum superet ; adeo ut solis
radius aliquis, aut calor anhelitus, multo magis calor
manus, super vitri summitatem positus, statim deprimat
aquam manifesto.^ Attamen existimamus spiritum ani-
1 In consequence of this description of the Vitrum Calendare, the inven-
tion of tlie Thermometer has been ascribed to Bacon; but without good
reason. Fludd was the first to publish an account of the Thermometer;
but Nelli says, and (admitting his authorities) truly, that Galileo's inven-
tion was anterior to any publication of Fludd's. Nelli speaks of a letter
preserved in the library of his family " in copia," which Castelli addressed
to Cesarina in 1638. Castelli says that, more than thirty-five years before,
Galileo had shown him an experiment which he describes; namely, the
rise of the water into an inverted tube with a bulb at one extremity, Avhen
the open end of the tube is put into a vessel of water, and goes on, " del
quale effetto il medesimo Signor Galileo si era servito per fabbricare un
Istromento da esaminare i gradi del caldo e del freddo." Thus far Cas-
telli ; but how long after the original experiment the instrument was made,
does not appear from his statement. Nelli also refers to Viviani's Life of
Galileo, wherein it is said that Galileo invented the Thermometer between
1693 and 1597. It has not, I think, been remarked that the rise of water
882 NOVUM ORGANUM.
inalium magis adhuc exquisitura sensum habere calidi
et frigicH, nisi quod a mole corporea impediatur et
hebetetur.
39. Post aerem, existimamus corpora esse maxime
sensitiva caloris ea quas a frigore recenter immutata
sint et compressa, qualia sunt nix et glacies ; ea enira
leni ab'quo tepore solvi incipiunt et colliquari. Post
ilia sequitur rjrtasse argentum vivum. Post illud se-
quuntur corpora pinguia, ut oleum, butyrum, et similia;
deinde lignum ; deinde aqua ; postremo lapides et me-
talla, quae non facile calefiunt, prassertim interius. Ilia
tamen calorem semel susceptum diutissime retinent ;
ita ut later aut lapis aut ferrum ignitum in pelvim
aquae frigidae immissum et demersum, per quartam
partem horae (plus minus) retineat calorem, ita ut
tangi non possit.
40. Quo minor est corporis moles, eo citius per cor-
pus calidum approximatum incalescit ; id quod demon-
strat omnem calorem apud nos esse corpori tangibili
quodammodo adversum.
41. Calidum, quatenus ad sensum et tactum hu-
manum, res varia est et respectiva ; adeo ut aqua
tepida, si manus frigore occupetur, sentiatur esse cal-
ida ; sin manus incaluerit, frigida.
tinder the circumstances of Galileo's original experiment had already been
described in Porta's Natural Magic ; though, as is usually the case with
Porta, one cannot be sure whether he had ever actually seen it. " Possu-
mus etiam solo calore aquam ascendere facere. Sit dolium supra ttirrim, vel
ligneum, vel argillaccuin aut aereum, quod melius erit, et canalem habeat
in medio, qui descendat inferius usque ad aquam, et in eti submersus sit,
scd adglutinatus, ne respiret. Calefiat vas superius vel sole vel igne, nam
aijr, qui in alvo continetur, rarefit et foras prolabitur, unde aquam in bullas
tumere videbimus, mox absentia soils ubi vas refrigescit, aiir condensatur,
et quum non sufficiat inclusus aiir vacuum replere, accersitur aqua et aa-
cendit supra." — PorUi'a Magic, book xix. chap. 4.
NOVUM ORGANUM. 383
XIV.
Qnam inopes simus liistorise quivis facile advertet,
cum in tabulis superioribus, praeterquam quod loco his
torise probatae et instantiarum certarum nonnunquam
traditiones et relationes inseramus (semper tamen ad-
jecta dubiae fidei et anctoritatis nota), saspenumero
etiam hisce verbis, fiat experimentum^ vel inquiratwr
uUerius, uti cogamur.
XV.
Atque opus et officium harum trium tabularum,
Coraparentiam Instantiarum ad Intellectum vocaro
consuevimus. Facta autem Comparentia, in opere
ponenda est ipsa Inductio. Invenienda est enim super
Conlparentiam omnium et singularum Instantiarum
natura talis, quae cum natura data perpetuo adsit, absit,
atque crescat et dccrescat ; sitque (ut superius dictum
est) limitatio naturae magis communis.^ Hoc si mens
jam ab initio facere tentet affirmative (quod sibi per-
missa semper facere solet), occurrent phantasmata el
opinabilia et notionalia male terminata et axiomata
quotidie emendanda ; nisi libeat (scholarum more)
pugnare pro falsis. Ea tamen proculdubio erunt me-
liora aut praviora pro facultate et robore intellectus
qui operatur. At omnino Deo (Formarum inditori
et opifici) aut fortasse angelis et intelligentiis competit
Formas per affirmationem immediate nosse, atque ab
initio contemplationis.^ Sed certe supra hominem
1 That is, a particular case of a more general nature. The force of the
last clause may be thus illustrated: If all bodies were more or less lu-
minous accordingly as they were more or less hot, the luminous and the
hot would be concomitantia, but neither would be the form of the other.
[See General Preface, ^ 8. — J. S.]
2 It was, I apprehend, the received doctrine, that whatever knowledge
S84 NOVUM ORGANUM.
est ; cui tantum concedltur, procedere primo per Nega-
tivas, et postremo loco desinere in Affirmativas, post
omnimodain exclusionem.
XVI.
Itaque naturae facienda est prorsus solutio et sepa-
ratio, non per ignem certe, sed per mentem, tanqiiam
ignein divinum. Est itaque Inductionis vera? opus
primum (quatenus ad inveniendas Formas) Rejectio
sive Exclusiva naturarum singularum quas non in-
veniuntur in aliqua instantia ubi natura data adest,
aut inveniuntur in aliqua instantia ubi natura data
abest, aut inveniuntur in aliqua instantia crescere
cum natura data decrescat, aut decrescere cum na-
tura data crescat. Tum vero post Rejectionem et
Exclusivam debitis modis factam, secundo loco (tan-
quam in fundo) manebit (abeuntibus in fumum opin-
ionibus volatilibus) Forma affirmativa, solida et vera et
bene terminata. Atque hoc breve dictu est, sed per
multas ambages ad hoc pervenitur. Nos autem nihil
fortasse ex iis quas ad hoc faciunt praetermittemus.
XVII.
Cavendum autem est et monendum quasi perpetuo,
ne, cum tantae partes Formis videantur a nobis tribui,
trahantur ea quae dicimus ad Formas eas quibus hom-
inum contemplationes et cogitationes hactenus assue-
verunt.
the angelic nature is capable of it attains at once. Thus it is said, '* In-
feriores substantiae inteliectivae, scilicet animae humanae, habent potentiam
intellectivam non completam naturaliter, sed conipletur in iis successive
per hoc quod accipiunt species a rebus. Potentia vero intellecliva in sub-
stantiis spiritualibus superioribus, id est in angelis, completa est per species
intclligibiles connaturales: in quantum habent species itftelligibiies coiina-
turales ad omnia intelligenda quae naturaliter cognoscere possuuL" — 8.
Thomas, Summa Theol Ima, q. 45. a 2.
I
NOVUM ORGANUM. 385
Primo enim, de Formis copulatis, quaB sunt (ut
diximus) naturarum simplicium conjugia ex cursu
communi universi, ut leonis, aquilae, rosae, auri, et
hujusmodi, improesentiarum non loquimur.^ Tempus
enim erit de iis tractandi, cum ventum fuerit ad La-
tentes Processus et Latentes Schematismos, eorumque
inventionem, prout reperiuntur in substantiis (quas
vocant) seu naturis concretis.
Rursus vero, non intelligantur ea quee dicimus
(etiam quatenus ad naturas simplices) de Formis et
ideis abstractis, aut in materia non determinatis aut
male determinatis. Nos enim quum de Formis loqui-
mur, nil aliud intelligimus quam leges illas et determi-
nationes actus puri, quae naturam aliquam simplicem
ordinant et constituunt ; ut calorem, lumen, pondus ;
in omnimoda materia et subjecto susceptibili. Itaque
eadem res est Forma Calidi aut Forma Luminis, et
Lex Calidi sive Lex Luminis ; neque vero a rebus
ipsis et parte operativa unquam nos abstraliimus aut
recedimus. Quare cum dicimus (exempli gratia) in
inquisitione Formae Caloris, rejice tenuitatem^ aut tenu-
itas non est ex Forma Caloris, idem est ac si dicamus
potest homo superinducere calorem in corpus densum;
aut contra, potest homo auferre aut arcere calorem a
corpore tenui.
Quod si cuiquam videantur etiam Formae nostrae
habere nonnihil abstracti, quod misceant et conjungant
heterogenea (videntur enim valde esse heterogenea
1 Bacon's principle that the form of any substance may be conceived as
a combination of the forms which correspond to each of its qualities is well
illustrated by the phrase " formae copulatae." The " forma copulata" is the
"lex ex qua corpus individuum edit actus puros." Of this law each sec-
tion or paragraphus is the " forma alicujus ex naturis simplicibus quae in eo
corpore conjunguntur." I have already remarked on Mr. Wood's render-
ing of the word "paragraphus" in § 2.
VOL. I. 25
586 NOVUM ORGANUM.
calor coelestium et ignis ; rubor fixus in rosa aut
similibus, et apparens in iride aut radiis opalii aut
adamantis; mors ex summersione, ex crematione, ex
punctura gladii, ex apoplexia, ex atrophia ; et tamen
conveniunt ista in natura calidi, iniboris, mortis), is
se habere intellectum norit consuetudine et integral-
itate reinim et opinionibus captum et detentum.^
Certissimum enim est ista, utcunque heterogenea et
aliena, coire in Formam sive Legem earn quie ordi-
nat calorem aut ruborem aut mortem ; nee emanci-
pari posse potentiam humanam et liberari a naturae
cursu communi, et expandi et exaltari ad efficientia
nova et modos operandi novos, nisi per revelationem
et inventionem hujusmodi Formarum ; et tamen post
istam unionem naturae, quas est res maxime principalis,
de naturae divisionibus et venis, tarn ordinariis quam
interioribus et verioribus, suo loco postea dicetur.
XVIII.
Jam vero proponendum est exemplum Exclusionis
sive Rejectionis naturarum, quae per Tabulas Com-
parentiae reperiuntur non esse ex Forma Calidi ; illud
interim monendo, non solum sufficere singulas tabulas
ad Rejectionem alicujus naturae, sed etiam unam-
1 The objection here anticipated has actually been made. It has been
said that we cannot be sure that any quality always proceeds from the
same cause. And in truth, though the axiom " like causes produce like
efFecLs," and vice versa, seems to be inseparable from the idea of causation,
yet the force of the objection remains. For the reference of sensible quali-
ties to outward objects involves a subjective element. The same colour,
as referred to a substance as the object in which it resides, is a diflerent
thing as it is a fixed colour, or prismatic, or epipolar, &c. They agree, it
may be said, in the type of undulation ; but viewed as properties of bodies,
or with reference to operations on them, they are distinct. And if we
could go further into the mechanism of sensation, we should probably
recede further both from concrete bodies and from practice.
NOVUM ORGANUM. 387
quamque ex instantiis singularibus in illis contentis.
Manlf'estum enim est ex iis quae dicta sunt, omnem
instantiam contradictoriam destruere opinabile de For-
ma. Sed niliilominus quandoque, perspicuitatis causa
et ut usus tabularum clarius demonstretur, Exclusivam
duplicamus aut repetimus.
Exemplum Excludvce^ sive Rejectionis Naturarmn a
Forma Calidi.
1. Per radios solis, rejice naturam elementarem.^
2. Per ignem communem, et maxime per ignes sub-
terraneos (qui remotissimi sunt et plurimum interclu-
duntur a radiis cffilestibus), rejice naturam coelestem.
3. Per calefactionem omnigenum corporum (hoc
est, mineralium, vegetabilium, partium exteriorum
animalium, aquae, olei, aeris, et reliquorum) ex ap-
proximatione sola ad ignem aut aliud corpus calidum,
rejice omnem varietatem sive subtiliorem texturam
corporum.
4. Per ferrum et metalla ignita, quse calefaciunt
alia corpora nee tamen omnino pondere aut substantia
minuuntur, rejice inditionem sive mixturam substan-
tiae alterius calidi.
5. Per aquam ferventem atque aerem, atque etiam
per metalla et alia solida calefacta, sed non usque ad
ignitionem sive ruborem, rejice lucem aut lumen.
6. Per radios lunas et aliarum stellarum (excepto
sole), rejice etiam lucem et lumen.
7. Per Comparativam ferri igniti et flammae spiritus
vini (ex quibus ferrum ignitum plus liabet calidi et
i This refers to the antithesis, almost fundamental in Peripatetic physics,
of the celestial and the elementary. Heat, since the sun's rays are hot,
cannot depend on the elemental as contradistinguished from the celestial
nature.
388 NOVUM ORGANUM.
minus lucidi, flamma autem spiritus vini plus lucidi
et minus calidi), rejice etiam lucem et lumen.
8. Per aurum et alia metalla ignita, quae densissimi
sunt corporis secundum totum, rejice tenuitatem.
9. Per aerem, qui invenitur ut plurimum frigidus et
tamen manet tenuis, rejice etiam tenuitatem.
10. Per ferrum ignitum, quod non intumescit mole
sed manet intra eandem dimensionem visibilem, rejice
motum localem aut expansivmn secundum totum.
11. Per dilatationem aeris in vitris calendariis et
similibus, qui movetur localiter et expansive mani-
festo neque tamen colligit manifestum augmentum
caloris, rejice etiam motum localem aut expansivum
secundum totum.
12. Per facilem tepefactionem omnium corporum,
absque aliqua destructione aut alteratione notabili,
rejice naturam destructivam aut inditionem violentam
alicujus naturae novae.
13. Per consensum et conformitatem openim simil-
ium quae eduntur a calore et a frigore, rejice motum
tarn expansivum quam contractivum secundum to-
tum.
14. Per accensionem caloris ex attritione corporum,
r^ice naturam principialem. Naturam principialem
vocamus eam quae positiva reperitur in natura, nee
causatur a natura prsecedente.^
1 Bacon here anticipates not merely the essential character of the most
recent theory of heat, but also the kind of evidence by which it has been
established. The proof that caloric does not exist, — in other words that
heat is not the manifestation of a peculiar substance diffused through na-
ture, — rests mainly on experiments of friction.
Mr. Joule and Professor Thomson ascribe the discover^' of this proof
chiefly to Sir Humphrey Davy (see Beddoes's Contributions to Physical and,
Medical Knowledge, p. 14.): but though Davy's experiments guard against
sourcef! of error of which Bacon takes no notice, the merit of having per-
NOVUM ORGANUM. 389
Sunt et alise naturas : neque enim Tabulas confici-
mus perfectas, sed exempla tantum.
Omnes et singulte naturas praedictag non sunt ex
Forma Calidi. Atque ab omnibus naturis prasdictis
liberatur homo in operatione super Calidum.
XIX.
Atque in Exclusiva jacta sunt fundamenta Induc-
tionis verae ; quae tamen non perficitur donee sistatur
in Affirmativa. Neque vero ipsa Exclusiva ullo modo
pei-fecta est, neque adeo esse potest sub initiis. Est
enim Exclusiva (ut plane liquet) rejectio naturarum
simplicium ; quod si non habeamus adhuc bonas et
veras notiones naturarum simplicium, quomodo rec-
tificari potest Exclusiva ? At nonnullas ex supra-
dictis (veluti notio naturae elementaris, notio naturae
coelestis, notio tenuitatis) sunt notiones vagae, nee bene
terminatae. Itaque nos, qui nee ignari sumus nee
obliti quantum opus aggrediamur (viz. ut faciamus
intellectum humanum rebus et naturae parem), nullo
modo acquiescimus in his quae adhuc praecepimus ;
sed et rem in ulterius provehimus, et fortiora auxilia
in usum intellectus machinamur et ministramus, quae
nunc subjungemus. Et certe in Interpretatione Na-
turae animus omnino taliter est praeparandus et for-
mandus, ut et sustineat se in gradibus debitis cer-
titudinis, et tamen cogitet (pra3sertim sub initiis) ea
quaead sunt multum pendere ex iis quae supersunt.
ceived tlie true significance of the production of heat by friction belongs of
right to Bacon.
It is cui'ious that in the essay in which he opposes the doctrine of caloric,
Davy endeavours to introduce a new error of the same kind, and to show
that light really is a natura principialis, a peculiar substance which in com-
bination with oxygen properly so called constitutes oxygen gas, which he
accordingly calls phosoxygen.
390 NOVUM ORGANUM.
XX.
Attamen quia citius emergit Veritas ex errore quam
ex confusione, utile putamus ut fiat permissio intelleo-
tui, post tres tabulas Comparentiae Primae (quales posui-
mus) factas et pensitatas, accingendi se et tentandi opus
Interjiretationis Naturae in affirmativa ; tam ex iiistan-
tiis tabularum, quam ex iis quae alias occurrent. Quod
genus tentamenti, Permissionem Intellectus sive Inter-
pretationem Inehoatam, sive Vindemiationem Primam
appellare consuevimus.
Vindemiatio Prima de Forma Calidi.
Animadvertendum autem est, Formam rei inesse (ut
ex iis quae dicta sunt plane liquet) instantiis universis et
singulis in quibus res ipsa inest ; aliter enim Forma non
esset; itaque nulla plane dari potest instantia contra-
dictoria. Attamen longe magis conspicua invenitur
Forma et evidens in aliquibus instantiis quam in aliis ;
in iis videlicet, ubi minus cohibita est natura Formae et
impedita et redacta in ordinem per naturas alias. Hu-
jusmodi autem instantias, Eliicescentias vel Instantia^
Ostensivas appellare consuevimus. Pergendum itaque
est ad Vindemiationem ipsam Primam de Forma Calidi.
Per universas et singulas instantias, natura cujus
limitatio est Calor ^ videtur esse Motus. Hoc au-
tem maxime ostenditur in flamma, quae perpetuo
movetur ; et in liquoribus ferventibus aut bullien-
tibus, qui etiam perpetuo moventur. Atque osten-
ditur etiam in incitatione sive incremento caloris
facto per motum ; ut in follibus, et ventis ; de quo
1' Of which heat is a particular case.
NOVUM ORGANUM. 391
vide Instant. 29. Tab. 3. Atque similiter in aliis
modis motus, de quibus vide Instant. 28. et 31.
Tab. 3. Rursus ostenditur in extinctione ignis et
caloris per omnem fortem compressionem, quae
fraenat et cessare facit motnm ; de qua vide In-
stant. 30. et 32. Tab. 3. Ostenditur etiam in hoc,
quod onine corpus destruitur aut saltern insigniter
alteratur ab omni igne et calore forti ac vehementi ;
unde liquodo constat, fieri a calore tumultum et
perturbationem et motum acrem in partibus inter-
nis corporis, qui sensim vergit ad dissolutionem.
Intelligatur hoc quod diximus de Motu (nempe, ut
sit instar generis ad Calorem^), non quod calor generet
motum, aut quod motus generet calorem (licet et haec
in aliquibus vera sint) ; sed quod ipsissimus Calor, sive
quid ipsum Caloris, sit Motus et nihil aliud; limitatus
tamen per diflPerentias quas mox subjungemus, post-
quam nonnullas cautiones adjecerimus ad evitandum
aequivocum.
Calidum ad sensum res respectiva est, et in ordine ad
hominem non ad universum ; et ponitur recte ut efFec-
tus Caloris tantum in spiritum animalem. Quin etiam
in seipso res varia est, cum idem corpus (prout sensus
prsedisponitur) inducat perceptionem tam calidi quam
frigidi ; ut patet per Instant. 41. Tab. 3.
Neque vero communicatio Caloris, sive natura ejus
transitiva per quam corpus admotum corpori calido in-
calescit, confundi debet cum Forma Calidi. Aliud
enim est Calidum, aliud Calefactivum. Nam per mo-
tum attritionis inducitur calor absque aliquo calido prse-
cedente, unde excluditur Calefactivum a Forma Calidi.
1 i. e. that it is as the fijenus of which heat is a species.
392 NOVUM ORGANUM.
Atque etiam ubi calidum efficitur per approximationem
calidi, hoc ipsum non fit ex Forma Calidi ; sed omnino
pendet a natura altiore et magis communi ; viz. ex
natura assimilationis sive multiplicationis sui; de qua
facienda est separatim inquisitio.
At notio ignis plebeia est, et nihil valet ; composita
enim est ex concursu qui fit calidi et lucidi in aliquo
corpore ; ut in flamma communi, et corporibus accensis
uSque ad ruborem.
Remoto itaque omni a^quivoco, veniendum jam tan-
dem est ad Differentias veras quaB limitant Motum, et
constituunt eum in Formam Calidi.
Prima igitur Differentia ea est ; quod Calor sit
motus Expansivus, per quem corpus nititur ad dil-
atationem sui, et recipiendi se in majorem sphae-
ram sive dimensionem quam prius occupaverat.
Haec autem Differentia maxime ostenditur in flam-
ma ; ubi fumus sive halitus pinguis manifesto
dilatatur et aperit se in flammam.
Ostenditur etiam in omni liquore fervente, qui
manifesto intumescit, insurgit, et emittit bullas ;
atque urget processum expandendi se, donee verta-
tur in corpus longe magis extensum et dilatatum
quam sit ipse liquor ; viz. in vaporem aut fumum
aut aerem.
Ostenditur etiam in omni ligno et combustibili ;
ubi fit aliquando exudatio, at semper evaporatio.
Ostenditur etiam in colliquatione metal lorum,
quae (cum sint corporis compactissimi) non facile
intumescunt et se dilatant ; sed tamen spiritus
eorum, postquam fuerit in se dilatatus, et majorem
adeo dilatationem concupierit, trudit plane et agit
NOVUM ORGANUM. 393
partes crassiores in liquidum. Quod si etiam calor
fortius intendatur, solvit et vertit multum ex iis in
volatile.
Ostenditur etiam in ferro aut lapidibus ; quae
licet non liquefiant aut fundantur, tamen emolliun-
tur. Quod etiam fit in baculis ligni ; quoB cale-
facta paullulum in cineribus calidis tiunt flexibilia.
Optime autem cernitur iste motus ina ere, qui
per exiguum calorem se dilatat continuo et mani-
festo ; ut per Instant. 38. Tab. 3.
Ostenditur etiam in natura contraria Frigidi.
Frigus enim omne corpus contrahit et cogit in
angustius ; adeo ut per intensa frigora clavi exci-
dant ex parietibus, aera dissiliant, vitrum etiam cale-
factura et subito positum in frigido dissiliat et fran-
gatur. Similiter aer per levem infrigidationem
recipit se in angustius ; ut per Instant. 38. Tab. 3.
Verum de his fusius dicetur in inquisitione de Fri-
gido.
Neque mirum est si Calidum et Frigidum edant
complures actiones communes (de quo vide In-
stant. 32. Tab. 2.), cum inveniantur duae ex se-
quentibus DifFerentiis (de quibus mox dicemus)
quae competunt utrique naturae; licet in liac Dif-
ferentia (de qua nunc loquimur) actiones sint ex
diametro oppositae. Calidum enim dat motum
expansivum et dilatantem, Frigidum autem dat
motum contractivum et coeuntem.
Secunda Differentia est modificatio prioris ; haec
videlicet, quod Calor sit motus expansivus sive
versus circumferentiam ; hac lege tamen, ut una
feratur corpus sursum. Dubium enim non est
894 NOVUM ORGANUM.
quin siiit motus complures mixti. Exempli gratia ;
sagitta aut spiculum simul et progrudiendo rotat,
et rotando progreditur. Similiter et motus Caloris
simul est et expansivus et latio in sursum.
Haec vero Differentia ostenditur in forcipe, aut
bacillo ferreo immisso in ignem ; quia si immit-
tatur perpendiculariter tenendo manum superius,
cito manum adurit ; sin ex latere aut inferius,
omjiino tardius.
Conspicua etiam est in distillationilnis per de-
scensorium ; quibus utuntur homines ad flores del-
icatiores, quorum odores facile evanescunt. Nam
hoc reperit industria, ut collocent ignem non subter
sed supra, ut adurat minus. Neque enim flamma
tantum vergit sursum, sed etiam omne calidum.^
Fiat autem experimentum hujus rei in contraria
natura Frigidi : viz. utrum frigus non contrahat
corpus descendendo deorsum, quemadmodum cal-
idum dilatat corpus ascend(}ndo sursum. Itaque
adhibeantur duo bacilla ferrea, vel duo tubi vitrei,
quoad csetera pares, et calefiant nonnihil ; et pona-
tur spongia cum aqua frigida, vel nix, subter unam,
et similiter super alteram. Existimamus enim ce-
leriorem fore refrigerationem ad extremitates in eo
bacillo ubi nix ponitur supra quam in eo ubi nix
ponitur subter; contra ac fit in calido.
Tertia Differentia ea est ; ut Calor sit motus,
non expansivus uniformiter secundum totum, sed
expansivus per particulas minores corporis ; et
simul cohibitus et repulsus et reverberatus, adeo
1 This is an instance to show that heat does not descend so rapidly as it
ascends through liquids, which is true.
NOVUM ORGANUM. 395
ut induat motum alternativum et perpetuo trepi-
dantem et tentantem et nitentem et ex repercus-
sione irritatum ; unde furor ille ignis et caloris
ortum habet.
Ista vero Differentia ostenditur maxime in flam-
ma et liquoribus bullientibus ; quae perpetuo trep-
idant, et in parvis portionibus tument, et rursus
subsidunt.
Ostenditur etiam in iis corporibus quae sunt tam
durai compagis ut calefacta aut ignita non intu-
mescant aut dilatentur mole ; ut ferrum ignitum,
in quo calor est acerrimus.
Ostenditur etiam in hoc, quod per frigidissimas
tempestates focus ardeat acerrime.
Ostenditur etiam in hoc, quod cum extenditur
aer in vitro calendari absque impedimento aut re-
pulsione, uniformiter scilicet et asqualiter, non per-
cipiatur calor. Etiam in ventis conclusis, licet
erumpant vi maxima, tamen non percipitur calor
insignis ; quia scilicet motus fit secundum totum,
absque motu alternante in particulis. Atque ad
hoc fiat experimentum, utrum flamma non urat
acrius versus latera quam in medio flammae.
Ostenditur etiam in hoc, quod omnis ustio tran-
sigatur per minutos poros corporis quod uritur ;
adeo ut ustio subruat et penetret et fodicet et
stimulet, perinde ac si essent infinitae cuspides
acus. Itaque ex hoc illud etiam fit, quod omnes
aquae fortes (si proportionatae sint ad corpus in
quod agunt) edant opera ignis, ex natura sua cor-
roderite et pungente.
Atque ista Difierentia (de qua nunc dicimus)
communis est cum natura frigidi ; in quo cohibetur
896 NOVUM ORGANUM.
motus contractivus per renitentiam expandendi ;
quemadinodum in calido coliibetur motus expan-
sivus per renitentiam contrahendi.
Itaque sive partes corporis penetrent versus inte-
rius sive penetrent versus exterius, similis est ratio ;
licet impar admodum sit fortitudo ; quia non liabe-
mus liic apud nos in superficie terra3 aliquid quod
sit impense frigidum. Vide Instant. 27. Tab. 9.^
QuARTA Differentia est modificatio prioris : haec
scilicet, quod motus ille stimulationis aut penetra-
tionis debeat esse nonnihil rapidus et miniine len-
tus ; atque fiat etiam per particulas, licet minutas ;
tamen non ad extremam subtilitatem, sed quasi
majusculas.
Ostenditur ha3c Differentia in comparaticne ope-
runi quse edit ignis cum iis quaa edit t^empus sive
aetas. ^tas enim sive tempus arefacit, consumit,
submit, et incinerat, non minus quam ignis ; vel
potius longe subtil ius ; sed quia motus ejusmodi
est lentus admodum et per particulas valde exiles,
non percipitur calor.
Ostenditur etiam in comparatione dissolutionum
ferri et auri. Aurum enim dissolvitur absque ca-
lore excitato ; ferrum autem cum veliementi exci-
tatione caloris, licet simili fere intervallo quoad
tempus. Quia scilicet in auro, ingressus aquae
separationis est clemens et subtiliter insinuans, et
cessio partium auri facilis ; at in ferro, ingressus
est asper et cum conflictu, et partes ferri habent
obstinationem majorem.
Ostenditur etiam aliquatenus in gangraenis non-
1 So in the original.
NOVUM ORGANUM. 397
nullis et mortificationibus carnium ; quae non exci-
tant magnum calorem aut dolorem, ob subtilitatem
putrefactionis.
Atqne haec sit Prima Vindemiatio, sive Interpretatio
inchoata de Forma Calidi, facta per JPermissionem In-
tellectus.
Ex Vindemiatione autem ista Prima, Forma sive
definitio vera Caloris (ejus qui est in ordine ad univer-
sum, non relativus tantummodo ad sensum) talis est,
brevi verborum complexu : Color est motus expansivus^
cohihitus, et nitens per partes minores. Modificatur
autem expansio ; ut expandendo in amhitum, 7ionnihil
tamen inclinet versus superiora. Modificatur autem et
nixus ille per partes ; ut non sit omnino segnis, sed inci-
tatus et cum impetu nonnullo}
1 The Inquisitio de fornaa calidi suggests these remarks : —
1st. A great part of it conduces in no way to the result. This may bo
said to be the natural consequence of the method of inquirj'.
2nd. Heat (caloric) is confounded with the effects of chemical agencies,
which are said " exequi opera caloris."
3rd. A greater source of confusion is the complete absence of any recog-
nition of the principle that all bodies tend to acquire the temperature of
those about them, and that the difference ad tactum which makes one body
feel hotter or colder than another depends not on its being hotter or colder,
but on the different degree of facility which they have in communicating
their own respective temperature. In consequence of this, it had always
been taught that one class of bodies were in their own nature cold, another
hot, and so on. All liquids were cold. Experiments with a thermometer
would have shown that they were not; but these Bacon did not trj-, —
an instance among others how far he was from rejecting all he had been
taught.
Of which remarks we may observe that, of the " Instantise convenientes,"
13. is an instance of the third, while from 22. to the end exemplify the sec-
ond;— of the " Instantiae in proximo," 14 — 19. are to be referred to the
third; from 27. to the end, to the second.
4th. Calidum and Frigidura seem to be considered distinct and not cor-
relative qualities.
5th. The adoption of astrological fables about the hot and cold influence
398 NOVUM ORGANUM.
Quod vero ad Operativam attinet, eadem res est.
Nam designatio est talis ; jSi in aliquo corpore naturali
of the stars and planets [is to be remarked in the Tabula Graduum, 15. et
seqq.]
Then comes the result, that the natura calidi is a motus expansivus.
This is seen [in air], " Optime cernitur in aere qui per exiguum calorem se
diiatat continuo et manifesto, ut per Inst. 38. Tab. 3. : " that is, by the in-
stance of a vitrum calendare, or air-thermometer. And this is beyond
question a good instance. But then in the "exemplum exclusivsp," § 11.,
we read " Per dilatationem aeris in vitris calendariis et similibus, qui
movetur localiter et expansive manifesto, neque tamen coUigit manifestum
augmcntum caloris, rejice etiam motum localem aut expansivum secundum
totum." How is this passage to be reconciled with tlie preceding? For
if the example of the vitrum calendare proves anything, it proves a motus
expansivus secundum totum; and if, on account of our having no manifest
evidence tliat the air waxes hot when it expands, the example does not
prove this, Avhy is it adduced? The source of this confusion I believe to
be that, tliough Bacon saw reason to affirm expansion to be the essence of
the hot, }-et he was perplexed by examples of two kinds: (a) bodies which
do not visibly expand when they are heated, e. g. red-hot iron; (/?) bodies
whicli expand without becoming heated, e. g. compressed air when relieved
from pressure. For the first difHculty, it might have occurred to him that
the hot iron does expand, though not enough to be perceived (except by
accurate measurement) to do so; and if he had followed the indication thus
given, he might have been the discoverer of a general and most important
law. The difficulty which the second class of phenomena creates ought to
have prevented Bacon from assigning expansion as the forma calidi, — as
being that which must always make a body hot, and without which it could
not become so. For it would be too liberal an interpretation to say that the
expressions " motus cohibitus et refraenatus," whereby the idea of expansion
is qualified, refer to a condition essential in the case of elastic fluids, —
namely that the expansion in becoming heated is due to an increased elas-
ticitj', and not to any decrease of external pressure. Even had the modi-
fication required by this class of cases been introduced, there still remains
that of liquids whose temperature is below that of maximum density, which
is altogether intractable. Of this phenomenon, however, it would be un-
reasonable to expect Bacon to have known anything. But setting it aside,
if it were affirmed that Bacon, after having had a glimpse of the truth sug-
gested by some obvious phenomena, had then recourse, as he himself ex-
presses it, to certain " differentia; inanes " in order to save the phenomena,
I think it would be liard to dispute the truth of this censure.
Nevertheless, of the matters contained in the investigation, there are
several of considerable interest, though, as has been said, they are not con-
nected with the final result.
The relation between heat and mechanical action has recently become
NOVUM ORGANUM. 399
poteris excitare motum ad se dilatandum aut expanden-
dum ; eumque motum ita reprimere et in se vertere, ut
dilatatio ilia non procedat a^qualiter, sed partim obtiyieat,
partim retrudatur ; proculdubio generabis Calidam : non
habita ratione, sive corpus illud sit elementare (nt lo-
quuntur) sive imbutum a coelestibus ; ^ sive Inminosum
sive opacum ; sive tenue sive densum ; sive localiter
expansiim sive intra claustra dimensionis priniae conten-
tum; sive vergens ad dissolutionem sive manens in statu;
sive animal, sive vegetabile, sive minerale, sive aqua, sive
oleum, sive aer, aut aliqua alia substantia quaecunque
susceptiva motus praedicti. Calidum autem ad sensum
res eadem est ; sed cum analogia, qualis competit sen-
sui.^ Nunc vero ad ulteriora auxilia procedendum est.
the subject of some very remarkable speculations, derived from the views
suggested by S. Carnot in his Reflections sur la Puissance Motrice du Feu.
Two views have been propounded. In one (that of S. Carnot himself),
mechanical action is regarded as convertible with the transference from
body to body of caloric. The other rejects the notion of caloric (the sub-
stance of heat) altogether. On this view mechanical action is convertible
with the generation of heat; i. e. the raising of a given quantity of a given
bod}' from one given temperature to another. Both make use of the axiom
"ex nihilo nihil; " and the conclusions thus obtained, especially in the sec-
ond way of considering the subject, which I cannot doubt is the true one,
are most remarkable, and the more interesting because they are, so to
speak, the interpretation of a maxim whose truth is admitted a priori.
1 That is, whether the body derive its properties from the primary quali-
ties of the elements, or be imbued with specific or virtual qualities through
the influence of the heavenly bodies. Thus St. Thomas says: " Sicut enim
virtus calefaciendi et infrigidandi est in igne et aqua consequens proprias
eorum formas, et virtus, &c., actio intellectualis in homine consequens ani-
mam rationalem, ita omnes virtutes et actiones mediorum corporum tran-
scendentes virtutes elementorum consequuntur eorum proprias formas, et
reducuntur sicut in altiora principia in virtutes corporum coelestium, et ad-
huc altius in substantias separatas." — De occuUis Operibus Natures.
2 The " analogia qualis competit sensui " is the " analogia hominis."
This appears from the passages where the word occurs in the Distributio
Operis, p. 218., and in § 40. of this book, near the end. Thus the meaning
of the passage is that "calidum ad sensum" is the same as " calidum per
se," only considered subjectively. The clause " sed cum analogia," &c.,
400 NOVUM ORGANUM.
XXI.
Post Tabulas Comparentiae Primas et Rejectionem
sive Exclusivam, nee iion Vindemiationem Primam
factam secundum eas, pergendum est ad reliqua auxilia
intellectus circa Interpretationem Naturae et Induc-
tion em veram ac perfectam. In quibus proponendis,
ubi opus erit tabulis, procederaus super Calidum et
Frigidum ; ubi autem opus erit tantum exemplis pau-
cioribus, procedemus per alia omnia ; ut nee confun-
datur inquisitio, et tamen doctrina versetur minus in
angusto.
Dicemus itaque primo loco, de Prcerogativis Instan-
Uarum : ^ secundo, de Adminiculis Inductionis : tertio,
de Rectificatione Inductionis : quarto, de Variatione In-
quiaitionis p'o Natura Sahjecti : ^ quinto, de Prcerogor
tivis Natararum quatenus ad inquisitionem, sive de eo
quod inquirendum est prius et posterius : sexto, de Ter-
minis Inquisitionis^ sive de synopsi omnium naturarum
in universo : septimo, de Deductione ad Praxin, sive
de eo quod est in ordine ad Hominem : octavo, de
Parascevis ad Inquisitionem : postremo autem, de S'cala
Ascensoria et Descensoria Axiomatum.
XXII.
Inter Praerogativas Instantiarum, primo proponemus
may be rendered — " but with that kind of reference to man as the per-
cipient which belongs to the nature of a perception."
1 Concerning the doctrine of Pra;rogative Instances, see General Preface^
p. 93. — J. S.
2 Compare the passage near the end of the last aphorism of this book —
" Nunc vero ad adminicula et rectificationes inductionis, et deinceps ad con-
creta et latentes processus, et latentes schematismos, et cwtera qua; apho-
rismo xxi. ordine proposuimus, pergendum ; " and see General Preface,
p. 77. — /. -S.
NOVUM ORGANUM. 401
Instantias Solitarias. Eae aiitem sunt Solitarige, quae
exhibent naturam de qua fit inquisitio in talibus subjec-
tis quae nil liabent commune cum aliis subjectis, praeter
illam ipsam naturam ; aut rursus quae non exhibent
naturam de qua fit inquisitio in talibus subjectis quae
sunt similia per omnia cum aliis subjectis, praeterquam
in ilia ipsa natura. Manif'estum enim est quod hujus-
modi instantite tollant ambages, atque accelerent et
roborent Exclusivam ; adeo ut paucae ex illis sint in-
star multarum.
Exempli gratia : si fiat inquisitio de natura Coloris,
Instantiae Solitariae sunt prismata, gemmae chrjstallinae,
quae reddunt colores non solum in se sed exterius supra
parietem, item rores, etc. Istae enim nil liabent com-
mune cum coloribus fixis in floribus, gemmis coloratis,
metallis, lignis, etc., praeter ipsum colorem. Unde
facile colligitur, quod Color nil aliud sit quam modi-
ficatio imaginis lucis ^ immissae et receptae ; in priore
genere, per gradus diversos incidentiae ; in posteriore,
per texturas et schematismos varies corporis. Istae
autem Instantias sunt Solitariae quatenus ad similitu-
dinem.
Rursus in eadem inquisitione, venae distinctae albi
et nigri in marmoribus, et variegationes colorum in
floribus ejusdem speciei, sunt Instantiae Solitarise. Al-
bum enim et nigrum marmoris, et maculae albi et
purpurei in floribus garyophylli,^ conveniunt fere in
1 Reference is made to Telesius's system of vision. " Lux donata est
facultate sese elFundendi multiplicandique et aerem propria specie affici-
endi, itaque et oculos subeundi." . . . Again, "lux quae res quibus in-
sunt [colores] permeat. . . ab ipsarura intingitur coloribus, et eas trans-
vecta oculos subit." — De Rerum Nat. vii. 31. See also other passages of
the same book. Bacon uses "imago" as equivalent to "species," the
word used in the preceding quotation.
2 Caryophyllea was a flower much cultivated in Holland in the sixteenth
VOL. I. 26
402 NOVUxM ORGANUM.
omnibus praeter ipsum colorem. Unde facile colligi-
tur, Colorem iion multum rei habere cum naturis ali-
cujus corporis intrinsecis, sed tan turn situm esse in
positura partium crassiori et quasi mechanica. Istae
autem Instantiae sunt Solitariae quatenus ad discrepan-
tiam. Utrunque autem genus Instantias Solitarias
appellare consuevimus ; aut Ferinas,i sumpto vocab-
ulo ab astronomis.
XXIII.
Inter Praerogativas Instantiarum, ponemus secundo
loco Instantias Migr antes. Eje sunt, in quibus natura
inquisita migrat ad generationem, cum prius non ex-
isteret ; aut contra migrat ad corruptionem, cum prius
existeret. Itaque in utraque antistrophe, instantiae tales
sunt semper geminae ; vel potius una instantia in motu
sive transitu, producta ad periodum adversam. At
hujusmodi instantiae non solum accelerant et roborant
Exclusivam, sed etiam compellunt Affirmativam sive
Formam ipsam in angustum. Necesse est enim ut
Forma rei sit quippiam quod per hujusmodi Migra-
tionem indatur, aut contra per hujusmodi Migrationem
tollatur et destruatur. Atque licet omnis exclusio pro-
moveat Affirmativam, tamen hoc magis directe fit in
subjecto eodem quam in diversis. Forma autem (ut
ex omnibus quae dicta sunt manifesto liquet) prodens
century; see Lemmius, De Miraculis (1581), p. 107. (The description
seems more applicable to the tulip.) The flowers meant are pinks and
carnations.
1 1 believe the word which Bacon here employs is at least very much
less used than another of perhaps the same origin for which he has perhaps
accidentally substituted it. " Feralis," we read in the Lexicon MatJiemati-
cum of Vitalis (16G8), which appears to give a tolerably complete vocab-
ulary of astrological words, " apud astronomos dicitur planeta, quando
fuerit in loco ubi nullam cum reliquis familiaritatem habet: quod quidem
maximum est detrimentum," &c.
I
NOVUM ORGANUM. 403
se in uno ducit ad omnia. Quo autera simplicior
fuerit Migratio, eo magis habenda est instantia in
pretio. Praeterea Instantiae Migrantes magni sunt
usus ad partem operativam ; quia cum proponant For-
mam copulatam cum Efficiente aut Privante, perspicue
designant praxin in aliquibus ; unde f'acilis etiam est
transitus ad proxima. Subest tamen in illis non-
nihil periculi, quod indiget cautione ; hoc videlicet,
ne Formam nimis retrahant ad Efficientem, et intel-
lectum perfundant vel saltern perstringant falsa opin-
ione de Forma ex intuitu Efficientis. Efficiens vero
semper ponitur nil aliud esse quam vehiculum sive
deferens Formae.^ Verum huic rei, per Exclusivam
legitime factam, facile adhibetur remedium.
Proponendum itaque est jam exemplum Instantiae
Migrantis. Sit natura inquisita Candor sive Albedo:
Instantia Migrans ad generationem est vitrum inte-
grum et vitrum pulverizatum. Similiter, aqua simplex
et aqua agitata in spumam. Vitrum enim integrum
et aqua simplex diaphana sunt, non alba; at vitrum
pulverizatum et aqua in spuma, alba, non diaphana.
Itaque quaerendum quid acciderit ex ista Migratione
vitro aut aquae. Manifestum enim est Formam Al-
bedinis deferri et invehi per istam contusionem vitri et
agitationem aquae. Nihil autem reperitur accessisse,
praster comminutionem partium vitri et aquae, et aeris
insertionem. Neque vero parum profectum est ad in-
veniendam Formam Albedinis, quod corpora duo per
se diaphana, sed secundum magis et minus, (aer scili-
cet et aqua, aut aer et vitrum,) simul posita per minu-
1 The causa efficiens is the vehiculum formae, inasmuch as it carries the
form into the subject matter on which it acts; in other words it actuates
the potential existence of the form in the subject matter. (Cf. De Aug.
iii. 4.)
404 NOVUM ORGANUM.
tas portiones exhibeant Albedinem, per refractionein
inaequalem radiorum lucis.^
Verum liac in re proponenduin est etiam exemplum
periculi et cautionis, de quibus diximus. Nimirum
facile hie occurret intellectui ab Imjusmodi Efficienti-
biis depravato quod ad Formam Albedinis aer semper
j-eqniratur, aut quod Albedo generetur tantum per
corpora diaphaua ; quae omuino falsa sunt, et per
multas Exclusiones convicta. Quin potius apparebit
(misso aere et hujusmodi) corpora omnino aequalia
(secundum portiones opticas) dare diaphanum ; cor-
pora vero inaequalia per texturam simplicem, dare
album ; corpora inaequalia secundum texturam com-
positam, sed ordinatam, dare reliquos colores, praeter
nigrum ; corpora vero inaequalia per texturam com-
positam, sed omnino inordinatam et confusam, dare
nigrum.'^ Itaque de Instantia Migrante ad genera-
tionem in natura inquisita Albedinis, propositum est
jam exemplum. Instantia autem Migrans ad corrup-
tionem in eadem natura Albedinis, est spuma dissoluta,
aut nix dissoluta. Exuit enim albedinem et induit
diaphanum aqua, postquam fit integrale sine acre.
Neque vero illud ullo modo praetermittendum est,
quod sub Instantiis Migrantibus comprehendi debeant
non tantum illae quae migrant ad generationem et pri-
1 Bacon would perhaps have given as another illustration of what he has
here said the beautiful whiteness of frosted silver, if he had been aware that
it is in reality silver foam. It appears that when silver is in a state of fusion
a very large quantity of oxygen is condensed on and within its surface, the
whole of which escapes at the moment of solidification. This explanation
of the appearance of granulated silver is due, I believe, to Gay Lussac.
2 Compare Valerius Terminus, eh. xi. : — "It is then to be understood
that absolute equality produceth transparence, inequality in simple order
or proportion produceth whiteness, inequality in compound or respective
order or proportion producet-h other colours, and absolute or orderless in-
equality produceth blackness." — J. S.
NOVUM ORGANUM. 405
vationem, sed etiam ill^ quae migrant ad majorationem
et minorationem ; cum illse etiam tendant ad inveni-
endam Formam, ut per definitionem Formse superius
factam et Tabulam Graduum manifesto liquet. Itaque
papyrus, quae sicca cum fuerit alba est, at madefacta
(excluso aere et recepta aqua) minus alba est et
magis vergit ad diaphanum, similem habet rationem
cum instantiis supradictis.
XXIV.
Inter Prserogativas Instantiarum, tertio loco pone-
mus Instmitias Ostensivas, de quibus in Vindemiatione
Prima de Calido mentionem fecimus ; quas etiam Mur-
eescentias, sive Instantias Liheratas et Prcedominantes^
appellare consuevimus. Eae sunt, quae ostendunt na-
turam inquisitam nudam et substantivam, atque etiam
in exaltatione sua aut summo gradu potentise suae ;
emancipatam scilicet, et liberataln ab impedimentis,
vel saltem per fortitudinem suae virtutis dominantem
super ipsa, eaque supprimentem et coercentem. Cum
enim omne corpus suscipiat multas naturarum Formas
copulatas et in concreto, fit ut alia aliam retundat,
deprimat, frangat, et liget ; unde obscurantur Formse
singulae. Inveniuntur autem subjecta nonnulla in qui-
bus natura inquisita prae aliis est in suo vigore, vel per
absentiam impedimenti vel per praedominantiam vir-
tutis. Hujusmodi autem instantiae sunt maxime osten-
sivse Formae. Verum et in his ipsis instantiis adhi-
benda est cautio, et cohibendus impetus intellectus.
Quicquid enim ostentat Formam, eamque trudit, ut
videatur occurrere intellectui, pro suspecto habendum
est, et recurrendum ad Exclusivam severam et dili-
gentem.
406 NOVUM ORGANUM.
Exempli gratia ; sit natura inquisita Calidum. In-
stantia Ostensiva inotus expansionis, quaa (ut supe-
rius dictum est) portio est prsecipua Format Cali-
di, est vitrum calendare aeris. Etenim flamma, li-
cet manifesto exhibeat expansionem, tamen propter
momentaneam extinctionem non ostendit progressmn
expansionis. Aqua autem fervens, propter facilem
transitionem aquae in vaporem et aerem, non tarn
bene ostendit expansionem aquae in corpore suo. Rur-
sus ferinim ignitum, et similia, tantum abest ut pro-
gressum ostendant, ut contra per retusionem et frac-
tionem spiritus per partes compactas et crassas (quae
domant et fraenant expansionem) ipsa expansio non sit
omnino conspicua ad sensum. At vitrum calendare
clare ostendit expansionem in aere, et conspicuam et
progredientem et durantem, neque transeuntem.
Rursus, exempli gratia ; sit natura inquisita Pondus.
Instantia Ostensiva ponderis, est argentum vivum.
Omnia enim superat pondere magno intervallo, pr<e-
ter aurum ; quod non multo gravius est.^ At prfe-
stantior instantia est ad indicandam Formam Ponderis
argentum vivum quam aurum; quia aurum solidum
est et consistens, quod genus referri videtur ad den-
sum ; at argentum vivum liquidum est et turgens spir-
itu, et tamen multis partibus exuperat gravitate dia-
mantem, et ea quae putantur solidissima. Ex quo
ostenditur Formam Gravis sive Ponderosi dominari
simpliciter in copia materiae, et non in arcta com-
page.
1 This mistake occurs also in the Hittoria Densi et Rari. According to
Bacon, the density of mercury is to that of gold as thirty-nine is to forty,
nearly; the real ratio being as little more than as seven to ten. ' The way
in which his experiments Avere made accounts for a large part of tlii'^ rrror.
See the preface to the Ilistona Densi et Ran.
NOVUM ORGANUM. 407
XXV.
Inter Prserogativas Instantiarum ponemus quarto
loco Instantias Clandestiiias^ quas etiam Instantias Ore-
pusculi appellare consuevimus. Ese sunt veluti op-
positas Instantiis Ostensivis. Exhibent enim naturam
inquisitam in infima virtute, et tanquam in incunabu-
lis et rudimentis suis ; tentantem et tanquam primo
experientem, sed sub contraria natura latentem et
subactam. Sunt autem Imjusmodi instantise magni
omnino momenti ad inveniendas Formas ; quia sicut
Ostensivge ducunt facile ad difFerentias, ita Clandes-
tinae ducunt optime ad genera ; id est, ad naturas illas
communes quarum naturae inquisitae nihil aliud sunt
quam limitationes.
Exempli gratia ; sit natura inquisita Consistens, sive
se determinans ; cujus contrarium est Liquidum, sive
fluens. Instantias Clandestinae sunt illae quae exhibent
gradum nonnullum debilem et infimum Consistentis in
fluido ; veluti bulla aquae, quae est tanquam pellicula
quaedam consistens et determinata, facta ex corpore
aquae. Similiter stillicidia, quae, si adfuerit aqua quae
succedat, producunt se in filum admodum tenue, ne dis-
continuetur aqua ; at si non detur talis copia aquae quae
succedere possit, cadit aqua in guttis rotundis, quae est
figura quae optime aquam sustinet contra discontinua-
tionem. At in ipso temporis articulo cum desinit filum
aquae et incipit descensus in guttis, resilit ipsa aqua sur-
sum ad evitandam discontinuationem. Quin in metal-
lis, quae cum funduntur sunt liquida sed magis tenacia,
recipiunt se saepe guttae liquefactae sursum, atque ita
haerent. Simile quoddam est instantia speculorum pue-
rilium, quJB solent facere pueruli in scirpis ex saliva, ubi
408 NOVUM ORGANUM.
cernitur etiam pellicula consistens aquas. At multo
melius se ostendit hoc ipsum in altero illo ludicro pue-
rili, quando capiunt aquam, per saponem factam paulo
tenaciorem, atque inflant earn per calamum cavum,
atque inde formant aquam tanquam in castellum bulla-
rum; quae per interpositionem aeris inducit consisten-
tiam eo usque ut se projici nonnihil patiatur absque dis-
continuatione.^ Optime autem cernitur hoc in spuma
et nive, quas talem induunt consistentiam ut fere secari
possint; cum tamen sint corpora formata ex acre et
aqua, quae utraque sunt liquida. Quae omnia non ob-
scure innuunt Liquidum et Consistens esse notiones
tantum plebeias, et ad sensum ; inesse autem revera
omnibus corporibus fiigam et evitationem se discontinu-
andi ; eam vero in corporibus homogeneis (qualia sunt
liquida) esse debilem et infirmam, in corporibus vero
quae sunt composita ex heterogeneis, magis esse vividam
et fortem ; propterea quod admotio heterogenei constrin-
git corpora, at subintratio homogenei solvit et relaxat.
Similiter, exempli gratia ; sit natura inquisita At-
tractio, sive Coitio Corporum. Instantia circa Formam
ejus Ostensiva maxime insignis est magnes. Contraria
autem natura Attrahenti est non Attrahens, licet in
substantia simili. Veluti ferrum, quod non attrahit
ferrum, quemadmodum nee plumbum plumbum, nee
lignum lignum, nee aquam aqua. Instantia autem
Clandestina est magnes f'erro armatus, vel potius ferrum
in magnete armato. Nam ita fert natura, ut magnes
armatus in distantia aliqua non trahat ferrum fortius
quam magnes non armatus. Verum si admoveatur
1 Far tougher bubbles than the ordinary kind may be blown in water in
which silk cocoons have been steeped. Some curious experiments on this
subject are mentioned in Porter on Silk Manufactures (Lardner's Cyclop.).
NOVUM ORGANUM. 409
feiTum, ita ut taiigat ferrum in magnete armato, tunc
magnes armatus longe majus pondus ferri sustinet quam
magnes simplex et inermis, propter similitudinem sub-
stantia? ferri versus ferrum ; quse operatic erat omnino
Clandestina et latens in ferro, antequam magnes acces-
sisset.^ Itaque manifestum est Formam Coitionis esse
quippiam quod in magnete sit vividum et robustum, in
ferro debile et latens. Itidem notatum est sagittas par-
vas ligneas absque cuspide ferrea, emissas ex sclopetis
grandibus, altius penetrare in materiam ligneam (puta
latera navium, aut similia), quam easdem sagittas ferro
acuminatas, propter similitudinem substantias ligni ad
lignum, licet hoc ante in ligno latuerit. Itidem, licet
aer aerem aut aqua aquam manifesto non trahat in cor-
poribus integris, tamen bulla approximate bullas facilius
dissolvit bullam quam si bulla ilia altera abesset, ob ap-
petitum Coitionis aquae cum aqua et aeris cum acre.
Atque hujusmodi Instantiae Clandestinae (quae sunt
usus nobilissimi, ut dictum est) in portionibus corpo-
rum parvis et subtilibus maxime se dant conspiciendas.
Quia massse rerum majores sequuntur Formas magis
catholicas et generales ; ut suo loco dicetur.
XXVI.
Inter Praerogativas Instantiarum ponemus quinto
loco Instantias Oonstitutivas, quas etiam Manipulares ap-
pellare consuevimus. Eae sunt quae constituunt unam
speciem naturae inquisitae tanquam Formam Minorem.
Cum enim Form^e legitimae (quae sunt semper con-
1 This explanation of the effect of arming a magnet is wholly unsatis-
factory. Before the Novum Organum was published, Galileo had shown
that the armature acts by producing a more perfect contact. See the Dia-
logi del Sistemi massimi, Giorn. 3a. p. 440. I quote from the new edition.
Firenze 1842.
410 NOVUM ORGANUM.
vertibiles cum naturis inquisitis) lateant in profundo nee
facile inveniantur, postulat res et infirmitas humani in-
tellectus ut Formae particulares, quai sunt congregativas
Manipulorum quorundam instantiarum (neutiquam vero
omnium) in notionem aliquam communem, non negli-
gantur, verum diligentius notentur. Quicquid enim
unit naturam, licet modis imperfectis, ad inventionem
Formarum viam sternit. Itaque instantisB quas ad hoc
utiles sunt non sunt contemnendse potestatis, sed lia-
bent nonnullam Prasrogativam.
Verum in his diligens est adhibenda cautio, ne intel-
lectus humanus, postquam complures ex istis Formis
particularibus adinvenerit atque inde partitiones sive
divisiones naturaB inquisitas confecerit, in illis omnino
acquiescat, atque ad inventionem legitimam Formae
Magnae se non accingat, sed pnesupponat naturam
velut a radicibus esse multiplicem et divisam, atque
ulteriorem naturae unionem, tanquam rem supervacuae
subtilitatis et vergentem ad merum abstractum, fas-
tidiat et rejiciat.
Exempli gratia; sit natara inquisita Memoria, sive
Excitans et Adjuvans memoriam. Instantiae Constitu-
tivai sunt, ordo sive distributio, quae manifesto juvat
memoriam ; item Loci in memoria artificiali, qui aut
possunt esse loci secundum proprium sensum, veluti
janua, angulus, fenestra, et similia, aut' possunt esse
personam familiares et notae, aut possunt esse quidvis ad
placitum (modo in ordine certo ponantur), veluti ani-
malia, herbae ; etiam verba, literal, characteres, personae
historicae, et caetera ; licet nonnulla ex his magis apta
sint et commoda, alia minus. Hujusmodi autem Loci
memoriam insigniter juvant, eamque longc supra vires
naturales exaltant. Item carmina facilius haerent et
NOVUM ORGANUM. 411
discuntur memoriter quam prosa. Atque ex isto Ma-
nipulo triura install tiarum, videlicet ordinis, locorum ar-
tificialis memoriae, et versuum, constituitur species una
auxilii ad Memoriam. Species autem ilia Abscissio In-
jiniti recte vocari possit. Cum enim quis aliquid remi-
nisci aut revocare in memoriam nititur, si nullam prae-
notionem habeat aut perceptionem ejus quod quserit,
quasrit certe et molitur et hac iliac discurrit, tanquam
in infinito. Quod si certam aliquam prasnotionem ha-
beat, statim abscinditur infinitum, et fit discursus me-
moriae magis in vicino. In tribus autem illis instantiis
quae superius dictse sunt, praenotio perspicua est et certa.
In prima videlicet, debet esse aliquid quod congruat
cum ordine ; in secunda debet esse imago quae relatio-
nem aliquam habeat sive convenientiam ad ilia loca cer-
ta ; in tertia, debent esse verba quae cadant in versum ;
atque ita abscinditur infinitum. Aliae autem instantiae
dabunt hanc alteram speciem ; ut quicquid deducat In-
tellectuale ad feriendum Sensum (quae ratio etiam pras-
cipue viget in artificiali memoria) juvet Memoriam.
Alia? instantiae dabunt hanc alteram speciem ; ut quae
faciunt impressionem in afFectu forti, incutientia scilicet
metum, admirationem, pudorem, delectationem, juvent
Memoriam. Aliae instantiae dabunt hanc alteram spe-
ciem ; ut quae maxime imprimuntur a mente pura et
minus praeoccupata ante vel post, veluti quae discuntur
in pueritia aut quae commentamur ante somnum, etiam
primae quaeque rerum vices, magis haereant in Memoria.
Aliae instantiae dabunt hanc alteram speciem ; ut multi-
tudo circumstantiarum sive ansarum juvet Memoriam ;
veluti scriptio per partes non continuatas, lectio, sive
recitatio voce alta. Aliae denique instantiae dabunt
hanc alteram speciem ; ut quae expectantur et atten-
412 NOVUM ORGANUM.
tioncm excitant melius haereant quam qua? prsetervolant.
Itaque si scriptuin aliqiiod vicies perlegeris, non tam
facile illud memoriter disces quam si illud legas decies,
tentando interim illud recitare, et ubi deficit memoria
inspiciendo librum. Ita ut sint veluti sex Formas Mi-
nores eorum quae juvant Memoriam ; videlicet abscissio
infiniti ; deductio intellectualis ad sensibile ; inipressio
in afFectu forti ; impressio in mente pura ; multitude
ansarum ; praeexpectatio.
Similiter, exempli gratia; sit natura inquisita Gustus,
sive Gustatio. Instantiae quas sequuntur sunt Constitu-
tivae : videlicet, quod qui non olfaciunt sed sensu eo a
natura destituti sunt, non percipiant aut gustu distingu-
ant cibum rancidum aut putridum, neque similiter allia-
tum aut rosatum, aut hujusmodi. Rursus, illi qui per
accidens nares habent per descensum rheumatis ob-
structas, non discernunt aut percipiunt aliquid putridum
aut rancidum aut aqua rosacea inspersum. Rursus, qui
afficiuntur hujusmodi rheumate, si in ipso momento
cum aliquid foetidum aut odoratum habent in ore sive
palato emungant fortiter, in ipso instanti manifestam
perceptionem habent rancidi vel odorati. Quae instan-
tiae dabunt et constituent banc speciem, vel partem
potius, gustus ; ut sensus gustationis ex parte nihil aliud
sit quam olfactus interior, transiens et descendens a nar
rium meatibus superioribus in os et palatum. At con-
tra, salsum et dulce et acre et acidum et austerum et
amarum, et similia, base (inquam) omnia aeque sentiunt
illi in quibus olfactus deest aut obturatur, ac quisquam
alius ; ut manifestum sit sensum gustus esse compositum
quiddam ex olfactu interiori et tactu quodam exquisito ;
de quo nunc non est dicendi locus.
Similiter, exempli gratia; sit natura inquisita Com-
NOVUM ORGANUM. 413
municatio Qualitatis absque Commistione Substantise.
Instantia Lucis dabit vel constituet unam speciem
Communicationis ; Calor vero et Magnes alteram.
Communicatio enim lucis est tanquam momentanea,
et statim perit, amota luce originali. At calidum
et virtus magnetica, postquam tramissa fuerint vel
potius excitata in alio corpore, liserent et manent ad
tempus non parvum, amoto primo movente.
Denique magna est omnino Prserogativa Instanti-
arum Constituti varum, ut quae plurimum faciant et
ad definitiones (prsesertim particulares), et ad divis-
iones sive partitiones naturarum ; de quo non male
dixit Plato, Quod habendus sit tanquam pro Deo^ qui
definire et dividere bene sciat.^
XXVII.
Inter Prserogativas Instantiarum ponemus sexto loco
Instantias Oonformes, sive Proportionatas ; quas etiam
Farallelas, sive Similitudines Physicas, appellare con-
suevimus. Ese vero sunt, quae ostendunt similitudi-
nes et conjugationes rerum, non in Formis Minoribus
(quod faciunt Instantias Constitutivae) sed plane in
concreto. Itaque sunt tanquam primi et infimi
gradus ad unionem Naturse. Neque constituunt ali-
quod axioma statim ab initio, sed indicant et obser-
vant tantum quendam consensum corporum. Atta-
1 Bacon perhaps refers to the passage in the Philebus, in which the reso-
lution of articulate sounds into their elements is referred to elre rig i&edg
dre Kal "delog uv^puirog. Compare Jamblichus (apud Stobaeum, § 81.):
Qeoc 7]v Tig cjg uTirj&cJg 6 Karadd^ag rtjv dta'XeKTiKrjv Kal Karanifiipag rolg
av&punoLg. [Mr, Kitchin, in his edition of the Novum Organum (Oxford,
1855), which I did not see till this was in type, refers to the Phcedrus,
266. a., — TOVTuv drj lyuye avTog re tpaarfig tuv SiaipEoeuv Kal avvaycjyCJv
.... edv re riva iiXTiov k. t. /I. tovtov 6c6)ko) Karoma&e fisr' Ixvcov uare
^eolo, — which is undoubtedly the passage alluded to. — J. S.]
414 NOVUM ORGANUM.
men licet non multum promoveant ad inveniendas
Formas, iiihilominus magna cum utilitate revelant
partium universi fabricam, et in membris ejus exer-
cent veluti anatomiam quandam ; atque proinde veluti
manu-ducunt interdum ad axiomata sublimia et nobilia,
praesertim ilia quae ad mundi configurationem perti-
nent, potius quam ad naturas et Formas simplices.
Exempli gratia ; Instantiae Conformes sunt quas
sequuntur: speculum, et oculus; et similiter fabrica
auris, et loca reddentia echo. Ex qua conformitate,
praeter ipsam observationem similitudinis, quae ad mul-
ta utilis est, proclive est insuper colligere et formare
illud axioma ; videlicet, organa sensuum et corpora
quae pariunt reflexiones ad sensus esse similis naturae.
Rursus ex hoc ipso admonitus intellectus non segre
insurgit ad axioma quoddam altius et nobilius. Hoc
nimirum ; nihil interesse inter consensus sive sympa-
thias corporum sensu praeditorum, et inanimatorum
sine sensu, nisi quod in illis accedat spiritus animalis
ad corpus ita dispositum, in his autem absit. Adeo
ut quot sint consensus in corporibus inanimatis, tot
possint esse sensus in animalibus, si essent perfora-
tiones in corpore animato ad discursum spiritus ani-
malis in membrum rite dispositum, tanquam in or-
ganum idoneum. Et rursus, quot sint sensus in
animalibus, tot sint proculdubio motus in corpore in-
animato ubi spiritus animalis abfuerit; licet necesse
sit multo plures esse motus in corporibus inanimatis
quam sensus in animatis, propter paucitatem organo-
rum sensus. Atque hujus rei ostendit se exemplum
valde manifestum in doloribus. Etenim qnum sint
plura genera doloris in animalibus et tanquam varii
illius characteres (veluti alius est dolor ustionis, alius
NOVUM ORGANUM. 415
frigoris intensi, alius puncturae, alius compressionis,
alius extensionis, et «imilium), certissimum est omnia
ilia, quoad motum, inesse corporibus inanimatis ; vel-
uti ligno aut lapidi, cum uritur, aut per gelu constrin-
gitur, aut pungitur, aut scinditur, aut llectitur, aut
tunditur, et sic de aliis; licet non subintrent sensus,
propter absentiam spiritus animalis.
Item Instantiae Conformes (quod mirum fortasse
dictu) sunt radices et rami plantarum. Omne enim
vegetabile intumescit, et extrudit partes in circum-
ferentiam, tam sursum quam deorsum. Neque alia
est differentia radicum et ramorum, quam quod radix
includatur in terra, et rami exponantur aeri et soli.^
Si quis enim accipiat ramum tenerum et vegetum
arboris, atque ilium reflectat in aliquam terree par-
ticulam, licet non cohsereat ipsi solo, gignit statim
non ramum, sed radicem. Atque vice versa, si
terra ponatur superius, atque ita obstruatur lapide
aut aliqua dura substantia ut planta cohibeatur nee
possit frondescere sursum, edet ramos in aerem de-
orsum.
Item Instantiae Conformes sunt gummi arborum, et
plerseque gemmae rupium. Utraque enim nil aliud
sunt quam exudationes et percolationes succorum ; in
primo genere scilicet, succorum ex arboribus; in se-
cundo, ex saxis ; unde gignitur claritudo et splendor
in utrisque, per percolationem nimirum tenuem et
accuratam. Nam inde fit etiam, quod pili animalium
non sint tam pulchri et tam vividi coloris quam avium
1 In many plants part of the stem grows underground, while in others
part at least of the root is above the surface. The true distinction has
relation to the functions of the two organs. There is nothing in the root
analogous (except under special circumstances) to buds or nodes, and
consequently no true ramification.
416 NOVUM ORGANUM.
plumse compliires; quia succi non tarn delicate perco-
lantur per cutem quani per calamum.
Item Instantiae Conformes sunt scrotum in animali-
bus masculis, et matrix in femellis. Adeo ut nobilis
ilia fabrica per quam sexus difFerunt, (quatenus ad
animalia terrestria) nil aliud videatur esse, quam se-
cundum exterius et interius;^ vi scilicet majore caloris
genitalia in sexu masculo protrudente in exterius,
ubi in femellis nimis debilis est calor quam ut hoc
facere possit ; unde accidit quod contineantur inte-
rius.
Item InstantiaB Conformes sunt pinnae piscium, et
pedes quadrupedum, aut pedes et alae volucrum ; qui-
bus addidit Aristoteles quatuor volumina in motu ser-
pentum.2 Adeo ut in fabrica universi motus viven-
tium plerumque videatur expediri per quaterniones
artuum sive fiexionum.
Item dentes in animalibus terrestribus, et rostra in
avibus, sunt Instantiae Conformes ; unde manifestum
est, in omnibus animalibus perfectis, fluere duram
quandam substantiam versus os.
Item non absurda est Similitudo et Conformitis
ilia, ut homo sit tanquam planta inversa. Nam radix
nervorum et facultatum animalium est caput ; partes
autem seminales sunt infimje, non computatis extrem-
itatibus tibiarum et brachiorum. At in planta, radix
1 This remark seems to have been suggested by a similar passage in
Telesius, De Rei-urn Naturd, vi. 18.: — "Masculo .... magnus datus
est calor, qui et membrum genitale foras propellat et sanguinem multum
beneque omnem compactum conficiat, &c. Foeminaj autem . . . languens
inditus est calor, qui neque genitale vas foras propellere nee 6 semiiie spiri-
tum educere queat." The doctrine however of this passage was first taught
by Galen, from whom Telesius derived it. See Galen, De Usu Partitim^
xiv. 6.
2 De Anim. Incessu, i. 7.
NOVUM ORGANUM. 417
(quae instar capitis est) regulariter infimo loco col-
locatur; semina autem supremo.^
Denique illud omnino prascipiendum est et ssepius
monendum ; ut diligentia hominum in inquisitione et
congerie Naturalis Historiae deniceps mutetur plane,
et vertatur in contrarium ejus quod nunc in usu est.
Magna enim hucusque atque adeo curiosa fuit homi-
num industria in notanda rerum varietate atque ex-
plicandis accuartis animalium, herbarum, et fossilium
difFerentiis ; quainim plerseque magis sunt lusus naturae
quam serise alicujus utilitatis versus scientias. Faciunt
certe hujusmodi res ad delectationem, atque etiam
quandoque ad praxin ; verum ad introspiciendam na-
turam parum aut nihil. Itaque convertenda plane
est opera ad inquirendas et notandas rerum similitu-
dines et analoga, tam in integralibus quam partibus.
Illas enim sunt quae naturam uniunt, et constituere
scientias incipiunt.^
Verum in his omnino est adhibenda cautio gravis
et severa ; ut accipiantur pro Instantiis Conformibus
1 On the other hand, one is tempted to trace an analogy between the
flower in plants and the skull in man and vertebrate animals in general :
each occurring at the end of the axis of development, and each consisting of
four segments — whorls or vertebrae. But by far the most remarkable
analogy between plants and animals relates to the mode of development
of their tissues, which, there is reason to believe, were all primarily formed
from cells. The evidence in favour of this proposition is perhaps not yet
quite complete.
It is curious that, after it had been established in the case of plants,
Schleiden conceived that in this unity of original structure he had found
a character peculiar to vegetable life, so that the analogy between plants
and animals seemed to be impaired by the discovery.
2 " Natura infinita est, sed qui symbola animadverterit omnia intelliget,
licet non omnino," are the words of a great poet, who perhaps also is en-
titled to be called a great philosopher. They form the motto of one of the
happiest illustrations of what Bacon meant by instantia conformis, — the
Parthenogenesis of Professor Owen.
VOL. I. 27
418 NOVUM ORGANlBf.
et Proportionatis, illag quae denotant Similitudines (ut
ab initio diximus) Physicas ; id est, reales et substan-
tiales et immei'sas in natura, non fortuitas et ad spe-
ciem ; multo minus superstitiosas aut curiosas, quales
naturalis magia? scriptores (homines levissimi, et in
rebus tarn seriis quales nunc agimus vix nominandi)
ubique ostentant; magna cum vanitate et desipientia,
inanes similitudines et sympathias rerum describentes
atque etiam quandoque affingentes.
Verum bis missis, etiam in ipsa configu rati one
mundi in majoribus non sunt negligendaj Instantije
Conformes ; veluti Africa, et regio Peruviana cum
continente se porrigente usque ad Fretum Magellan-
icum. Utraque enim regio habet similes isthmos et
similia promontoria, quod non temere accidit.^
Item Novus et Vetus Orbis ; in eo quod utrique
orbes versus septentriones lati sunt et expoiTecti, ver-
sus austrum autem angusti et acuminati.
Item Instantiae Conformes nobilissimae sunt frigora
intensa in media (quam vocant) aeris regione, et ignes
acerrimi qui saape reperiuntur erumpentes ex locis sub-
terraneis ; qua3 duas res sunt ultimitates et extrenia ;
naturae scilicet Frigidi versus ambitum coeli, et naturie
Calidi versus viscera terras ; per antiperistasin, sive re-
jectionem natura3 contrariae.
Postremo autem in axiomatibus scientiarum notatu
digna est Conformitas Instantiarum. Veluti tropus
rhetoricae, qui dicitur Praeter Expectatum, conformis
1 A. von Humboldt has pointed out the conformity of the opposite shores
of the Atlantic — the approximate correspondence between the projections
on each side and the recesses on the other. But Bacon apparently com-
pares not the opposite but the corresponding coasts of Africa and America.
C. Concepcion would correspond to C. Negro; but the parallelism is not
vorv close.
NOVUM ORGANITM. 419
est tropo muslcse, qui vocatur Declinatio Cadentiee. Si-
militer, postulatum mathematicum, ut quoe eidem tertio
cequalia sunt etiam inter se sint cequalia, conforme est*
cum fabrica syllogismi in logica, qui unit ea quas con-
veniunt in medio.^ Denique multura utilis est in
quamplurimis sagacitas qua3dam in conquirendis et in-
dagandis Conformitatibus et Similitudinibus Physicis.
XXVIII.
Inter Praerogativas Instantiarum, ponemus septimo
loco Insfantias Monodicas ;^ quas etiam Irregular es sive
Hetcroclitas (sumpto vocabulo a grammaticis) appellare
con sue vim us. Ese sunt, quae ostendunt corpora in con-
creto, quae videntur esse extravagantia et quasi abrupta
in natura, et minime convenire cum aliis rebus ejusdem
generis. Etenim Instantise Conformes sunt similes al-
terius, at Instantiae Monodicas sunt sui similes. Usus
vero Instantiarum Monodicarum est talis qualis est
Instantiarum Clandestinarum : viz. ad evehendam et
uniendam naturam ad invenienda genera sive com-
munes naturas, limitandas postea per difFerentias veras.
Neque enim desistendum ab inquisitione donee proprie-
tatcs et qualitates, quas inveniuntur in hujusmodi rebus
quae possunt censeri pro miraculis naturae, reducantur
1 The importance of the parallel here suggested was never understood
until the present time, because the language of mathematics and of logic
has hitherto not been such as to permit the relation between them to be rec-
ognised. Mr. Boole's Laws of Thought contain the first development of
ideas of which the germ is to be found in Bacon and Leibnitz ; to the latter
of whom the fundamental principle that in logic a2=:o was known (v. Leib-
nitz, Philos. Works, by Erdmann, 1840, p. 130). It is not too much to say
that Mr. Boole's treatment of the subject is worthy of these great names.
Other calculuses of inference (using the word in its widest sense), besides
the mathematical and the logical, yet perhaps remain to be developed ; but
this is a subject on which it is impossible here to enter.
2 Monadicas. See note 3. p. 253. — J. S.
420 NOVUM ORGANUM.
et comprehendantur sub aliqua Forma sive Lege certa ;
ut irregularitas sive singularitas omnis reperiatur pen-
dere ab aliqua Forma Communi ; miraculum vero illud
sit tandem solummodo in difFerentiis accuratis et gradu
et concursu raro, et non in ipsa specie ; ubi nunc con-
templationes hominum non procedant ultra quara ut
ponant hujusmodi res pro secretis et magnalibus natu-
rae, et tanquam incausabilibus, et pro exceptionibus
regularum generalium.
Exempla Instantiarum Monodicarum sunt, sol et
luna, inter astra ; magnes, inter lapides ; argentum
vivum, inter metalla ; eleplias, inter quadrupedes ; sen-
sus veneris, inter genera tactus ; odor venaticus in
canibus, inter genera olfactus. Etiam S litera apud
grammaticos, habetur pro Monodica; ob facilem com-
positionem quam sustinet cum consonantibus, aliquando
duplicibus, aliquando triplicibus ; quod nulla alia litera
facit. Plurimi autem faciendai sunt hujusmodi instan-
tia) ; quia acuunt et vivificant inquisitionem, et meden-
tur intellectui depravato a consuetudine et ab lis quae
fiunt plerunque.
XXIX.
Inter Praerogativas Instantiarum, ponemus loco oc-
tavo Instantias Deviantes ; errores scilicet naturas, et
vaga, ac monstra: ubi natura declinat et deflectit a
cursu ordinario. DifFerunt enim Errores naturae ab
Instantiis Monodicis in hoc ; quod Monodicae sint mi-
racula specierum, at Errores sint miracula individuo-
rum. Similis autem fere sunt usus ; quia rectificant
intellectum adversus consueta, et revelant Formas
Communes. Neque enim in his etiam desistendum
ab inquisitione donee inveniatur causa hujusmodi de-
clinationis. Veruntamen causa ilia non exurgit ad
NOVUM ORGANUM. 421
Formam aliquam proprie, sed tantum ad latentem
processum ad Formam. Qui enim vias naturae noverit,
is deviationes etiam facilius observabit. At rursus, qui
deviationes noverit, is accuratius vias describet.^
Atque in illo difFerunt etiam ab Instantiis Monodicis,
quod multo magis instruant praxin et operativam.
Nam novas species generare arduum admodum foret ;
at species notas variare, et inde rara multa ac inusitata
producere, minus arduum. Facilis autem transitus est
a miraculis naturae ad miracula artis. Si enim depre-
hendatur semel natura in variatione sua, ejusque ratio
manifesta fuerit, expeditum erit eo deducere naturam
per artem quo per casum aberraverit. Neque solum eo,
sed et aliorsum ; cum errores ex una parte monstrent
et aperiant viam ad errores et deflexiones undequaque.
Hie vero exemplis non est opus, propter eorundem co-
piam. Facienda enim est congeries sive historia natu-
ralis particularis omnium monstrorum et partuum natu-
rae prodigiosorum ; omnis denique novitatis et raritatis
et inconsueti in natura. Hoc vero faciendum est cum
severissimo delectu, ut constet fides. Maxime autem
habenda sunt pro suspectis quae pendent quomodocun-
que a religione, ut prodigia Livii : nee minus, quae
inveniuntur in scriptoribus magiae naturalis, aut etiam
alchymiae, et hujusmodi hominibus ; qui tanquam proci
sunt et amatores fabularum. Sed depromenda sunt
ilia ex gravi et fida historia, et auditionibus certis.
XXX.
Inter Praerogativas Instantiarum, ponemus loco nono
Instantias Limitaneas; quas etiam Participia vocare
consuevimus. Eae vero sunt, quae exhibent species
1 See Owen, On the Nature of Limbs, p. 54.
422 NOVUM ORGANUM.
corporum tales, quae videntur esse compositaB ex specie-
bus (luabus, vel Rudimenta inter speciem unam et alte-
ram. Hse vero Instantiai inter Instantias Monodicas
sive Heteroclitas recte numerari possunt : sunt enim
in universitate rerum rai'JB et extraordinaria^. Sed
tamen ob dignitatem seorsira tractandae et ponendaB
sunt ; optime enim indicant compositionem et fabricam
rerum, et innuunt causas numeri et qualitatis specierum
ordinariarum in universe, et deducunt intellectum ab
430 quod est, ad id quod esse potest.
Harum exempla sunt, muscus, inter putredinem et
plantam ; cometae nonnulli, inter Stellas Qt meteora
ignita, ; pisces volantes, inter aves et pisces ; vespertil-
liones, inter aves et quadrupedes ; etiam
" Simia quam similis turpissima bestia nobis; " i
et partus animalium biformes et commisti ex speciebus
diversis, et similia.
XXXI.
Inter Praerogativas Instantiarum ponemus decimo
loco Instantias Potestatis, sive Fascium (sumpto voca-
bulo ab insignibus imperii), quas etiam Ingenia^ sive
Manus Hominis appellare consuevimus. Ea3 sunt opera
maxime nobilia et perfecta, et tanquam ultima in una-
quaque arte. Cum enim hoc agatur praicipue ut na-
tura pareat rebus et commodis humanis ; consentaneum
est prorsus, ut opera qua; jampridem in potestate homi-
nis fuerunt (quasi provincias antea occupatse et subac-
tas) notentur et numerentur; prjEsertim ea qua^. sunt
maxime enucleata et peifecta ; propterea quod ab istis
proclivior et magis in propinquo sit transitus ad nova et
hactenus non inventa. Si quis enim ab horum contem-
1 Ennius, quoted by Cicero.
NOVUM ORGANUM. 423
platione attenta propositum acriter et strenue urgere
velit, fiet certe ut aut producat ilia paulo longius, aut
deflectat ilia ad aliquid quod finitimum est, aut etiam
applicet et transferat ilia ad usum aliquem nobiliorem.
Neque hie finis. Verum quemadmodum ab operibus
naturae raris et inconsuetis erigitur intellectus et ele-
vatur ad inquirendas et inveniendas Formas quae etiam
illorum sunt capaces, ita etiam in operibus artis egregiis
et admirandis hoc usu-venit ; idque multo magis ; quia
modus efficiendi et operandi hujusmodi miracula artis
manifestus ut plurimum est, cum plerunque in mira-
culis naturae sit magis obscurus. Attamen in his ipsis
cautio est adhibenda vel maxime, ne deprimant scilicet
intellectum et eum quasi humo affigant.
Periculum enim est, ne per hujusmodi opera artis,
quae videntur velut summitates quaedam et fastigia in-
dustriae humanae, reddatur intellectus attonitus et liga-
tus et quasi maleficiatus quoad ilia, ita ut cum aliis con-
suescere non possit, sed cogitet nihil ejus generis fieri
posse nisi eadem via qua ilia effecta sunt, accedente
tantummodo diligentia majore et praeparatione magis
accurata.
Contra illud ponendum est pro certo : vias et modos
efficiendi res et opera quae adhuc reperta sunt et notata,
res esse plerunque pauperculas ; atque omnem poten-
tiam majorem pendere et ordine derivari a fontibus
Formarum, quarum nulla adhuc inventa est.
Itaque (ut alibi diximus) ^ qui de machinis et arie-
tibus, quales erant apud veteres, cogitasset, licet hoc
fecisset obnixe atque aetatem in eo consumpsisset, nun-
quam tamen incidisset in inventum tormentorum igneo^
rum operantium per pulverem pyrium. Neque rursus,
1 1. § 109.
424 NOVUM ORGANUM.
qui in lanificiis et serico vegetabili observationem suam
et meditationern collocasset, unquam per ea reperisset
naturam vermis aut serici bombycini.
Quocirca omnia inventa quae censeri possunt magis
nobilia (si animum advertas) in lucem prodiere nullo
modo per pusillas enucleationes et extensiones artium,
sed omnino per casum. Nihil autem repraesentat ^ aut
anticipat casum (cujus mos est ut tantum per longa
saecula operetur) praeter inventionem Formarum.
Exempla autem hujusmodi instantiarum particularia
nihil opus est adducere, propter copiam eorundem. Nam
hoc omnino agendum ; ut visitentur et penitus introspi-
ciantur omnes ai*tes mechanicae, atque liberales etiam
(quatenus ad opera), atque inde facienda est congeries
sive historia particularis, tanquam magnalium et operum
magistralium et maxime perfectorum in unaquaque ip-
sarum, una cum modis effectionis sive operationis.
Neque tamen astringimus diligentiam, quae adhiben-
da est in hujusmodi collecta, ad ea quas censentur pro
magisteriis et arcanis alicujus artis tantum, atque mo-
vent admirationem. Admiratio enim proles est rari-
tatis ; siquidem rara, licet in genere sint ex vulgatis
naturis, tamen admirationem pariunt.
At contra, quse revera admirationi esse debent prop-
ter discrepantiam quae inest illis in specie collatis ad
alias species, tamen si in usu familiari praesto sint levi-
ter notantur. Debent autem notari Monodica artis,
non minus quam Monodica natural ; de quibus antea
diximus.2 Atque quemadmodum in Monodicis naturae
posuimus solem, lunam, magnetem, et similia, quae re
vulgatissima sunt sed natura tamen fere singulari :
idem et de Monodicis artis faciendum est.
1 See note, p. 317. 2 n. ^ 28.
NOVUM ORGANUM. 425
Exempli gratia ; Instantia Monodica artis est papy-
rus ; res admodum vulgata. At si diligenter animum
advertas, materiee artificiales aut plane textiles sunt per
fila directa et transversa ; qualia sunt pannus sericus,
aut laneus, et linteus, et liujusmodi ; aut coagmentan-
tur ex succis concretis ; qualia sunt later, aut argilla
figularis, aut vitrum, aut esmalta, aut porcellana, et
similia ; quse si bene uniantur splendent, sin minus,
indurantur certe, sed non splendent. Attamen omnia
talia, quae fiunt ex succis concretis, sunt fragilia, nee
uUo modo hserentia et tenacia. At contra, papyrus est
corpus tenax, quod scindi et lacerari possit ; ita ut imi-
tetur et fere semuletur pellem sive membranam alicujus
animalis, aut folium alicujus vegetabilis, et hujusmodi
opificia naturae. Nam neque fragilis est, ut vitrum ;
neque textilis, ut pannus ; sed habet fibras certe, non
fila distincta, omnino ad modum materiarum naturali-
um ; ut inter artificiales materias vix inveniatur simile
aliquod, sed sit plane Monodicum.' Atque prajferenda
sane sunt in artificialibus ea quae maxime accedunt
ad imitationem naturas, aut e contrario eam potenter
regunt et invertunt.
Rursus, inter Ingenia et Manus Hominis, non pror-
sus contemnenda sunt praestigiae et jocularia. Non-
nulla enim ex istis, licet sint usu levia et ludicra, tamen
informatione valida esse possunt.
Postremo, neque omnino omittenda sunt superstitiosa,
et (prout vocabulum sensu vulgari accipitur) magica.
Licet enim hujusmodi res sint in immensum obrutas
grandi mole mendaciorum et fabularum, tamen inspi-
ciendum paulisper si forte subsit et lateat in aliquibus
1 It is curious that Bacon should not have remarked that all the qualities
here mentioned belong to felt as well as to paper.
426 NOVUM ORGANUM.
earum aliqua operatic naturalis ; ut in fascino, et forti-
ficatione imaginationis, et consensu rerum ad distans,
et transmissione impressionum a spiritu ad spiritum
non minus quam a corpore ad coi-pus, et similibus.
XXXII.
Ex iis quas ante dicta sunt, patet quod quinque ilia
instantiarum genera de quibus diximus (viz. Instan-
tiarum Conformium, Instantiarum Monodicarum, In-
stantiarum Deviantium, Instantiarum Limitanearum,
Instantiarum Potestatis) non debeant reservari donee
inquiratur natura aliqua certa (quemadmodum instan-
tia3 reliquae, quas primo loco proposuimus, nee non
plurimae ex iis qua? sequentur, reservari debent) ; sed
statim jam ab initio facienda est eanim collectio, tan-
quam liistoria quaedam particularis ; eo quod digerant
ea qua? ingrediuntur intellectum, et corrigant pravam
comj)lexionem intellectus ipsius, quem omnino necesse
est imbui et infici et demum perverti ac distorqueri ab
incursibus quotidianis et consuetis.
Itaque adhibendae sunt eae instanti{« tanquam prae-
parativum aliquod, ad rectificandum et expurgandum
intellectum. Quicquid enim abducit intellectum a
consuetis aequat et complanat aream ejus ad recipien-
dum lumen siccum et purum notionum verainim.
Quin etiam hujusmodi instantiae sternunt et praistru-
unt viam ad operativam ; ut suo loco dicemus, quando
de Deductionibus ad Praxin sermo erit.
XXXIII.
Inter Praerogativas Instantiarum ponemus loco un-
decimo Instantias Comitatus, atque Hostiles; quas etiam
Instantias Propositionum Fixarum appellare consuevi-
NOVUM ORGANUM. 42T
mus. Ese sunt instantice, qu^e exhibent aliquod corpus
sive concretum tale, in quo natura inquisita perpetuo
sequatur tanquam comes quidam individuus ; aut con-
tra, in quo natura inquisita perpetuo fugiat atque ex
comitatu excludatur, ut hostis et inimicus. Nam ex
hujusmodi instantiis formantur propositiones certge et
universales, aut affirmativse aut negativae ; in quibus
subjectum erit tale corpus in concreto, prsedicatum vero
natura ipsa inquisita. Etenim propositiones particu-
lares omnino fixce non sunt, ubi scilicet natura inquisita
reperitur in aliquo concreto fluxa et mobilis, viz. acce-
dens sive acquisita, aut rursus recedens sive deposita.
Quocirca particulares propositiones non habent Prae-
rogativam aliquam majorem, nisi tantum in casu Mi-
grationis, de quo antea dictum est. Et nihilominus,
etiam particulares illae propositiones comparatas et col-
lata) cum universalibus multum juvant ; ut suo loco
dicetur. Neque tamen, etiam in universalibus istis
propositionibus exactam aut absolutam affirmationem
vel abnegationem requirimus. Sufficit enim ad id quod
agitur etiamsi exceptionem nonnullam singularem aut
raram patiantur.
Usus autem Instantiarum Comitatus est ad an-
gustiandam Affirmativam Formge. Queraadmodum
enim in Instantiis Migrantibus angustiatur Affirma-
tiva Formse ; viz. ut necessario poni debeat Forma rei
esse aliquid quod per actum ilium Migrationis inditur
aut destruitur ; ita etiam in Instantiis Comitatus angus-
tiatur Affirmativa Formae ; ut necessario poni debeat
Forma rei esse aliquid quod talem concretionem cor-
poris subingrediatur, aut contra ab eadem abhorreat ;
ut qui bene norit constitutionem aut schematismum
hujusmodi corporis non longe abfuerit ab extrahenda
in lucem Forma naturae inquisitae.
428 NOVUM ORGANUM.
Exempli gratia ; sit natura inquisita Calidum. In-
stantia Comitatus est flamma. Etenim in aqua, acre,
lapide, metallo, et aliis quamplurimis, calor est mobilis,
et accedere potest et recedere ; at omnis flamma est
calida, ita ut calor in concretione flammai perpetuo se-
qiiatur. At Instantia Hostilis Calidi nulla reperitur
apud nos. Nam de visceribus terras nihil constat ad
sensum ; sed eomm corporum quae nobis nota sunt
nulla prorsus est concretio quas non est susceptibilis
caloris.
At rursus, sit natura inquisita Consistens. Instantia
Hostilis est aer. Etenim metallum potest fluere, potest
consistere ; similiter vitrum ; etiam aqua potest con-
sistere, cum conglaciatur : at impossibile est ut aer
unquam consistat, aut exuat fluorem.
Verum de instantiis hujusmodi Propositionum Fixa-
rum supersunt duo monita, quae utilia sunt ad id quod
agitur. Primum, ut si defuerit plane universalis Af-
firmativa aut Negativa, illud ipsum diligenter notetur
tanquam non-ens ; sicut fecimus de Calido, ubi univer-
salis Negativa (quatenus ad entia quae ad nostram no-
titiam pervenerint) in rerum natura deest. Similiter,
si natura inquisita sit -Sternum aut Incorruptibile,
deest Affirmativa universalis hie apud nos. Neque
enim praedicari potest ^Etemum aut Incorruptibile de
aliquo corpore eorum qua3 infra coclestia sunt, aut su-
pra interiora terras. Alterum monitum est, ut proposi-
tionibus universalibus, tarn affirmativis quam negativis,
de aliquo concreto, subjungantur simul ea concreta quae
proxime videntur accedere ad id quod est ex non-en-
tibus ; lit in calore, flammae mollissimae et minimum
adurentes ; in incormptibili, aurum, quod proxime
accedit. Omnia enim ista indicant terminos naturae
inter ens et non-ens ; et faciunt ad circumscriptiones
NOVUM ORGANUM. 429
Formarum, ne gliscant et vagentur extra conditiones
materise.
XXXIV.
Inter Praerogativas Instantianim, ponemus loco duo-
decimo ipsas illas Instantias Suhjunctivas^ de quibus
in superiori aphorismo diximus ; quas etiam Instantias
Ultimitatis sive Termini appellare consuevimus. Neque
enim hujusmodi instantise utiles sunt tantum, quatenus
subjunguntur propositionibus fixis ; verum etiam per se,
et in proprietate sua. Indicant enim non obscure veras
sectiones naturae, et mensuras rerum, et illud Quousque
natura quid faciat et ferat, et deinde transitus naturaa
ad aliud. Talia sunt, aurum, in pondere ; ferrum, in
duritie ; cete, in quantitate animalium ; canis, in odore ;
inflammatio pulveris pyrii, in expansione celeri ; et alia
id genus. Nee minus exhibenda sunt ea quse sunt ulti-
ma gradu infimo, quam quse supremo ; ut spiritus vini,
in pondere ; ^ sericum, in mollitie ; vermiculi cutis, in
quantitate animalium ; et csetera.
XXXV.
Inter Praerogativas Instantiarum, ponemus loco deci-
mo tertio Instantias Foederis sive Unionis. Eae sunt,
quae confundunt et adunant naturas quae existimantur
esse lieterogeneae, et pro talibus notantur et signantur
per divisiones receptas.
At Instantiae Foederis ostendunt operationes et ef-
fectus quae deputantur alicui ex illis heterogeneis ut
propria, competere etiam aliis ex heterogeneis ; ut con-
vincatur ista heterogenia (quae in opinione est) vera
1 Although precise directions for making ether were given by Valerius
Cordus in 1544, yet it is said to have remained unnoticed until it was re-
discovered in the eighteenth century. Bacon's want of acquaintance with
it, implied in this and other passages, is therefore not surprising.
430 NOVUM ORGANUM.
lion esse aut essentialis, sed nil aliud esse quam mo-
dificatio naturae communis. Optimi itaque sunt usus
ad elevandum et evehendum Intel lectum a differentiis
ad genera; et ad tollendum larvas et simulachra re-
rum, prout occurrunt et prodeunt personatae in sub-
stantiis concretis.
Exempli gratia : sit natura inquisita Calidum. Om-
nino videtur esse divisio solennis et authentica quod
sint tria genera caloris ; viz. calor coelestium, calor
animal ium, et calor ignis ; quodque isti calores (prae-
sertim unus ex illis comparatus ad reliquos duos) sint
ipsa essentia et specie, sive natura specifica, diffe rentes
et plane heterogenei ; quandoquidem calor coelestium
et animalium generet et foveat, at calor ignis contra
corrumpat et destruat. Est itaque Instantia Foederis
experimentum illud satis vulgatum, cum recipitur ra-
mus aliquis vitis intra domum ubi sit focus assiduus,
ex quo maturescunt uvae etiam mense integro citius
quam foras ; ita ut maturatio fructus etiam pendentis
super arborem fieri possit scilicet ab igne, cum hoc
ipsum videatur esse opus proprium solis.^ Itaque ab
1 The regular use of artificial heat in green-houses and conservatories
was not known in Bacon's time. In the ^faison Champetre, an encyclo-
paedia of gardening and agriculture published in 1607, nothing is said of it;
nor is there anything on the subject in the writings of Porta, though in his
Nat. Mag. he has spoken of various modes of accelerating the growth of
fruits imd flowers. In the Sylva Sylvarum (i12.\ however, Bacon speaks
of housing hot-country plants to save them, and, in the Essay on Gardens,
of stoving myrtles. The idea of what are now called green-houses was
introduced into England from Holland about the time of the Revolution.
The orangery at Heidelberg, formed, I believe, about the middle of the
seventeenth century, is said to be the earliest conservatory on record.
It is related that Albertus Magnus, entertaining the emperor at Cologne
during the winter, selected for the place of entertainment the garden of his
monastery. Ever}'thing was covered with snow, and the guests were much
inclined to be discontented; but when the feast began, the snow cleared
away ; the trees put forth, first leaves, then blossoms, then fruit ; and the
NOVUM ORGANUM. 431
hoc initio facile insurgit intellectus, repudiata lietero-
genia essentiali, ad inquirendum quae sint differentiae
illas quae revera reperiuntur inter calorem solis et ignis,
ex quibus fit ut eorum operationes sint tarn dissimiles,
utcunque illi ipsi participent ex natura communi.
Quae differentiiB reperientur quatuor ; viz. primo
quod calor solis respectu caloris ignis sit gradu longe
clementior et lenior ; secundo, quod sit (praesertim
ut defertur ad nos per aerem) qualitate multo humi-
dior ; tertio (quod caput rei est) quod sit summe inae-
qualis, atque accedens et auctus, et deinceps recedens
et diminutus; id quod maxime confert ad generationem
corporum. Recte enim asseruit Aristoteles ^ causam
princi[)alem generationum et corruptionum quae fiunt
hie apud nos in superficie terrjie, esse viam obliquam
solis per zodiacum ; unde calor solis, partiin per vicis-
situdines diei et noctis, partim per successiones aestatis
et hyemis, evadit miris modis inaequalis. Neque tamen
desinit ille vir id quod ab eo recte inventum fuit sta-
tim corrumpere et depravare. Nam ut arbiter scilicet
naturae (quod illi in more est) valde magistraliter as-
sign at causam generationis accessui solis, causam au-
tem corruptionis recessui ; cum utraque res (accessus
videlicet solis et recessus) non respective, sed quasi
indifferenter, praebeat causam tam generationi quam cor-
ruptioni ; quandoquidem inaequalitas caloris generationi
et corruptioni rerum, aequalitas conservationi tan turn,
climate became that of summer. This glorious summer, which had thus
abruptly succeeded to the winter of their discontent, lasted only till the
conclusion of the feast, when everything resumed its former aspect. It
would be a fanciful explanation, and I know not whether it has ever been
suggested, to say that Albertus Magnus really entertained the emperor in
a conservatory, and only led his guests through the garden. See, for the
story, Grimm's Deutsche Sagen.
1 Meteorologia, i. 14.
432 NOVUM ORGANUM.
ministret. Est et quarta differentia inter calorem soils
et ignis, magni prorsus momenti ; viz. quod sol ope-
rationes suas insinuet per longa temporis spatia, ubi
operatiories ignis (urgente hominum impationtia) per
breviora intervalla ad exitum perducantur. Quod si
quis id sedulo agat, ut calorem ignis attemperet et
reducat ad gradum moderatiorem et leniorem (quod
multis modis facile fit), deinde etiam inspergat et ad-
misceat nonnuUam humiditatem, maxime autem si
imitetur calorem solis in inaequalitate, postremo si
moram patienter toleret (non certe eam quaB sit pro-
portionata operibus solis, sed largiorem quam homines
adliibere solent in operibus ignis), is facile missam
faciet heterogeniam illam caloris, et vel tentabit vel
exasquabit vel in aliquibus vincet opera solis, per calo-
rem ignis. Similis Instantia Fa3deris est resuscitatio
papilionum ex frigore stupentium et tanquam emortu-
arum, per exiguum teporem ignis ; ut facile cemas
non magis negatum esse igni vivificare animantia quam
maturare vegetabilia. Etiam inventum illud celebre
Fracastorii de sartagine acriter calefacta, qua circun-
dant medici capita apoplecticorum desperatorum,^ ex-
pandit manifeste spiritus animales ab humoribus et
obstructionibus cerebri compressos et quasi extinctos,
illosque ad motum excitat, non aliter quam ignis ope-
ratur in aquam aut aerem, et tamen per consequens
vivificat. Etiam ova aliquando excluduntur per ca-
lorem ignis, id quod prorsus imitatur calorem anima-
1 Itia mentioned in the life of Fracastorius, that when dying of apoplexy,
and speechless, he made signs for the application of a cucurbita (or cupping-
vessel) to his head, remembering the remarkable cure which he had effected
in the case of a nun at Verona. It is scarcely necessary to remark that
" dry cupping," as it is called, acts simply by partially removing the press-
ure of the atmosphere : the heat applied to the vessel has no other effect
than that of rarefying the air it contains.
NOVUM ORGANUM. 433
lem ; et complura ejusmodi ; ut nemo dubitare possit
quin calor ignis in multis snbjectis modificari possit ad
imaginem caloris coelestium et animalium.^
Similiter sint naturae inquisitse Motus et Quies.
Videtur esse divisio solennis atque ex intima philoso-
phia, qnod corpora naturalia vel rotent, vel ferantur
recta, vel stent sive quiescant. Aut enim est motus
sine termino, aut statio in termino, aut latio ad ter-
minum. At motus ille perennis rotationis videtur
esse coelestium proprius ; statio sive quies videtur com-
petere globo ipsi terrae ; at corpora csetera (gravia quas
vocant et levia, extra loca scilicet connaturalitatis suaB
sita) feruntur recta ad massas sive congregation es simi-
lium ; levia sursum, versus ambitum coeli ; gravia de-
orsum, versus terram. Atque ista pulchra dictu sunt.
At Instantia Foederis est cometa aliquis humilior ;
qui cum sit longe infra coelum, tamen rotat. Atque
commentum Aristotelis^ de alligatione sive sequaci-
tate cometae ad astrum aliquod jampridem explosum
est ; non tantum quia ratio ejus non est probabilis, sed
propter experientiam manifestam discursus et irregu-
laris motus cometarum per varia loca coeli.
At rursus alia Instantia Foederis circa hoc subjec-
tum est motus aeris ; qui intra tropicos (ubi circuli
rotationis sunt majores) videtur et ipse rotare ab ori-
ente in occidentem.
Et alia rursus instantia foret fluxus et refluxus maris,
si modo aquae ipsae deprehendantur ferri motu rota-
tionis (licet tardo et evanido) ab oriente in occiden-
1 Bacon's rejection of the essential heterogeneity of the three species of
heat is apparently taken from Telesius, De Rerum Nat. vi. 20. Telesius
remarks, as Bacon does, that eggs may be hatched, and insects apparently
dead restored to life, by means of artificial heat.
2 Meteorol. i. 4.
434 NOVUM ORGANUM.
tern ; ita tamen iit bis in die repercutiantur. Itaque,
si ha3C ita se habeant, manifestum est motum istum
rotiitionis non terminari in coelestibus, sed communi-
cari aeri et aquae.
Etiam ista proprietas levium, nimirnm ut ferantur
Rursum, vacillat nonnihil. Atque in hoc sumi potest
pro Instantia Foederis bulla aquae. Si enim aer fuerit
subter aquam, ascendit rapide versus superficiem aquae,
per moturn ilium plagae (quam vocat Democritus) per
quam aqua descendens percutit et attollit aerem sur-
sum ; non autem per contentionem aut nixum aeris
ipsius. Atqui ubi ad superficiem ipsam aquae ventum
fuerit, tum coliibetur aer ab ulteriore ascensu, per
levem resistentiam quam reperit in aqua, non statim
tolerante se discontinuari : ita ut exilis admodum sit
appetitus aeris ad superiora.
Similiter sit natura inquisita Pondus. Est plane
divisio recepta, ut densa et solida ferantur versus cen-
trum terras, rara autem et tenuia versus ambitum coeli ;
tanquam ad loca sua propria. Atque loca quod at-
tinet, (licet in scholis liujusmodi res valeant) ])lane
inepta et puerilis cogitatio est, locum aliquid posse.
Itaque nugantur philosophi cum dicant quod, si per-
forata esset terra, corpora gravia se sisterent quando
ventum esset ad centrum. Esset enim certe virtu-
osum plane et efficax genus niliili, aut puncti matlie-
matici, quod aut alia afficeret, aut rursus quod alia
appeterent: corpus enim non nisi a corpore patitur.
Verum iste appetitus ascendendi et descendendi aut
est in schematismo corporis quod movetur, aut in
sympathia sive consensu cum alio corpore. Quod si
inveniatur aliquod corpus densum et solidum, quod
niliilominus non feratur ad terram, confunditur hujus-
NOVUM ORGANUM- 435
modi divisio. At si recipiatur opinio Gilberti, quod
magiietica vis terrae ad alliciendum gravia non ex-
tendatur ultra orbeiil virtutis suas (quae operatur sem-
per ad distantiam certam, et non ultra)/ hocque per
aliquam Instantiam verificetur, ea denium erit Instan-
tia Foederis circa hoc subjectum. Neque tamen oc-
currit imprsesentiarum aliqua instantia super hoc certa
et manifesta. Proxime videntur accedere cataractae
coeli, quae in navigationibus per Oceanum Atlanticum
versus Indias utrasque ssepe conspiciuntur. Tanta enim
videtur esse vis et moles aquarum quae per hujusmodi
cataractas subito efFunditur, ut videatur collectio aqua-
rum fuisse ante fiicta, atque in his locis haesisse et man-
sisse ; et postea potius per causam violentam dejecta et
detrusa esse, quam naturali motu gravitatis cecidisse ;
adeo ut conjici possit, corpoream molem densam atque
eompactam in magna distantia a terra fore pensilem
tanquam terram ipsam, nee casuram nisi dejiciatur.
Verum de hoc nil certi affirmamus. Interim in hoc
et in multis aliis facile apparebit, quam inopes simus
1 In Gilbert's philosophy, the earth's magnetic action is not distinguished
from gravit}'. Thus he says: " Partes vero primariorum globorum integris
alligatjE sunt, inillos naturali desiderio incumbunt Non autem estap'
petitus aut inclinatio ad locum, aut spatium, aut terminum ; sed ad corpus, ad
fontem, ad matrem, ad principium ubi uniuntur, conservantur, et a periculis
vag£E partes revocatae quiescunt omnes. Ita tellus aliicit magnetica omnia,
tum alia omnia in quibus vis magnetica primaria desiit materiiB ratione ; quaa
inclinatio in terrenis gravitas dicitur." — De Mundo, ii. c. 3. Again, that the
magnetic action of the earth or of a magnet is confined to a definite orb ap'
pears from a variety of passages. See De Magnete, ii. c. 7., and the definitions
prefixed to this work. Gilbert distinguished between the " orb of virtue,"
which includes the whole space through which any magnetic action extends,
and the "orb of coition," which is "totum illud spatium per quod mini-
mum magneticum per magnetem movetur." He asserts that the orb of
the magnetic virtue extends to the moon, and ascribes the moon's in-
equalities to the effects it produces {De Mundo, ii. c. 19.). In the preced-
ing chapter he remarks, " Luna magnetice alligatur terrae, quia facies ejus
semper versus terram."
486 NOVUM ORGANUM.
historiae naturalis ; cum loco instantiarum certarum non-
nunquam suppositiones afFerre pro exemplis cogamur.
Similiter sit natura inquisita Discursus Ingenii. Vi-
detur omnino divisio vera, ration is humante et solertiae
brutorum. Attamen sunt nonnullae instantije actionum
quae eduntur a brutis, per quas videntur etiam bruta
quasi syllogizare ; ut memoriae proditum est de corvo,
qui per magnas siccitates fere enectus siti conspexit
aquam in trunco cavo arboris ; atque cum non daretur
ei intrare propter angustias, non cessavit jacere multos
lapillos, per quos surgeret et ascenderet aqua ut bibere
posset ; quod postea cessit in proverbium.
Similiter sit natura inquisita Visibile. Videtur om-
nino esse divisio vera et certa, lucis, qua3 est visibile
originale et primam copiam facit visui, et colons, qui
est visibile secundarium et sine luce non cernitur, ita
ut videatur nil aliud esse quam imago aut modificatio
lucis.^ Attamen ex utraque parte circa hoc videntur
esse InstantiaB Foederis ; scilicet, nix in magna quanti-
tate, et flamma sulphuris ; in quarum altera videtur
esse color primulum lucens, in altera lux vergens ad
colorem.
XXXVI.
Inter Praerogativas Instantiarum, ponemus loco de-
cimo quarto Instantias Cruds ; translato vocabulo a
Crucibus, quae erectaB in biviis indicant et signant via-
rum separationes. Has etiam Instantias Decisorias et
Judiciales, et in casibus nonnullis Instantias Oraculi et
Mandati, appellare consuevimus. Earum ratio talis
1 The doctrine of this passage seems to be taken from Telesius, De Re-
rum Natura, vii. c. 31.: — " Sensus ipse primo illam flucem] et per se visi-
lem colores siquidem visiles, at secundo a luce loco et lucis omnino opera
visiles declarat."
NOVUM ORGANUM. 437
est. Cum in inquisitione naturae alicujus intellectus
ponitur tanquam in aequilibrio, ut incertus sit utri
naturarum e duabus, vel quandoque pluribus, causa
naturae inquisitae attribui aut assignari debeat, propter
complurium naturarum concursum frequentem et or-
dinarium, Instantiag Crucis ostendunt consortium unius
ex naturis (quoad naturam inquisitam) fidum et indis-
solubile, alterius autem varium et separabile ; unde
terminatur quaestio, et recipitur natura ilia prior pro
causa, missa altera et repudiata. Itaque hujusmodi in-
stantiae sunt maximae lucis, et quasi magnae auctori-
tatis ; ita ut curriculum interpretationis quandoque in
illas desinat, et per illas perficiatur. Interdum autem
Instantiae Crucis illas occurrunt et inveniuntur inter
jampridem notatas ; at ut plurimum novae sunt, et de
industria atque ex composito quaesitae et applicatae, et
diligentia sedula et acri tandem erutae.^
Exempli gratia; sit natura inquisita Fluxus et Re-
fluxus Maris, ille bis repetitus in die atque sexhorarius
in accessibus et recessibus singulis, cum differentia non-
nulla quae coincidit in motum lunae. Bivium circa
banc naturam tale est.
Necesse prorsus est ut iste niotus efficiatur, vel ab
aquarum progressu et regressu, in modum aquae in
pelvi agitatae, quae quando latus unum pelvis alluit de-
serit alterum ; vel a sublatione et subsidentia aquarum
e profundo, in modum aquae ebullientis et rursus sub-
sidentis. Utri vero causae fluxus et refluxus ille assig-
nari debeat, oritur dubitatio. Quod si recipiatur prior
assertio, necesse est ut cum sit fluxus in mari ex una
I These are instances of the experiments spoken of in the Distributio
OpeHs, "quae ad intentionem ejus quod qnaeritur perite et secundum ar-
tem excogitata et apposita sunt." (p. 218.) — J. S.
438 NOVUM ORGANUM.
parte fiat sub idem tempus aliciibi in mari rcfluxiis ex
alia. Itaque ad hoc reducitur inquisitio. Atqui obser-
vavit Acosta, cum aliis nonnullis (diligenti facta inqui-
sitione), quod ad litora Florida? et ad litora adversa
HispanicTe et Africae, fiant fluxus maris ad eadem tem-
pera, et refluxus itidem ad eadem tempora; non contra,
qtiod cum fluxus fit ad littora Floridae, fiat refluxus ad
littora Hispaniae et Africa?.^ Attamen adlmc dilioen-
tius attendenti, non per hoc evincitur motus attollens,
et abnegatur motus in progressu. Fieri enim potest,
quod sit motus aquarum in progressu, et nihilominus
inundet adversa littora ejusdem alvei simul ; si aquai
scilicet illai contrudantur et compellantur aliunde,
quemadmodum fit in fliiviis, qui fluunt et refluunt ad
utrumque littus horis iisdem, cum tamen iste motus
liquido sit motus in progressu, nempe aquarum ingre-
dientium ostia fluminum ex mari. Itaque simiH modo
fieri potest, ut aquae venientes magna mole ab Oceano
Orientali Indico compellantur et trudantur in alveum
Maris Atlantici, et i)ro})terea inundent utrumque latus
simul. Quaerendum itaque est, an sit alius alveus per
quem aquas possint iisdem temporibus minui et refluere.
Atque praesto est Mare Australe, Mari Atlantico neu-
tiquam minus, sed potius magis latum et extensum,
quod ad hoc sufficere possit.
Itaque jam tandem perventum est ad Instantiam
Crucis circa hoc subjectum. Ea talis est : si pro certo
inveniatur, quod cum fit fluxus ad littora adversa tam
FloridaB quam Hispaniae in Mari Atlantico, fiat simul
1 Compare the De Fluxu et Rejluxu Maris. I have not been able to find
this statement in Acosta, wlio speaks of the synchronism of the tides on the
opposite sides of South America, as shown by the meeting of the tidal
waves in the Straits of Magellan, (iii. 14.)
KOVUM ORGANUM. 439
fluxus ad littora Peruvise et juxta dorsum Cliinre in
Mari Australi ; turn certe per hanc Instantiam Deciso-
riam abjudicanda est assertio quod fluxus et refluxus
maris, de quo inquiritur, fiat per motum progressivuni :
neque enim relinquitur aliud mare aut locus, ubi possit
ad eadem tempora fieri regressus aut refluxus. Com-
modissime autem lioc sciri possit, si inqulratur ab inco-
lis Panamas et Limae (ubi uterque Oceanus, Atlanticus
et Australis, per parvum Isthmum separantur), utrum
ad contrarlas Isthmi partes fiat simul fluxus et refluxus
maris, an e contra. Verum Hjbc docisio sive abjudi-
catio certa videtur, posito quod terra stet immobilis.
Quod si terra rotet, fieri fortasse potest ut ex insequali
rotatione (quatenus ad celeritatem sive incitationem)
terrae et aquarum maris, sequatur compulsio violenta
aquarum in cumulum sursum, quae sit fluxus ; et relax-
atio earundem (postquam amplius cumulari non susti-
nuerint) in deorsum, quae sit refluxus. Verum de hoc
facienda est inquisitio separatim. Attamen etiam hoc
supposito illud aeque manet fixum, quod necesse sit fieri
alicubi refluxum maris ad eadem tempora quibus fiunt
fluxus in aliis partibus.
Similiter, sit natura inquisita posterior ille motus ex
duobus quos supposuimus, videlicet motus maris se at-
tollens et rursus subsidens ; si forte ita accident ut
(diligenti facto examine) rejiciatur motus alter, de quo
diximus, progressivus. Turn vero erit trivium circa
hanc naturam tale. Necesse est ut motus iste, per
quem aquae in fluxibus et refluxibus se attollunt et rur-
sus relabuntur, absque aliqua accessione aquarum alia-
rum quae advolvuntur, fiat per unum ex his tribus
modis ; vel quod ista aquarum copia emanet ex interi-
oribus terrae et rursus in ilia se recipiat ; vel quod non
440 NOVUM ORGANUM.
sit aliqua amplior moles aquanim, sed quod eajdem
aquoB (non aucto quanto suo) extendaiitur sive rare-
fiant, ita ut majorem locum et dimensioiiem occupent,
et rursus se contrahant ; vel quod nee copia accedat
major nee extensio amplior, sed eaedem aqua? (prout
sunt tarn copia quarn densitate aut raritate) per vim
aliquam magneticam desuper eas attrahentem et evo-
cantem, et per consensum, se attollant et deinde se
remittant. Itaque reducatur (si placet) jam inquisitio
(missis duobus illis motibus prioribus) ad liunc ulti-
mum ; et inquiratur si fiat aliqua talis sublatio per con-
sensum sive vim magneticam. Atqui primo manifestum
jest universas aquas, prout ponuntur in fossa sive cavo
maris, non posse simul attoUi, quia defuerit quod suc-
cedat in fundo ; adeo ut si foret in aquis aliquis hujus-
modi appetitus se attollendi, ille ipse tamen a nexu
rerum, sive (ut vulgo loquuntur) ne detur vacuum,
fractus foret et cohibitus. Relinquitur, ut attollantur
aquae ex aliqua parte, et per hoc minuantur et cedant
ex alia. Enimvero rursus necessario sequetur ut vis
ilia magnetica, cum super totum operari non possit,
circa medium operetur intensissime ; ita ut aquas in
medio attollat, illae vero sublata) latera per successio-
nem deserant et destituant.
Itaque jam tandem perventum est ad Instantiam Cru-
cis circa hoc subjectum. Ea talis est : si inveniatur
quod in refluxibus maris aquarum superficies in mari
sit arcuata magis et rotunda, attollentibus se scilicet
aquis in medio maris et deficientibus circa latera, quae
sunt litora ; et in fluxibus eadem superficies sit magis
plana et sequa, redeuntibus scilicet aquis ad priorem
suam positionem ; tum certe per banc Instantiam Deci-
soriam potest recipi sublatio per vim magneticam, aliter
NOVUM ORGANUM. 441
prorsus abjudicanda est. Hoc vero in fretis per lineas
nauticas non difficile est experiri ; ^ videlicet utrum in
refluxibus versus medium maris, mare non sit magis
altum sive profundum quam in fluxibus. Notandum
autem est, si hoc ita sit, fieri (contra ac creditur) ut
attollant se aquae in refluxibus, demittant se tantum in
fluxibus, ita ut littora vestiant et inundent.
Similiter, sit natura inquisita Motus Rotationis sponta-
neus ; et speciatim, utrum Motus Diurnus, per quem sol
et stellae ad conspectum nostrum oriuntur et occidunt, sit
motus rotationis verus in coelestibus, aut motus appa-
rens in coelestibus, verus in terra. Poterit esse In-
stantia Crucis super hoc subjectem talis. Si inveniatur
motus aliquis in oceano ab oriente in occidentem, licet
admodum languidus et enervatus ; si idem motus re-
periatur paulo incitatior in acre, praesertim intra tropi-
cos, ubi propter majores circulos est magis perceptibilis ;
si idem motus reperiatur in humilioribus cometis, jam
factus vivus et validus ; si idem motus reperiatur in
planetis, ita tamen dispensatus et graduatus ut quo pro-
pius absit a terra sit tardior, quo longius celerior, atque
in coelo demum stellato sit velocissimus ; tum certe
recipi debet motus diurnus pro vero in coelis, et abne-
gandus est motus terrae ; quia manifestum erit, motum
ab oriente in occidentem esse plane cosmic um et ex
(consensu universi, qui in summitatibus cceli maxime
rapidus gradatim labascat, et tandem desinat et exstin-
guatur in immobili, videlicet terra.^
1 It is scarcely necessary to remark that wherever soundings are possible,
tidal phenomena are derivative, and give no direct information as to the
form the ocean would assume if the hypothesis of the equilibrium theory
represented the reality.
2 Nothing shows better than an instance of this kind, the impossibility
of reducing philosophical reasoning to a uniform method of exclusion.
442 NOVUM ORGANUM.
Similiter, sit natura inquisita Motiis Rotationis ille
alter apud astronomos decantatus, renitens et coiitra-
rius Motui Diiirno, videlicet ab occidente in orientem ;
quern vetei*es astronomi attribuunt planetis, etiani coelo
stellato ; at Copernicus et ejus sectatores terras quoque ;
et quteratur utrum inveniatur in rerum natura aliquis
talis motus, an potius res conficta sit et supposita, ad
compendia et commoditates calculationum, et ad pul-
chrum illud, scilicet de expediendis motibus coelestibus
per circulos perfectos. Neutiquam enim evincitur iste
motus esse in supernis verus et realis, nee per defectum
restitutionis planetae in motu diurno ad idem punctum
coeli stellati, nee per diversam politateni zodiaci, liabito
respectu ad polos mundi ; quae duo nobis hunc motum
pepererunt. Primum enim phaenomenon per antever-
sionem et derelictionem optime salvatur ; secundum
per lineas spiral es ; adeo ut inaiqualitas restitutionis et
declinatio ad tropicos possint esse potius modificationes
motus unici illius diurni, quam motus renitentes aut
circa diversos polos. Et certissimum est, si paulisper
pro plebeiis nos geramus (missis astronomorum et scho-
Ise commentis, quibus illud in more est ut sensui in
multis immerito vim faciant, et obscuriora malint), ta-
lem esse motum istum ad sensum, qualem diximus ;
cujus imaginem per fila ferrea (veluti in macliina) ali-
quando repraBsentari fecimus.^
How could the analogical argument in the text be stated in accordance
with what Bacon seems to recognise as the only true form of induction, —
that, namely, which proceeds hy exclusion ? The argument depends on a
wholly non-logical element, the conviction of the unity and harmony of
nature.
1 This passage does the author little credit. He does not seem to have
perceived that the resolution of the apparent motion into otiier simpler mo-
tions was an essentially necessary step before the phenomena could be
grouped together in any general law. The transition from the apparent
NOVUM ORGANUM. 443
Verum Instantia Crucis super hoc subjectum potent
esse talis. Si inveniatiir in aliqua historia fide digna,
fuisse cometam aliquem vel sublimiorem vel humiliorem
qui non rotaverit cum consensu manifesto (licet admo-
dum irregulariter) Motus Diurni, sed potius rotaverit
in contrarium coeli, turn certe hucusque judicandum est
posse esse in natura aliquem talem motum. Sin nihil
hujusmodi.inveniatur, habendus est pro suspecto, et ad
alias Instantias Crucis circa hoc confugiendum.
Similiter, sit natura inquisita, Pondus sive Grave.
Bivium circa banc naturam tale est. Necesse est ut
gravia et ponderosa vel tendant ex natura sua ad cen-
trum terrse, per proprium schematism um ; vel ut a mas-
sa corporea ipsius terra?, tanquam a congregatione cor-
porum connaturalium, attrahantur et rapiantur, et ad
earn per consensum ferantur. At posterius hoc si in
causa sit, sequitur ut quo propius gravia appropinquant
ad terram, eo fortius et majore cum impetu ferantur ad
earn ; quo longius ab ea absint, debilius et tardius (ut
fit in attractionibus magneticis) ; idque fieri intra spati-
um certum ; adeo ut si elongata fuerint a terra tali di-
stantia ut virtus terrse in ea agere non possit, pensilia
mansura sint, ut et ipsa terra, nee omnino decasura.
Itaque talis circa banc rem poterit esse Instantia
Crucis. Sumatur horologium ex iis quae moventur per
pondera plumbea, et aliud ex iis quae moventur per com-
pressionem laminae ferrejie ; atque vere probentur, ne
alterum altero velocius sit aut tardius ; deinde ponatur
motion to the real motions could never have been made unless the former had
been resolved in the maimer which Bacon here condemns. From the con-
cluding remark no astronomer would have dissented, "talem esse motum ad
sensum, qualem diximus." About this there can be no question; but the
whole passage shows how little Bacon understood the scope and the value
of the astronomy of his own time.
444 NOVUM ORGANUM.
horologiiim illud movens per pondera super fastigium
alicujus templi altissimi, altero illo infra detento ; et
notetur diligenter si horologium in alto situm tardius
moveatur quatn solebat, propter dimimitam virtutem
ponderiim. Idem fiat experimentum in profundis mi-
nerarum alte sub terra depressarum, utrum horologium
hujusmodi non moveatur velocius quam solebat, prop-
ter auctam virtutem ponderum. Quod si inveniatur
virtus ponderum minui in sublimi, aggravari in subter-
raneis, recipiatur pro causa ponderis attractio a massa
corporea terrae.^
Similiter, sit natura inquisita Verticitas Acus Ferreas,
tactae magnete. Circa banc naturam tale erit bivium.
Necesse est ut tactus magnetis vel ex se indat ferro ver-
ticitatem ad septentriones et austrum ; vel ut excitet
ferrum tantummodo et habilitet, motus autem ipse in-
datur ex prsesentia terra? ; ut Gilbertus opinatur, et tanto
conatu probare nititur. Itaque hue spectant ea quae
ille perspicaci industria conquisivit. Nimirum quod
clavus ferreus, qui diu duravit in situ versus septentri-
1 Nothing can be more ingenious than the instantia crucis here proposed.
A series of observations were made by Dr. Whewell and Mr. Airy to de-
termine the effect on the time of vibration of a pendulum, produced by car-
rying it to the bottom of a mine ; but, probably from the effect of local
attractions, the results were scarcely as satisfactory as might have been
expected. In the autumn of 1854, Mr. Airy instituted similar experiments
in the ITarton Colliery. They appear likely to afford more satisfactory re-
sults than the older series made at Dolcoath.
Voltaire cites the passage in the text in support of his remark that " le
plus grand service, peut-etre, que F. Bacon ait rendu a la philosophic a 4t6
de deviner I'attraction." But in reality the notion of attraction in one
form or other (e. g. the attraction of the sea by the moon) sprang up in the
infancy of physical speculation; and it cannot be affirmed that Bacon's
ideas on the subject were as clear as those of his predecessor William
Gilbert. (See note on De Aug. ii. 1.3.) By an error similar to Voltaire's,
some of Dante's commentators have claimed for him the credit of being the
first to indicate the true cause of the tides. The passage on which this
claim is founded is in the Paradiso, xvi. 82.
NOVUM ORGANUM. 445
ones et austrum, colligat mora diutina verticitatem, ab-
sque tactu magnetis ; ac si terra ipsa, quae ob distan-
tiam debiliter operatur (namque superficies aut extima
incrustatio terrse virtutis magneticae, ut ille vult, expers
est), per moram tamen longam magnetis tactum supple-
ret, et ferrum exciret, deinde excitum conformaret et
verteret. Rursus, quod ferrum ignitum et candens, si in
exstinctione sua exporrigatur inter septentriones et au-
strum, colligat quoque verticitatem absque tactu mag-
netis ; ac si partes ferri in motu positae per ignitionem,
et postea se recipientes, in ipso articulo extinctionis suas
magis essent susceptivae et quasi sensitivae virtutis ma-
nantis a terra quam alias, et inde fierent tanquam ex-
citae. Verum haec, licet bene observata, tamen non
evincunt prorsus quod ille asserit.^
Instantia Crucis autem circa hoc subjectum poterit
esse talis. Capiatur terrella ^ ex magneto, et notentur
poll ejus ; et ponantur poll terrellae versus orientem et
occasum, non versus septentriones et austrum, atque ita
jaceant ; deinde superponatur acus ferrea intacta, et
permittatur ita manere ad dies sex aut septem. Acus
vero (nam de hoc non dubitatur) dum manet super
magnetem, relictis polis mundi, se vertet ad polos mag-
netis ; itaque quamdiu ita manet, vertitur scilicet ad
orientem et occidentem mundi. Quod si inveniatur
acus ilia, remota a magneto et posita super versorium,
statim se applicare ad septentriones et austrum, vel
1 See, for these two remarks, the twelfth chapter of the third book of
Gilbert's treatise De Magnete. It is illustrated by a curious woodcut, rep-
resenting the smith forging a bar of iron, and holding it, as he does so, in
the plane of the meridian.
2 Terrella is a word used by Gilbert to denote a spherical magnet. One
of the fundamental ideas of his philosophy was that the earth was a great
magnet ; and a magnet of the same form was therefore called a little earth,
or terrella. See, for instance, his treatise De Magnete^ ii. cc. 7 & 8.
446 NOVUM ORGANUM.
etiam paulatim se eo recipere, turn recipienda est pro
causa, praisentia terrae ; sin aut vertatur (ut prius) in
orientem et occidentem, aut perdat verticitatem, ha-
benda est ilia causa pro suspecta, et ulterius inquiren-
dum est.
Similiter, sit natura inquisita Corporea Substantia
Luna3 ; an sit tenuis, flammea, sive aerea, ut })lurimi
ex priscis philosophis opinati sunt ; an solida et densa,
ut Gilbertus et multi moderni, cum nonnullis ex anti-
quis, tenent.^ Rationes posterioris istius opinionis fim-
dantur in hoc maxime, quod luna radios solis reflectat ;
neque videtur fieri reflexio lucis nisi a solidis.
Itaque InstantiaB Crucis circa hoc subjectum eae esse
poterint (si modo aliquae sint) qua3 demonstrent reflex-
ionem a corpore tenui, qualis est flamma, modo sit cras-
sitiei sufficientis. Certe causa crepusculi, inter alias, est
reflexio radiorum solis a superiore parte aeris. Etiam
quandoque reflecti videmus radios solis temporibus ves-
pertinis serenis a fimbriis nubium roscidarum, non mi-
nori splendore, sed potius illustriori et magis glorioso,
quam qui redditur a corpore lunaj ; ^ neque tamen con-
stat eas nubes coaluisse in corpus densum aquae. Etiam
videmus aerem tenebrosum,pone fenestras noctu reflec-
tere lucem candelae, non minus quam corpus densum.
Tentandum etiam foret experimentum immissionis radi-
orum solis per foramen super flammam aliquam subfu-
scam et csBruleam. Sane radii aperti solis, incidentes in
flammas obscuriores, videntur eas quasi mortificare, ut
conspiciantur magis instar fiimi albi quam flammaj.
Atque haBC impraisentiarum occurrunt, quae sint ex na-
1 See Gilbert's De Mundo, &c., it. c. 13 et sqq.
2 The comparison of the brightness of the moon in the da^'time with that
of a cloud was ingeniously applied by Bouguer to deterniine the ratio of the
moon's light to the sun's.
NOVUM ORGANUM. 447
tura Instantiarum Crucis circa lianc rem ; et meliora
fortasse reperiri possunt. Sed notandum semper est,
reflexionem a flamma non esse expectandam, nisi a
flamma alicujus profunditatis ; nam aliter vergit ad
diaphanum. Hoc autem pro certo ponendum, lucem
semper in corpore sequali aut excipi et transmitti aut
resilire.
Similiter, sit natura inquisita Motus Missilium, ve-
luti spiculormn, sagittarum, globulorum, per aerem.
Hunc motum Scliola (more suo) valde negligenter
expedit ; satis habens, si eum nomine motus violenti
a naturali (quem vocant) distinguat ; et quod ad
primam percussionem sive impulsionem attinet, per
illud, (^quod duo corpora non possint esse in uno loco,
ne fiat penetratio dimensionum,') sibi satisfaciat ; et de
processu continuato istius motus nihil curet. At
circa banc naturam bivium est tale : aut iste motus
fit ab aere veliente et pone corpus emissum se coUi-
gente, instar fluvii erga scapham aut venti erga pa-
leas ; aut a partibus ipsius corporis non sustinentibus
impressionem, sed ad eandem laxandam per succes-
sionem se promoventibus. Atque priorem ilium re-
cipit Fracastorius, et fere .omnes qui de hoc motu
paulo subtilius inquisiverunt ; ^ neque dubium est,
1 See Fracastorius, De Sympathia et Aiitipathid, c. 4.
The notion that the air concurred in producing the continued motion of
projectiles is found in the Tiinceus, p. 80. Plato has been speaking of res-
piration, of which his theory is, that the expiration of air through the nos-
trils and mouth pushes the contiguous external air from its place, which
disturbs that near it, and so on until a circle is formed, whereby, by anti-
peristasis, air is forced in through the flesh to fill up the cavity of the chest
— a circulation of air through the body, in short. On the same principle
he would have explained a variety of other phenomena — the action of
cupping instruments, swallowing, the motion of projectiles, &c. &c. All
these, however, after suggesting the explanation, he leaves unexplained.
But Plutarch, Qticest. Platon. x. (p. 177. of Reiske's Plutarch) developes a
448 NOVUM ORGAN UM.
quill sint aeris partes in hac re nonnulla3 ; sed alter
motus proculdubio verus est, ut ex infinitis constat
experimentis. Sed inter caiteras, poterit esse circa
hoc subjectum Instantia Crucis talis ; quod lamina,
aut filum ferri paulo contuniacius, vel etiani calamus
sive penna in medio divisa, adducta et curvata inter
pollicem et digitum, exiliant. Manifestum enim est,
• hoc non posse imputari aeri se pone corpus colligenti,
quia fons motus est in medio laminae vel calami, non
in extremis.
Similiter sit natura inquisita motus ille rapidus et
potens Expansionis Pulveris Pjrii in flanimam ; unde
tantai moles subvertuntur, tanta pondera emittuntur,
quanta in cuniculis majoribus et bombardis videmus.
Bivium circa banc naturam tale est. Aut excitatur
iste motus a niero corporis appetitu se dilatandi, post-
quam fuerit inflammatum ; aut ab appetitu mixto spiri-
tus crudi, qui rapide fugit ignem, et ex eo circumfuso,
tanquam ex carcere, violenter erumpit. Schola autem
et vulgaris opinio tantum versatur circa priorem ilium
appetitum. Putant enim homines se pulchre philoso-
phari, si asserant flammam ex forma elementi necessi-
tate quadam donari locum ampliorem occupandi quam
idem corpus expleverat cum subiret formam pulveris,
atque inde sequi motum istum. Interim minime ad-
vertunt, licet hoc verum sit, posito quod flamma gene-
retur, tamen posse impcdiri flammae generationem a
tanta mole quae illam comprimere et sufFocare queat ;
similar explanation in each case. I transcribe what he says of projectiles:
— Tu 6i f)cirTov(ieva fiapij rdv uepa axiC^i- ^cra irXjjy^g iKireaovTa, koI
ddarqaiv. 6 de 7repi/i/iewv otriacj, tu <j>vaiv Ix^lv uel rfiv ipjjfxovfiivijv
X(^pav SiuKecv koI avan'K'npovv, avveneTai tu u<j>UfiEV(f>, ttjv kivijolv avvt-
mTaxvviov. But this explanation is not Plato's, but Plutarch's; though it
is probably what Plato would himself have said.
NOVUM ORGANUM. 449
ut non deducatur res ad istam necessitatem de qua
loquuiitur. Nam quod necesse sit fieri expansionem,
atque inde sequi emissionem aut remotionem corporis
quod obstat, si generetur flamma, recte putant. Sed
ista necessitas plane evitatur, si moles ilia solida flam-
mam supprimat antequam generetur. Atque videmus
flammam, prsesertim in prima generatione, mollem
esse et lenem, et requirere cavum in quo experiri et
ludere possit. Itaque tanta violentia huic rei per se
assignari non potest. Sed illud verum ; generationem
Imjusmodi flammarum flatulentarum, et veluti ven-
torum igneorum, fieri ex conflictu duorum corjDorum,
eorumque naturae inter se plane contrarise ; alterius
admodum inflammabilis, quae natura viget in sul-
phure ; alterius flammam exhorrentis, qualis est spi-
ritus crudus qui est in nitro ; adeo ut fiat conflictus
mirabilis, inflammante se sulphure quantum potest
(nam tertium corpus, nimirum carbo salicis, nil aliud
fere praestat quam ut ilia duo corpora incorporet et
commode uniat), et erumpente spiritu nitri quantum
potest, et una se dilatante (nam hoc faciunt et aer, et
omnia cruda, et aqua, ut a calore dilatentur), et per
istam fugam et eruptionem interim flammam sulphuris,
tanquam follibus occultis, undequaque exufflante.
Poterant^ autem esse Instantias Crucis circa hoc sub-
jectum duorum generum. Alteram eorum corporum
quae maxime sunt inflammabilia, qualia sunt sulphur,
caphura, naphtha, et Imjusmodi, cum eorum misturis ;
quae citius et facilius concipiunt flammam quam pulvis
pyrius, si non impediantur ; ex quo liquet appetitum
inflammandi per se eflectum ilium stupendum non ope-
rari. Alterum eorum quae flammam fugiunt et exhor-
1 So in the original.
VOL. I. 29
450 NOVUM ORGAN UM.
rent, qualia sunt sales omnes. Videmus enim, si jaci-
antiir in ignem, spiritum aqueum erumpere cum fragore
antequam flamma concipiatur ; quod etiam leniter fit in
foliis paulo contumacioribus, parte aquea erumpente an-
tequam oleosa concipiat flam mam. Sed maxime cerni-
tur hoc in argento vivo, quod non male dicitur aqua
mineralis.^ Hoc enim, absque inflammatione, per enip-
jtionem et expansionem simplicem vires pulveris pyrii
fere adaequat ; quod etiam admixtum pulveri pyrio ejus
vires multiplicare dicitur.
Similiter sit natura inquisita, Transitoria Natura
Flammaj, et extinctio ejus momentanea. Non enim
videtur natura flammea hie apud nos figi et consistere,
sed singulis quasi momentis generari, et statim extin-
gui. Manifestum enim est, in flammis quae hie conti-
nuantur et durant, istam durationem non esse ejusdem
flammiE in individuo, sed fieri per successionem novsB
flammae seriatim generatce, minime autem manere ean-
dem flammam numero ; id quod facile pei-spicitur ex
hoc, quod, substracto alimento sive fomite flammae,
flamma statim pereat. Bivium autem circa banc na-
turam tale est. Momentanea ista natura aut fit re-
mittente se causa quae cam primo genuit, ut in lumine,
sonis, et motibus (quos vocant) violentis ; aut quod
flamma in natura sua possit hie apud nos manere,
sed a contrariis naturis circumfusis vim patiatur et
destruatur.
Itaque poterit esse circa hoc subjectum Instantia
Crucis talis. Videmus flammas in incendiis majoribus,
quam alte in sursum ascendant. Quanto enim basis
flammae est latior, tanto vertex sublimior. Itaque vide-
1 It is well known that the expansive force of the vapour of mercury at
high temperatures is enormous.
NOVUM ORGANUM. 451
tur principium extinctionis fieri circa latera, ubi ab aere
flamma comprimitur et male babetur. At meditullia
flammae, quge aer non contingit sed alia flamma undi-
que circumdat, eadem numero manent, neque extin-
guuntur donee paulatim angustientur ab aere per latera
circumfuso. Itaque omiiis flamma pyramidalis est basi
circa fomitem largior, vertice autem (inimicante aere,
nee suppeditante fomite) acutior. At fumus, angustior
circa basin, ascendendo dilatatur, et fit tanquam pyramis
in versa ; quia scilicet aer fumum recipit, flammam (ne-
que enim quispiam somniet aerera esse flammam accen-
sam, cum sint corpora plane heterogenea) comprimit.
Accuratior autem poterit esse Instantia Crucis ad
banc rem accommodata, si res forte manifestari possit
per flam mas bicolores. Capiatur igitur situla parva ex
metallo, et in ea figatur parva candela cerea accensa;
ponatur situla in patera, et circumfundatur spiritus vini
in modica quantitate, quae ad labra situlae non attingat;
tum accendc spiritum vini. At spiritus ille vini exhi-
bebit flammam magis scilicet caeruleam, lyclinus can-
dela3 autem magis flavam. Notetur itaque utrum
flamma lycbni (quam facile est per colorem a flamma
sjiiritus vini distinguere, neque enim flammae, ut li-
quores, statim commiscentur) maneat pyramidalis, an
potius magis tendat ad formam globosam, cum nihil
inveniatur quod eam destruat aut comprimat.^ At
hoc posterius si fiat, manere flammam eandem numero,
quamdiu intra aliam flammam concludatur nee vim
inimicam aeris experiatur, pro certo ponendum est.
Atque de Instantiis Crucis hgec dicta sint. Lon-
giores autem in iis tractandis ad hunc finem fuimus,
1 This experiment is mentioned as actually tried in Syl. Sylvarum, 31.
[See note on the passage. — J. S.'\
452 NOVUM ORGANUM.
ut homines paulatim discant et assuefiant de iiatura
judicare per Instantias Crucis et experimenta lucifera,
et non per rationes probabiles.
XXXVII.
Inter Prserogativas Instantiarum, ponemus loco de-
cimo quinto Instantias Divortii ; qua3 indicant separa-
tiones naturarum earum qua^ ut plurimum occurrunt.
Diff'erunt autem ab Instantiis quae subjunguntur In-
stantiis Comitatus ; quia illae indicant separationes
naturas alicujus ab aliquo concreto cum quo ilia famili-
ariter consuescit, hae vero separationes natune alicujus
ab altera natura. DifFerunt etiam ab Instantiis Crucis ;
quia nihil determinant, sed monent tantum de separa-
bilitate unius naturae ab altera. Usus autem earum
est ad prodendas falsas Formas, et dissipandas leves
contemplationes ex rebus obviis orientes ; adeo ut ve-
luti plumbum et pondera intellectui addant.
Exempli gratia : sint naturae inquisitae quatuor na-
turae illae, quas Contuhemales vult esse Telesius,^ et
tanquam ex eadem camera ; viz. Calidum, Lucidum,
Tenue, Mobile sive promptum ad motum. At pluriraae
inveniuntur Instantiae Divortii inter ipsas. Aer enim
tenuis est et habilis ad motum, non calidus aut lucidus ;
1 The fundamental idea of Telesius's philosophy is, that heat and cold
are the great constituent principles of the universe, and that the antithesis
between them corresponds to that which he recognises between the sun and
the earth: — " Omnino calidus, tenuis, candidus, mobilisque est Sol; Terra
contra frigida, crassa, immobilis, tenebricosaque .... unum Sol in terram
emittens calorem ejus naturam facultatesque et conditiones ex ea deturbat
omnes, suasque ei indit; et eodem ferme niodo quo Sol terram, etiam calor
quivis, vel qui e commotis contritisque enascitur rebus, quae corripit exu-
peratque immutare videtur; frigus scilicet ex iia, ej usque facultates condi-
tionesque omnes, crassitiem, obscuritatem, iramobilitatem, deturbare, et se
ipsum iis, propriasque facultates conditionesque omnes, tenuitatem, albe-
dinem et mobilitatem, indere videtur." — De Rerum Naturd, i. c. 1.
NOVUM ORGANUM. 453
luna luclda, absque calore ; aqua fervens calida, absque
lumine ; motus acus ferreae super versorium pernix et
agilis, et tamen in corpora frigido, denso, opaco ; et
complura id genus.
Similiter sint naturae inquisitae Natura Corporea et
Actio Naturalis. Videtur enim non inveniri actio
naturalis, nisi subsistens in aliquo corpore. Attamen
possit fortasse esse circa banc rem Instantia nonnulla
Divortii. Ea est actio magnetica, per quam ferrum
fertur ad magnetem, gravia ad globum terrse. Addi
etiam possint alise nonnullse operationes ad distans.
Actio siquidem hujusmodi et in tempore fit, per mo-
menta non in puncto temporis, et in loco, per gradus et
spatia. Est itaque aliquod momentum temporis, et ali-
quod intervallum loci, in quibus ista virtus sive actio
hasret in medio inter duo ilia corpora quse motum cient.
Reducitur itaque contemplatio ad hoc ; utrum ilia cor-
pora quae sunt termini motus disponant vel alterent
corpora media, ut per successionem et tactum verum
labatur virtus a termino ad terminum, et interim sub-
sistat in corpore medio ; an horum nihil sit, prseter cor-
pora et virtutem et spatia ? Atque in radiis opticis et
sonis et calore et aliis nonnullis operantibus ad distans,
probabile est media corpora disponi et alterari ; eo ma-
gis, quod requiratur medium qualificatum ad deferen-
dam operationem talem. At magnetica ilia sive coitiva
virtus admittit media tanquam adiaphora, nee impeditur
virtus in omnigeno medio. Quod si nil rei habeat vir-
tus ilia aut actio cum corpore medio, sequitur quod
sit virtus aut actio naturalis ad tempus nonnullum et
in loco nonnullo subsistens sine corpore ; cum neque
subsistat in corporibus terminantibus, nee in mediis.
Quare actio magnetica poterit esse Instantia Divortii
454 NOVUM ORGANUM.
circa naturam corpoream et actionem naturalem. Cui
hoc adjici potest tanquam corollarium aut lucrum non
praetermittendum ; viz. quod etiam secundum sensum
philosophanti sumi possit probatio^ quod sint entia et
substantias separata3 et incorporeae. Si enim virtus et
actio naturalis, emanans a corpore, subsistere possit ali-
quo tempore et aliquo loco omnino sine corpore ; prope
-est ut possit etiam emanare in origine sua a substantia
incorporea. Videtur enim non minus requiri natura
corporea ad actionem naturalem sustentandam et deve-
hendam, quam ad excitandam aut generandam.
XXXVIII.
Sequuntur quinque ordines instantiainim, quas uno
vocabulo genemli Instantias Lampadis sive Infonna-
tionis PrimoB appellare consuevimus. Eae sunt quae
auxiliantur sensui. Cum enim omnis Interpretatio
Naturae incipiat a sensu, atqne a sensuum perceptioni-
bus recta, constanti, et munita via ducat ad percep-
tiones intellectus, quae sunt notiones verae et axiomata,
necesse est ut quanto magis copiosae et exactae fuerint
repraBsentationes sive praebitiones ipsius sensus, tanto
omnia cedant facilius et fa»licius.
Harum autem quinque Instantiarum Lampadis, pri-
mae roborant, ampliant, et rectificant actiones sensus
immediatas : secundae deducunt non-sensibile ad sensi-
bile ; ^ tertiae indicant processus continuatos sive series
earum rerum et motuum qua} (ut plurimum) non no-
tantur nisi in exitu aut period is ; quarta; aliquid sub-
stituunt sensui in meris destitutionibus; quintae excitant
1 i. e. a proof furnished by merely human philosophy,
2 t. e. make manifest things which are not directly perceptible, by means
of others which are.
NOVUM ORGANUM. 455
attentionem sensus et advertentiam, atque una limitant
subtilitatem rernm. De his autem singulis jam dicen-
dum est.
XXXIX.
Inter Pi'aerogativas Instantiarum, ponemus loco deci-
tno sexto Instaritias Januce sive Portce: eo enim nomine
eas appellamus quae juvant actiones sensus immediatas.
Inter sensus autem manifestum est partes primas tenere
Visum, quoad informationem ; quare huic sensui prae-
cipue auxilia conquirenda. Auxilia autem triplicia esse
posse videntur ; vel ut percipiat non visa ; vel ut ma-
jore intervallo ; vel ut exactius et distinctius.
Primi generis sunt (missis bis-oculis et liujusmodi,
qus3 valent tantum ad corrigendam et levandam in-
firmitatem visus non bene dispositi, atque ideo nihil
amplius informant) ea quae nuper inventa sunt perspi-
cilla ; quae latentes et invisibiles corporum minutias, et
occultos schematismos et motus (aucta insigniter speci-
erum magnitudine) demonstrant ; quorum vi, in pulice,
musca, vermiculis, accurata corporis figura et linea-
menta, necnon colores et motus prius non conspicui,
non sine admiratione cernuntur. Quinetiam aiunt^
lineam rectam calamo vel penecillo descriptam, per hu-
jusmodi perspicilla inaequalem admodum et tortuosam
cerni ; quia scilicet nee motus manus, licet per regu-
1am adjutae, nee impressio atramenti aut coloris revera
aequalia existant ; licet illae inaequalitates tarn minutae
sint ut sine adjumento hujusmodi perspicillorum con-
spici nequeant. Etiam superstitiosam quandam ob-
servationem in hac re (ut fit in rebus no vis et miris)
1 Compare Aph. xiii. § 28. " Specula comburentia, in quibus {ut memini)
hoc fit," &c. It would appear from the passage in the text that Bacon had
not even seen one of the newly invented microscopes. — J. S.
456 NOVUM ORGANUM.
addidernnt liomines : viz. quod hujusmodi perspicilla
opera natura? illustrent, artis dehonestent. Illud vero
nihil aliud est quam quod texturae naturales multo sub-
tiliores sint quam artificiosae.^ Perspicillum enim illud
ad minuta tantum valet : quale perspicillum si vidisset
Democritus, exiluisset forte, et modum videndi atomum
(quern ille invisibilem omnino affirmavit) inventum
fuisse putasset.2 Verum incompetentia hujusmodi per-
spicillorum, pneterquam ad minutias tantum (neque ad
ipsas quoque, si fuerint in corpore majusculo), usum rei
destruit. Si enim inventum extendi posset ad corpora
majora, aut corporum majorum minutias, adeo ut tex-
tura panni lintei conspici posset tanquam rete, atque
hoc modo minutiae latentes et inaequalitates gemmarum,
liquorum, urinarum, sanguinis, vulnerum, et multarum
aliarum rerum, cerni possent, magnaa proculdubio ex
eo invento commoditates capi possent.
Secundi generis sunt ilia altera perspicilla quse me-
morabili conatu adinvenit Galiheus ; quorum ope, tan-
quam per scaphas aut naviculas, aperiri et exerceri pos-
sint propiora cum coelestibus commercia. Hinc enim
constat, galaxiam esse nodum sive coacervationem stel-
larum parvamm, plane numeratarum et distinctarum ;
de qua re apud antiquos tantum suspicio fuit. Hinc
demonstrari videtih", quod spatia orbium (quos vocant)
1 Leibnitz goes as far as to say, " La mati^re arrangde par une sagesse
divine doit etre essentiellement organis^e partout; . . . il y a machine
dans ies parties de la machine naturelle a rinfini." — Sur le Principe de
Vie. p. 431. of Erdmann's edition.
2 Democritus maintained that the atom Avas wholly incognisable by the
senses. Thus Sextus Empiricus mentions him along with Plato as having
held the doctrine fiovn tu vo7jtu (iX-qfir] tlvai ; the reason in the case of
Democritus being that his atoms, which alone he recognised as realities,
possessed nuarjc tiia^TjTf/^ noionjrog ipijfwv 6vaiv. — Sext. Em. Adveri.
Loyicos, ii. § 6.
NOVUM ORGANUM. 457
planetarum non sint plane vacua aliis stellis, seel quod
coelum incipiat stellescere antequam ad coelum ipsum
stellatum ventum sit ; licet stellis minoribus quam ut
sine perspicillis istis conspici possint. Hinc choreas
illas stellarum parvarum circa planetam Jovis (unde
conjici possit esse in motibus stellarum plura centra)
intueri licet. Hinc inaequalitates luminosi et opaci in
luna distinctius cernuntur et locantur ; adeo ut fieri
possit qusedam seleno-graphia. Hinc maculae in sole,
et id genus : omnia certe inventa nobilia, quatenus
fides hujusmodi demonstrationibus tuto adhiberi possit.^
Quas nobis ob hoc maxime suspectao sunt, quod in istis
paucis sistatur experimentum, neque alia complura in-
vestigatu aequo digna eadem ratione inventa sint.^
1 Galileo often mentions the attempt which many of the Peripaticians
made to set aside all arguments founded on his discoveries with the tele-
scope, by saying that they were mere optical delusions. J. C. La Gnlla, in
his dissertation De Phcenominis in Orbe Ltmce, has a section entitled " De
Telescopii Veritate," in which, though an Aristotelian, he has nevertheless
admitted that this objection is untenable.
2 Compare this with the passage in the Descriptio Gldbi Intellechialis (c.
v.;i where Bacon speaks of Galileo's invention and discoveries (the first-
fruits of Avhich had just been announced) in a strain of more sanguine ex-
pectation : — " Atque hoc inceptum et fine et aggressu nobile quoddam et
humano genere dignum esse existimamus: eo magis quod hujusmodi hom-
ines et ausu laudandi sint et fide; quod ingenue et perspicue proposuerunt,
quomodo singula illis constiterint Superest tantum constantia, cum mag-
na judicii severitate, ut et instrumenta mutent, et testium numerum auge-
ant, et singula et ssepe experiantur, et varie ; denique ut et sibi ipsi objiciant
et aliis patefaciant quid in contrarium objici possit, et tenuissimum quemque
scrupulum non spernant; ne forte illis eveniat, quod Democriti et aniculae
suiB evenit circa ficus raellitas, ut vetula esset philosopho prudentior, et
magnse et admirabilis speculationis causae subesset error quispiam tenuis et
ridiculus." From this passage, written eight years before, we may learn
(I think) why it was that Bacon had now begun to doubt how far these
observations could be trusted. Believing, as he did, that all the received
theories of the heavens were full of error, as soon as he heard that by
means of the telescope men could really see so much further into the heav-
ens than before, he was prepared to hear of a great number of new and
unexpected phenomena ; and his only fear was that the observers, instead
458 NOVUM ORGANUM.
Tertii generis sunt bacilla ilia ad terras mensurandas,
astrolabia, et similia ; quae sensum videndi non am-
pliant, sed rectificant et dirigunt. Quod si sint aliaB
instantiae quae reliquos sensus juvent in ipsorum ac-
tionibus immediatis et individuis, tamen si ejusmodi
sint quae informationi ipsi nihil addant plus quam jam
habetur, ad id quod nunc agitur non faciunt. Itaque
<3arum mentionem non fecimus.
XL.
Inter Praerogativas Instantiarum, ponemus loco de-
cimo septimo Instantias Citantes, sumpto vogabulo a
foris civilibus, quia citant ea ut compareant qua^ prius
non comparuerunt ; quas etiam Instantiae JSvocantes
appellare consuevimus. Eae deducunt non-sei.sibile ad
sensibile.
Sensum autem fugiunt res, vel propter distantiam
objecti locati ; vel propter interceptionem sensus per
corpora media ; vel quia objectum non est habile ad
impressionem in sensu faciendam ; vel quia deficit
quantum in objecto pro feriendo sensu ; vel quia tem-
pus non est proportionatum ad actuandum sensum ;
vel quia objecti percussio non toleratur a sensu ; vel
quia objectum ante implevit et possedit sensum, ut
novo motui non sit locus. Atque ha^c pr*cipue ad
visum pertinent, et deinde ad tactum. Nam hi duo
sensus sunt informativi ad largum, atque de commu-
of following out their observations patiently and carefully, would begin to
form new theories. But now that nine years had passed since the discovery
of Jupiter's satellites, the spots in the sun, &c., and no new discovery of
importance had been announced, he wondered how it could be that men
seeing so much further should be able to see so little more than they did,
and began to suspect that it was owing to some defect either in the instru-
ment or in the methods of observation, — J. S.
NOVUM ORGANUM. 459
nibus objectis ; ubi reliqui tres non informent fere nisi
immediate et de propriis objectis.
In primo genere non fit deductio ad sensibile, nisi
rei quae cemi non possit propter distantiam adjiciatur
aut substituatur alia res quae sensum magis e longinquo
provocare et ferire possit : veluti in significatione re-
rum per ignes, campanas, et similia.
In secundo genere fit deductio, cum ea quae interius
propter interpositionem corporum latent, nee commode
aperiri possunt, per ea quae sunt in superficie, aut ab
interioribus effluunt, perducuntur ad sensum : ut status
humanorum corporum per pulsus, et urinas, et similia.
At tertii et quarti generis deductiones ad plurima
spectant, atque undique in rerum inquisitione sunt con-
quirendae. Hujus rei exempla sunt. Patet quod aer,
et spiritus, et hujusmodi res quae sunt toto corpore te-
nues et subtiles, nee cerni nee tangi possint. Quare in
inquisitione circa hujusmodi corpora deductionibus om-
nino est opus.
Sit itaque natura inquisita Actio et Motus Spiritus
qui includitur in corporibus tangibilibus. Omne enim
tangibile apud nos continet spiritum invisibilem et in-
tactilem, eique obducitur atque eum quasi vestit. Hinc
fons triplex potens ille et mirabilis processus spiritus
in corpore tangibili. Spiritus enim in re tangibili,
emissus, corpora contrahit et desiccat ; detentus, cor-
pora intenerat et colliquat; nee prorsus emissus nee
prorsus detentus, informat, membrificat, assimilat, ege-
rit, organizat, et similia. Atque haec omnia deducuntur
ad sensibile per effectus conspicuos.
Etenim in omni corpore tangibili inanimate, spiritus
inclusus primo multiplicat se, et tanquam depascit partes
tangibiles eas quae sunt maxime ad hoc faciles et prae-
460 NOVUM ORGAN UM.
paratae, easque digerit et conficit et vertit in spiritura,
et deinde una evolant. Atque ha3c confectio et mul-
tiplicatio spiritus deducitur ad sensum per diminu-
tionem ponderis. In omni enim dessicatione, aliquid
defluit de quanto ; neque id ipsum ex spiritu tantum
praeinexistente, sed ex corpore quod prius fuit tangi-
bile et noviter versum est : spiritus enim non j)onderat.
Egressus autem sive emissio spiritus deducitur ad sen-
sibile in rubigine metallorum, et aliis putrefactionibus
ejus generis quae sistunt se antequam pervenerint ad
rudimenta vitae ; nam illa^ ad tertium genus processus
pertinent. Etenim in corporibus magis compactis spiri-
tus non invenit poros et meatus per quos evolet; itaque
cogitur partes ipsas tangibiles protrudere et ante se
agere, ita ut illae simul exeant ; atque inde fit rubigo,
et similia. At contractio partium tangibilium, post-
quam aliquid de spiritu fuerit emissum (unde sequitur
ilia desiccatio), deducitur ad sensibile tum per ipsam
duritiem rei auctam, tum multo magis per scissuras,
angustiationes, corrugationes, et complicationes cor-
porum, quae inde sequuntur. Etenim partes ligni de-
siliunt et angustiantur ; pelles corrugantur ; neque id
solum, sed (si subita fiierit emissio spiritus per calorem
ignis) tantum properant ad contractionem ut se com-
plicent et convolvant.
At contra, ubi spiritus detinetur, et tamen dilatatur
et excitatur per calorem aut ejus analoga (id quod fit in
corporibus magis solidis aut tenacibus), tum vero cor-
pora emolliuntur, ut feri*um candens ; fluunt, ut metalla ;
liquefiunt, ut gummi, cera, et similia. Itaque contrariaB
illae operationes caloris (ut ex eo alia durescant, alia li-
quescant) facile conciliantur ; quia in illis spiritus emitti-
1 " Illae " in the original edition, which must be wrong.
NOVUM ORGANUM. 461
tur, in his agitatur et detinetur : quorum posterius est
actio propria caloris et spiritus ; prius, actio partium
tangibilium tanturn per occasionem spiritus emissi.
Ast ubi spiritus nee detinetur prorsus nee prorsus
emittitur, sed tantum inter claustra sua tentat et ex-
peritar, atque nacta est partes tangibiles obedientes et
sequaces in promptu, ita ut quo spiritus agit eae simul
sequantur ; turn vero sequitur eiformatio in corpus
organicum, et membrificatio, et reliquse actiones vita-
les, tarn in vegetabilibus quam in animalibus. Atque
haec maxime deducuntur ad sensum per notationes dili-
gentes primorum incoeptuum et rudimentorum sive
tentamentorum vitae in animalculis ex putrefactione
natis : ut in pvis formicarum, vermibus, muscis, ranis
post imbrem, etc. Requiritur autem ad vivificationem
et lenitas caloris et lentor corporis ; ut spiritus nee
per festinationem erumpat, nee per contumaciam par-
tium coerceatur ; quin potius ad cerae modum illas
plicare et effingere possit.
Rursus, difFerAitia ilia spiritus, maxime nobilis et
ad plurima pertinens, (viz. spiritus abscissi, ramosi
simpliciter, ramosi simul et cellulati ; ex quibus prior
est spiritus omnium corporum inanimatorum, secun-
dus vegetabilium, tertius animalium), per plurimas in-
stantias deductorias tanquam sub oculos ponitur.
Similiter patet, quod subtiliores texturae et scliematis-
mi rerum (licet toto corpore visibilium aut tangibilium)
nee cernantur nee tangantar. Quare in his quoque per
deductionem procedit informatio. At differentia sche-
matismorum maxime radicalis et primaria sumitur ex
copia vel paucitate materiae quae subit idem spatium
sive dimensum. Reliqui enim schematismi (qui refe-
runtur ad dissimilaritates partium quae in eodem cor-
462 NOVUM ORGANUM.
pore continentur, et collocationes ac posituras eariin-
dem) pra3 illo altero sunt secundarii.
Sit itaque iiatura inquisita Expansio sive Coitio Ma-
teriae in corporibus respective : viz. quantum materiae
impleat quantum dimensum in singulis. Etenim nil ve-
rius in natura quam propositio ilia gemella, ex nihilo nihil
fieri^ neque quicqaam in nihilum redigi ; venim quan-
tum ipsum niateriaB sive summani totalem constare, nee
augeri aut minui.^ Nee illud minus verum, ex quanto
illo materice sub iisdem spatiis sive dimensionibus^ pro
diversitate corporum^ plus et minus contineri ; ut in aqua
plus, in aere minus; adeo ut si quis asserat aliquod
contentum aquae in par contentum aeris verti posse,
idem sit ac si dicat aliquid posse redigi in nihilum ;
contra, si quis asserat aliquod contentum aeris in par
contentum aquai verti posse, idem sit ac si dicat ali-
quid posse fieri ex nihilo. Atque ex copia ista et pau-
citate materia^ notiones illae Densi et Ran, quae varie
et promiscue accipiuntur, proprie abstrahuntur. A&-
sumenda est et assertio ilia tertia, etiam satis certa :
quod hoc de quo loquimur plus et minus materia? in
corpore hoc vel illo ad calculos (facta collatione) et
proportiones exactas aut exactis propinquas reduci
possit. Veluti si quis dicat inesse in dato contento
auri talem coacervationem materiae, ut opus habeat
spiritus vini, ad tale quantum materiae iequandum, spa-
tio vicies et semel majore quam implet aurum, non
erraverit.
Coacervatio autem materiae et rationes ejus dedu-
cuntur ad sensibile per pondus. Pondus enim respon-
1 It is worth remarking that Bacon here asserts as absolutely certain a
maxim which is assuredly no result of experience. The same doctrine \%
as distinctly, though not so emphatically, asserted by Telesius, i. c. 5.
NOVUM ORGANUM. 463
det copias materise, quoad partes rei tangibilis ; spiri-
tus autem, et ejus quantum ex materia, non venit in
computationem per pondus ; levat enim pondus potius
quam gravat. At nos hujus rei tabulam fecimus sa-
tis accuratam ; in qua pondera et spatia singulorum
metallorum, lapidum prsecipuorum, lignorum, liquo-
rum, oleorum, et plurimorum aliorum corporum tarn
naturalium quam artificialium, excepimus;^ rem poly-
chrestam, tam ad lucem informationis quam ad nor-
mam operationis ; et quae multas res revelet om-
nino praeter expectatum. Neque illud pro minimo
habendum est, quod demonstret omnem varietatem
quae in corporibus tangibilibus nobis notis versatur (in-
telligimus autem corpora bene unita, nee plane spon-
giosa et cava et magna ex parte aere impleta) non
ultra rationes partium 21 excedere : tam finita scilicet
est natura, aut saltem ilia pars ejus cujus usus ad nos
maxime pertinet.
Etiam diligentise nostrae esse putavimus, experiri si
forte capi possint rationes corporum non-tangibilium
sive pneumaticorum, respectu corporum tangibilium.
Id quod tali molitione aggressi sumus. Phialam vitream
accepimus, quae unciam fortasse unam capere possit ;
parvitate vasis usi, ut minori cum calore posset fieri
evaporatio sequens. Hanc pbialam spiritu vini im-
plevimus fere ad collum ; eligentes spiritum vini, quod
per tabulam priorem eum esse ex corporibus tangibili-
bus (quae bene unita, nee cava sunt) rarissimum, et
minimum continens materiae sub suo dimenso, obser-
varimus. Deinde pondus aquae cum pbiala ipsa ex-
1 For a full account of the methods of determining specific gravities em-
ployed respectively by Porta, Ghetaldo, and Bacon, see preface to Histona
Densi et Ravi. — J. S.
464 NOVUM ORGAN UM.
acte notavimus. Postea vesicam accepimus, quae circa
duas pintas contineret. Ex ea acirem omnem, quoad
fieri potuit, expressimus eo usque ut vesicas ambo la-
tera essent contigua : etiam prius vesicam oleo oblevi-
mus cum fricatione leui, quo vesica esset clausior : ejus,
si qua erat, porositate oleo obturata. Hanc vesicam
circa os phialae, ore phialae intra os vesicae recepto,
fortiter ligavimus ; filo parum cerato, ut melius ad-
haeresceret et arctius ligaret. Tum demum phialam
supra carbones ardentes in foculo coUocavimus. At
paulo post vapor sive aura spiritus vini, per calorem
dilatati et in pneumaticum versi, vesicam paulatim suf-
flavit, eamque universam veli instar undequaque ex-
tendit. Id postquam factum fuit, continuo vitrum ab
igne removimus, et super tapetem posuimus ne frigore
disrumperetur ; statim quoque in summitate vesicae
foramen fecimus, ne vapor cessante calore in liquo-
rem restitutus resideret, et rationes confunderet. Tum
vero vesicam ipsam sustulimus, et rursus pondus ex-
cepimus spiritus vini qui remanebat. Inde quantum
consumptum fuisset in vaporem seu pneumaticum com-
putavimus ; et facta coUatione quantum locum sive
spatium illud corpus implesset quando esset spiritus
vini in phiala, et rursus quantum spatium impleverit
postquam factum fuisset pneumaticum in vesica, ra-
tiones subduximus ; ex quibus manifeste liquebat, cor-
pus istud ita versum et mutatum expansionem centuplo
majorem quam antea habuisset acquisivisse.
Similiter sit natura inquisita Calor aut Frigus ; ejus
nempe gradus, ut a sensu non percipiantur ob debilita-
tem. Haec deducuntur ad sensum per vitrum calen-
dare, quale superius descripsimus. Calor enim et frigus,
ipsa non percipiuntur ad tactum ; at calor aerem expan-
NOVUM ORGANUxM. 465
(lit, frigus contrahit. Neque rursus ilia expansio et con-
tractio aeris percipitur ad visum ; at aer ille expansus
aquam deprimit, contractus attollit ; ac turn demum ^t
deductio ad visum, non ante, aut alias.
Similiter sit natura inquisita Mistura Corporum ; viz.
quid habeant ex aqueo, quid ex oleoso, quid ex spiritu,
quid ex cinere et salibus, et hujusmodi ; vel etiam (in
particulari) quid habeat lac butyri, quid coaguli, quid
seri, et hujusmodi. Ha^c deducuntur ad sensum per ar-
tificiosas et peritas separationes, quatenus ad tangibilia.
At natura spiritus in ipsis, licet immediate non perci-
piatur, tamen deprehenditur per varios motus et nixus
corporum tangibilium in ipso actu et processu separa-
tionis suae ; atque etiam per acrimonias, corrosiones, et
diversos colores, odores, et sapores eorundem corporum
post separationem. Atque in hac parte, per distilla-
tiones atque artificiosas separationes, strenue sane ab
liominibus elaboratum est ; sed non multo foelicius
quam in caeteris experimentis, quae adhuc in usu sunt :
modis nimirum prorsus palpatoriis, et viis caecis, et ma-
gis operose quam intelligenter ; et (quod pessimum est)
nulla cum imitatione aut semulatione naturae, sed cum
destructione (per calores vehementes aut virtutes nimis
validas) omnis subtilioris schematismi, in quo occultas
reinim virtutes et consensus prfecipue sitae sunt. Ne-
que illud etiam, quod alias monuimus, hominibus in
mentem aut observationem venire solet in hujusmodi
separationibus : hoc est, plurimas qualitates, in corpo-
rum vexationibus tam per ignem quam alios modos,
indi ab ipso igne iisque corporibus quae ad separationem
adhibentur, quae in composito prius non fuerunt ; unde
mirae fallaciae. Neque enim scilicet vapor universus,
qui ex aqua emittitur per ignem, vapor aut aer antea
VOL. I. 30
466 NOVUM ORGANUM.
fuit in corpore aquae ; sed factus est maxima ex parte
per dilatationem aquae ex calore ignis.
Similiter in genere omnes exquisitae probationes
corporum sive naturalium sive artificialium, per quas
vera dignoscuntur ab adulterinis, meliora a vilioribus,
hue referri debent : deducunt enim non-sensibile ad
sensible. Sunt itaque diligenti cura undique conqui-
rendae.
Quintum vero genus latitantiae quod attinet, mani-
festum est actionem sensus transigi in motu, motum in
tempore. Si igitur motus alicujus corporis sit vel tani
tardus vel tarn velox ut non sit proportionatus ad mo-
menta in quibus transigitur actio sensus, objectum om-
nino non percipitur ; ut in motu indicis horologii, et
rursus in motu pilae sclopeti. Atque motus qui ob tar-
ditatem non percipitur, facile et ordinario deducitur ad
sensum per summas motus ; qui vero ob velocitatem,
adhuc non bene mensurari consuevit ; sed tamen pos-
tulat inquisitio naturae ut hoc fiat in aliquibus.
Sextum autem genus, ubi impeditur sensus propter
nobilitatem objecti, recipit deductionem, vel per elon-
gationem majorem objecti a sensu ; vel per hebetatio-
nem objecti per interpositionem medii talis, quod ob-
jectum debilitet, non annihilet ; vel per admissionem
et exception em objecti reflexi, ubi percussio directa sit
nimis fortis ; ut solis in pelvi aquae.
Septimum autem genus latitantiae, ubi sensus ita one-
ratur objecto ut novae admissioni non sit locus, non lia-
bet fere locum nisi in olfactu et odoribus ; nee ad id
quod agitur multum pertinet. Quare de deductionibus
non-sensibilis ad sensibile, haec dicta sint.^
1 An excellent instance of the " deductio nonsensibilia ad sensibile " [in
the second kind] occurs in the experiments recently made by Messrs. IIop«
NOVUM ORGANUM. 467
Quandoque tamen deductio fit non ad sensum homi-
nis, sed ad sensum alicnjus alterius animalis cnjus sen-
sus in aliquibus humanum excellet : ut nonnullorum
odorum, ad sensum canis ; lueis, quae in acre non ex-
trinsecus illuminate latenter existit, ad sensum felis,
noctuge, et hujusmodi animalium quae cernunt noctu.
Recte enim notavit Telesius, etiam in aere ipso inesse
lucem quandam originalem, licet exilem et tenuem, et
maxima ex parte oculis liominum aut plurimorum ani-
malium non inservientem ; quia ilia animalia, ad quo-
rum sensum hujusmodi lux est proportionata, cernant
noctu ; id quod vel sine luce fieri, vel per lucem inter-
nam, minus credibile est.
Atque illud utique notandum est, de destitutionibus
sensuum eorumque remediis liic nos tractare. Nam
fallaciae sensuum ad proprias inquisitiones de sensu et
sensibili remittendae sunt ; excepta ilia magna fallacia
sensuum, nimirum quod constituant lineas rerum ^ ex
analogia hominis, et non ex analogia universi ; quse
non corrigitur nisi per rationem et pliilosophiam uni-
versalem.
XLI.
Inter Praerogativas Instantiarum, ponemus loco deci-
mo octavo Instantias Vice, quas etiam Instantias Itine-
kins and Joule for determining the melting-point of substances subjected
to great pressure. The substance acted on is enclosed in a tube out of reach
and sight. But a bit of magnetized steel has previously been introduced
into it, and is supported by it as long as it remains solid. A magnetic
needle is placed beside the apparatus, a certain amount of deviation being,
of course, produced by the steel within the tube. The moment the temper-
ature reaches the melting-point, the steel sinks ; and its doing so is indi-
cated by the motion of the needle.
1 This phrase may, I think, be rendered " trace the outlines of outward
objects." I have already remarked on the meaning of "ex analogic."
[See note on Distributio OperiSy p. 218. — J. S.]
468 NOVUM ORGANUxM.
rantes et Instantias Articulataa appellare consuevimus.
Eae sunt quiB indicant natura3 motus gradatim continu-
atos. Hoc autem genus instantiarum potius fugit ob-
servationem quam scnsum. Mira enim est hominum
circa hanc rem indiligentia. Contemplantur siquidem
naturam tantummodo desultorie et per periodos, et
postquam corpora fuerint absoluta ac completa, et non
.in operatione sua. Quod si artificis alicujus ingenia et
industriam explorare et contemplari quis cuperet, is
non tantum materias rudes artis atque deinde opera
perfecta conspicere desideraret, sed potius praesens esse
cum artifex operatur et opus suum promovet. Atque
simile quiddam circa naturam faciendum est. Exempli
gratia ; si quis de vegetatione plantarum inquirat, ei
inspiciendum est ab ipsa satione seminis alicujus (id
quod per extractionem, quasi singulis diebus, seminum
quae per biduum, triduum, quatriduum, et sic deinceps,
in terra manserunt, eorumque diligentem intuitum, fa-
cile fieri potest), quomodo et quando semen intumes-
cere et turgere incipiat et veluti spiritu impleri ; deinde
quomodo corticulam rumpere et emittere fibras, cum
latione nonnulla sui interim sursum, nisi terra fuerit
admodum contiunax ; quomodo etiam emittat fibras,
partim radicales deorsum, partim cauliculares sursum,
aliquando serpendo per latera, si ex ea parte inveniat
terram apertam et magis facilem ; et complura id ge-
nus. Similiter facere oportet circa exclusionem ovo-
rum ; ubi facile conspici dabitur processus vivificandi
et organizandi, et quid et qua^ partes fiant ex vitello,
quid ex albumine ovi, et alia. Similis est ratio circa
animalia ex putrefactione.^ Nam circa animalia per*
1 The epithet perfecta is generally given to those animals which cannot
result from putrefaction. Cassalpinus, in the Qucestiones Peripat. v. 1.,
NOVUM OEGANUiAI. 469
fecta et terrestria, per exectiones foetuum ex utero,
minus humanum esset ista inquirere ; nisi forte per oc-
casiones abortuum, et venationum, et similium. Om-
nino igitur vigilia qua^dam servanda est circa naturam,
ut quae melius se conspiciendam praebeat noetu quam
interdiu. Istse enim contemplationes tanquam noc-
turnce censeri ])ossint, ob lucernse parvitatem et per-
petuationem.
Quin et in inanimatis idem tentandum est ; id quod
nos fecimus in inquirendis aperturis liquorum per ig-
nem.^ Alius enim est modus aperturse in aqua, alius
in vino, alius in aceto, alius in omphacio ; ^ longe alius
in lacte, et oleo, et cjieteris. Id quod facile cernere
erat per ebullitionem super ignem lenem, et in vase
vitreo, ubi omnia cerni perspicue possint. Verum haec
brevius perstringimus, fusius et exactius de iis sermones
habituri cum ad inventionem Latentis rerum Processuus
ventum erit. Semper enim memoria tenendum est,
DOS hoc loco non res ipsas tractare, sed exempla tan-
tum adducere.
maintains that all animals may result from putrefaction, and that this was
the doctrine of Aristotle. The same opinion had, I believe, been advanced
by Averrois. That mice may be produced by equivocal generation is as-
serted, as a matter not admitting of dispute, by Cardan, De Rerum Varie-
tate. Cfesalpinus refers to the same instance, but less confidently than
Cardan. It is worth remarking that Aristotle, though he speaks of the
great fecundity of mice, and even of their being impregnated by licking
salt, does not mention the possibility of their being produced by putrefac-
tion. {De Hist. Animal vi. 37. Problem, x. 64.) Paracelsus, De Rerum
Generatione, affirms that all animals produced from putrefiiction are more
or less venomous. Telesius's opinion is that the more perfect animals can-
not result from putrefaction, because the conditions of temperature neces-
sarj^ to their production cannot be fulfilled except by means of animal
heat.
1 " Apertura " means the same thing as " expansio."
2 Wine made of sour grapes. (Pliny, xiv. 18. and elsewhere.) It is prob-
ably to be rendered verjuice, as it is by Lemmius.
470 NOVUM ORGANUM.
XLII.
Inter Praerogativas Instantiarum, ponemus loco de-
cimo nono Instantias Supplementi^ sive Substitutionis ;
quas etiam Instantias Perfugii appellare consuevimus.
Eai sunt, quae supplent informationem ubi sensus ])lane
destituitur ; atque idcirco ad eas confugimus cum in-
stantitB propriae haberi non possint. Dupliciter autem
fit substitutio ; aut per Graduationem, aut per Analo-
ga. Exempli gratia; non invenitur medium quod in-
hibeat prorsus operationem magnetis in movendo fer-
rum ; non aurum interpositum, non argentum, non
lapis, non vitrum, lignum, aqua, oleum, pannus aut
corpora fibrosa, aer, flamma, et caetera. Attamen per
probationem exactam fortasse inveniri possit aliquod
medium quod hebetet virtutem ipsius plus quam ali-
quod aliud, comparative et in aliquo gradu ; veluti
quod non traliat magnes ferrum per tantam crassitiem
auri quam per par spatium aeris ; aut per tantum ar-
gentum ignitum quam per frigidum ; et sic de simili-
bus. Nam de his nos experimentum non fecimus ; sed
sufficit tamen ut proponantur loco exempli. Siniilltci-
non invenitur hie apud nos corpus quod non siis( ipiat
calidum igni approximatum. Attamen longc citiiis
suscipit calorem aer quam lapis. Atque talis est sub-
stitutio quae fit per Gradus.
Substitutio autem per Analoga, utilis sane, sid minus
certa est ; atque idcirco cum judicio quodam adhiben-
da. Ea fit cum deducitur non-sensibile ad sensum,
non per operationes sensibiles ipsius corporis insensi-
bilis, sed per contemplationem corporis alicujus cognati
sensibiHs.^ Exempli gratia ; si inquiratur de Mistura
1 Du Bois Raymond's Researches in Amtnal Electricity give a good ex-
NOVUM ORGANUM. 471
Spirltuum, qui sunt corpora non-visibilia, videtur esse
cognatio qusedam inter corpora et fomites sive alimenta
sua. , Fomes autem flammse videtur esse oleum et pin-
guia ; aeris, aqua et aquea : flammse enim multiplicant
se super halitus olei, aer super vapores aquae. Viden-
dum itaque de mistura aquae et olei, quae se manifestat
ad sensum ; quandoquidem mistura aeris et flammei
generis fugiat sensum. At oleum et aqua inter se per
compositionem aut agitationem imperfecte admodum
miscentur ; eadem in lierbis, et sanguine, et partibus
animalium, accurate et delicate miscentur. Itaque
simile quiddam fieri possit circa misturam flammei et
aerei generis in spiritalibus ; quae per confusionem
simplicem non bene sustinent misturam, eadem tamen
in spiritibus plantarum et animalium misceri videntur ;
praesertim cum omnis spiritus animatus depascat hu-
mida utraque, aquea et pinguia, tanquam fomites suos.
Similiter si non de perfectioribus misturis spiritalium,
sed de compositione tantum inquiratur ; nempe, utrum
facile inter se incorporentur, an potius (exempli gratia)
sint aliqui venti et exhalationes, aut alia corpora spiri-
talia, quae non miscentur cum aere communi, sed tan-
tum liaerent et natant in eo, in globulis et guttis, et
potius franguntur ac comminuuntur ab aere quam in
ipsum recipiuntur et incorporantur ; hoc in aere com-
muni et aliis spiritalibus, ob subtilitatem corporum,
percipi ad sensum non potest ; attamen imago quaedam
hujus rei, quatenus fiat, concipi possit in liquoribus ar-
genti vivi, olei, aquse ; atque etiam in aere, et fractions
ejus, quando dissipatur et ascendit in parvis portiun-
ample of this. He constructed what may be called an electrical model of
a muscle, and succeeded in obtaining an illustration not only of his funda-
mental result, namely-- that any transverse section is negative with respect to
any longitudinal one, but also of the more complicated relations between
two different portions of the same section.
472 NOVUM ORGANUM.
culis per aquam ; atque etiam in fumis crassioribus ;
denique in pulvere excitato et liarente in aijre ; in qui-
bus omnibus non fit incoi*poratio. Atque repraesentatio
praedicta in hoc subjecto non mala est, si illud prime
diligenter inquisitum fuerit, utrum possit esse talis he-
terogenia inter spiritalia qualis invenitur inter b'quida ;
nam tum demum base simulacra per Analogiam non
i-ncommode substituentur.
Atque de Instantiis istis Supplementi, quod diximus
informationem ab iis hauriendam esse, quando desint
instantiae propriae, loco Perfugii ; nihilominus intelligi
volumus, quod ilia? etiam magni sint usus etiam cum
propriae instantias adsint; ad roborandam scilicet infor-
mationem una cum propriis. Verum de his exactius
dicemus quando ad Adminicula Indactionis tractanda
sermo ordine dilabetur.
KLIII.
Inter Praerogativas Instantiarum, ponemus loco vi-
cesimo Instantias Persecantes ; quas etiam Instantias
Vellicantes appellare consuevimus, sed diversa ratione.
Vellicantes enim eas appellamus, quia vellicant intel-
lectum ; Persecantes, quia persecant naturam ; unde
etiam illas quandoque Instantias Dernocrlti nominamus.
Eae sunt, quae de admirabili et exquisita subtilitate na-
turae intellectum submonent, ut excitetur et expergisca-
tur ad attentionem et observationem et inquisitionem
debitam. Exempli gratia; quod parum guttulae atra-
menti ad tot literas vel lineas extendatur ; quod ar-
gentum, exterius tantum inauratum, ad tantam lon-
gitudinem fili inaurati continuetur ; ^ quod jmsillus
1 Dr. Woolaston's method for obtaining wires of extreme fineness was per-
haps suggested by the circumstance mentioned in the text. He enclosed
NOVUM ORGANUM. 473
vermiculus, qualis in cute invenitur, habeat in se spiri-
tum simul et figuram dissimilarem partium ; quod pa-
rum croci etiam dolium aquae colore inficiat ; quod pa-
rum zibethi ^ aut aromatis longe majus contentum aeris
odore ; quod exiguo suffitu tanta excitetur nubes fumi ;
quod sonorum tarn accuratae difFerentias, quales sint
voces articulatas, per aerem undequaque vehantur, at-
que per foramina et poros etiam ligni et aquae (licet
admodum extenuatse) penetrent, quin etiam repercu-
tiantur, idque tam distincte et velociter ; quod lux et
color, etiam tanto ambitu et tam perniciter, per corpora
solida vitri, aqu^, et cum tanta et tam exquisita varie-
tate imaginum permeent, etiam refringantur et reflec-
tantur ; quod magnes per corpora omnigena, etiam
maxime compacta, operetur. Sed (quod magis mirum
est) quod in his omnibus, in medio adiaphoro (quale est
aer) unius actio aliam non magnopere impediat ; nempe
quod eodem tempore per spatia aeris devehantur et visi-
bilium tot imagines, et vocis articulata) tot percussiones,
et tot odores specificati, ut violae, rosa3 ; etiam calor et
frigus et virtutes magneticae ; omnia (inquam) simul,
uno alterum non impediente, ac si singula liaberent vias
et meatus sues proprios separatos, neque unum in alte-
rum impingeret aut incurreret.
Solemus tamen utiliter hujusmodi Instantiis Perse-
cantibus subjungere instantias, quas Metas Persecationis
appellare consuevimus ; veluti quod in iis quae diximus,
una actio in di verso genere aliam non perturbet aut im-
pediat, cum tamen in eodem genere una aliam domet et
extinguat : veluti, lux solis, lucem cicindelse ; sonitus
bombardae, vocem ; fortior odor, delicatiorem ; inten-
a gold wire in a cylinder of silver, drew them out together, and then dis-
solved away the silver by means of warm nitrous acid.
1 Civet. '
474 NOVUM ORGAN UM.
sior calor, remissiorem ; lamina ferri interposita inter
magnetem et aliud ferrum, operationem magnetis. Ve-
rum de his quoque inter Adminicula Inductionis erit
proprius dicendi locus.
XLIV.
Atque de instantiis quae juvant sensum, jam dictum
est ; qua? praecipui usus sunt ad partem Informativam.
Infoimatio enim incipit a sensu. At univei'sum ne-
gotium desinit in Opera ; atque quemadmodum illud
principium, ita hoc finis rei est. Sequentur itaque in-
stantiae prascipui usus ad partem Operativam. Eae
genere dua3 sunt, numero septem ; quas universas, ge-
nerali nomine, Instantias Practlcas a})pellare consuevi-
mus. Operativae autem partis, vitia duo ; totidcmque
dignitates instantiarum in genere. Aut enim fallit ope-
ratic, aut onerat nimis. Fallit operatio maxime (prae-
sertim post diligentem naturarum inquisitionem) prop-
ter male determinatas et mensuratas corporum vires et
actiones. Vires autem et actiones, corj)orum circum-
scribuntur et mensurantur, aut per spatia loci, aut per
momenta temporis, aut per unionem quanti, aut per
praedominantiam virtutis ; quae quatuor nisi fuerint
probe et diligenter pensitata, erunt fortasse scientiae
speculatione quidem pulchras, sed opere inactivae. In-
stantias vero quatuor itidem quae hue referuntur, uno
nomine Instantias Maihematicas vocamus, et Instantias
Mensurce.
Onerosa autem fit praxis, vel propter misturam re-
rum inutilium, vel propter multiplicationem instrumen-
torum, vel propter molem materiae et coi-porum quae ad
aliquod opus requiri contigerint. Itaque eae instantia3
in pretio esse debent, quae aut dirigunt operativam ad
KOVUM ORGANUM. 475
ea quae maxime hominum intersunt ; aut qua3 parcunt
instrumentis ; aut quae parcunt materiae sive supellectili.
Eas autem tres instaiitias quae hue pertinent, uno no-
mine Instantias Propitias sive Benevolas vocamus. Ita-
que de his septem instantiis jam sigillatim dicemus ;
atque cum iis partem illam de Praerogativis sive Dig-
nitatibus Instantiarum claudemus.
XLV.
Inter Praerogativas Instantiarum, ponemus loco vice-
simo primo Instantias Virgce, sive Radii; quas etiam
Instantias Perlationis, vel de Non Ultra appellare con-
suevimus. Virtutes enim rerum et motus operantur et
expediuntur per spatia non indefinita aut fortuita, sed
finita et certa ; quag ut in singulis naturis inquisitis te-
neantur et notentur plurimum interest Practicse, non
solum ad hoc, ut non fallat, sed etiam ut magis sit
aucta et potens. Etenim interdum datur virtutes pro-
ducere, et distantias tanquam retrahere in propius ; ut
in perspecillis.
Atque plurimae virtutes operantur et afficiunt tantum
per tactum manifestum ; ut fit in percussione corporum,
ubi alteram non summovet alteram, nisi impellens im-
pulsum tangat. Etiam medicinae quae exterius appli-
cantur, ut unguenta, emplastra, non exercent vires suas
nisi per tactum corporis. Denique objecta sensuum
tactus et gustus non feriunt nisi contigua organ is.
Sunt et aliae virtutes quae operantur ad distantiam,
verum valde exiguam, quarum paucae adhuc notatae
sunt, cum tamen plures sint quam homines suspicen-
tur ; ut (capiendo exempla ex vulgatis) cum succinum ^
aut gagates ^ trahunt paleas ; bullae approximatse sol-
1 Amber. 2 Jet
476 NOVUM ORGANUM.
vunt Inillas ; medicinse nonniilla3 purgativa? eliciiint
liumores ex alto,^ et hujusmodi. At virtus ilia mag-
netica per quam ferrum et magnes, vel magnetes in-
vicem, coeunt, operatur intra orbem virtutis certnm,
sed parvum ; ubi contra, si sit aliqua virtus magnetica
emanans ab ipsa terra Cpaulo nimirum interiore) super
acum ferream, quatenus ad verticitatem, operatic fiat
ad distantiam magnam.
Rursus, si sit aliqua vis magnetica quae operetur per
consensum inter globum terras et ponderosa, aut inter
globum lunae et aquas maris (quae maxime credibilis
videtur in fluxibus et refluxibus semi-menstruis'-*), aut
inter coelum stellatum et planetas, per quam evocentur
et attollantur ad sua apogaea ; haec omnia operantur ad
distantias admodum longinquas. Inveniuntur et quon-
dam inflammationes sive conceptionos flamma*, qua? fiunt
ad distantias bene magnas, in aliquibus materiis ; ut re-
ferunt de naphtha Babylonica.^ Calores etiam insinuant
se per distantias amplas, quod etiam faciunt frigora;
adeo ut habitantibus circa Canadam moles sive massas
1 Bacon here speaks in accordance with the medical theory in which the
brain is the origin and seat of the rheum, wliich descends from tlience and
produces disease in other organs — a theory preserved in the word catarrh.
Certain purgatives were supposed to draw the rheum down.
2 It is worth remarking that Galileo speaks contemptuously of the notion
that the moon exerts any influence on the tides. His strong wish to ex-
plain everything mechanically led him in this instance wrong, as a simi-
lar wish has led many others. It arose, not unnaturally, from a reaction
against the unsatisfactory explanations which the schoolmen were in the
habit of deducing from the specific or occult properties of bodies. Even
Leibnitz, in his controversy with Clarke, shows a tendency towards an ex-
clusive preference of a mechanical system of physics, though in other parts
of his writings he had spoken favourably of the doctrine of attraction, and
though his whole philosophy ought, one would think, to have made him
inditierent to the point in dispute. In a system of pre-established harmony,
action by contact is as merely apparent as action at a distance.
8 Strabo, xvi. p. 742. Pliny, ii. § 109.
NOVUM ORGANUM. 477
glaciales, quas abrumpuiitur et natant per oceanum sep-
tentrionalem et defei'untur per Atlanticum versus illas
oras, percipiantur et incutiant frigora e longiiiquo.
Odores quoque (licet in his videatur semper esse quae-
dam emissio corporea) operantur ad distantias notabiles ;
ut evenire solet navigantibus juxta litora Floridae, aut
etiam nonimlla Hispanise, ubi sunt sylvae totae ex ar-
boribus limonum, arantiorum,^ et hujusmodi plantaiTim
odoratarum, aut frutices rorismarini, majoranse, et simi-
lium.2 Postremo radiationes lucis et impressiones sono-
rum operantur scilicet ad distantias spatiosas.
Verum haec omnia, utcunque operentur ad distantias
parvas sive magnas, operantur certe ad finitas et naturae
notas,* ut sit quiddam Non Ultra; idque pro rationibus,
aut molis seu quanti corporum ; aut vigoris et debili-
tatis virtutum ; aut favoribus et impedimentis medio-
rum ; quae omnia in computationem venire et notari
debent. Quinetiam mensurae motuum violentorum
(quos vocant), ut missilium, tormentorum, rotarum,
et similium, cum hae quoque manifesto suos habeant
limites certos, notandae sunt.
Inveniuntur etiam quidam motus et virtutes contra-
rise illis quae operantur per tactum et non ad distans ;
quae operantur scilicet ad distans et non ad tactum ; et
rursus, quae operantur remissius ad distantiam mino-
rem et fortius ad distantiam majorem. Etenim visio
non bene transigitur ad tactum, sed indiget medio et
distantia. Licet meminerim me audisse ex relatione
cujusdam fide digni, quod ipse in curandis oculorum
1 [So in the original edition.] Qy. aurantiorum?
2 To the same purpose Milton, Paradise Lost., iv. 99. : —
As when to them who sail
Beyond the Cape of Hope, &c.
* t. e. fixed in the nature of things.
478 NOVUM ORGANUM.
suorum cataractls (erat autem cura talis, ut immittere-
tur festuca quaedam parva argentea intra primam oculi
tunicam, quae pelliculam illam cataractaB removeret et
truderet in angulum oculi) clarissime vidisset festucam
illam supra ipsam pupillam moventem. Quod utcun-
que verum esse possit, manifestum est majora corpora
non bene aut distincte cerni nisi in cuspide coni,^
coeuntibus radiis objecti ad nonnullam distantiam.
Quin etiam in senibus oculus melius cernit remoto ob-
jecto paulo longius, quam propius. In missilibus autem
certum est percussionem non fieri tam fortem ad distan-
tiam nimis parvam, quam paulo post. Haic itaque et
similia in mensuris motuum quoad distantias notanda
sunt.
Est et aliud genus mensurae local is motuum, quod
non praBtermittendum est. Illud vero pertinet ad
motus non progressivos, sed sphaericos ; hoc est, ad
expansionem corporum in majorem sphaeram, aut con-
tractionem in minorem. Inquirendum enim est inter
mensuras istas motuum, quaiitam compressionem aut
extensionem corpora (pro natura ipsorum) facile et
libenter patiantur, et ad quern terminum reluctari in-
cipiant, adeo ut ad extremum Non Ultra ferant ; ut
cum vesica inflata comprimitur, sustinet ilia compres-
sionem nonnullam aeris, sed si major fuerit, non patitur
aer, sed rumpitur vesica.
At nos hoc ipsum subtiliore experimento magis ex-
acte probavimus. Accepimus enim campanulam ex
metallo, leviorem scilicet et tenuiorem, quali ad excipi-.
endum salem utimur ; eamque in pelvim aquas immisi-
mus, ita ut deportaret secum aerem qui continebatur in
concavo usque ad fundum pelvis. Locaveramus autem
1 That i8, the eye being at the apex of the visual cone.
NOVUM ORGANUM. 479
prius globulum in fundo pelvis, super quern campanula
imponenda esset. Quare illud eveniebat, ut si globulus
ille esset minusculus (pro ration e concavi), reciperet se
aer in locum minorem, et contruderetur solum, non
extruderetur. Quod si grandioris esset magnitudinis
quam ut aer libenter cederet, turn aer majoris pressurae
impatiens campanulam ex aliqua parte elevabat, et in
bullis ascendebat.
Etiam ad probandum qualem extensionem (non mi-
nus quam compressionem) pateretur aer, tale quippiam
practicavimus. Ovum vitreum accepimus, cum parvo
fbramine in uno extremo ovi. Aerem per foramen ex-,
uctione forti attraximus, et statim digito foramen illud
obturavimus, et ovum in aquam immersimus, et dein
digitum removimus. Aer vero tensura ilia per exuc-
tioncm facta tortus et magis quam pro natura sua dila-
tatus, ideoque se recipere et contraliere nitens (ita ut
si ovum illud in aquam non fuisset immersum, aerem
ipsum traxisset cum sibilo), aquam traxit ad tale quan-
tum quale sufficere posset ad hoc, ut aer antiquam re-
cuperaret sphgeram sive dimensionem.^
Atque certum est corpora tenuiora (quale est aer)
pati contractionem nonnullam notabilem, ut dictum
est ; at corpora tangibilia (quale est aqua) multo
asgrius et ad minus spatium patiuntur compressionem.
Qualem autem patiatur, tali experimento inquisivimus.
Fieri fecimus globum ex plum bo cavum, qui duas
circiter pintas vinarias contineret ; eumque satis per
1 This explanation is wholly unsatisfactory. The principle upon which
the true explanation depends, namely the pressure of the atmosphere, was,
it seems tolerably certain, first suggested by Torricelli. If the experiment
were performed in vacuo, no water would enter the egg, unless the egg
were plunged to a considerable depth into the water, or unless the vacuum
within it were more perfect than could be produced in the manner de-
scribed.
480 NOVUM OKGANUM.
latera crassum, nt inajorem vim sustineret. In ilium
aquam iinmisiinus, per foramen alicubi factum ; atque
foramen illud, postquam globus aqua impletus fuisset,
plumbo liquefacto obturavimus, ut globus deveniret
plane consolidatus. Dein globum forti malleo ad duo
latera adversa complanavimus ; ex quo necesse fuit
aquam in minus contrahi, cum sphajra figurarum sit
capacissima. Deinde, cum malleatio non amplius suffi-
ceret, aegrius se recipiente aqua, molendino ^ seu torcu-
lari usi sumus ; ut tandem aqua, impatiens pressuraj
ulterioris, per solida plumbi (instar roris delicati) ex-
stillaret. Postea, quantum spatii per eam compres-
sionem imminutum foret computavimus ; atque tan-
tam compressionem passam esse aquam (sed violentia
magna subactam) intelleximus.^
1 Molendinum is properly a Low Latin word for a mill-house; here used
for a press.
2 This is perhaps the most remarkable of Bacon's experiments; and it is
singular that it was so little spoken of by subsequent writers. Nearly fifty
years after the publication of the Novum Oryanum, an account of a similar
experiment was published by Megalotti, who was secretary of the Accade-
mia del Cimento at Florence; and it has since been familiarly known as
the Florentine experiment. I quote his account of it. " Facemmo lavorar
di getto una grande ma sottil palla d' argento, e quella ripiena d' acqua
raflreddata col ghiaccio serramo con saldissime vite. Di poi cominciammo
a martellarla leggiermente per ogni verso, onde ammaccato 1' argento (il
quale per la sua crudezza non comporta d' assottigliarsi e distendersi come
farebbe 1' oro raffinato, o il piombo. o altro metallo piii dolce) veniva a ri-
strignersi, e scemare la sua interna capacita, senza che 1' acqua patisse una
minima compressione, poichfe ad ogni colpo si videa trasudare per tutti i
pori del metallo a guisa d' argento vivo il quale da alcuua pelle premuto
minutamente sprizzasse." — Saggi di naturali Ksperitnzeftttle nelV Accade-
mia del Cimento, p. 204. Firenze, 1667. The writer goes on to remark that
the absolute incompressibility of water is not proved by this experiment,
but merely that it is not to be compressed in the manner described. But
the experiment is on other grounds inconclusive.
It is to be remarked that Leibnitz, Nouveaux Essais, in mentioning the
Florentine experiment, says that the globe was of gold (p. 229. Krduiann),
whereas the Florentine academicians expressly say why they preferred sil-
ver to either gold or lead.
NOVUM ORGANUM. 481
At solidiora, sicca, aut magis compacta, qualia sunt
lapides et ligna, nee non metalla, multo adhuc mino-
rem compression em aut extensionem, et fere imper-
ceptibilem ferunt; sed vel fractione, vel progressione,
vel aliis pertentationibus se liberant ; ut in curvatio-
nibus ligni aut metalli, horologiis moventibus per com-
plicationem laminae, missilibus, malleationibus, et in-
numeris aliis motibus apparet. Atque lisec omnia
cum mensuris suis in indagatione naturae notanda et
exploranda sunt, aut in certitudine sua, aut per aesti-
mativas, awt per comparativas, prout dabitur copia,
XLVI.
Inter Praerogativas Instantiarum, ponemus loco vi-
cesimo secundo Instantias Curriculi, quas etiam In-
stantias ad Aquam appellare consuevimus ; sumpto
vocabulo a clepsydris apud antiquos, in quas infunde-
batur aqua, loco arenae. Eae mensurant naturam per
momenta temporis, quemadmodum Instantice Virgce
per gradus spatii. Omnis enim motus sive actio na-
turalis transigitur in tempore ; alius velocius, alius
tardius, sed utcunque momentis certis et naturae notis.
Etiam illae actiones quae subito videntur operari, et
in ictu oculi (ut loquimur), deprehenduntur recipere
majus et minus quoad tempus.
Primo itaque videmus restitutiones corporum coele-
stium fieri per tempora numerata ; etiam fluxus et re-
fluxus maris. Latio autem gravium versus terram et
levium versus ambitum coeli, fit per certa momenta,
pro ration e corporis quod fertur, et medii.^ At velifi-
1 Galileo had shown, before the year 1592, that the resistance of the ai|r
being set aside, all bodies fall with equal velocity. He left Pisa in that
j'ear in consequence of the disputes which were occasioned by this refutar
tion of the Aristotelian doctrine, that the velocity is as the weight.
VOL.. I. 31
482 NOVUM ORGANUM.
cationes navium, motus animalium, perlationes missi-
lium, omnes fiunt itidem per tempora (quantum ad
summas) numerabilia. Calorem vero quod attinet,
vidcnius pueros per hyemem manus in flamma lavare,
nee tamen uri ; et joculatores Vasa plena vino vel
aqua, per motus agiles et aequales, vertere deoi'sum
et sursum recuperare, non eftuso liquore ; et multa
hujusmodi. Nee minus ipsae compressiones et dilata-
tiones et eruptiones corporum fiunt, alia? velocius, alise
tardius, pro natura corporis et motus, sed per momenta
certa. Quinetiam in explosione plurium bombardarum
simul, qua3 exaudiuntur quandoque ad distantiam tri-
ginta milliarium, percipitur sonus prius ab iis qui prope
absunt a loco ubi fit sonitus, quam ab iis qui longe.
At in visu (cujus actio est pernicissima) liquet etiam
requiri ad eum actuandum momenta certa temporis ;
idque probatur ex iis quae propter motus velocitatem
non cernuntur ; ut ex latione pilae ex sclopeto. Velo-
cior enim est praetervolatio pilae quam impressio spe-
ciei ejus quae deferri poterat ad visum. ^
Atque hoc, cum similibus, nobis quandoque dubi-
tationem peperit plane monstrosam ; videlicet, utrum
ccaYi sereni et stellati facies ad idem tempus cerna-
tur quando vere existit, an potius aliquanto post ; et
utrum non sit (quatenus ad visum coplestium) non
minus tempus verum et tempus visum, quam locus
verus et locus visus, qui notatur ab astronomis in
parallaxibus.2 Adeo incredibile nobis videbatur, spe-
cies sive radios corporum coelestium per tam inunensa
spatia milliarium subito deferri posse ad visum; sed
1 i. e. the ball flies past in less time than tiie image conveyed to the sight
requires to make an impression.
* t. e. which is taken account of in the correction for parallaxes.
NOVUM ORGANUM. 483
potiiis debere eas in tempore aliquo notabili delabi.
Verum ilia dubitatio (quoad majus aliquod interval-
lum temporis inter tempus verum et visum) postea
plane evanuit ; reputantibus nobis jacturam illam in-
finitam et diminutionem quanti, quatenus ad apparen-
tiam, inter corpus stellaa verum et speciem visam,
quae causatur a distantia ; atque simul notantibus ad
quantam distantiam (sexaginta scilicet ad minimum
milliariorum) corpora, eaque tantum albicantia, subito
hie apud nos cernantur ; cum dubium non sit lucem
coelestium, non tantum albedinis vividum colorem,
verum etiam omnis flamma? (quai apud nos nota
est) lucem, quoad vigorem radiationis, multis parti-
bus excedere. Etiam immensa ilia velocitas in ipso
corpore, quae cernitur in motu diurno (quag etiam
viros graves ita obstupefecit ut mallent credere mo-
tum terras), facit motum ilium ejaculationis radiorum
ab ipsis (licet celeritate, ut diximus, mirabilem) magis
credibilem. Maxime vero omnium nos movit, quod
si interponoretur intervallum temporis aliquod nota-
bile inter veritatem et visum, foret ut species per
nubes interim orientes et similes medii perturbation es
interciperentur saepenumero, et coniunderentur.^ At-
que de mensuris temporum simplicibus liaec dicta sint.
1 1 do not know how to understand this passage without attributing to
Bacon a confusion of ideas which seems hardly credible. For surely the
very thing which he supposes would happen if there were a perceptible
interval between the Veritas and the visus^ that is to say, between the time
when a star (for instance) is at a given point and the time when we see it
there, — in other words, if the image took any time in coming to the eye, —
this very thing does actually happen as often as the star is hidden by a cloud
or dimmed bv a vapour: the species, to use his own word, are intercepted or
confused. If, indeed, the force of the rays were diminished, — and this I
suppose would be one consequence of diminished velocity, — the thing
would happen more frequently, because there would be more obstructions
which they could not overcome : they would be intercepted or confused by
484 NOVUM ORGANUM.
Verum non solum qiuereiida est mensura motuum
et actionum simpliciter, sed multo magis comparative :
id enim eximii est usus, et ad plurima spectat. Atque
videmus flammam alicujus torraenti ignei citius cerni,
quam sonitus audiatur ; licet necesse sit pilam prius
aerem percutere, quam flamma quae pone erat exire
potuerit ; fieri hoc autem propter velociorem traiis-
actionem motus lucis, quam soni. Videmus etiam
species visibiles a visu citius excipi quam dimitti ;
unde fit quod nervi fidium, digito impulsi, dupli-
centur aut triplicentur quoad speciem, quia species
nova recipitur, antequam prior demittatur; ex quo
etiam fit, ut annuli rotati videantur globosi, et fax
ardens, noctu velociter portata, conspiciatur caudata.^
Etiam ex hoc fundamento ina^qualitatis motuum quoad
velocitatem, excogitavit Galilaeus causam fluxus et
refluxus maris ; rotante terra velocius, aquis tardius ;
ideoque accumulantibus se aquis in sursum, et deindo
per vices se remittentibus in deorsum, ut demonstratur
in vase aquae incitatius movente.^ Sed hoc commentus
media which they now pass through. But the force being the same, and
the stream continuous, the time of passage could make no difference in thig
respect. In another respect, namely the facility of observation, it would
make a very great difference; and it is remarked by Brinkley that, if the
velocity of light had been much less than it is, astrononu' would have been
all but an impossible science. But that is another matter. — J. S.
1 Of the phenomena which he here enumerates Bacon undoubtedly gives
the right explanation, though in the case of vibrating strings his explana-
tion is not altogether complete. The distinct or quasi-distinct images to
which he refers correspond to limiting positions of the vibrating string.
2 This account of Galileo's theory of the tides is inaccurate. In this
theory the tides are caused by the varying velocity of different points of
the earth's surface, arising from the composition of the earth's two motions,
namely that about its axis, and that in its orbit. Bacon does not seem to
have perceived that both these motions are essential to the explanation.
That the earth's being in motion might be the cause of the tides, had been
suggested before the time of Galileo by Csesalpinus in the Qua$(iones Pe-
ripateliax, ill. 5. It is odd that Patritius, in giving an account of all the
NOVUM ORGANUM. 485
est concesso non concessibili (quod terra nempe move-
atur), ac etiam non bene informatus de oceani motu
sexhorario.
At exemplum hujus rei de qua agitur, videlicet de
comparativis mensuris motuum, neque solum rei ipsius,
sed et usus insignis ejus (de quo paulo ante loquuti
sumus), eminet in cuniculis subterraneis, in quibus
collocatur pulvis pyrius ; ubi immensae moles terras,
aedificiorum, et similium, subvertuntur, et in altum
jaciuntur, a pusilla quantitate pulveris pyrii. Cujus
causa pro certo ilia est, quod motus dilatationis pul-
veris, qui impellit, multis partibus sit pernicior, quam
motus gravitatis per quem fieri possit aliqua resistentia;
adeo ut primus motus perfunctus sit, antequam motus
adversus inceperit ; ut in principiis nullitas quaedam sit
resistentiae. Hinc etiam fit, quod in omni missili,
ictus, non tam robustus quam acutus et celer, ad per-
lationem potissimum valeat. Neque etiam fieri potu-
isset, ut parva quantitas spiritus animalis in animalibus,
praesertim in tam vastis corporibus qualia sunt balasnse
aut elephanti, tantam molem corpoream flecteret et
regeret, nisi propter velocitatem motus spiritus, et
hebetudinem corporeae molis, quatenus ad expedien-
dam suam resistentiam.
Denique, hoc unum ex pr^ecipuis fiindamentis est
experimentorum magicorum, de quibus mox dicemus ;
ubi scilicet parva moles materiae longe majorem su-
perat et in ordinem redigit: hoc, inquam, si fieri
theories which had in his time been devised to explain the cause of the
tides (see his Pancosmia., 1. 28.), does not mention Csesalpinus's, though
it was published some years before his own work. Galileo perhaps alludes
to Caesalpinus in his letter to Cardinal Orsino, dated 8th January, 1616.
See, for remarks on Caesalpinus's doctrine, the Probhniata Marina of Cas-
mann, published in 1596. Casmann's own theory is that of expansion.
486 NOVUM ORGANUM.
possit anteversio motiium per velocitatem iiniiis, ante-
quain alter se expediat.
Postremo, lioc ipsum Prius et Posterius in omni
actione natnrali notari debet ; veliiti quod in infusione
rhabarbari eliciatur purgativa vis prius, astricti>a j)ost;
simile quiddam etiam in infusione violarum in acetum
experti sumus ; ubi primo excipitur suavis et delicatus
•floris odor; post, pars floris magis terrea, qua? odorem
conf'undit. Itaque si infnndantur viohe per diem inte-
grum, odor multo languidius excipitur ; quod si ini'un-
dantur per partem quartam liora? tantum, et extrahan-
tur ; et (quia paucus est spiritus odoratus qui subsistit
in viola) infundantur post singulas quartas lione violae
novas et recentes ad sexies; turn demum nobilitatur in-
fusio, ita ut licet non manserint violas, utcunque reno-
vatje, plus quam ad sesquihoram, tamen i)ernianserit
odor gratissimus, et viola ipsa non inferior, ad annum
integrum. Notandum tamen est, quod non se colligat
odor ad vires suas plenas, nisi post mensem ab infu-
sione. In distillationibus vero arornatum macerato-
rum in spiritu vini patet quod surgat })rimo phlegraa
aqueum et inutile, deinde aqua plus habens ex spiritu
vini, deinde post aqua plus habens ex aromate. Atque
hujus generis quamplurima inveniuntur in distillationi-
bus notatu digna. Verum lia;c sufficiant ad exempla.
XLVII.
Inter Praerogativas Instantiarum, ponemus loco vice-
simo tertio Instantias Quanti^ quas etiam Doses Naturce
(sumpto vocabulo a Medicinis) vocare consuevimus.
Ea3 sunt quae mensurant virtutes per Quanta corpornm,
et indicant quid Quantum Corporis faciat ad Modum
Virtutis. Ac primo sunt quasdam virtutes qua3 non
NOVUM ORGANUM. 487
siibsistunt nisi in Quanto Cosmico, hoc est, tali Quanto
quod liabeat consensum cum configuratione et fabrica
universi. Terra enim stat ; partes ejus cadunt. Aquae
in maribus fluunt et refluunt ; in fluviis minime, nisi
per ingressum maris. Deinde etiam omnes fere vir-
tutes particulares secundum multum aut parvum cor-
poris operantur. Aquse largse non facile corrumpun-
tur; exiguse cito. Mustum et cervisia maturescunt
longe citius, et fiunt potabilia, in utribus parvis, quam
in doliis magnis. Si lierba ponatur in majore portions
liquoris, fit infusio, magis quam imbibitio ; ^ si in mi-
nore, fit imbibitio, magis quam infusio. Aliud igitur
erga corpus humanum est balneum, aliud levis irrora-
tio. Etiam parvi rores in aere nunquam cadunt, sed
dissipantur et cum aere incorporantur. Et videre est
in anhelitu super gemmas, parum illud humoris, quasi
nubeculam vento dissipatam, continuo solvi. Etiam
frustum ejusdem magnetis non trahit tantum ferri,
quantum magnes integer. Sunt etiam virtutes in qui-
bus parvitas Quanti magis potest ; ut in penetrationi-
bus, stylus acutus citius penetrat, quam obtusus ; ada-
mas punctuatus sculpit in vitro ; et similia.
Verum non hie morandum est in indefinitis, sed
etiam de rationibiis Quanti corporis erga modum vir-
tutis inquirendum. Proclive enim foret credere, quod
rati ones Quanti ration es virtu tis adaequarent ; ut si
pila plumbea unius uncias caderet in tali tempore, pila
unciarum duarum deberet cadere duplo celerius, quod
falsissimum est. Nee eaedem rationes in omni genere
virtutum valent, sed longe diversae. Itaque hae men-
sune ex rebus ipsis petendae sunt, et non ex verisimili-
tudine aut conjecturis.
1 Absorption.
488 NOVUM ORGANUM.
Denique In omni inquisitione naturae Quantum cor-
poris requiratur ad aliquod efFectum, tanquam dosis,
notandum ; et cautiones de Nimis et Parum asper-
gendse.
XLVIII.
Inter Praerogativas Instantiarum, ponemus loco vice-
simo quarto Instantias Luctce; quas etiam In8ta7itia8
Prcedominantice appellare consuevimus. Eae indicant
praedominantiam et cessionem virtutum ad invicem ;
et quae ex illis sit fortior et vincat, quae infirmior et
succumbat. Sunt enim motus et nixus corponim com-
positi, decompositi, et complicati, non minus quam cor-
pora ipsa. Proponemus igitur primum species prae-
cipuas motuum sive virtutum activarum ; ut magis
perspicua sit ipsarum comparatio in robore, et exinde
demonstratio atque designatio Instantiarum Luctae et
Praedominantiae.
Motus Primus sit Motus Antitypice^ materiae, quae
inest in singulis portionibus ejus ; per quem plane an-
nihilari non vult : ita ut nullum incendium, nullum
pondus aut depressio, nulla violentia, nulla denique setas
aut diuturnitas temporis possit redigere aliquam vel mini-
mam portionem materiae in nihilum ; quin ilia et sit ali-
quid, et loci aliquid occupet, et se (in qualicunque neces-
sitate ponatur) vel formam mutando vel locum liberet,
vel (si non detur copia) ut est subsistat ; neque unquam
res eo deveniat, ut aut nihil sit, aut nullibi. Quem Mo-
tum Schola (quae semper fere et denominat et definit
res potius per efFectus et incommoda quam per causas
interiores) vel denotat per illud axioma, quod Duo cor-
pora non po88int esse in uno loco ; vel vocat motum Ne
fiat penetratio dimensionum. Neque hujus motus ex-
1 This term was first used by Aristotle.
NOVUM ORGANUM. 489
empla proponi consentaneum est : inest enim omni
corpori.
Sit Motus Secundus, Motus (quern appellamus)
Nexus ; per quern corpora non patiuntur se ulla ex
parte sui dirimi a contactu alterius corporis, ut quae
mutuo nexu et contactu gaudeant. Quern motum
Schola vocat Motum JVe detur vacuum : veluti cum
aqua attrahitur sursum exuctione, aut per fistulas ;
caro per ventosas; aut cum aqua sistitur nee effluit
in hydriis perforatis, nisi os hydriae ad immittendum
aerem aperiatur; et innumera id genus.
Sit Motus Tertius, Motus (quern appellamus) Liber-
tatis ; per quern corpora se liberare nituntur a pres-
sura aut tensura praeter-naturali, et restituere se in di-
mensum corpori suo conveniens. Cujus motus etiam
innumera sunt exempla : veluti (quatenus ad libera-
tionem a pressura) aqua3 in natando, aeris in volando ;
aquae in remigando, aeris in undulationibus ventorum ;
laminae in horologiis. Nee ineleo-anter se ostendit
motus aeris compressi in sclopettis ludicris puerorum,
cum alnum aut simile quiddam excavant, et infarciunt
frusto alicujus radicis succulentae, vel similium, ad
utrosque fines; deinde per embolum ^ trudunt radi-
cem vel hujusmodi farcimentum in foramen alterum ;
unde emittitur et ejicitur radix cum sonitu ad foramen
alterum, idque antequam tangatur a radice aut farci-
mento citimo, aut embolo. Quatenus vero ad libera-
tionem a tensura, ostendit se hie motus in aere post ex-
uctionem in ovis vitreis remanente ; in chordis, in corio,
et panno ; resilientibus post tensuras suas, nisi tensuraa
illge per moram invaluerint, etc. Atque hunc motum
Schola sub nomine Motus ex Forma Elementi innuit :
1 'EjUjSo^oi-, anything introduced [a ramrod?].
490 NOVUM ORGANUM.
satis quidem inscite, cum hie motus non tantum ad
aerem, aquam, aut jflammam pertineat, sed ad omuem
diversitatem consistentiae ; ut ligni, ferri, plumbi, panni,
membranai, etc., in quibus singula corpora sujb liabent
diniensionis modulum, et ab eo aegre ad spatium ali-
quod notabile abripiuntur. Verum quia Motus iste
Libertatis omnium est maxime obvius, et ad infinita
spectans, consultum fuerit eum bene et perspicue dis-
tinguere. Quidam eiiim valde negligenter confundunt
hunc motum cum gemino illo motu Antitypice et Nexus;
liberationem scilicet a pressura, cum motu Antitypiae ;
a tensura, cum motu Nexus ; ac si ideo cederent aut
se dilatarent corpora compressa, ne sequeretur pene-
tratio dimensionum ; ideo resilirent et contraherent se
corpora tensa, ne sequeretur vacuum. Atqui si aer
compressus se vellet recipere in densitatem aquae, aut
lignum in densitatem la])idis, nil opus foret penetra-
tione dimensionum ; et nihilominus longe major posset
esse compressio illorum, quam ilia uUo modo patiuntur.
Eodeni modo si aqua se dilatare vellet in raritatem at-ris,
aut lapis in raritatem ligni, n(m opus foret vacuo ; et ta-
men longe major posset fieri extensio eorum, quam ilia
ullo modo patiuntur. Itaque non reducitur res ad
penetrationem dimensionum et vacuum, nisi in ultimi-
tatibus condensationis et rarefactionis : cum tamen isti
motus longe citra eas sistant et versentur, neque aliud
sint quam desideria corporum conservandi se in con-
sistentiis suis (sive, si malint, in formis suis), nee ab
lis recedendi subito, nisi per modos suaves ac per con-
sensum alterentur. At longe magis necessarium est
(quia multa secum trahit), ut intimetur hominibus,
motum violentum (quem nos Mechanicum^ Democri-
tus, qui in motibus suis primis expediendis etiam infra
NOVUM ORGANUM. 491
mediocres pliilosoplios poneiidus est, motum Plagce
vocavit) nil aliud esse quam Motura Libertatis, scili-
cet a compressione ad relaxationem. Etenim in omni
sive siinplici protrusione sive volatii per aerem, non fit
summotio aut latio localis, anteqiiam partes corporis
prseter-naturaliter patiantur et comprimantur ab ira-
pellente. Turn vero partibus aliis alias per succes-
sion em trudentibus, fertur totum ; nee solum progre-
diendo, sed etiam rotando simul ; ut etiam hoc modo
partes se liberare, aut magis ex sequo tolerare possint.
Atque de hoc Motu hactenus.
Sit Motus Quartus, motus cui nomen dedimus Motus
Syles : qui motus antistrophus est quodammodo Motui,
de quo diximus, Libertatis. Etenim in Motu Liber-
tatis, corpora novum dimensum sive novam sphseram
sive novam dilatationem aut contractionem (hasc enim
verborum varietas idem innuit) exhorrent, respuunt,
fugiunt, et resilire ac teterem consistentiam recupe-
rare totis viribus contendunt. At contra in hoc Motu
Hyles, corpora novam sphtEram sive dimensum ap-
petunt ; atque ad illud libenter et propere, et quando-
que valentissimo nixu (ut in pulvere pyrio) aspirant.
Instrumenta autem hujus motus, non sola certe, sed
potentissima, aut saltern frequentissima, sunt calor et
frigus. Exempli gratia : aer, si per tensuram (velut
per exuctionem in ovis vitreis) dilatetur, magno labo-
ret desiderio seipsum restituendi. At admoto calore,
e contra appetit dilatari, et concupiscit^ novam sphae-
ram, et transit et migrat in illam libenter tanquam in
novam formam (ut loquuntur) ; nee post dilatationem
nonnullam de reditu curat, nisi per admotionem frigidi
ad eam invitetur ; quae non reditus est, sed transmu-
1 Concupiscet, in the original. — J. S.
492 NOVUM ORGANUM.
tatio repetita. Eodem modo et aqua, si per compres-
sionera arctetur, recalcitrat ; et vult fieri qualis fuit,
scilicet latior. At si interveniat frigus intensuni et
continuatum, mutat se sponte sua et libenter in con-
densationem glaciei ; atque si plane continuetur frigus,
nee a teporibus interrumpatur (ut fit in speluncis
et cavernis paulo profundioribus), vertitur in cry-
stallum ^ aut materiam similem, nee unquam resti-
tuitur.
Sit Motus Quintus, Motus Continuationis. Intelli-
gimus autern non continuationis simplicis et primariaB,
cum corpore aliquo altero (nam ille est Motus Nexus) ;
sed continuationis sui, in corpore certo. Certissimum
enim est, quod corpora omnia solutionem continuitatis
exliorreant ; alia magis, alia minus, sed omnia aliqua-
tenus. Nam ut in corporibus duris (veluti chalybis,
vitri) reluctatio contra discontinuationem est maxime
robusta et valida, ita etiam in liquoribus, ubi cessare
aut languere saltem videtur motus ejusmodi, tamen
non prorsus reperitur privatio ejus ; sed plane inest
ipsis in gradu tanquam infimo, et prodit se in experi-
mentis plurimis ; sicut in bullis, in rotunditate gutta-
rum, in filis tenuioribus stillicidiorum, et in sequacitate
corporum glutinosorum, et ejusmodi. Sed maxime
omnium se ostendit appetitus iste, si discontinuatio
tentetur usque ad fractiones minores. Nam in mor-
tariis, post contusionem ad certum gradum, non am-
1 Pliny, xxxvii. 9. Also Seneca, Natural Questions. Though this ac-
count of the origin of crystals is of course erroneous, yet there is a class
of cr^-stals which have been shown to occupy the volume which tiieir
water of crystallisation would in the state of ice; so that their other con-
stituents may in some sort be said to take up no space. This curious
analog}' with ice was proved by Playfair and Joule in a very considera-
ble number of cases. See Phil. Mag. Dec. 1845.
NOVUM ORGANUM. 493
pllus operatur pistillum ; aqua non subintrat rimas
minores ; quin et ipse aer, non obstante subtilitate
corporis ipsius, poros vasorum paulo solidiorum non
pertransit subito, nee nisi per diuturnam insinua-
tionem.
Sit Motus Sextus, motus quern nominamus Motum
ad Lucrum^ sive Motum Indlgentioe. Is est, per quern
corpora, quando versantur inter plane heterogenea et
quasi inimica, si forte nanciscantur copiam aut commo-
ditatem evitandi ilia heterogenea et se applicandi ad
magis cognata, (licet ilia ipsa cognata talia fuerint quae
non habeant arctum consensum cum ipsis) tamen sta-
tim ea amplectuntur, et tanquam potiora malunt ; et
lucri loco (unde vocabulum sumpsimus) hoc ponere
videntur, tanquam talium corporum indiga. Exempli
gratia : aurum, aut aliud metallum foliatum non delec-
tatur aere circumfuso. Itaque si corpus aliquod tan-
gibile et crassum nanciscatur (ut digitum, papyrum,
quid vis aliud), adhaeret statim, nee facile divellitur.
Etiam papyrus, aut pannus, et hujusmodi, non bene
se habent cum aere qui inseritur et commistus est in
ipsorum poris. Itaque aquam aut liquorem libenter
imbibunt, et aerem exterminant. Etiam saccharum,
aut spongia infusa in aquam aut vinum, licet pars ip-
sorum emineat et longe attollatur supra vinum aut
aquam, tamen aquam aut vinum paulatim et per gra-
dus attrahunt in sursum.
Unde optimus canon sumitur aperturse et solutionum
corporum. Missis enim corrosivis et aquis fortibus,
qua3 viam sibi aperiunt, si possit inveniri corpus propor-
tionatum et magis consentiens et amicum corpori
alicui solido quam illud cum quo tanquam per neces-
sitatem commiscetur, statim se aperit et relaxat cor-
494 NOVUM ORGANUM.
pus, et illud alterum intro recipit, priore excluso aut
summoto. Neque operatur aut potest iste Motiis ad
Lucrum solummodo ad tactum. Nam electrica ope-
ratio (de qua Gilbertus et alii post eum taiitas ex-
citarunt fabulas) non alia est quam corporis per friea-
tionem levem excitati appetitus ; qui aerem non bene
tolerat, sed aliud tangibile mavult, si reperiatur in
. propinquo.
Sit Motus Septimus, Motus (quern appellamus) Con-
gregationis Majoris ; per queni corpora feruntur ad
massas connaturalium suorum : gravia, ad globum ter-
ras ; levia, ad ambitum coeli. Hunc Scliola nomine
Mollis Naturalis insignivit: levi contemplation e, quia
scilicet nil spectabile erat ab extra quod eum motum
cieret ; (itaque rebus ipsis innatum atque insitum puta-
vit) ; aut forte quia non cessat. Nee mirum : semper
enim praesto sunt coelum et terra ; cum e contra causce
et origines plurimorum ex reliquis motibus interdum
absint, interdum adsint. Itaque hunc, quia non inter-
mittit sed caeteris intermittentibus statim occurrit, per-
petuum et proprium ; reliquos ascititios posuit. Est
autem iste motus revera satis infirmus et hebes, tan-
quam is qui (nisi sit moles corporis major) caeteris mo-
tibus, quamdiu operantur, cedat et succumbat. Atque
cum hie motus hominum cogitationes ita impleverit ut
fere reliquos motus occultaverit, tamen parum est quod
homines de eo sciunt, sed in multis circa ilium errori-
bus versantur.
Sit Motus Octavus, Motus Congregationis Minoris ;
per quern partes homogeneas in corpora aliquo separant
se ab heterogeneis, et coeunt inter sese ; per quern
etiam corpora Integra ex similitudine substantias se
amplectuntur et fovent, et quandoque ad distantiam
NOVUM ORGANUM. 495
aliquam congregantur, attrahuntur, et conveniunt :
veluti cum in lacte flos lactis post moram aliquam su-
pernatat ; in vino feces et tartarum subsidmit. Neque
enim ha3C fiunt per motum gravitatis et levitatis tan-
tum, ut alige partes summitatem petant, aliee ad imum
vergant ; sed multo magis per desiderium liomogene-
orum inter se coeundi et se uniendi. DifFert autem
iste motus a Motu Indigentise, in duobus. Uno, quod
in Motu Indigentiae sit stimulus major naturae malignae
et contrariae ; at in hoc motu (si modo impedimenta
et vincula absint) uniuntur partes per amicitiam, licet
absit natura aliena quae litem moveat : altero, quod arc-
tior sit unio, et tanquam majore cum delectu. Jn illo
enim, modo evitetur corpus inimicum, corpora etiam
non admodum cognata concurrunt ; at in hoc coeunt
substantiae, germana plane similitudine devinctae, et
conflantur tanquam in unum. Atque hie motus om-
nibus corporibus compositis inest ; et se facile conspi-
ciendum in singulis daret, nisi ligaretur et fraenaretur
per alios corporum appetitus et necessitates, quae istam
coitionem disturbant.
Ligatur autem motus iste plerumque tribus modis :
torpore corporum ; fraeno corporis dominantis ; et motu
externo. Ad torporem corporum quod attinet ; certum
est inesse corporibus tangibilibus pigritiam quandam
secundum magis et minus, et exhorrentiam motus lo-
calis ; ut, nisi excitentur, malint statu suo (prout sunt)
esse contenta quam in melius se expedire. Discutitur
autem iste torpor triplici auxilio : aut per calorem,
aut per virtutem alicujus cognati corporis eminen-
tem, aut per motum vividum et potentem. Atque
primo quoad auxilium caloris ; hinc fit, quod calor
pronuntietur esse illud quod separet Heterogenea^ con-
496 NOVUM ORGAN UM.
•greget Romogenea. Quam definitioiiem Peripatetico-
rum merito derisit Gilbertus ; dicens earn esse perinde
ac si quis diceret ac definiret liominem illud esse quod
serat triticmn et plantet vineas : esse enim definitionera
tantum per effectus, eosque particulares.^ Sed adhuc
magis culpanda est ilia definitio ; quia etiam effectus
illi (quales quales sunt) non sunt ex proprietate caloris,
sed tantum per accidens ^ (idem enim facit frigus, ut
postea dicemus), nempe ex desiderio partium homoge-
ncarum coeundi ; adjuvante tantum calore ad discu-
tiendum torporem, qui torpor desiderium illud antea
ligaverat. Quoad vero auxilium virtutis inditae a cor-
pore cognato ; illud mirabiliter eluceseit in magnete
armato, qui excitat in ferro virtutem detinendi ferrum
per similitudinem substantiae, discusso torpore ferri per
virtutem magnetis. Quoad vero auxilium motus ; con-
spicitur illud in sagittis ligneis, cuspide etiam lignea ;
quae altius penetrant in alia ligna quam si fuissent ar-
matse ferro, per similitudinem substantiae, discusso tor-
1 For the definition we may refer to the Margarita PhUosqphue, xi. 3.
It is founded on a passage in the De Gen. et Corr. ii. 2. Gilbert's censure
on it is to be found in his posthumous work De Mundo nostra svhlunari Phi-
bsophia nova, which was published by Gruter in 1651, long after the death
of Bacon. It seems however, as Gruter remarks, that the work, which he
suggests may have been written before the treatise De Magnete, published
in 1600, had been read in manuscript by " viri magni et famaj celeberri-
mse." " Illi perspicace in Physicis prwsertim ingenio baud poenitendie in
evolvendo operaj testimonium dederunt, quod integrum excussisse censeiin-
tur, et aliqua a vulgaribus opinionibus abhorrentia calculo suo comprobata
hinc sparsim citent; " in which I do not doubt that Gruter refers to Bacon.
Bacon's quotation seems to have been made from imperfect memory, as the
words of the original are : — " quid illud ostendit aut qune ilia differentia
ab effectu tantum in quibusdam corporibus, congregans homogenea et dis-
gregans heterogenea f ac si diceres hominem animal esse carduos et sentes
evellens, et fruges serens, cum istud sit agricoln studium." — De Mundo,
&c., i. c. 26.
2 i. e. they arise indirectly.
NOVUM ORGANUM. 497
pore ligni per motum celerem : de quibus duobus
experimentis etiam in aphorismo de Instantiis Clan-
destinis diximiis.
Ligatio vero Motus Congregationis Minoris, qua3 fit
per fraenum corporis dominantis, conspicitur in solu-
tione sanguinis et urinarum per frigus. Quamdiu
enim repleta fuerint corpora ilia spiritu agili, qui sin-
gulas eorum partes cujuscunque generis ipse ut domi-
nus totius ordinat et cohibet, tamdiu non coeunt homo-
genea ^ propter frsenum ; sed postquam ille spiritus
evaporaverit, aut sufFocatus fuerit per frigus, turn so-
lutse partes a fraeno coeunt secundum desiderium suum
naturale. Atque ideo fit, ut omnia corpora quae con-
tinent spiritum acrem (ut sales, et hujusmodi) durent
et non solvantur, ob frsenum permanens et durabile
spiritus dominantis et imperiosi.
Ligatio vero Motus Congregationis Minoris, quae fit
per motum externum, maxime conspicitur in agitationi-
bus corporum per quas arcetur putrefactio. Omnis
enim putrefactio fandatur in congregatione bomoge-
neorum ; unde paulatim fit corruptio prioris (quam
vocant) formae, et genera tio novas. Nam putrefacti-
onem, quae sternit viam ad generationem novae formae,
praecedit solutio veteris ; quae est ipsa coitio ad homo-
geniam. Ea vero si non impedita fuerit, fit solutio
simplex ; sin occurrant varia quae obstant, sequuntur
putrefactiones quae sunt rudimenta generationis novae.
Quod si (id quod nunc agitur) fiat agitatio firequens
per motum externum, tum vero motus iste coitionis
(qui est delicatus et mollis et indiget quiete ab exter-
nis) disturbatur et cessat ; ut fieri videmus in innume-
1 [" Heterogenea " in the original edition] ; clearly a vn-ong reading: the
sense requires "homogenea."
VOL. I. 32
498 NOVUM ORGANUM.
ris; veluti cum quotidiana agitatio aut profluentia aquae
arceat putrefactionem ; venti arceant pestilentiam acris;
grana in granariis versa et agitata maneant pura ; om-
nia clenique agitata exterius non facile putrefiant in-
terius.
Superest ut non omittatur coitio ilia partium corpo-
rum, unde fit prascipue induratio et desiccatio. Post-
quam enim spiritus, aut humidum in spiritum versum,
evolaverit in aliquo corpore porosiore (ut in ligno,
osse, membrana, et hujusmodi), tum partes crassiores
majore nixu contraliuntur et coeunt, unde sequitur
induratio aut desiccatio : quod existimamus fieri, non
tam ob Motum Nexus, ne detur vacuum, quam per
motum istum amicitiiB et unionis.
Ad coitionem vero ad distans quod attinet, ea infre-
quens est et rara ; et tamen in pluribus inest quam qui-
bus observatur. Hujus simulacra sunt, cum bulla sol-
vat bullam ; medicamenta ex similitudine substantiae
trahant humores ; cliorda in diversis fidibus ad uniso-
num moveat chordam ; et hujusmodi. Etiam in spiri-
tibus ariimalium hunc motum vigere existimamus, sed
plane incognitum. At eminet certe in magnete, et
ferro excito. Cum autem de motibus magnetis loqui-
mur, distinguendi plane sunt. Quatuor enim virtutes
sive operationes sunt in magnete, qute non confundi, sed
separari debent; licet admiratio hominum et stupor eas
commiscuerit. Una, coitionis magnetis ad magnetem,
vel ferri ad magnetem, vel ferri exciti ad ferrum. Se-
cunda, verticitatis ejus ad septentriones et austrum, at-
que simul declinationis ejus. Tertia, penetrationis ejus
per aurum, vitrum, lapidem, omnia. Quarta, commu-
nicationis virtutis ejus de lapide in ferrum, et de ferro
in ferrum, absque communicatione substantias. Verum
NOVUM ORGANUM. 499
hoc loco de prima virtute ejus tan turn loquimur, videli-
cet coitionis. Insio-iiis etiam est motus coitionis argenti
vivi et auri ; adeo ut aurum alliciat argentum vivum,
licet confectum in unguenta ; atque operarii inter vapo-
res argenti vivi soleant tenere in ore frustum auri, ad
colligendas emissiones argenti vivi, alias crania et ossa
eorum invasuras ; unde etiam frustum illud paulo post
albescit. Atque de Motu Congregationis Minoris haec
dicta sint.
Sit Motus Nonus, Motus Magneticus ; qui licet sit
ex genere Motus Congregationis Minoris, tamen si ope-
retur ad distantias magnas et super massas rerum mag-
nas, inquisitionem meretur separatam ; praesertim si
nee incipiat a tactu, quemadraodum plurimi, nee per-
ducat actionem ad tactum, quemadmodum omnes mo-
tus congregativi ; sed corpora tantum elevet, aut ea
intumescere faciat, nee quicquam ultra. Nam si luna
attollat aquas, aut turgescere aut intumescere faciat
humida ; aut coelum stellatum attrahat planetas versus
sua apogaea ; aut sol alliget astra Veneris et Mercurii,
ne longius absint a corpore ejus quam ad distantiam
certam ; videntur hi motus nee sub Congregations
Majore nee sub Congregatione Minore bene collocari ;
sed esse tanquam congregativa media et imperfecta,
ideoque speciem debere constituere propriam.
Sit Motus Decimus, Motus Fagce ; motus scilicet
Motui Congregationis Minoris contrarius ; per quern
corpora ex antipathia fugiunt et fugant inimica, seque
ab illis separant, aut cum illis miscere se recusant.
Quamvis enim videri possit in aliquibus hie motus esse
motus tantum per accidens aut per consequens, respectu
Motus Congregationis Minoris, quia nequeunt coire ho-
mogenea nisi heterogeneis exclusis et remotis; tamen
600 NOVUM ORGANUM.
ponendus est motus iste per se, et in speciem constitu-
endus, quia in multis appetitus Fiigse cernitur magis
principalis quam appetitus Coitionis.
Eminet autem hie motus insigniter in excretionibus
animalium ; nee minus etiam in sensuum nonnullorum
odiosis objectis, praecipue in olfactu et gustu. Odor
enim foetidus ita rejicitur ab olfactu, ut etiam inducat
in OS stomachi motum expulsionis per consensum ; sapor
amams et horridus ita rejicitur a palato aut gutture, ut
inducat per consensum capitis conquassationem et hor-
rorem. Veruntamen etiam in aliis locum habet iste
motus. Conspicitur enim in antiperistasibus nonnul-
lis ; ut in aeris media regione, cujus fi'igora videntur
esse rejectiones naturae frigidai ex confiniis coelestium ;
quemadmodum etiam videntur magni illi fervores et
inflammationes, qua? inveniuntur in locis subterraneis,
esse rejectiones naturae calidae ab interioribus terrae.
Calor enim et frigus, si fuerint in quanto minore, se
invicem perimunt ; sin fuerint in massis majoribus et
tanquam justis exercitibus, tum vero per conflictum se
locis invicem summovent et ejiciunt. Etiam tradunt
cinamomum et odorifera, sita juxta latrinas et loca
foetida, diutius odorem retinere ; quia recusant exire et
commisceri cum foetidis. Certe argentum vivum, quod
alias se reuniret in corpus integrum, prohibetur per sa-
livam hominis, aut axungiam porci, aut terebintliinam,
et hujusmodi, ne partes ejus coeant; propter malum
consensum quem habent cum hujusmodi corporibus ;
a quibus undique circumfusis se retrahunt ; adeo ut
fortior sit earum Fuga ab istis interjacentibus quam
desiderium uniendi se cum partibus sui similibus ;
id quod vocant inortificationem argenti vivi. Etiam
quod oleum cum aqua non misceatur, non tan tum in
NOVUM ORGANUM. 501
causa est differentia levitatis, sed malus ipsorum con-
sensus : ut videre est in spiritu vini, qui cum levior sit
oleo, tamen se bene miscet cum aqua. At maxima
omnium insignis est Motus Fugas in nitro, et hujusmodi
corporibus crudis, quae flammam exhorrent ; ut in pul-
vere pyrio, argento vivo, necnon in auro. Fuga A^ero
ferri ab altero polo magnetis a Gilberto bene notatur
non esse Fuga propria, sed conformitas, et coitio ad si-
tum magis accommodatum.^
Sit Motus Undecimus, Motus Assimilationis, sive
Multiplicationis sui, sive etiam Generationis Simplids.
Generationem autem Simplicem dicimus non corporum
integralium, ut in plantis, aut animalibus ; sed corpo-
rum similarium.2 Nempe per hunc motum corpora si-
milaria vertunt corpora alia affinia, aut saltem bene dis-
posita et pr^eparata, in substantiam et naturani suam ;
ut flamma, quae super balitus et oleosa multiplicat se,
et generat novam flammam ; aer, qui super aquam
et aquea multiplicat se, et generat novum aerem ;
spiritus vegetabilis et animalis, qui super tenuiores
partes tarn aquei quam oleosi in alimentis suis mul-
tiplicat se, et generat novum spiritum ; partes solidse
plantarum et animalium, veluti folium, flos, caro, os, et
sic de caeteris, quae singul^e ex succis alimentorum as-
similant et generant substantiam successivam et epiu-
siam. Neque enim quenquam cum Paracelso delirare
juvet, qui (distillationibus suis scilicet occaecatus) nu-
tritionem per separationem tantum fieri voluit ; quod-
1 " Ita coitio magnetica actus est magnetis et ferri, non actio unius, utri-
usque evTeT^^x^i-o. non epycyv, avvevTe'kexeui et conactus potius quam sympa-
thia ; antipathia nulla est propria magnetica. Nam fuga et declinatio ter-
minorum, sive conversio totius, utriusque actus est ad unitatem, a conactu
et avvEVTe'kEX^'-'^ amborum." — Gilbert, De Magnete, ii. c. 4.
2 i. e. bodies of uniform texture.
502 NOVUM ORGANUM.
que in pane vel cibo lateat oculus, nasus, cerebrum,
jecur ; ^ in succo terras radix, folium, flos. Etenim
sicut faber ex rudi massa lapidis vel ligni, per separa-
tionem et rejectionem superflui educit folium, florem,
oculum, nasum, manum, pedem, et similia ; ita archoe-
um ilium fabrum internum ex alimento per separatio-
nem et rejectionem educere singula membra et partes
asserit ille. Verum missis nugis, certissimum est partes
singulas, tam similares quam organicas, in vegetabilibus
et animalibus, succos alimentoi-um suorum fere com-
munes, aut non multum diversos, prime attrahere cum
nonnullo delectu, deinde assimilare, et vertere in na-
turam suam. Neque Assimilatio ista, aut Generatio
Simplex, fit solum in corporibus animatis, verum et
inanimata ex hac re participant ; veluti de flamma et
1 1 have not been able to find any passage in Paracelsus which altogether
corresponds to this remark; and in his Modus Pharmacandi the process of
digestion is described without reference to the Archeus; nor is it said that
each member " latet in pane vel cibo." " Hoc scimus, quod cujusque
membri nutrimentum latitet in pane, carne, et in aliis similiter." " Quot
vero modis et quibus, necnon quS ratione membris corporis nutrimentum
dividatur, nos ignoramus; hoc tantiim scimus, rem ita se habere ut dixi-
mus." — De Mod. Pharm. v. p. 233. (T use the edition of 1603).
Bacon has, however, correctly stated the general doctrine that alimenta-
tion is by separation ; and again Paracelsus affirms that "officium vero Ar-
chei est in microcosmo purum ab impuro separare." — De Morbis Tarta-
reis, iii. 195. The truth is that Paracelsus's views are so often repeated and
varied in the course of his writings, that it is difficult to know how far his
opinions are represented by any particular passage.
It is well to remark that, to a certain extent, the theory here so decidedly
condemned has, by the recent progress of organic chemistry, been shown
to be true. Nothing seems better established than that the nitrogenised
components of animal bodies are derived from the corresponding elements
of their food. With respect to fat, it is, I believe, a prevailing opinion at
present, that animals have the power of converting into it the starch or sugar
of their food; and the production of butyric acid by fermentation, has been
regarded as at least an illustration of the transformation. One of the
highest authorities on such a subject, however, I mean M. Boussingault,
was, at least a few years ago, of a different opinion. He regarded animal
fut as the representative of the fatty matters contained in the food.
NOVUM ORGANUM. 503
aere dictum est. Quinetiam spiritus emortuus,^ qui in
omni tangibili animato continetur, id perpetuo agit, ut
partes crassiores digerat et vertat in spiritum, qui de-
inde exeat; unde fit diminutio ponderis et exsiccatio,
ut alibi diximus. Neque etiam respuenda est in As-
similation e accretio ilia, quam vulgo ab alimentatione
distinguunt ; veluti cum lutum inter lapillos concrescit,
et vertitur in materiam lapideam ; squammae circa
dentes vertuntur in substantiam non minus duram
quam sunt dentes ipsi, etc. Sumus enim in ea opini-
one, inesse corporibus omnibus desiderium assimilandi,
non minus quam coeundi ad homogenea ; verum ligatur
ista virtus, sicut et ilia, licet non iisdem modis. Sed
modos illos, necnon solutionem ab iisdem, omni diligen-
tia inquirere oportet, quia pertinent ad senectutis refo-
cillationem. Postremo videtur notatu dignum, quod in
novem illis motibus, de quibus diximus, corpora tantum
naturse suae conservation em appetere videntur ; in hoc
decimo autera propagationem.^
' Sit Motus Duodecimus, Motus Exdtationis ; qui mo-
tus videtur esse ex genere Assimilationis, atque eo no-
mine quandoque a nobis promiscue vocatur. Est enim
motus diffusivus, et communicativus, et transitivus, et
multiplicativus, sicut et ille ; atque effectu (ut pluri-
1 By " spiritus emortuus" Bacon understands that which in the Historia
VitcB et Mortis he has called " spiritus mortualis." The fourth of his Ca-
nones Mobiles, in the Historia, &c. is this: — "In omnibus animatis duo
sunt genera spirituum, spiritus mortuales quales insunt inanimatis, et su-
peradditua spiritus vitalis." The former are such as " insunt in carne, osse,
membrana, et caeteris separatis et mortuis." I do not think there is any-
distinct trace of this doctrine of a spiritus mortualis in Paracelsus. In his
tract Be Viribus Memhrorum, i. c. 1., he describes the functions of the
spiritus vitse in relation to the different organs, without referring to any in-
dwelling non-vital spirit (vol. iii. p. 1. of his Philosophy).
2 The first "motus" which Bacon mentions does not relate to concrete
bodies ("corpora "), but to matter in general. The "Motus Assimilatio-
nis " is therefore the tenth of those which relate to "corpora," though it is
the eleventh in the general arrangement.
504 NOVUM ORGANUM.
mum) consentiunt, licet efficiendi modo et subjecto dif-
ferant. Motus enim Assimilationis procedit tanquam
cum imperio et potestate ; jubet enim et cogit assimila-
tam in assimilantem verti et mutari. At Motus Excita-
tionis procedit 'tanquam arte et insinuatione et furtim ;
et invitat tantum, et disponit excitatum ad naturam
excitantis. Etiam Motus Assimilationis multiplicat et
. transformat corpora et substantias ; veluti, plus fit flam-
mas, plus aeris, plus spiritus, plus carnis. At in Motu
Excitationis, multiplicantur et transeunt virtutes tan-
tum ; et plus fit calidi, plus magnetic], plus putridi.
Eminet autem iste motus praecipue in calido et frigido.
Neque enim calor difFundit se in calefaciendo per com-
munication em primi caloris ; sed tantum per Excita-
tion em partium corporis ad motum ilium qui est Forma
Calidi ; de quo in Vindemiatione Prima de Natura
Calidi diximus. Itaque longe tardius et difficilius ex-
citatur calor in lapide aut metallo quam in acre, ob in-
habilitatem et impromptitudinem corporum illorum ad
motum ilium ; ita ut verisimile sit posse esse interius
versus viscera terrse materias quae calefieri prorsus re-
spuant ; quia ob condensationem majorem spiritu illo
destituuntur a quo Motus iste Excitationis plerunque
incipit. Similiter magnes induit ferrum nova partium
dispositione et motu conformi ; ipse autem nihil ex vir-
tute perdit. Similiter fermentum panis, et flos cervi-
sise, et coagulum lactis, et nonnulla ex venenis, excitant
et invitant motum in massa farinaria, aut cervisia, aut
caseo, aut corpore humano, successivum et continua-
tum ; non tarn ex vi excitantis quam ex praedispositione
et facili cessione excitati.^
1 The theory here proposed is nearly equivalent to the most recent views
on the same subject, as the following passage will sufliciently show. — It is
obvious that both statements, however much of truth they may involve,
NOVUM ORGANUM. 505
Sit Motus Decimus Tertius, Motus Impressionis ;
qui Motus est etiam ex genere Motus Assimilationis,
estque ex diffusivis motibus subtilissimus. Nobis autem
visum est eum in speciem propriam constituere, propter
differentiam insignem quam habet erga priores duos.
Motus enim Assimilationis simplex corpora ipsa trans-
.format ; ita ut si tollas primum movens nihil intersit
ad ea quas sequuntur. Neque enim prima accensio in
flammam, aut prima versio in aerem, aliquid facit ad
flammam aut aerem in generatione succedentem. Si-
militer, Motus Excitationis omnino manet, remoto pri-
mo movente, ad tempora bene diuturna ; ut in corpore
calefacto, remoto primo calore ; in ferro excito, remoto
magnete ; in massa farinaria, remoto fermento. At
Motus Impressionis, licet sit difiusivus, et transitivus,
tamen perpetuo pendere videtur ex primo movente ;
adeo ut sublato aut cessante illo statim deficiat et pere-
at ; itaque etiam momento, aut saltem exiguo tempore,
transigitur. Quare Motus illos Assimilationis et Ex-
citationis, Motus Grenerationis Jovis, quia generatio ma-
net, hunc autem motum Motum Grenerationis Saturni^
are indefinite and unsatisfactory. It is not said whether the new proper-
ties engendered depend upon new types of motion or new arrangements,
though the latter is probably Liebig's opinion.
" All the phenomena of fermentation, when taken together, establish the
correctness of the principle long since recognised by Laplace and Berthol-
let, namely, that an atom or molecule, put in motion by any power whatever,
may communicate its own motion to another atom in contact with it.
" This is a dynamical law of the most general application, manifested
everywhere when the resistance or force opposing the motion, such as the
vital principle, the force of affinity, electricity, cohesion, &c., is not suf-
ticiently powerful to arrest the motion imparted.
" This law has only recently been recognised as a cause of the altera-
tions in forms and properties which occur in our chemical combinations;
and its establishment is the greatest and most enduring acquisition which
chemical science has derived from the study of fermentation." — Ziefii^r's
Letters on Chemistry, p. 209.
506 NOVUM ORGANUM.
quia iiatus statim devoratur et absorbetur, appellare
consuevimus. Manifestat se vero hie motiis in tribus ;
in lucis radiis ; sonorum percussion ibus ; et magncticis,
quatenus ad communicationem.^ Etenim amota luce,
statim pereunt colores et reliquae imagines ejus ; amota
percussione prima et quassatione corporis inde facta,
paulo post perit sonns. Licet enim soni etiam in medio,
per ventos tanquam per undas agitentur ; tamen dili-
gentius notandum est quod sonus non tam diu durat
quam fit resonatio.^ Etenim impulsa campana, sonus
ad bene magnum tempus continuari videtur; unde quis
facile in errorem labatur, si existimet toto illo tempore
sonum tanquam natare et haerere in acre ; quod falsis-
simum est. Etenim ilia resonatio non est idem sonus
numero, sed renovatur. Hoc autem manifestatur ex
sedatione sive cohibitione corporis percussi. Si enim
sistatur et detineatur campana fortiter et fiat immobilis,
statim perit sonus nee resonat amplius ; ut in cliordis,
si post primam percussionem tangatur chorda, vel di-
git© ut in lyra, vel calamo ut in espinetis, statim desinit
resonatio. Magnete autem remoto statim ferrum deci-
dit. Luna autem a mari non potest removeri ; nee
terra a ponderoso dum cadit. Itaque de illis nullum
fieri potest experimentum ; sed ratio eadem est.
Sit Motus Decimus Quartus, Motus Configurationis,
aut Situs ; per quem corpora appetere videntur, non
coitionem aut separation em aliquam, sed situm, et col-
locationem, et configurationem cum aliis. Est autem
iste motus valde abstrusus, nee bene inquisitus. Atque
in quibusdam videtur quasi incausabilis ; licet revera
(ut existimamus) non ita sit. Etenim si qua^ratur cur
1 1. e. as regards the communication of influence.
2 i. t. the original sound does not last all the time the i^sonance goes on.
NOVUM OEGANUM. 507
potius coelum volvatur ab oriente in occidentem quam
ab occidente in orientem ; ant cur vertatur circa polos
positos juxta Ursas potius quam circa Orionem, ant ex
alia aliqua parte coeli ; videtnr ista quaestio tanquam
qusedam extasis, cum ista potius ab experientia, et ut
positiva ^ recipi debeant. At in natura profecto sunt
quaedam ultima et incausabilia ; verum hoc ex illis non
esse videtur. Etenim hoc fieri existimamus ex qua-
dam harmonia et consensu mundi, qui adhuc non venit
in observation em.2 Quod si recipiatur motus terrge ab
occidente in orientem, eaedem manent qusestiones. Nam
et ipsa super aliquos polos movetur. Atque cur tan-
dem debeant isti poli collocari magis ubi sunt quam
alibi ? ^ Item verticitas, et directio, et declinatio mag-
netis ad hunc motum referuntur. Etiam inveniuntur
in corporibus tam naturalibus quam artificialibus, prsB-
sertim consistentibus et non fluidis, collatio quaedam et
positura partium, et tanquam villi et fibrse, quae dili-
genter investigandae sunt; utpote sine quarum inven-
tione corpora ilia commode tractari aut regi non pos-
sunt. At circulationes illas in liquidis, per quas ilia
dum pressa sint, antequam se liberare possunt, se in-
vicem relevant, ut compressionem illam ex aequo tole-
rent, Motui Libertatis verius assignamus.
1 i. e. as merely positive facts.
2 The most striking instance of this kind of harmony is the circumstance
that all the movements of the solar system are in the same general direc-
tion, viz., from west to east. Laplace has attempted to calculate the proba-
bility that this uniformity is the result of a common cause determining the
direction of their movements ; but these numerical estimations of the prob-
ability of the truth of any induction are, on several accounts, altogether
unsatisfactory.
3 This passage shows that Bacon was not aware that the poles are not
fixed (collocati) anywhere; in other words, that he was not acquainted
with the precession of the equinoxes ; — an additional proof how little of
his attention had been given to mathematical physics.
508 NOVUM ORGANUM.
Sit Motus Decimus Quintus, Motus Pertransitionis^
sive Motus secundum 3Ieatu8 : per quern virtutes cor-
porum magis aut minus impediuntur aut provelmntur
a medris ipsorum, pro natura corpoinim et virtutura
operantium, atque etiani medii. Aliud enirn medium
luci convenit, aliud sono, aliud calori et frigori, aliud
virtutibus magneticis, necnon aliis nonnullis respec-
.tive.
Sit Motus Decimus Sextus, Motus Regius (ita enira
eum appellamus) sive Politieus; per quem partes in cor-
pore aliquo prasdominantes et imperantes reliquas partes
fraenant, domant, subigunt, ordinant, et cogunt eas
adunari, separari, consistere, moven, collocari, non ex
desideriis suis, sed prout in ordine sit et conducat ad
bene esse partis illius imperantis ; adeo ut sit quasi
Regimen et Politia quaedam, quam exercet pars regens
in partes subditas. Eminet autcm hie motus prjrcipue
in spiritibus animalium, qui motus omnes partium re-
liquarum, quamdiu ipse in vigors est, contemperat.
Invenitur autem in aliis corporibus in gradu quodara
inferiore ; quemadmodum dictum est de sanguine et
urinis, quae non solvuntur donee spiritus, qui partes
earum commiscebat et cohibebat, emissus fuerit aut
sufFocatus. Neque iste motus omnino spiritibus pro-
prius est, licet in plerisque corporibus spiritus dominen-
tur ob motum celerem et penetrationem. Veruntamen
in corporibus magis condensatis, nee spiritu vivido et
vigente (qualis inest argento vivo et vitriolo) repletis,
dominantur potius partes crassiores ; adeo ut nisi frae-
num et jugum hoc arte aliqua excutiatur, de nova ali-
qua hujusmodi corporum transformatione minime spe-
randum sit. Neque vero quispiam nos oblitos esse
existimet ejus quod nunc agitur ; quia cum ista series
NOVUM ORGANUM. 509
et distributio motuum ad nil aliud spectet, quam ut
illorum Prsedominantia per Instantias LuctaB melius
inquiratur, jam inter motus ipsos Prasdominantiae men-
tionem faciamus. Non enim in descriptione Motus
istius Regii, de Prsedominantia motuum aut virtutum
tractamus, sed de Praedominantia partium in corpori-
bus. Haec enim ea est Praedominantia, quae speciem
istam motus peculiarem constituit.
Sit Motus Decimus Septimus, Motus Rotationis
Spontaneus ; per quem corpora motu gaudentia, et
bene collocata, natura sua fruuntur, atque seipsa se-
quuntur, non aliud, et tanquam proprios petunt am-
plexus. Etenim videntur corpora aut movere sine
termino ; aut plane quiescere ; aut ferri ad terminum,
ubi pro natura sua aut rotent aut quiescant; Atque
quae bene collocata sunt, si motu gaudeant, movent per
circulum : motu scilicet aeterno, et infinito. Qu£e bene
collocata sunt, et motum exhorrent, prorsus quiescunt.
Quae non bene collocata sunt, movent in linea recta
(tanquam tramite brevissimo) ad consortia suorum
connaturalium.^ Recipit autem Motus iste Rotationis
1 This passage is wholly in accordance with the Peripatetic system of
physics. But the modifications which Bacon goes on to enumerate, to
which, as he conceives, the eternal circular motions of the heavenly bodies
may be subject, are sufficient to destroy the whole a pnori argument in
favour of such a system of astronomy as that which we find in the twelfth
book of the Metaphysics. It has not been sufficiently observed that the
Ptolemaic system is no less at variance with the Peripatetic philosophy
than the heliocentrical. The attempts of Turrianus and Fracastorius to
construct what maj' be called an orthodox system of astronomy — that is
one in which all the motions should take place in circles of which the earth
is the centre — was suggested chiefly, as we learn from the Homocentrica of
the latter, by the wish to reconcile astronomy and philosophy. It had no
scientific value, since it left all the phenomena of variations of parallax and
apparent diameter unexplained, or, at any rate, gave an explanation of
them which no astronomer would accept. It was nevertheless favour-
ably received by the systematic Peripaticians. See, for instance, Fla-
610 NOVUM ORGANUM.
differentias novem. Primam, centri sui, circa quod
corpora movent ; secundam, polorum suorum, supra
quos movent ; tertiam, circumferentias sive ambitus
sui, prOut distant a centro ; quartam, incitationis suae,
prout celerius aut tardius rotant; quintam, consequu-
tionis motus sui, veluti ab oriente in occidentem, aut
ab occidente in orientem ; sextam, declinationis a cir-
culo perfecto per spiras longius aut propius distantes a
centro suo ; septimara, declinationis a circulo perfecto
per spiras longius aut propius distantes a polis suis ;
octavam, distantiae propioris aut longioris spirarum sua-
rum ad invicem ; nonam et ultimam, variationis ipso-
rum polorum, si sint mobiles ; quae ipsa ad rotationem
non pertinet, nisi fiat circulariter.^ Atque iste motus
communi et inveterata opinione habetur pro proprio
coelestium. Attamen gravis de illo motu lis est inter
nonnullos tam ex antiquis quam modernis, qui Rotatio-
nem terrae attribuerunt. At multo fortasse justior mo-
vetur controversia (si modo res non sit omnino extra
controversiam), an motus videlicet iste (concesso quod
terra stet) coeli finibus contineatur, an potius descen-
dat, et communicetur aeri et aquis. Motum autem
Rotationis in missilibus, ut in spiculis, sagittis, pilis
sclopetorum, et similibus, omnino ad Motum Liber-
tatis rejicimus.
Sit Motus Decimus Octavus, Motus Trepidationis,
cui (ut ab astronomis intelligitur) non multum fidei
minius, De prima Philosoph. Paraph, p. 119. (I quote the Basle edition
of 1557.)
1 1 believe the sense is that unless we restrict ourselves to circular mo-
tion, that is, unless we reject the sixth and seventh species of variation, it
will not be necessarj' for us to suppose the poles themselves to be movable:
in other words, that the phenomena of which we could by this hypothesis
give an account may be adequately represented without it by means of
spirals.
NOVUM ORGANUM. 611
adhibemus.^ Nobis autem corporum naturalium appe-
titus ubique serio perscrutantibus occurrit iste motus ;
et constitui debere videtur in speciem. Est autem hie
motus veluti seternae cujusdam captivitatis. Videlicet
ubi corpora non omnino pro natura sua bene locata, et
tamen non prorsus male se habentia, perpetuo trepi-
dant, et irrequiete se agant, nee statu suo contenta, nee
ulterius ausa progredi. Talis invenitur motus in corde
et pulsibus animalium ; et necesse est ut sit in omni-
bus corporibus, quge statu ancipiti ita degunt inter com-
moda et incommoda, ut distracta liberare se tentent,
et denuo repulsam patiantur, et tamen perpetuo experi-
antur.
Sit Motus Decimus Nonus et postremus, motus ille
cui vix nomen motus competit, et tamen est plane mo-
tus. Quern motum, Motum Decubitus^ sive Motum
ExJiorre7itice Motus, vocare licet. Per hunc motum
terra stat mole sua, moventibus se extremis suis in me-
dium; non ad centrum imaginativum, sed ad unionem.
Per hunc etiam appetitum omnia majorem in modum
condensata motum exhorrent, atque illis pro omni appe-
titu est non moveri ; et licet infinitis modis vellicentur
1 The name of trepidation was given by the Alphonsine astronomers to a
motion by which they imagined the starry heaven to be aflfected, and in
virtue of which its equinoxes described small circles of nine degrees radius
about those of the ninth or next superior orb. To account for this motion
they introduced a tenth orb. The phenomenon, however, thus accounted
for was altogether imaginary', although it is true that the length of the
tropical year, by supposed variations of which the idea of trepidation was
suggested, is not rigorously constant. It may be questioned whether Ba-
con's hesitation to accept the astronomical motion of trepidation had any
better foundation than his doubts whether the proper motions of the plan-
etary orbs were anything more than "res contictae et suppositse." The
question of the existence or non-existence of trepidation could only be de-
cided by a person conversant with the details of the received system of
astronomy.
512 NOVUM ORGANUM.
et provocentur ad motum, tamen naturam suam (quoad
possunt) tuentur. Quod si ad motum compellantur,
tamen hoc agere semper videntur ut quietem et statum
suum recuperent, neque amplius moveant. Atque circa
hoc certe se agilia pnebent, et satis perniciter et rapide
(ut pertaesa et impatientia omnis morae) contendunt.
Hujus autem appetitus imago ex parte tantum cerni
potest ; quia hie apud nos, ex subactione et concoctione
coelestium,^ omne tangibile non tantum non condensa-
tum est ad ultimitatem, sed etiam cum spiritu nonnullo
miscetur.
Proposuimus itaque jam species sive elementa sim-
phcia motuum, appetituum, et virtutum activarum, quas
sunt in natura maxime cathohca. Neque parum scien-
tias naturahs sub ilhs adumbratum est. Non nega-
mus tamen et aHas species fortasse addi posse, atque
istas ipsas divisiones secundum veriores renim venas
transferri, denique in minorem numerum posse redigi.
Neque tamen hoc de divisionibus ahquibus abstractis
intelhgimus : veluti si quis dicat coi'pora appetere vel
conservation em, vel exaltationem, vel propagationem,
vel fruitionem naturae suae ; aut si quis dicat motus
rerum tendere ad conservationem et bonum, vel uni-
versi, ut Antitypiam et Nexum ; vel universitatum
magnarum, ut Motus Congregationis Majoris, Rota-
tionis, et Exhorrentiae Motus ; vel formarum specia-
lium, ut reliquos. Licet enim haic vera sint, tamen
nisi terminentur in materia et fabrica secundum veras
lineas, speculativa sunt, et minus utilia. Interim suffi-
cient et boni erunt usus ad pensitandas Pra3dominan-
tias virtutum et exquirendas Instantias Luctse ; id quod
nunc agitur.
1 In illustration of this phrase, see note 1. p. 399.
NOVUM ORGANUM. 513
Etenim ex his qiios proposuimus motibus alii prorsus
sunt invincibiles ; alii aliis sunt fortiores, et illos ligant,
frsenant, disponunt ; alii aliis longius jaculantur ; alii
alios tempore et celeritate praevertunt; alii alios fovent,
roborant, ampliant, accelerant.
Motus Antitypiffi omnino est adamantinus et invin-
cibilis. Utrum vero Motus Nexus sit invincibilis adhuc
hseremus. Neque enim pro certo affirmaverimus utrum
detur Vacuum, sive coacervatum sive permistum.^ At
de illo nobis constat, rationem illam, propter quam
introductum est Vacuum a Leucippo et Democrito
(videlicet quod absque eo non possent eadem corpora
complecti et implere majora et minora spatia), falsam
esse. Est enim plane plica materice complicantis et
replicantis se per spatia, inter certos fines, absque inter-
positione Vacui ; neque est in aere ex vacuo bis millies
(tantum enim esse oportet) plus quam in auro.^ Id
1" Vacuum permistum," kevov axupiarov, is vacuum diffused through
the interstices of any portion of matter. By " vacuum coacervatum,"
Kevbv KexoipidfiEvov, is meant clear empty space. See, for this distinction,
Aristotle, Phys. iv. 7. Hero of Alexandria, whom Bacon mentions more
than once, approves of those who admit the former kind of vacuum and
reject the latter. See the Introduction to his Spiritalia.
[It is perhaps worth observing that in the fable entitled " Cupido sive
Atomus {De Saji. Vet. xvii.), where the theory of a vacuum is mentioned,
this distinction was not introduced till Bacon revised the work in his later
years. The passage which stands thus in the original edition (1609) —
"Quisquis autem atomum ponit et vacuum, necessario virtutem atomi ad
distans introducit" — is altered, in the edition published by Rawley after
Bacon's death, to " Quisquis autem atomum asserit atque vacuum (licet
istud vacuum intermistum ponat, non segregatum) necessario," &c. —
J. S.]
2 "Ex vacuo bis millies" is to be rendered "two thousand times as
much of vacuity." Bacon (vid. supra, ii. 40.) thought spirit of wine a
hundred times denser than its own vapour, and gold twenty-one times
denser than spirit of wine. In the Historia Densi et Ravi, he remarks that
air is at least a hundred-fold rarer than water; and from the table there
given it appears that the specitic density of gold is to that of water as
1000 to 56, nearly. Hence he must have estimated the density of gold at
VOL. I. 33
514 NOVUM ORGANUM.
quod ex potentissimis corporum pnoumaticorum virtuti-
bus (quae aliter tanquam pulveres miuuti natarent in
vacuo}, ^^ multis aliis deinonstrationibus, nobis satis
liquet. Reliqui vero Motus regunt et reguntur invi-
cem, pro rationibus vigoris, quanti, incitationis, ejacu-
lationis, necnon turn auxiliorum turn impedimentorum
quae occurrunt.
Exempli gratia : magnes armatus nonnuUus detinet
et suspendit ferrum, ad sexagecuplum pondus i[)sius ;
eo usque dorainatur Motus Congregationis Minoris
super Motum Congregationis Majoris ; quod si majus
fuerit pondus, succumbit. Vectis tanti roboris subleva-
bit tantum pondus ; eo usque dominatur Motus Liber-
tatis super Motum Congregationis Majoris ; sin majus
fuerit pondus, succumbit. Corium tensum ad tensu-
ram talem non rumpitur ; eo usque dominatur Motus
Continuationis super Motum Tensurae ; quod si ulterior
fuerit tensura, rumpitur corium, et succumbit Motus
Continuationis. Aqua per rimam perforationis talis
effluit ; eo usque dominatur Motus Congregationis Ma-
joris super Motum Continuationis; quod si minor fuerit
rima, succumbit, et vincit Motus Continuationis. In
pulvere sulpburis solius immissi^ in sclopetum cum
pila, et admoto igne, non emittitur pila ; in eo Motus
1900-fold that of air. Now, if we take the same weight of air and of gold,
it is clear that, neglecting the space occupied by the solid matter, supposed
equally dense, of each, the ratio of their densities is the same as that of tiie
" vacua permista " which they respectively contain, and that if we take
the solid matter into account the " ex vacuo" in the case of air must bear
a larger ratio than that of the densities to the " ex vacuo " of gold; so that
we may take it in round numbers to be as two thousand to one, as in the
text.
The passage is important as showing that Bacon, notwithstanding his
frequent mention of Democritus, did not adopt the atomic philosophy,
though he did not absolutely reject the physical part of it.
1 [So in the original edition.] The true reading seems to be *' immisso."
NOVUM ORGANUM. 515
Congregationis Majoris vincit Motiim Hyles. At In
pulvere pyrio immlsso vincit Motus Hyles in sulphure,
adjutus Motibus Hyles et Fugse in nitro. Et sic de
cseteris. Etenim InstantisB Luctas (quae indicant Prae-
dominantiam Virtutura, et secundum quas rationes et
calculos praedominentur et succumbant) acri et sedula
diligentia undlque sunt conquirendee.
Etiam modi et rationes ipsius succumbentiae motuum
diligenter sunt introspiciendae. Nempe, an omnino ces-
sent, vel potius usque nitantur, sed ligentur. Etenim
in corporibus hie apud nos, nulla vera est quies, nee in
integris nee in partibus ; sed tantum secundum appa-
rentiam. Quies autem ista apparens causatur aut per
Equilibrium, aut per absolutam Praedominantiam Mo-
tuum. Per Equilibrium, ut in bilancibus, quae stant
si aequa sint pondera. Per Praedominantiam, ut in hy-
driis perforatis, ubi quiescit aqua, et detinetur a decasu,
per Praedominantiam Motus Nexus. Notandum tamen
est (ut diximus) quatenus nitantur motus illi succum-
bentes. Etenim si quis per luctam detineatur extensus
in terra, brachiis et tibiis vinctis, aut aliter detentis ;
atque ille tamen totis viribus resurgere nitatur ; non est
minor nixus, licet non proficiat. Hujus autem rei con-
ditio (scilicet utrum per Praedominantiam motus suc-
cumbens quasi anniliiletur, an potius continuetur nixus,
licet non conspiciatur), quae latet in conflictibus, ap-
parebit fortasse in concurrentiis. Exempli gratia ; fiat
experimentum in sclopetis, utrum sclopetus, pro tanto
spatio quo emittat pilam in linea directa, sive (ut vulgo
loquuntur) in puncto bianco, debiliorem edat percus-
sionem ejaculando in supra, ubi Motus Ictus est sim-
plex, quam desuper, ubi Motus Gravitatis concurrit
cum Ictu.
616 NOVUM ORGANUM.
Etiam canones Prajdominantiarum qui occurrunt
colligendi sunt. Veluti, quod quo communius est bo-
num quod appetitur, eo Motus est fortior: ut Motus
Nexus, qui respicit communionem universi, fortior est
Motu Gravitatis, qui respicit communionem densorum.
Etiam quod appetitus qui sunt boni privati, non pra&-
valent plerunque contra appetitus boni magis publici,
nisi in parvis quantis. Quas utinam obtinerent in
civilibus.
XLIX.
Inter Praerogativas Instantiainim ponemus loco vi-
cesimo quinto Instantias Innuentes ; eas scilicet, quae
commoda hominum innuunt aut designant. Etenim
ipsum Posse et ipsum Scire naturam humanam am-
plificant, non beant. Itaque decerpenda sunt ex uni-
versi tate rerum ea quae ad usus vitae maxime faciunt.
Verum de iis erit magis proprius dicendi locus, cum
Deductiones ad Praxim tractabimus. Quinetiam in
ipso opere Interpretationis circa singula subjecta,
locum semper Ohartce Humance^ sive Chartce Optor
tivce^ assignamus. Etenim et quaerere et optare non
inepte, pars scientiae est.
L.
Inter Praerogativas Instantiarum ponemus loco vi-
cesimo sexto Instantias Polychrestas. Eae sunt, quae
pertinent ad varia et sa?pius occurrunt ; ideoque operae
et novis probationibus baud parum parcunt. Atque
de instrumentis ipsis atque ingeniationibus proprius
erit dicendi locus, cum Deductiones ad Praxim et
Experimentandi Modos tractabimus. Quinetiam quae
adbuc cognita sunt et in usum venerunt, in Historiis
Particularibus sinsularum artium describentur. In
NOVUM ORGANUM. 517
prsesenti autem subjungemus qu93dam catholica circa
ea pro exemplis tantum Polychresti.
Operatur igitur homo super corpora naturalia (prae-
ter ipsam admotionem et amotionera corporura simpli-
cem) septem preecipue modis : nempe, vel per exclu-
sionem eorum quae impediunt et disturbant ; vel per
compressioues, extensiones, agitationes, et hujusmodi ;
vel per calorem et frigus ; vel per moram in loco
convenienti ; vel per froenum et regimen motus ; vel
per consensus speciales ; vel per alternationem tem-
pestivam et debitam, atque seriem et successionem
horum omnium ; aut saltern nonnullorum ex illis.
Ad primura igitur quod attinet ; aer communis qui
undique praesto est et se ingerit, atque radii coele-
stium, multum turbant. Quae itaque ad illorum ex-
clusionem faciunt, merito haberi possint pro Poly-
chrestis. Hue igitur jDertinent materies et crassities
vasorum, in quibus corpora ad operationem praeparata
reponuntur. Similiter, modi accurati obturationis va-
sorum, per consolidationem et lutum sapientice^ ut lo-
quuntur cliymici. Etiam clausura per liquores in
extimis, utilissima res est; ut cum infundunt oleum
super vinum aut succos herbarum, quod expandendo
se in summitate instar operculi, optime ea conservat
illaesa ab aere. Neque pulveres res malae sunt ; qui,
licet contineant aerem permistum, tamen vim aeris
coacervati et circumfusi arcent ; ut fit in conserva-
tione uvarum et fructuum intra arenam, et farinam.
Etiam cera, mel, pix, et hujusmodi tenacia, recte
obducuntur ad clausuram perfectiorem, et ad summo-
vendum aerem et coelestia. Etiam nos experimentum
quandoque fecimus, ponendo vas, necnon aliqua alia
corpora, intra argentum vivum, quod omnium longe
518 NOVUM ORGANUM.
densissimum est ex iis qujB circumfundi possunt. Qiiin-
etiam specus et cavernie subterraneae magni usus sunt
ad proliibeiidum insolationem et aerem istum apertum
pncdatorium ; qnalibus utiintur Geriiiani Septentrio-
nales pro granariis. Necnon repositio corporum in
fundo aquarum ad hoc spectat, ut memini me quip-
piam audisse de utribus vini demissis in profundum
puteum, ad infrigidationem scilicet; sed casu et per
neglectum ac oblivionem ibidem remanentibus per
multos annos, et deinde extractis ; unde vinuin fac-
tum est non solum non vapidum aut emortuum, sed
mnlto magis nobile ad gustum, per commixtionem par-
tium suarum (ut videtur) magis exquisitam. Quod
si postulet res ut corpora demittantur ad fundum
aquarum, veluti intra fluvios aut mare, neque tamen
aquas tangant, nee in vasibus obturatis concludantur,
sed aere tantum circumdentur ; bonus est usus vasis
illius quod adhibitum est nonnunquam ad operandum
subter aquis super navigia demersa, ut urinatores diu-
tius manere possint sub aquis, et per vices ad temjius
respirare. Illud hujusmodi erat. Conficiebatur doli-
um ex metallo concavum, quod demittebatur aequabi-
liter ad superficiem aquae, atque sic deportabat totum
aerem qui continebatur in dolio secum in fundum ma-
ris. Stabat autem super pedes tres (instar tripodis),
qui longitudinis erant aliquanto minoris statura homi-
nis ; ita ut urinator posset cum anhelitus deficeret,
immittere caput in cavum dolii, et respirare, et de-
inde opus continuare. Atque audivimus inventam
esse jam machinam aliquam naviculas aut scaphae,
qu8B homines subter aquis vehere possit ad si)atia non-
nulla.^ Verum sub tali vase, quale modo diximus,
1 According to Beckmann, the first distinct mention of the diving-bell,
NOVUM ORGANUM. 519
corpora quaevis facile suspendi possint ; cujiis causa
hoc experimentum acldiiximus.
Est et alius usus diligentis et perfectse clausurae
corporum : nempe, non solum ut prohibeatur aditus
aeris per exterius (de quo jam dictum est), verum
etiam ut cohibeatur exitus spiritus corporis, super quod
fit operatio per interius. Necesse est enim ut operanti
circa corpora naturalia constet de summis suis : viz.
quod nihil expirarit aut effluxerit. Fiunt enim pro-
fundse alterationes in corporibus, quando, natura pro-
hibente annihilationem, ars prohibeat etiam deperdi-
tionem aut evolationem alicujus partis. Atque hac
de re invaluit opinio falsa (qu^ si vera esset, de ista
conservatione summas certae absque diminutione esset
fere desperandum) : viz. spiritus corporum, et aerem
majori gradu caloris attenuatum, nullis vasorum clau-
stris posse contineri, quin per poros vasorum subtili-
ores evolent. Atque in banc opinionem adducti sunt
homines per vulgata ilia experimenta, poculi inversi
super aquam cum candela aut charta inflammata, ex
quo fit ut aqua sursum attrahatur ; atque similiter
ventosarum, quae super flammam calefactae trahunt
carnes. Existimant enim in utroque experimento
aerem attenuatum emitti, et inde quantum ipsius mi-
nui, ideoque aquam aut carnes per Nexum succedere.
Quod falsi ssimum est. Aer enim non quanta dimi-
nuitur, sed spatio contrahitur ; neque incipit motus
iste successionis aquae, antequam fiat extinctio flammae
aut refrigeratio aeris ; adeo ut medici, quo fortius at-
trahant ventosae, ponant spongias frigidas^ aqua ma-
at least in modern times, is to be found in Fainsius, as quoted by Schott.
Fainsius gives an account of some Greeks who exhibited a diving-bell at
Toledo, before Charles the Fifth and his court, in 1538.
1 The right reading is doubtless '' frigida; " but the sense is obvious.
520 NOVUM ORGANUM.
defactas super ventosas. Itaque non est cur homines
multum sibi metuant de facili exitu aeris aut spiri-
tuum. Licet enim verum sit etiam solidissima cor-
pora habere suos poros, tamen aegre patitur aer aut
spiritus commiiiutionem sui ad tantam subtilitatem ;
quemadmodum et aqua exire recusat per rimam mi-
nusculam.
De secundo vero modo ex septem prasdictis illud
imprimis notandum est, valere certe compressiones et
hujusmodi violentias ad motum localem, atque alia
id geiras, potentissime ; ut in machinis et missiUbus ;
etiam ad destructionem corporis organici, atque earum
virtutum quae consistunt plane in motu. Omnis enim
vita, immo etiam omnis flamma et ignitio destruitur
per compressiones ; ut et omnis machina corrumpitur
et confunditur per easdem. Etiam ad destructionem
virtutum quae consistunt in posituris, et dissimilaritate
partium paulo crassiore ; ut in coloribus (neque enim
idem color floris integri et contusi, neque succini in-
tegri et pulverizati) ; etiam in saporibus (neque enim
idem sapor pyri immaturi, et ejusdem compressi ac
subacti ; nam manifesto dulcedinem majorem conci-
pit). Verum ad transformationes et alteration es no-
biliores corporum similarium non multum valent istas
violentiae; quia corpora per eas non acquirunt consis-
tentiam aliquam novam constantem et quiescentem, sed
transitoriam, et nitentem semper ad restitutionem et
libera tionem sui. Attamen non abs re foret hujus rei
facere experimenta aliqua dihgentiora ; ad hoc scilicet,
utrum condensatio corporis bene similaris (qualia sunt
aer, aqua, oleum, et hujusmodi), aut rarefactio similiter
per violentiam indita, possint fieri constantes et fixae
et quasi mutatas in naturam. Id quod primo experi-
NOVUM ORGANUM. 521
endum per moram simplicem ; delude per auxilia et
consensus. Atque illud nobis in promptu fuisset (si
modo in mentem venisset), cum aquam (de qua alibi)
per malleationes et pressoria condensavimus, antequam
erumperet. Debueramus enim splia3ram complanatam
per aliquot dies sibi permisisse, et turn demum aquam
extraxisse ; ut fieret experimentum, utrum statim im-
pletura fuisset talem dimensionem, qualem liabebat
ante condensationem. Quod si non fecisset aut sta-
tim, aut certe paulo post, constans videlicet facta vi-
deri potuisset ista condensatio ; sin minus, apparuisset
factam fuisse restitutionem, et compressionem fuisse
transitoriam. Etiam simile quiddam faciendum erat
circa extensionem aeris in ovis vitreis. Etenim de-
buerat fieri, post exuctionem fortem, subita et firma
obturatio ; deinde debuerant ova ilia manere ita ob-
turata per nonnullos dies ; et turn demum experien-
dum fuisset, utrum aperto foramine attractus fuisset
aer cum sibilo, aut etiam attracta fuisset tanta quan-
titas aquae post immersionem, quanta fuisset ab initio,
si nulla adhibita fuisset mora. Probabile enim, aut
saltem dignum probatione est, haee fieri potuisse et
posse ; propterea quod in corporibus paulo magis dis-
similaribus similia efiiciat mora temporis. Etenim
baculum per compressionem curvatum post aliquod
tempus non resilit ; neque id imputandum est alicui
deperditioni ex quanto ligni per moram ; nam idem
fiet in lamina ferri (si augeatur mora), quae non est
expirabilis. Quod si non succedat experimentum per
moram simplicem, tamen non deserendum est nego-
tium, sed auxilia alia adhibenda. Non enim parum
lucri fit, si per violentias indi possint corporibus na-
turae fixae et constantes. Hac enim ratione aer possit
522 NOVUM ORGANDM.
verti in aquam per condensationes, et complura alia id
genus. Doininus enim est homo motuum violentorum,
magis qiiam caeterorum.
At tertius ex septem modis, refertur ad magnum
illud organum, tam naturae quam artis, quoad ope-
randum ; videlicet calidum et frigidum. Atque in
liac parte claudicat plane potentia humana, tanquam
ex uno pede. Habemus enim calorem ignis, qui ca-
loribus solis (prout ad nos deferuntur) et caloribus
animalium quasi infinitis partibus potentior est et in-
tension At deest frigus, nisi quale per te'mpestates
hyemales, aut per cavernas, aut per circundationes
nivis et glaciei, haberi potest: quod in comparatione
aequari potest cum calore fortasse solis meridiano in
regione aliqua ex torridis, aucto insuper per reverbe-
rationes montium et parietum : nam liujusmodi utique
tam calores quam frigora ab animalibus ad tempus
exiguum tolerari possunt. Nihili autem sunt fere
pras calore fornacis ardentis, aut alicujus frigoris
quod liuic gradai respondeat. Itaque omnia hie
apud nos vergunt ad rarefactionem, et desiccationem,
et consumptioneni : nihil fere ad condensationem et
intenerationem, nisi per misturas et modos quasi spu-
rios. Quare Instantiae Frigoris omni diligentia sunt
conquirendse ; quales videntur inveniri in expositione
corporum super turres quando gelat acriter ; in ca-
vernis subterraneis ; circundationibus nivis et glaciei in
locis profundioribus, et ad hoc excavatis ; demissione
corporum in puteos ; sepulturis corporum in argento
vivo et metallis ; immersione corporum in aquis, quas
vertunt ligna in lapides ; defossione corporum in terra
(qualis fertur apud Chinenses esse confectio porcel-
lanae, ubi massae ad hoc factae dicuntur manere intra
NOVUM ORGANUM. 523
terrain per quadraginta aut quinquaginta annos, et
transmitti ad liaeredes, tanquam minerse qusedam arti-
ficiales) ; et hujusmodi. Quinetiam quae interveniunt
in natura condensationes, factae per frigora, similiter
sunt investigandae ; ut, causis eoram cognitis, trans-
ferri possint in artes. Quales cernuntur in exuda-
tione marmoris et lapidum ; in rorationibus super vitra
per interius fenestrarum, sub auroram, post gelu noc-
tis ; in originibus et collectionibus vaporum in aquas
sub terra, unde saepe scaturiunt fontes ; et qusecun-
que sunt hujus generis.
Inveniuntur autem, praeter ilia quae sunt frigida ad
tactum, quaedam alia potestate frigida, quae etiam con-
densant ; veruntaraen operari videntur super corpora
animalium tan turn, et vix ultra. Hujus generis se
ostendunt multa in medicinis et emplastris. Alia au-
tem condensant carnes et partes tangibiles ; qualia
sunt medicamenta astringentia, atque etiam inspissan-
tia ; alia condensant spiritus ; id quod maxime cer-
nitur in soporiferis. Duplex autem est modus con-
densationis spirituum, per medicamenta soporifera, sive
provocantia somnum : alter per sedationem motus ;
alter per fugam spirituum. Etenim viola, rosa sicca,
lactuca, et hujusmodi benedicta sive benigna, per va-
pores suos amicos et moderate refrigerantes, invitant
spiritus ut se uniant, et ipsorum acrem et inquietum
motum compescunt. Etiam aqua rosacea, apposita ad
nares in deliquiis animae, spiritus resolutos et nimium
relaxatos se recipere facit, et tanquam alit. At opiata
et eorum affinia spiritus plane fugant, ex quaKtate sua
maligna et inimica. Itaque si applicentur parti ex-
teriori, statim aufugiunt spiritus ab ilia parte, nee
amplius libenter influunt: sin sumantur interius, va-
524 NOVUM ORGAN UM.
pores eorum, ascendentes ad caput, spiritus In ven-
triculis cerebri contentos undequaque fugant ; cumque
se retrahant spiritus neque in aliam partem effugere
possint, per consequens coeunt et condensantur ; et
quandoque plane extinguuntur et sufFocantur ; licet
rursus eadem opiata moderate sumpta, per accidens
secundarium (videlicet condensationem illam quse a
coitione succedit), confortent spiritus, eosque reddant
magis robustos, et retundant eorum inutiles et incen-
sivos^ motus, ex quo ad curas morborum, et vitas
prolongationem baud parum conferant.
Etiam praeparationes corporum ad excipiendum Fri-
gus non sunt omittendae ; veluti quod aqua parum
tepida facilius conglacietur quam omnino frigida, et
hujusmodi.
Praeterea, quia natura Frigus tarn parce suppeditat,
faciendum est quemadmodum pharmacopolae solent;
qui quando simplex aliquod haberi non possit, car
piunt succedaneum ejus, et quid pro quo^ ut vocant;
veluti lignum aloes pro xylobalsamo,^ cassiam pro
cinamomo. SImili modo diligenter circumspicien-
dum est, si quae sint succedanea frigoris ; videlicet
quibus modis fieri possint condensationes in corpori-
bus, aliter quam per frigus, quod illas efiicit ut opus
suum proprium. Illae autem condensationes videntur
intra quaternum numerum (quantum adhuc liquet)
contineri. Quarum prima videtur fieri per contru-
sionem simplicem ; quae parum potest ad densitatem
constantem (resiliunt enim corpora) sed nihilominus
forte res auxiliaris esse queat. Secunda fit per con-
1 Exciting.
2 Xylobalsarrium is the technical name of the twigs of the tree which
yields the balm of Gilead.
NOVUM ORGANUM. 525
tractionem partium crassiorum in corpore aliquo, post
evolationem aut exitum partium tenuioram, ut fit in
indurationibus per ignem, et repetitis extinctionibus
metallorum, et similibus. Tertia fit per coitionem
partium homogenearum, qua? sunt maxime solidae in
corpore aliquo, atque antea fuerant distractae, et cum
minus solidis commistae : veluti in restitutione mer-
curii sublimati, qui in pulvere longe majus occupat
spatium quam mercurius simplex, et similiter in omni
repurgatione metallorum a scoriis suis. Quarta fit per
consensus, admovendo quae ex vi corporum occulta
condensant ; qui consensus adhuc raro se ostendunt ;
quod mirum minime est, quoniam antequam inventio
succedat Formarum et Schematismorum, de inqui-
sitione consensuum ^ non multum sperandum est.
Certe quoad corpora animalium, dubium non est
quin sint complures medicinge, tam interius quam ex-
terius sumptae, quae condensant tanquam per consen-
sum, ut paulo ante diximus. Sed in inanimatis rara
est hujusmodi operatio. Percrebuit sane, tam scriptis
quam fama, narratio de arbore in una ex insulis sive
Terceris sive Canariis (neque enim bene memini),
quae perpetuo stillat; adeo ut inhabitantibus nonnul-
1am commoditatem aquae praebeat.^ Paracelsus au-
tem ait, herbam vocatam Rorem Solis meridie et fer-
vente sole rore impleri, cum alise herbae undique sint
1 Consensus is equivalent to av/indd^eia.
2 This wonderful tree is described in Jonston's Dendrographia, published
at Frankfort in 1669. See book the tenth, c. 4. One of the authorities he
refers to is Cardan (De variet. rerum), from whom not improbably Bacon
derived the story. The tree is said to be found in the island of Ferro-
Cardan, with more than usual caution, remarks, at the close of the account
he gives of it: "Sed postquam hoc tot scriptores affirmant, fieri potest ut
tale aliquid contingat, sed modus nondum perspectus est." — Be rerum
variet. vi. c. 22. Compare Oviedo in Eamusio^ iii. 71. a.
626 , NOVUM ORGANUM.
siccae.^ At nos utramque narrationem fabulosam esse
existimamus. Omnino autem illge instantise nobilissimi
forent usiis, et introspectione dignissimae, si essent verae.
Etiam rores illos mellitos, et instar mannse, qui super
foliis quercus inveniuntur mense Maio, non existima-
mus fieri et densari a consensu aliquo, sive a proprie-
tate folii quercus ; sed cum super aliis foliis pariter
cadant, contineri scilicet et durare in foliis quercus
quia sunt bene unita, nee spongiosa, ut plurima ex
aliis.
Calorem vero quod attinet, copia et potestas nimi-
rum homini abunde adest; observatio autem et in-
quisitio deficit in nonnullis, iisque maxime necessa-
riis, utcunque spagyrici se venditent. Etenim caloris
intensions opificia exquiruntur et conspiciuntur ; re-
missions vero, quie maxime in vias naturse incidunt,
non tentantur, ideoque latent. Itaque videmus per
vulcanos istos qui in pretio sunt, spiritus corporum
magnopere exaltari, ut in aquis fortibus, et nonnullis
aliis olesis chymicis ; partes tangibiles indurari, et
emisso volatili, aliquando figi ; partes homogeneas
separari ; etiam corpora heterogenea grosso modo in-
corporari et commisceri ; maxime autem compages
corporum compositorum et subtiliores schematismos
destrui et confundi. Debuerant autem opificia calo-
ris lenioris tentari et exquiri ; unde subtiliores mi-
sturae et schematismi ordinati gigni possint et educi,
ad exemplum naturae et imitationem operum solis;
quemadmodum in aphorismo de Instantiis Foederis
quaedam adumbravimus. Opificia enim naturae trans-
1 1 have not been able to find this in Paracelsus. It seems, however, to
accord with his theory of dew, — namely, that it is an exudation from the
sun and stars ; the suppression of which would lead to the formation of ad-
ditional suns.
NOVUM ORGANUM. 527
iguntur per longe minores portiones, et posituras magis
exquisitas et varias, quam opificia ignis, prout nunc
adhibetur. Turn vero videatur homo revera auctus
potestate, si per calores et potentias artificiales opera
naturae possint specie repraesentari, virtute perfici,
copia variari ; quibus addere oportet accelerationem
temporis. Nam rubigo ferri longo tempore procedit,
at versio in crocum Martis subito ; et similiter de
aerugine et cerussa ; christallum longo tempore con-
ficitur, vitrum subito conflatur ; lapides longo tem-
pore concrescunt, lateres subito coquuntur, etc. In-
terim (quod nunc agitur) omnes diversitates caloris
cum effectibus suis respective diligenter et industrie
undique sunt colligendae et exquirendaj : coelestium,
per radios suos directos, reflexos, refractos, et unitos
in speculis comburentibus ; fulguris, flammae, ignis
carbonum ; ignis ex diversis materiis ; ignis ai)erti,
conclusi, angustiati et inundantis, denique per diver-
sas fabricas fornacium qualificati ; ignis flatu exciti,
quieti et non exciti ; ignis ad majorem aut minorem
distantiam remoti ; ignis per varia media permeantis :
calorum humidorum, ut balnei Mariae,^ fimi, caloris
animalium per exterius, caloris animalium per inte-
rius, fceni conclusi : calorum aridorum, cineris, calcis,
arenas tepidae ; denique calorum cujusvis generis cum
gradibus eorum.
1 This is properly "balneum maris;" that is, a mode of communicating
heat to any substance by putting it into a vessel which is placed in another
containing water. The latter being put on the fire, the former and its con-
tents become gradually and moderately heated. The reason of the name
is obvious. From " balneum maris " the French made by a kind of trans-
lation (the final s not being sounded) " bain marie; " and the form in the
text is, I think, merely a retranslation of the French phrase, the meaning of
the second word being mistaken. Balneum Mariae is however, I believe,
a common phrase with old writers on chemistry.
528 NOVUM ORGANUM.
Praecipue vero tentanda est inquisitio et inventio
effectuum et opificiorum caloris accedentis et receden-
tis graduatim, et ordinatim, et periodice, et per debita
spatia et moras. Ista enim inseqiialitas ordinata revera
filia coeli ^ est, et generationis mater ; neque a calore
aut vehementi, aut prsecipiti, aut subsultorio, aliquid
magni expectandum est. Etenim et in vegetabilibus
hoc manifestissimum est ; atque etiam in uteris anima-
lium magna est caloris inaequalitas, ex motu, somno,
alimentationibus et passionibus foemellarum quae uterum
gestant ; denique in ipsis matricibus terrse, iis nimirum
in quibus metalla et fossilia efFormantur, locum habet
et viget ista inaequalitas. Quo magis notanda est insci-
tia aliquorum alcbymistarum ex reformatis,^ qui per
calores aequabiles lampadum et hujusmodi, perpetuo
uno ten ore ardentium, se voti compotes fore existima-
runt. Atque de opificiis et effectibus caloris haec dicta
sint. Neque vero tempestivum est ilia penitus scrutari
antequam Rerum Formae et Corporum Schematismi
ulterius investigati fuerint, et in lucem prodierint.
Turn enim quaerenda et adoperanda et aptanda sunt
instrumenta, quando de exemplaribus constiterit.
Quartus modus operandi est per moram, quae certe
et promus et condus natura? est, et quaedam dispen-
satrix. Moram appellamus, cum corpus aliquod sibi
permittitur ad tempus notabile, munitum interim et
defensum ab aliqua vi externa. Tum enim motus in-
testini se produnt et perficiunt, cum motus extranei
et adventitii cessant. Opera autum aetatis sunt longe
subtiliora quam ignis. Neque enim possit fieri talis
1 i. e. of the heavens, physically ; because of the varying warmth of the
seasons.
^ i. e. of the reformed school.
NOVUM ORGANUM. 529
clarificatio vini per ignem, qualis fit per moram ; ne-
que etiam incinerationes per ignem tarn sunt exquisitse,
quam resolutiones et consurnptiones per saecula. In-
corporationes etiam, et mistiones subitse et prsecipitatae
per ignem, longe inferiores sunt illis, quae fiunt per
moram. At dissimilares et varii schematism!, quos
corpora per moras tentant (quales sunt putredines),
per ignem aut calorem veliementiorem destruuntur.
Illud interim non abs re fuerit notare ; motus corpo-
rum penitus conclusorum habere nonnihil ex violento.
Incarceratio enim ilia impedit motus spontaneos cor-
poris. Itaque mora in vase aperto plus facit ad sepa-
rationes ; in vase penitus clauso ad commistiones ; in
vase nonnihil clauso, sed subintrante aere, ad putrefac-
tiones ; utcunque de opificiis et efFectibus morse undi-
que sunt diligenter conquirendae instantias.
At regimen motus (quod est quintus ex modis ope-
randi) non parum valet. Regimen autem motus vo-
camus, cum corpus aliud occurrens corporis alterius
motum spontaneum impedit, repellit, admittit, dirigit.
Hoc vero plerunque in figuris et situ vasorum con-
sistit. Etenim conus erectus juvat ad condensatio-
nem vaporum in alembicis ; at conus inversus juvat
ad defaecationem sacchari in vasis resupinatis. Ali-
quando autem sinuatio requiritur,^ et angustiatio, et
dilatatio per vices, et hujusraodi. Etiam omnis perco-
latio hue spectat ; scilicet cum corpus occurrens, uni
parti corporis alterius viam aperit, alteri obstruit. Ne-
que semper percolatio aut aliud regimen motus fit per
extra ; sed etiam per corpus in corpore : ut cum lapilli
immittuntur in aquas ad colligendam limositatem ipsa-
rum ; syrupi clarificantur cum albuminibus ovorum, uf
1 As in a still.
VOL. I. 34
530 NOVUM ORGANUM.
crassiores partes adheerescant, et postea separari possint.
Etiam huic regimini motus satis leviter et inscite at-
tribiiit Telesius figuras animalium, ob rivulos scilicet
et loculos matricis.^ Debuerat autem notare similem
efFormationem in testis ovorum, ubi non sunt rugse aut
inasqualitas. At verum est regimen motus efForma-
tiones perficere in modulis et proplasticis.^
Operationes vero per consensus aut fugas (qui sextus
modus est) latent saepenumero in profundo. Istae enim
(quas vocant) proprietates occultae, et specificse, et
sympathies, et antipathiae, sunt magna ex parte cor-
ruptelae philosophiae. Neque de consensibus rerum in-
veniendis multum sperandum est, ante inventionem
Formarum et schematismorum simplicium. Consen-
sus enim nil aliud est quam symmetria Formarum et
Schematismorum ad invicem.
Atqui majores et magis catholici rerum consensus
non prorsus obscuri sunt. Itaqua ab iis ordiendum.
Eorum prima et summa diversitas ea est ; ut quaedam
corpora copia et raritate materia; admodum discrepent,
schematismis consentiant : alia contra copia et raritate
materiae consentiant, schematismis discrepent. Nam
1 Telesius's doctrine of the formation of the embryo is essentially the
same as Galen's, namely that a system of arteries &c. must be first of all
formed in the germ, and that these, by applying themselves to correspond-
ing parts on the surface of the matrix, determine the channels through
which nourishment is supplied, and therefore (mediately) the development
of the different members of the foetus. But it does not seem that he would
have admitted that the smoothness of the shells of eggs was an objection
to his theory. At any rate, he illustrates it by reference to the appear-
ances presented by an egg opened during incubation. De rerum natura,
vi. c. 4. and 40.
2 The proper word for what we call a model is "proplasma," which is
used in a Latin form by Pliny. I have not seen any authority for such an
adjective as " proplasticus." What Bacon means is not exacth' a model,
but a mould for casting.
NOVUM ORGANUM. 531
non male notatum est a chymicis, in principiorum suo-
rum triade, sulphur et mercurium ^ quasi per universi-
tatem rerum permeare. (Nam de sale inepta ratio est,
sed introducta ut possit comprehendere corpora terrea,
sicca, et fixa.) At certe in illis duobus videtur con-
sensus quidam naturae ex maxime catholicis conspici.
Etenim consentiunt sulphur; oleum, et exhalatio pin-
guis ; flamma ; et fortasse corpus stellse. Ex altera
parte consentiunt mercurius ; aqua et vapores aquei ;
aer ; et fortasse aether purus et interstellaris. Attamen
istas quaterniones geminas, sive magnae rerum tribus
(utraque intra ordines suos) copia materiae atque den-
sitate immensum difFerunt, sed schematismo valde con-
veniunt ; ut in plurimis se produnt. At contra metalla
diversa copia et densitate multum conveniunt (prae-
sertim respectu vegetabilium, etc.), sed schematismo
multifariam differunt ; et similiter vegetabilia et ani-
malia diversa schematismis quasi infinitis variantur, sed
intra copiam materiae sive densitatem paucorum gra-
duum continentur.
Sequitur consensus maxime post priorem catholicus,
videlicet corporum principalium et fomitum suorum ;
videlicet menstruorum,^ et alimentorum. Itaque ex-
1 This triad is the fundamental point of Paracelsus's chemical and medi-
cal philosophy. See his works throughout, and particulariy the tract De
tribus primis essentiis, contained in the third book of his philosophical
works.
2 By "menstrua" are meant the substances out of which any species of
mineral is generated, or, in other words, the causa materialis of its exist-
ence. See, on the generation of metals and other minerals, the fourth and
fifth books of Agricola's work De ortu et causis fossilium. He gives an
account of the opinions of Aristotle, Theophrastus, &c. In modern chem-
istry the word menstruum is nearly equivalent to solvent. By the school
of Paracelsus the word is used so vaguely that it is difficult to determine
what idea they attached to it, or how they derived their sense of the word
from its original signification. When the word is used as in the text, the
532 NOVUM ORGANUM.
qiiirendum, sub quibus climatibus, et in qua tellure, et
ad quam profunditatem metalla singula generentur ; et
similiter de gemmis, sive ex rupibus, sive inter mineras
natis ; in qua gleba terras, arbores singulse, et frutices,
et herbae potissimum proveniant, et tanquam gaudeant;
et insiraul quae impinguationes, sive per stercorationes
cujuscunque generis, sive per cretam, arenam maris,
eineres, etc., maxime juvent ; et quae sint ex his pro
varietate glebarum magis aptae et auxiliares. Etiam
insitio et inoculatio arborum et plantarum, earumque
ratio, quae scilicet plantae super quas foelicius inseran-
tur, etc., multum pendet de consensu. In qua parte
non injucundum foret experimentum quod noviter au-
divimus esse tentatum, de insitione arborum sylves-
trium (quae hucusque in arboribus hortensibus fieri
consuevit), unde folia et glandes majorem in modum
amplificantur, et arbores fiunt magis umbrosae. Simi-
liter, alimenta animalium respective notanda sunt in
genere, et cum negativis. Neque enim carnivora sus-
tinent herbis nutriri ; unde etiam Ordo Folitanorum
(licet voluntas humana plus possit quam animantium
cseterorum super corpus suum), post experientiam
factam (ut aiunt), tanquam ab humana natura non
tolerabilis, fere evanuit.^ Etiam materia) diversae
metaphor seems to be taken from the Aristotelian theory of generation, in
which Kara ttjv TrpuTTjv vTii/v ecfnv tj Ton> KarafJTjviuv (pvai^.
1 Bacon doubtless refers to the austerities of the order of Feiiillans. Jean
de la Ban-ifere, after holding the Cistercian abbey of Feiiillans in commen-
dam for eleven years, renounced the world in 1573, and in the course of a
few years introduced a most austere rule of life into the abbey of which he
was the head. His monks knelt on the floor during their refections, and
some of them were in the habit of drinking out of skulls. They abstained
from eggs, fish, butter, oil, and even salt, and confined themselves to pottage
made of herbs boiled in water, and bread so coarse and black that beasts
refused to eat of it. After a while they gave up wine also. Clement VIII.
permitted the society to draw up constitutions for the establishment of their
NOVUM ORGANUM. 533
putrefactionum, unde animalcula generantur, notandaj
sunt.
Atque consensus corporum principalium erga subor-
dinata sua (tales enim ii possint censeri quos notavi-
mus) satis in aperto sunt. Quibus addi possunt sen-
suum consensus erga objecta sua. Qui consensus cum
manifestissimi sint; bene notati et acriter excussi, etiam
aliis consensibus qui latent magnam praebere possint
lucem.
At interiores corporum consensus et fugse, sive ami-
citiaa et lites (tasdet enim nos fere vocabulorum sym-
pathiiE et antipathiae, propter superstitiones et inania),
aut falso ascriptee, aut fabulis conspersae, aut per neg-
lectum rarae admodum sunt. Etenim si quis asserat
inter vineam et brassicam esse dissidium, quia juxta
sata minus laete proveniunt, praesto ratio est : ^ quod
utraque planta succulenta sit et deprsedatrix, unde al-
rule. By these the excessive rigour of their way of life was checked, which
was done in obedience to the Pope, and in consequence of the deaths ot
fourteen monks in a single week at Feiiillans. These constitutions were
ratified in 1595. Assuming, of which there seems no doubt, that the Foli-
tani of Bacon are the Feiiillans, I may remark that the latinised form of
Feiiillans used is Fuliensis, as an adjective; the proper style of the society
being " Congregatio Cistertiomonastica B. Marite Fuliensis." I have not
seen the work of Morotius to which Helyot, from whom the preceding ac-
count is taken, refers; but in that of C Henrique, also mentioned by He-
lyot, I do not find any authority for Folitani. It is probable that Bacon's
chief information on the subject Avas gathered orally during his residence in
France, before the Feiiillans had ceased from their first love. The expres-
sion '• ordo . . . fere evanuit" must be taken to mean that the severe rule
that they had at first was given up. See Helyot, Hist, des Ordres Monasti-
ques, iv™e partie, c. 38. Spondanus, An. 1586, iv. For some particulars of
the early history of the Abbey of Feiiillans, and especially for the will of
Jean de la Barriere, see Voyage Litteraive de deux Benediciins, ii. p. 16.
1 On account apparently of this enmity between the vine and the cabbage,
the latter was thought to prevent intoxication. See Lemmius, De occuUis
natuTce miracuUs, ii. 17. On the subject of similar enmities, see the same
work, iv. 10. ; or Cardan's treatise. Be rerum varietate, and particularly the
Theatrum sympatheticum.
534 • NOVUM ORGANUM.
tera alteram defraudat. Si quis asserat esse consensum
et amicitiam inter segetes et cyaneum, aut papaver
sylvestre, quia herbse illae fere non proveniunt nisi in
arvis cultis: debuit is potius asserere dissidium esse
inter ea, quia papaver et cyaneus emittuntur et cre-
antur ex tali succo terras qualem segetes reliquerint
et repudiaverint ; adeo ut satio segetum terram prae-
paret ad eorum proventum. Atque hujusmodi falsa-
rum ascriptionum magnus est numerus. Quoad fa-
bulas vero, illas omnino sunt exterminandae. Restat
tenuis certe copia eorum consensuum, qui certo probati
sunt experimento ; quales sunt magnetis et ferri, atque
auri et argenti vivi, et similium. At in experimentis
chymicis circa metalla inveniuntur et alii nonnulli ob-
servatione digni. Maxima vero frequentia eorum (ut
in tanta paucitate) invenitur in medicinis nonnullis,
quae ex proprietatibus suis occultis (quas vocant) et
specificis, respiciunt aut membra, aut humores, aut
morbos, aut quandoque naturas individuas. Neque
omittendi sunt consensus inter motus et affectus lunae
et passiones corporum inferiorum, prout ex experimentis
agriculturae, nauticae, et medicinae, aut alias cum de-
lectu severo et sincere colligi et recipi possint. Verum
instantiae universaB consensuum secretiorum quo magis
sunt infrequentes, eo majori cum diligentia sunt inqui-
rendae, per traditiones, et narrationes fidas et probas ;
modo hoc fiat absque ulla levitate, aut credulitate, sed
fide anxia et quasi dubitabunda. Restat consensus
corporum modo operandi tanquam inartificialis, sed usu
polychrestus, qui nullo modo omittendus est, sed sedula
observatione investigandus. Is est coitio sive unio cor-
porum, proclivis aut difficilis, per compositionem, sive
appositionem simplicem. Etenim corpora nonnulla fa-
NOVUM ORGANUM. 635
cile et libenter commiscentur et incorporantur, alia
autem aegre et perverse : veluti pulveres melius in-
corporantur cum aquis ; calces et cineres, cum oleis ;
et sic de similibus. Neque tantum sunt colligendaB
instantiae propensionis aut aversionis corporum erga
misturam, sed etiam collocationis partium, et distri-
butionis, et digestionis, postquam commista sint ; deni-
que et praedominantioB post misturam transactam.
Superest ultimo loco ex modis septem operandi, Sep-
timus et postremus ; operatio scilicet per alternationem
et vicissitudines priorum sex ; de quo antequam in sin-
gulos illos paulo altius fuerit inquisitum, tempestivum
non foret exempla proponere. Series autem sive ca-
tena hujusmodi alternationis, prout ad singula effecta
accommodari possit, res est et cognitu maxime difficilis,
et ad opera maxime valida. Summa autem detinet et
occupat homines impatientia hujusmodi tam inquisiti-
onis, quam praxeos ; cum tamen sit instar fili laby-
rinthi, quoad opera majora. Atque hcec sufficiant ad
exemplum Polychresti.
LI.
Inter Praerogativas Instantiarum, ponemus loco vi-
cesimo septimo atque ultimo Instantias Magicas. Hoc
nomine illas appellamus, in quibus materia aut efficiens
tenuis aut parva est, pro magnitudine operis et effectus
qui sequitur ; adeo ut etiamsi fuerint vulgares, tamen
sint instar miraculi ; aliae primo intuitu^ ali« etiam
attentius contemplanti. Has vero natura ex sese sub-
ministrat parce ; quid vero factura sit sinu excusso, et
post inventionem Formarum, et Processuum, et Sche-
matismorum, futuris temporibus apparebit. At ista
efFecta Magica (quantum adhuc conjicimus) fiunt tri-
536 NOVUM ORGANUM.
bus modis : aut per multiplicationem sui, ut In igne,
et venenis, quae vocant specifica ; necnon in motibus,
qui transeunt et fortiiicantur de rota in rotam ; aut per
excitationem sive invitationem in altero, ut in magnete,
qui excit acus innumeras, virtute nullatenus deperdita
aut diminuta ; aut in fermento, et hujusmodi ; aut per
ante version em motus, ut dictum est de pulvere pyrio,
et bombardis, et cuniculis : quorum priores duo modi
indagationcm consensuum requirunt ; tertius, mensurse
motuum. Utrum vero sit aliquis modus mutandi cor-
pora per minima (ut vocant), et transponendi subtili-
ores materiae schematismos (id quod ad omnimodas cor-
porum transformationes pertinet, ut ars brevi tempore
illud facere possit, quod natura per multas ambages
molitur), de eo nulla hactenus nobis constant indicia.
Quemadmodum autem in solidis et veris aspiramus ad
ultima et summa ; ita vana et tumida perpetuo odimus,
et quantum in nobis est profligamus.
LII.
Atque de Dignitatibus sive Praerogativis Instantia-
rum haec dicta sint. Illud vero monendum, nos in
hoc nostro Organo tractare logicam, non philosophiam.
Sed cum logica nostra doceat intellectum et erudiat ad
hoc, ut non tenuibus mentis quasi claviculis rerum
abstracta captet et prenset (ut logica vulgaris), sed
naturam revera persecet, et corporum virtutes et actus,
eorumque leges in materia determinatas hiveniat; ita
ut non solum ex natura mentis, sed ex natura Yerum
quoque haec scientia emanet ; mirum non est, si ubique
naturalibus contemplationibus et experimentis, ad ex-
empla artis nostrae, conspersa fuerit et illustrata. Sunt
autem (ut ex iis quae dicta sunt patet) Praerogativae
NOVUM ORGANUM. 537
Intantiarum numero 27 ; nominibus, Instantiag Soli-
tarise : Instantise Migrantes : Instantiae Ostensivae :
Instantiae Clandestinae : Instantiae Constitutivae : In-
stantiae Conformes : Instantiae Monodicae : Instantiae
Deviantes: Instantiae Limitaneae: Instantiae Potestatis:
Instantiae Comitatus et Hostiles : Instantiae Subjunc-
tivae : Instantiae Foederis : Instantiae Crucis : Instantiae
Divortii : Instantiae Januae : Instantiae Citantes : In-
stantiae Viae: Instantiae Supplementi : Instantiae Per-
secantes: Instantiae Virgae: Instantiae Curriculi: Doses
Natural : Instantiae Luctae : Instantiae Innuentes : In-
stantiae Polychrestae : Instantiae Magicae. Usus autem
harum instantiarum, in quo mstantias vulgares excel-
lunt, versatur in genere aut circa partem informativam ;
aut circa operativam ; aut circa utramque. Atque
quoad informativam, juvant illfe aut sensum, aut intel-
lectum. Sensum, ut quinque Instanti^ Lampadis :
Intellectum, aut accelerando Exclusivam Formae, ut
Solitariae ; aut angustiando et propius indicando Affir-
mativam Formae, ut Migrantes, Ostensivae, Comitatus,
cum Subjunctivis ; aut erigendo intellectum, et ducen-
do ad genera et naturas communes ; idque aut imme-
diate, ut Clandestinae, Monodicae, Foederis ; aut gradu
proximo, ut Constitutivae ; aut gradu infimo, ut Con-
formes; aut rectificando Intellectum a consuetis, ut
Deviantes ; aut ducendo ad Formam Magnam, sive
Fabricam Universi,^ ut Limitaneae; aut cavendo de
Formis et causis falsis, ut Crucis et Divortii. Quod
vero ad Operativam attinet ; illae practicam aut desig-
nant ; aut mensurant ; aut sublevant. Designant aut
ostendendo a quibus incipiendum, ne actum agamus,
ut Instantiae Potestatis ; aut ad quid aspirandum, si
1 That is, the constitution (or cosmos) of the universe.
638 NOVUM ORGANUM.
detur facultas, ut Iiinuentes : mensurant quatuor illae
Mathematicse : sublevant Polychrestse et Magicas.
Rursus ex istis instantiis 27, nonnullarum (ut supe-
rius diximus de aliquibus) facienda est collectio jam ab
initio, nee expectanda particularis inquisitio naturarum.
Cujus generis sunt Instantise Conformes, Monodicae,
Deviantes, Limitaneae, Potestatis, Januse, Innuentes,
Polychrestae, Magicse. Hae enim aut auxiliantur et
medentur intellectui et sensui, aut instruunt praxin in
genere. Reliquae turn demum conquirendae sunt, cum
conficiemus Tabulas Comparentiae ad opus Interpretis
circa aliquam naturam particularem. Sunt enim in-
stantiae Praerogativis istis insignitae et donatse animae
instar, inter vulgares instantias comparentiae ; et ut ab
initio diximus, paucae illarum sunt vice multarum ;
quocirca cum Tabulas conficimus, illae omni studio
sunt investigandae, et in Tabulas referendse. Erit
etiam earum mentio necessaria in iis quae sequuntur.
Prasponendus itaque erat earum tractatus. Nunc vero
ad adminicLila et rectificationes Inductionis, et deinceps
ad con ere ta, et Latentes Processus, et Latentes Sche-
matismos, et reliqua quae Aphorismo 21. ordine propo-
suimus, pergendum ; ut tandem (tanquam curatores
probi et fideles) tradamus hominibus fortunas suas
emancipate intellectu, et facto tanquam majore ; unde
necesse est sequi emendationem status hominis, et am-
pliation em potestatis ejus super naturam. Homo enim
per lapsum et de statu innocentiae decidit, et de regno
in creaturas. Utraque autem res etiam in hac vita
nonnulla ex parte reparari potest ; prior per religio-
nem et fidem, posterior per artes et scientias. Neque
enim per maledictionem facta est creatura prorsus et
ad extremum rebellis. Sed in virtute illius diploma-
NOVUM ORGANUM. 539
tis,^ In sudore vultus comedes panem tuum, per labores
varios (non per disputationes certe, aut per otiosas ce-
remonias magicas) tandem et aliqua ex parte
ad panem homini praebendum, id
est, ad usus vitse humanse
subigitur.
1 " Diploma" may be rendered "charter."
Finis Libri Secundi Novi Organi.
END OF VOL. I.
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